pour contempt upon our Kings and Princes and not cause them to wander in the Wilderness where there is no way but offer up our daily Prayers unto God to send help to our Jacob in all his many difficulties Elenchus Capitum OR THE CONTENTS Of the Sections or Chapters § 1. THat our Kings of England in their voluntary summoning to their Great Councils and Parliaments some of the more Wise Noble and Better part of their Subjects to give their Advice and Consent in matters touching the publick good and extraordinary concernment did not thereby create or by any Assent express or tacite give unto them an Authority Coordination Equality or share in the Legislative power or were elected by them page 1 § 2. Of the Indignities Troubles and Necessities which were put upon King John in the enforcing of his Charters by the Pope and his then domineering Clergy of England joyned with the Disobedience and Rebellion of some of the Barons encouraged and assisted by them p. 7 § 3. Of the succeeding Iealousies Animosities Troubles and Contests betwixt King John and his over-jealous Barons after the granting of his Charters and his other transactions and agreements with them at their tumultuous meeting at Running Mede with the ill usages which he had before received of them during all the time of his Raign p. 26 § 4. The many Affronts Insolencies and ill Usages suffered by King Henry 3. until the granting of his Magna Charta Charta de Foresta p. 29 § 5. Of the continued unhappy Jealousies Troubles and Discords betwixt the Discontented and Ambitious Barons and King Henry 3. after the granting of his Magna Charta Charta de Foresta p. 36. § 6. That the Exceptions mentioned in the King of France's Award of the Charter granted by King John could not invalidate the whole Award or justify the provisions made at Oxford which was the principal matter referred unto him p. 58 § 7. Of the evil Actions and Proceedings of Symon de Montfort and his Rebellious partners in the name of the King whilst they kept him and his Son Prince Edward and divers of the Loyal Nobility Prisoners from the 14th of May in the 48th year of his Raign until his and their delivery by the more fortunate Battle at Evesham the â—th day of August in the 49th year of his tormented Raign p. 66 § 8. Of the Actions of the Prince after his Escape his success at the Battle of Evesham Release of the King his Father and restoring him to his Rights p. 98 § 9. Of the proceedings of King Henry 3. after his Release and Restauration until his death p. 100 § 10. That these new contrived Writs of Summons made by undue means upon such a disturbed occasion could neither obtain a proper or quiet sitting in Parliament or the pretended ends and purposes of the Framers thereof and that such an hasty and undigested constitution could never be intended to erect a third Estate in the Kingdom equal in power with the King and his great Councel the House of Peers or consistent with the pretended Conservatorships or to be coordinate with the King and his Great Councel of Peers or to be a Curb to any of them or themselves or upon any other design than to procure some money to wade through that their dangerous Success p. 108 § 11. Of the great Power Authority Command and Influence which the Praelates Barons and Nobility of England had in or about the 49th year of the Raign of King Henry 3. when he was a Prisoner to Symon Montfort â—d these Writs of Election of some of the Commons to Parliament were first devised and sent to summon them And the great power and Estate which they afterwards had to create and contain an Influence upon them p. 122 § 12. That the aforesaid Writ of Summons made in that Kings name to elect a certain number of Knights Citizens and Burgesses the probos homines good honest men or Barons of the Cinque Ports to appear for or represent some part of the Commons of England in Parliament being enforced from King Henry 3. in the 48th and 49th year of his Raign when he was a Prisoner to Symon de Montfort Earl of Leicester and under the power of him and his party of Rebellious Barons was never before used in any Wittenagemots Mikel-gemots or great Councels of our Kings or Princes of England p. 147 § 13. That the Majores Barones Regni and Spiritual and Temporal Lords with their Assistants were until the 49th year of the Raign of King Henry 3. and the constrained Writs issued out for the election of Knights Citizens and Burgesses whilst he was a Prisoner in the Camp or Army of his Rebellious Subjects the only great Councels of our Kngs. p. 151 § 14. That these enforced Writs of Summons to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal accompanied with that then newly devised Engine or Writ to Elect Knights Citizens and Burgesses to be present in Parliament were not in the usual and accustomed form for the summoning the Lords Spiritual and Temporal to the Parliament p. 204 § 15. That the Majores Barones or better sort of the Tenants in Capite Iustly and Legally by some of our Ancient Kings and Princes but not by any positive Law that of the enforced Charter from King John at Running Mede being not accounted to be such a Law were distinguished and separated from the Minores or lesser sort of the Tenants in Capite p. 207 § 16. That the General Councels or Courts mentioned before the Rebellious meeting of some of the English Baronage and the constraint put upon King John at Running Mede or before the 49th of Henry 3. were not the Magna Consilia or generale Consilium Colloquium or Communia Consilia now called Parliaments wherein some of the Commons as Tenants in Capite were admitted but only truly and properly Curiae Militum a Court summoning those that hold of the King in Capite to acknowledge Record and perform their Services do their Homage and pay their Releifs c. And the Writ of summons mentied in the Close Rolls of the 15th year of the Raign of King John was not then for the summoning of a great Councel or Parliament but for other purposes viz. Military Aids and Offices p. 218 § 17. That the Comites or Earls have in Parliament or out of Parliament Power to compel their Kings or Soveraign Princes to yield unto their â—onsults Votes or Advices will make them like the Spartan Ephori and amount to no more than a Conclusion without praemisses or any thing of Truth Law or Right Reason to support it p. 229. § 18. Of the methods and courses which King Edward the first held and took in the Reformation and Cure of the former State Diseases and Distempers p. 286. § 19. That the Sheriffs are by the Tenor and Command of the Writs for the Elections of the Knights of the Shires and Burgesses of
that the Orders concluded in Parliament were not observed in the levying and disposing of the Subsidy and over-strict courses had been taken in the valuation of mens Estates William Valence the Queens Uncle was grown the only man with him and nothing was done without him the Earl of Provence his Father a poor Prince was invited to come into England to participate of the Treasure and Riches thereof Symon de Montfort a French man born banished out of France by Queen Blanch was entertained in England preferred secretly in marriage with the King's Sister Widow of William Earl of Pembroke the great Marshal made Earl of Leicester and Steward of England in the right of his Mother Amice Daughter of Blanchmains Earl of Leicester Which incensing many of the Nobility and in them not a few of the common people did begin to raise a Commotion wherein they procured Richard Earl of Cornwal Brother to the King and Heir-apparent the King having then no Child to head their Party and manage their Grievances which amongst many pretended were That he despised the counsel of his natural Subjects and followed that of the Pope's Legate as if he had been the Pope's Feudatory Upon which harsh Remonstrance the King having sent to sound the affections of the Londoners found them to be against him Summoned a Parliament in the 22d year of his Reign at London whither the Lords came armed both for their own Safety and to constrain him if he refused to the keeping of his promises and reformation of his courses wherein after many debatements the King taking his Oath to refer the business according to the order of certain grave men of the Kingdom Articles were drawn sealed and publickly set up under the Seals of the Legate and divers great Men But before any thing could be effected Symon Montfort working a Peace for himself with the Earls of Cornwal and Lincoln with whom he and the other Barons had been before displeased the Earl grew cold in the business which the other Lords perceiving nothing more was at that time done Symon Norman called Master of the King's Seal and said to be Governour of the affairs of the Kingdom had the Seal taken from him and some others whom the Nobility maligned displaced And in the same year an Assassinate attempting to kill the King as he was in Bed instigated thereunto by William de Marisco the Son of Jeffrey de Marisco was for the Fact drawn in pieces with Horses and afterwards hang'd and quarter'd And some years after the King having a Son born his Brother the Earl of Cornwal having likewise Issue did by permission of the State which before he could not obtain undertake the Cross and with him the Earl of Salisbury and many other Noblemen The Earl of March the Queen-Mother and certain Lords of Poicteau incited the King to make a War with France to which some of the English who claimed Estates therein were very willing but the matter being moved in Parliament a general opposition was made against it the great expences thereof and the ill suceess it lately had and it was vehemently urged That it was unlawful to break the Truce made with the King of France who was now too strong for them notwithstanding many of the Peers in the hopes of recovering their Estates so prevailed as an Aid demanded for the same was granted but so ill resented by others as all the King's supplies from the beginning of his Reign were particularly and opprobriously remembred as the Thirteenth Fifteenth Sixteenth Thirtieth and Fortieth part of all mens Movables besides Carucage Hydage Escuage Escheats Amerciaments and the like which would as they said be enough to fill his Coffers in which considerations also and reckonings with the Pope's continual exactions and the infinite charge of those who undertook the Holy War were not omitted besides it was declared how the Thirtieth lately levyed being ordered to be kept in certain Castles and not to be issued but by the allowance of some of the Peers was yet unspent the King no necessary occasion for it for the use of the Commonwealth for which it was granted and therefore resolutely denyed to grant any more whereupon he came himself to the Parliament and in a submissive manner craving their aid urged the Popes Letter to perswade them thereunto but by a vow made unto each other all that was said was not able to remove their resolutions insomuch as he was driven to get what he could of particular men by Gifts or Loans and took so great a care of his poorer Subjects at or about the same time as he did by his Writ in the 23d year of his Reign command William de Haverhul and Edward Fitz-Odo That upon Friday next after the Feast of St. Matthias being the Anniversary of Eleanor Queen of Scotland his Sister they should cause to be fed as many Poor as might be entertained in the greater Hall of Westminster and did in the same year by another Writ command the said William de Haverhull to feed 15000 Poor at St. Peters in London on the Feast-day of the Conversion of St. Peter and 4000 Poor upon Monday next after the Feast of St. Lucie the Virgin in the great Hall at Westminster And for quiet at home whilst he should be absent in France contracted a marriage betwixt his youngest Daughter Margaret and Alexander eldest Son of Alexander III. King of Scotland but his expedition in France not succeeding his Treasure consumed upon Strangers the English Nobility discontented and by the Poictovins deceiving his Trust in their not supplying him with money he was after more than a years stay the Lords of England leaving him constrained to make a dishonourable Truce with the King of France and to return having been relieved with much Provisions out of England and Impositions for Escuage a Parliament was in the 28th year of his Reign assembled at Westminster wherein his Wars the revolt of Wales and Scotland who joyned together and the present occasions of the necessary defence of the Kingdom being pressed nothing could be effected without the assurance of Reformation and the due execution of Laws whereupon he came again himself in person and pleaded his own necessities but that produced no more than a desire of theirs to have ordained that four of the most grave and discreet Peers should be chosen as Conservators of the Kingdom and sworn of the Kings Council both to see Justice observed and the Treasure issued and ever attend about him or at least three or two of them That the Lord Chief-Justiciar and Lord Chancellor should be chosen by the general voices of the States assembled or else be of the number of those four and that there might be two Justices of the Benches two Barons of the Exchequer and one Justice for the Jews and those likewise to be chosen by Parliament that as their Function was publick so should also be their Election At which time the
correction or explicacation mad therein So as that meeting and re-referrence proved to be only an essay for a pacification For that haughty Earl Montfort hated the King and endeavouring all he could his destruction so thwarted all his actions and domineer'd over him as the King told him openly That he feared him more than any Thunder or Tempest in the world Being not pleased with what had been proposed at that revisionary Treaty for what concerned his own particular interest and satisfaction would rather bleed and embroil the Nation than acquiesce in those excellent Laws and Liberties which the King had granted in his Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta which like two Jewels of inestimable price in her ears did help to bless secure and adorn our BRITANNIA whilst She sate upon Her Promontory viewing and guarding Her British-Seas and did therefore draw and entice as many as he could to go along with his envy malice ambition and designs With which Ordination Sentence and Award of the King of France against the Barons many were notwithstanding so well satisfied with the King and so ill with Symon Montfort's proud and insolent demeanour as they withdrew themselves from the rebellious part of the Barons and although some for a while staggered in their Opinions and Loyalty because though the King of France condemned the provisions made at Oxford yet he allowed King John's Charter whereby he left as they pretended the matter as he found it for that these Provisions as those Barons alledged were grounded upon that Charter But a better consideration made many to dispence with their ill-taken Oaths and return to their Loyalty as Henry Son of the Earl of Cornwall Roger de Clifford Roger de Leybourne Hamo L'Estrange and others And it is worthy a more than ordinary remarque that that King of France and his Councel upon view and hearing of so many Controversies and Tronsactions betwixt our King Henry III. and his rebellious Barons could not be strangers to the former and latter attempts ill-doings and designs of that Party of the English Baronage did so little approve thereof and of their Parliamentary Insolencies and Oxford Provisions as his Grand-child or Successor Philip le Bel King of France who reigned in the time of our Edward I. did within less than forty years after Pour oster saith l'Oyseau a very learned French Author de la suitte le Parlement qui lors estoit le conseil ordinaire des Roys voir leur faisoit Teste bien sauvent luy oster doucement la cognossance des affaires d'Estat to the no great happiness as it afterwards proved of the French Nation erigea un cour ordinaire le rendit sedentaire a Paris dont encore il a retenu ce teste de son ancienne institution qu'il verifie homologue les Edicts du Roy. And now the doors of Janus Temple flew quite open the Prince with Lewellin Prince of Wales Mortimer and others invade and enter upon the Lands of Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and some of the opposite Nobility and the Earl of Leicester was as busie on the other side in seizing Gloucester and Worcester Whereupon the King doubting Montfort's approach to London being not yet ready for him works so as a mediation of Peace was assay'd upon condition that all the Castles of the King should be delivered to the keeping of the Barons the provisions of Oxford inviolably observed all strangers by a certain time should avoid the Kingdom except such as by a general consent should be held faithful and profitable for the same Here saith the Historian was a little pause which seemed but a breathing in order unto a greater rage The Prince fortifies victuals and garrisons Windsor Castle And the King to get time summoned a Parliament at London where he won many Lords to his party and with them Richard Earl of Cornwal his Brother King of Almaine Henry his Son William Valence with the rest of his Brethren marches to Oxford whither divers Lords of Scotland repair unto him as Iohn Comyn Iohn Baliol Lords of Galloway Robert Bruce and others with many English Barons Clifford Percy Basset c. from thence with all his Forces went to Northampton took Prisoner young Symon Montfort with fourteen other principal men thence to Nottingham spoiling the Possessions appertaining to the Barons in those parts The Earl of Leicester draws towards London to recover and make good that part of his greatest importance and seeks to secure Kent and the Ports which hastens the King to stop his proceedings and to succour the Castle of Rochester which he besieged whereby Success and Authority growing strong on the King's side the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester in behalf of themselves and their Party write unto the King humbly protesting their Loyalty alledge that they opposed only against such as were enemies to Him annd the Kingdom and had bely'd them unto which the King returned answer that Themselves were the perturbers of him and his State enemies to his Person and sought His and the Kingdoms destruction and therefore defy'd them the Prince and the Earl of Cornwal sending likewise their Letters of defyance unto them who doubting the hazard of a Battel send the Bishops of London and Worcester their former encouragers unto the King with an offer of 30000 Marks for damage done in those Wars so as the Provisions of Oxford might be observed Which not being condescended unto or thought fit to be allowed Montfort with his Partners seeing no other means but to put all to the hazard of a Battel made himself more ready than was expected placed on the side of an Hill near Lewis where the Battel was to be fought certain Ensigns without men which seemed afar off to be Squadrons ready to second his men whom he caused all to wear White Crosses both for their own notice and signification of the candour and innocency of his cause which he desired to have believed to be only for Justice And as Rebels first assaulting their King unexpectedly began to charge his Forces who were divided into three parts The first whereof was commanded by Prince Edward the King's Son William de Valence Earl of Pembroke and John Warren Earl of Surrey and Sussex the second by the King of Almaine and his Son Henry and the third by the King himself The Forces of the Barons ranged in four parts whereof the first was led by Henry de Montfort and the Earl of Hereford the second by Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford Iohn Fitz-John and William of Mount-Chency the third by the Londoners and Richard Segrave and the fourth by Symon de Montfort Earl of Leicester himself and Thomas de Pelvesion And both sides fighting with as great manhood as fury the Prince and his Batalion cum tanto impetu in hostes irruil so beat and routed those that stood against him as he made them give back many
de Ayer in com' Norf ' the Office of Marshal of Ireland in Fee with the Cantred within which the Town of Kildman was Scituate was Warden of the Marches of Wales Sheriff of Lincolnshire and Governour of the Castles of Oswastre and Shrawardine had the Mannor of Hengham in com' Norf ' with the Advowsons of the Church thereof in Anno 16th of King John executed the Office of Sheriff of Lincolnshire for three parts of that Year and likewise in the 17th in which he was associated with John fitz Robert of the Counties of Norfolk and Suffolk as also in the Custody of the Castles of Norwich Oxford and Dorchester was Sheriff of Warwickshire and Governour of the Castle of Worcester in the time of the Barons Wars in the first Year of the Raign of King Henry the third made Sheriff of Hantshire and Governour of the Castle of Devizes in com' Wilts ' had a Grant of all the Lands of William de St. John who in the 49th Year of Henry the third took part with the rebellious Barons William de Percy descended from Manfred a Dane coming out of Denmark with the fierce and famous Rollo into Normandy and thence with William the Conqueror into England and much beloved by him had granted unto him by him vast Possessions in the Realm as appeareth by the General Survey in Dooms-day Book viz. Ambledune in Hanshire divers Lordships in Lincolnshire and in Yorkshire eighty-six whereof Topoline in the North Riding was one and Spofford in the West Riding another Camois a Baron against King Henry the Third was in Anno 26th of his Raign for that half Year Sheriff of the Counties of Surrey and Sussex and from that time until the one half Year of the 30th of his Raign seized of the Mannor of Wodeton in the County of Surrey Ditton in com' Cantabr ' Burwel in com' Oxon ' Torpel in com' Northamp ' and of divers Knights Fees in other Counties D'Eynill was in 41. and 44. Henry the third Justice or Warden of all the Forrests beyond Trent in Anno 47. Governour of the Castle of York and in 48. of the Castle of Scarborough from Michaelmas 48. was Sheriff of Yorkshire until the Battle of Evesham where he was against the King Monchensey was one of the rebellious Barons at the Battle of Lewes had great Possessions in the Counties of Essex Norfolk Glou ' Kent and Northampton The Lord Lovetot one of the rebellious Barons was in the last half Year of 39th Henry the third Sheriff of the Counties of Nottingham and Derby and Governour of Bolsaver Castle Henry Hastings sideing with the Barons was in the 48. Year of the Raign of Henry the third made Governour of the Castle of Scarborough in com' Eborum and of the Castle of Winchester Bobert de Roos had great Possessions amongst others the Castle and Barony of Helmesley or Hamlake in Yorkshire the Castle and Barony of Warke in Northumberland and the Barony of Trusbut being of the part of the rebellious Barons was for some time Governour of Hereford Castle when Prince Edward was there detained Prisoner in 42. Henry the third answered for four Knights Fees and an half and an eighth part in Lincolnshire fifty-two Thirds a twelfth and a twentieth in Yorkshire ten for his Barony of Trusbut four and a fourth and third part of Warter Adam de Novo Mercato descended from Bernard de Newmarch one of the followers of William the Conqueror subdued to himself three Cantreds being the most part if not the whole of the Country of Brecknock in Wales had in 8th Henry the third the Barony of Bayeux and in the 47th and 48th divers Lands in the County of Lincolne and the Mannor of Wilmaresly Campshall Thorne Bentley and Archley in com' Ebor ' Colvile was seized in the Raign of King Henry the third against whom he took Arms of the Castle of Bitham in the County of Lincolne and of his Purparty of fifteen Knights Fees in the said County Roger Bertram had the Castle and Barony of Mitford with thirty-three Mannors belonging unto it in the County of Northumberland and was in rebellion against King Henry the third Robert de Nevil a great Baron and Lord of Raby in the Bishoprick of Durham was Sheriff of Norfolke in 2d Henry the second Captain General of the King's Forces beyond Trent in 47. Henry the third Sheriff of the County of York Governour of the Castle thereof and of the strong Castle of the Devises in the County of Wilts and in 48th Henry the third Warden of all the Forrests beyond Trent and Governour of the Castle of York was against the King at the Battle of Lewes Fitz Alan of Clun from whom the Earles of Arundel descended enjoyed a great Estate and was against the King at the Battle of Lewes Robert de Vipont one of the rebellious Barons of King Henry the third had by the Grant of King John the Castles of Appleby and Burgh in the County of Cumberland together with the Baylewick or Shrievalty of the County of Westmorland to him and the Heirs of his then Wife unto which Barony belonged the said Mannors of Appleby and Burgh under Stanemore Flaxbridge-Park Forrests and Chases of Winefell and Mallerstang Brougham Castle with fifty-seven Mannors more in the County of Cumberland and Westmoreland in the first second and sixth Year of the Raign of King Henry the third was Sheriff of Cumberland and Governour of Caerlisle in the tenth one of the Justices itinerant in the County of York and in the eleventh one of the Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas Henry de Neuburgh in Normandy a younger Son of Roger de Bellomont Earl of Mellent had the Castle and Borough of Warwick bestowed upon him by William the Conqueror with the large Possessions of Turketill de VVarwick who had the Reputation of Earl of VVarwick although he was but in the nature of a Lieutenant to the Earl of Mercia had Wedgenock Park with the Castle of Warwick Mannors of Tamworth Claverdon and Manton Mauduit in com' Warr ' the Mannors of Gretham and Cotes-more in com' Rotel ' with some Lands in the County of Worcester the Mannor of Chadworth in com' Glou ' in 12. or 13. Regis Johannis Henry Earl of Warwick certified one hundred and two Knights Fees with a third part of a Knights Fee and had by the Gift of that King the Seigneury of Gowerland in Wales which an Ancestor of his is long before said to have Conquered was Owner of the Castle Mannor and Priory of Kenilworth in com' Warwick gave to Geoffry de Clinton the Sherivalty of the County of Warwick to him and his Heirs to be holden of him and his Heirs and in Anno 25. Henry the third Earl Thomas gave a Fine of a hundred and eighty Marks to the King over and above his Scutage that he might be discharged from his Attendance upon him in his
great Barons and Lords Spiritual and Temporal could not imagine would ever be able either to forget the Good which they and their Fore-Fathers had received and they and their after-Generations were like to enjoy under them or get loose from those many great Ties and Obligations of a never-to-be-forgotten Gratitude which they had upon them but thought themselves very secure from any danger that might happen by any of their Incroachments or Usurpations by placing any Power or but a Semblance of Authority for once in the lower Ranks of the People nor could have believed that the common People of England after their solemn Protestations to preserve them and the Government could after the Murder of their King in their last horrid Rebellion have Voted them to be useless and dangerous and being unwilling to leave any of the Divels their Masters business unfinished did solemnly enforce the deluded Seditious People under as many severe Penalties as they could lay upon them not any more to submit to any Government by a King and House of Lords to whom our Kings had given no Power to make their own Choice but lodged and onely entrusted it in the Sheriffs many of which the rebellious Barons had by Usurpation of the King's Authority provided before hand to be at this present of their own Party or were like to be so or under their Awe and Guidance wherein they were perceived by the King some Years before upon their ill-gained Provisions at Oxford to have been very diligent in making Sheriffs of their own Party those great Offices being in those times and many Years before and some few Years after alwayes put into the Hands and Trust of the Baronage or Men of great Estate and Power Whose Number by Tenures and Summons by Writs to our King 's great Councels or Parliaments Creations or Descents accounted in the Raign of King Henry the Third to be no less than Two Hundred and Forty if not many more and like the tall and stately Cedars of our Nation might well deserve the Titles of Proceres and Magnates especially when many or most of them were in their Greatness Goodness and Authority in their several Stations like the Tree which Nebuchadnezzar saw in his Vision high and strong The height whereof reached to the Heaven the leaves were fair and the fruit thereof much the beasts of the field had shadow under it and the fowles of the heaven dwelt in the boughs thereof and as ex pede Herculem the Length and Greatness of Hercules's Foot declared the vast Proportion and Magnitude of the residue of his Body it was easy to compute how little were then the Common People how great the Nobility whom the Brittaines ancient Inhabitants of our Isle as the Learned Francis Junius the Son of the no less Learned Francis Junius hath observed justly stiled them Lhafords Lords and their Wives Lhafdies Ladies because they usually gave Bread and Sustenance to those that wanted it gave License of Marriage to the Widdows of their Thanks by Knight Service punished their Tenants so holding their Lands by Writ Cessavit per Biennium and a Forfeiture if not redeemed was Entituled to a Writ of Contra formam Collationis for not performing the Duties and Offices of their Endowments and the large Revenues and Emoluments appropriated thereunto And with the many Accessions and Devolutions of other Mannors Lands Revenues Estates Baronies Titles of Honour and Offices of State by Marriages Descents in Fee or remainders in Fee-tail munificent Guifts and Grants of their Kings and Princes upon Merit and great Services done for them and their Country or by Purchases guarded by the strength of the Statute De donis Conditionalibus made in the 13th Year of the Raign of King Edward the First with the Tye and Obligation of their Tenures and the Restraints of Alienation made them to be such Grantz Magnates as the common People did in their Disseisins Intrusions and Outrages done one unto another which in the elder times were very frequent colour and Shelter those Injuries by or under some Title or Conveyances made unto some of the Nobility or great Men of the Kingdom which caused some of our Kings to grant out Commissions of Ottroy le Baston vulgarly called Trail Baston to find out and punish such Evil doings and by the making of some of our later Laws to restrain the giving of Liveries so as until the Writs of Summons granted by King Edward the First in the 22d Year of his Raign to Elect some Knights of the Shires Citizens and Burgesses to give their Assent in Parliaments to such Laws and Things as by the advice of his Lords Spiritual and Temporal should advise should by him be ordained there having been an Intermission of those or the like kind of Writs of Summons from the first Contrivance thereof in the time of the Imprisonment of King Henry the Third in the 49th Year of his Raign it was and ought to be believed as a matter or thing agreeable to Truth right Reason and the Laws and Records of the Kingdom that the Commons and Freeholders of England were long before and for many Ages past as ancient as the British Empire and Monarchy were to be no part of our Great Councels or Parliaments were never Summoned or Elected to come thither but had their Votes and Estates and well Being as to those great Councels included in the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and as to their assent or dissent good or ill liking represented by them and retaining their well deserved Greatness were so potent and considerable as Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester could after the Battle of Evesham where he had Fought for the King March with a formidable Army composed for the most part of his own Servants Tenants Reteiners and Dependants from the Borders of Wales to London quarrel and capitulate with his King that had been but a little before extraordinary Victorious and with John Warren Earl of Surrey did after the Death of King Henry the Third before the Return of his Son Prince Edward from the Wars in the Holy-Land to take the Crown upon him at the Solemnization of the Funeral of the deceased King in the Abbey-Church of Westminster with the Clergy and People there Assembled without their License and Election go up to the high Altar and swear their Fealty to the absent King Edward the First his Son So beloved feared and followed as the great Earl of Warwick was said in some of our Histories to have been the Puller down and Setter up of Kings could with the Earl of Oxford in the dire Contests betwixt King Henry the Sixth and Edward the Fourth for the Crown of England rescue and take by force King Henry the Sixth out of the Tower of London where he was kept a Prisoner attend him in a stately and numerous Procession to the Cathedral Church of St. Paul the one carrying up his Train and the other
Raign of King Richard the Second when the Dukes Earls and Barons were Created by Letters Patents of our Kings the Names of the Barons to be Summoned in Parliament were Written from the King 's own Mouth at his Direction and Command and in that agreeth with Mr. Elsing who saith It was ad libitum Regis for surely none but the King can Summon a Parliament and that was the reason that Henry the Fourth having taken King Richard the Second his Leige and Lord Prisoner the 20th day of August in the 21st Year of his Raign did cause the Writ of Summons for the Parliament wherein he obtained the Crown to bear Date the 19th day of the same Month for the Warrant was Per ipsum Regem Concilium and himself to be Summoned by the Name of Henry Duke of Lancaster SECT XIII That the Majores Barones regni and Spiritual and Temporal Lords with their Assistants were until the 49th Year of the Raign of King Henry the Third and the constrained Writs issued out for the Election of Knights Citizens and Burgesses whilst he was a Prisoner in the Camp or Army of his Rebellious Subjects the only great Councel of our Kings FOr the Barons of England viz. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal with some other wise and selected Men which our Kings did anciently and upon Occasions call into that Assembly were the Great Council of the Kingdom and before and from the Conquest until a great part of the Raign of King Henry the Third in whose dayes saith Mr. Elsing it is thought the Writs for Election of Knights and Burgesses were framed made the Great Councel of the Kingdom and under the name of Barons not only the Earls but the Bishops also were comprehended for the Conqueror Summoned the Bishops to those great Councels as Barons and in the Writ of Summons made as aforesaid in the Captivity and Troubles of King Henry the Third we find the Bishops and Lords with some Abbots and Pryors to be the Councellors and the Commons only called to do perform and consent unto what should be ordained And Mr. Selden and Sir Henry Spelman have by divers Instances and warrantable Proofs declared unto us That the Bishops and Lords only were admitted into the Wittenagemots or great Councels which were wont in and after the Raigns of the Saxon Kings to be kept at the three great Festivals in the Year viz. Easter Whitsontide and Christmass when the Earls and Barons came to pay their Respects and Reverence to their Soveraign and give an Account of what was done or necessary to be known or done in their several Provinces and Charges and what was fit to be Consulted thereupon and were then accustomed to meet and Assist their Kings and Soveraigns with their Advice and Counsel Which was so constantly true as Antecessores Comitis Arundel solebant tenere manerium de Bylsington in com' Kanc. quod valet per Annum 30. l. per Serjeantiam essendi Pincernam Domini Regis in die Pentecostes Ela Comitissa Warwick tenuit manerium de Hoke Norton in com Oxon quod est de Baronia de Oyley de Domino Rege in capite per Serjeantiam scindendi coram domino Rege die Natalis Domini habere Cultellum domini Regis de quo scindit Roger de Britolio Farl of Heresord being in Armes and open Rebellion against King William the Conqueror taken Prisoner and Condemned to perpetual Imprisonment wherein though he frequently used many scornsul and contumelious words towards the King yet he was pleased at the Celebration of Faster in a solemn manner as then was usual to send to the said Earl Roger then in Prison his Royal Robes who so disdained the Favour that he forth with caused a great Fire to be made and the Mantle the inner Surcoate of Silk and the upper Garment lined with precious Furs to be Burnt which being made known to the King he became displeased and said Certainly he is a very proud Man who hath thus abused me but by the Brightness of God he shall never come out of Prison as long as I live which was fulfilled In Anno 1078 William Rufus tenuit curiam in natali domini apud London Rex Anglorum Willielmus cognomento Rufus gloriose curiam suam tenuit ad Natale apud Gloverniam ad Pascham apud Wintoniam apud Londonias ad Pentecosten Et hic Concessus Ordinum regni saith Sir John Spelman Sive totius regni Repraesentatio quod intelligere convenit ab Alfredo certis quidem vicibus ijs ordinariis non quasi ejusdem formae celebritatis esset cujus hodierna Comitia quae Parliamentum vulgò dicuntur sed ut quantum est in Anglia terrarum tunc aut unum omninò Regis erat aut Comitun ejus atque Baronum qui sub illis agros colerent eos Clientelari atque precario jure possederint ut qui toti ab nutu dominorum penderent ità quicquid ab isto tempore ab Rege Comitibus ejus atque Baronibus constitutum est toto regno sancitum erat velut ab ijs transactum quibus in caeteros suprema absoluta potestas esset adeoque reliquorum seu clientium mancipiorum jura includeret Episcopos quod attinet hi magnis hisce Concilijs nunquam non intersuerunt suisque suffragijs leges sanxerunt nam praetereà illud quod ob seculares fundos Barones vel ob ipsum sacerdotis honorem sacrosancti censebantur eâ infuper sapientiâ plerumque praestabant ut non tantùm suffi agia Procerum aequiparârint sed actis omnibus venerationem atque pondus addiderint ab hoc Regis instituto manavit uti videtur mos ille posteris Saxonibus non inusitatus ut concilia Episcoporum atque Magnatum tèr quotannis celebrarentur nempe ad Domini Natales Pascha atque Pentecosten ad consultandum de arduis regni negotijs neque id uno semper eodemque loco sed ubicunque res posceret licet ferè ubi Rex cum Aulicis ageret praesens And in our Parliaments as well Modern as Ancient had a deliberative Power as the most Learned Selden hath informed us in advising their Kings in Matters of State and giving their Assent in the making of Laws and a judicial subordinate Power to their Kings in giving of Judgment in Suits or Complaints brought before them in the House of Lords or that Magna Curia Universitas regni as Bracton stiles it and whither in his time Causes were for difficulty adjourned from the other Courts of the Kingdom unto which no Remedies could otherwise be given and saith Mr. Elsing All Judgments are given by the Lords as aforesaid and not by the Commons And that very ancient long experimented and well approved Custom appeareth not to have been discontinued or forgotten when in the Parliament holden in the first Year of the Raign of King Henry the
Fourth the Commons shewing to the King that Comme les Juggements du Parlement appurteignont seulement au Roy as Seigneurs nient as Commones si noun en case que sil plest au Roy de sa grace especile leur monstrer ses ditz Juggements pur ease d' eux que nul record soit fait en Parlement encontre les ditz Communes que sont ou serrent partyes as escunes Juggementz donez ou adonees ou apres en Parlement A quoi leur feust respondu per l' Ercevesque de Canterbire de commandement du Roy 〈…〉 ment mesmes les Commones sont Petitioners demandeurs que le Roy les Seigneurs de tout temps ont eves averont de droit les Juggementz en Parlement en manere come mesme les Comones ount Monstrez sauvez quen Statutz Affaires ou en Grauntez subsides ou tiel choses Affaires pur comon profit du Royalme le Roy voit avoir especialment leur Advys Assent que cel ordre de fait soit tenuz gardez en tout temps adveniz And the Earls and Temporal Barons were by vertue of their Tenures and Summons of Parliament since the beginning of the Raign of King Richard the Second said to be Conciliarij nati of the King and Kingdom and the Bishops to sit there then and long before by reason of their Baronies which no Member of the House of Commons is or can claim to be in our King 's great Councels or Parliament until the framing of that aforesaid novel Writ to Elect Knights Citizens and Burgesses in the time of the Imprisonment of King Henry the Third and after his Release was discontinued and no more made use of until the 22d Year of the Raign of King Edward the First his Son and the Heirs by ancient Customes of that Court under and by the Kings Authority do exercise in Causes and Complaints brought before them a judicial and decisive Power And in the preceding Times and Ages until that new Writ of Elections was contrived and imposed upon that distressed and much injured Prince Certissimum est saith that learned and judicious Antiquary Sir henry Spelman that the Nobility and Barons which did hold immediately of the King in Capite judicijs praefuêre Aulae Regiae did usually sit and determine Causes or Controversies in the King's Court or Palace as the Barons of the Coife in the Exchequer who were heretofore Earls and Barons do at this day judge and determine of Matters touching the King's Revenues And as the Lords of Mannors in their Courts Barons do admit none to be Judges in those their little Courts but their Tenants who are Free-holders and do hold of them and being stiled and said to be of the Homage do subserviently manage the Affairs of their Lords therein who did very anciently use to act therein Concilio prudentum hominum militum suorum by their Presentments Advice and Judgements and are therein not much differing from the Customs and Laws of the Longobards where their Emperor commanded that Nullus Miles nobiscum saith Sir Henry Spelman Liber homo sine certâ convictâ culpâ suum beneficium perdat nisi secundum consuetudinem Antecessorum nostrorum et judicium Parium suorum In which saith Sir Henry Spelman Th 〈…〉 is an Idea of our Magna Charta the Free-holders in the Hundred Courts being thither also called Conformable to the League made by King Alfred with Guthrun the Dane wherein Homicide sive de crimine alio quod quatuor marcas excederet postularetur per duodecim ex paribus reliquos autem subditos per 11 Pares unumque ex Baronibus Regis fore judicandos And to the Laws of our King Henry the First wherein it was ordained That Unusquisque per Pares judicandus est si quis in Curia sua vel in quibuslibet agendorum locis placitum tractandum habet convocet Pares vicinos suos si inter compares vicinos sint querelae conveniant ad divisas terrarum suarum qui prior queremoniam fecerit prior rectum habeat si alias ire oporteat in Curiam domini sui eant si unum dominum habeant Soca sit ejus illic eos amicitia congreget aut sequestret judicium And may seem to be derived from the Laws and Customs of the Germans where by the Court of Peers are understood Causarum feudalium Judices à Caefare constituti qui sine provocatione cognoscebant to be Judges appointed by the Emperor to hear and determine without appeal Matters concerning their Lands and Territories where the like usage and term of Peers in their Judicatures Great Councels or Diets is at this day used the Princes of the Empire being Paribus cu 〈…〉 ae and such are those of our House of Peers in Parliament being the highest Court of the Kingdom of England where none were admitted or did administer Justice Nisi qui proximi essent à Rege ipsique arctioris fidei homagij vinculo conjuncti but such as were near unto the King and held of him in Capite which kind of Tenures howsoever they were most unhappily Dissolved by a late Act of Parliament in His now Majesties Raign for converting Tenures in Capite into free and common Socage were by an Exception and Proviso in the said Act of Parliament as to the Rights and Priviledges of the Peers in Parliament specially saved and reserved unto them who were heretofore Capitanei regni as Sir Henry Spelman saith Captains of the Kingdom and Peers obliged and bound unto their Kings by Homage and Fealty in that highest and most honourable Court of the Kingdom wherein the Judicative Power of Parliament under their King their Head and chief Resides which high and honourable Assembly reverencing and taking Care for their Head and Soveraign the only under God Protector of themselves the Church and all their worldly Concernments and Liberties Was so much used in France as saith Conringius Proceres temporibus Francorum temporibus antiquissimis Concilio interfuisse plurimis quidem testimonijs in proclivi est and cites a Book written per Theganum Chorepiscopum Trevirensem de gestis Ludovici Imper ' Ca. 6. ubi de Carolo Magno Imperatore legitur Cùm intellexisset appropinquare sibi diem obitus sui vocavit filium Ludovicum ad se Episcopis Abbatibus Comitibus loco positis habuit grande colloquium cum ijs Aquisgravi eodem spectat procul dubiò Hinckmari who was a Bishop and Councellor of Charlesmaynes illud concilium Lodovico Baldo datum epistolam ut rempublicam administret ex Procerum aut Principum consensu nusquam Plebis mentione factâ unde epistolam illam claudens Ca. 10. Scribit de generalibus Ecclesiae Regni negotijs fine generali Procerum regni consensu concilio secretum dare concilium nefas etiam
quod ministeriales praedicti de hospitio Domini Regis debent interesse in Curiâ Domini Regis cum Paribus Franciae ad judicandum Pares tunc praedicti Ministeriales judicaverant praedictam Comitissam Flandriae cum Paribus Franciae Wherein our Ancestors without any Arrest or Decree of Parliament did rather give than take the Pattern when their Bishops as Chancellors of our Kings very often and in a continued Series from the Raign of King Edward the Confessor who was not without his Reinbaldus Regiae dignitatis Vice-Câ—ncellarius when Maurice Bishop of London was Chancellor to William the Conqueror in the first Year of his Raign and other Bishops have in that high and great Office severally from thence succeeded unto the 29th of Edward the First and not a few of the other Bishops have been Treasurers and Secretaries of State and by that Right alone besides their Spiritual Rights and Temporal Baronies did sit as Peers in that great Assembly together with the Lord Privy-Seal Constable Marshal and Great Chamberlain of England Lord Steward Chamberlain of the Houshold with the Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts and Barons of England which do Illustrate that greatest of our Kings Councels attended with such of the Judges and other Assistants as their Soveraigns shall be pleased to call or permit to Sit therein Neither could those grand Officers claim a Right to be accounted by them or any others Equal or Co-ordinate with them or their Superiours or to have any Vote in the House of Peers in Parliament by their sitting there it being in the Act of Parliament made in the 31st Year of the Raign of King Henry the Eighth Entituled How the Lords in Parliament shall be placed wherein it being expressed That it appertained to his Prerâ—gative Royal to give such Honor Reputation and Place to his Câ—uncellors and other his Subjects as shall be seeming to his excellent Wisdome It was specially mentioned That the Lord Chancellor Lord Treasurer Lord President of the King's Councel Lord Privy-Seal or Chief Secretary that shall be under the degree of a Baron of the Parliament are to give no Assent or Dissent in the Parliament And it is likewise remarkable That in the Title of that Act of Parliament and all along and thorough the Body thereof the House of Peers is only stiled the Parliament and no mention is therein at all made of the House of Commons in Parliament nor any Care or Order taken for their Degrees or sitting in Parliament Neither do any of our Parliament Rolls Records or Authentick ancient Historians mention that our Kings were in those their great Councels limited or accustomed to call all their Barons thereunto Nor until the latter end of the Raign of King Richard the Second had voluntarily obliged themselves to Summon thither the Dukes Marquesses Earls and Viscounts unto those their great Councels And when it hath been truly said that Omne Majus continet in se Minus it will not be easy to believe That the Minus doth or should Continere in se Majus For in Anno 23 Edward the First there were but Sixty-three Earls and Barons Summoned and in the same Year upon another Summons but 45. King Edward the Second did not Summon all the Earls and Barons In the 6 E. 3. the like M. 22 E. 3. 6 R. 2. 11 R. 2. the like King Edward the 3d. in the 9th Year of his Raign Summoned but five Earls and Eleven Barons In the 10th E. 3. the Parliament Writs of Summons were directed but unto Fourteen of the Temporal Barons with a Memorandum entred that Brevia istis Magnatibus immediatè praescriptis directa essendi ad Parliamentum praedictum remissa fuerint concilio Regis pro eò quòd quidam ex eis in partibus Scotiae quidam ex eis in partibus transmarinis existant adnullanda 15 E. 3. there were Summoned but 26 of all sorts 16 E. 3. But a very few 21 E. 3. but 22. 45 E. 3. but thirteen Earls and Barons and not many to diverse Parliaments after the great Commune Generale Concilium rightly understood being but Synonyma's of the word Parliament and of latter times they which were in the King's Displeasure have had their Summons but with a Letter from the Lord Chancellour or Lord Keeper commanded not to come but to send a Proxy In Anno 46 E. 3. and diverse years in the Raign of King Henry the 5th few Earls and Barons were Summoned for that many of them were then busied in the Warrs of France But in the Parliament in the Raign of King Charles the Martyr John Earl of Bristol being denyed his Writ petitioned to the House of Peers for it whereupon he had it without any intercession of the House of Peers but withal a Letter from the Lord Keeper signifying his Majesties Pleasure that he should send his Proxy and forbear to come whereupon he petitioned the Parliament again shewing That that Letter could not discharge him from coming for that the Writ commanded him to come upon his Allegiance but that point was not then debated for the said Earl was presently sent for as a Delinquent and charged with High Treason the Majores Barones being men of the best Estate Extraction and Abilities and better sort of the Tenants in Capite by antient Law and Custome of the Kingdom being to be only Summoned according to the very old custome of the Romans probably learnt from thence who as Sigonius writes did in legenâ—o Senatores make choise of them according to their Birth Age Estate and Magistracy well exercised and performed And could be no less then well warranted by a constant well experimented long approved and applauded Usage thereof for more than fourteen hundred Years attested by the industrious Labours of Mr. William Pryn and others and for the times before the Conquest and the Learned Collections of Sir Robert Filmer and others since the Norman Invasion fortified by such Records which in themselves are never found to lie as the teeth of devouring Time hath left us seconded by unquestionable antient authentick classical Authors which might silence those disputes Factious and Foolish opinions and cavils which in the latter part of this last unquiet Century or age have been stirred up against that very Antient and Honourable Assembly or House of Peers which all the former ages neither durst or did lift an hand or heel against or so much as maligne or bark at So greatly are our most degenerate wickedly hypocritical worser Times altered from what they were or should be and the only Recital of whose long and Antient Successions through their so many several gradations may abundantly satisfie any that are not before so prepossessed as to resolve never to be satisfied with any thing that looks but like Truth or Reason if they shall but read as they ought to do the ensuing Series or Catalogue Wherein they may find that in the Bud or Blossom of
introduced amongst us that Distinction long after about the Raign of our King John of the Barones majores those that were Ministri Regis and held great Possessions only of the King for long before the Conquest they were called Thaines Barons or Lords who were Honorary and the Minores middle Thaines or Valvasores who were only feudal and held all or much of others or lesser parts of the King and by Canutus's Laws there appears to have been in those times Thani infimae conditionis In Germany saith Schwederus there are two sorts The First that do hold of the Empire immediately The Second mediately of others and that in the diversity of Opinions amongst the Learned whether the word Baron be derived from the Hebrew Greek Latine Spanish or French the Germans have been content with theit own word or original Baar which signifieth Frey or liber homo Barones are liberi Domini Frey Heeren Et Baro signifieth virum dignitate praecellentem So as that exquisitely Learned Du Fresne in his Gloss upon the words Barones Parliamenti saith In Anglia Scotia qui vulgò Lords of Parliament vocantur ij sunt ex Majoribus Baronibus qui à Rege undè pendent ad Parliamentum sive concilium publicum diplomatibus Regiis evocantur nam constat in Anglia ut in Francia non omnes qui à Rege praedia sua immediatè tenebant ad Parliamenta admissos nam nimius esset numerus eorum sed illos tantum qui proximi essent a Rege dignitate vassallorum numero caeteros anteirent prout etiam in ipsis Baronum feudis factitatum And defining a Barony saith it is Praedium à Rege nudé pendens vel maius praedium vel feudum Cassanaeus taketh it to be Quaedam dignitas habens quandam praeeminentiam inter solos simplices Nobiles Tiraquel by good Authority of rectified experimented Reason Laws and ancient Customs saith Leges sanciri debent a Principibus etiam Nobilium concilio quod plane ostendit Virgilius de Aceste Rege loquens Gaudet regno Treianus Acestes Indicitque forum Patribus dat Jura vocatis Id est Leges sancit Jura distribuit vocatis ad id Patribus id est Senatoribus L'Oyseau defining Seigneuries saith they are Publique ou prives and that les droits praerogatives des grandes Seigneuries a scavoir les Duchez Marquisats Comtez Principautez dont le premier est qu'elles ne relevent que du Roy encore que de leur nature elles deuvoient relever immediatement de la Couronne C'est pourquoi les Feudistes les appellent Feuda regalia ou Regales dignitates tit ' de Feud encore non tant pour ce qu'elles participent aux honeurs des souverainetez que de leur d'autant qu'elles sont vrays Fieffs du Roiaume ne pouvant relever d' autre Seigneurie Et tout ainsi que ces Capitaines s' aydoient de leurs vassaux en la guerre aussi faisoient ils en les Justices principalement aux causes d' importance qu' ils Iugoient par leur advis pour ceste raison ils les appelloient Pairs Cour C'est a dire Pairs au Compaignons de leur Cour de Justice Saith le Seigneurie privee n' induit point de puissance publique and concludeth and proveth it to be un Erreur d' penser qu' aux livres de Fieffes Valvasores Regni seu Majores valvasores fussent ceux qui tenoient leurs Fieffs a Capitaneis Regni nempe a ducibus Marchionitibus And were had in such a Veneration and Respect as when in the first Year of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth an Act of Parliament was made that every Member of the House of Commons should before the Lord Steward of the King Queen or her Successors Houshold or his Deputy for the time being before they sit or be admitted by his Oath taken upon the Holy Evangelists testify and declare That the Queens Majesty is the only Supreme Governour of this Realm and of all other Her Highnesses Dominions and Countries as well in all Spiritual and Ecclesiastical things or causes as Temporal and renounce all Foreign Jurisdiction of any Foreign Prelate Prince or Potentate whatsoever And promise that from henceforth I shall bear Faith and true Allegiance to the Queens Highness her Heirs and Lawful Successors and to my Power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the Queens Highness her Heirs and Successors or United and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm From the taking of which Oath the Lords Temporal and all of or above the degree of a Baron were by that Act of Parliament of 5. Eliz. exempted for that the Queens Majesty is otherwise sufficiently assured of the Faith and Loyalty of the Temporal Lords of her High Court of Parliament Although of that High and Honourable Assembly of the House of Peers all that hold Offices under our Kings as the Lords Chancellour Treasurer Steward great Chamberlain and Chamberlain of the Houshold Constable Earl Marshal Lord Privy-Seal Secretaries of State and all that receive Creation-Money of him as Earls Viscounts Marquesses and Dukes and all the Assistants as Judges Masters of Chancery and the Barons in that high Court of Judicature Subordinate to the King may find themselves comprized and obliged in and by that Act of Primo Eliz. ca. 1. as the Arch-Bishops and Bishops are For it may everlastingly with great assurance of Certainty and Truth be affirmed That our Parliaments or great Councells have in their Constitutions Formes Customes and Usages altogether or for the most part followed and imitated those of the Almans Saxons and Ancient Francks when Marculfus who lived in the Year after the Incarnation of our Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ Six Hundred and Sixty now something more than One Thousand Years when Clodouaeus the Son of Dagobert of the Merovignian and first Race of the Kings of France ruled as it will be Evident by the Writ of Summons thereunto Entituled Prologus de Regis Judicio cum de Magna re duo causantur simul in the form or words ensuing or the cause of Summoning or Calling the Parliament as our Kings have many Times done in their Writs of Summons to their Parliaments Viz. Cui Dominus regendi curam Committit cunctorum Jurgia diligenter examinatione cum rimari oportet ut juxta propositionum vel responsionum alloquia inter alterutrum salubris donetur sententia quo fiat ut nodos causarum vivacis mentis acumen coerceat ubi praelucet Justitia illuc gressum deliberationis imponat Ergo nos in Dei nomine ibi in Palatio nostro ad universorum Causas recto Judicio terminandas una cum Dominis Patribus nostris Episcopis vel cum plurimis Optimatibus Nostris patribus illis Referendariis illis
interests from domestick disturbances and forreign invasions or Injuries Howsoever rather then want a Shift or that which they would have to be called Truth and Reason when it can be neither of them they think something may for their purpose be picked out of old Bracton to help in a Case of necessity it were a pity that the best Cause of God as they call'd it should be lost for want of a little help to Support it therfore rather then suffer it to sink and perish every one that was well affected and a well-willer thereunto should make use of all the Contrivances imaginable and do all that they can to perswade and believe otherwise it will Conduce to little purpose SECT XVII That the Comites or Earls have in Parliament or out of Parliament Power to Compell their Kings or Sovereign Princes to yeild unto their Consults Votes or Advices will make them like the Spartan Ephori and amount to no more then a Conclusion without Premises or any thing of Truth Law or Right Reason to Support it BUt the straw and stubble upon which the late long Parliament-Rebellion hath built a great part of their wicked and godless pretences by misusing and ill understanding of a piece of our learned Bracton snatched and torn from the true and genuine meaning and Intention of the Author will deceive their expectations and hopes in relying upon it if where he saith Item nec factum Regis nec Chartam potest quis Judicare Ita quod factum Domini Regis irritetur sed dicere potuit quis quod Rex Justitiam bene et si hoc eadem ratione quod male Ita imponere ei quod injuriam emendet ne incidat Rex Justic. in Judicium viventis Dei propter Injuriam Rex autem habet Superiorem Deum scilicet item legem per quam factus est rex Item Curiam suam viz. Comites Barones quia Comites dicuntur quasi socii Regis Wherein if the word Superiorem should relate or be intended by Bracton to the Law and the Kings Court of Parliament It would be as a little Grammer as good Latin Law or Right Reason and the Authors meaning who lived in the Time of the Imprisonment of King Henry the 3d. by Simon de Montfort and other his Rebellious Earls and Barons and by some Citations in his book may be believed to have then or after Written it his aforesaid book cannot be rationally thought by the Intire and whole Context thereof to have any design to incourage so Wicked and long continued a Rebellion or intend to render the King Inferior to the Law in Contradiction unto his own assertions that Rex parem non habet Rex facit Legem and make his Curia Court or Parliament whom he can call Continue Prorogue Dissolve wherein he hath a negative voice and as Sr Edward Coke saith is Principum Caput finis and as it were the Anima or Soul thereof And to suppose him to be Inferiour to a Court of his own Calling or disposing kept in his own house or Palace and composed of many of his especiall domestiques is and would be beyond the fancies of little Children or the reach of the silliest sort of Imagination And need not be afraid of their Earls and Barons supposed bridling of them in Parliament when the Barons may be Called or Summoned as our Kings pleased and the Earls and Greater Nobility also before the Reign of King Richard the 2. And our Kings have both before since always had as much liberty to Summon the Lords Spirituall and Temporall as they had before that Time 〈◊〉 not to Summon the Praelates or as they had before or since the Reign of King Richard the 2. to dispence both with the not Coming of the Spirituall and Temporall Lords by an allowance of their Proxies given to Members of their own house Et qui habet socium habet magistrum ideo si rex fuerit sine fraeno id est fine lege debent ei fraenum ponere nisi ipsimet fuerint cum Rege sine fraeno Et tunc clamabant subditi dicent Domine Jesu Christi c. It shall be rightly considered that however the word Magistrum and the word Socii by some inadvertency of the Author may unto those who would be willing to have it to seem to give a power to the Comites Barones which the later never either in their use or institution claimed or practised It may recieve a more genuine or proper interpretation to be no more then an Advisor or Instructor and more agreeable to the mind of the Author For the Comites were in the Roman Empire very antiently stiled Consules Comites and after in that and the Eastern Empire and all its limbs and branches rent and divided from it and in this Nation enjoyed the name or title of Consul a Consulendo and Comes only a Comitando or being in Comitatu Principis Comitatum ipsam Aulam familiam Principis which in Tacitus's time was called a Cohors Cortis or Curtis or Court and not Seldom by our old Historians as Odericus Vitalis Hoveden c. Ealdermen in the Saxon times and sometimes Comes which saith our Learned Selden were but at the first officiary dignities both here and in the Empire and Governed as Praefecti Comitatus Provinciarum and the Counties were in Edward the Confessors Laws called Consulatus some Vestigia or intimations whereof may be perceived in the grant or confirmation of the Earldom of Oxford to Alberick de Vere by the tertium denarium Comitatus the 3d penny of the fines and amerciaments of that County And were neither in England or the Western or Eastern Empire or any of their Historians or by any of our or their Antiquaries or Enquirers into the Secrets or Cabinets of time and its forsaken memorialls ever accompted to be either as Socii or Magistri or so recorded in any of their or our Records Annals or Histories And therefore we may without calling up the Ghost of our old Henry de Bracton who had in the Reign of King Henry the Third made his enquiries into all the ancient Laws and Customs of England and searched the vetera judicia mentioned divers cases and precedents formerly adjudged in the perusall of his Learned Works meet with his own expositions of what he there Wrote or could be thought to have been any of his Intentions For he in the words immediately proceeding not only saith that de Chartis vero Regis factis Regum non debent nec possunt Justiciarii nec privata persona disputare nec etiam si in illo dubitatio oriatur possunt enim interpretari in dubiis obscuris vel si aliqua dictio duos contineat intellectus Domini Regis erit expectanda voluntas interpretatio cum ejus sit interpretari
instance of the great men of the Realm hath granted provided and ordained that the Feoffees or Alienees shall hold of the chief Lord of whom the Lords were holden Ca. 2. If part of the lands be sold it is to be apportioned and it is to wit that this Statute extendeth but only to lands holden in fee simple and for the time coming and is to take effect at the Feast of St. Andrew next In the Statute of Quo Warranto liberties are holden our Lord the King of his especial grace and for the affection which he beareth unto his Prelates Earls and Barons and other of his Realm hath granted In a 2d Statute of Quo Warranto to the same Effect hath Established In the Statute de modo levandi fines it is to be noted that the order of the Laws will not suffer a finall accord to be leavyed in the Kings Court without a Writ Original In the Statute of Vouchers made in the 20th Year of his Reign Our Lord the King by his Common-Councell hath ordained In another of the same year concerning wast committed by Tenant for life Our Lord the King hath ordained In the Statute de defensione juris Hath ordained and from henceforth commanded In a Statute de non ponendis in Assisis made in the 21st year of his Reign Our Lord the King hath ordained By an Act of Parliament made in the same year de malefactoribus in parcis Our Lord the King hath granted and commanded In the Statute or Act of Parliament de Consultatione made in the 24th Year of his Reign Willeth and commandeth In the Confirmation of the great Charter and the Charter of the Forest in the 25th Year of his Reign Granteth and Willeth In Ca. 2. That Judgements given against them should be void it is said We will The like in Ca. 3 and 4. In Ca. 5. We have granted In Ca. 6. That the King or his Heirs will for no business whatsoever take aids or prizes but by consent of the Realm and for the Common profit thereof saving the Ancient aids and prizes due and accustomed it is said Moreover we have granted In Ca. 7. for a release of Toll taken by the King for Wool without consent as aforesaid saving the custom of Wools Hides and Leather granted by the Commonalty it is said that the King at their request hath clearly released and granted The King hasting into Flanders to aid his Confederate the Earl thereof against the Continued envy malice and designs of the King of France his malignant Neighbour constituted without License of Parliament his Son Edward then being under age the Custos or Guardian of the Kingdom and appointed Richard Bishop of London William Earl of Warwick nec non milites Reginaldum de Gray Johannem Gifford Alanum Plukenet viros emeritae militae providos discretos to be his Assistants and Councellors who in the Kings absence with much ado and with nullam aliam sentire vellent obtained a Peace to be made with the Earl of Hereford and Earl Marshal that the King should confirm the great Charters with the aforesaid Articles added in the 2. 3. 4. and 5. of that Parliament and to the 6. of Nullum Tallagium but by the consent of the Realm and for the Common profit thereof saving ut supra releasing the Tolls of Wool Which being sent unto the King were returned sub sigillo suo tanquam saith the Historian ab eo qui in Arcto positus erat cedendum malitiae temporis censuit upon the confirmation whereof the populus Anglicanus concessit denarium nonum bonorum suorum But the King being returned in the 26th Year of his Reign was pressed in Parliament by the aforesaid Earls the Constable Marshal because the Charters were confirmed in a Forreign Country to do it again for that the Bishop of Durham and the Earls of Surrey Warwick and Gloucester had promised that obtenta victoria against the Scots he should post ejus reditum do it and in the 27th Year of his Reign being again in a Parliament holden in London urged by the said Earls to do it post aliquas dilationes was willing to do it with an addition of Salvo jure Coronae with which the Earls being displeased and leaving the Parliament revocatis ipsis ad quindenam Paschae ad votum eorum absolute omnia sunt concessa Which begot the Statute said in the printed book of Statutes published by Mr Poulton to be incerti temporis E. 1. but it is to be beleived for the Reasons aforesaid to have been made in the 27th year of his Reign in those only words that no Tallage or Aid shall be taken or leavied by us or our heirs in our Realm without the good-will and assent of Arch-Bishops Earls Barons Knights Burgesses and other Freemen of the Land In the Statute of Wards and Reliefs 28. E. 1. Who shall be in ward and pay relief which seemeth to be a declaration of the King alone being for the most part of matters concerning himself and his undoubted casuall revenue it is to Wit when in the Statute immediately following touching persons appealed it is said the King hath granted ordained and provided In the Statute called Articuli super Chartas ca. 1. in the confirmation of the great Charter and the Charter of the Forest in the later end and close thereof are these words viz. And besides these things granted upon the Articles of the Charters aforesaid the King of his especial grace for redress of the grievances which his people hath sustained by reason of his Wars and for the amendment of their Estate and to the intent that they may be the more ready to do him service and the more willing to assist him in the time of need hath granted certain Articles the which he supposeth shall not only be observed of his Leige People but also shall be as much profitable or more then the Articles heretofore granted That none shall take prices but the Kings Purveiors or their Deputies it is said to be Ordained with a Nevertheless the King and his Councell do not intend by reason of this Estatute to diminish the Kings right for the ancient prizes due and accustomed as of Wines and other goods but that his rights shall be saved unto him whole and in all points Declaring of of what things only the Marshall of the King's House shall hold plea c. It is Ordained And in Another Act Entituled Common Pleas shall not be holden in the Exchequer it is said moreover no Common Pleas shall from henceforth be holden in the Exchequer contrary to the form of the Great Charter That no Writ concerning the Common Law shall be award under any Petit Seal The authority of the Constable of the Castle of Dover touching hold pleas and distresses That the Inhabitants of every County shall make choice of their Sheriff being not of Fee it is said that the King hath granted
be no pardon or protection granted of those Felonies which shall be hereafter committed without the Special Commandment of us our selves In the Ordinatio Forestae made in the 34th Year of his Reign the King ordained The like in Ca. 2. That an Officer dying or being absent another shall be put in his place That no Forester should be put in any Assize or Jury the King willeth The like touching the punishment of Officers surcharging the Forest. The like for Grounds disafforested Touching Commons in Forests and that the Justices of the Forest in the presence of the King's Treasurer and by his assent may take fines and amerciaments it is said the King willeth In the Statute de Asportatis Religiosorum it being recited that it came to the knowlege of our Lord the King by the grievous Complaints of the honourable persons Lords and other Noblemen of this Realm that Monasteries and other Religious Houses founded by the King and his Royal Progenitors and by the said Noblemen and their Ancestors and endowed with great portions of Lands that the Abbots and Priors especially certain aliens Priors c. have letten the said lands and laid great impositions and tallages thereupon our Lord the King by the Councell of his Earles Barons great men and other Nobles of his Kingdom no Commons in his Parliament hath ordained and enacted That Religious persons shall send nothing to their Superiors beyond the Seas That no Impositions shall be Taxed by Priors Aliens it is said moreover our aforesaid Lord the King doth inhibit it By whom the Common Seal of the Abbys shall be kept and how used it is said and further our Lord the King hath ordained and established And though the publication and open notice of the ordinances and Statutes aforesaid were in suspence for certain causes since the last Parliament until this present Parliament holden at Caerlisle the Octaves of St Hilary in the 35 Year of the Reign of the said King to the intent they might proceed with greater deliberation and advice our Lord the King after full conference and debate had with the Earls Barons Noblemen and other great men of his Kingdom no Commons touching the premisses by their whole consent and agreement hath ordained and enacted that the ordinances and Statutes aforesaid under the manner form and conditions aforesaid from the 1st day of May next ensuing shall be inviolably observed for ever and the offenders of them shall be punished as is aforesaid And so well did he and the Lawyers of that age understand the Originall Benefit and use of the Feudall Laws the Ancient Honour Glory and Safety of the English Nation their Kings Princes and People as he did as the Learned and Judicious Dr. Brady hath asserted in and by the right of the Feudal Laws and their original grant of the Fees without assent or advice of Parliament give license to their Tenants to Talliate Tax and take Scutage for ayd of performing the Knight or Military Service incident or chargeable upon their Lands and likewise to Tenants otherwise employed by the King in Capite though not in the Army to charge their Tenants with Scutage warranted by the Writ following in the 10th Year of his Reign directed to the Sheriff of Worcester in these words Rex Vicecomiti Wigorn. salutem Quia dilectus fidelis noster Hugo le dispencer per praeceptum nostrum fuit cum dilecto consanguineo fideli nostro Edmundo Com. Cornub. qui moam traxit in Anglia pro conservatione pacis nostrae Anno regni nostri decimo nobis tunc existentibus in Guerra nostra Walliae Tibi praecipimus quod eidem Hugoni facias habere scutagium suum in feodis militum quae de eo tenentur in balliva tua videlicet quadraginta solidos de Scuto pro exercitu nostro praedicto hoc nuâ—latenus omittas T. Edmundo Comite Cornubiae Consanguine Regis apud Westm. 13 die Aprilis Et Consimiles literae diriguntur vicecomitibus Leicest Eborum Lincoln Suff. Wilts South Surr. Buck. Essex North. Oxon Berk. Norff. Staff Rotel Justic. Cestr. And a Writ on the behalf of Henry de Lacy Earl of Lincoln directed the Sheriff of York in the Words Quia delectus fidelis noster Henry de Lacy Comes Lincoln non sine magnis sumptibus expensis ad Communem utilitatem regni nostri in obsequium nostrum per praeceptum nostrum in partibus Franciae pro reformatione patis inter nos Regem Franciae tempore quo Eramus in Guerra nostra Scociae Anno videlicet Segni nostri 31. Quod quidem obsequium loco servitii sui quod tunc nobis fecisse debuerat Acceptamus tibi praecipimus quod eidem Comiti haberi facias scutagium suum de feodis militum quae de eo teneantur in balliva cua videlicet Quadraginta solidos de scuto pro Exercitu nostro praedicto Et hoc nullatenus omittas Teste Rege apud Westm. 6. die Aprilis Consimiles literas habet idem Comes direct Vicecomitibus Warr. Bedford Buck. Somerset Dorset Glouc. Norff. Suff. Hereford Leic. Lenc Notting Derby Northampton Midd. Cantabr Oxon. Berk. Another on the behalf of Henry de Percy in the form ensuing videlicet Rexvicecomiti Eborum salutem Quia dilectus fidelis noster Henricus de Percy fuit nobiscum per praeceptum nostrum in exercitu nostro Scotiae Anno Regni nostri 31. Tibi praecipimus quod eidem Henrico haberi facias Scutagium suum de feodis militum que de eo tenentur in balliva tua videlicet quadraginta solides de Scuto pro Exercitu nostro praedicto hoc nullatenus omitas teste Rege c. Consimiles literas habet idem Henricus Vicecomitibus Lincoln Derb. Notting Cant. Hunt Norff. Suff. Salop. Stafford Consimiles literas habent Executores testamenti Johannis de Watrenna quondam Comitis Surr. defuncti probably the same man that being called to an account Quo Warranto he held many of his Liberties is said over Sturdily to have drawn out or unsheathed an old broad Rusty Sword and shewing unto the Justices Itinerants instead of his Plea answered by this which helped William the Conqueror to Subdue England which so much incensed the King as he afterwards as some of our English Annalists have reported at his return home caused him to be Besieged in his Castle at Rigate untill in a better obedience to his Laws he had put in a more Loyall and Legall Plea Had the like letters de Habend Scutag de feod militum quae de ipso Comite tenebantur die quo obiit in guerra Regis speciale direct Vicecomitibus Surr. Sussex Essex Hereff. Buck. Lincoln Northampton Ebor. by writ of privy seal Consimiles literas habuit prior de Coventry qui finem fecit c. direct Vicecomitibus Warr. Liec Northt Glouc. Wigorn. Abissa Shafton qui fecit finem c. Habet Scutagium suum But
the King that some of the Lords might be sent to confert with them at all their conferences with them do stand uncovered whilst the Lords dosit covered when any of their Members are by the King's grace and favour created Barons or Earls and called into the House of Peers are to receive others to be Elected in their places cannot of or by themselves redress undue Elections could not go home without licence of the King nor have their Wages levied and paid by their countrys without his Order and Writs And being with those requisites and precautions come unto the Parliament to do and consent unto such things as by the King and the Lords Spirituall and temporall should be in Parliament ordained did not Certainly sit in one Room Chamber or Place together But whither they did sit in one and the same house or Place or not will but little contribute to the extravagant fancies of our now State-Moulders SECT XXIII That the Members of the House of Commons being Elected and come to the Parliament as aforesaid did not by Virtue of those Writs of Election sit together with the King and the Lords Spirituall and Temporall in one and the same room or place and that if any such thing were as it never was or is likely to be proved it cannot conclude or inferr that they were or are cor-ordinate or had or have an equall power in their Suffrages and decisions WHich they may dream of from the beginning of the World unto the End thereof and never be able to Evidence and if it had been so will be such an ill Shaped argument that the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament are thereby to be believed to be co-ordinate with the King and House of Peers or superior unto either of them as any one that was but within a little of a madman would be ashamed to propound or put it to the decision of the over-circumspect inhabitants of Gotham For who but such disciples or proselites can find the way to imagine or believe that when King William Rufus dined at his Marble table where the Court of King's-hencb now sitteth in his large Westminster-Hall and his Nobility and many of his Court attendants sat at their meat at their many lower table in the same hall could perswade themselves or others to suppose an equality in degrees and Power or that the King because they did all sit but in one room or House was no more then co-ordinate with them For in the grand feasts of the Inns of Courts Houses Colleges or Societies for the study of our Law the Judges Benchers Barristers and utter Barristers are not so ill used as to be in danger of any the like argument because one Common hall or room contained them all and the honor of the King or his Privy Councel are not diminished because there are greater or lesser degrees amongst them sitting in one and the same Councell Chamber Howsoever if they will keep their words and promise to acquiesce in proofs that are negative to what they are so willing to affirm and should be sufficient to convince their insane conclusions they need not want them when Mr Pryn and many good Anthors will give us large and abundant evidences to manifest the errors of such their fond and reasonless assertions For in the very many Councels or Parliaments of our Kings reckoned by Mr Pryn from Anno Domini 673. unto the 1st Year of King John there were no Knights Citizens or Burgesses for the Commons as he positively and confidently affirmed either Summoned Elected to those many Councells or Parliaments or present at any of them and being not there at all there needs not to have been any question or controversy whether they Sate in one House or Room together And when King John in the 17th Year of his Reign at the Meeting and Rebellious Convention at Running-Mede of some of his unruly Baronage which some of the Liberty Coyners would imagine to be a Parliament where those Barons were in the head of a mighty Army of their own Party and the King had but a very few unarmed attendants with him Mathew Paris saith they did in that conference or treaty for a Peace seorsim considere and notwithstanding that Sr Edward Coke hath without any good Warrant averred that the Lords and Commons in Parliament Sate together and that the surest mark of the division of both Houses was when the House of Commons had at the first a continual Speaker which he mistakenly refers to Ro. Parl. 50. E. 3. m. 8. wherein a Loyal Learned Gentleman hathâ— against his will by misinformation been led into an Error that our three Estates the King excepted as they have been sometimes and but sometimes called in our Records State together and that our Records bear Witness that they according to the French custom have sate in one House or Room that is to say the Lords Spirituall and Temporall within the Barrand the Commons without for Mr Pryn in his Animadversions upon that and other of his Errors saith that the King's Writs to Summon the Prelates and Peers interesse nobiscum cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus Regni sui did not intend the Commons Knights or Burgesses tractaturi vestrumque concilium impensuri neither did in all probability direct or intend that the Commons should joyn or sit with them as both the Writs and practice have ever since evidenced and that all that that Roll of 50. E. 3. doth import is but that the Commons came to the Lords House and had sometimes conference with them but that they sate or debated together is no way proved but contsadicted by many Parliament Rolls as Parl. 5. E. 3. Nu. 5. compared with Nu. 6. E. 3. Si aleront mesme les Praelats Procurators de Clergy par eux mesmes les ditz Counties Barons Grauntz par eux mesmes whose report being drawn up and then read before the King les Prelatz Chivalers de Counties les gentz des Commun furent pleysantz a eux touz par nostre Seigneur le Roy Prelatz Countes Barons autres Grauntz auxuit par les Chivalers des Countes Gentz des Commun furent pleinement assentuz accordez at a Parliament in the 6th Year of the said King he requiring the advice of his Parliament touching the French affairs and his voyage thither they treated and deliberated C'est assavoir les Prelatz par eux mesmes les ditz Countes Barones autres grauntz par eux mesmes auxuit les Chivalers des Countes par eux mesmes and then gave their advice so in the Parliament reassembled at York in the Utas of St Hillary in the same Year the Prelates Earls Barons and great men by themselves et les Chevalers des Countes Gentz des communs par eux mesmes treated of the business propounded unto them and in the Parliament holden at York
Domino donante Rex non solum Mercor sum sed omnium provinciarum quae generali nomine Angli dicuntur did grant Cumberhto 10. Cassatas terrae cui ab antiquis nomen est indicum Husmerat juxta fluvium â—tur subscribed with ✚ Ego Aethelbald Rex Britaniae propriam donationem confirmavi subscripsi ✚ Ego Unor Episcopus consensi subscripsi ✚ Ego Unilfridus Episcopus jubente Aethelbaldo Rege subscripsi ✚ Ego Aethelric subre gulus atque Comes Gloriosissimi principis Aethelbald huic donationi consensi subscripsi ✚ Ego Ibrorsi magnus Abbatis consensi subscripsi ✚ Ego Heardberht frater atque dux praefati Regis consensi subscripsi ✚ Ego Ebbella consensum accommodans subscripsi ✚ Ego Onec Comes subscripsi ✚ Ego Oba consensi subscripsi ✚ Ego Sigibrid consensi subscripsi ✚ Ego Bercot consensi subscripsi ✚ Ego Ealdoult consensi subscripsi ✚ Ego Caila consensi subscripsi ✚ Ego Pedo consensi subscripsi And the meer consent of a Tenant to his Landlords or Lords grant by Attornment doth not encrease or enlarge his former estate but is only a consent and agreement unto that grant or as an obliging taking notice thereof And where an Archdeacon Dean and Chapter are Summoned to Parliament act tractandum they neither did do or can claim any other power beyond their obedience to what should be ordained by their Superiors The choice or Election of a Verdurer in a Forrest by the Kings Writ doth not make those that did it the owners thereof and the Election of a Coroner by the like Authority to collect and take care of the Kings rights and profits did never yet truly and rationally signify that the Electors were the Masters of them neither doth the assent of the Freeholders in a court-Court-Baron or Leet devest the Lord of the Manor or Court-Leet of any part of his Right Propriety or Jurisdiction therein For to assent in the aforesaid enforced Statute de Tallagio non concedendo without the assent of the Prelates Earls Barons and Commons of England viz. That Tallage or Aid shall be taken or leavied by the King or his Heirs in his Realm without the assent of the Arch-Bishops Bishops Earls Barons Knights Burgesses and other Freemen of the Land which Tallages were the prises as Walsingham mentioneth taken de bobus vaccis frumentis bladis coriis purveyance taken against his preparation for Warrs in Flanders de quibus tota Communitas Angliae gravabatur but was never granted and intended either in words express or tacite to give either unto the House of Peers or Commons Jointly or severally a Negative Vote or deniall or a Legislative power but only to free themselves from those Tallages and Prises complained of which had such a force and obligation upon them and placed in them such a reverence and awfull respect to their King and head as they did subordinately not seldom obtain their Kings Leters-Patents to license or impower them Talliare Tenentes suos de dominico suo And although the Commons in Parliament in the 2 year of the Reign of King Henry the 5th had in the Advantage which they suppose they might sasely adventure upon in a Time of Usurpation assumed and arrogated to themselves a Legislative co-ordinate power in the making of Laws which other then Petitionary as Subjects to their King none of their predecessors before or since the 48th year of the Reign of King Henry the 3. ever had or obtained untill the last Horrid Rebellion in 1642. when they would make heedless and headless ordinances instead of Statutes or Acts of Parliament without their King and would not forsake their madness untill they had Murthered that Blessed Martyr King Charles the I. yet the answer of King Henry the 5th to that Petition and claim did so manifestly deny to give any allowance thereunto as one of their greatest Champions and Underminers of our Fundamental manarchick Laws could afford without prejudice to his the grounded cause to give posterity that Kings answer thereunto but concealed it as a conviction not to be devulged to their seduced Proselites For in the making of a Bishop wherein the King is acknowledged by the laws of England truth and Right reason to be the only true and proper cause of making him a Bishop and the impositions of hands by some of the Presbyters Subservient unto him in his Diocess which was but Ceremoniall and much less then the ornaments of Aarons garments in his multifarious priestly Attire and could never make or ordain him a Bishop without the King or give him Livery of the Lands appertaining to the Bishoprick neither doth any Law or right reason of any Nation or the dictates of holy Writ enable any to believe that the assent of the Woman or Wife in the holy Rites of Matrimony could or should ever entitle her unto a command and superiority over her Husband or Annihilate the Decree of Almighty God in the framing and forming of Man and Woman kind and order of the subservient government of the World And it would be an Engine mathematicall or contrivance Worth the Enquiry or finding out if it could be possible how to settle or make our most excellently composed Monarchick Government usefull in its Legislative power if the Houses of Peers and Commons in Parliament should disagree who but their King and Superior can or could be able to reconcile their discording Votes Opinions or Resolves For our Records Histories Annals and National Memorialls have never yet found or so much as mentioned any Laws Statutes or ordinances made in Parliament or out without le Roy le voult or his fiat or grant or the grant and assent of the Custos Regni or his Lieutenant Commissionated by him made by an House of Peers or Commons or party of them as it were in Parliament untill the Devil in a Religious habit taught it unto the last most horrid of incomparable Rebellions or that any House or number of Peers ever did or attempted to do any such thing or matter without the Kings le Roy le veult fiat assent or ratification or that of his Castos Regni or Lieutenant Commissionated by him Except that which was done by Symon Montfort and his Rebell partners in Annis 48. 49. Henry the 3 against that distressed over powred Prince when they had taken and kept him a prisoner for more then a Year and by fear and by force issued out Writs in his name for an Original of an House of Commons in Parliament and owned and acted what they would have him or constrained him to do in his name and as by his sole authority neither as Ego Rex meus or Senatus populus quoÌ„ Anglicanus neither can the Eyes of any far-seeing Linx or Lynceus or any Perspicuity clearness or strength of sight or the greatest of industry search or scrutiny whatsoever of our
of hearing to be heard in the Starr-Chamber the morrow after the Lords were content not to sit that Morning provided that it be not drawn into a precedent but that the House being the Supream Court may sit upon a Starr Chamber day notwithstanding the absence of the Lord Chancellor Archbishop of Canterbury Lord Treasurer the Lords of the Privy-Councell great Officers of State the two Lord Chief Justices and Lord Chief Baron who do use to attend that Court and the next Starr-Chamber day the other part of the Lords House did sit in the forenoon The Lords that were absent and could not appear upon Summons of Parliament were excused if they could obtain a license of the King otherwise they were amerced as in 31. H. 6. a Duke was to be amerced 100 l. an Earl 100 Marks and a Baron 40 l. If they came not upon Summons to Parliament If the King be present in person when the cause of Summons is declared the Lord Chancellour doth first remove from his place which is on the Kings Right hand behind the Chair of Estate and conferreth privately with his Majesty And that ceremony is ever to be observed by the Lord Chancellour or those that are appointed by the King to officiate in that particular for him before he speak any thing in Parliament when the King is present The cause of which ceremony saith Mr Elsing seeming to be that as none but the King can call a Parliament so none but the King can propound or declare wherefore it was called If the King be represented in Parliament by Commission the Lord Chancellor sits on the Wool-sack after the Commission read the Commissioners go to the seat prepared for them on the Right side of the Chair of Estate then the Lord Chancellour ariseth conferreth with the Commissioners returns to his place on the Wool-sack and there declareth the cause of the Summons or Commission as was done in 28 Elizabeth The Warrants of the King for the making of the Writs of Summons to Parliaments have been divers some times per breve de privato sigillo but commonly per ipsum Regem concilium Anno 32. H. 8. Acts of Parliament were said to have been enacted with the assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Parliament was continued by divers short prorogations and was by his Graces Authority dissolved 33. H. 8. In the Acts of Parliament no mention was made of advice or assent 34. 35. H. 8. The like Proxies were in the 20th Year of the Reign of King James under the hand and seal of an absent Lord upon a lawfull impediment signifying the Kings license in the form ensuing pro se nomine suo de super quibuscunque causis exponend seu declarand tractand tractatibus quae hujusmodi mihi factis seu faciendis concilium nomine suo impendend statutisque etiam ordinationibus quae ex maturo deliberati judicio dominorum tam spiritualium quam temporalium in eodem Parliamento congregat inactitari seu ordinari contigerint nomine suo cousentiendum eisdemque si opus fuerit subscribend caeteraque omnia singula quae in praemissis necessaria fuerint seu quo modo libet requisita faciend exercend in tam amplis modo forma prout ego ipse facere possem aut deberem si praesens personaliter interessem ratum gratum habens habiturus quicquid dictus procurator statuerit aut fecerit in praemissis A proxy cannot be made to a Lord that is absent himself The Lord Latimer made his proxy which although the Clerk of the House of Peers received it was repealed by the Lord Chancellour for that the Lord Latimers deputy or procurator was absent for if he to whom the proxy is made be absent the proxy is void neither can it be transferred by the proxy to another as was adjudged in the case of the Lord Vaux 18 Jacobi Our Kings since the force put upon King Henry the 3d by some Rebellious Barons at a Parliament at Oxford in Anno 42 of his Reign at the beginning of every Parliament by publick proclamation did use to prohibit the coming with Arms. Not any of the Kings Serjeants at Law were Summoned to Parliament untill the Tenth of Edward the Third when Robert Parning William Scot and Simon Trevise Servientés Regis were Summoned by special Writs unto 2 Parliaments after which none were Summoned untill the 20th of E. 3. Robert de Sodington Capitalis Baro Scaccarii was the First and only Baron of the Exchequer who was Summoned to Parliament as one of the Kings Councell in 12. E. 3. The Kings Attorney Generalls whose Office and impolyment was as ancient as 7. E. 1. when William de Gisilham enjoyed it and Gilbert de Thorneton was in 8. E. 1. his Attorney Generall had their First Writ of Summons in the 21. 30. 36. Henrici 8. Those that succeeded them never wanting the like priviledges And the Kings Sollicitors generalls have been in like manner Summoned The Writs of Summons to the Lords are returned and delivered to the Clark of their House those with their Indentures for the Election of members for the House of Commons to the Clark of the Crown in Chancery The Clergy of the convocation in Parliament are Elected by virtue of the Kings Writs of Summons to the Bishops and their precepts but not by any from the Sheriffs The Master of the Rolls if not Elected a Member of the House of Commons in Parliament hath a Writ of Summons to attend in the House of Lords The Masters of Chancery as necessarily appertaining to the Lord Chancellour or Keeper of the Great Seal of England have neither Writ nor patent yet do there attend The Bill or Act of Parliament signed for the Beheading the Earl of Strafford much against the will of King Charles the Martyr was by Commission And divers adjournments and prorogations in the Reign of King Charles 2d have been sometimes by Commission and at other times by proclamations The Commons were never Elected to come to Parliament before the 49th Year of King H. 3. and his imprisonment and then and from the 21st Year of the Reign of King E. 1. did but as the Lesser lights follow that greater of the Sun and could not possibly be sent for or caused to be Elected without the Peers then Summoned and convened for that they were only to consent unto and do such things as the King by the advice of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall should there ordain if the Lords were not Summoned to be there at the same time or sitting The Chamberlain of the Kings Houshold was Summoned to sit in the House of Peers in 25. 27. 28. E. 3. Masters of Ships and some Scots have for advice been Summoned to attend the House of Lords Ever since the making of the Statute of 5. Eliz. every Knight Citizen Burgess and Port Baron Elected or to
custome of the House of Lords was that when any Bills or messages were sent to them the Lord Keeper and some of the Lords were to â—rise from their places and from thence to go unto the Barr and receive the said Bills or messages but contrarywise when any answer is to be delivered by the Lord Keeper in the name and behalf of the Lords the Commons sent were to stand at the Barr and the Lord Keeper is to receive the Bills or answer the messages with his head covered and all the Lords were to Keep their places with which the Lower House was satisfied and the same order hath been ever since observed accordingly Anno 39. Eliz. There being in former times a custom in the house of Commons to have a bill read before the house did arise the same could not now be done at that time because her Majesty and the upper House had adjourned the Parliament untill Saturday Sennight at Eight of the Clock in the Morning which being signified by their Speaker he said all the Members of the House might depart and so they did Eodem Anno. At the ending of the Parliament after they had given the Queen subsidies and prayed her assent to such laws as had passed both Houses she gave the Royall assent to 24 publick Acts and 19 private but refused 48 Bills which had passed both the Houses Anno 43. Eliz. John Crook Esq. Recorder of London being chosen Speaker of the House of Commons in Parliament disabling himself desired the Queen to command the House of Commons to choose another but his excuse received no allowance The Lord Chief Justice of the Queens bench and Common pleas together with the Lord Chief Baron and Attorney Generall were ordered to attend a Committee of Lords and Bishops Sr John Popham Lord Chief Justice Francis Gaudy one of the Justices of the Kings bench George Kingsmill one of the Common pleas Dr Carew and Dr Stanhop were constituted Receivers of petitions for Gascoigne and other lands beyond the Seas Sr Edmond Anderson Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common pleas Sr William Peryam Lord Chief Baron Thomas Walmisley one of the Justices of the Common pleas Dr Swale and Dr Hone. Tryers of petitions of England the Archbishop of Canterbury Marquis of Winchester Earls of Sussex Lord Marshall Lord Admirall and Steward of the Queens Houshold Earls of Nottingham and Hertford Bishops of London Durham and Winchester Lords Zouch and Cobham calling unto them the Lord Keeper Lord Treasurer and the Queens Serjeants at Law Great fault was found by many of the House of the factouring and bribing of too many of the Justices of the Peace and it was by one of the members alleadged that the five bills â—arely passed against Swearing Drunkenness and for the making of good Ale would be as much worth to those kind of Justices of the Peace as a Subsidy and two Fifteens Mr Conisby Gentleman Usher of the House of Peers complained that forasmuch upon the breach of any Priviledge of that House he only was to be employed and not the Serjeant at Arms the House ordered a Committee to consider of Presidents and settle it a motion was made by the Lord Keeper and approved of by the Lords that the Ancient course of the House might be kept by certifying the Excuses for the absence of any of the Peers by the Peers and not by others The House being offended with Sr Walter Rawleigh for some words and crying to the Barr Mr Brown a Lawyer stood up and said Mr Speaker par in parem non habet Imperium we are as members of one body and we cannot Judge one another whereupon it being put to the question it was resolved in the negative that he should not stand at the Barr. The Speaker of the House of Commons at the ending of the Parliament of 44. Eliz. humbly desired of the Queen that certain Acts may be made Laws by her Royall assent which giveth life unto them Unto which the Lord Keeper answered that as touching her Majesties pioceeding in the making of Laws and giving her Royall assent that should be as God directed her Sacred Spirit and delivered her Majesties commandement that as to the Commons proceedings in the matter of her Prerogative she is persuaded that Subjects did never more dutifully observe and that she understood they did but obiter touch her Prerogative and no otherwise but by humble petition but she well perceived that private respects are privately masked under publique pretences Admonished the Justices of the Peace some whereof might probably be of the House of Commons that they should not deserve the Epithetes of prowling Justices Justices of Quarrells who counted Champerty good Conscience Sinning Justices who did suck and consume the good of this Commonwealth and likewise all those who did lye if not all the Year yet at the least Three Quarters of the Year in the City of London Anno 43. Eliz. One Mr Leigh of the House of Commons complained that whilst the Speaker of the House of Commons was presented to the Queen he was denyed entrance into the House of Peers which the Lords excused by saying it was the ignorance of some of the Grooms or attendance in the choosing of a Speaker Mr Knolls the Comptroller alleaged that it was not for the State of the Queen to permit a confused multitude to speak unto her when it might often happen that one or some might move or speak that which another or some or many would contradict or not allow The Queen being sate in her State in the House of Lords the House of Commons were sent for to present their Speaker who in a modest pretence of disability prayed her Majesty to command the House of Commons to choose one more able but had it not allowed And she in her grant of freedom of speech gave a caution not to do it in vain matters verbosities contentions or contradictions nor to make addresses unto her but only in matters of consequence and prohibited their retaining or priviledging desperate debtors upon pain of her displeasure and desired a Law might be made to that purpose Which done the Lord Keeper said for great and weighty causes her Highness's pleasure was that the Parliament should be adjourned untill the Fryday following At which time the House of Commons did appoint a Minister every morning before the House sate to officiate and use a set form of prayer specially ordained to desire Gods blessing upon their Councells and preserve the Queen their Sovereign The Ancient usage of not coming into the House of Commons with spurs was moved by the Speaker to be observed others moved that they might not come with Boots and Rapiers but nothing was done therein Sr Robert Wroth a Member of the House of Commons did in his own particular offer 100 l. per Annum to the Wars Sr Andrew Noel Sheriff of Rutlandshire having returned himself to be a Knight of the shire for that
that nothing was done upon their Petitions and therefore prayed that they might be answered before the Parliament ended It appeareth by divers Answers to Petitions in Parliament that the Kings Councel unto whom they were committed did but report what they thought fit to be done for Answer prout Anno 15. E. 3. n. 17. where it is said our Lord the King caused the same Answers to be given to the said Petitions the which together with the Petitions were reported in full Parliament Eodem Anno it was answered Our Lord the King commanded Answers to be made the which put into writing were reported before our Lord the King and the Prelates and other Grandees Anno 17. E. 3. It seemeth to the Councel that it be done Anno 18. E. 3. Divers Petitions of the Commons being exhibited a Memorandum was entred viz. Unto which Petitions it was answered by the King and the Grandees as to the second Article Soit cestipetition granted To the third Article il plaist au Roy c. To the eight Article il plaist au Roy au Son conseil quae se soit To the eleventh il plaist au Roy c. To the 12th Article Soient les Statutes sur ceo faites tenus c. Anno eodem the Answer was It is assented by our Lord the King the Earls Barons Justices and other Sages of the Law that the things above written be done in convenable manner according to the prayer of the Commons in a long Petition of theirs against provisions from Rome whereunto the Bishops durst not assent Eodem Anno the Commons exhibited their Petitions which were answered drawn into a Statute sealed and delivered unto them Sedentibus before the Parliament ended in the same Parliament also the Parliament exhibited their Petitions which were answered sealed and delivered unto them sitting the Parliament which was not usual for the Statutes were most commonly made after the end of the Parliament The Answer to one of the Clergies Petitions in this Parliament was accord est pur assent du conceil Unto which may be added those of the 20th year of the Raign of King Edward the third which concerned the Pope to which Answers the Praelates who were of that Committee not daring to agree the opinion of the temporal Lords and the Judges were only reported viz. It seemeth to the Earls Barons and other Sages Lay-men of the Kings Councel c. Anno 21. E. 3. il Semble a conseil qu'il faut faire pour grand bien si plaist au Roy as grandes du terre Eodem Anno It seemeth unto the King the Praelates and the Grandees that the Custom stand in force the Commons having petitioned that the Custom of the Cloth made in England might be taken away Anno 25. E. 3. It seemeth to the Councel that such enquires cease if it please the King Eodem Anno It seemeth to the Councel that the Laws heretofore ordained ought to suffice for that this Petition is against the Law of the Land as well as against the holy Church It seemeth to the Councel that it ought not to be granted the Petition being that no Capias Excommunicat should issue before a Scire facias to the party Et al. hujusmodi c. Eodem Anno It was answered It is not the interest of our Lord the King nor of the Grantz Anno 28. E. 3. n. 33. It seemeth to the Lords and to the Grands that the Petition is reasonable Eodem Anno It is answered Let the Common Law used stand for the Lords will not change it Anno 30. E. 3. The Petition of the Commons touching Chaplains Wages had two answers The Archbishops and Bishops at the motion of the King and Grandees have ordained c. And therefore the King and the Grandees have ordained c. Those two Answers are recited almost ad verbum the Prelates first and then the Temporal Lords considered of the Answer Anno 47 E. 3. It was answered The King and the Lords have yet no will to change the Common Law Eodem Anno The Commons do require that every mans Petition be answered Anno 2. R. 2. apud Glocester le Roy del assent des Praelats Dukes Countz Barons de les Commons de son Royalme ad ordeigne c. The Commons having petitioned that all manner of Merchants might have free Traffick here And the like Answer was made to their Petition in Anno 3 R. 2 n. 37. 38. In 16. R. 2. Upon a Petition of Robert de Mull and his Wife touching the discharge of a Fine the King answered Soyent au Roy car ceo nest petition du Parlement In Anno 20. R. 2. Robert Mull petitioned the Commons stiling them by the title of honourable and Sage Commons in Parliament praying them to be discharged of a Fine to the King imposed upon him and supplicating them to make Relation thereof to the Parliament and alledging that his Bill or Petition had been put upon the file the last Parliament which doth prove that there was no standing Committees then appointed by the Commons in Parliament 2 H. 4. The King by Advice of the Lords in Parliament hath committed this Petition to his Councel Eodem Anno upon a Petition of the Commons for removing of Stanks and Milks generally it was answered It seemeth to the King and to the Lords that this Petition sounds in disherison of the King and of the Lords and others wherefore let the Statutes before made be held and kept Eodem Anno It is assented and accorded by the King and Lords c. Anno 2. H. 5. The King by the assent of all the Lords granteth c. Touching the Petition for taking of Tithe of great Wood contrary to the Statute of 4 E. 3. whereupon the Judges were of sundry opinions It was answered because the matter of the Petitioners demands required great and mature deliberation the King therefore would that it be adjourned and remitted to the next Parliament and that the Clerk of the Parliament cause this Article to be brought before the King and the Lords at the beginning of the next Parliament for declaration thereof to be made In the 2d year of the Raign of King Henry the sixth the King by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons granted the contents of their Petition in all points Divers other Answers given do prove Debates to have been in Parliament upon Petitions betwixt the Lords and the Kings Councel And saith Mr. Noy that grand and very Attorney General to King Charle 〈…〉 the Martyr who unhappily died before his Royal 〈◊〉 had so much need as he had afterwards of his great abilities or who ever was the careful Examiner of many of the Parliament Rolls and Compiler of that Manuscript which is honoured with his name there can be no question made of those or the
advice whereupon after four days deliberation with the Lords fearing the lengthning of the Wars by Truces refused to advise touching the same The King on the other side received their Petitions but answered them not and therefore the next Parliament the Commons petitioning for Answers conditioned with the King in their grants of the Subsidy to have Answers to their former Petitions and those also which were delivered in the present Parliament and although they were entred in several Rolls as if they had been answered in each Parliament they were all answered in the latter And the use and practice was to enter none but such as had been read In the 6th year of the Raign of King E. 3. it being demanded of the Lords and Commons on the behalf of the King whether he should stay until the business of Parliament were finished or take his Journey in hast into the North they advised him to go hastily into the North and to appoint another time for the dispatch of the business of the people upon their Petitions The Parliament giving a very great Subsidy to the King a condition was assented unto that the Petitions of the Commons should be granted upon which requests and conditions by Commandment of our Lord the King by the assent of the Praelates Earls Barons and Commons a Committee of Praelates Earls Barons the Treasurer some of the Judges and ten Knights of the Shires six Citizens and Burgesses whom the Commons should chuse to sit from day to day as also concerning the Petitions of the Clergy and put the same into a Statute The which Archbishops Bishops and others having heard and tried the said requests by Common assent and accord caused the Points and Articles to be put into a Statute the which our Lord the King by the assent of all in the said Parliament commanded to be ingrossed sealed and firmly to be kept throughout the whole Realm Divers things are entred in the Parliament Rolls which had not the consent of the Commons for that they might have been concluded by the King and the Lords without them yet none such could have been entred but those which were determined in the open house and not privately at a Committee The Answers to the Commons were appointed to be read Sedente Curia and a Committee appointed to prepare the Answers to the rest after Easter and so the Clerk having only read those that were answered the Parliament ended saith the Record in Lent Shortly after upon the examination of the Subsidy that it would not answer the expectation he hastily summoned a Magnum concilium in Octabis Trin. following Where after a further grant of a Subsidy the Petitions which were not answered the last Parliament being read before the King Grands and Commons the King gave them leave to depart and so ended the Councel One of the last Parliament against Impositions upon Woolls without assent of Parliament is made into a Statute And happily it was answered at the Councel and not at the Parliament And if that very age interpreted it to be legally done we must do so also saith that learned Commentator Anno 47 E. 3. where the Commons having delivered their Petitions and desired Answers it was told them that it pleased the King if any of them would stay to attend and have Answers of their Petitions that the rest might depart and it was not unusual in those times for the Commons to have leave to depart and yet the Lords to stay and dispatch business afterwards and the same reputed to be done in Parliament prout Anno 6. E. 3. Gregory n. 16. 6 E. 3. Hill n 7. in fine 1 R. 2. n 41. 137. The Commons did pray the King that he would advise to do that ease unto his people which he may well do And Anno 18. E. 3. do pray that the Statute of Westminster the 2d may be declared to which the King answered Let the Justices and other Sages be charged to advise of this point until the next Parliament They pray that the Statute for the Kings presentment within three years c may stand Whereunto it was answered probably by the Lords let the King be advised and do further by advice of his Councel that which he shall will to be done Eodem Anno they do pray that sufficient men be made Sheriffs and abide but one year as hath been ordained and that the said Office be not granted for life or in fee. Whereunto the King answered as touching the first point let the Statute be kept as touching the 2d the Councel will advise the King that it be not done for they be advised that it is against the Statute And note saith that learned Observator that the King was then beyond the Seas and the Lords would not give a direct answer in his absence to what concerned his power to grant an Office in fee. The Commons shew that the Scots entred England in the Kings absence and pray that the Prisoners taken in the Battel at Durham may be so ordered as the damage and danger happen not again To which was answered the King will advise therein with his Grands and by their advice ordain that which shall be for the best and so do as the Commons shall be out of doubt of that which they suppose by the help of God Which being a matter of State the Lords would not conclude without the King but leave it to himself and his Privy Councel They pray that no Royal Franchises Lands Fees Advowsons which belong to the Crown or are annexed to it be given away or severed Unto which was answered The King will advise with his good Councel that nothing shall be done in this case unless it be for the honour of himself and the Realm Eodem Anno they do pray whereas holy Church ought to have free Elections the Pope doth now begin to give Abbies and Pryories by Resignations c. That the King would ordain Remedy therein by advice of his Councel Whereunto was answered the King will advise with his good Councel The Commons do shew that whereas the men of the Navy have assented to all Taxes currant in the Land yet their Ships are taken and many lost in the Kings Service without any recompence given unto them Wherefore they pray that the King would be pleased to ordain thereof Remedy To which was answered Le Roys ' avisera Which being a Petition coram Rege concerning him and their Wages and Recompence the Lords referred it wholly unto his Majesty Anno 22. E. 3. they do pray that no Appeals be received of any Apellors of Fellony done out of the County where he is imprisoned To which the King answered that will be to make a new Law whereof the King is not advised as yet Anno 25. E. 3. they Petition against the payment of Tithe-Wood Unto which was answered the King and his Councel will advise of this
Statute by which it is very plain that the Kings Councel met after the Parliament was ended to consider of the Petitions which were answered and which of them were fit to be put into the Statute and which not and when the Clerk attended with the Parliament Roll the Councel thought fit to respite those and to deny them they could not And it is evident by the many additions in the Statutes and alterations thereof from the Answers agreed on in Parliament that the Statutes were made afterwards And many Chapters in several Statutes are not at all entred in the Parliament Rolls as 27. E. 3. cap. 5 6 7 8. Eodem Anno cap. 7. 19. 2. R. 2. apud Westm. cap. 3. Eodem Anno cap. 15 9. R. 2. cap. 3 4. 5. 11. R. 2. cap. 4. 5. 6. 14. R. 2. cap. 7. 15. R. 2. cap. 4. 12. 16. R. 2. cap. 1. 6. 18. R. 2. cap. 8. 9. Anno 8. H. 5. cap. 1. 8. H. 6. cap. 28. 29. 18. H. 6. cap. 3. 27. H. 6. cap. 3. The use being for the Clerk to bring the Bills themselves as well as the Roll before the Kings Councel who penned the Statute out of the original The Statutes were antiently drawn into a form of Law and certain Articles out of the Petitions and Answers Anno 25. E. 3. n. 23. The Petition was quae nul homine soit arcle de trover gents d' Armes Hoblers ne Archers autres quae ceux quite ignont per tiel service sil ne soit par common Assent grant en Parlement par ceo est contre la droit du Royalme Unto which was answered le Roy ottroie a cest Petition Yet the Statute hereupon made omitteth the words viz. For it is against the right of the Realm The 11th Chapter omitteth the clause in the Petition viz. And not of other fees as have been levied of late In the same year Petition n. 18. It is prayed that nul Enditour soit mis en Enquest sur la deliverance de la Enditee nient plus en trespass qu' en felonys ' il soit challenge pour celle cause per celui qu' est enditee The Statute thereupon cap. 3. Is in rot statut Auxint accorde est que nul Enditour Soit misen Enquest sur la deliverance del Enditee de trespass ou de felonys'il soit challenge pour tiel cause per l' enditee Which is more favourably penned for the Subject taking away all dispute whether the Enditor might have been of the Jury or not in case of Felony before the making of this Statute And such kind of alterations happen often The 4th Chapter of this Statute agreeth with the Petition n. 19. Save that after the words presentment de bons loy al du visne there is added in the Statute ou tiel face se farce where such act is done which explains out of which visne the presentment is to be But the Print is very false for there it is said that it shall be lawful for every man to Exchange Gold for Silver so as no man can hold the same as exchanged nor take the profit c. Whereas in the Answer to the Petition and Statute Roll it is that it shall be well lawful to any man to exchange Gold for Silver or for Gold or Silver so as no man can hold a common exchange nor nothing take of the people for the same exchange The 13th Chapter of that Statute Anno 15. is taken out of the Answer to the Petition n. 22. and somewhat out of the Petition also The 15 cap. out of the Petition n. 41. and the Answer also The 13th cap. of the Statute of 28 E. 3. was made part out of the Petition and Answer n. 47. and part out of the Petition alone n. 55. and the last part thereof out of the Petition and Answer n. 50. but the Statute hath more concerning Tryals of Merchants n. 55. and for Marriners n. 50. than is in the said two Petitions and Answers Of the 16th Article of the Statute of Westm two touching conditional grants the answer is referred to the Judges to advise thereof till the next Parliament The Statutes thus drawn into divers heads or Articles were shewn to the King upon his approbatio engrossed sometimes with a Praeamble an Observari volumus in the conclusion and at other times without any praeamble at all and by Writs sent into every County to be proclaimed Anno 14. E. 3. n. 7. the King commanded the Statute to be engrossed sealed and firmly kept 15 E. 3. n. 42. The Statutes were read before the King sealed with the Kings great Seal and delivered to the Grands and Knights of the Shire c. The Statute de Tallagio non concedendo c. made in 25 E. 1. is no where enrolled but is mentioned in the antient Collection of Statutes it was sealed and sworn unto by the Bishops and great Lords The second Chap. That Judgments contrary to the said Charters shall be void is out of the latter part of the fourth Article The Third Chap. That the said Charter shall be read twice in every year is out of part of the sixth Article The Fourth Chap. That Excommunication shall be pronounced against the Infringers of the said Charters is out of the rest of the said six Articles The fifth sixth and seventh Chap. against Taxes Aids c. out of the first second and third Article with two savings which are not in the said Articles The confirmation of Magna Charta Charta de Foresta were confirmed under that Kings great Seal by Letters Patents And the great Charter of Henry the third by Inspeximus Teste Edwardo filio suo The like confirmation also in 28 of his Raign being not enrolled in the Statute Roll. The praeamble of the Articuli Super Chartas is false Printed for in the Record it is our Soveraign Lord the King hath again granted renewed and confirmed the said Charters at the request of his Praelates Earls and Barons assembled in Parliament And hath ordained enacted and established certain Articles against all them that offend contrary to the points of the said Charters Wherein he was enforced by the great Lords and the Peoples murmuring to omit the Salvo jure which he would have inserted But at his return from the Scottish Wars in Anno 33. of his Raign repented him thereof and procured the Pope to absolve him of his Oath for that he was enforced thereunto The Statutes for Ireland were directed to the chief Justice of Ireland to be there proclaimed Anno 21. E. 3. The Statute of the Leap-year or rather as it is in the Record de modo surgendi de malo lecti is enrolled in dorso rotuli Parliamenti where Proclamations were then usually entred and directed to the Chief Justice of the Bench. The Sentence of Curse in Anno 37. H. 3. was no Statute though proclaimed in the presence
House of Commons in Parliament being in his coming to Parliament beaten and wounded by one John Savage the Record declareth that videtur cur quod non est necesse quod Inquiratur per patriam quae dampna praedictus Richardus Chedder qui venit ad Parliamentum in Comitiva c. Et verberatus vulneratus fuit per Johannem Savage sustinuit occasione verberationis set magis cadit in discretionem Justic Ideo per discretionem cur consideratum est quod dictus Richardus recuperet dampna sua ad centum marc similiter centum marc And though he was a Servant to a Member of the House of Commons in Parliament was committed to the Marshal quousque sinem faciat cum Domino Rege per minatoriis datis Juratoribus appunctuat ad inquirend And if there had been any Priviledge due to the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament besides and other than that which their Speakers do at their admittance by our Kings and Princes claim in their behalf being no more than freedom of Access to their Persons and from arrest of their Persons and moenial Servants ever since or in the 22 year of the Raign of King Edward the first for in the 49th year of the Raign of King Henry the third when that King was a Prisoner to Simon Montfort and his Partner Rebels those few that were sent as Members of that not to be called a Parliament claimed not any Priviledges from the beginning of our verily long lasting Monarchy until that their distempered and unhappy framed Writ for the Election of Knights Citizens and Burgesses to come to Parliament in 49 H. 3. nor can it be made appear that any of the Commons were before ever Elected to come as Members of Parliament the Writs ex gratia Regis allowed for the Levying of their Wages being no Priviledge given by the King but rather the Gift and Wages of the Counties and Places that Elected them And the Priviledges of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal besides those of the Earls and higher Degrees of the Nobility whose Patents and Charters about the Raign of King Richard the 2d gave them their Priviledges of having vocem locum sedem in Parliamento concilio generali Regis and before had their Titles of Earls by a Charter of the third penny or part of the Fines and Amerciaments of the County of Oxford as the Creation of Alberick de vere Earl of Oxford by King Henry the 2d hath demonstrated and some Authentick Historians have told us that King John made two Earls per Investituram cincturae gladii who waited upon him immediately after as he sate at dinner gladiis cincti and by reason of the Grandeur and Honour of their Estates and Priviledge to advise their King needed no protection from Arrests and their Ladies and Dowagers do enjoy the like Priviedges and when they should in extraordinary affairs be summoned to Parliament to be advised withal by our Kings whereunto when they were travelling through any of his Forrests they might kill a Deer so as they or any of them gave some of the Keepers notice thereof by blowing of an Horn and leaving a piece thereof hanging upon a Tree A Baron may speak twice to a Bill in Parliament in one day when a Member of the House of Commons can but once they neither need or choose any Speaker for the Chancellor or the Keeper of the Kings great Seal of England is the only Speaker of that House where the King doth not do it himself or commissionates some other to officiate in the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keepers place or time of sickness Every Baron or other Lord of Parliament in any Action where the Defendant pleadeth he is no Baron it shall not be tryed at the Common Law or by Jury nor by Witnesses but by Record their Bodies shall not be arrested and neither Capias or Exigent shall be awarded against them and their bodies are not subject to torture in causa laesae Majestatis Are not to be sworn in Assises Juries or Inquests if any Servant of the King in Checque Roll compass the Death of a Baron or any of the Kings Privy Councel it is Felony in any Action against a Baron in the Court of Common Pleas or any of the Courts of Justice two Knights are to be impannelled of the Jury he shall have a day of grace shall not be tryed in cases of Treason or Felony or misprision of Treason but by their Peers and such as are of the Nobility who are not sworn but give their verdict only upon their honour super fidem ligeantiam domino Regi debitam and by an Act of Parliament made by Queen Elizabeth are exempt from the taking of the Oath of Supremacy which the Members of the House of Commons are ordained to take before their admittance the Writs of Summons to a Parliament are directed only to themselves who are not Elected as the Members of the House of Commons who are but as the Attorneys and Procurators for those that sent them ad faciendum consentiendum to do and obey what the Lords shall ordain who sub fide ligeancia Domino Regi debita do represent only for themselves and the cause saith Sir Edward Coke of the Kings giving the Nobility so many great Priviledges is because all Honour and Nobility is derived from the King who is the true fountain of Honour and Honours the Nobility also two was as 1. Ad consulendum and anciently gives them Robes 2dly A Sword Ad defendendum Regem Regnum and the Oath of Allegiance is and ought to be imprinted in the heart of every Subject scil Ego verus fidelis ero veritatem praestabo Domino Regi de vita membro de terreno honore vivendum moriendum contra omnes gentes c. Et si cognoscam aut audiam de aliquo damno aut malo quod domino Regi evenire poterit revelabo c. And their Wives and Dowagers enjoy the same Priviledges in the time of Parliament and without and their Sons and Daughters a praecedency which those of the House of Commons have not the Lords can in case of Absence by the Kings License make their proxy but the Members of the House of Commons cannot the Lords at any conference with the Members of the House of Commons do sit covered but the Commons do all the while stand uncovered the Lords have a certain number of Chaplains in time of Parliament and with a Priviledge of enjoying more than one Benefice but the Members of the House of Commons none the Lords in the case of breach of Priviledge by arresting any of their Moenial Servants in the time of Parliament do by their own order punish the offenders which the House of Commons should not without the assistance of the King by his Writ out of his Court of Chancery the Lords and some others
Ancient Form of Government who ought better to assert them and that the Coronation-Oaths of all our many Kings and Princes swearing to maintain the Laws of King Edward the Confessor which have for those many Ages past so highly satisfied and contented the Common People and good Subjects of England do enjoin no other than our Kings and Princes strict observation of the Feudal Laws and their Subjects Obedience unto him and them by their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and his and their Protection of them in the performance thereof and from no other Laws or Customs than the Feudal Laws have our Parliaments themselves derived their original as Eginard Secretary unto Charles the Great or Charlemain who Raigned in the year after our blessed Saviours Incarnation 768. consisting of Lords Spiritual and Temporal if not long before had their more fixt beginning How then can so grave and learned a Professor of our Laws and after an eminent Administrator of the Laws and Justice of the Kingdom so either declare to the World that he hath not at all been acquainted with our Feudal Laws but gained a great Estate out of a small in a Government and Laws he knew no Original thereof and make many things to be grievances of the People which are but the Kings Just Rights and Authority and the Peoples Duty and their grievances in doing or suffering their Duties to be done as if disobedience which in our Nation hath too often hapned were a Franchise of the Land and a Right to be Petitioned for by the People But howsoever Mr. Will. Pryn being better awake could be so kind a Friend unto the truth as to give us notice that the Abridger of the Parl. Records left out much of what he should have mentioned viz. The Prelates Dukes Earls Barons Commons Citizens Burgesses Merchants of England in the Parliament Petitioned the King not only for a Pardon in general and of Fines and Amerciaments before the Justices of Peace not yet Levyed in special but they likewise subjoin a memorable request saith Mr. Pryn omitted by the Abridger that in time to come the said Prelates Earles Barons Commons Citizens and Burgesses of the Realm of England may not henceforth be charged molested nor grieved to make any Common Aid or sustein any charge unless it be by Common Assent of the Prelates Dukes Lords and Barons and other People of the Commons of the Realm of England as a Benevolence or Aid given to their King in his want of Money wh 〈…〉 h King Henry the 3d. sometimes had when he went from Aboey to Abbey declaring his Necessities and King Richard the Third that Murthered his Brothers Sons to Usurp the Crown flattered the People they should no more be troubled with when it was never 〈…〉 ked before the Raign of King Henry 3d or 〈◊〉 by any of our Kings or Princes until the urgent Necessities of our blessed Martyr for the preservation of his People caused him once to do it Or such as the imprisoning of some few wealthy Men as obstinately refused to lend him 〈…〉 e and small Sums of Money because they would force him to call such a Reforming and Ruining Parliament as that which not long before hapned in Anno 1641. Or such as their heavily complained of Charges levied upon the People by the Lord Lieutenants or Deputy Lieutenants in some seldom Musters or Military Affairs which a small acquaintance with our Feudal Laws might have persuaded the Gentlemen of the misnamed Petition of Right to have been lawful or that some imprisoned were not delivered upon Writs of Habeas Corpus when there were other just Causes to detain them at least for some small time of Advice And if they will adventure to be tryed by Magna Charta will be no great gainers by it for Magna Charta well examined notwithstanding the dissolution of the Tenures in Capite is yet God be thanked holden in Capite and loudly proclaims our Feudal Laws to be both the King and the Peoples Rights and disdains to furnish any contrivances against their Kings who were the only free givers and granters thereof And the Statute of 28 E 3. And all or the most of our Acts of Parliament do and may ever declare the usefulness of our Feudal Laws and that Reverend great Judge might have spared the complaints of Free-quartering of Land-Soldiers and Marriners or of punishing Offenders by Martial Law and will hardly find any to commend him or any Lawyer for their proficiency in their amassing together so many needless complaints And that in full Parliament The King then lying sick at Sheene whereof he died and divers of the Lords and Commons in Parliament coming unto him with Petitions to know his pleasure and what he would have done therein nor no Imposition put upon the Woolls Woolfels and Leather having as they might think as great an opportunity and advantage as the three great Barons Bobun Clare and Bigod had when they forced the Statute aforesaid de Tallagio non concedendo upon King Edward the first and would not suffer him to insert his Salvo Jure Regis or any the Annaent Custom of Wooll half a Mark and of three hundred Woolfels half a Mark and of one Last of Skins one Mark of Custom only according to the Statute made in the 14th year of his Raign saving unto the King the Subsidy granted unto him the last Parliament for a certain time and not yet Levied Unto which the King gave answer That as to that that no Charge be laid upon the People without common Assent The King is not at all willing to do it without great necessity and for the defence of the Realm and where he may do it with Reason For otherwise all Monarchies may be made Elective and the Will and great Example and Approbation of God disappointed where the Subjects and People will not be so careful of their own preservation as to help their King when his and their Enemy hath invaded the Kingdom and the People may as often as they please change or depose their Kings when they shall resolve to stand still and not help to aid him as the cursed and bitterly cursed Moroz did and be as wise to their own destruction as the Citizens of London were in the late general Conflagration of their City or a foolish fear of breaking Magna Charta which could never be proved to have been any cause of it they would to save and keep unpulled down or blown up ten houses and save some of their goods leave that raging and merciless Fire to burn twenty thousand houses in their City and Suburbs And it was no bad Answer also that that great and victorious King Edward the third as sick as he was made likewise unto that other part of their Petition that Impositions be not laid upon their Woolls without Assent of the Prelates Dukes Earls Barons and other People of the Commons of his Realm That there was a
Status pro Stallo Monachorum Cannnicorum in Ecclesia Galbertus in vita Caroli Com. Flandr n. 72. Status simul sedes Fratrum dejectae sunt Idem n. 98. Inter columnas quippe solarii specula Status suos ex scriniorum aggoribus cumulis scamnorum prostituerant Stephanus Tornacensis Epist. 12. Assignetis ei statum in Choro sicut habere solet sedem in Capitulo Locum in Refectorio statutum de Installatione Canonicorum Bononiensium in Morinis Assignaturque sibi status in Choro secundum qualitatem capacitatem recepti locus in Capituli For they must have no small influence upon the minds and reason of mankind as well as that which they designed to have upon the Estates of those that would be so credulously foolish as to believe them to be a third Estate to be added unto the former two very ancient Estates in times of Parliament viz. The Lords Spiritual and Temporal and it must be a strong and strange kind of delusion as much or more enchanting than the Magicians or Southsayers of Egypt that could not expound the meaning of Pharaohs dreams or far exceed the Art of the Painter that made Zeuxis Grapes so very semblable or like unto them as the Birds were made Fools and essayed to eat them or how should or would be self created Estates think themselves to be such Estates when if any such could have been or ever had been they must rather have been the Estates or such Estates that sent them but not to be such Estates but only as their Procurators Attorneys or Deputies or what an efficacious strange Art must it be that could when miracles have been long ago ceased make a shadow pass for a Substance those that are at home no such Estates but they that were only sent are no sooner once admitted in Parliament but suddenly and ex se they become parts of that they would call the third Estate when they that sent and helped to make them Members of Parliament know of no such Grandeur or title bestowed upon them how or by whom when they were in Drink or Fudled at the time of the Election or Drinking Cheating day of various and senseless bribing bargaining partialities shamefully exercised in those our late times of Rebellion and Confusion when some that were Electors the Sheriff of the County being not himself to be Elected but commanded to cause the Election fairly to be made of Burgesses for Cities or Towns justly sending Knights of the Shires Citizens or Burgesses to Parliament not having a freehold Estate under forty shillings per Annum is at the same time thrashing in another Mans Barn or at Plow or at some dayly servile labour and neither he or his High-Crown-Hatted-Wife knew of any such honour fallen upon them or how such an hic or ubique Estateship vested in him or how he that is represented should be less in degree or honour than he that sent and helped him to be Elected and it will be difficulty enough for the third Estate Asserters to assail them from Perjury and Treason in their endeavouring to usurp upon their Soveraign and to be coordinate with him or to free them from the forfeiture of their Lands and Estates unto their Mesne Lords And it is very probable that King Henry the third in the 52 year of his Raign and his Parliament did not intend to make the Common sort of People or smaller part of the Nation to be equal with the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and Religious Men and Women who were by that Statute exempt from coming to the Sheriffs turn or being ranked with them as Estates the Sheriffs turns being as Sr. Edward Coke saith ordinarily composed of the Bayliffs of Lords of Manors Servants and other Common sort of people that Court having no Jurisdiction to try any Action other than under forty Shillings value And there could not certainly be a greater parcel of wickedness credulity and ignorance hardly to be decerned or distinguished how they or any of their Adherents can harbour or give any entertainment to the least Embrio or parcel of opinion that all or any of the Members in the House of Commons in Parliament are a third Estate when they themselves did so little believe it as in their frequent Petitions in Parliament unto their Kings they could give themselves no greater a Title than your Pauvrez Communs your Leiges and being asked their advice in Parliament touching some especial matters denied to give it themselves but referred it unto the Councel of his Lords Spiritual and Temporal at another time refused because they had no Skill or knowledge in the affairs of Peace or War the principal parts of government and in the 13th year of the Raign of King Edward the third upon that Kings demand of an unusual Tax upon the Common people as they thought prayed leave to go into their several Counties to consult those that sent and returned again with an Assent and Answer And when King Henry the fourth appeared to be offended with them came sorrowfully before him and humbly begged his pardon could not as it appears in several of our Parliament Records when the protection of themselves their Posterities and Estates were deeply concerned give their Kings and Princes any Aids or Subsidies without the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal that in the Raign of King Henry the fourth could not protect Sir Thomas Hexey one of their Members from an Accusation and Punishment by the King that in the Raign of King Henry the sixth could not support their own Clerk and in the Raigns of several of our Kings have been enforced to pray Aid of them by their Writs out of their Chancery to protect themselves and Moenial Servants in time of Parliaments That Queen Mary caused 39. of their Members to be indicted in the Court of Kings Bench for being absent from Parliament wherein none of them though Plowden a very learned Lawyer was one durst adventure to plead or insist upon any their pretended Soveraignty of Parliament or that they were a third Estate or part thereof That Queen Elizabeth one of the greatest and most vertuous of Princess that ever weilded a Scepter and sate in our English Throne could upon no greater an offence of Bromley and Welsh two of the Knights of the Shire for the County of Worcester then endeavouring to Petition the House of the Lords to joyn with them to supplicate her Majesty to declare her Successor did forbid them to go to the Parliament but keep their Chambers and shortly after committed them Prisoners in the Tower of London and did not long after sitting the Parliament Arraign and try in her Court of Kings-Bench for High Treason Doctor Parry a Member of Parliament and caused him to be drawn hanged and quartered and may read that in 16 R. 2. in an Act of Parliament made against Provisions at Rome under a Penalty of
words following in a Parenthesis viz. but never intended to have any share in the government And they that heretofore did take it for an especial honour to wear many of the Peers and Nobilities Liveries and glad to be reteyners to them were so modest as to be unwilling to assume the Title of an Estate in Parliament when in Parliament conferences passing of Bills Messages or other occasions the House of Peers sate covered that third Estate if it could be so called stood and are to stand uncovered And Mr. Pryn one of their greatest Champions that did more than he should to magnify their Customs and Priviledges was at length constrained to acknowledge that in all the Parliaments of King Edward the third Richard the second Henry the fourth fifth and sixth Edward the fourth and Richard the third the Commons in Parliament never claimed nor exercised an such Titles or Jurisdictions as of late years have been usurped by them or given unto who never until they ran mad with Rebellion who never presumed or pretended to make Print or Publish any Act Ordinance or order whatsoever relating to the People or their own Members without the King and Lords Assent and Concurrence never attempted to impose any Tax Tallage Charge Excise or Duty upon the people without the King and Lords consent never adventured to appoint any Committee or subcommittee to hear and determine any particular business or complaint without the report thereof to the whole House of Commons without the privity or Assent of the House by way of transmission or impeachment to their superior Authority and Judicature of the House of Peers never attached fined imprisoned or censured any person by their own authority without the Lords as they have hundreds of late years done And that very famous Ancient and Great Republick of Venice Crowning their Doge with an Imaginary Crown for Venice and two other real and very Crowns the one for Cyprus and the other for Candy both Kingdoms revera in their actual possession yet as the lesser in the greater bound up and captivated under a strange diversity of Forms and Cantons hath not the Priviledge to read a Letter without the Privity or overlooking of the grand Consiglio or Venetian Nobility hath besides their many great Varieties and Fragments of Magistracy Offices and Parts of Governments cut into as many Parcels as they can to give every one as much Relish and hopes as their largely extended dominions can afford are not without at the first 150 since augmented into the number of 3000 of those which they stile Nobility and makes a principal part of the first quality or concern in their government as our Bishops and Lords Temporal the former being Barons as much as the latter for their lives although not as the latter in Fee or Fee-Tail and amongst the many particles or pieces of their mangled government can allow their Doge to be the Superior and more than Co-ordinate with all or any of the Avogardoit di Communite the Pregadi that are to guide their chief affairs of Estate and consist of 120 Noblemen some whereof have their rights of the Lottery or Balloting Box their greatest Councel consists of the Doge Consiglieri the Consiglio di dioci the third Consigliera de bassa the three Lords of the Raggioni Vecchio the three Lords of the Raggioni Nuevo the Cattaveri or the Inquisitors of truth the two Censori the three Provisori delli dieci Savii or special wisemen and that which should be the wonder the Colledge of the Savii are to have no Vote in the Pregadi and they of the Pregadi can take no resolution except there be in it four Consiglieri or at least 60 of the Nobility be of the Quorum or that they do ordinarily give order to their Embassadors in all parts of the World whither they have been sent to Register and give an accompt to their State or Senate or whatever they can be called of the the several forms of government in other Nations and Kingdoms and yet omitting the Feudal the best of all governments happily experimented in the most of their Neighbour Nations and Kingdoms so pertinatiously as they do and have such an hotch potch or Gallimaufry of mixtures as we say in England as if they were again to be dislocated or taken in pieces that great republick planted betwixt the two great Empires of the West and East would in all probability be on a sudden in as great misery distress and confusion or greater than it was when they fled from the Ravage and Fury of the Huns and Vandals into the Arms and Bosom of the Gulf of the Adriatique Sea and Mr. Selden hath informed us that in England in the Saxons time and long after the middle Thanes and the Valuasers were not honorary as the greater Thegnes or Barons were And it may be worthy our observation that although Mr. Pryn in his careful recapitulation before mentioned of the Lords Spiritual the Bishops and the Earls and Barons the Lords Temporal excluding the Commons until after th 49th year of the Raign of King Henry 3. doth altogether negatively conclude that there were no Commons then present yet when he comes to rectify as he calleth it the mistakes of the abridger doth in Anno 5. E. 3. relate that the Estates in full Parliament do agree that they shall not retain sustain or avow any Felons or Breakers of Houses which the King having commanded before is truly and properly to be understood of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal And in another place of the said record mentioneth that the whole Estate prayed the King to be gracious unto Edward the Son of Roger Mortimer Earl of March which could not inforce the King to be one of the Estates or that there were any other or more Estates than the Lords Spiritual and Temporal Anno 6. E. 3. were Proclaimed the Articles agreed in the last Parliament and 1 2 3. in another Parliament intended to be at York it is said that most of the Estates were absent Sir Jeffry le Scroop by the Kings Command shewed the cause of summoning the Parliament but for that most of the Estates were absent which might consist only of Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the King ordained new Writs of Summons to be issued In a reassembly at York in the same year Articles of the last Parliament were proclaimed by the Steward and Marshal of the King and the Commons not then said Estates had license to depart and the Lords commanded to attend until the next day at which time the Parliament was dissolved In Anno 8. E. 3. It was petitioned that no pardons be granted unto outlawed persons by any Suggestions or means but only by Parliament To which the King answered the Statutes made shall be observed That all men may have their Writs out of the Chancry paying nothing but the fees for the Seals without any fine
though an English-man born had been bred in France and an adhaerent to that King Being thus elected and consecrated by the Pope at Viterbium in Italy the election of the Bishop of Norwich whom the King had procured to be elected being made void and those Monks and the rest of the Agents sent home with the Popes Letters exhorting the King benignly to receive Stephen Langton and charging the Monks remaining at Canterbury by virtue of holy Obedience to obey the Archbishop in all Temporal and Spiritual matters With which the King being greatly displeased seized upon all which the Monks had who with their Prior hasted away to Flanders And writing a sharp Letter to the Pope concerning the wrong done unto him in making void the election of Gray Bishop of Norwich and advancing Stephen Langton a man unknown to him and which was more to his prejudice without his consent gave him to understand that he would stand for the liberties of his Crown to the death constantly affirming that he could not revoke the election of the Bishop of Norwich and that if he were not righted therein he would stop up his passages of his Subjects to Rome and if necessity required had in his Kingdom of England and other his Dominions Archbishops Bishops and other Prelates of so sufficient Learning as they needed not to beg Justice and Judgment of Strangers Unto which as angry a Letter being returned and two Monks who were staid at Dover having been sent from Rome to demand his assent for the election of Stephen Langton admonished him to endeavour to give him and the Church their Right and not to cast himself into those difficulties from whence he could not easily release himself since He in the end must overcome to whom all knees bow in Heaven Earth and Hell whose Vicegerency here below he exercised Neither was it safe for him to repugn God and the Church for which the glorious Martyr and Bishop Thomas Becket shed his Bloud especially since his Father and Brother late Kings of England have in the hands of the Legates of the Apostolick See abjured which the Records and Memorials of England do with great clearness contradict that as he pleased to call it Impious Custom And when he was informed how the King had proceeded against the Church of Canterbury sent his Mandates to the Bishops of Ely London and Worcester to exhort him to reform himself and if they found him contumacious to interdict the whole Kingdom and if that would not correct him would lay a severe hand on him Which they being ready to obey with tears beseeching him that he would call home the Archbishop and the Monks of Canterbury and avoid the scandal of interdiction The King in a great Passion against the Pope and Cardinal interrupting their Speech Swore that if they or any other should dare to put the Kingdom under Interdiction he would presently send all the Clergy of England to the Pope and confiscate their Goods and that if any of Rome should be found within any part of his Land he would cause their Eyes to be put out their Noses cut over fierce punishments long before usually and indifferently inflicted upon offending Criminals Laicks and Clergy by our Saxon and Norman Ancestors much before and sometimes since the time of our William the Conquerour and so sent home that by those marks they might be known of other Nations charging the Bishops moreover presently to avoid his presence as they would avoid their own danger Of which the Pope being certified by those Bishops the whole Kingdom was shortly after interdicted all Ecclesiastical Sacraments and Offices except Confession Extream Unction and Baptism of Children seized and Dead were put into the Earth without Priest or Prayer the King by his Sheriffs and Ministers commanded all Prelates and their Servants to depart the Kingdom confiscated all the Revenues of the Bishopricks Abbyes and Priories many of the Prelates getting into the Monasteries as places priviledged And not forgetting the Indignities Hardships Necessities and ill usages which had been undutifully put upon him by some of his Barons with the Domineering of the Pope his Legates and Clergy whilst like a Tennis-Ball he had been betwixt them tost from one hand Wall and Racket to another with the great oppressions which had been laid upon him by the Clergy of one part and some of his unruly Barons on the other the discords of the former more encouraging the latter by the Popes Excommunication and Interdicting his Kingdom did the better to prevent the revolt of his Subjects which might follow upon his breach with the Church send with a Military power to all the great men of the Kingdom to give Pledges for the assurance of their Fidelity wherein some of them gave satisfaction by sending their Sons Nephews or nearest of Kin amongst whom William de Brause a great Baron being sent unto his Lady too sharply giving an answer before her Husband could do it That the King should have none of her Son to keep that was so ill a keeper of his own Brothers Son Arthur but her Lord reprehending her for it returned his answer That he was ready if he had offended to satisfy the King without any Pledge according to the judgment of his Court and that of his Peers The King displeased with the Londoners removed his Exchequer to Northampton marched with an Army to make War against the King of Scotland and that business appeased in his return back caused all the Inclosures in his Forests to be laid open The Pope seeing that he would not yield proceeded to an Excommunication of his Person which did put him into a desperate rage against the Clergy who durst not execute the Popes Mandate for many days after which Excommunication of the King was accompanied with that of the Emperour Otho his Nephew and all the Estates of Germany and the Roman Empire were absolved from their Obedience and Fidelity But the King having gained great Treasure from the Iews made a Voyage into Ireland where receiving the Homage of many and reducing much of that Country to his obedience ordained the same to be governed by the Laws and Customs of England the contests whereof were not then fully settled making the Coin and Money thereof to be there Currant and leaving John Grey Bishop of Norwich to be Justiciar and there after three Months stay returned into Wales which had Rebelled reduced them to Obedience taking 28 of the Children of their best Families for Pledges Whence returning in the 13th year of his Reign he required and had of every Knight that attended not his Army in that Expedition two Marks and at Northampton received the Popes Agents Pandulphus and Durandus who were sent to make a Peace betwixt the Kingdom and Priesthood too many of whom in matters against the King were seldom at odds by whose exhortation and the consideration of the State of the Kingdom he consented that the Archbishop
in curia sua per Pares eorum secundum Regni consuetudinem atque Leges mota deberet discordia Barones ipsi sua non expectata responsa should not presume contra Dominum suum arma movere temeritate nefaria seeing the King had taken upon him the Cross for the recovery of the Holy-Land so as it might seem quod conspirationem inhierint detestandam ut eum taliter de Regno possint ejicere violare their homage and fidelity sworn to the King quod quà m crudele sit actu horrendum auditu cum pernitiosi materia sit causa suis temporibus in audita manifestè cognoscit quicunque judicis utitur ratione and therefore as he ought to make peace for the King of England who was his Vassal and specially needed his protection commanded the Bishops and their Suffragans that unless the said Barons and their Adherents should within eight days after the receipt of his Bull or Letters omni cavillatione postposità surcease their doings they should excommunicate them omni appellatione remota interdict their Lands Churches and Estates and every Sunday publish and declare it nè igitur propter quosdam perversos universitatis sinceritas corrumpatur commanded and exhorted them in remissionem peccatorum injungentes quatenus praefato Regi adversus perversores hujusmodi they should give all fitting aid and favour scientes pro certo quòd si Rex ipse remissus esset aut tepidus in ea parte nos i. e. Papa Regnum Angliae non pateremur in tantam ignominiam deduci cùm sciamus per Dei gratiam possumus talem insolentiam castigare But the Quarrels going on more and more the King sent his Procurator or Agent to Rome and the discontented Barons theirs who did urge saith John Mauclerc the King 's trusty Agent in a Letter written from thence unto him that the Magnates Angliae scilicet Boreales ut praedicti Nuntii dicunt Papae omnes Barones Angliae instantèr supplicant quòd cùm ipse sit Dominus Angliae he should diligently admonish and if need should be compel him to observe the ancient Liberties grantted by Him and his Ancestors Charters and confirmed by his Oath and did likewise alledge quòd cùm ille à praedictis Baronibus inde requisitus fuisset in Epiphaniâ Domino apud London spreto proprio juramento non tantum libertates suas antiquas consuetas eis concedere contemptuously refused unless they would promise etiam per Chartas suas darent quod nunquam de caetero tales libertates from Him vel Successoribus suis exigerent quòd omnes Barones praeter Dominum Winthon Comitem Cestriae Willielmum Brewere hoc facere renuerent Supplicaverunt autem Domino Papae quòd ipse super his eis provideret cùm satis constet ei quòd ipsi audactèr pro libertate Ecclesiae ad mandatum suum would oppose the King quod he had granted an annum redditum Domino Papae Ecclesiae Romanae and exhibited and done alios honores ei Romanae Ecclesiae non sponte nec ex Devotione imò ex timore coactione who thus perplexed assayed all he could to pacifie Pope Innocent by his Letter written unto him complaining that the Barons of England who were devoted unto him before he had surrendred and subjected his Realm unto him had since for that very reason as they publickly alledged when it mentioned it to have been done Consilio Baronum suorum and many of the principal of them had been witnesses to that dishonourable Grant taken Arms against him as he expressed it in these words cum Comites Barones Angliae nobis devoti essent antequam nos nostram terram Dominio vestro subjicere curassemus extunc in nos specialiter ab hoc sicut publice dicunt violenter insurgent earnestly desired his protection aid and assistance and sent his Agents unto him to confirm his Charters granted to Queen Berengaria Widow of King Richard I. not to deliver or grant any new Charter of the Kingdom of England wherein Samuel Daniel may be understood to have been mistaken for Mr. Pryn in his late Historical Collections of that King's Reign and Matthew Paris do give no such account of it whereupon Nicholas Bishop of Tusculan being sent into England congregavit consilium in urbe Londinensi apud Sanctum Paulum ubi congregatis Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus aliis ad interdicti negotium spectantibus Forty Thousand Marks were agreed to be paid to the Archbishops and Monks of Canterbury and the rest of the exiled Clergy and the Bishops of Winchester and Norwich Sureties for Thirteen Thousand Marks of it remaining unpaid The King being absolved the Interdict which had continued six years three months and fourteen days to the great damage and loss of the Church and Clergy was discharged and taken off The Barons notwithstanding that Clergy-pacification assembled themselves at St. Edmundsbury where they consulted of the late produced Charter of King Henry I. and swore upon the High-Altar That if the King refused to confirm and restore unto them their Liberties they would make war upon him until he had satisfied them therein agreed that after Christmas they would petition him for the same and in the mean time would provide themselves of Horse and Arms to be ready if he should start from his Oath made at his Absolution for the confirmation of those Liberties and compel him to satisfiee their demands After which time they came in a Military manner to the King lying at the New-Temple urgeing their desires with great vehemency who seeing their inclinations and resolution answered he would take consideration thereof until Easter following Howsoever these Lords continued their resolution mustered their Forces at Stamford wherein were said to have been 2000 Knights besides Esquires with those that served on foot and from thence marched towards Oxford From whence the King sending unto them the Archbishop of Canterbury William Marescal Earl of Pembroke to demand of them What were those Laws and Liberties which they required whereof a Schedule being shewed and by the Commissioners delivered to the King he after the reading thereof in great indignation asked Why the Barons likewise did not demand the Kingdom and swore that he never would grant those Liberties whereby to make himself a Servant Upon which answer returned those Barons seizing some of his Castles march'd towards Northampton which they besieged constituted Robert Fitz-Walter their General whom they stiled Marshal of the Army of God and Holy Church took the Castle of Bedford whither the Londoners sent their private Messengers with offers to joyn with them and deliver up the City to be guarded by them unto which they repairing were joyfully received and had it delivered unto them ubi Baronibus favebans divites pauperis obloqui saith Matthew Paris metuebant from whence daily encreasing in
Non-age when he had no power of Himself or his Seal and therefore of no validity caused a Proclamation to be made that both the Clergy and Laity that would enjoy their Liberties should renew their Charters and have them confirmed under his new Seal paying for them according to the will of Hubert de Burgh his Chief-Justiciar upon whom was laid the blame of that matter and shortly after the King and his Brother Richard Earl of Cornwal being at discord about the Castle of Barkhamstead which the Earl claimed to belong to his Earldom and the Earl being threatned to be arrested fled to Marlborough where the discontented Lords joyning unto him did cause an Insurrection and required restitution to be made without delay of the Liberties of the Forests cancelled at Oxford otherwise he should be thereunto constrained by the Sword In anno 12o. of his Reign a Parliament was assembled at Northampton where an agreement was made and the Lands of the Earls of Britain and Bologne restored unto them In the 16th year of his Reign although he put out Hubert de Burgh Chief-Justice of England in which Office much of the business of the Lord Treasurer were in those times concentered and severely called him to an account for Debts due to him and his Father Rents and Profits of all his demesne Lands since the death of William Marescal Earl of Pembroke in England Wales Ireland and Poicteau of the Liberties of Forests Warrens County-Courts and other places qualitèr custodiae sint vel alienatae de priis factis pro jure suo relaxando tam in terris quà m in Nobilibus of wasts made sine commodo ipsius Regis tam per guerram quam alio modo of Liberties given unto him Bishopricks and Custodies without Warrant quae pertinent ad Dominum Regem of wrongs and damages done to the Pope's Legates and Clarks contra voluntatem Domini Regis per auctoritatem ipsius Huberti tunc Iusticiarii qui nullum concilium voluit apponere ut illa corrigerentur quod facere tenebatur ratione officii sui de pace Regis qualiter sit custodita as well concerning homines terrae suae Angliae Hyberniae Gasconiae Pictaviae quà m alios extraneos de scutagiis carucagiis donis xeniis sive custodiarum exitibus spectantibus ad Coronam de maritagiis which he had by grant of King John the day that he dyed de aliis maritagis sibi traditis tempore suo de ipsis quae ipse Rex amisit per negligentiam ipsius Huberti And so fiercely prosecuted him as he caused him by force to be dragged from the Altar in the Sanctuary Imprisoned and as Sir Henry Spelman saith did afterwards charge Stephen Segrave with many of the like and displaced him Yet the Lords threatned not to come to his Councel unless he would reform his errors And in the 17th year of his Reign a Parliament was summon'd at Oxford whither they likewise refused to come because they were despised by Strangers whereupon it was decreed that they should be a second or third time summon'd to try if they would come After which those refractory Lords were summoned to come to a Parliament at Westminster whither they denyed also to come unless he would remove the Bishop of Winchester and the Poictovins from his Court otherwise by the Common-Councel of the Kingdom they sent him express word they would expel Him and his evil Councellors out of the Land and deal for the creation of a new King whereupon Pledges being required of the Nobility for security of their Allegiance no Act passed in that Parliament though divers Lords came thither as the Earls of Cornwal Lincoln Ferrers and others But in regard that the Earl-Marshal the Lord Gilbert Basset and others were not present Writs were sent to all that held by Knights-Service to repair to the King at Gloucester by a certain day whither the Earl-Marshal and his Associates refusing to come the King without the Judgment of their Peers caused them to be proclaimed Outlaws Anno 19o. of his Reign after two years troubles and misery a Parliament was assembled at Westminster where the King consented to call back the dis-herited Lords upon the Bishops threatning to excommunicate Him and his evil Councellors Anno 20o. Henry III. a Parliament was assembled at London which the King would have there to be holden but the Barons would not come unless it might be another place whereupon a place of more freedom was propounded where many things were proposed and order taken that all Sheriffs should be removed from their Offices upon complaint of corruption and others of more Integrity put in their rooms upon their Oaths not to take any gifts When the King offering to take away the great Seal of England from the Bishop of Chichester he refused to deliver it saying He received it by the Common-Councel of the Kingdom and without their assent he would not resign it A Parliament was held at London anno 21o. Henry III. wherein he required the Thirtieth part of the Movables as well of the Laity as Clergy But it was alledged that the people were unwilling to have it given to Aliens whereupon the King promiseth never more to injure the Nobility so that they would relieve him at the present for that his Treasure was exhausted To which they plainly answer That the same was done without their counsel neither ought they to be partakers of the punishment who were free from the fault Howsoever after four days consultation the King promising to use the counsel of his natural-born Subjects and freely granting the inviolable observation of their Liberties under pain of Excommunication had yielded to him the Thirtieth part of all their Movables reserving their ready Coyn Horse and Armour to be employ'd for the defence of the Commonwealth which was ordained to be collected by four Knights of every Shire who should upon their Oaths receive and deliver the same into some Abbey or Castle there to be reserved that if the King should not perform his promises it might be again restored upon condition often annexed That the King should leave the counsel of Aliens and only make use of his natural Subjects Yet although he caused the Earls Warren and Ferrers and John Fitz-Geffry to be sworn of his Councel that could not reach to a satisfaction of those that were not so willing as they ought to be satisfied when the King also in performance of his promise to the Bishops and Nobles had in that Parliament for the salvation of his Soul and exaltation of the Church being of full age re-confirm'd the great Charter of the Liberties of the Forests attested by twelve Bishops eight Earls and Symon de Montford and William Longspee twenty-six Barons and great Men notwithstanding they were granted during his minority complaints were made of the wast and profusion of his Treasure and great sums of money raised in his time and
Pope sending his Legate with a large power to exact money for himself his Agent was disgracefully returned with an answer That the Kingdom was poor the Church in debt and it was of a dangerous consequence to the State to be exposed to the will of the Pope and therefore seeing a General Councel was shortly to be held at Lyons if the Church would be relieved it were fit to be done by a general consent of that Councel And the Emperour Frederick at the same time by his Letters to the King which were openly read desiring as he had often before That the Pope might have no supplies ou of England for that therewith he did oppress him by seizing upon his Castles and Cities appertaining to the Empire notwithstanding his often submissions desire of Peace and offers to refer the cause to the arbitration of the Kings of England and France and the Baronage of both Kingdoms and entreating that he might not receive a detriment whence as a Brother and Friend he expected a favour added that if the King would be advised by him he would by power free the Kingdom from that unjust Tribute which Pope Innocent III. and other Popes had laid upon it Which pleasing the Assembly the business took up so much time as the design of a share in the Government something like if not worse then a Co-ordination meeting with no concessions or effect they only granted an Aid to the King for the Marriage of his Daughter 20 s. of every Knights Fee not without much ado and repetition of all his former Aids although at the same or much about that time they could not be ignorant that he had by his Writ commanded Hugh Gifford and William le Brun that upon Friday next after the Epiphany they should cause to be fed in the Hall at Windsor ad bonum focum omnes pueros pauperes egenos quos invenire poterint ita quod aula impleatur si tot inveniantur The Charters were again ratified which confirmation is printed in the perclose or latter-end of those in the 9th year of that persecuted Prince after a proposal of Conservators and election of Judges and Lord Chancellors rejected which was urged and much insisted upon After which and his return from an expedition with great charges into Scotland a Parliament was summoned where he moved for an Aid against an Insurrection in Wales and for money to supply his wants and pay his Debts which were so great as he could not stir out of his Chamber for the clamour of those to whom he ow'd money for Wine Wax and other necessaries of House-keeping which wrought so little as to his face they denied to grant him any thing and enquiry being made what Revenues the Romans and Italians had in England they found them to have been annually 60000 Marks which being notified to the General Councel at Lyons the Pope was so vexed therewith as he was said to have uttered these words The King begins to Frederize it is fit that we make an end with the Emperour that we might crush these pety Kings for the Dragon once destroyed these lesser Snakes will soon be trodden down In the 32d year of his Reign a Parliament being convoked he was upon requiring another aid sharply reproved for his breach of promises and it was alledged that his Judges were sent in Circuit under pretence of Justice to fleece the people that his needless expences amounted to above 800000 l. and advising him to recal the old Lands of the Crown and pull them from his Favourites enriched with the Treasure of the Kingdom told him of his Oath made at his Coronation Complained that the Chief-Justiciar Chancellor and Treasurer were not made by the Common-Councel of the Kingdom according as there were in the time of his Magnificent Predecessors although they could not at the same time deny him that Right which was justly due unto him that he had by his Writs commanded the said William de Haverhul and Edward of Westminster quod singulis diebus à die natalis domini usque ad diem circumcisionis computatis illis duobus diebus impleri faciant magnam aulam Regis de pauperibus and in the same year by his Writ commanded William de Haverhul his Treasurer and Edward Fidz-Odo to feed upon the day of Edward the Confessor pauperes in magna aula Westmonasterium sicut fieri consueverunt ipsis Monachis Pittanciam eodem die sicut consueverunt faciant The King promised redress but nothing was effected so that after sundry meetings and much debate the Parliament was prorogued until Midsummer following and at the next Session he tells them that they were not to impose a servile condition upon him or deny him that which every one of them might do to use whom they pleased as Counsel Every Master of a Family might place or displace what Servants he pleased Servants were not to judge their Masters nor Subjects their Prince or hold them to their conditions and that he that should so encline to their pleasures should not be their King but as their Servant And being constrained to furnish his wants with the sale of his Plate and Jewels his Crown of Gold and Edward the Confessor's Shrine and with great loss received money for them enquired who had bought them whereunto answer being made that the City of London had bought them That City said he is an inexhaustible Gulf if Octavius ' s Treasure were to be sold they would surely buy it Howsoever being besides constrained to borrow 20000 l. of the City of London he wrote to every Noble-man and Prelate apart to borrow money but got little the Abbot of Ramsay lent him 100 l. but the Abbot of Burgh could not spare him so much although the King told him It was more Alms to give unto him than to a beggar that went from door to door The Lords in the 4th year of his Reign assembled again at London and pressed him with his promises that the Chief-Justiciar Chancellor and Treasurer should be constituted by the general Councel of the Kingdom but by reason of the absence of the Earl of Cornwal nothing was done therein The King demanding aid of his Prelates and Nobility assembled in Parliament they by agreement amongst themselves stoutly denied it which greatly troubling him he shewed them the Note or Roll what moneys some few Abbots had lent unto him with an Ecce how little it was with which not being able to remove their fixed resolutions he with some anger expostulating told them Ero nè perjurus juravi sacramento intransgressibili transfretans jura mea in brachio extento à Rege Francorum reposcam quod sine capioso thesauro qui à vestra liberalitate procedere debet nequaquam valeo and that not prevailing called aliquos sibi familiares affatus eos dit quid perniciosius exemplum aliis praebetis vos qui Comites Barones Milites strenui estis
praefatae sententiae ligentur omnes venientes contrà libertates contentas in ehartis communium libertatum Angliae de foresta omnes qui libertates Ecclesiae Angicanae temporibus Domini Regis Praedecessorum suorum Regum Angliae optentas usitatas scienter malitiosè violaverint aut infringere praesumpserint omnes illi qui pacem Domini Regis Regni perturbaverint similiter omnes qui jura libertates Domini Regis Regni diminuere infringere seu immutare praesumpserint quòd omnes venientes contrà praemissa vel eorum aliqua ignoranter legitimè moniti infra quindenam post monitionem praemissam dictam transgressionem non emendaverint ex tunc praedictae sententiae excommunicationis subjacebunt ità tamen quod Dominus Rex transgressionem illam per considerationem curiae suae faciat emendari sciendum autem quod si in scriptis super eadem sententia à quibuscunque confectis seu conficiendis aliud vel alitèr appositum vel adjectum fuerit aut articuli aliqui alii in eis contenti inveniantur Dominus Rex praedicti Magnates omnes communicatas populi protestantur publicè in praesentiâ venerabilium patrum B. Dei Gratiâ Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi totius Angliae Primatis nec non Episcoporum omnium in eodem colloquio existentium quòd in ea nunquam consenserunt nec consentiunt sed de plano eis contradicunt praetere à praefatus Dominus Rex in prolatione praefat ' sententiae omnes libertates consuetudines Regni sui autiquas usitates Dignitates jura Coronae suae ore proprio specialiter sibi Regno suo salvavit excepit In cujus rei memoriam in posterum veritatis testimonium tà m Dominus Rex quam praedicti Comites ad instantiam aliorum Magnatum Populi praesenti scripto sigilla sua apposuerunt Gascoign a great Province in France having been before the King had any Son granted by him by the counsel of the Lords to his Brother Richard Earl of Cornwal who was there received as their Lord and so continued until the King had Issue of his own after which revoking his Grant and conferring it upon his Son Edward the Earl though he were deprived of his Possession not being willing to forgo his Right the King in great displeasure commanded him to resign his Charter which he refusing to do the Citizens of Burdeaux were commanded to take and imprison but would not adventure thereon Notwithstanding money being offered and like to effect more than his command the Earl in danger to be surprized came over into England whereupon the King assembled the Nobility of Gascoign promised them 30000 Marks to renounce their homage and fealty to his Brother which being not accepted he sent Symon Montfort Earl of Leicester a rough and martial man in revenge thereof to be their Governour under him for six years and furnished him with 1000 Marks in order thereto whom Montfort by a stern Government so discontented as they and the Archbishop of Burdeaux accused him of heinous Crimes which was a cause of Montford s sending for over And the King resolute in maintaining the Gascoigners that sturdy Earl Montfort who had forgotten that he was an Alien himself and had received of the King large Gifts Preferments and Honours both in France and England unto whom the Earl of Cornwal with the discontented part of the English Baronage joyning complained as much of the Aliens viz. William of Valence Earl of Pembroke Guy de Lusignan the King's half-brothers by his Mother and the many French and Poictovins that over-much governed him and his Counsels as they did again complain of the breach of the Great Charter which was seldom omitted out of the Reer of their grievances which at last came to such an undutiful contest as Montfort upbraiding the King with his expenceful service wherein he alledged he had utterly consumed his Estate and said that he had broken his word with him the King in great rage told him That no promise was to be observed with an unworthy Traytor wherewith Montfort rose up and protested that he lyed in that word and were he not protected by his Royal Dignity he would make him repent it The King commanded his Servants to lay hold of him which the Lords would not permit wherewith Montfort growing more audacious the King told him He never repented of any thing so much as to have permitted him to enter into his Kingdom and to have honoured and instated him as he had done But shortly after the Gascoigns being again encouraged by the King against Montfort and that Province given to his Son Edward and Montfort sent thither a Governour again though with clipt wings grows enflamed as much as the Gascoigns were one against another but Montfort by his great Alliance with France overcame them who in the 38th year of the King's Reign being discharged of the Government retired from thence and refusing an offered entertainment by the French King returned into England where the King besides Gascoigny having given Ireland Wales Bristol Stamford and Grantham to the Prince and consumed all that ever he could get in that and the former expeditions which he had made which was reckoned to have cost him Twenty seven hundred thousand pounds which were said to have been more than the Lands endeavoured to have been regained were worth if they were to be sold. A Parliament was called in Easter-Term following which brought a return of grievances and complaints of the breach of Charters and a demand for former pretended rights in electing the Justiciar Chancellor and Treasurer whereupon after much debate to no purpose the Parliament was prorogued until Michaelmas next after when likewise the King's motion for money was disappointed by reason of the absence of many Peers being not as was alledged summoned according to Magna Charta In the mean time the Pope to destroy Manfred Son to the Emperour Frederick who was in possession of the Kingdom of Sicily and Apulia sent the Bishop of Bononia with a Ring of investiture of the Kindom of Sicily to Edmond the King's second Son with the hopes of which his Praedecessor Innocent IV. had before deluded the King himself And the King being offered to be absolved from his Oath of undertaking the holy Wars so as he would help to destroy Manfred the Emperour Frederick's Son who being Victorious had no mind to be so ill used The Legate returned with great gifts and a Prebendary of York but could not obtain his design of collecting the Tenths in England Scotland and Ireland to the use of the Pope and the King for that the Clergy growing jealous m that the 〈…〉 g and the Pope were confederate therein protested rather to lose their Lives and Livings than to be made a prey to either the Pope in the mean time having upon that vain hope cunningly wrapt him in an obligation of 15000 Marks Upon
complaint of the Gascoigns who were under the Government of the Prince that their Wines were taken away by the King's Officers without due satisfaction and the Prince thereupon addressing himself to his Father in their behalf and the Officers in excuse of themselves informing the King that the Prince took upon him to do Justice therein when it belonged not to him the King was put in a great rage and said Behold my Son and my Brother are bent to afflict me as my Grand-father King Henry II. was And being put to his shifts to supply his necessities came himself into his Exchequer and with his own mouth pronounced and made Orders for the better bringing in of his Revenues Farms and Amerciaments under severe penalties that every Sheriff which appeared not yearly there in the Octaves of St. Michael with his money as well of his Farms and Amerciaments as other dues for the first day should be amerced five Marks for the second ten for the third fifteen and for the fourth should be redeemed at the King's pleasure all Cities and Freedoms to be amerced in the same manner and the fourth day making default were to lose their Freedoms the Sheriffs amerced five Marks for not distraining upon every man that having 20 l. Lands per annum came not to be made Knight unless he had before been freed by the King And by examinations of measures of Ale and Wine Bushels and Weights got some small sums of money and about the time of Richard Earl of Cornwal's going to Germany where he was by the privity and approbation of the Councel of State in England elected King of the Romans called a Parliament where bringing his Son Edmond clad in an Apuleian-habit he said Behold my Son Edmond whom God hath called to the dignity of Regal Excellency how fitting and worthy is he of your favour and how inhumane were it in so important a necessity to deny him counsel and aid and shewed them how by the advice and benignity of the Pope and the Church of England he had for the obtaining of the Kingdom of Sicily bound himself under the penalty or covenant of losing the Kingdom of England in the sum of 150000 Marks and had obtained the Tenth of the Clergy of all their Benefices for three years according to the new rates without deduction of expences besides their first-fruits for three years whereupon after many excuses of poverty they promised upon the usual condition of confirmation of Magna Charta to give him 32000 Marks But that not satisfying The next year another Parliament was holden at London where he pressing them again for money to pay his debts the Lords told him plainly They would not yield to give him any thing and if he unadvisedly bought the Kingdom of â—icilly and was deceived in it he was to blame himself therein And repeating their old grievances the breach of his promise contempt of the power of the Church and the Charter which he had solemnly sworn to observe with the insolency of Strangers especially of William de Valence who most reproachfully had given the lye to the Earl of Leicester for which he could not upon complaint to the King have right done him how they abounded in Riches and himself so poor as he could not repress an Insurrection of the Welsh The King thereupon promised by his Oath taken upon the Tomb of St. Edward to reform all his errours But the Lords in regard the business was difficult got the Parliament to be adjourned to Oxford and in the mean time the Earls of Gloucester Hereford the Earl Marshal Bigod Spencer and other great men confederated and provided by strength to effect their desires The King driven into necessities did the better to appease those often-complain'd-of grievances when his own were burthen enough by his Writs or Commissions sent into every County of England appoint quatuor milites qui considerarent quot quantis gravaminibus simpliciores à fortioribus opprimuntur inquirent diligenter de singulis querelis injuriis à quocunque factis vel à quibuscunque illatis à multis retroactis temporibus omnia requisita sub sigillis suis se cùm Baronagio ad tempus sibi per breve praefixum certificent which by any Record or History do not appear saith Sir Henry Spelman to have been ever certified And to obtain money procured the Abbot of Westminster to get his Convent to joyn with him as his surety in a Bond for 300 marks sent Simon Paslieu his trusty Councellor with Letters to other Monasteries to do the like but they refused And the Prince participating in the wants of his Father was for want of money constrained to mortgage the Towns of Stanford Benham and other Lands to William de Valence So that upon the aforesaid adjournment and meeting of the Parliament at Oxford in the 42d year of his Reign brake out those great discontents which had been so long in gathering whither the Lords brought with them great numbers of their Tenants by Knights-Service which were many followers dependants and adhaerents upon a pretence of aiding the King and going against the Welsh where after they had secured the Ports to prevent Foreign aids and the Gates of the City of London with their oaths and hands given to each other not to desist until they had obtain their ends began to expostulate their former Liberties and require the performance according to the Oaths and Orders formerly made the Chief-Iusticiar Chancellor and Treasurer to be ordained by publick choice the twenty four Conservators of the Kingdom to be confirmed twelve by the election of the Lords and twelve by the King with whatsoever else might be advantageous for their own security Whereupon the King seeing their strength and in what manner they required those things did swear again solemnly to the confirmation of them and caused the Prince to take the same Oath Of which Treasonable Contrivances Matthew of Westminster an ancient English Historian of good credit hath recorded his opinion in these words Haec de provisionibus imò de proditionibus Oxon dicta sufficiant And here yet they would not rest the King's Brethren the Poictovins and all other strangers were to be presently removed the Kingdom cleared of them and all the Peers of the Land sworn to see it done The Earl of Cornwal's eldest Son refusing to take the Oath without leave of his Father was plainly told That if his Father would not consent with the Baronage in that Case he should not hold a Furrow of Land in England In the end the King's Brethren and their followers were despoiled of all their fortunes and banished by order under his own hand with a charge not to pass with any Money Arms or Ornaments other than such as the Earls of Hereford and Surrey should allow and appoint with an injunction to the City of Bristol or any other Ports not to permit any strangers or Kinsmen of
his to come into England but such only as the King and the Lords should like The Poictovins landing at Boloign had much-a-do to gain passage into their own Countreys by reason that Henry de Montfort Son to the Earl of Leicester whose power was very great in France had followed them thither Rumours were spread amongst the people in England that the Earl of Gloucester was attempted to have been poyson'd and one of his Servants executed upon no other proof but presumption and every one that would complain of the Poictovins wanted no encouragement Richard Gray whom the Lords had made Captain of the Castle of Dover intercepted as much as he could of what the Poictovins carried over and enriched himself thereby The new Chief-Justice Hugh Bigod Brother to the Earl Marshal being chosen in the last Parliament by publick voice procured an order that four Knights in every Shire should enquire of the poor oppressed by great men and certifie the same to the Baronage under their hands and seals which were never found to have been certified And made an Order that no man should give any thing besides Provisions for Justice or to hinder the same and that both the corrupter and corrupted should be grievously punished Notwithstanding which pretended care the Lords enforceing the service of the King's Tenants which dwelt near unto them were as totidem Tyranni furnished the especial Fortresses of the Kingdom with Garrisons of their own sworn to the common State and took the like assurance of all Sheriffs Bailiffs Coroners and other publick Ministers with strict Commissions upon Oath to examine their behaviour And to make the King and his actions the more odious and their own more popular it was rumoured that the King's necessities must be repaired out of the Estates of his people and he must not want whilst they had it Whereupon the King to defend himself from such scandals was constrained to publish his Declaration to desire the people to give no credit to such false suggestions for that he was ready to defend all Rights and Customs due unto them Howsoever Montfort Gloucester and Spencer who had by the late constitution of the twenty-four Conservators drawn the entire managing of the Kingdom into their hands enforced the King to call a Parliament at London where the authority of the twenty-four Conservators was placed in themselves and order taken that three at the least should attend at the Court to dispose of the custody of Castles and other business of the Kingdom of the Chancellor Chief-Justiciar Treasurer and all other Officers great and small and bound the King to release to them their legal Obedience whensoever he infringed his Charter In the mean time the Earl of Cornwal King of the Romans being dispossest of that Kingdom or not well liking it returning into England the Barons send to know the cause of his coming and require of him an Oath before he should land not to prejudice their late established Orders of the Kingdom which he sternly refused saying He had no Peer in England being the Son and Brother of a King and was above their power and if they would have reformed the Kingdom they ought first to have sent for him and not so presumptuously have attempted a business of so high a nature The Lords upon return of such an answer sent to guard the Ports came strongly to the Coast prepared to encounter him and the King Queen and their Son Edmond in a more loving manner go to Dover to receive him but neither they nor the Earl of Cornwal were by them permitted to enter into the Castle for that it was the chief Fortress of the Kingdom But finding the Earl of Cornwal's Train small they suffered him to land and did upon his promise to take the propounded Oath bring him and the King into the Chapter-house at Canterbury where the Earl of Gloucester standing forth in the midst in the presence of the King called forth the Earl not by the name of King but Earl of Cornwal who in reverend manner coming forth took his Oath That he would be faithful and diligent with the Barons to reform the Kingdom by the counsel of wicked persons over-much disordered and to be an effectual Coadjutor to expel Rebels and disturbers of the same under pain of losing all the Lands which he held in England After which both parties strengthening themselves all they could the King for the assurance of the King of France ex praecepto consilio Domini Regis Angliae totius Baronagii sent the Earls of Gloucester Leicester Peter de Subaudia John Mansel and Robert Walerand to the Parliament of Paris de arduis negotiis Regna Angliae Franciae contingentibus carrying with them a resignation of the Dutchy of Normandy and the Earldoms of Anjou Poicteau Turaine and Mayne for which the King of France was to give him three hundred thousand pounds with a grant of all Guyen beyond the River of Garonna all the River of Xantoigne to the River of Charente and the Counties of Limosin and Quercy to him and his Successors dong his Homage and Fealty to the Crown of France as a Duke of Aquitain and a Peer of that Kingdom After whose return Montfort as he had incensed others so had he those that animated him against the King as Walter Bishop of Worcester and Robert Bishop of Lincoln who enjoyned him upon the remission of his sins to prosecute the cause unto death affirming that the peace of the Church of England would never be established but by the Sword But the people being oppressed and tired at length with those commotions part-takings and discords which by the provisions wrested from the King at Oxford and so many mischiefs and inconveniencies had harassed and almost ruined them and did help to increase rather than decrease those troubles and controversies which afflicted the Nation it having never been easie to bring those that were to be governed to rule with any modesty or moderation those that had enjoyed a governing power in authority established and appointed by God in a well-temper'd Monarchy and succession for many Ages or those that were to govern to obey the giddy and unjust dictates of those who were to obey them or to unite in any contenting harmony the various ambitions envies revenges hatreds partialities self-interests and designs of many or a multitude or such enforcements and contrivances to be lasting durable or pleasing and that all could not well rule or agree how to do it The King and Queen keeping their Christmas in the Tower of London cum suis consiliariis saith Matthew Paris elaboratum fuit tam à Regni Angliae pontificibus quam à Regni Franciae ut pax reformaretur inter Regem Angliae Barones ventumque est ad illud ut Rex Proceres se submiserunt ordinationi Regis Franciae in praemissis provisionibus Oxoniae nec non pro depraedationibus damnis utrobique
restored to them Besides they declared to the Legat That they had irreverently ejected out of the Kingdom the Bishops of Winchester London and Chester whereby the Councell of the Kingdom was in great part weakned willed that they might be restored to their Lands without Redemption that the Provisions of Oxford might be observed and that they might have Hostages delivered unto them into the Island to hold the same peaceably for five years to come until they might perceive how the King would perform his Promises But this Stubbornness so exasperated the King as the next year following with a mighty Army he did so beset the Isle as he shut them up and Prince Edward with Bridges made on boats entred the same in diverse places and constrained them to yeild And in the 52d year of his Raign devastavit saith Matthew Paris per totum Regnum de Comitatu in Comitatum qui stabilem contravenientibus intentarent ut videlicet si quid Possessiones alienas sive Ovium vel Boum vel aliquid usurparet injustè subiret Sententiam capitalem In the mean time the Earl of Gloucester with his Army marched to London where by the Citizens he was received But the Legat residing in the Tower so prevailed with him as he rendred himself to the King and was shortly after reconciled by the Mediation of the King of the Romans and the Lord Philip Basset upon the forfeiture of 12000 Marks if he should ever raise any Commotion Which being effected the King went with an Army into Wales against Lewellin their Prince for ayding Simon Montfort and the Earl of Gloucester against him but his Wrath being for 32000 l. Sterling appeased a Peace was concluded betwixt them and four Cantreds which had been taken from him by right of Warr restored Whereby those bloody long and ruining Controversies betwixt that unfortunate Prince King Henry the Third and a great ill disposed part of his Subjects led and managed by some of his overgrown Nobility and haereditary great Officers of his Crown and Estate which had in and from his Infant age to Fifty-Seven vexed and disquieted him and his Government were drawing towards an end And whilst â—e laboured to repress those Disorders which the Warrs had produced issued out his Writs to all the Sheriffs and Justices Itinerants to leavy 400â— with all speed out of the extract Rolls of Fines and Americaments to be paid into the Exchequer for the expences of William de Beverlaco Prince Edwards Chaplain sent to Rome about his Affairs And in the same year beholding with tears the Ruines of the burnt and deformed Church of Norwich after the Bishops Excommunication of all that had consented unto it And Trivet the Judg punishing the Offenders he fined the City in 3000 Marks of Silver towards the repairing of that Church and a Cup of Gold of the value of one hundred pounds In the 54 th year of his Raign Parliamentum tenuit apud Marleburgh in quo de Assensu Comitum Baronum no mention at all being made of the Commonalty as well high as low in the Record but is justly to be charged as a fault or mistake upon Mr. Pulton's Translation of our Statutes into English edita sunt statuta The Legat Ottobon signed with the Croysado both the King's Sons Edward and Edmond the Earl of Gloucester and divers other Noble men undertaking a War for the Recovery of the Holy Land Prince Edward in that long and Perillous Journey carrying with him his beloved Consort Elianor then young with Child and Mortgaging Gascony to the King of France for 30000 Marks who was also personally engaged in the same Expedition and left his aged Father the King broken with the cares and toyles of War and Imprisonment who after his Son Prince Edward's departure being in the Fifty-fifth year of his Raign having borrowed Moneys of his Brother Richard King of Almaine to help to set forward his Son Edward and falling desperately sick and past all hopes of Recovery assigned unto his said Brother all the Revenues of the Crown except Wardships Marriages Releifes Escheats of the Counties Eyres of the Justices and the Juries which he retained in his own hands to his own use A Nostre soustenance as the words of the Record are de Nostre Reyne e de Nos mesnees e a Nos de Nos dettes aleger And shortly after being doubtful of his Recovery from that sickness whilst Prince Edward his Son and Heir to the Crown was engaged in that so called Holy War Wrote his Letter of Advice unto him speedily to return into England upon his Fatherly Blessing notwithstanding his Vow and Engagement in that affair in such manner as might be most for his Honour in these words viz. Rex Edwardo Primogenito suo karissimo salutem paternam Benedictionem Tenore Literarum vestrarum Nobis super vestro Comitivae Vestrae statu prospero jocundo benedictus Deus transmissarum audito pleniùs intellecto laeti efficiebomur hilares in immensum ettam ante receptionem ipsarum Literarum tanta tam gravi infirmitate detinebamur quòd onmes singult existentes Physici alii de vita Nostra commâ—â—iter desperabant nec tempore quo later praesentium à Nobis recessit de Nostra Convaltscentia spes aliqua habebatur verùm tamen prout Altissimo de statu Nostro placuerit ordinare vos indè per Nostros Nuntios reddemus frequentiùs certiores undè cùm vos in Haereditatem not by Election Regni Nostri tanquam Primogenitus Haeres Noster post Nos succedere debeatis vos post receptionem praesentium ad partes remotiores nullatenùs transferatis antè qùam de statu Nostro certitudinem habueritis pleniorem tùm quia si Papa crearetur mandaret charissimo fratri nostro Regi Alem illustri Avunculo vestro cui custodia Regni praedicti de concilio vestro commissa fuit oporteat ipsum pro statu sui Regni Alem ' ad Curiam Romanam modis omnibus personaliter accedere ità quòd ad depressionem quorundam male volorum infra Regnum Nostrum existentium sicut nostis intendere non posset ut expediret tà m quia si occasione mortis Nostrae quod absit vos oporteat ad propria remeare causa Regiminis Regni praedicti recipiendi cum Rege Franciae qui ad partes Franciae in brevi reversurus est ut dicitur honestè redire poteritis decentèr super quibus omnibus tale concilum habeatis quale vobis honori Vestro ac ipsi Regno paci tranquillitati ejusdem Magis videritis expedire hoc sub obtentu paternae Benedictionis nullatenùs omittatis ut vobis de voluntate Nostra constet in praemissis consulimus bonâ fide quòd ad propria redeatis sine morâ quià vestris Regni praedicti Negotiis ad votum ordinatis dispositis poteritis cum
Domesticis illis vell Senescallis illis Cubiculariis illo Comite Palatii vel reliquis quam pluribus Nostris fidelibus resideremus ibique veniens ille illum interpellavit cum diceret c. Upon which words viz. Una cum Dominis Patribus Nostris Episcopis the Learned Bignonius Commenting saith Hi enim in Iudiciis Regi assidebant ut etiam notavit Tillius qui rectè Curiae seu Parliamenti originem hinc deducit illudque ita durasse usque ad Philippi Vallesy tempora qui amplissimum Parisiensem Senatum à Comitatu Consistorio Principis separatum edicto constituit Hujus quoque Judicii Episcopis Proceribus adstantibus forma refertur Antiquitatum Fuldentium Lib. 1. Anno Dominicae Incarnationis 838. Jnd. 1. 18. K L. Julii facta est Contentio Gozboldi Hrabani Abbatii coram Imperatore Ludovico filiis ejus Ludovico Carolo necnon Principibus ejus in Palatio apud Niomagum oppidum constituto de Captura c. Presentibus Trugone Archiepiscopo Otgario Archiepiscopo Radolto Episcopo c. Adalberto Comite Helphrico Comite Albrico Comite Popone Comite Gobavuino Comite Palatii Ruadharto similiter Comite Palatii Innumerabilibus Vassallis Dominicis So did the Referendarii Masters of Requests or Chancery the Senescallus Palatii the Cubicularii And Bignonius moreover declareth Domestica dignitas fuit non Contemnenda sub prima secunda Regum nostrorum familia nam inter praecipuos Regni Ministros Domesticisaepe enumerantur in praefatione Leg ' Burgundion ' Sciant itaque Optimates Comites Consiliarii domestici Majores domus nostrae cum munera in Judicio accipere prohibeantur eos quoque Judicasse dici potest sic Leg ' Ribuar ' tit Go. Ut optimates Majores domus domestici Comites Grafiones Cancellarii vel quibuslibet gradibus sublimati in provincia Ribuaria in Judicio residentes munera ad Iudicium per vertendum non recipiant Hos etiam Regi Judicanti adsedisse probat Marculfus ipse lib. 4. dum inter Ministros officiales qui Regi adsiderent domesticos recenset Neither were the Writs of Summons to the Peers and Lords Spiritual and Temporal in that fatal 49th Year of the Raign of that unfortunate Prince King Henry the Third though many Ages before Accustomed to be Summoned to their Soveraign's great Councells framed upon any better Foundation than Force and Partiality when a Rebellious part of the Baronage of England had by the Success of their Rebellion made him and the Prince his Son his Brother Richard Earl of Cornewall King of the Romans and his Son with many of the Loyal Baronage and other his faithful Subjects Prisoners on purpose to create an Oligarchy in Symon de Montfort Earl of Leicester Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and some few others of their triumphant and seduced Party and fix in themselves a Conservatorship and domineering Power over the rest of the Peers and Nobility and their fellow Subjects especially the Commons left in a full assurance of Slavery and hopeless of any thing more than to be Assistant to the everlasting Ambition and variable Designs of others SECT XIV That those enforced Writs of Summons to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal accompanied with that then newly devised Engine or Writ to elect Knights Citizens and Burgesses to be present in Parliament were not in the usual and accustomed Form for the Summoning the Lords Spirituall and Temporal to the Parliament FOR the eminently Learned Selden hath informed Us That the most ancient Writ of Summons that he hath seen was no Elder than the 6th Year of the Raign of King John directed to the Bishop of Salisbury Commanding him to come and Summon all the Abbots and Convential Priors in his Diocess to do the like viz. Mandamus vobis rogantes quatenus omni occasione dilatione post positâ sicut Nos honorem Nostrum diligitis sitis ad nos apud London die Dominicâ proximé ante Ascensionem Domini Nobiscum tractaturi de magnis arduis negotiis nostris communi Regni utilitate Quin super his quae a Rege Franciae per Nuntios Nostros suos Nobis mandata sunt unde per Dei gratiam bonum sperare vestrum expedit habere concilium aliorum Magnatum terrae nostrae quos ad diem illum locum fecimus convocari vos etiam ex parte Nostrâ vestrâ Abbates Priores conventuales totius Diocesis citari faciatis ut concilio praedicto interfint sicut diligunt Nos communem Regni utilitatem T. c. The Roll that hath this Writ hath no Note of Consimile to the rest of the Barons as is usual in other close Rolls of Summons to Parliament but it appears in the Body of it that the rest were Summoned and that there was a Parliament in the same year And another close Roll in the Raign of the same King and in the same year hath a Writ in these words viz. Rex Henrico Mandavimus tibi quod in fide quam Nobis debes sicut Nos Corpus honorem nostrum diligis omni occasione dilatione postpositis sis ad Nos apud Northampton die dominica prox ' ante Pentecosten parat ' cum equis armis aliis necessariis ad Movendum nobis cum Corpore nostro standum nobiscum ad Minus per duos quadrag ' ità quod infrà terminum illum à Nobis non recedas ut te in perpetuum in grates Scire debeam T. R. c. And out of a close Roll of the 26th Year of King Henry the Third cites a Writ of Summons in these words Henricus c. Reverendo in Christo Patri Waltero Eboracensi Archiepiscopo Mandamus vobis quatenùs ficut Nos honorem nostrum pariter vestrum diligitis in fide quâ Nobis tenemini omnibus aliis negotiis omissis sitis ad Nos apud London à die sancti Hillarii in quindecim dies ad tractandum Nobiscum unà cum caeteris Magnatibus nostris quos similiter fecimus convocari de arduis negotiis nostris statum nostrum Totius Regni nostri specialiter tangentibus hoc nullatenus omittatis T. Meipso apud Windlesorum 14. die Decembris Subscribed with Eodem modo Scribitur omnibus Episcopis Abbatibus Comitibus Baronibus And that the First that he found accompanied with the other circumstances of a Summons to Parliament as well for the Commons as the Lords is in the 49 h. Year of the Reign of King Henry the Third in the Form before-mentioned which by the Dates of the Writs were by Sir William Dugdale first of all Discovered or taken notice of to be during the said King's Imprisonment by which he calls both the Earls and Barons to Westminster no such words as the Commons being called appearing either in the Exemplar or Transcription of the former
any Patern or to have any resemblance with the Writs of Summons framed by Simon Montfort and his rebell-party in the time of the Imprisonment of King Henry the 3d in the 49th year of his Reign having no other then these words viz. Rex vit Oxon precipimus tibi quod omnes milites ballivae tuae qui Summoniti fuerunt esse apud Oxon ad nos a die omnium Sanctorum in quindecim dies venire facias cum armis suis corpora vero Baronum sine armis similiter Et quatuor discretos milites de Comitatu tuo illuc venire facias ad nos ad eundem Terminum ad loquendum nobiscum de negotiis regni nostri meipso Westmonaesterium 7. die Novembris and not the 15th as Mr. Selden hath mis-recited the dates thereof Et eodem modo Scribitur omnibus vice Comitibus Which writs he saith seemeth to be a Summons to Parliament at Oxford by the Strangest Writ of Summons and without example that he had been and was ever-willing to prove the distinction betwixt the Barones Majores Minores to have its originall or foundation about that Time Whereunto pace tanti viri I may not subscribe for that it is more likely to be but a military Summons much of that roll being busied in Writs of Summons of Array to the Ports and others against a feared approaching invasion of the French to whom the Pope had given the Kingdom of England and so many Tenants in Capite would have made too great a number to appear in a Parliament or Great Councell and have been much fitter for a Muster and to come with Arms was not Parliamentary and there was nothing like a distinction in that Writ or Summons betwixt the Majores and Minores Barones for they held in Capite also as all the other did and the quatuor milites out of every County might all or some of them hold in Capite and if it had been to a Parliament the Barons would have had particular Writs of Summons directed unto them and the Praelates also who were usually Summoned at the same time and as other of the Baronage would have taken it ill to be driven to their Duties by Sheriffs Authorized by Writs of Venire facias and Samuel Daniell much disagreeing with Mathew Paris therein gives the reason of those Writs and that intended great assembly to have been only the great care of King John to gather all the Force and Strength he could to march with him to Dover to resist the French and to that end having before Summoned all Earls Barons Knights and who else could bear Arms to be ready at Dover presently upon Easter furnished with Horse Armour and all Military Provision to defend him themselves and the Kingdom against the intended invasion under the penalty of Culverage which was perpetuall Shame and Servitude Whereupon so great numbers came as for want of Sustenance being returned home he retained only some of the more able sort which amounted to the number of 60000. and some of the writs or Commissions of Array sent to the Ports had a clause therein unusquisque sequatur Dominum suum Et qui terram non habent arma habere possint as Mathew Paris hath it illuc veniant ad capiendum solidatas Regis and the words Corpora vero Baronum sine armis in the writts of resummons of the more speciall part of the men formerly summoned having nothing of the penalty of Culverage might be well understood to be that the Barons who were not to be arrayed by Sheriffs amongst Common Soldiers were in such a case of extremity to be desired to be there sine armis to encourage and lead on those that held of them And they with the quatuor milites discretos were besides ad loquendum cum Rege which being to be without Burgesses and not ad faciendum consentiendum to those things which the King and his Councell of Praelates and Barons should ordain can arrive to no nearer a resemblance of the forced writts of the Elections of some of the Commons to come to a Parliament in the 49th year of the Reign of King Henry the 3d then 4 Knights of every shire without Burgesses do unto 2. with as many Burgesses out of every City and Burrough some Citys having a County appertaining unto it but are not many and sending four whereof 2 were to be for the Connty and 2 for the City and as little resembling in the business or matters for which they were to come as ad loquendum de negotiis regni cum Rege doth with ad faciendum consentiendum to such things as the King and his Councell of Barons Lords Spirituall and Temporall should in Parliament advise and ordain In the first year of the Reign of King Henry the 3. when no Acts of Parliament are found to have been then made that King directed his writ to the Sheriffs of Devonshire and unto all his Sheriffs of the Counties and Shires of England quod venire faciat usque Oxon A die Iovis prox post nativitatem sancti Johannis in tres Septimanas Archiepiscopes Episcopes Abbates Priores Barones Com omnes milites libere tenentes omnes alios qui servitium nobis debent equis Armis cum fideli nostro Will. Marist aliis Magnatibus de Consilio nostro quae eis praeteperimus hoc sicut honorem suum sui Indempnitatem diligunt nullatenus omittant teste Com. apud Glouc. And in a writ directed to the Sheriff of Berks Commanded him quod venire fac usque Oxon. die Dominica prox post festum sancti Petri ad vincula totum servitium quod Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates viri religiosi Com. Baron Omnes alii de Balliva tua quaecunque fuerint nobis debent venire fac illuc ad diem illum similiter omnes illos de Baliva tua qui non sunt homines praeditorum per Catalla eorum alia Jurati sunt promptos paratos ad eundum in servitium nostrum quae eis praecepimus quae c. T. apud Oxon. So as it may with some confidence be asserted that the Commons of England otherwise then comprehended in the authority Votes and Suffrages of the Nobility and Bishops had before the imprisonment of H. 3. as aforesaid no Summons by election or otherwise to come unto the great Councels or Parliaments of our Kings or Princes Wherefore they must be more then a little confident of their art in tentering other mens Judgments and Opinions to affirm with any probability that the Commons or any elected number of them either in the now mode of Election or that which had its first creation in the imprisonment of King Henry the 3. otherwise then as he or the former Kings did sometimes use as they pleased to call some of the more Wise and Able of them for Advice or Information as King John did
therefore those many Testimonies before-recited of Bractons contrary meaning if he may be as certainly he ought to be allowed to be his own Expositor may free and vindicate him from being either a Presbyterian or a Conventicler or Republican and make him to be the better believed for that he wrote that book after the 20th Year of King Henry the 3d. as will appear by his citations therein flagranti Seditione when the times were full of danger and Suspicion there were great thoughts of heart and commotions of mind and the Regall Authority was endeavoured to be depressed Lived after the 21st Year of the Reign of that King when the jealousies of that part of his Nobility which shortly after took Arms entred into an open War Rebellion against him had made him walk in that dreadfull Procession with burning Torches through Westminster-Hall to the Abbey Church or Cathedrall cursing the infringers of Magna Charta and Charta de Forestis and being a Judge Itinerant in the 51d Year of that Kings Reign was believed to have written that Book in the beginning of the Reign of King Edward the First could not be ignorant of what had been done and Transacted in the 42d Year of the Reign of King Henry the 3. in the aforesaid Provisions at a Parliament so called holden at Oxford and in the 49th Year of the Reign of King Henry the 3d during his Imprisonment by an unruly part of the Nobility But if the Earls could have been said to have been tanquam Socii fraena in Power and Authority with the King which they never were that could not Entitle the Barons who in the language of our Laws Records and Histories forreign or domestique were never called Comites or Socii of their Sovereigns But as Earls had surely something else to do and were not as Fraenas use to be Superior to Horses whose much greater strength could not otherwise be subdued by mankind to govern and rule their Sovereign as the greatly abused words of Bracton would have it when their ordinaria potestas in King Aelfreds and those elder times now very near 800. Years agoe was in Comitiis Comitativis praesidere in bellis sui Comitatus militibus imperandi in Curiasine Comitarâ— Regis conciliis publicis suorumque negotiis attendendi mandata Regia subditis suis Communicandi Rex enim ipsi Comiti in Curia sua plerunque residenti mandata detulit ille Vicecomiti his Centurionibus Centuriones decurionibus maxima cum expeditione pertulerunt And neither the Earls or Barons were or claimed to be Consortes Imperii or like the Spartan Ephori Or if the Title of Comites did or could give such a Right or Privilege unto them which may with great Evidence be utterly denied and the contrary as easily Justified the Commons or universality of the People will untill they can be so mad as to think themselves to be Earls Socii or Comites of their Kings and Princes or Barons be little the better for that mischievously overscrewed Text or words of Bracton Or The Earls or Barons being not likely in their honourable Assembly of Peers to claim or have more then a deliberative and consultive Power in matters only concerning the King and his Monarchicall Government but where it was inter Pares or amongst themselves or by his speciall licence when at the first Coronation of King Richard the 1st the Comites Barones serviebant in Domo Regis prout dignitates eorum exigebant Die Coronationis suae Johannes Rex accinxit Willielmum Marescallum gladio Comitatus de Striguil Gaufridum filium Petri gladio Comitatus de Essex qui licet antea vocati essent Comites administrationem suorum Comitatuum habebant tamen non accincti erant gladio Comitatus ipsi illo die servierunt ad mensum Regis accincti gladiis And therein Mr Selden that Monarch of learning and Dictator of Reason is to be so interpreted as it may consist with Reason and Truth when he declared that the Lords in their deliberative or judiciall Power in the Court or House of Peers in Parliament had a Power to give or pass judgement for or against their Sovereign for that in the precedent cited by him of King Edward thr Confessors appeal or accusation of Earl Godwin in the great Councell or Parliament of that King for the death of his Brother Alfred to whom he as well as the King had appealed for Justice as the words of the judgment thereupon given against Earl Godwin and the opinion of the Lords not contradicted there mentioned as Malmesbury Hoveden Huntington Brompton and Florentius do testify was that Comes nec Baro nec aliquis Regi subditus bellum battail or single combat saith the margin a kind of tryall then much in use amongst contending private Persons where other Evidence failed contra Regem in appellatione sua de lege potest vadiare sed in toto ponere in misericordia sua emendas offerre competentes whereupon it was advised that ipsimet filius suus duodecim Comites amici consanguinei sui essent coram Rege humiliter procederent onerati cum tantum auri argenti quantum inter brachia quilibet poterit bajulare illud sibi pro suo transgresso offerendo deprecando ut ipse male volentiam suam rancorem iram Comiti condonet accepto homagio suo fidelitate terras suas sibi integre restituat retradat illi autem omnes sub ista forma thesauro se onerantes ad Regem accedentes seriem modum considerantes locum eorum sibi demonstrabant Quorum considerationi Rex contradicere nolens quicquam judicaverant ratificavit wherein the utmost use that can be made of that Action and precedent to confine the Kings judicative Power in Parliament to that of the Peers and Lords Spirituall and Temporall is that the King upon Earl Godwins answer to the Kings accusing him for the Death of Alfrred his Brother and the Earls eaecusing himself with a Domine mi Rex salva reverentia gratia vestra pace dominatione fratrem vestrum nunquam prodidi nec occidi unde super hoc pono me in consideratione Curiae vestrae was not willing to be a Judge or giue Sentence in an appeal of his own and such a Concernment as the Death of his Brother for which one of the Peers was to be Arraigned and fitter to be tryed as the Lâ—w required by his Peers which by the Ancient Custom like Trialls might be done without any derogation from the Kings higher and supreme Authority and therefore gave a leave or licence to them in that single particular or extraordidinary case to do it And our Kings and Princes to avoid the imputation of Tyranny Oppression or Partiality may be the more willing to indulge the like in all cases and matters of Attainders and forfeitures of
the Common Laws of England some part of the Civil and Canon Laws and a great part of the Records of the Kingdom and much honoured for his love and care of Justice But being a Judge in those Times and seduced by another of that Rank to take such a place upon him upon the pretence of keeping up and supporting the Law and was upon his Majesties Restauration advanced into an higher degree seemed notwithstanding not to have been so much or so well read as he might have been in the Feudall Laws excellent constitution and frame of the Monarchick Government of this Realm when in that House of Commons either in a cool neutrality or over perswaded by by his fears of or desire of living in safety or to preserve the Common Law when against his will and well known Integrity he was in that house of Commons in Parliament heard by another Member that Sat next unto him to say or declare his opinion that the King was trusted by the People wherein he might have better considered that two parts of our Laws most precious and necessary both to and for the King and his People which were the Summoning and calling of Parliaments or Great Councells and the Tryals of his Subjects Guilts or Innocencies per Pares with Reliefs Herriots due to our Kings and Princes and unto Ten thousand Lords of Manors or thereabouts Subordinate unto their Kings in England and Wales with Fines and Amercements Felons and Out-Laws Goods Annum diem vastum cum multis aliis c. were solely and principally derived from the Feudall Laws Which with some of the Usages and Customs of the Nation and our Statutes and Acts of Parliament from Time to Time after made and added thereunto were the Laws which many of our Kings and Princes took an Oath at their Coronations to Protect and Defend as also the leges Consuetudines quas vulgus elegerit who if our Feudal Laws had not been so very ancient as they have been would not want such as would heartily desire and make choice of them to have Lands given to hold of their King in Capite and enjoy to them and their Heirs under his more especiall protection and was in the Reign of our famous Arthur King of Brittain esteemed so great an happiness as Consensu Historicorum eruditorum of that Age and Time Leland hath informed us Utherus Pendraco fuit pater Arthuri cujus Gorlas Corinnae regulus beneficiarius erat a Notion or Title anciently used of such as held their lands in Capite or by Knight Service And therefore howsoever the learned Bracton's Pen might seem to have erred in his expression or words of Fraenare Regis it might as it ought consonantly to the Proper and Genuine Sense Intention and Meaning of all his Arguments through the Context and Tenor of his whole Books being no little one be accepted and taken to be no otherwise then a restraining him as Kings and great and good men have usually been by good advice and Councell of friends or Servants as Naaman the Syrian's Servants did in their Lords returning back in an anger from the Prophet Elisha who came near unto him and perswaded him to wash in Jordan in order to his recovery from his Leprosy when otherwise that harsh word or phrase of fraenare Reges could not without great danger damage or forfeiture be used or any forcible perswasion put upon a free Prince by Authorities coutrary to their Oaths of Allegeance and Supremacy Justly and Truly descending from the Feudall Laws which commandeth all men holding of them in Capite to do otherwise And although some of our Ancient Historians have informed us that in a Parliament holden at Merton in the 20th Year of the Reign of King Henry the 〈◊〉 upon the Bishops endeavouring to have a Law made that according to the Canon Law the Children born before Marriage illicitis amplexibus should by a subsequent Marriage of the Parents be esteemed legitimate the Temporall Lords restiterunt and laying their hands upon their Swords Jurarunt quod noluerunt leges Angliae mitare it was not any plain absolute deniall of the Kings Decisive and Legislative Power but only an Altercation Debate or Dispute betwixt the Spirituall and Temporall Lords in Parliament concerning that matter And neither the Bishops or the house of Commons or any of the Commons represented or not could not so much as attempt to force or bridle their King by Commotions or force of Arms which by the Feudall Laws and the most of our Laws and Customs derived from thence would have been legally adjudged a Rebellion and Fraenare Regis in that undecent expression si quod rei fecerit aut neglexerit quod Dominum contempsisse dicitur aut si Dominus per consequentiam laedatur persona cujus existimationem sartam tectam manere Domini interest for Concilio auxilio Domino adesse debet which was the Cause and ground of right Reason that in the Reign of our King Edward the 2. the Lord Beaumont or de Bello monte was in Parliament Fined for refusing to come to Parliament and give the King his advice or Councell And it is not many Years since that the Emperor of Germany Seised and Imprisoned Prince William of Furstenburgh a feudatory for appearing in Person at a Treaty betwixt the Emperor and the King of France against his Lord the Emperor And our Mesne Lords holding their Lands Jurisdictions Courts Baron and Courts Leet notwithstanding that Act of Parliament for dissolving the Court of Wards and Liveries and the tenures in Capite supporting it did from the 24th Day of February in the Year of our Lord 1645 when in the height of their Wars against their Sovereign they had but Voted the Dissolution of thrt Court and the Tenures in Capite for at that Time there appeared not to have been any Act of Parliament although an Act made in the Time of Oliver Cromwell might be an usher or used as a pattern in the drawing of that by a learned Judge of those Rebellions Times wherein the Reliefs Herriots were found necessary to be reserved unto his now Majesty his Heirs and Sucessors Which may sadly be believed to have been a Decapitation or cutting off the head of the Body-Politick or Government as a Prologue to the Tragicall and Direfull Murder in the cutting off the Head of their most Pious better Deserving King No King or Prince in the World Christian or Heathen black or white that had all their Subjects except their Nobility and the Bishops and such as hold their Lands by the Honorary Services of grand Serjeanty or by the tenures of Copyhold or by Copy of Court-Roll unto which our Littleton giveth no better a name or Title then tenure in Villainage or any service incident thereunto which being originally derived from the tenures in Capite were not many Years ago very nigh a fourth Part of the Kingdom that had so
to provide remedy hath ordained In Ca. 3. where a cui in vita shall be granted and a Wife or he in reversion received the King hath ordained Ca. 6. Where a Tenant Voucheth and the Vouchee denyeth the Warranty the King hath ordained Ca. 9. Entituled in what case the Writ of Mesne is to be pursued it is said in the perclose that for certain causes Remedies are not in certain things provided God willing there shall be at another time Ca. 10. Providing at what time Writs shall be delivered for suits depending before Justices in Eyre the parties may make Generall Attorneys it is said the King hath ordained Ca. 14. Concerning Process to be made in wast our Lord the King from henceforth to remove this error hath ordained Ca. 24. For the granting of Writs of Nuysance quod permittatis in consimili casu where the King ordaineth for which by no ground or colour of reason it is otherwise to be understood that whensoever from thenceforth it should fortune that in Chancery which is no body's Court but the Kings a like Writ is found and in another case falling under the like Law a like remedy is not found the Clerks of the Chancery shall agree in making the Writ or the Plaintiffs may adjourn it untill the next Parliament and let the cases be written in which they cannot agree and let them referr themselves untill the next Parliament by consent of men learned in the Law which could not in those times be understood as of the Members of the House of Commons none of them being then chosen or Summoned to give their consent in Parliament Ca. 25. In the Act of Parliament entituled of what things an Assize shall be certified It is said that forasmuch as there is no Writ in the Chancery whereby Plaintiffs can have so speedy remedy by a Writ of Novell Disseisin our Lord the King willing that Justice may be speedily ministred and that delays in Pleas may be taken away or abridged granteth c. And our Lord the King to whom false exceptions be odious hath ordained c. The like words of the King 's granting and ordaining are to be understood in the Chapters immediately following viz Ca. 26. 27. 28. 29. and 30. In that of 13. E. 1. ca. 30. The two Knights of the Shire are changed by length of time or some other causes into those which are now called Associates and are indeed but the enrolling Clarks which by that Statute are allowed the Justices in their Circuits as they have used to have in times past Were not Knights of the Shire Elected for an House of Commons in 29. E. 1. ca. 5. the King willeth that the Chancellor and Justices of his Bench shall follow his Court so that he may at all Times have some near unto him which be learned in the Laws and be able to order all such matters as shall come unto the Court at all Times when need shall require And the like that the King ordained and willed is to be understood in the chapters or articles 31. 32 33. In that of 32. where it is mentioned and so the Statute is defrauded it is said our Lord the King hath ordained and granted Ca. 39. Concerning the manner of Writs to be delivered to the Sheriffs to be executed it is said that our Lord the King hath provided and ordained c. And the King hath commanded that Sheriffs shall be punished by the Justices for false Retornes once or twice if need be Ca. 41. entituled contra formam collationis which was of great concernment in their lands and estates and also as they then thought in matters of provision for the souls of their parents Ancestors and near relations it is said our Lord the King hath Ordained In ca. 42. appointing the several fees of Marshall Chamberlains in fee Porters of Justices in Eyre c. which was of great Importance to many it is mentioned that our Lord the King hath caused to be enquired by an enquest what the said Officers of fee used to have in times past and hath ordained and commanded that a Marshall in fee c. which was then Roger Bigod Earl of Norfolk a man of great power and authority it is in like manner Ordained Ca. 43. That Hospitalers and Templers which were a part of the People then of great Estates Power and Authority in the Kingdom shall draw no man in suite c. it is said to have been prohibited and the King also prohibiteth Ca. 44. Setling the Fees of Porters bearing Virges before the Justices c. it is said be it provided and ordained and the King chargeth his Justices In the Statute of Winchester made in Anno. 13. E. 1. that fresh suit shall be made after Felons from Town to Town our Lord the King to abate the Power of Felons hath established a pain in that case Ca. 2. Where the County shall answer for the Robbery where the Felon shall not be taken which though it was an excellent Law and ever since put in execution might upon the first impression seem to bear hard upon the People that they not committing the Crimes should be responsable in their Purses and Estates for it the preamble saith likewise our Lord the King hath Established Ca. 3. Respiting that Act until Easter then next nsuing it is mentioned that forasmuch as the King will not that his People should be suddenly impoverished by reason of the penalty which seemeth very hard to many the King granteth that they shall not incurr immediately but it should be respited untill Easter next following within which time he may see how the Country will order themselves whether such felonys do cease After which time let them all be assured that the aforesaid Penalties shall run generally that is to say the People in the Country shall be answerable for Felonies Robberies done amongst them In an Act of Parliament at what time the gates of great Towns shall be shut and Night-Watches begin and end it is said the King commanded For the breadth of High-ways leading from one Market-Town to another it is said and further it is Commanded In the Act of Parliament that every man should have Armour in his house according to his ability it is said and further it is commanded and the Justices assigned shall present in every Parliament unto the King such defaults as they shall find and the King shall provide remedy therein In the Statutes of Merchants made in the same year wherein the form of a Statute Merchant is appointed it is recited that the King and his Councel at his Parliament holden at Acton Burnell in the 11th year of his Reign hath ordained In the Statute of Circumspecte Agatis the King only saith Use your self circumspectly concerning the Bishop of Norwich and his Clergy In the Statute of Quia Emptores terrarum made in the 18th of his Reign it is said our Lord the King in his Parliament at the
if aids and Scutage were assessed by Parliament the military Tenants were to be the only Collectors thereof 35. E. 1. In the Statute Ne rector prosternat arbores in Caemiterio it is said that because we do understand that Controversies do oftentimes grow between Parsons of Churches and their Parishioners concerning Trees growing in the Church-yards both of them pretending that they do belong unto themselves we have thought it good rather to decide the controversy by writing then by Statute and declaring them to be parts of the goods of the Church the King did Prohibit the Parsons of rhe Church that they do not presume unadvisedly to fell them but when the Chancel or the body of the Church wanted necessary reparations in which cases the Parsons of their Charity shall do well to relieve the Parishioners with bestowing upon them the same Trees which he will not command to be done but will commend it when it is done So happy and ready was the obedience better Wisdom of the Subjects of this Kingdom in the ancient and former Ages when an agreement made before the King or his word was adjudged to have the power force of a Fine any one of his Writs or Edicts wanted not the operation and efficacy in many things of an Act of Parliament or Statute and so degenerate and unhappy are our present times as to suffer our interest and wrangling peevish disputes to disobey or lay aside not only the King's mandates and edicts in the ordinary and necessary course of his Government but in extraordinary and his Supream power in Parliament Who was as well furnished with Common as he was with Civil Lawyers which as a militia togata were as strong and impregnable forts and bulwarks to help to guard his Crown and Dignity namely Henry de Bracton John de Breton the sincere and upright John de Metingham Elias de Beckingham together with Accursius Doctor utriusque Juris Civil and Canon Gilbert de Thorneton first his Attorney general afterwards Chief Justice ad placita cor am Rege Gilbert de Rowbery Roger Brabazon and William Howard a Justice of the Court of Common Pleas cum multis in legibus eruditis side dignis as to this day it appeareth in the steddy and unarbitrary pleadings and Records of his glorious Reign In whose Time it was not denied to be Law and Right Reason that that verificatio patriae Contra Chartam Regis non est admittenda And did in the making of his Laws but imitate his great Ancestors For King Ina who Reigned in Anno Domini 712. Conredi patris sui Heddae Ercenwaldi Episcoporum suorum omnium senatorum suorum natu majorum sapientum populi sui in magna servorum Dei frequentia who in his making of his Laws did believe it necessary in his Imprimis to use the word precipimus King Alured who began his Reign in Anno Domini 871. made his Laws with a Proposuimus esto and in those which were published by Johannes Brompâ—on with a Praecipimus King Aethelstan who Reigned in the Year 930. made his Laws prudenti Ulfhelmi Archiepiscopi aliorumque Episcoporum suorum concilio with a Signif 〈…〉 Decrevimus Statuimus omnibus clare significat and saith Brompton Mandat praepositis suis and declared many of his Laws with a Volo diximus Ediximus Placuit nobis King Edmund that began his Reign in Anno 940. made his Laws solemni Paschatis Festo frequentem Londini tam Ecclesiasticorum quam Laicorum coetum celebravit cui inter fuerunt Odo Wolstanus Archipraesul plurimique alii Episcopi with an Ego Edmundus Rex omnibus qui in ditione ac potestate mea sunt clare significo Decrevimus Edwardus Rex saith Brompton made his Laws with a mandit Praecipit omnibus praefectis amicis ut justa judicia judicent injudiciali libro stant quod unum quodque placitum terminum habeat King Edgar who began his Reign in Anno 959. made his Laws frequenti senatu with a Sancivit Porro autem has populo who were not then understood to be Law-makers quas servet proponimus leges publici juris beneficio quisque fruitor and like his Predecessors made them short and imperative and his Canons in Ecclesiastical Affairs with a Docemus King Ethelredus who began his Reign in Anno Domini 979 made his Laws sapientum concilio habito Woodstoci Merciae quae legibus Anglorum gubernatur solely imperatively with an Esto Canutus Anglorum Dacorum Norweglorum beginning his Reign here in England in Anno Domini 1016 made his Ecclesiastical Laws solely and imperatively with an Imperimus sapientum concilio ad natale Domini And his humanae politica sapientum concilio with an Omnibus observari praecipio Edocemus Esto and touching his Dominions of Mercia with an Haec eadem in Mercia pro suis vendicat praeterea praecipimus and an Esto Satisfacto poenas dependito Compensato Castigetur Exterminetur in potestatem detur Plectitor Mulctator mando Invitus cogatur Habetor omnibus singulis in Dei nomine obtestor praecipio Gulielmus Rex Anglorum cum Principibus suis constituit post conquisitionem Angliae quâ—dam decreta with a Volumus firmiter praecipimus Statuimus Decretum est Interdicimus Prohibimus when the English had in the 4th Year of his Reign fletibus precibus by the assistance of his Norman Subjects also obtained of him a confirmation of King Edward the Confessors Laws and to be governed by them it is said to have been concilio Baronum after an enquiry throughout all England and Certificate returned per universae Angliae consulatus Anglos nobiles sapientes suâ— lege eruditos what those Laws and Customs were Et cum Rex quae audisset cum aliis sui regni legibus maxime appretiatus est praecepit ut observaretur per totum regnum And they that will peruse the laborious Collections of my ever honoured friend Mr Edward Falconbergh one of the Deputy Chamberlains of the Exchecquer the truest lover and carefullest preserver of the Records entrusted to his Charge that ever come into that place the very ancient Gervasius Tilburiensis Mr Agard Scipio le Squier many other learned men in the revolution of more then in that Office 600 Years last past not excepted of the proceedings upon the very many Quo Warranto's brought before the Justices Itinerant in their several Circuits throughout all the parts of the Kingdom in the Reign of King Edward the first as well High as Low Lords Spiritual and Temporal Abbots and Priors Great or Small therein sparing not his own Brother Edmond Earl of Kent may have premisses enough to conclude that that Stout and Magnanimous Prince did as our Common English saying is lay about him and had a mind to let his friends the Kings and Princes at the
very great was the power command and influence of the Nobility and dignified Clergy as they could from time to time as the Winds and Tydes do usually agitate and blow upon the unruly waves of the Ocean make them lacquey after their good-will and pleasure and attend their ambitions and advantages which began but to peep out and câ—awl in the later end of the Reign of King E. the 2d when Roger de Mortimer Earl of March was in a Parliament holden in the Reign of King Edward 3. Accused of Treason and accroaching to himself Royal power by procuring certain Knights of the Shires attending in the House of Commons in Parliament to give their consent to an aid to the King for his Wars in Gascoigny and the humours and interests of the Common people were so governed and influenced by the grandeur of the English Nobility and principal Clergy enticing them thereunto more by their own respects and desires to please and humour then by any particular motive or impulse of their own as in an Election of Members for the House of Commons in Parliament in the 13th year of the Reign of King Henry the 4th the Archbishop of York and Sundry Earls Barons and Ladies being said to be Suitors in the County-Court of York were by their Attorneys the sole Electors of the Knights of the Shire of that County namely by William Holgate Attorny for Ralph Earl of Westmorland William de Killington for Lucy Countess of Kent William Hesham for the Lord Peter de Malo lacu William de Barton for William Lord Roos Robert de Evedale for the Baron of Graistock William de Feston for Alexander de Metham Chivaler and Henry de Preston for Henry de Percy Chivaler who was then a Baron Earles and Barons in those times being well contented to make use of that then no disparaging Title Sectatorum communium com no other electors being then named in the Indentures betwixt the Sheriff and the County of York upon that Election and in the 2d Year of King Henry the 5th with little variation except for the persons for whom the Electors were Attorneys as namely in Yorkshire William Mauleverer Attorney for Henry Archbishop of York William Feutores for Ralph Earl of Westmorland William Archer for John Earl Marshal William Rillington for Henry le Scrop Chivaler Domino de Masham William Heshum for Peter de Malo lacu William Postham for Alexander de Metham Chivaler William Housam for Robert Roos Robert Barry for Margaret the Wife of Henry Vavasour Chivaler and Robert Davinson Attorney for Henry Percy sectatorum communium pro com Eborum No other suitors or electors being in that Election and Sheriffs Indenture then mentioned the like upon Writs for Election of Knights issued to the Sheriffs of Yorkshire were found by Indentures hereupon And in Annis 8. and 9. H. 5. And in 1. 2. 3. 5. and 7. Henry 6. the Attorneys only of Nobles Barons Lords Ladies and Knights were made the suitors who made the election of the Knights of Yorkshire and sealed the Indentures untill 25. of King Henry 6. when that undue course and way ceased and the Election and Indentures were made by the Freeholders and being Elected were not at that instant enabled by them or at any time after to act or do any thing otherwise then according to the Intent Tenor and Purport of their said Writs of Elections untill some farther Requisites were to be by them performed and done in order to the Trusts reposed in them by their King and Fellow-Subjects SECT XXII Of the Actions and other Requisites by the Law to be done by those that are or shall be Elected Knights Citizens and Burgesses to attend our King in their great Councells or Parliaments precedent and preparatory to their admission therein FOr the Sheriffs and people of the Counties were at the first so punctuall in the due performance of their Kings aforesaid Writs and Mandates in all and every the clauses and particnlars thereof and so carefull in their Elections of such as were to be trusted by and for them in affairs of so high and more then ordinary concernment as the States well-being and defence of the King the Church the Kingdom Themselves and their Posterities not only for their personal appearance but performance of the trust reposed in them and not to do less or more too short or beyond the bounds of their Commissions or Authority granted by the King as they that were elected were constrained at the same time to give pledges and main-pernors and sometimes four securities but never under two that they should not omitt what was commanded by the Tenor of those Writs insomuch as in the 30th Year of the Reign of King Edward the first John de Chetwood and William de Samtresden being elected Knights of the Shire for the County of Buckingham gave four manucaptors and the like did Robert de Hoo and Roger de Brien elected Knights of the Shire in the same Year for the County of Bedford and in that Year Andrew Trolesks and Hugh de Ferrers Elected Knights of the Shire for the County of Devon were districti per terras catalla quia Pleg invenire noluerunt And in Anno 8. E. 2. a Sheriff of Gloucester Bristow at that time being neither City or County made his return on the dorse of the Writ of Summons that the Custos libertatis villae Bristol respond quod elegi fec Robertum Wildemersh Thomam L'Espicer ad essend ad Parliamentum apud Westminster in Octavis Sancti Hillarii qui manucaptores ad essendi ad diem locum praedictos invenire recusarunt per quod propter eorum vim malitiam resistentiam executione istius mandati ulterius facienda intromittere non potuit And a Writ appeareth in that Year to have been returned for the County of Midd. that William de Brooks and Richard le Rous milites electi fuerunt per communitatem Comitatus praedict essendi coram concilio Domini Regis ad diem locum in brevi content qui potestatem habent ad faciend quod de eodem concilio Secundum brevis tenorem ordinabitur after which followed the names of their Manucaptors or sureties and was a caution in those times believed to be so necessary as in the 15th Year of the Reign of King Edward 2d when Thomas Gamel one of the Citizens of Lincoln being returned with 2 manucaptors a burgess for the Parliament and not vouchsafing to attend the Mayor and Commonalty of Lincoln they elected Alain de Hodolston in his place and desired Sr William Ermyn then Keeper of the Great Seal that he being so elected by them might be received with the other Citizen first elected with Gamel as their Busgess for that Parliament and sent that their Certificate and return under their City-Seal affixed to the Writ of Election that very ancient and necessary usage of giving Manucaptors upon Parliamentary Elections being used in
Burgesses resorting to continuing at and returning diversis vicibus the Parliament was thrice adjourned from one day to another before it sate by reason that sundry Sheriffs had not returned their Writs divers of the Lords and Commons were not come and there arose a great quarrell betwixt the Duke of Lancaster and the Earl of Northumberland who came attended with many Thousand armed men of his Tenants and followers to the Parliament which caused the King to adjourn it from Monday to Tuesday thence to Wednesday and from thence to Saturday untill all were come and the quarrell being pacified betwixt those great Lords from the 8th Nov. to 15 Decemb. by reason of the approach of the feast of Christmas and the Queens arrival from beyond the Seas for her intended marriage from thence to the 24th of January many of them in the mean time returning home thence untill Monday following and from that time untill the 23d of February Before the 1st Writ of Summons could be executed a 2d came to prorogue that Parliament In 7. R. 2. a Parliament being Summoned to meet at new Sarum on the 20th day of Aprill being Fryday it was twice adjourned untill the Wednesday and Thursday following because divers of the Lords were not come and many of the Sheriffs had not returned their Writs 21. R. 2. The Parliament was adjourned from Westminster to Shrewsbury began the Monday next after the Exaltation of the Holy Cross at Westminster and at Shrewsbury the 15th of St Hillary In 1st H. 4. The Writ for the Election of Commons had this clause Nolumus autem quod tu seu aliquis alius Vicecomes Regni nostri seu aliquis alius homo ad legem aliqualiter sit electus whence it was called the Lay-mans Parliament or indoctum Parliamentum By the Statute of 7 and 8. H. 4. a clause was added in the Writ Et electionem tuam in pleno Comitatu tuo factam distincte aperte sub sigillo tuo sigillis eorum qui electioni illi interfuerunt nobis in Cancellaria nostra not into the House of Commons or House of Peers ad diem locum in brevi contentum certisices indilate The Receivers and Tryers of petitions in Parliament which were nominated in the beginning of every Parliament were Prelates Nobles and Judges and sometimes the Lord Chancellour and Treasurer and if need required antiently the Clerks of the Chancery In two Parliaments of King Henry the 6th the Chancellours place was supplied by the Kings verbal Authority In 9. H. 6. The Chancellour to whom it appertained ratione officii sui to declare the cause of the Summons of Parliament being sick the Duke of Gloucester the Kings protector appointed Dr Linwood a Doctor of Civill and Canon Law to declare the cause of the Summons of that Parliament In the Title of the Act of Parliament 18. 23. 27. 31. 33. H. 6. E. 4. And 14. E. 4. It is mentioned to be by the advice and assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporal and the Commons and in 20. H. 6. By the advice of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and at the request of the Commons as it had been in the 25 of H. 6. where Bristoll was exempted by a Charter of King Henry the 6th from sending any more then 2 Homines or Burgesses to Parliaments 7 or 8 Ports Summoned and in like manner admitted by the only Writ to Summon the Cinque Ports 1. H. 7. Acts of Parliament were mentioned to have been made by the assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons 2. H. 7. By the advice of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons In 3 4. H. 7. the like 11. H. 7. By the assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons Anno 12 the like 19 the like In the r. 3. 4. H. 8. Acts of Parliament were said to have been made by the assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons and in 5. 6. 7. 14. 15. 23. H. 8. 1. H. 8. The Abbot of Crowland was licensed to be absent by the Lord Chancellour and Lord Treasurer signifying the Kings pleasure And howsoever that the Kings verbal license was sufficient yet they that had obtained that favour had for the most part a formal license under his hand and if not ready to be produced testimonialls thereof by some Lord or others that could witness it And so continued untill 28 or 31. H. 8. But afterwards neither licenses or testimonialls were required only it satisfied that the proxies or procurations mentioned the Kings license which no man could be presumed to do unless he had had it Anno 1. Henrici 8. Ex mandato Domini Regis Quia Domini Spirituales absentes in convocatione occupati sunt continuavit Parliamentum usque in diem Crastinum the Lord Chancellor being then a Bishop and absent also and although some one or two of the Temporall Lords then sate in the House of Peers it was but to receive Bills Which continued untill 7. H. 8. In which Year the Lord Chancellour did the day before continue the Parliament unto the day after In the same Year 30 November Dominus Cancellarius propterea quod Domini Spirituales in convocatione in crastino die occupandi continuavit praesens Parliamentum usque in diem lunae and many of the Parliament Rolls and Journalls of King Henry the 8th being not to be found And from the 17th H. 8. untill the 25th there does not appear to have been any Journalls although severall Parliaments sate in the 21. 22. 23. 24 Years of his Reign 20. H. 8. No mention was made of the advice or consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporall or Commons The like in 25 and 26. 27. 28. 31. H. 8. 25. H. 8. There is a memorandum in the Journalls of the House of Peers Decretum est quod Domini Spirituales in convocatione diebus Martis Veneris prox sequen ex tunc die Veneris donec secus melius videtur versari possent proceres sequentibus diebus sine impedimento quotidie circa dimiâ—ietat horae octavae ante meridiem in locis consuetis simul convenirent ad tractandum consulendum circa Republicae negotia And after in the same Parliament the Fryday was changed into the Wednesday in every week Eodem Anno In the Reign of H. 8. Wednesday being a Starr-Chamber day and Friday a convocation of the Bishops of the house of Peers was by the Chancellor adjourned to the Saturday following and in Queen Elizabeths days when the Starr-Chamber days were setled to be upon Wednesdays the Parliament did not sit upon those days in the Term time which was constantly observed says Mr Elsing all the time of King James untill the 18th Year of his Reign when upon Tuesday the 24th day of Aprill upon a motion made in the House of Peers that there was a great cause in the middle
deny but be above it And would make the King by some scattered or distorted parts of that Answer mangled and torn from the whole context and purpose of it to give away those undoubted Rights of his Crown for which and the preservation of the Liberties of his People he died a Martyr the Author and his Party endeavouring all they can to translate the Assent of the Commons required in the Levying of Money into that of the power of pardoning and jumbling the Words and Sense of that Royal Answer cements and puts together others of their own to fortifie and make out their unjust purposes omitting every thing that might be understood against them or give any disturbance thereunto And with this resolution the Author proceedeth to do as well as he can and saith that After the enumeration of which and other his Prerogatives his said Majesty adds thus Again as if it related to the matter of pardoning which it doth not at all but only and properly to the Levying of Money wherein that Misinterpreter can afford to leave out his said Majesties Parenthesis which is the Sinews as well of Peace as War that the Prince may not make use of this high and perpetual Power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it and of Publick Necessity which clearly evidenceth that his late Majesty thereby only intended that part of his Answer to relate to the levying of Money for the gain of his private Favourites and Followers to the detriment of his People Whither being come our Man of Art or putter of his Matters together finds some words which will not at all serve is turn inclosed in a Royal Parenthesis of his late Majestâ— viz. An excellent Conserver of Liberty but never intended for any share in Government or the choosing of them that should govern but looked like a deep and dangerous Ditch which might Sowse him over head and ears if not drown him and spoil all his inventions and therefore well bethinks himself retires a little begins at An excellent Conserver of Liberty makes that plural adds c. which is not in the Original fetches his feeze and leaps quite over all the rest of the Parenthesis as being a Noli me tangere dangerous words and of evil consequence and having got over goeth on untill he came to some just and considerable expostulations of his late Majesty and then as if he had been in some Lincolnshire Fens and Marshes is again enforced to leap until he come to Therefore the Power legally placed in both Houses is more than sufficient to prevent and restrain the Power of Tyranny But not liking the subsequent words of his late Majesty viz. And without the Power which is now asked from Us we shall not be able to discharge that Trust which is the end of Monarchy since that would be a total subversion of the Fundamental Laws and that excellent Constitution of this Kingdom which hath made this Nation for many years both famous and happy to a great degree of envy is glad to take his leave with an c. and meddle no more with such Edge-Tools wherewith that Royal Answer was abundantly furnished But looks back and betakes himself to an Argument framed out of some Melancholick or Feverish Fears and Jealousies that until the Commons of England have right done unto them against that Plea of Pardon they may justly apprehend that the whole Justice of the Kingdom in the Case of the five Lords may be obstructed and deseated by Pardons of a like nature As if the pardoning of one must of Necessity amount to many or all in offences of a different nature committed at several times by several persons which is yet to be learned and the Justice of the Nation which hath been safe and flourished for many Ages notwithstanding some necessary Pardons granted by our Princes can be obstructed or defeated in a well constituted Government under our Kings and Laws so it may everlastingly be wondred upon what such jealousies should now be founded or by what Law or Reason to be satisfied if it shall thus be suffered to run wild or mad For Canutus in his Laws ordained that there should be in all Punishments a moderata misericordia and that there should be a misericordia in judicio exhibenda which all our Laws as well those in the Saxon and Danish times as since have ever intended and it was wont to be a parcel of good Divinity that Gods Mercy is over all his Works who not seldom qualifies and abates the Rigour of his Justice When Trissilian Chief Justice and Brambre Major of London were by Judgment of the Parliament of the Eleventh of King Richard the second Hanged and Executed the Duke of Ireland banished some others not so much punished and many of their Complices pardoned the People that did not know how soon they might want Pardons for themselves did not afflict themselves or their Soveraign with Complaints and Murmurings that all were not Hanged and put to the extremities of Punishment nor was Richard Earl of Arundel one of the fierce Appellants in that Matter vexed at the pardoning of others when he in a Revolution and Storm of State was within ten years after glad to make use of a Pardon for himself King James was assured by his Councel that he might pardon Sir Walter Rawleigh the Lord Cobham Sir Griffin Markham with many others then guilty of Treason and the Earl of Somerset and his Lady for the Murder of Sir Thomas Overbury without any commotion in the Brains of the rest of his Subjects some of whom were much disturbed that he after caused Sir Walter Rawleigh to be executed for a second Offence upon the Score of the former not at all pardoned but reprieved or only respited And therefore whilest we cry out and wonder quantum mutantur tempora may seek and never find what ever was or can be any necessary cause or consequence that the five Lords accused of High Treason and a design of killing the King will be sure to have a Pardon if that the Pardon of the Earl of Danby whose design must be understood by all men rather to preserve him shall be allowed Nor doth an Impeachment of the House of Commons virtually or ever can from the first Constitution of it be proved or appear to be the voice of every particular Subject of the Kingdom for if we may believe Mr. William Pryn one of their greatest Champions and the Records of the Nation and Parliaments the Commons in Parliament do not or ever did Represent or are Procurators for the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and their numerous Tenants and ancient Baronies that hold in Capite nor for the many Tenants that should be of the Kings ancient Demesne and Revenues nor for the Clergy the multitude of Copy-holders heretofore as much as the fourth part of the Kingdom neither the great number of Lease-holders Cottagers c. that are not Free-holders
vain Fears such as in constantem virum cadere non possunt should not be permitted to affright our better to be imployed Imaginations unless we had a mind to be as wise as a small and pleasant Courtier of King Henry the Eighths who would never endure to pass in a Boat under London-Bridge lest it should fall upon his Head because it might once happen to do so Our Magna Charta's and all our Laws which ordain no man to be condemned or punished without Tryal by his Peers do allow it where it is by Confession Outlawry c and no Verdict Did never think it fit that Publick Dangers such as Treason should tarry where Justice may as well be done otherwise without any precise Formalities to be used therein For although it may be best done by the advice of the Kings greatest Council the Parliament there is no Law or reasonable Custom of England either by Act of Parliament or without that restrains the King to do it only in the time of Parliament When the Returns Law-Days and Terms appointed and fixt have ever given place to our Kings Commissions of Oyer and Terminer Inquiries c. upon special and emergent occasions And notwithstanding it will be always adviseable that Kings should be assisted by their greatest Council when it may be had yet there is no Law or Act of Parliament extant or any right reason or consideration to bind Him from making use of His ordinary Council in a Case of great and importunate necessity For Cases of Treason Felony and Trespass being excepted out of Parliament first and last granted and indulged Priviledges by our and their Kings and Princes there can be no solid Reason or cogent Argument to perswade any man that the King cannot for the preservation of Himself and His People in the absence or interval of Parliaments punish and try Offenders in Cases of Treason without which there can be no Justice Protection or Government if the Power of the King and Supream Magistrate shall be tyed up by such or the like as may happen Obstructions So that until the Honourable House of Commons can produce some or any Law Agreement Pact Concession Liberty or Priviledge to Sit and Counsel the King whether he will or no as long as any of their Petitions remain unanswered which they never yet could or can those grand Impostors and Figments of the Modus tenendi Parliamenta and the supposed Mirror of Justice being as they ought to be rejected when the Parliament Records will witness that many Petitions have for want of time most of the ancient Parliaments not expending much of it been adjourned to be determined in other Courts as in the Case of Staunton in 14 E. 3. and days have been limited to the Commons for the exhibiting of their Petitions the Petitions of the Corbets depended all the Raigns of King Edward the First and Second until the eleventh year of Edward the Third which was about sixty six years and divers Petitions not dispatched have in the Raign of King Richard the Second been by the King referred to the Chancellor and sometimes with a direction to call to his assistance the Justices and the Kings Serjeants at Law and the Commons themselves have at other times prayed to have their Petitions determined by the Councel of the King or by the Lord Chancellor And there will be reason to believe that in Cases of urgent necessity for publick safety the King is and ought to be at liberty to try and punish great and dangerous Offenders without His Great Council of Parliament The Petitions in Parliament touching the pardoning of Richard Lyons John Peachie Alice Peirce c and a long process of William Montacute Earl of Salisbury were renewed and repeated again in the Parliament of the first of Richard the Second because the Parliament was ended before they could be answered Anno 1. of King Richard the Second John Lord of Gomenez formerly committed to the Tower for delivering up of the Town of Ardes in that Kings time of which he took upon him the safe keeping in the time of King Edward the Third and his excuse being disproved the Lords gave Judgment that he should dye but in regard he was a Gentleman and a Baronet and had otherwise well served should be beheaded but Judgment was howsoever respited until the King should be thereof fully informed and was thereupon returned again to the Tower King Henry the Second did not tarry for the assembling a Parliament to try Henry de Essex his Standard-bearer whom he disherited for throwing it down and aftrighting his Host or disheartning it 16 E. 2 Henry de bello monte a Baron refusing to come to Parliament upon Summons was by the King Lords and Council and the Judges and Barons of the Exchequer then assisting committed for his contempt to Prison Anno 3 E. 3. the Bishop of Winchester was indicted in the Kings-Bench for departing from the Parliament at Salisbury Neither did Henry the Eight forbear the beheading of His great Vicar General Cromwell upon none or a very small evidenced Treason until a Parliament should be Assembled The Duke of Somerset was Indicted of Treason and Felony the scond of December Anno 3. 4. Edwardi 6. sitting the Parliament which began the fourth day of November in the third year of His Raign and ended the first day of February in the fourth was acquitted by his Peers for Treason but found guilty of Felony for which neglecting to demand his Clergy he was put to Death In the Raign of King Philip and Queen Mary thirty nine of the House of Commons in Parliament whereof the famous Lawyer Edmond Plowden was oneâ— were Indicted in the Court of Kings-Bench for being absent without License from the Parliament Queen Elizabeth Charged and Tryed for Treason and Executed Mary Queen of Scots her Feudatory without the Advice of Parliament and did the like with Robert Earl of Essex her special Favourite for in such Cases of publick and general Dangers the shortest delays have not seldom proved to be fatally mischievous And howsoever it was in the Case of Stratford Archbishop of Canterbury in the fifteenth year of the Raign of King Edward the Third declared that the Peers de la terre ne doivent estre arestez ne mesnez en Jugement Si non en Parlement par leur Pairres yet when there is no Parliament though by the Law their Persons may not then also be Arrested at a common persons Suit they may by other ways be brought to Judgment in any other Court And Charges put in by the Commons in the House of Peers against any of the Peers have been dissolved with it For Sir Edward Coke hath declared it to be according to the Law and reasonable Customs of England followed by the modern practice that the giving any Judgment in Parliament doth not make it a Session and that such Bills as passed in either or
unarbitrary in their procedures is so always ready to succour the Complaints of People as it never willingly makes it self to be the cause of it And cannot misrepresent the House of Peers to the King and his People in the Case of Mr. Fitz Harris or any others when that honourable Assembly takes so much care as it doth to repress Arbitrary Power and doth all it can to protect the whole Nation from it and many of the House of Commons Impeachments have been disallowed by the King and his House of Peers in Parliament without any ground or cause of fear of Arbitrary Power which can no where be so mischievously placed as in the giddy multitude whose Impeachments would be worse than the Ostracisme at Athens and so often overturn and tire all the wise men and good men in the Nation as there would be none but such as deserve not to be so stiled to manage the Affairs of the Government subordinate to their King and Soveraign To all which may be added if the former Presidents cited to assert the Kings Power of Pardoning as well after an Impeachment made by the Commons in Parliament as before and after an Impeachment made by the Commons and received by the Lords in Parliament or made both by the Lords and Commons in Parliament be not not sufficient that of Hugh le Despenser Son of Hugh le Despenser the younger a Lord of a great Estate which is thus entred in the Parliament Roll of the fifth year of the Raign of King Edward the Third ought surely to satisfie that the Laws and reasonable Customs of England will warrant it Anno 5 E. 3. Sir Eubule le Strange and eleven other Mainprisers being to bring forth the Body of Hugh the Son of Hugh le Despenser the younger saith the Record A respondre au prochein Parlement de ester au droit affaire ce de liu en conseil soit ordine mesuerent le Corps le dit Hugh devant nostre Seigneur le Roi Countes Barons autres Grantz en mesme le Parlement monstrent les L'res Patents du Roi de Pardon al dit Hugh forisfacturam vite membrorum sectam pacis homicidia roborias Felonias omnes transgressiones c. Dated 20 Martii anno primo Regni sui Et priant a n're Seigneur le Roi quil le vousist delivrer de las Mainprise faire audit Hugh sa grace n're Seigneur le Roi eiant regard a ses dites L'res voilant uttroier a la Priere le dit Mons'r Eble autres Main pernors avant dit auxint de les Prelatz qui prierent molt especialment pur lui si ad comande de sa grace sa delivrance Et voet que ses Menpernors avant ditz chescun d'eux soient dischargez de leur Mainprise auxint le dit Hugh soit quit delivrers de Prisone de garde yssint si ho'me trove cause devors lui autre nest uncore trove quil estoise au droit And the English Translator or Abridger of the Parliament Records hath observed that the old usage was that when any Person being in the Kings displeasure was thereof acquitted by Tryal or Pardon yet notwithstanding he was to put in twelve of his Peers to be his Sureties for his good Behaviour at the Kings pleasure And may be accompanied by the Case of Richard Earl of Arundel in the 22 year of the Raign of King Richard the Second being Appealed by the Lords Appellant and they requiring the King that such Persons Appealed that were under Arrest might come to their Tryal it was commanded to Ralph Lord Nevil Constable of the Tower of London to bring forth the said Richard Earl of Arundel then in his custody whom the said Constable brought into the Parliament at which time the Lords Appellants came also in their proper Persons To the which Earl the Duke of Lancaster who was then hatching the Treason which afterwards in Storms of State and Blood came to effect against the King by the Kings Coommandment and Assent of the Lords declared the whole circumstances after the reading and declaring whereof the Earl of Arundel who in Anno 11 of that Kings Raign had been one of the Appellants together with Henry Earl of Derby Son of the said Duke of Lancaster and afterwards the usurping King Henry the Fourth against Robert de Vere Duke of Ireland and Earl of Oxford and some other Ministers of State under King Richard the Second alledged that he had one Pardon granted in the Eleventh year of the Raign of King Richard the Second and another Pardon granted but six years before that present time And prays that they might be allowed To which the Duke answered that for as much as they were unlawfully made the present Parliament had revoked them And the said Earl therefore was willed to say further for himself at his peril whereupon Sir Walter Clopton Chief Justice by the Kings Commandment declared to the said Earl that if he said no other thing the Law would adjudge him guilty of all the Actions against him The which Earl notwithstanding would say no other thing but required allowance of his Pardons And thereupon the Lords Appellant in their proper Persons desired that Judgment might be given against the said Earl as Convict of the Treason aforesaid Whereupon the Duke of Lancaster by the Assent of the King Bishops and Lords adjudged the said Earl to be Convict of all the Articles aforesaid and thereby a Traytor to the King and Realm and that he should be hanged drawn and quartered and forfeit all his Lands in Fee or Fee-tail as he had the nineteenth day of September in the tenth year of the Kings Raign together with all his Goods and Chattels But for that the said Earl was come of noble Blood and House the King pardoned the hanging drawing and quartering and granted that he should be beheaded which was done accordingly But Anno 1 Hen. 4. the Commons do pray the reversal of that Judgment given against him and restoration of Thomas the Son and Heir of the said Richard Earl of Arundel Unto which the King answered he hath shewed favour to Thomas now Earl and to others as doth appear The Commons do notwithstanding pray that the Records touching the Inheritance of the said Richard Earl of Arundel late imbezelled may be searched for and restored Unto which was answered the King willeth And their noble Predecessors in that Honourable House of Peers the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament long before that videlicet in the fifth year of the Raign of King Edward the Third made no scruple or moat point or question in Law whether the power of pardoning was valid and solely in the King after an Impeachment of the Lords in Parliament when in the Case of Edmond Mortimer the Son of Roger Mortimer Earl of March a Peer of great Nobility and Estate the
without any wiser Body to regulate or take care of their Actions would deem it to be a brave Sport and Liberty to play with the Fire until they had set the whole House on fire and burnt themselves into the bargain and if after he had by his practice and study of the Common Law which was nothing but our Feudal Laws too much forgotten or unknown unto those that would be called our Common Lawyers and gaining 10000 l. per Annum Lands of Inheritance made his boast that he had destroyed the so fixed and established Deeds of Entail and the Wills and Intent of the Donors as nothing of Collusion Figments or other Devices should prejudice and no Gentleman or Lover of Honour Gentry or Families would ever have had an hand in such a destruction Levelling Clowning Citizening and Ungentlemanning all or too many of the Ancient Families of England And if he could have lived to have seen or felt the tossing plundering and washing in Blood three great and flourishing Kingdoms would have wept bitterly and lamented or with Job have cursed the hour or time of his birth that he should ever have given the occasion or been Instrumental in the promoting or being a Contributor unto those very many dire Confusions and Disasters that after happened for if he had well read and weighed the History and Records both before shortly after the gaining of that Act of Parliament de Tallagio non concedendo without the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament Assembled and how much that great and prudent Prince King Edward the first was pressed and pinched when his important affairs caused his sudden transfrecation by the overpowering party of three of his greatest Nobility viz. Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex Constable of England Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford and Bigod Earl of Norfolk Earl Marshal of England all whom and their Ancestors had been advanced to those their Grandeurs by him and his Royal Progenitors had so catched an advantage upon him and were so merciless in their demands as they not only would not allow him a saving of his Jure Regis very usual and necessary in many of our Kings and Princes grants as well in the time of Parliaments as without but enforced an Oath upon him which he took so unkindly as he was constrained shortly after to procure the Pope to absolve him of for that it had been by a force put upon him which a Protestant Pope might have had a Warrant from God Almighty so to have done but did after his return into England so remember their ill usage of him as he seized their three grand Estates and made the two former so well to be contented with the regaining of his favour as Bohun married the one of his Daughters and Clare the other without any portions with an Entail of their Lands upon the Heirs of the Bodies of their Wives the Remainder to the Crown laid so great 〈…〉 Fine and Ransom upon Bigod the Earl Marshal as he being never able to pay it afterwards forfeited and lost all his great Estate and be all of them so well satisfied with his doings therein as they were in the 34th year of his Raign glad to obtain his Pardon with a Remissimus omnem Rancorem And they and Sir Edward Coke might have believed that that very prudent Prince might with great reason and truth have believed his Regality safe enough without a Salvo Jure Regis when the Law and Government it self and the Good and Interest of every Man his Estate and Posterity was and would be always especially concerned in the necessity aid and preservation of the King their common Parent appointed by God to be the Protector of them And our singularly learned Bracton hath not informed us amiss when he concluded that Rex facit Legem in the first place Lex facit Regem in the second giveth him Authority and Power to guard that Regality which God hath given him for the protection of the People committed to his charge who are not to govern their King but to be governed by him and should certainly have the means to effect it for how should he have power to do it or procure his People to have a Commerce or Trade with their Neighbour People or Princes if he as their King had not any or a just Superiority over them c. and must not for all that have and enjoy those Duties Rights and Customs which not only all our Kings Royal Progenitors but their Neighbour Princes and even Bastard and self-making Republiques have quietly and peaceably enjoyed without the Aid and Assistance of any the Suffrage of the giddy Rabble and vulgar sort of the People controuling in their unfixt and instable Opinions those of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the wiser and more concerned part of the People of which and the Rights and Customs due and payable to our Kings and Princes Sir John Davies a learned Lawyer in the Raign of our King James the first hath given us a learned full and judicious Account which well understood might adjudge that Petition of Right to deserve no better an entertainment than the Statute of Gloucester made in 15 E. 3. which by the Opinion of the Judges and Lords Spiritual and Temporal was against the Kings Praerogative and contrary to the Laws and Customs of the Realm of England and ought not to have the force and strength of a Statute and Sir Edward Coke might have remembred that in the Raign of King Edward the Third the Commons of England did in Parliament complain that Franchises had for time past been so largely granted by the King that almost all the Land was enfranchised to the great arreirisment estenisement of the Common Law which they might have called the Feudal Law and to the great oppression of the People and prayed the King to restrain such Grants hereafter unto which was answered The Lords will take order that such Franchises as shall be granted shall be by good Advice And that if by any Statute made in the 25th year of the Raign of King Edward 3. it was ordained that no man should be compelled to make any Loan to the King against his will because such Laws were against Reason and the Franchise of the Land that Statute when it shall be found will clearly also appear to be against our Ancient Monarchick Government Fundamentally grounded upon our Feudal Laws that our Magna Charta Charta de Foresta are only some Indulgence and Qualification of some hardship or Rigour of them that the Excommunication adjudged to be by the Statute of 25 E. 1. ca. 4. And the aforesaid dire Anathema's and Curse pronounced in that Procession through Westminster-Hall to the Abbey Church of Westminster against the Infringers of those our Grand Charters are justly and truly to be charged upon the Violaters and Abusers of our Feudal Laws and
Grammar or Construction of Reason or Sense will ever be able to comprehend the King The 17th day of December the Chancellor in the presence of the King and the 3 Estates which is surely to be understood to consist of other Persons separately and distinct from the King Prorogued the Parliament until the 20th day of January then next ensuing at Westminster and upon the 28th day of April was likewise Prorogued to the 5th day of May next following The Archbishop of Canterbury Chancellor of England in the presence of the King Lords and Commons declaring the cause of Summoning the Parliament said that the Kings pleasure was that all Estates should enjoy their Liberties which could not signifie that the King himself was one of those Estates to whom he granted that favour The 25th day of December the Chancellor in the presence of the King and the 3. Estates by the Kings Commandment giving thanks to the 3. Estates the King being then by the Chancellor or any other Master of Reason or Common Sense not understood to be any one of the 3. Estates to whom the thanks were given dissolved the Parliament An Act of Parliament was made wherein was declared that King Edward the 4th was the undoubted King of England from the 4th day of March last before and that all the Estates yielded themselves obeysant Subjects unto him and his Heirs for ever the late never to be maintained Doctrine of the pretended co-ordination of the House of Commons in Parliament as Subjects with their Soveraign in Parliament and the Government being not than that established or ever to be evidenced otherwise then God hath ordained a co-ordination betwixt the King and his Subjects which is that the People as Subjects should obey their King and the King as their Soveraign Protect Rule and Govern them and affirmed the Raign of King Henry the 4th to be an Intrusion and only Usurpation The Chancellor the King sitting in his Royal State in the presence of the Lords and Commons made an Eloquent Oration wherein he declared the 3. Estates to comprehend the Governance of the Land the preheminence whereof was in the Bishops the second to the Lords Temporal which the learned and men of that Age and other Chancellors understood to be no other than two separate and distinct Estates the one Temporal and the other Spiritual and the King to be Superiour The Bishop of London Chancellor of England in the presence of the King and the 3. Estates the King being none of them but Superior over them all Prorogued the Parliament to the 6th of June ensuing For where the Abridger or Mr. Pryn possessing himself to be the Rectifier or Corrector amongst his other faults and mistakings in his Epitomizings made it to be in the Parliament Rolls of 6 Edwardi 3. that many failing to come to the Parliament upon the Summons of the King did put a charge upon the whole Estate by a reassembly he will find neither words or matter for it All that appears of the Title of Estates in the Parliament and Statute Rolls of that year is no more than the Prelats grants gentz du Commune or les Prelats Counts Barons gentz des Countez gentz de la Commune No whole Estate mentioned in the Parliament Roll all that is said n. 42. is no more than a les requests des grantz come de ceuâ— de la Commune de le Clergie That which is translated the Estate of the King is no more in the Parliament Roll n. 5. than les beseignes nostre seigneur le Roy de son Royame Where the Abridger saith the Parliament was to treat and advise touching the Estate de nostre Seigneur le Roy le Governement le salnette de sa terre d' Angleterre de son people relevation de lour Estate there is no other mention of Estates than the Prelatz grantz Commons de son roiame and charged les Chinalers des Countes and Commons to assemble in the Chamber de Pinct A quel Jour vindrent les Chivalers des Counties autres Commons and gave their advice in a Petition in the form ensuant a tres excellent or tres honorable Seigneur les gentz de vostre Commun soy recommandent a vous obeysantment en merciant se avant come leur petitesse powre suffice de tant tendrement pervez a quer maintenir la pees a la quiete de vostre people c. Et en maintenance des autres Leyes as autres Parliaments devant ces heures grantees vostre poure Commons sil vous plaist sa gree semble a la dite Commune totes autres choses poent suffisantement estre rewelez Terminez en Bank le Roy Commune Bank devant Justices as Assises prendre nisi les delayes nient covenable soient aggregez oustez ore a ce Parliament per estatut En. Ro. Parl. 18. E. 3. Where the King desired the names of the absent Lords that he might punish them there is no mention of the Clergy or Commons or of any Estates and the King afterwards desiring their advice touching his Treaty with France charged the Prelats Countz Barons et Communs to give their advice therein Which they all did without naming themselves or being stiled Estates The Kings Letters of Credence sent out of France to his Parliament in England were directed a toutes Erchevesquis evesques Abbes Priours Counts Barons toutz autres foialx le Roy vendront au dit Parlement troter sar les beseignes le Roy whereupon he demanded an Aid of the said Prelats grantz Communs And the Lords without the Title of Estates having granted it the Chivalers des Counties Citizens Burges des Cities Burghs Prioront de avoir avisement entre eux and in Answer thereunto delivered a Petition unto the King for redress of Grievances not by the name of the Estates but a nostre Seigneur le Roy a son conseil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gentz de la Communes de sa terre ausi bien des 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Counties Where it was supposed that a Pardon was granted and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Sir John Matrevers of all his Lands by the whole Estates there appeareth no more in the 〈…〉 ment Roâ—â— than that he Petitioned A nostre Seigneur le Roy a son bon conscil wherein he recited that Restitution had been granted de poiar royal nostre Seigneur le Roy par bor accord 〈◊〉 Common assent des Prelatz Co 〈…〉 es Barons de son Roialme par plusieurs causes appearing in the 〈…〉 ings Charter of Pardon and prayed quil p 〈…〉 st a nostre dit Seigneur le Roy a son bon conscil par la boâ—dance de sa Noble Seignorie granter la restitution scisdite pâ—usse estre ore renovelle en cest Parlement quelle Petition lue fut respondue
the horrible Murder and Cruel death of my Lord and Father my Brother Rutland and my Cosen of Salisbury and others And I thank you right heartily and I shall be unto you by the grace of Almighty God as Good and Gracious a Soveraign Lord as ever was any my noble progenitors to their Subjects and Leigement and for the faithful and loving hearts and also the great labour that you have born and sustained towards me in the recovering of my Right and Title which I now possess I thank God with all my heart and if I had any better to reward you withal than my Body you should have it the which shall alwaies be ready for your defence neither sparing nor letting for no Jeopardy praying you also of your hearty assistance and continuance as I shall be unto you very righteous and loving Leige Lord. And the bloody Wars betwixt the two great contending Families of York and Lancaster those Factions tired on both sides and the Attainders and Confiscations on both sides in the Raign of King Edward the fourth with the Marriage of King Henry the seventh with the Daughter and heir of King Edward the fourth his two Sons being Murdered by their Uncle Richard the third who died without Issue and King Henry the eight his quarrelling with the Pope and confiscating the monasteries and Abbies gratifying many of the Nobility with much of their Lands and much obliging them thereby and enriching many of the Tenents and making them and their families to be Gentlemen that durst not own or approach that Title before and the short Raigns of King Edward 6. and Q Mary busied by the one in the setting up of the Protestant Religion and the other in reducing Popery to its former Station gave a long tranquility from State disturbances augmented by Q. Elizabeths 44 years glorious peaceable Raign not only in the propagation defence of it here but in many other parts of Christendom and gave a peaceable entrance to King James her next Heir and Successor who met with two Grand Assaults of Treason the one of Sr. Walter Rawleigh and others who fetching that Lawless Doctrine and Peice of Law some hundreds of years before set up that allegiance is due to the Crown and not to the person of the King long before condemned in Parliament in the example of Hugh le Despencer in the Raign of King Edward the third and the other being the Gunpowder Treason was miraculously discover ed almost in the very instant of executing thereof and although villainously Wicked and Horrid fell much short of our last long Rebellion both as unto the length of time and Hypocrisy shedding of Blood Massacres abuse of God and the Holy Scriptures and the levelling and utter destruction of a most Ancient and Glorious Monarchy King James in the 22th year of his Raign over England departing this life not by taking an ill advised Medicine to expel an Ague as was villainously reported but upon a careful examination could never be proved to have been other than Innocent though recommended by the Earl of Warwick then as it after appeared none of our Monarchy Favorites King Charles the first his Son succeeding shortly after espoused the Lady Henrietta Mary Daughter of Henry the fourth King of France made a League Offensive and Defensive with the States of the United Provinces and besides two well exercised Regiments under English Commanders paid by the Dutch sent unto them four gallant Regiments more under the several Commands of the Earls of Oxford Essex and Southampton and Lord Willoughby of Eresby and a well Rig'd and Furnished Fleet against the King of Spain landed at Cales whence without doing the business designed they returned home The Duke of Buckingham and the Earl of Bristol in the mean time accusing in Parliament each other of Treason and Misdemeanors acted whilst the King as Prince was in Spain the one for the promoting the Marriage with the Infanta of Spain the other for hindering of it whereupon followed the imprisonment of the Earl of Bristol in the To wer of London and the King being put to great charges in his sending Embassadors and mediation in the obtaining a considerable part of the last Palatinate to be restored to his Brother in Law and to be made an eighth Elector to be joyned with the former seven and with the yearly payment of giving great pensions to the distressed King and Queen of Bohemia his four Nephews and two Neices under the burden of great Debts and Necessities much augmented by the costly furnishing out a Fleet of Ships and a gallant Army to invade the Isle of Ree in France to divert the King of France from subduing of Rochel the Inhabitants whereof had supplicated him for Aid which produced none other effect but the loss of all his hopes therein by the ill conduct of the Admiral to the loss of some gallant men yet was so unwilling to forsake those oppressed Protestants as he after sent two if not three other Fleets strongly furnished Ships with Men Arms and Ammunition to relieve them under more Skilful Commanders who endeavouring all that men could do were constrained to return home and leave those Protestants to the over-powering forces by Land of the King of France and in the midst of his own pressures and great wants of Money having no more of his own Royal Revenue to support these expences than about 800000 l. sterling per Annum for his Revenue much whereof by the usual Lickings and Cheats of his Trustees Officers and Receivers could never find the way to his Coffers And had been so incessant in his desires to help those oppressed Protestants of France as to procure Money to assist them in that his last attempt he sending to the Citizens of London to lend him 100000 l. They answered they could not for that they had heretofore lent unto his Father King James as much upon Privy Seals which had not been yet repaid although it was but lent by several Citizens to make up that some of Money but if his Majesty would give them a security by some of his own Revenues in Land to pay the first hundred thousand pounds with interest for it they would lend him another hundred thousand pounds and the particular mens names that lent the Moneys to make up the first 100000 pounds were expressed in a Schedule which done as will appear by the said Schedule which I have seen 12000 l. per Annum of old Rents of Assise in Richmondshire or in the County of York were by the King conveyed and granted absolutely unto some Citizens in trust for the City of London for the payment of the said two hundred thousand pounds with the Interest as aforesaid for the said one hundred thousand pounds lent unto King James the Wood and Timber only growing thereupon amounting unto as much as the aforesaid Sums of Money lent with the Interest which over-profitable bargain made by the City of London for
themselves they with a parcel of conscience not of God did treat with the particular Lenders of the Money to King James and for ten l. or a very little in every hundred comed and took up their Privy Seals but were unwilling to trouble the King with the thoughtâ—s thereof to the damage of him and disherision of the Crown of England and being taken notice of and complained of a Commission was granted unto the Lord ottington Sir Henry Vane and Sir Charles Harbord the Kings Surveyor to enquire thereof and certify the King thereof wherein they were so kind hearted and the matters so managed as noâ—hing more was heard thereof but the City of London continueth in possession of the said Manors and Lands or have spent the same in assisting the late horrid Rebellion against him and together with it the CityOrphans Mony for which it hath been reported they are willing to pay them by composition after the rate of 6d per. ponnd caused a Bill to be exhibited by his Attorney General in his Court of Starr Chamber against John Earl of Clare and Mr. Selden for having only in their Custody two Books or Manuscripts directed unto him by Sir Robert Dudley an Englishman living in Florence and stiling himself a Titular Duke of that Countrey endeavouring to instruct him in the method of raising Money by a Tax upon all the Paper and Parchment to be used in England caused Sir Giles Allington to be fined in the High Commission Court for Incest and the Lord Audley Earl of Castlehaven to be arraigned in the Court of Kings Bench for Sodomy whereupon after Tryal by his Peers he was Condemned and Beheaded suffered a great Arcanum Imperii in his Praerogative in taxing or requiring an Aid of Ship Money or for setting out a Navy of Ships when the Kingdom was in danger to be disputed in the Exchecquer Chamber by Lawyers and Judges which King Henry the fourth of France by a constant Rule in State Policy would never yeild to have done imitated by Queen Elizabeth who in some of her Charters or Letters Patents as unto Martin Forbisher a great Sea-Captain declared de qua disputari nolumus upon the case or question of 10 s. charged upon Mr. Hamdens Estate in Buckinghamshire of 4000 l. p. Annum wherein all that could be raked out of or by the Records of this Kingdom was put together by Mr. Oliver St. John and Mr. Robert Holborn theformer being after made Cheif Justice of the Court of Common Pleas by Hambden and the Rebel party and the later taking Arms for the King faithfully adhered unto him whereupon that cause coming to be heard all that could be argued for the not paying or paying of it of twelve Judges that carefully considered the Arguments and gave their opinions there were ten concurred in giving Judgment for the King and only two viz. Justice Hatton and Justice Crooke who having before under their hands concurred with all the other and suffered their subscriptions to be publickly inrolled in their several Courts at Westminster could find the way to be over-instrumental in setting our Troy Town all in Flames whilst that pious Prince being overburdened with his own more than common necessities did not omit any part of the Office of a Parens Patriae but taking more care for his People than for himself too many of whom proved basely and wickedly ingrateful called to accompt Lionel Cranfield whom he had made Earl of Middlesex and Lord Treasurer of England fined him in vast sums of money ordered him during his life never more to sit in the House of Peers in Parliament received a considerable part of his Fine and acquitted him of the residue And being desirous as his Father was to unite the Kingdom of Scotland in their Reformed Religion as the more happy Church of England was both as unto Episcopacy and its Liturgy that attempt so failed his expectation as a mutiny hapned in the Cathedral Church of Edenburgh and an old Wife sitting upon a Stool or Crock crying out that she smelt a Pape at her Arse threw it at the Ministers Head whereupon a great mutiny began and after that an Insurrection which to pacify the King raised a gallant Army of Gentry and Nobility with all manner of warlike provision and marched unto the Borders but found them so ill provided for defence as they appeared despicable yet the almost numberless Treacheries fatally encompassing that pious King persuading him not to beat or vanquish them when he might so easily have done it he returned home disbanding his Army and a close Favourite of Scotland was after sent to pacify them but left them far more unruly than before shortly after which Philip Nye a Factious Minister that should have been of the Church of England but was not with some other as wicked Persons were from England delegated to Scotland to make a Coâ—enant of Brotherly Rebellion against the King and accordingly the Scots being well assured that their Confederates in England would not hurt them marched into England with a ragged Army with Petitions to the King and Declarations of Brotherly Love unto too many of their Confederates seised by the cowardise or carelesness of the Inhabitants the Town of Newcastle upon Tine notwithstanding a small Army ill ordered was sent to defend it better than they did so as the Scotch Petitioning Army quartering there and in the Northern parts the King hastening thitherwards with Forces was persuaded to summon at Rippon a great Council of many of his Nobility whither too many of them that came being more affected to the Scotch Army that came like the Gibeonites with old Shoes and mouldy Bread were allowed to be free-quartered and a Parliament suddenly to be summoned at London whereby to raise money for the discharge of their Quarters Army charges in the mean time the Scotch their Commissioners with their Apostle Alexander Henderson have license to visit London where they are lamented feasted and visited and almost adored as much as St. Paul was amongst the Macedonians or the Brethren who cryed up their holy Covenant and Religion to be the best the Church of England with her Ceremonies Common Prayers and Potage not to be compared unto it the Parliament would help all and the Scots Commissioners were so popular and in request as they seemed for that time to govern both the City of London and Parliament and by their peace pride and plenty had generated Sedition and Faction and that combustible matter in England burst into a Fire which could not be quenched the Kings Privy Council could not please the five Members nor Kimboltons Ambition and Envy be satisfied without being made a great Officer of State but proved after to be a general of some associated Counties against the King God might be worshipped with a thriving Conscience and the people taken care for by plundering Sequestration Decimation Killing Slaying or Impoverishing the Common Wealth or Weal Publick Pym
to my self that our seri Nepotes some others hereafter walking recto tramite in the like search and path of truth as I have done might add more assistance thereunto and may be permitted to say as St. Paul in another case did of himself that if I have had in so long an age and perambulation of time any acquaintance or conversation at all with my self mine own heart and Actions which many that have known me so long in my various careful and sorrowful passages of life occasioned by many the ingratitudes and ill dealings of some great families and others that should have dealt better with me in may testify my always constant and adventurous Loyalty to my Soveraigns without any the least fainting or haesitation will or may believe that I have neither lied or sought for preferment or any thing that could look otherwise than the sincerity of my heart and an unshaken and unbiassed love to Truth and Loyalty to my King and Countrey And can truly say and aver with many witnesses to confirm it that my long observations ever since the year 1628. until now compleating almost full 46 years of the said persecutions disloyalties misusages and sufferings of King Charles the Martyr in order and design to his Murder and the many Plots afterwards intended against his late Royal Majesty King Charles the second and his now Sacred Majesty and my Researches into the Records and Antiquities of this and other Nations concerning the Just Rights and Praerogatives of our Kings and Princes for the publick good and the avoiding the manifold miseries and damage that attend the Witchcraft and Madness of Rebellion and to the end that I might recal into the right way of truth those very many Noble learned grave and pious men that perfectly hated Rebellion and yet by fear or force going along with the Tide to secure themselves and Estates as well as they could and with the Vulgus and Rabble that had cut the reformed Church of England into no less than 160 Sects or new fashioned Religions and so far strayed from their Mother the reformed Church of England as they ran out of their Wits as much as their Religion so that they could not stop themselves in that their mad Career until they came to an opinion that it was Religion to be Rebellious and that Rebellion or Sedition for any thing called Religion was or at least ought to be warrantable by some or other word of God when by his new light they should be enabled to discover it hath given me like old Barzillai no quiet until I had done my duty unto God my King and my Countrey and posterity and brought what help I could unto our much injured and persecuted David in these now published Truths wherein I have as carefully as I could without the purchase of other mens Writings or Manuscripts at Auctions as too many our Lurching yet Learned enough Authors have done weighed all particulars in the Ballance of Truth Law and Right Reason and without any opiniatrete have left my self to the Judicious throughly impartial Readers and Tryers of those my carefully considered Labours wherein I shall be willing to rectify and submit to any truths when justly and rationally proved and be ashamed in the least to imitate those impudent Contrariants of truth and Right reason our Laws Annals and Records who although in their Books and Writings against our ever maintainable truths whilst they are in the acting and perpetrating the greatest Injuries imaginable unto them can offer to forsake their evil Impostures grounded Fancies and Opinions yet can after they have been publickly examined tryed and convicted of several gross Impostures and falsifications by the undeniable evidence of the Records themselves which they cited and referred themselves unto not like to those better men of Confessions and Retractations but being unwilling it seems either to perform their promises to their Readers or imitate the more honest examples of better men have thought it to be more correspondent unto their evil designs not to discourage their Disciples to persist in their egregious falshoods and unlearned foolish reasonless senseless and inconsequential arguments because they have wickedly made it their Interest and business to advocate the Devils cause by his and their evil Methods and Impostures And may find that they have by a Factious and Seditious Ignorance and over-bold adventure enticed many good men and Lawyers out of the paths of truth into an horrid Confusion and Rebellion for which they may suffer in the next World unless they can furnish their gross mistakes with some invisible or misinterpreted Record that every man may fancy and frame a new and better Government of the Kingdom and carve and make his own Religion and Idocize and propagate their own vain imaginations and selflreated ignorant Fancies instead of Laws and Records And should do better to stand and consider that the advice of the Prophet Jeremy that should not be thought to have spoken vain untrue or foolish Councel to stand upon the old ways and enquire after the ways of truth was not to do what you can to blind or sophisticate truth put her into disguises and transform her into as many shapes as may consort with the ugly designs of Faction and Rebellion and call to mind better than they do how diffusive and infectious the sin of Rebellion is that every of our evil Examples Doctrines or Perswasions tending thereunto such an evil especially as Sedition or Rebellion are by God chargeable also upon their accompt And that at the great Audit before an all knowing God there will be a multitude of consequential Evils besides their own particular sins which may be enough charged upon them when it will be too late to say one unto another as St. Paul did to his Innovators O ye foolish Galathians who hath bewitched you And amongst those many motives and obligations of Duty and Loyalty Oaths of Allegeance and Supremacy to my Soveraign and compassion unto those multitudes that have erred and gone astray to the end that I might give an accompt of the trust reposed in me particularly and solely by his late Majesty under his sign Manual bearing date the 30th day of September in the 28th year of his Raign with full power and Authority to search and take Copies of all or any might be found concerning his Royal Rights which was seconded by an order of the Right Honourable Arthur Earl of Anglesey then Lord Privy Seal Mr. Henry Coventry and Sir Joseph Williamson his then Secretaries of State and Sir George Carteret being all of his Majesties Privy Council who did by their order dated the 3d. of July 1677. direct and authorize Sir William Dugdale since Garter King at Arms Elias Asbmole Esquire and my self in pursuance of his Majesties Order dated the 23. of February 1675. authorizing the aforesaid Lords of his Councel to examine the State and Condition of the Records in the Tower of London and consider what is
wanting and necessary to be done for the prefervation thereof Authorizing us to examine the present State and Condition of the said Records and peruse as well the Orders for regulating of the Orders of the Keepers of the said office of Records as the Orders made by Sir Algernon May Keeper of the said Records the first day of December then last past and to consider what additions and allowances they shall judge fit to be made either in the said Orders or Queries or what otherwise occurs to them fit to be offered for the better ordering methodizing preservation and safe keeping of the said Records and that they make report thereof unto us with all convenient speed and their opinion what is necessary to be done in order to the attaining the ends asoresaid in obedience whereunto Sir William Dugdale and I have not only made a Certificate and report unto their Lordships what we had done under our hands but afterwards at the aforesaid Office of the Records have given a meeting to some that were appointed by their Lordships and after that in the absence and sickness of the said Sir William Dugdale by the Command of the said Earl of Anglesey I did attend his Lordship and the Lord Chancellor and divers of the said Lords of his late Majesties Privy-Councel to the said Office of Records in the Tower of London those Scrinia Sacra Publicae Tabulae which our Great Selden faith is a Religio to preserve and the Commons in Parliament in the 42 year of the Raign of King Edward the 3d petitioned to have a free access unto because they contain the peoples evidence and might also have said their Kings and Princes Rights and Power to protect them and therefore to have them well looked unto and preserved must needs be an universal concernment both unto our Kings and their People and though here in England in the time of our long and factious Parliament Rebellions and Miseries when I first began to search into the Original of our before happy Government and continuance of our Laws Peace and Plenty and the excellent frame and constitution of our Government founded upon no other than the Feudal Laws which unto any that will take the pains to peruse and examine them will make it easily appear that our Brittish Saxon Danish and Norman Laws and those of all our succeeding Kings and Princes and the Process Proceedings Maxims Rules and Methods in and through all the parts thereof have until our late unfortunate Factious and Seditious times and Parliament Rebellion the tricks of Attorneys unskilful Clerks and subordinate and corrupt Officers since those times of unhappiness only excepted had no other source or fountain and that the Civil and Caesarean Laws being long ago accompted to be the universal reason of the World are and have been in their Patroni and Clientes near allied to our Feudal Laws whereof the learned Craguis wrote his Book de Feudis in the year 1655. applicable to his own Countrey of Scotland where they yet remain notwithstanding our unthrifty exchange of the Nerves and Ligaments of our Kings Crown and Dignity for an Excise upon Ale Beer and Syder would not permit me to stand still and let my King and Country be destroyed by suffering our Feudal Laws the basis and foundation of our Government to be drencht or washt in the River Lethe or lake of Oblivion or the wild Boars and Foxes to destroy and lay wast and cause our once flourishing Kingdom under the Guard and protection of those Laws to be more transformed and abused than many of the sacred Laws of God given to his once beloved people of the Jews have been by their Masorites when they had a better excuse and Apology to make by their captivity of seventy years in Babylon until they had forgotten the language in which their Laws were written than our Gentlemen of Innovation or Reformation as it hath been Nicknamed or miscalled of Good into Bad or Better into Worse for their own only advantage here upon earth happen what will when they shall be able to attain unto or provide for themselves And in these my Labours and impartial observations with no little danger and sorrow to see my King and Countrey so ill used have been as tender as the res Acta or matters related or inquired into would permit without praeprejudice or hurt unto the truth or my Loyalty unto my Soveraign with all due Reverence unto the Judges many or the most of whom when the fire of that Rebellion which had lain kindling and smoaking in its Embrio's in the years 1637 1638 1639 and 1640. began every where almost discernably to flame and be very apparent and visible were either then in prima Lanugine or had but scarcely saluted the Ostia or Limina Legum stept over the Treshold or Door of it as the vulgar term it and intend as I have never failed to do not only to do but write and speak of them with all Reverence becoming me and all others according to the Reason and Rule which the great and prudent Prince King Edward the first ordained when he declared in these words Et quia sunt honor Reverentia quae ministris ipsius Regis ratione officii sui fiant ipsi Regi attribuuntur sic dedecus ministris suis eidem domino Regi infertur and in my Relations concerning that high and very honourable very useful and profitable for the weal publick Houses of Parliament no man should think or speak dishonourably so long as they permit Parliaments to be what Parliaments according to their right use and Institution were nor ought to be no more than Colloquium or Commune Concilium as may be further evidenced by that great Princes severe punishment of that great Baron William de Breause for contumelious words spoken to a Judge And King Edward the 3d had such a care of his Justices and their authority as he punished severely the Bayliffs of Ipswich by the loss of their places caused their Staves of Office to be broken in the Court of Kings Bench and their Liberties to be seised and forfeited because they had suffered an unruly multitude to feast and revel with certain malefactors who had been there condemned by the Justices of Assise and after their departure made a kind of mockgame or interlude to be Acted upon the Tribunal where the Judges had sitten and in mockery fined and amerced the Justices and their Clerks And for that I would willingly be as much as I could Instrumental to recal a factious seditious and Rebellious party out of their Errours that they may neither persist therein themselves or by erecting Schools of rebellion magnify and think themselves to be no small persons in the propagation thereof and in those my travails not having the help as the learned Dr. Brady hath had of the publick Libraries of the University and Collegiate Libraries of the University of Cambridge but
Power or were Elected by Them THe Laws of GOD Nature and Nations our Laws of England and the Records thereof no Strangers at all unto them but much in League and Friendship with them did never deny our Kings and Princes to make use of the Councels and Advice of such of their Subjects as were fit and able to give it Nor did any of our Kings by such applications unto their Subjects for their advice and councels either in general or particular common publick or private Councels or any of their Laws Grants Charters or Customs ever allow them any co-ordinate or equal Authority with Them or over any of their Actions in the giving of their Approbation Advice or Consent Or otherwise if we may believe as we ought those Records and Accounts which the World and its aged Companion TIME have from their Infancies left and recommended unto us no such Liberties Customs or Priviledges at all ever appearing to have been granted or of right appertaining unto them by any Warrant Foundation Law Act of Parliament Reason Prescription or Custom In the time of our Ancestors the Britains Qui Legibus Romanis not of the Senate but the Emperours Caesareis seu imperialibus paruerunt quamdiu sub Imperio Romano which Mr. Selden hath asserted to have continued 360 years or thereabouts from the time of Claudius the Emperour to that of Honorius and that Severus the Emperour kept his Court for several years at York where Papinian that great and famous Lawyer sate Praetor or Lord Chief-Justice under him Which could not but introduce much of their Laws and Usages amongst us and the near succeeding Ages were so unwilling to part with them as they would never after be altogether Strangers unto them For King Aethelulph travelled with his Son Aelfred to Rome and Aelfred whilst he was there and likewise after his return and being King Librorum omnium notitiam habebat saith William of Malmsbury and was very learned as Asser Menevensis who was his Contemporary and privy to most of his Actions and Hoveden and Ingulsus have recorded it to Posterity Plurimam partem Romanae Bibliothecae Anglorum auribus dedit And Offa King of the Mercians had in the year of Christ 790. before the time of Aethelulph sounded erected and maintained in Rome a Schola Saxonica which could not be either constituted or continued without some Commerce with the Latian Language and Laws the one being likely to be an effectual means to convey the other and by a constant intercourse continue the course and knowledge of some part of these Laws and Customs in England Or in any of those Laws which Dunwallo Molmucius cujus Leges Molmucianae dicebantur ordained Or in those which Mercia Regina Britonum Uxor Gurtheli à qua Provincia Merciorum containing Gloucester shire and seven other Counties putatur denominata edit as an authentique Historian saith discretione justitia plenas quae Lex mercia dicebatur Of King Ethelbert Circa annum salutis 588 or 613. qui sub Heptarchia Saxonum as venerable Bede relates it decreta judieiorum inter subditos suos juxta exempla Romanorum Consilio sapientum constituit decreta judiciorum scribi fecit genti suae Et sub Saxonibus Danis quamvis pauciora Legum Romanorum vestigia reperiamus The learned Dr. Duck seconded by Dr. Langham in observationibus de antiquitatibus legibus Romanorum in Britannia exercitatissimus have not indiligently noted constabit tamen Reges eorum qui reliquis pietate virtute gloriae cupiditate praecelluerunt in judiciis jure dicundo inter subditos suos ad exempla Romanorum saepius se composuisse In the Laws of King Ina who about the year 712 after the Redemption of Mankind suesu instituto Cenradi Patris sui Heddae Erkenwaldi Episcoporum suorum omnium Senatorum suorum natu majorum sapientum populi sui in magna servorum Dei frequentia commanded ut justa judicia per omnem ditionem suam fundita stabilitaque sint at que ut nulli liceat in posterum Senatori sive alteri cuivis in ditione sua degenti sua antiquare judicia institutiones sive Leges genti suae condidit solempnes Of King Alured who about the year 871. prudentissimorum è suis consilio declaring that many of the Laws of his Ancestors quae sibi minus commoda videbantur ex consulto sapientum partim antiquanda partim innovanda curavit quaecunque in actis Inae gentilis sui Offae Merciorum Regis vel Ethelbert qui primus Anglorum sacrotinctus est Baptismato observatu digna deprehensus fuit ea collegit omnia reliqua plane omisit atque in istis discernendis prudentis simorum è suis consilio usus atque iis omnibus placuit editi eorum observationes Or in the League made betwixt King Alured and Guthrun the Dane or afterwards betwixt King Edward and Guthrum à sapientibus recitata sepius atque ad commodum Regni utilitatem aucta amplificata Or in or by any of the Books if they were extant and now to be seen said to have been collected and written by that great King viz. Breviarium quoddam collectum ex Legibus Trojanorum Graecorum Britannorum Saxonorum Danorum 2o. Visi Saxonum Leges 3o. Instituta quaedam 4o. Contra judices iniquos 5o. Dicta sapientum 6o. Acta Magistratum 7o. Collectiones Chronicorum Or by the Laws of King Edward about the year 900. where iis omnibus qui Reip. praesunt etiam atque etiam mandavit ut omnibus quoad ejus facere poterint aequos se praebeant judices perinde ut in judiciali libro scriptum habetur nec quicquid formident jus commune audacter liberèque dicant ac litibus singulis dies quibus dijudicentur condictos statuit Of King Athelstan about the year 924. the Heptarchy being then reduced to its pristine estate of Monarchy Consilio Ulfhelmi Archiepiscopi aliorumque Episcoporum servorum Dei. Or in his Laws not long before made in a Councel held at Exeter where he was as they mention sapientibus stipatus Of King Edmond made in a Councel at London about the year 940. tam Ecclesiasticorum quam Laicorum cui interfuerunt Oda Wolstanus Archipraesul plurimique alii Episcopi Or in or by the first written Laws of the Britains about the same time in the Reign of their King Howel Dha stiled the Good the Bards and Druids men of great veneration power and esteem amongst them not before recommending to posterity or committing to writing any of their Laws Customs or Memorials qui convocati Episcopis Laicis doctissimis Leges antiquas correxit novas condidit Or in the Laws which King Eldred made about the year 948. in festo nativitatis beatae Mariae when universi magnates Regni per Regium edictum summoniti tam Archiepiscopi totius Regni quam
of France until he were absolved and had confirmed unto them their Liberties whereupon the King much against his will was constrain'd to submit to the present pressure and necessity sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other Bishops who were yet in France promising them present restitution and satisfaction under the Hands and Seals of 24 of his Earls and Barons undertaking for the performance thereof according to the form of his Charter and Agreement made and granted in that behalf and the better to prepare them to give him their assistance directed the ensuing Letter to meet them in these words Rex Venerabili in Christo Patri S. Dei gratiâ Cant ' Archiepiscopo totius Angliae Primati sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinali omnibus suffraganeis suis Episcopis cum eo existentibus Johannes eadem gratiâ Rex Angliae c. mandamus vobis quòd cùm veneritis in Angliam scientes quòd jamdiù vos expectavimus adventum vestrum desideravimus unde in occursum vestrum mittimus fideles nostros Dominum H. Dublin ' Archiepiscopum J. Norwici Episcopum W. Com' Arundel Mattheum filium Herberti W. Archidiaconum Huntindon rogantes quatenùs ad nos venire festinetis sicut praedicti fideles nostri vobis dicent T. meipso apud Stoaks Episcopi primo die Julii Whereupon Pandulphus with the Archbishop and the rest of the exiled Clergy upon his confiscation of their Estates forthwith came over and found him at Winchester who went forth to meet them and on his knees with Tears received them beseeching them to have Compassion on him and the Kingdom of England and being thereupon Absolved with great Penitence Weeping and Compunction accompanied with the Tears of the many Beholders did Swear upon the Evangelists to Love Defend and Maintain Holy Church and the Ministers thereof to the utmost of his Power that he would renew the good Laws of his Predecessors especially those of King Edward abrogating such as were unjust would Judge all his Subjects according to the just Judgment of his Court which was then and for many Ages before composed only of the King and his Nobility Bishops and Lords Spiritual with his great Officers of State and such Assistants as he would please to call unto it and that presently upon Easter next following he would make plenary satisfaction for whatsoever had been taken from the Church Which done he went to Portsmouth with intention to pass over into France committing the Government of the Kingdom to the Bishop of Winchester and Jeffrey Fitz-Peter Justiciar a man of a Generous Spirit Learned in the Laws and Skilful in Government who were also to take the Councel of the Archbishop of Canterbury The Souldiers being numerous and wanting Money to attend him desired to be Supplied out of his Exchequer which he refusing to do or wanting it in a great rage with his private Family took Shipping and put forth to the Isle of Jersey but seeing none of his Nobles and others followed him according to their Tenures and Homage was forced having lost his opportunity of the Season to return into England where he gathered an Army with intention to Chastise the Lords who had so forsaken him having for the like Offence some years before taken by way of Fine a great sum of Money Quòd noluerunt eum sequi ad partes transmarinas ut haereditatem amissam recuperaret But the Archbishop of Canterbury followed him to Northampton urging him that it was against his Oath taken at his Absolution to proceed in that manner against any man without the Judgment of his Court to whom the King in great wrath replyed that he would not defer the business of the Kingdom for his pleasure seeing Lay Judgment appertained not to him and marched to Nottingham The Archbishop followed him and plainly told him that unless he would desist he would Excommunicate all such as should take Arms against any before the releasing of the Interdiction and would not leave him until he had obtained a convenient day for the Lords to come to his Court which shortly after they did And a Parliament was assembled at St. Pauls in London wherein the Archbishop of Canterbury produced the said Charter of King Henry I. whereby he granted the ancient Liberties of the Kingdom of England according to the Laws of King Edward with those emendations which his Father by the counsel of his Barons had ratified upon the reading whereof gaudio magno valdè saith Matthew Paris they greatly rejoyced and swore in the presence of the Archbishop that for those Liberties viso tempore congruo si necesse fuerit decertabunt usque ad mortem Archiepiscopus promisit eis fidelissimum auxilium suum pro posse suo sic confederatione facta inter eos colloquium solutum fuit The Pope advertised of those disturbances by his Bull directed Baronibus Angliae but not to those Bishops displaying the Banner of his supposed Authority which had encouraged and animated and caused them to persist therein stiling those Quaestiones novitèr suscitatas grave dispendium parituras did prohibit under the pain of Excommunication all Conspiracies and Insurrections from the time of the Discords inter Regnum Sacerdotium which had been quieted Apostolica autoritate admonished them Regem placare reconciliare exhibentes ei servitia consueta which They and their Predecessors had done unto Him and his Predecessors and if they had any thing to require of him they should not ask it insolenter sed cum reverentia preserving his Regal Honour and Authority that so they might the more easily obtain what they desired and assured them that he would desire the King that he should be kind to them and admit their just Petitions But the Barons persisting in their armed Violence and Rebellion against the King notwithstanding that weather-beaten Prince had for shelter taken upon him the Cross and War for the recovery of the Holy-Land then so called the Pope in July following sent his Bull to the universality of the Barons Bishops and Commonalty of England wherein reciting that the Barons had sent their Agents unto him and that he had commanded the Archbishops Bishops and Archdeacons ut conspirationes conjurationes praesumptas from the the time of the discords inter Regnum Sacerdotium that they should Apostolic à autoritate forbid them by Excommunication to proceed any farther therein and enjoyn the Barons to endeavour to pacifie the King and reconcile themselves unto him and if they had any thing to demand of him it should be done conservando sibi Regalem Honorem exhibendo servitia debita quibus ipse Rex non debebat absque Judicio spoliari And that he had commanded the King to be admonished and enjoyned as he would have remission of his sins graciously to give them a safe conduct and receive their just Petitions ita si quod fortè non posset inter eos concordia provenire
the number of their Confederates à Civibus accepta securitate they sent their Lettess to all the Earls Barons and Knights which yet adhered to the King exhorting and threatning them as they loved Themselves their Lives and Estates they should forsake a perjured King and joyn with them to obtain their Liberties otherwise they would take them for publick Enemies turn their Arms against them destroy their Castles burn their Houses and spoil their Lands and Estates The greatest part whereof upon those threatnings did so think it to be their safer way to forsake Him and their Loyalty as they joyned with them The King finding himself fere derelictum ab omnibus and but seven Knights ex omni multitudine Regia abiding by him timuit valdè lest the Barons in castra sua impetum facientes illa sine difficultate sibi subjugarent especially when they should find nothing to hinder them sent William Marescal Earl of Pembroke and others to treat with them being then at London for a Peace with an offer to grant the Laws and Liberties demanded and thereupon statuerunt Regi diem ad colloquium in pratum inter Stains Windleshores 15o. die Junii where Rex Magnates being met and treating concerning the Liberties and a lasting Peace there being with the King besides Pandulphus and Stephen Archbishop of Canterbury his double-dealing Friends and some few others in all but Twenty-five tandem cum in varia sorte tractassent the King vires suas Baronum viribus impares intelligens sine difficultate Leges Libertates coneessit Charta sua confirmavit data per manum suam in prato quod vocatur Running-Mead inter Stains Windleshores decimo quinto die Junii anno Regni sui decimo septimo Which as Matthew Paris a Monk of St. Albans living not only at the same time but being Historiographer unto King Henry III. his Son privy to many of his affairs and wrote in the 57th year of his Reign hath faithfully related those passages and proceedings was as to the preamble thereof the exact and full tenor thereof being with it truly mentioned in his Book in these words Intuitu Dei pro salute animae meae Antecessorum omnium Haeredum suorum ad honorem Dei exaltationem sanctae Ecclesiae emendationem Regni sui per concilium Stephani Archiepiscopi Cantuarensis who prepared them and had incited the Pope and Barons against him aliorum Episcoporum ibi nominat Pandulphi Domini Papae Subdiaconi familiaris Willielmi Marescali Comitis Pembrochiae Willielmi Comitis Sarisberiensis Willielmi Comitis Warrenniae c. aliorum fidelium mera spontanea voluntate pro Me Haeredibus meis Deo liberis hominibus Angliae habendas tenendas eis Haeredibus suis de Me Haeredibus meis which our Laws no other tenure being specified will interpret to be in capite And more at length as Matthew Paris hath recorded it with a salvis Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Templariis Hospitalariis Comitibus Baronibus Militibus omnibus aliis tà m Ecclesiasticis personis quà m Secularibus Libertatibus Liberis consuetudinibus quas prius habuerant which gave them a better security in their former Liberties than they could claim by the forced and indirect gaining of the latter and concluding in the perclose with his Testibus c. hath these words subjoyned Libertates vero de Foresta liberae consuetudines quas cum libertatibus praescriptis in una schedula pro sua capacitate continere nequiverimus in Charta subscripta continentur saith Matthew Paris In which not in the modern Language and stile of our Acts of Parliament but as Charters in the dictates of Regal Authority as that of William the Conquerour to the Citizens of London and that of dividing the Temporal and Spiritual Jurisdictions and those of King Henry I. King Stephen and Henry II. and all the Charters of Liberties and Priviledges granted by our Kings before and since to Cities Boroughs Corporations and Lords of Manors as the Charter of King Edward I. to the Citizens of London in the 6th year of his Reign and of King Edward III. in the 14th year of his Reign to all the people of England to be governed by the English Laws in case he should obtain his Right to the Kingdom of France and all our preceding Laws have used to be He granted away many of the ancient Rights of the Crown made and ordained new Laws as that amongst others of Communia placita nan sequantur Curiam nostram sed teneantur in certo loco and that of recovering the King's Debts c. Enlarged some abrogated others and gave unto the people greater Liberties and Immunities then the Laws of King Edward the Confessor and the Charter of King Henry I. put altogether had allowed them the Original whereof or the Magna Charta of King Henry III. remaining in the Library of the Archbishops of Canterbury at Lambeth at the time of the Imprisonment of that martyred great Anti-Papist William Laud Archbishop of that See and the ransacking of it preceding his Murder in the Reign of that Blessed Martyr King CHARLES I. by Hugh Peters Mr. Pryn and some others thereunto appointed by their Rebellious Masters the then miscalled Parliament was never after found and by it self in a distinct paragraph did follow as it were a Bond or Security given by King John in these words Cùm autem pro Deo ademendationem Regni nostri ad melius sapiendam discordiam inter nos Barones haec omnia concessimus volentes in integra firma stabilitate gauderi facimus concedimus securieatem subscriptam viz. That the Barons should elect Twenty-five Barons of the Realm who should be Conservators thereof pro totis viribur suis observare tenere facere observari pacem libertates quas eis concessimus and correct the King's defaults in Government Of which number Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford was one with a power that if the King or his Chief-Justiciar should trangress in any Articles of the Laws it should be lawful for any Four of them after Forty days notice given to Him or his Chief-Justiciar and no amendment to complain to the rest and joyning with Them and the People to distrain and compel him with a salvâ Personâ Regis only Reginae liberorum suorum Et isti 25o. Barones juraverunt in animabus suis Rege hoc disponente quod omni instantia his obsequerentur Regem cogerent si fortè rescipisci vellet tenere sequentes and the Earls of Gloucester Arundel and Warren with Thirty-four other Barons and great men juraverunt to obey the commands of the Twenty-five Barons and all that would might swear to assist them and the people cùm communia totius terrae might gravare eum cum eis and to that end those Conservators should have
his Castles of Killingworth Northampton Nottingham and Scarborough and the Castellanies or Governours sworn to obey them and after a general pardon granted to them and all their adhaerents mutual Oaths should be taken on both sides in solemn manner for the inviolable observing the Articles and the King's Letters Patents sent to all the Sheriffs of the Kingdom to cause all men of what degree soever within their several Shires to swear to observe those Laws and Liberties granted by his Charter and was compell'd so far to suffer those Conservators to proceed in their Conservatorships as in the same yearthey took their Oaths to perform those their new Offices the Earls of Arundel Gloucester and Warren with Hubert de Burgh and many Barons and great men took their Oaths also to obey and assist them But in the mean time Gloucester and Spencer being the chief of the Twenty-four Conservators did draw the entire managing of the Kingdom into their own hands compel the King to summon a great Councel at London where the authority of the Twenty-four Conservators was deliver'd over unto themselves and it was ordained that Three of them at the least should attend at the Court to dispose of the custody of the Castles and other business of the Kingdom with those of the Chancellor Justiciar and Treasurer and of all Offices great and small and bound the King to loose and renounce to them their legal Obedience whensoever he should infringe his Charters which might as unto a great part of them be certainly believed to have been the very spawn and breed of those long-after-reviv'd high and mighty Nineteen Propositions which were endeavour'd to have been enforced upon the late Blessed Martyr King CHARLES and of the late design'd Association in the Reign of His Son King CHARLES II. But that hoped pacification being made saith the Historian Jealousies and Discontents did again kindle and break out on both sides the one part to keep what they had undutifully gained and the other to get loose of what for fear he had too much yielded unto the King wanting none to enflame the perturbations and anguish of his mind to tell him that he was now a King without a Kingdom a Lord without Dominion and a Subject of his Subjects the Discords like a Wound or Sore ill-cur'd fester'd again and broke out SECT III. Of the succeeding Jealousies Animosities Troubles and Contests betwixt King John and his over-jealous Barons after the granting of his Charters and his other Transactions and Agreements with them at their tumultuous meeting at Running-Mead with the ill usages which he had before received of them during all the time of his Reign HE retir'd into the Isle of Wight whence by Agents sent to Rome he procured a definitive Sentence to condemn and nullifie what was done and the Pope's Excommunication of the Barons who kept about the City of London and under colour of Tournments and other Martial exercises invited as many other as they could to their assistance but did not seek to surprize his Person or intercept his Agents although they had strength to do it but only to enjoy those Liberties which they had spoiled and discredited by gaining them by violence wherein the fear of the power of an enraged Prince made them the more desperately careful to defend themselves and finish their designs whilst the King tarried three months in the Isle of Wight whence the Bishop of Worcester Chancellor of England Bishop of Norwich with others were sent with his Seal to procure Foreign Forces and to bring them to Dover whither after some small prizes taken by him and he returning his Agents abroad brought him an Army of Foreigners from Gascony Lovaine Poicteau and Brabant many of them being his French Subjects with whose help notwithstanding the loss of 40000 Men Women and Children who were drowned at Sea as they were bringing unto him by Hubert de Burgh from Calice He besieged and took Rochester Castle marched over most part of the Kingdom and within half a year got in all the Barons Castles even to the borders of Scotland and was Master of all England except the City of London which he would not adventure upon in regard of the Barons united Forces which lay near unto it marched to St. Albans where he proclaimed the Pope's Excommunication of the Barons who seeing Themselves and their Wives and Children like to be ruined and depriv'd of their Estates which were given away to strangers desperately fell into another extreme solicited Lewis the French King's Son to take upon him the Crown of England wherein they promised by a free Election to invest him and to send Pledges for the performance which Message being well received a Parliament was called at Lyons by Philip the Father of Lewis and the business resolved upon whilst Lewis besides the hop'd-for the title of Election by those trusty Conservators of the Peoples Liberties for their own particular Interest more than the Peoples supposed that he had another title from his Wife Blanch Daughter of the Sister of the prosecuted King In whose behalf the Pope wrote to the King of France not to invade the King of England but rather to defend him in regard he was a Vassal of the Roman Church and the Kingdom by reason of Dominion appertaining unto it whereunto the King of France answered probably by the advice of the contending English Baronage That the Kingdom of England never was nor is nor ever shall be the Patrimony of St. Peter That King John was never lawfull King thereof and if he were he had forfeited it by the Murder of his Nephew Arthur for which he was condemned in his Court and could not give it away without the consent of the Barons who were bound in an Oath to defend the same and if the Pope should maintain this errour it would be a pernicious example Wherewith the Pope's Agents departing unsatisfied Lewis sent his Commissioners to Rome to declare his Rights and justifie his undertaking sets forth from Callis with 600 Ships and 80 other Vessels and landed with his Army at Sandwich King Iohn being then at Dover who upon notice of his great power and distrusting his Mercenaries committed the keeping of Dover Castle to Hubert de Burgh forsook the Field and with it himself and retired first to Worcester and after to Gloucester whereby Lewis having subdued the whole County of Kent Dover excepted came to London where he was joyfully received of the Barons and upon his Oath taken to restore their Laws and recover their Rights had Homage and Fealty done unto him Guallo the Pope's Agent follow'd the King to Gloucester shews him the Pope's care of him pronounced Excommunication against Lewis and all that took part with him Notwithstanding which small comforts in so many and great extremeties pressing hard upon him most of his Mercenaries left him and either returned into their own Countreys with such spoils as they had gotten or betook
illatis who had been so good a friend to the rebellious Barons and so great a favourer of them as after his expulsion out of England whither they had invited him toaid and assist them against K. John and an agreement made with K. Henry III. his Son to restore unto him the Dutchy of Normandy and the other Provinces which he had from him in France as he denied to re-deliver them until the Liberties claimed by the English Barons his old Friends should be confirmed unto them by whose Quarrels with their Sovereigns he had gained many great advantages to the wrong and damage of the Crown of England And was all the while a very great enemy both to the King and his Father who notwithstanding was with the Prince his Son Richard Earl of Cornwal King of the Romans with others of the Loyal Nobility of the Kings part and the contending Rebellious Lords of the other side by mutual Oaths tactis sacrosanctis Evangeliis in the 47th year of his Reign did undertake to perform and abide by his award so as it were made and pronounced betwixt that and the Feast of Pentecost then next ensuing unto which none of the Commons of England do appear to have been parties Whereupon the King of France taking upon him the said arbitration congregato in crastino sancti Vincentii Ambiomis populo penè innumerabili coram Episcopis Comitibus aliisque Francorum proceribus solemniter dedit sententiam pro Rege Angliae contra Barones Statutis Oxoniae provisionibus ordinationibus ac obligationibus penitus annullatis hoc excepto quod antiquas Chartas Regis Johannis Angliae universitati concessas per illam sententiam in nullo intendebat penitùs derogare And made his award accordingly in writing an exemplification or authentick Copy whereof is yet to be seen amongst the Records in His now Majesty's Treasury at Westminster Quae quidem exceptio Comitem Leicestriae coeteros qui habebunt sensus exercitatos saith Matthew Paris compulit in praeposito tenere firmitèr Statuta Oxoniae que fundata fuerant super illam Chartam Et eo tempore redierint à Francia qui Parliamento Regis Francia interfuerant Rex videlicet Angliae Henricus Regina Eleanora Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis Bonifacius Petrus Herefordensis Episcopus Johannes Mansel qui Baronibus saith that Monk of St. Albans mala quanta potuerunt non cessabant machinari Which exception could neither absolve them from their Oaths so solemnly taken to perform the award which the King of France had made or purge them from their former and after Rebellions against King Henry III. or their ill usage of him SECT VI. That the Exceptions mentioned in the King of France's award of the Charter granted by King John could not invalidate the whole award or justifie the provisions made at Oxford which was the principal matter referred unto him FOr that the contrivance of the twenty-four Conservators and what else was added thereunto by the aforesaid Provisions and constrained Ordinances made at Oxford was never any part of the Magna Charta or the Charta de Foresta enforced from King John but a security seperate and collateral thereunto framed and devised at the same time for the better observation and performance of those Charters which the preamble of that security of which Matthew Paris hath at large left unto posterity an exemplar may abundantly evidence in the words following viz. Cum autem pro Deo ad emendationem Regni nostri ad melius sopiendam discordiam inter nos Barones nostros haec omnia concessimus volentes ea integra firma stabilitate gaudere facimus concedimus eis securitatem subscriptam viz. quod Barones eligant viginti quinque Barones de Regno nostros quos voluerint c. and doth greatly differ both in the material and formal parts thereof from the provisions afterwards enforced at Oxford as by a just collation and comparison of that collateral security with those provisions may appear where care is taken but for twenty-four Conservators twelve to be chosen by the King and twelve by those factious Lords who would likewise engross to themselves and their party the nomination of the Chancellor Treasurer two Chief-Justices two of the Justices of both the Benches and Barons of the Exchequer and have the making of the Chief-Justice of the Iews to which the King and his Son the Prince were sworn but to the Running-Mead unkingly shackles or security the King and those masterly Barons were only sworn and that not thought sufficient without some principal Castles of the Kings were to be put into hands of those Conservators and that upon complaint made to the King or his Chief-Justice if reformation were not made within a time limited the Conservators and the common people were to distrain gravere eum which would amount to a licensed Rebellion with a salvis personis only of the King and his Queen and Children all the great men of the Kingdom and the common people and as many as would being also to take their Oaths to be aiding and assisting to those Conservators in a kind or much resembling the late ASSOCIATION who were themselves to take their Oaths well and truly to execute their multiplied Kingships and clip as much as they could the more just Authority and Rights of their Sovereign But in those of Oxford there was so much kindness shewed to themselves and care taken of their own tender consciences as not to be sworn at all and must needs be an excellent contrivance for the invisible good of the Kingdom and a rare performance of their Homage Fealty and Oaths of Allegiance to take the power and authority from a King which should enable him to perform his Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta freely granted unto them and put it into their own hands to break those Charters and his Oaths and to protect and do Justice unto his people as oft as their malice ambitious envies avarice revenge interests designs corruptions or domineering passions of themselves and their Wives being not a few in number and their numerous adhaerents should incite or persuade them unto and were so confident of their over-ruling party no provision being at all made in those which were made at Oxford if any discords should arise in the election of the one twelve or the other or in the continuance of their agreements together shares or parts in the Government of their King and fellow-Subjects as believing that the power of the twelve Barons chosen by themselves would be either praedominant over the twelve which were to be named by the King or their newly-usurped authority would be so complaisant and well-pleasing unto all the twenty-four as flattery fear or interest would so quiet any to be supposed discords as they should not need to fall out at a Feast or divide disturb or destroy themselves by Factions the security given at Running-Mead ordaining only twenty-five
in their Minds and Estates Discontents of the vanquisht Nobility Absence and feared Insurrections of that and a great part of the Baronage and People that were not in the Battle on either side and the Decov cunningly inserted in their Writs of Summons to a kind of Parliament of their own framing that Pax Reformata fuit betwixt him and the Barons Benedictus sit Deus enticed many that either Fear or Flattery perswaded to be on the Stronger and Prevailing Side to make their Peace with them and either to Joyn with them or stand aloof off and enjoy as well as they could their large Possessions and Estates which in those times could draw many Tenants and Followers after them And being Jealous of the Affections Power and Strength of John Balioll and Peter de Brus with certain other Lords of Scotland Robert de Nevil and some of the Northern English Barons a Writ in the King's Name was also the 24 th day of that December sent unto them to come to London but without any certain Day or mention that they were there to Treat cum Praelatis Comitibus or cum coeteris Magnatibus de arduis negotiis Regni and not mixt with other Affairs as the former or after Form of Summons to Parliament or those great Councils were accustomed to be with a more than ordinary safe Conduct for their Persons and Security in the interim for their Lands and Estates in the form following viz. Rex Johanni de Bailol Petro de Brus Roberto de Nevil Eustachio de Bailol Steph. de Menill Gilberto Haunsard Rad ' filio Ranulphi Ad ' de Gensenr ' Roberto de Stotevil de Atton ' sociis suis partium borealium Salutem Cùm Karissimus filius Edwardus primogenitus noster pro Pace in Regno nostro assecurandâ Obses deputatus extitisset jam sedatâ benedictus Deus turbatione praedictâ super liberatione ejusdem salubritèr providendâ plena securitate tranquillitatis pacis ad honorem Dei utilitatem totius Regni Nostri firmandâ finalitèr complenda per quod vobiscum volumus habere tractatum super praemissis aliis negotiis Nostris arduissimis pluries vobis mandaverimus quòd ad Nos veniretis Nobiscum super specialibus negotiis Nostris colloquium habituri quod hucusque facere distulistis de quo miramur quà m plurimùm movemur vobis iteratò mandamus firmitèr injungentes quòd omnibus negotiis praetermissis ad Nos London sine omni dilatione veniatis Nobiscum super praemissis locuturi hoc sicut Nos Honorem Nostrum vestrum diligitis nullo modo omittatis ut securius ad Nos venire possitis mittemus dilectum fidelem nostrum Johannem de Burgo seniorem ad conducendum vos salvo securè sicut in Literis nostris patentibus quas idem Johannes super hoc habet plenius continâ—tur mandavimus etiam dilectis fidelibus nostris Johanni de Vescy Henrico de Hastinges Joh ' de Eynill Adi de Novo Mercato aliis fidelibus nostris cum eis in partibus illis existentibus quòd à gravaminibus molestiis dampnis seu injuriis vobis aut hominibus vest is si ad Nes veneritis inferendis penitùs desistant In cujus c. Teste Rege apud Wodest ' vicesimo quarto die Decembris And the 26 th day of that December Symon Montfort and his Confederates wanting the Council and Assistance of the Bishop of Norwich and not knowing what to do either with the Old Lyon or the Young directed a Writ unto him in the King's name in these words viz. Rex Episcopo Norwicen ' Cùm post gravia turbationum discrimina dudum habita in Regno nostro karissimus filius Edwardus Primògenitus Noster pro Pace in Regno Nostro assecuranda firmanda Obses traditus extitisset jam sedatâ benedictus Deus turbatione praedictâ super deliberatione ejusdem salubritèr providenda plena securitate tranquillitatis pacis ad honorem Dei utilitatem totius Regni Nostri firmanda totalitèr complenda ac super quibusdam aliis Regni Nostri negotiis quae sine consilio vestro aliorum fidelium Magnatum nostrorum nolumus expediri cum eisdem tractatum habere Nos oporteat vobis mandamus rogantes in fide dilectione quibus Nobis tenemint quòd omni occasione postpositâ negotiis aliis praetermissis sitis ad nos London in Octabis Sancti Hillarii proximè futuris Nobiscum cum praedictis fidelibus Magnatibus nostris quos ibâ—dem vocari fecimus super praemissis tractaturi concilium vestrum impensuri hoc sicut nos honorem nostrum vestrum nec non ad communem Regni Nostri tranquillitatem diligitis nullatenùs omittatis Teste Rege apud Wod ' vicesimo sexto die Decembris And believing it to conduce much unto their naughty purposes to have the Cinque-Ports who were by their Tenures obliged to furnish out yearly a certain number of Ships for the safeguard of the Kingdom and Seas appertaining thereunto to be so much at their Devotion and Command as to hinder any Ayd which might come from any of the King's subjects and dominions in France for the Rescue of the King and Prince out of their Imprisonment and Captivity from which they never intended to Release them until they had Despoiled him of all or the greatest part of his Regalities The Writ following was the 20 th day of the then next following Month of January directed unto the Barons and Bailiffs of the Cinque-Ports to do that which they never did before as followeth c. Rex Baronibus Ballivis portus sui de Sandwico salutem Cum Praelati Nobiles Regni Nostri tà m pro negotio Liberationis Edwardi Primogeniti Nostri quà m prò aliis Communitatem Regni Nostri tangentibus ad instans Parliamentum nostrum quod erit London in Octabis Sancti Hillarii convocari fecimus ubi vestrâ sicut aliorum fidelium nostrorum praesentiâ plurimùm indigemus vobis mandamus in side dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmitèr injungentes quòd omnibus aliis praetermissis mittatis ad Nos ibidem quatuor de legalioribus discretioribus Portus vestri quòd sint ibidem in Octabis praedictis Nobiscum cum Praelatis Magnatibus Regni Nostri tractaturi super praemissis concilium impensuri hoc sicut honorem nostrum vestrum communem utilitatem Regni Nostri diligitis nullatenùs omittatis Teste Rege apud Westm ' Vicesimo die Januarii Similiter mandatum est singulis Portubus being within the very Octavies of St. Hillary The First day of February in the year and time of the King's Imprisonment as aforesaid some discords and disturbances continuing in the University of Cambridge amongst the Students and Schollars which was begun three years before and some Endeavours used to remove that
of the said Earl of Leicester's actions and courses a Writ was sent unto him in the King's Name as followeth Rex Gilberto de Clare Comiti Gloucestr ' Hertford ' salutem Cùm hac instante die Jovis in Crastino Cinerum super liberatione Edwardi Primogeniti Nostri finalem habere velimus tractatum vobis mandamus in fide homag dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmitèr injungentes Quòd omnibus aliis praetermissis sitis ad Nos die Jovis praedictâ Nobiscum super hoc tractaturi consilium vestrum impensuri ne retardatio liberationis ipsius vobis per moram absentiam vestram ad diem illum meritò possit vel debeat imputari quòd nullatenùs velle deberetis hoc sicut Nos Honorem nostrum vestrum ac tranquillitatem Regni Nostri noc non praedicti filii Nostri Liberationem diligitis nullo modo omittatis Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium decimo sexto die Februarii The 25 th day of that February a Memorandum was entred in the form following viz. Die Mercurii prox post festum S â—i Petri ad Cathedram recepit Dominus Rex sigillum suum à Magistro Johanne de Chishull Archidiacono London illud commisit Thomae de Cantilup sicut continetur in Rotulo patentium hujus anni Teste Rege apud Westm ' 25. die Februarii The 3 d of March next following Roger de Mortuomari for a small time pretending to submit ad pacem Domini Regis as they that had disturbed it would have it to be believed had Writs to the Subjects of Herefordshire and Shropshire not to molest him or his Tenants viz. Rex Vicecom ' Heref. salutem Cùm Rogerus de Mortuomari nuper ad pacem nostram venerit propter hoc hominibus suis in guerra in Regno Nostro super mota secum existentibus gratiam sacere velimus tibi praecipimus quòd omnes homines praedictos quos pro eo quòd in guerrâ praedictâ cum ipso fuerunt capi vel attachiari fecisti sine dilatione deliberari fac Nec ipsos de caetero ob causam praedictam occasionari fae nisi ipsos pro aliquo delicto ante Guerram vel post Guerram praedictam seu pacem Nostram proclamatam ab eisdem commisso ccperis vel attachiari feceris pro quo secundum consuetudinem Regni Nostri deliberari non debeant Teste Rege apud Westm ' tertio die Martii Eodem modo mandatum est Vicecomiti Salop. pro hominibus ejusdem Rogeri Per Regem consilium Robert de Ferrers Earl of Darbie a man of great Power and Revenue not keeping pace with their designes but falling roughly upon some of his Tenants that adhered unto them Ada de Tybetot complaining had by the King concilio Baronum the Mannor of Thorpe in Leicestershire restored unto her for that it was never the Intention of the Barons as they said that any Women especially Widows not being guilty should suffer in that Warr by a Writ sent unto Nicholas de Hastings who held the Lands of the said Earl of Darby upon seizure and sequestration sub hac forma of the date aforesaid viz. Rex Nicho. de Hastings Custodi terrarum Roberti de Farrar Com. Derb. salutem Monstravit nobis Ada de Tibetot gravitèr conquerendo quòd praefat ' Com. occasione Turbationis habitae in regno Nostro Manerium praedictae Adae de Thorp cum suis pertinentiis in Com. Leic. occupavit sibi detinuit ad ejus grave dampnum jacturam manifestam quod quidem Manerium unà cum aliis terris praefat ' Com. nunc est in manu Nostra ut dicitur quia verò Nostrae nunquam extitit intentionis aut Baronum nostrorum quòd aliquae Mulieres praecipuè Viduae dampnum aliquod vel jacturam incurrere deberent occasione Turbationis praedictae nisi illae quae turbationis illius Participes extiterint vobis de Concilio Baronum praedictorum mandamus quòd inquisita super hoc plenius veritate si praefatam Viduam de Manerio suo praedicto per eundem Com. ejectam inveneritis ut praedictum est si ipsa de praedicta turbatione in nullo culpabilis extiterit tunc eidem Viduae de eodem Manerio cum suis pertinentiis Sesinam suam rehabere fac Teste Rege apud Westm ' 3. die Martii per Iustic P. de Monteforti R. de S ti Johanne Adam de Novo Mercato The 5 th day of that March the like Writ was sent to the said Nicholas Hastings to restore the Princess Elianor Wise to the Prince the Mannor of Ashford in the Peake which being assigned to her the said Earl had entred upon for that it was never the King 's and the Barons intentions that Women not guilty should suffer by these Wars in which they had not offended in the form following Rex Nicho ' de Hastings Custodi suo terrarum Roberti de Ferrar Comitis Derb. Salutem Cùm Edwardus filius noster karissimus dudum ante turbationem habitam in Regno Nostro Manerium suum de Arkeford in Pecco cum pertinentiis Elianor ' Consorti suae ad cameram suam assignaverit quod quidem manerium praefatus Comes occasione turbationis praedictae nuper occupavit ac Nostrae nunquam extitit Intentionis vel Baronum nostrorum quòd Mulieres quae participes non extiterint praedictae turbationis dampnum vel jacturam aliquam debeant incurrere cùmque praedicta Elianora in nullo culpabilis sit de turbatione praedicta vobis de Consilio praedictorum Baronum mandamus quòd eidem Elianorae de Manerio praedicto quod unà cum praedictis terris praefati Comitis nunc est in manu Nostra ut dicitur Seisinam suam rehabere fac Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium quinto die Martii Per Consilium The 16 th day of that March Mandates were sent by the King to Roger de Shurland Guncelin de Badylmer Simon de Crey quibusdam aliis to come to him upon Palm-Sunday wheresoever he should then be in England viz. Mandatum est Rogero de Shirland in fide dilectione quibus Regi tenetur firmitèr injungendo quòd modis omnibus sine omni dilatione veniat ad Regem it à quòd sit ad R. die Lunae prox ante instantem diem dominicam Palmar ' ad ultimum ubicunque tunc Rex fuerit in Anglia cum Rege locutur ' hoc nullo modo omitt Teste Rege apud Westmon ' 16. Martii Eodem modo mandatum est Gunselmo de Badilmer Simoni de Crey quibusdam aliis Roger de Mortuo Mari and other Lords of the Marches of Wales being by the King at his being at Worcester de Consilio Baronum qui sunt de consilio Regis ordered to go into Ireland at Christmas next following according to the Instructions given by the King and his Barons which time was afterwards Prorogued until Mid-Lent and
prospicere volueritis nullo modo omittatis Nos enim hoc idem caeteris Praelatis duxerimus injungendum T. R. apud Heref. 12. die Junii Eodem modo mandatum est Episcopis Lincoln Winton Cestr ' Elyen ' Sarum Coventry Litchfield Bathon ' Wellen ' cum adjectione subscripta quia tantam eorundem Malitiam sub fictae veritatis colore per diversas partes praedicari faciunt ad comâ—â—ovenda corda populorum vestrum s 〈…〉 o cordis affectu peroptamus adventum ut nostro vestro aliorum Praelatorum medianti Testimonio veritas praevalere possit evidenter pateat non Nos sed praefatos Rebelles nostros subortis jam dissentionibus clà m praefecisse ut igitur ad honorem Dei nostram vestram communem Regni Utilitatem vestro mediante Consilio quo uti intendimus possint ipsa negotia procedere gressus vestros in quantum poteritis versus Nos maturetis nè per moras dictas dissentiones augeri contingat ut sic exitium consequantur duriorem But whilst that great Rebell Montfort Brother-in-law to his King and one of the God-Fathers to the Prince his Son taking himself to be too great to be a Subject and not being able to contain himself within the limits of Gratitude and Allegiance or to resist the Intreagues of the King of France a long before dangerous and profest Enemy to his KING and Soveraign and altogether unwilling to lose the Opportunity of a Factious and discontented part of the English Baronage driving his Charriot furiously like Jehu though not with so good an Authority impowered as he thought to make every one come behind him and believing himself to be in so firme a league with his Fortune and Security and assisted by Lewelline Prince of Wales who had confederated with him to raise a Disturbance upon the Lands and Estates of Mortimer Clifford the Earl of Gloucester and other Barons Marchers so as they might not be in a condition to Aid or Relieve the King and he needed not dread any danger of losing the Prey which he had gained but might make what use he would of his haughty and domineering Spirit give Laws to his Assisting Partners and not be obliged to keep his Agreement with Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford about the Dividend of the spoil or share of the Regal Power became Taxed for doing more for his own Particular than the Publick Good usurping the Redemption of Prisoners at his pleasure and to prolong the business did not to use the means of a Parliament to end it his Sons also and Peter de Montfort his Kinsman presuming upon his Success and Greatness growing Insolent which made the Earl of Gloucester to desert him and his Party and the more Loyal Barons not well pleased to have their King led about Captive and those who had so deeply engaged with Montfort for the Provisions extorted from the King at Oxford could not well digest so great an Affront put upon him and themselves and to have the King and Kingdom governed at the Discretion of Twenty-four Conservators after reduced to a much lesser number into which every one could not be admitted calmely considering the great Confusions Envies and Ambitions which would happen by so like to be so dangerous and unquiet an Innovation were content and propounded That those Ordinances or Provisions should be made void and the King restored to his former Rights and Condition but Peter de Montfort a Principal Rebel as well as a near Kinsman of Symon de Montfort's with four others opposed it and was made Governour of Hereford not long before the Prince's escape from his Imprisonment there Which was principally contrived by the means of Roger de Mortimer who seeing His Soveraign in so great a distress and nothing but Ruine and Misery attending himself and all other the King 's Loyal Subjects could take no rest until he had by his Intelligence and Correspondency held with Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester William de Valence Earl of Pembroke newly returned into England the Lord Clifford and other the Loyal Barons Marchers wrought some way for the Deliverance of the Prince in order to that of the King Which was in this manner effected A swift Horse was sent as a Present to the Prince then Prisoner in the Castle of Hereford whither the Army had afterwards brought the King in no better a condition with intimation that he should obtain leave to ride out for a Tryal or for Recreation into a place called Widmersh and that upon sight of a Person mounted upon a White Horse at the foot of Culington Hill and waving his Bonnet which was as it was said the Lord of Croft an Ancestor of the now Bishop of Hereford of that Sir-name and Ancient Family he should hast towards him with all possible speed which being so accordingly done as he though all the Country thereabouts were thither called to prevent his Escape setting spurs to that Horse out-rid them all and being come to the Park of Culington was met by Roger de Mortimer with five hundred armed men who turning upon the many Pursuers chased them back with a great slaughter to the Gates of Hereford but by Henry Knighton and others it is related that Roger de Mortimer having sent the Prince a swift Horse for that purpose which he obtaining leave of Peter de Montfort to try if he were of use for the great Saddle first wearied out other Horses and then got on the swift Horse a Boy with two Swords whom the said Roger de Mortimer had sent being near with another Horse and turning himself to Robert de Ross then his Keeper and to others By-Standers said I have been in your Custody for a time but now I bid you farewel and so rode away the said Roger de Mortimer with his banner displayed receiving him at a little Hill called Dinmore conveyed him safe to his Castle at Wigmore Which did put Montfort and his Fellow-Rebels into such a Consternation and Care of themselves and the Custody of their Royal Prisoner as besides their many Cautions to watch his motions and stop the Princes passage into the parts beyond the Seas a Writ was sent to the Sheriff of Herefordshire in the King's Name commanding the most of the Gentry of that County amongst whom Hugo de Croft was mentioned to come Cum equis armis toto posse suo ad desensionem villae de Hereford and to the King wheresoever he should be under the pain of Forfeiture of all that they had and for ever to be disherited SECT VIII Of the Actions of the Prince after his Escape his Success at the Battle of Evesham Release of the King his Father and Restoring him to his Rights PRince Edward being thus at liberty did by the help of Mortimer Clare Earl of Gloucester the Earl Warren William de Valence Earl of Pembroke the Lord Clifford and
they endeavoured to doe but were over-reached by the Military Arts and Stratagems of the Montfortian Party the King having the Castle of Kenilworth surrendred unto him Symon and Guy de Montfort Sons to the Earl of Leicester with the disinherited Barons who escaped from the Battel of Evesham defending the Isle of Ely the King and the Prince going with an Army against them streightly besieged them and tendred them afterwards gentle Conditions wherein the King 's Privy Councel were divided for that Mortimer having the whole Earldom Honor and great Estate of the Earl of Oxford after the battle of Evesham granted unto him and many others who had great Quantities of the disherited Parties Lands given unto them were unwilling to forgo what the King had for their Valour and Fidelity bestowed upon them and therefore would hold what they had but Gloucester and the Twelve Ordained to deal for the Peace of the State and other their Friends which were many stood stifly for a Restoration Which raised new Displeasures so as Gloucester retired from the Court and sent a Messenger to require the King to remove Strangers from his Court and observe the Provisions made at Oxford according to his last Promise made at Evesham otherwise he should not marvel if himself did what he thought fit whereupon in the one and fiftieth year of his Raigne at S t. Edmunds-Bury was a Parliament summoned unto which were cited Comites Barones Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates and all who held by Knights Service were to appear with Horse and Armour for the vanquishing of those disherited Persons who contrary to the Peace of the Kingdom held the Isle of Ely John de Warren Earl of Surrey and William de Valentia were sent to the Earl of Gloucester who had leavied an Army upon the Borders of Wales to come in a fair manner to that Parliament which he refused to do but gave it under his hand that he would never bear Arms against the King or his Son Edward but to defend himself and pursue Roger Mortimer and other his Enemies for which he pretended to have taken Armes The first Demand in that Parliament which was made by the King and the Legat was That the Clergy should grant a Tenth for three Years to come and for the Years past so much as they gave the Barons for defending the Coasts against the Invasion of Strangers Whereto they answred That the War was begun by unjust Desires which yet continued and it was more necessary to treat of the Peace of the Kingdom to make use of the Parliament for the benefit thereof and not to extort Moneys considering the Land had been so much destroy'd by the War as it would never be recovered When it was required That the Clergy might be taxed by Laymen according to the just Value They answer It was neither Reason nor Justice that they should intermeddle in collecting the 10 th which they would never consent unto but would have the Antient Taxation to stand It was desired That they would give the 10 th of their Baronies and Lay-fees according to their utmost values They answered That they were impoverished in attending the King in his Expeditions and their Lands lay untilled by reason of the Wars It was moved That in liev of a 10 th they should give among them 30000 Marks to discharge the King's Debts contracted concerning the Kingdom of Sicily They answered They would give nothing in regard that all those Taxations and Extortions formerly made by the King were never converted to his own Use or the Benefit of the Kingdom Demand being made That all the Clergy-men which held Baronies or other Lay-fees should personally serve in the Wars They answer They were not to sight with the Material Sword but the Spiritual and that their Baronies were given of mere Almes Being required to discharge the 9000â— which the Bishops of Rochester Bath and the Abbot of Westminster stood bound to the Pope's Merchants for the King's Service at their being at the Court of Rome They answered That they never consented to pay such Loan and therefore were not bound to discharge it Then the Legate from the Pope required That without delay Praedication should be made throughout the Kingdom to incite men to take the Cross for the Recovery of the Holy Land Whereunto Answer was made That the greatest part of the People were already consumed by the Sword and that if they should undertake that Action there would be none left to defend the Kingdom and the Legate seemed to desire to extirpate the Nation and introduce Strangers Lastly when it was urged That the Praelates were bound to yield to all the Kings Demands by their Oath at Coventry where they did Swear to aid him by all means possible they could They answered that when they took that Oath they understood no other Aids than Spiritual and wholsome Councell So nothing but Denyals being obteyned in that Parliament the Legat imployed some to Sollicite the disherited Lords that held the Isle of Ely to leave off their Robberies and return to the Peace of the King the Faith and Unity of the Church according to the Form provided by the Dictum de Kenilworth made by a Commission of the King no Dict or Act of Parliament to 12 of the Peers for the Redemption of their Inheritances given away by the King for Five say some other Seven years Profits They who had no Lands were to give their Oaths and to find Sureties for their Peaceable Behaviour and make such Satisfaction and undergo such Penances as the Church should appoint they who were Tenants should lose their right to their Farmes saving the right of their Lords they who did instigate any to Fight against the King should forfeit the Profit of their Lands for two years and if any Person should refuse those Conditions they should be de Exhereditatis and have no power of recovering their Estates in which Composition or Dictum some Persons and particularly Symon de Montfort himself and his Heirs were excluded To which they answered That they hold the Faith received from their Catholick Fathers and their Obedience to the Roman Church as the Head of all Christianity but not to the Avarice and wilful Exactions of those who ought to Govern the same And that their Praedecessors and Ancestors whose Heirs they were having Conquered the Land by the Sword they held themselves to be unjustly disherited and that it was against the Popes Mandate they should be so dealt withal That they had formerly taken their Oaths to defend the Kingdom and Holy Church all the Prelates thundring the Sentence of Excommunication against such as withstood the same and according to that Oath they were prepared to spend their Lives and seeing they Warred for the benefit of the Kingdom and Holy Church they were to sustain their Lives by the Goods of those that detained their Lands which the Legat ought to cause to be
commanded them to send unto him Ten or Twelve of their most honest and discreet Citizens to satisfie the rest of the City that He had been privy unto all that had been done in His Name and to the end that they might be better informed of his Will and Pleasure if there had been any Members of Parliament for the City there already with him Elected or Attending For certainly they that had strugled so much and contended to blood for a Twenty-four Conservatorships reduced during the Kings Imprisonment to Nine after to Four of the more special Rebellious Undertakers would be loath to part with that Power and false Authority which they had so desperately gained And the business for which the Knights and Burgesses were desired by them to be elected and called together to treat with the Prelates and Nobles of the Kingdom whom the King as they would have it believed had caused to be summoned and called to a Parliament which was to be holden in Octabis S ti Hillarii then next coming as well concerning the Delivery of his Son Prince Edward out of Prison where he remained a Pledge or Hostage for the King as for other matters touching the common Good of the Kingdom in which the presence of them and other Loyal men as the Writ said was requisite and were in fide dilectione in which they were bound unto the King to be there to treat of such things as the King by the Advice of his Prelates and Barons should for the common Profit of the Kingdom ordain as they tendered his and their Honours a word by the Customes and Curialities of England not in these or many ages after usual or appropriate to the Commons Burgesses or Tradesmen of England And was an Import beyond the understanding and reach of the Capacity of the Vulgar and if it could have been thought to have been fitting or necessary for that instant Emergency could not with any Reason or true Judgment be supposed to have been proper Advisers for any afterward Matters of State weighty or grave Deliberations upon which the Safety and Welfare of the whole Nation was to have any dependance as if that Prince Edward or any other Prince our Kings Eldest Son had for all Ages to come been supposed to be Prisoners or Hostages for their Father Neither could such a device be in any Probability long or any thing near everlastingin the very Design it self or Meaning of the Contrivers for that even after they were to a Despair utterly overthrown at the battle of Evesham and the Dictum Pardons and Compositions made at Kenelworth the Earl of Gloucester upon a renewed Discontent raised Forces and demanded the Observation of the Provisions made at Oxford which amongst other things for the Conservatorships which he alledged the King had promised at the Battle of Evesham and very likely if at all after the battel ended and some of the disherited Lords that had fled to the Isle of Ely and forcibly withheld the possession thereof from the King did amongst other their Demands make it to be one of their Propositions that the Provisions of Oxford might be observed And that kind of Summons made in and by the Name of a Captive King when He was a Prisoner could not by any Rule of Law or Reason have been then added to our ancient fundamental Laws and made to be a fundamental Law as ancient as the Government upon which the House of Peers and a great part of the Monarchy was built nor such a third Estate or Constitution of a different Nature and after so long an Interval of time made to be co-ordinate with it which the Provisions at the forced Parliament at Oxford if any such thing as a Co-ordination in a House or Society of Elected Commons had then been in Actu or rerum natura or in any Being or Existence before the framing of those Provisions did annihilate and seem never to intend And if such a Novel great Councel Parliament or Convocation could have met with any Success which in regard of Discords Rebellions Hostilities Jealousies and Fears then busying and disturbing the Kingdom was every where embarassed and incumbred with Dangers and Troubles the King and His Brother the Prince His Son with many of the Loyal part of the Baronage imprisoned and the remaining part of them either Fled or under the power of their and the Kingdomes Enemies could have taken Root or gained any Fixation no small Contests and Dissentions arising betwixt the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester and their several Adherents two of the greatest Supports of the Faction as it usually happeneth saith Daniel in Confederacies where all must be pleased or all the knot will break about their Dividends private and particular Agreements It could not easily or at all receive any Entertainment in the Reason or Understanding of Mankind or which is much less any colour of it or less than that in any Man's Imagination or Conjecture not mad or distempered that such a numerous part of the Commons as to the Burgesses to be elected out of the vulgar rude rash giddy and apt-to-be-partial and easily misled affrighted or flattered sort of the People should produce any good Effect either to themselves or the publick when too many of them were or would be likely to be most commonly altogether illiterate and of such as could escape that unhappy Character but few that had ever looked in at the Threshold or Door of good Learning and Policy and fewer that had spent any or much of their time in it but addicted themselves or imployed most of their Thoughts upon the Cares of managing their own Estates Husbandry Trade or other necessaries of Livelihood more proper for the common and inferior Ranks of the People upon whom very many sad and often Experiments have for many Ages and Centuries before deservedly fixed and imposed the indeleble Marks of Mobile prosanum scelestum Vulgus and given Us a lamentable Account of many of their mad and reasonless Advices willful and head-long Actions to the Destruction not only of their Superiours and those that would or should guide them but of themselves and all that have had to do with them or any ill governed Assembly Sr let-loose Multitude of Men. Which without good Accidents and much Difficulty to boot are seldom Governed or brought within the bounds or compass of well digested Reason and Prudence especially if they sit for any long time to hatch or brood Factions or Partialities Envies Ammosities Self-interests over-strained Liberties Authorities Priviledges and taking too much upon them And there could not be any or much good Event expected to happen to the Councels of Princes or the Weal publick either as to the Secrecy the life of Councels Consultive or Active part of them Or to those rebellious Lords themselves who as the Case then stood with them were concerned to order the business as much as they could for their own Preservation and
Advantage and to take care that there should be some Bridle or Method to restrain them And there being besides Twenty-Four Cities in England where two Citizens were to be chosen out of each by the direction of that novel Writ and a great number out of as many Boroughs and Corporation-Towns then in England at the arbitrary and corrupt Power of the Sheriffs as it after proved and hapned with its Thirty-Nine Shires and two Knights to be chosen out of each the Counties and Boroughs of Wales not being at that time to be put into the Account and Four out of every of the Cinque-Ports the number would so swell and increase as might very much exceed that of the Peers and Barons which in the largest Estimate would not then arrive unto Two Hundred and Eighty and according to the then more common Accompt and they then summoned ad libitum Regis not many more than Sixty in which high and honourable Court and House of Lords Spiritual and Temporal should that very great surpassing number of Commons have their equal Suffrages as it may be believed they never were intended to be allowed the lesser number would be over-powered by the greater the more noble prudent and concerned by those that were little at all and introduce a Community or Vassalage upon themselves and their Posterity which the Roman Senators and Patritii in a Common-Wealth made out of a Monarchy for fear of Tyranny were unwilling to admit and when they were seditioned and mutinyed unto it left their Chiland Seri nepotes to endure the dire Effects of their often Changes from Kings to Consuls from Decem-virates unto Tribunes of the People Censors Tribunes-Military bloody Proscriptions and Wars betwixt the Patritii and Plebeians pacified and succeeded by a Dictator after that a Trim-virate after that an Emperor and semper Augustus Caesar with an arbitrary Power until good and wholsome Laws of their own making gave an Allay unto it For such a Miscellany of Imis cum Summis of Inferiours with Superiors could not be deemed to be either more or better enabled than the Prelates and Baronage of the Nation the Moratiores bomines Men of better Extraction Education the ancient extraordinary grand Councel of our Kings and Princes not meanly but eminently skilled in matters of State and Policy Religion War forreign Languages and Affairs of their own State and others and in the quieting the Troubles of it Nor could that their Device at that time have much Assurance of any good Success therein when the Prince was a Prisoner and Hostage for his Father who was long after in no better a condition against the Laws of Wars and Rules of Hostages and the Tenor of those Writs of Summons carried nothing in them of a perpetual Constitution or any thing more than pro hac vice and for that only time and purpose Or that such a Parcel of the lower ranks of People could be more knowing and intelligent than the King of France assisted by his grand and learned Nobility Clergy and Wisdom of his Parliament of Paris were not long before when they determined those grand and long-depending bloodily-agitated Controversies betwixt that persecuted King and some of his then ungovernable Barons concerning the disloyal and unhappy Provisions enforced from Him at Oxford some Years before And such a novum inauditum betwixt a Monarch and King no Feudatory and his rebellious Subjects referred to the Advice of themselves or their Partizans touching the Claim of their Pretences in their own particular Cases being not easily to be found in any the Annals Histories or Records of this or any other Kingdom or Nation For many of the Milites or Knights in that new Contrivance to be Elected were at that time as to their Estates of so general and lost Esteem as Twenty or Fifteen pounds per Annum was by the Statute of the First Year of the Raign of King Edward the Second which was not much above Forty Three Years after conceived to be no contemptible Rate or Proportion of Livelihood for a Knight when William de Felton an Ancestor of a Family now of good Note in the County of Suffolk being in the Third Year of the Raign of King Edward the Third presented before the Justices itinerant to be seized of the Mannot of Botingdon quod valet per Annum Twenty Pounds to be Thirty Years Old nondum Miles ideo in misericordia and many Gentlemen of good Extractions and Families did heretofore appear to have been long after retained under Earls and Barons in the Wars and Service of their Prince and not seldom as Domesticks and more especial Servants in their then large and honourable Families and have been their Receivers Stewards or Feodaries worn their more special Livings and taken Wages Dyet and Allowance for themselves and a limited Number of Men and Horses altho some of them have been Gentlemen of good Value and Descent and very many of those which have been since Elected are not denyed to have been Persons of ancient and worshipful Families The Citizens and Burgesses Merchants excepted such as did Sordidas artes exercere as the Civil Law stileth them Men that usually made their Gain or manner of Living by Deceits and Lying and were as our Common Law above Two Hundred Years after declared them saith Littleton to be Men with whose Daughters to Marry would be to a Gentleman such a Disparagement as the Parents and Kindred might Legally complain of it and the Testimony saith the Caesarean or Civil Law of a Gentleman was to go as far or to be valued as two of them And how unequal they were like to be in their Births Reputations and requisite Parliamentary Abilities who being to be very Burgesses and City or Town-Trading Inhabitants according to the Intention of those Writs could not be expected to be other than such as were only bred and instructed in the Arts Tricks Deceits and Mysteries as they have been since well called of Trade and the most of their Estates and Livelihood gained by it being much more wickedly than Honest as their Apprentices and Journey-men who know the Secret thereof can Witness nor to be able or serviceable to their Prince in any thing more than to attend Him if He should need or call him as a Merchant to some great and publick Mart or Fair to help him to buy or sell such Things as should be there Marchantable or that the Knights to be chosen in the Shires who in those times made the Military Exercises to be their greatest Care and Employment would not be more necessary and fit to attend their Soveraign to perform the Office and Intention of those Writs to defend their King themselves their Country Friends and Neighbours and to do that which every Gentleman and such as were è meliori luto of the more refined Clay better born and bred than the rude Vulgus or common sort of People would of
themselves if not commanded or otherwise by their Tenures obliged be willing to do as that Learned French Lawyer Brissonius well observeth Qu'en la necessitie de Guerre toutes les Gentilz hommes sont tenus de prendre les Armes pour la necessitie du Roy which by our Laws of England is so to be encouraged as it is Treason to kill any Man that goeth to Aid the King and is no more than what the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy do bind every English-man unto although they should tarry in the Camp more than Forty Dayes or not have Escuage or any Allowance of their Charges from their own Tenants And the People of the Counties and Cities as well as the smaller Towns or Boroughs which were to delegate or commission them and make them wise enough to give their Assent in that great and solemn Assembly and Councel of the King and His Prelates Baronage Lords Spiritual and Temporal unto what they should ordain in quibusdam not in omnibus arduis high and extraordinary Matters concerning the King Church and Kingdom not in ordinary or common were only or more especially to take into their Consideration and inform the State Commerce Interest and Affairs Abilities or Disabilities of the Countries Places to supply their Soveraign's occasions some of those Burgesses Elected and sent from poor Fisher-Maritime-Towns the most prudent Observers of whom might have done Aristotle good service in his Enquiries not of the Politicks but of the ebbing and flowing of the Sea or some of the lesser Genery or over-grown Yeomanry as might instruct Varro or Columella in the design of writing their Books de Re Rusticâ or the well lined plausible Dweller in some inconsiderable Villes or a small number of Houses little better than Cottages with a fair Inn with two carved or gilded Sign Posts and a St. George on Horse-back unmercifully killing the Dragon and the Inhabitants Men of no more Language Wit or Learning than was scarcely sufficient to manage their vulgar mechanick Employments might have been more useful in the Parliament of the Twenty-Seventh Year of the Raign of King Edward the Third when the Statutes of the Staple and the Staple Cities and Towns so greatly concerning the after happening Golden-Fleece-flourishing-wollen-Trade and Manufacture in England and the enriching those Cities and Towns were made and enacted And the Consent or Advice therein of the vulgar or ignoble part of the Free-holders might have been more requisite in the making and framing the Act of Parliament in the Twenty-Third Year of the Raign of the aforesaid King touching Labourers and Servants or that long after made by Queen Elizabeth in the Fifth Year of her Raign limiting the Wages of Servants Artificers and Workmen as being likely to be more sensible and to give good Instructions in their own Concernments than in those of their Superiours their Land-lords viz. The King Nobility Bishops Gentry irelgious Houses Colledges Universities Deaneries Praebendaries Hospitals Corporations and Companies of Trades c. Those that were Boroughs were not then so many or half so big as they have been since by our King 's Royal Favours in the granting of Fairs and Markets unto them with divers other Immunities and Priviledges c. Nor had gained so great Additions to their Buildings and former extent by their Scituation or Neighbourhood to some great Town or City of Trade and the Inhabitants of them Men only conversant in the evil Arts of Trade and with Demetrius the Silver-Smith ready to do more for Diana's Temple than St. Paul's Preaching and lay out that little Understanding that they have in taking some Lands to Farm near adjoyning and being as little acquainted as may be with State-Policy or any thing out of the reach of their Neighbourhood will be as unfit to know or discern wise Men as the Corydons Hobby-nolls country Carters or Mechanicks are or would be to Elect or give their Votes or Suffrages for the taking of the degrees of Doctors Masters or Batchelors of Arts in our Universities or as Brick-laiers would be to give their direction and advice in the Building Rigging Tackle Steering and Sailing of a Ship Or to give a liberty to the Boys to choose their School-Master and direct what Methods he should use in the governing of them or to the Common People to elect and choose the King 's Privy Council or to have Votes or Suffrages in the making or repeal of such Laws as the variety of their Humours Interests Envies Ambitious Ignorances and Whimsies should perswade them to obey or be ruled by or such as may consist with all of them together or as much as for that very instant or moment of Time may agree with every Man 's particular Fancy Interests Occasion Advantage Will or Pleasure or of those that shall awe flatter bribe delude fool or seduce them Or in the Hurry and Distraction which Rebel-Armies and Gatherings of a misled or cheated Part of the People in such a Collection use to be might probably think it necessary and greatly conducing to their present self Advantages to procure them that were under the influence of their Power then very formidable or of the Tenancy or dependance of themselves or the rest of the Baronage whom they were labouring by Force Fear Flattery or other seducing and evil Arts to entice and draw into their Party to consent for the present to the Advice or Petitioning for the Confirmation or Establishment of the constrained Provisions made at Oxford and their Conservatorships which the King of France had not long before solemnly in his aforesaid Arbitration condemned and annulled For the Engine or Knack of the Twenty-Four Conservators to govern them and the King and Kingdom Twelve as it was sometimes proposed to be chosen by the King and Twelve by the victorious Rebels after confined to a much smaller Number as their Power and usurped Authority in a short time after gave them the Liberty and Occasion could never be thought to be with any intention to continue that new Model or Frame of Parliament any longer than pro hâc vice until the imprisoned King and Prince should be released and the Disturbances of the Kingdom quieted as those Writs of Simon and Peter de Montfort's own framing and putting under the King's Name and Seal did if they might be credited seem to import But were rather convened for Simon de Montfort's particular Ambition and Establishment nor could otherwise be interpreted to amount to any more than the most likely to have been the dismal Effects thereof the Destruction of the King and his Family Subversion of the ancient fundamental Laws and Customs of the Nation and Change of our ancient Monarchy into an Oligarchy And must either be understood not to have known at all the fundamental Usages Customes Priviledges of the Praelates Nobility and Great Men of the Realm in their King 's great Councels or Parliaments when they were thereunto Summoned
and that long after both by the Feudal and common Laws of this Kingdom the Lords Spiritual and Temporal were in Parliament to Assess a proportionable Escuage upon such of their Tenants who held any Capite Lands and did not go with them in Person to serve their King and Country and were not to be their own Assessors but submit unto what they should in those great Councels subordinate to their King 's determine and as they anciently were used to do when Taxes were laid upon Knights Fees when the Common People that were to pay them were not all present or any for them Or never to intend to introduce such a Party of the Common People into a Co-ordination or Fellowship with them in a Subordination to their Soveraign which might as they did afterwards entice them to encroach and believe that a License of Petitioning for Redress of any Grievances which might happen and a Liberty to give an Approbation and Obedience to what should be there ordained by the King by the Advice of his Lords Spiritual and Temporal for the publick Good should be in or unto them or their Successors an Authority or original Power to controul what their Kings by the Counsel of their Lords Spiritual and Temporal should there find necessary to Enact when they could not forget that even in the time of the Imprisonment of King Henry the Third they did in his Letters Rescripts Writs and Edicts written and sent about the Kingdom in his Name amounting to no fewer than Sixteen mention that his said Orders Acts and Commands were done by the Counsel and Advice Procerum Magnatum suorum and in some of them his Prelates Barons hautes hommes but nothing at all of the Commons And that Rebellious part of the Baronage might the easier be led into that they never meant when they had some reason to think or assure themselves that such an Election of Members or the parts of the common People would much advance the fixing and setling their Designes when they could not but acknowledge that they owed much of their Liberties and happiness under their Kings and Princes unto them and their Ancestors as in particular unto an Earl of Oxford in procuring of the King Three Hundreds in the County of Essex to be diaforrested and might be glad to entail and perpetuate their Assistances Dependencies Hospitalities Priviledges and Favours upon their Posterity and after Generations and rather return a submissive Compliance unto them well accepted than to endeavour to prejudice or in the least to make themselves equal unto them or Mastors of them but would be content to be ruled by them and not endeavour to govern or domineer over them With which doth accord that well founded Opinion and Answer of that excellent Prince and very Martyr King Charles the First our late gracious and pious Soveraign in his Answer to the haughty and undutiful Nineteen Propositions sent unto Him by the rebellious and misled Parliament the Second Day of June One Thousand Six Hundred Forty Two That the House of Commons was never intended for any share in the Government or the Choosing of them that should Govern and were not likely in those early and troublesome times to get any Root or Foundation for such an unwarrantable Pretence And might have believed that the Prelates and Baronage of England had heretofore Power and Influence sufficient to have kept them in a better Order both towards them and their Sovereign SECT II. Of the great Power Authority Command and Influence which the Prelates Barons and Nobility of England had in or about the Forty-Ninth Year of the Raign of King Henry the Third when he was a Prisoner to Symon de Monfort and those Writs of Election of some of the Commons to Parliament were first devised and sâ—nt to Summon them And the great Power and Estates which they afterwards had to create and continue an Influence upon them WHen the then Prelates by the Papal great and exorbitant Power over the Bodies and Souls of the People of England as well high as low rich or poor their Power of certifying Illegitimations Bastardy or Ne unques loyalment accouplis en Matrimony with their Fulminations Excommunications Curses Interdictions Confessions Absolutions Pardons and Dispensations Denial of Christian burial Affrights of Purgatory undenyable Commands over the inferiour Clergy and they over the People together with the great Authority which their Episcopal Function and Dignity inseparably conjoynt with their Temporal Baronies had given unto them in the Parliaments of England the greatest and highest Councels and Assembly of the Nation were in the time of King Henry the Third's Imprisonment so much allured and drawn by some of their factious and naughty Incitements to Symon de Montfort's Party by a kind of Ordinance and Agreement before mentioned of the then over-ruling-Power of the rebellious Victors as there was an undertaking to preserve from Plunder and Spoil all the Lands and Estates of the Holy-Church affirm their Authorities and all that they should have reasonable Order for amends should be performed and full Power granted unto them by the King or Generality of the Earls Barons and great Men of the Land to provide things profitable for the bettering the Estate of the Holy-Church to the Honor of God And with their temporal Baronies unto which many Mannors of a great Extent and yearly Value were annext and some other Barons holding of them and had their many Milites for service of War and Multitudes of Tenants by Tenure Lease and Copy-holding of them And the regular and monastick part of the Clergy of England many of whose Abbots and Priors were admitted to sit amongst the Peers in Parliament were so envied for their great Revenues and Estates as the Commons in a Parliament in the Raign of King Henry the Fourth wherein Lawyers were prohibited to be elected Members and therefore stiled indoctum Parliamentum did petition the King to confiscate and take into his own Revenue all their Lands which they had calculated to be sufficient to maintain One Hundred and Fifty Earls no small Estate in those times being enough to satisfy the honourable Yearly expences of one Earl and his numerous Retinue after the rate of their then living One Thousand Five Hundred Knights Six Thousand Two Hundred Esquires and erect Two Hundred Hospitals for the Relief of maimed Souldiers And in that new Frame of a great Council or Parliament wherein a part of the Commons of England were to be Assembled which can find no other Original than the Fate of that unhappy King in the battle of Lewis as the close Roll of the Forty Eight of that King will tell us there were no fewer of the then well-wishing Clergy to Symon de Mortfort Summoned unto that new modelled Parliament than One Arch-Bishop Fourteen Bishops Thirty-Five Abbots Two Priors their good Friends and Confederates and for Companies sake in such an hopeful and popular
disobliging unto any of them was to fall foul or out of the favour of all their great Alliances Friends Kindred numberless Tenants Servants Retainers Dependants and well-Wishers many of which being their own Relations Friends or Kindred might either help on and bring upon them a most certain and inevitable Ruine or put their small and fainting Estates into a languishing Condition when any the least Offences taken or given would be sure to effect it in the Displeasure of those who until the Reign of King Edward the First and some Ages after were so high and potent As that Ferrers Earl of Darby an Opposite to King Henry the Third in the Baron's Wars had Twenty Lordships in Barkeshire Three in Wiltshire in Essex Five in Oxfordshire Seven in Warwickshire Six in Lincolnshire Two in Buckinghamshire Two in Gloucestershire One Herefordshire Two Hantshire Three Nottinghamshire Three Leicestershire Thirty-Five Derbyshire One Hundred and Fourteen Staffordshire Seven of which was Chedley a parcel whereunto that part of Staffordshire appertained and besides had the Castle and Borough of Tudbury in that County together with many Advowsons Patronages c. and Knights Fees holding of him in those and other parts of England An Ancestor of Gilbert de Gaunt a partaker of the Norman Conquest another Opposite of King Henry the Third had in the Conquerors Survey One Lordship in Barkshire Three in Yorkshire Six in Cambridgeshire Two in Buckinghamshire One in Huntingtonshire Five in Northamptonshire One in Rutland One in Leicestershire One in Warwickshire Eighteen in Nottinghamshire One Hundred and Thirteen in Lincolnshire with Folkingham which was the Head of his Barony besides Knights Fees of those that held of him Patronages and Advowsons Fairs Markets Assize of Bread and Beer Pillory and Tumbrel c. Symon de Montfort Earl of Leicester was in the right of Amicia one of the Sisters and Co-heirs of Robert Fitz Parnel a Norman Earl of Leicester Lord high Steward of England in Fee an Office of Large Authority and Esteem had in Warwickshire Sixty-Four Lordships in Leicestershire Sixteen in Wiltshire Seven in Northamptonshire Three in Gloucestershire One besides many Knights Fees of those that held of him Advowsons Patronages Fairs Markets and the priviledges of Pillory Tumbrel and the Assize of Bread and Beer The Earl of Gloucester and Hartford had Thirty-Eight Lordships in Surrey Thirty-Five in Essex Three in Cambridgeshire Halling and Bermeling Castle in Kent Haresfeild in Middlesex Sudtime in Wiltshire Leviston in Devonshire Ninety-Five in Suffolke besides Thirteen Burgages in or near Ipswich of which Clare was one from whence that Family took their Surname or it from them had the Town and Castle of Tunbridge in Kent the Castle of Brianels in the County of Gloucester and whilst the King and his Son Edward were Prisoners at Lewis obtained a Grant under the Great Seal of all the Lands and large Possessions of Iohn Warren Earl of Surrey to hold at the King's Pleasure except the Castles of Rigate and Lewis was one of the Chief that extorted a Commission from the King authorizing Stephen Bishop of Chichester Symon Montfort and himself to nominate Nine as well Prelates as Barons to manage all things according to the Laws and Customes of the Kingdom until the Determinations should be made at Lewis and others which they better liked should take Effect Awbrey de Vere in the general Survey of William the Conqueror had Cheviston now Kensington Geling and Emingford in com Hunt Nine Lordships in Suffolk Fourteen in Essex whereof Colne Hengham and Bentley were part in Warwickshire Six in Leicestershire Fourteen in Northamptonshire Six in Oxfordshire Two and in Wiltshire Ten a Descendant of whom had in the Raign of King Stephen together with Richard Basset Justice of England custodiam Comitatus and executed the Sheriffs Offices of Surrey Cambridge Huntington Essex Hartford Northampton Leicester Norfolk Suffolk Buckingham and Bedford had by the Grant of Maud the Empress and King Henry the Second her Son by inheritance the Earldom of Oxford granted unto him and his Heirs and Mannor and Castle of Caufeild in the County of Essex and the Office of Lord Great Chamberlain of England in Fee with the Castles of Hengham or Hedingham and Campes to be holden by that Service and divers other Lands and Possession of a great yearly Value had before the Fourth Year of the Raign of King Henry the Third by the Marriage of the Daughter and Heir of the Lord Bulbeck many Mannors and Lands in the Counties of Buckingham and Cambridge and by the Marriage of the Daughter and Heir of Gilbert Lord Sanford the Inheritance of divers Mannors and Lands in the Counties of Essex and Hartford and a Grant in Fee to be Chamberlain to the Queen die Coronationis suae with divers Priviledges and One Hundred Knights Fees holden of them one whereof was by the Heirs of Mordaunt for Lands in Essex to come compleatly Armed as Champion to the Heir of the Family and Earls of Oxford in the great Hall of Hedingham Castle upon the day of his Nuptials to defy and fight with any that should deny him to be Earl of Oxford and another for the Mannor of Horseth in the County of Cambridge holden by the Family of Allington now the Lord Allington of the Kingdom of Ireland by the Service of holding the Earl of Oxford's Stirrop die nuptiarum which was actually performed in the Raign of Queen Elizabeth the day of the Marriage of Edward Earl of Oxford with the Daughter of the Lord Burghley Roger Bygod in the Conquerors Time did possess Six Lordships in Essex and One Hundred Seventeen in Suffolk had a Grant in the Raign of King Henry the Second of the Mannors of Ersham Walsham Alvergate and Aclay and the Honour of Eye in the County of Suffolk the Custody of the Castle of Norwich and a Grant of the Office of high Steward of England to hold and enjoy in as ample manner as Roger Bygod his Father had held it in the time of King Henry the First was Earl Marshal of England by Inheritance and had thereby a great Command and Authority in the King's Armies and all his Martial Affairs registred in his Marshals Rolls those many Thousands who as Tenants in Capite came into the Army to perform their Service by which also they were enabled to receive Escuage after of those that were their Under-tenants and held of them and did not come to do their Service was in times of Peace as in War to appease Tumults to Guard the King's Palace distribute Liveries and Allowances to the Officers thereof attend at the doing of Homages have a Fee of every Baron made a Knight and to receive of every Earl doing Homage a Palfry and Furniture Hugh de Montfort Ancestor of Peter de Montfort one of the Twenty-Four enforced Conservators for the Kingdom in the said Raign of King Henry the Third had in the general Survey Twenty-Eight
other Mannors Lands and vast Possessions in the Right of Alice Daughter and Heir of Lacy Earl of Lincolne appertaining to that Earldom gave costly Liveries of Furrs and Purple to Barons Knights and Esquires attending in his House or place of Residence and paid in the 7th Year of the Raign of King Edward the Second Six Hundred Twenty-Three Pounds Sixteen Shillings Six Pence when a little Money went as far as a great deal now to divers Earls Barons Knights and Esquires for Fees and being in great Discord with King Edward the Second his Nephew concerning Gaveston the two Despencers Father and Son his Favourites and some Grievances of the Nation complained of and the Pope having sent two Cardinals into England to endeavour a Pacification betwixt them they with the King Queen Arch-Bishop of Canterbury all the Bishops Cum Comitibus Baronibus Magnatibus Regni went to Leicester to have an Enterview and Treaty with the said Thomas Earl of Lancaster whither the King being come saith the Historian Occurrit ei Thomas Comes Lancaster die ei ex hac parte praefixo apud Sotisbrig stipatus pulcherrimâ multitudine hominum cum equis quod non occurrit quempiam retroactis temporibus vidisse aliquem Comitem duxisse tà m pulchram multitudinem hominum cum equis sic benè arraitorum scilicet 18. mille cùmque Rex Comes obviarent sine magna difficultate osculati sunt facti sunt chari Amici quòad intuitum circùm astantium In Anno 46. Henry the Third the King granted to John Earl of Richmond the Honor and Rape of Hastings in com' Sussex and in Anno 29. the Honor of Eagle and Castle of Pevensey in com' Sussex to whose Ancestors William the Conqueror had before granted all the Northern part of the County of York called Richmond being formerly the Possessions of Earl Edwyn a Saxon. Percy a great Baron in Northumberland and the Northern parts had thirty-two Lordships in Lincolneshire in Yorkshire eighty-six besides Advowsons Knights Fees free Warrens c. and was on the King's part at the Battle of Lewes Richard Earl of Cornewall had in the 11th of Henry the Third a Grant of the whole County of Rutland in Anno 15. of the Castle and Honor of Wallingford with the Appurtenances and the Mannor of Watlington all the Lands in England which Queen Isabell the King's Mother held in Dower the whole County of Cornewall with the Stanneries and Mines the Castle and Honor of Knaresburgh in the County of York the Castle of Lidford and Forrest of Dertmore the Castle of Barkhamsteed with the Appurtenances in the County of Hartford with many Knights Fees Advowsons free Warrens Liberties c. In the Raign of Henry the Third William de Valence afterwards Earl of Pembroke was seized of the Castle of Hartford with the Appurtenances of the Mannors of Morton and Wardon in com' Glouc ' Cherdisle and Policote in com' Buck ' Compton in com' Dors ' Sapworth Colingborow Swindon Jutebeach and Boxford in com' Wilts ' Sutton and Braborne in com' Kanc ' and of divers Mannors and Lands in the Counties of Surrey and Sussex Robert de Todeney Father of William de Albini built the Castle of Belvoir and had seventy-nine Mannors with large Immunities and Priviledges thereunto belonging Beauchamp of Elmeley of whom the Earls of Warwick of that Name were descended had by the Grant of King Henry the First bestowed upon him all the Lands of Roger de Wircester with many Priviledges to those Lands belonging and likewise the Shrievalty of Worcestershire to hold as freely as any of his Ancestors had done had the Castle of Worcester by Inheritance from Emelin de Ubtot the Mannors of Beckford Weston and Luffenham in com' Rutland executed the Shrievalty of Warwickshire in 2d Henry the Second so also in Gloucestershire from the 3d. to the 9th Inclusive for Herefordshire from the 8th to the 16th certified his Knights Fees to be in number Fifteen had by Marriage and his Inheritance the Honor and Castle of Warwick with Wedgenock Park and all those vast Possessions of the Earldom of Warwick enjoyed by Earl Walleran or Mauduit Baron of Hanslap his Heir Bolebeck of the County of Buckingham at the time of William the Conqueror's Survey was seized of Ricote in com' Oxon ' Waltine in com' Hunt ' and of Missedene Elmodesham Cesteham Medeinham Broch Cetedone Wedon Culoreton Linford Herulfmede and Wavendon in com' Buck ' and in 11th Henry the Third one of that Family certified his Knights Fees holden of the King to be eight of the Earl of Buckingham twenty Another of the same Name and Family in the County of Northumberland was enfeoffed of divers Lordships by King Henry the First one of whose Descendants in 12. Henry the Second certified his Knights Fees de veteri feoffamento to be four and a half and three and two Thirds de novo and left Issue by Margaret his Wife one of the Sisters and Coheirs of Richard de Montfichet a great Baron of Essex Hugh de Bolebeck who in 4. Henry the Third was Sheriff of Northumberland and possessed of twenty-seven Mannors in that County with the Grange of Newton and the Moyety of Bywell The Lord Clifford and his Descendants was then and not long after seized of the Borough of Hartlepole in the Bishoprick of Durham three Mannors in Oxfordshire three in Wiltshire Frampton and part of Lece in com' Glouc ' seven in com' Heref ' Corfham Culminton and three other Mannors in com' Salop ' the Castle of Clifford in com' Heref ' Mannor of Temedsbury or Tenbury and five other Mannors in com' VVigorn ' Castle and Mannor of Skipton in Craven Forrest of Berden the Chase of Holesdon the Towns of Sylesdon and Skieldon with the Hamlets of Swarthowe and Bromiac third part of the Mannor and Priory of Bolton in com' Eborum ' Mannors of Elwick Stranton and Brorton in com' Northum ' Castles and Mannor of Apleby Burgh Pendragon and Bureham the Wood of Quintel twenty-four Mannors and the Moiety of the Mannor of Maltby in the County of Cumberland the Mannor of Duston and eighteen other Mannors in the County of VVestmoreland together with the Shrievalty of that County to him and his Heirs descended unto him from the Baron of Vipont VVilliam de Peverell an illegitimate Son of VVilliam the Conqueror had in the 2d Year of his Raign when all places of Trust and Strength were committed to the King 's chiefest Friends and Allies the Castle of Nottingham then newly Built given unto him and with it or soon after divers Lands in several Counties of a large Extent for by the general Survey it appears that he had then forty four Lordships in Northamptonshire two in Essex two in Oxfordshire in Bedfordshire two in Buckinghamshire nine in Nottinghamshire fifty-five with forty-eight Trades-Mens Houses in Nottingham at Thirty-Six Shillings Rent per Annum seven Knights Houses and Bordars of
bearing the Sword before him to the Church where they Crowned him and after a Frown of Fortune did stoutly by the help of the Lancastrian Party give Battle to King Edward the Fourth at Barnet-field where but for a Mistake of Oxford's and Warwick's Soldiers and their Banners and Badges fighting one against the other in a Mist instead of King Edward the Fourth's Men they had in all Probability prevailed against him And the Interest Alliance and Estate of that Earl of Oxford was so great notwithstanding shortly after in the Kingdom as although he had very much adventured suffered and done for King Henry the Seventh led the Vanguard for him at Bosworth field against King Richard the Third and eminently deserved of him as the Numbers and Equipage of his Servants Reteiners Dependants and Followers did so asfright that King and muster up his Fears and Jealousies as being sumptuously Feasted by him at Hedingham Castle in Essex where he beheld the vast Numbers goodly Array and Order of them he could not forbear at his Departure telling him That he thankt him for his good Cheer but could not endure to see his Laws broken in his Sight and would therefore cause his Attorney General to speak with him which was in such a manner as that magnificent and causelesly dreadful Gallantry did afterwards by Fine or Composition cost that Earl Fifteen-Thousand Marks Did notwithstanding their great Hospitalities Magnificent manner of Living founding of Abbies Monasteries and Priories many and large Donations of Lands to Religious Uses and building of strong and stately Castles and Palaces make no small addition to their former Grandeurs which thorough the Barons Wars and long lasting and bloody Controversies betwixt the two Royal Houses of York and Lancaster did in a great Veneration Love and Awe of the Common People their Tenants Reteiners and Dependants continue in those their grand Estates Powers and Authorities until the Raign of King Edward the Fourth when by the Fiction of common Recoveries and the Misapplied use of Fines and more then formerly Riches of many of the common People gathered out after the middle of the Raign of King Henry the Eighth by the spoil of the Abbey and religiously devoted Lands in which many of the Nobility by Guifts and Grants of King Henry the Eighth King Edward the Sixth and Queen Elizabeth in Fee or Fee-tail had very great shares brought those great Estates of our famous English Baronage to a lower condition than ever their great Ancestors could believe their Posterities should meet with and made the Common People that were wont to stand in the outward Courts of the Temple of Honour and glad but to look in thereat fondly imagine themselves to have arrived to a greater degree of Equality than they should claim or can tell how to deserve And might amongst very many of their barbarously neglecting Gratitudes remember that in the times in and after the Norman Conquest when Escuage was a principal way or manner of the Peoples Aides especially those that did hold in Capite or of Mesne Lords under them to their Soveraign for publick Affairs or Defence the Lords Spiritual and Temporal being then the only parts of the Parliament under their Soveraign the sole Grand Councel of the Kingdom under him did not only Assess in Parliament and cause to be leavied the Escuage but bear the greatest part of the Burden thereof themselves that which the common People did in after times in certain proportions of their Moveables and other Estates or in the Ninth Sheaf of Wheat and the Ninth Lamb being until the Dissolution of the Abbies and Monasteries in the latter end of the Raign of King Henry the Eighth when they were greatly enriched by it did not bear so great a part of the Burdens Aides or Taxes or much or comparable to that which lay upon the far greater Estates of the Nobility there having been in former Times very great and frequent Wars in France and Scotland no Escuage saith Sir Edward Coke hath been Assessed by Parliament since the 8th Year of the Raign of King Edward the Second Howsoever the Commons and Common People of England for all are not certainly comprehended under that Notion their Ancestors before them and their Posterities and Generations to come after them lying under so great and continued Obligations and bonds of an eternal Gratitude and Acknowledgement to the Baronage and Lords Spiritual and Temporal of England and Wales for such Liberties and Priviledges as have been granted unto them with those also which at their Requests and Pursuits have been Indulged or Permitted unto them by our and their Kings and Princes successively will never be able to find and produce any Earlier or other Original for the Commons of England to have any Knights Citizens or Burgesses admitted into our Kings and Princes great Councels in Parliament until the aforesaid imprisonment of King Henry the Third in the 48th and 49th Year of his Raign and the force which was put upon him by Symon Montfort Earl of Leicester and his Party of Rebels SECT XII That the asoresaid Writ of Summons made in that King's Name to Elect a certain Number of Knights Citizens and Burgesses and the Probos homines good and honest Men or Barons of the Cinque Ports to appear for or represent some part of the Commons of England in Parliament being enforced from King Henry the Third in the 48th and 49th Year of his Raign when he was a Prisoner to Symon de Montfort Earl of Leicester and under the Power of him and his Party of rebellious Barons was never before used in any Wittenagemots Mikel-gemots or great Councels of our Kings or Princes of England FOr saith the very learned and industrious Sir William Dugdale Knight Garter King of Armes unto whom that Observation by the dates of those Writs is only and before all other Men to be for the punctual particular express and undeniable Evidence thereof justly ascribed which were not entered in the Rolls as all or most of that sort have since been done but two of them three saith Mr. William Pryn instead of more in Schedules tacked or sowed thereunto For although Mr. Henry Elsing sometimes Clerk to the Honourable House of Commons in Parliament in his Book Entituled The ancient and present manner of holding Parliaments in England Printed in the Year 1663. but Written long before his Death when he would declare by what Warrants the Writs for the Election of the Commons assembled in Parliament and the Writ of Summons of the Lords in Parliament were procured saith That King Henry the Third in the 49th Year of his Raign when those Writs were made was a Prisoner to Symon de Montfort and could not but acknowledge that it did not appear unto him by the first Record of the Writs of Summons now extant by what Warrant the Lord Chancellor had in the 49th Year of the Raign of that King caused
conservandas quidem statim quid inventum fuit quod valdè cum Feudo convenit Genes ' 14. 4. 2. paralip 36. 13. Jerem. 52. 3. Xenophon Cyropaid ' l. 2. pr ' Nec tamen Feudum fuit sed Clientela res apud Turcas hodiè notissima qui non alio modo multos Reges principes sibi nexos cogunt de Germanorum moribus Predidit Tacitus lib. 1. 14. Quod principem defendere tueri praecipuum Comitum fuerit saramentum Et hi Exigunt principis sui liberalitate illum bellatorem Equum illam Cruentam victricemque frameant Feudum vetus feudum novum Vetus quod ab abscondentium aliquo Novum quod ipse ab aliquo adquisivit Caesar intelligitur apud Germanos in hoc feudo semper Exceptus 2. F. 56. apud Gallos Rex in Ligio pater non exceptus quia id datur ab eo qui Superiorem non agnoscit cui si insidiatur vasalli pater Domino subiectus crimen perduellionis Principibus comittit Vasallus Domino Reverentiam Honorem debet ejusque Commodo augere atque damna infecta avertere obligatus est In Feuda Concedendis Ordo hominum non attenditur nam Superiores ab inferioribus Feuda accipiunt Et per vicariam personam Insiurandum accipiunt inter politicos Caesar Reges Feuda dare possunt Duces Marchiones Principes Comites Barones Feuda dare possunt etiamsi Caesari aut Regi subjecti sunt Maiora sunt autem Regalia quae ad statum reipubl ' administrationem nec non summi Principis decus pertinent and à Cicerone are said to be Iura Majestatis à Livio Jura Imperij sunt autem majora Regalia Leges condere easque si dubia sint Interpretari Lib. 8. Sect. 1. C. Duces Principes Comites Barones Equites Nobiles Creare l. 5. de Dignat ' facere Notarios Doctores Comites Palatinos Spurios facere Legitimos Novel 89. 9. veniam oetatis indulgere constituere summum tribunal Justitiae à quo appellari non potest Jus vitae necis pardonare Jus Civitatis dare Monetam cudere plenissimam Tuitionem tribuere quam Sauvegard dicunt instituere Cursores publicos qui Celeriter dispositis Equis Epistolas ferunt nunc Postas vocant Bellum indicere Pacem cum hoste foedus cum Exteris pangere Academias vel Vniversitatem literarum condere Legatos mittere ad alios principes Magistratus creare eosque confirmare Jurisdictionem atque Imperium tà m merum quà m mixtum dare Comitia universorum Imperij aut reipub ' ordinum Indicere l. 1. pr ' F. Religionis Orthodoxae tuitio Concilia Synodos cogere Ecclesiae Ministros Instituere confirmare malè viventes removere indicere â—â—rias Habent etiam Regalia Minera quae sunt Commoda quae ex rebus publicis ratione Imperij capiuntur Armandia id est Potestas fabricandi arma armamentariorum cogendi viae publicae cum ratione Tuitionis contra Latrones tum ratione Refectionis tum ratione Jurisdictionis tum quoque ejus quod in illis nascitur Flumina publica navigabilia ex quibus fiunt navigabilia modo quo viae publicae ad regalia pertinent Portus vel Vectigal quod pro Ingressu in portum aut portus transitu pendunt Ripatica sive vectigalia pro riparum earumque munitione vectigalia quae hodiè Tollen Conveyen Licenten dicuntur quae praestantur pro mercibus exportandis importandis bona vacantia bona damnatorum ob Perduellionem aliudâ—e crimen ex quo hodiè publicatio eorum fit Angariae Parangariae id est Praestationes operarum Currum nec non navium quae ad usum publicum rusticis subiectis imperantur extraordinaria Collatio sive Contributio Argentariae id est auri Argentique fodinae quae in provincia sunt Piscatio in flumine publico nec non Venatio utriusque concedendi Potestas Decimae ex Carbonum lapidumque fodinis Salinarum reditus omnis Thesaurus vbique repertus Judaeos recipere Fodrum pro Exercitu principis Anergariae sive hospitium Militum Aulicorum condere Illustria Gymnasia condicere Dividitur Feudum in Ligium non Ligium illud est quando vasallus domino fidem adpromittit contra omnes nullo excepto mortali Non Ligium est si Excipiuntur nonnulli contra quos dominum adiuvare non cogitur De Jure Domini directi Dominus directus Jus ratione seudi tà m in re quà m ad rem sed amplius personam habet Vasallus operas praestare suis sumptibus debet si à Domino monitus fuerit ad Jus dominij Laudemium pertinet est honorarium quod principis dominio administris penditur All which Regalia and Prerogatives of our Kings and Soveraign Princes have been founded upon the feudal Laws attending the Monarchy of England And so greatly were our Kings and Princes in this our Monarchy of England sollicitously careful to maintain and conserve their Subjects Tenures of their Lands immediately or mediately holden of them and the Dependencies and Obedience of their Subjects unto them and therein their own as well as their Soveraigns Good and Preservation as King Henry the Second caused throughout the Kingdom a Certificate to be made not by the Hear-say or slight Information of the Neighbourhood or partialities of Juries but by the Tenants themselves in Capite or by Knight-Service whether Bishops Earls Barons and great or smaller Men by how many whole or parts of Knights Fees they held their Lands and by what other particular Services and what de veteri novo Feoffamento and caused those Certificates to be truly Recorded in the Court of Exchequer in a particular Book called the Red-Book which either as to its Original or several exact and authentick Copies thereof as Sir William Dugdale hath assured me were not burnt or lost in the dreadful Fire of London in Anno 1666. and those Tenures and Engagements of those Tenants were so heedfully taken Care of as our Kings ever since the Raign of King John had Escheators in every County the Lord Mayor of London being alwayes therein the Kings Escheator who amongst other particular Charges and Cares appertaining to their Offices have been Yearly appointed to look after them and the Bishops Earls and Barons especially since the Constitution and Election of the Court of Wards and Liveries by King Henry the Eighth were not without their Feodaries in the several Concernments of their private Estates as our Kings had in every County as to their more universal or greater which together with the respites of Homages which the Lord Treasurers Officer of the Remembrancer in the Court of Exchequer was to Record as appeareth by a Statute or Act of Parliament made in the 7th Year of the Raign of King James and our Learned and Loyal Littleton who was a Justice of the Court of Common-Pleas in the 14th Year
of King Edward the Fourth with the allowance of Sir Edward Coke his justly adoring Commentator hath taught us That Tenures in Capite do draw and bring along with them as incidents thereunto Homage which is the most humble and honourable Service and Reverence that a Tenant can do unto his Lord when upon his Knees with his Sword ungirt and his Head uncovered holding his hands between the Hands of his Lord he sweareth and professeth to be his Man of Life and Limb and earthly Worship and to bear him Faith for the Lands and Tenements which he holdeth of him saving the Faith which he holdeth to his Soveraign Lord the King together with Fealty Service in War or instead thereof Escuage Socage Franck Almoigne Homage Auncestrel Grand Serjeanty Petit Serjeanty Tenures in Burgage and Villeinage and then the Lord so sitting Kisseth him And where the Service is not done by the Tenant in Capite or by Knight-Service in Person the Escuage Money or Fine that is to be paid in recompence thereof is to be Assessed by Parliament and if any Controversy do arise whether the Service were done personally or not it shall be tryed saith Littleton by the Certificate of the Marshal of the King in Writing And Tenant saith Sir Edward Coke is derived from the word Tenere and all the Lands in England in the hands of Subjects are holden of the King immediately or mediately for in the Law of England we have not properly any Alodium that is any Subjects Lands that are not Holden unless saith he you will take Allodium for a Tenant in Fee Simple as it is often taken in the Book of Dooms-Day and Tenants in Fee Simple are there called Alodii or Alodiales and he is called a Tenant because he holdeth his Lands of some Superior Lord by some Service and therefore the King in this Sence cannot be said to be a Tenant because he hath no Superior but God Almighty and Praedium domini Regis est directum Dominium cujus nullus est Author nisi Deus And Alodiarius Alode seu Alodium saith Sir Henry Spelman est Praedium liberum nulli Servituti obnoxium but were never so free as to be no Subjects or exempt from Obedience to our Kings in whose Land and Dominion they lived Ideoque Feudo oppositum quod hoc semper alicui subiacet servituti Feuda enim antiquò dicuntur Servitii Fidelitatis gratia proprietate feudi penes dantem remanente usu fructu tantummodo in accipientem transeunte ut ex C. de feud cogn ' collegit Barat ca ' 1. Quamobrem nec vendi olim poterant invito Domino nec ad haeredes Vassalli transiunt nisi de ipsis nominatim dictum esset sed laesa fidelitate adimerentur dicitur à Saxon ' Leod quasi populare dicitur Alodium ab à Privitiva Leed Gallicè Leud pro Vassallo quasi sine Vassallagio sine Onere quod Angli hodie Load appellant Alodium feudo opponitur in antiqua versione LL Canuti ca ' 73. Ubi Sax ' Bocland dicitur quod in Aluredi LL ca ' 36. tota Haereditas vocatur idem esse videtur quod hodiè Fee Simple Dicitur etiam Alodium terra libera quam quis à nemine tenet nec recognoscit licet sit in alieno Districtu Jurisdictione Ita quod solum est sub Domino districtus quoad Protectionem Jurisdictionem And believes the Aloarii mentioned in Dooms-Day Book do signify no more than our Sockmanni or Socage Tenants Cum Germanis Liberos Gallis Nobiles qui militiam ex arbitrio tractantes nullius domini Imperio evocati nulloque sendali gravamine Coerciti sui Juris homines non Feudales seil qui dominium tamen agnoscerent ut locus ille e Domesday citatus plane evincit qui fidelitatem apud nos Jurarent Censum quantulumcunque augebunt siâ—t etiam qui de nomine eos tenâ—isse asserunt ac si Hunnoniorum more adeo sole suum accepissent patrimonium And du Fresue Etymologizing the word Alodiarias saith It is Praedium etiam domino obnoxium possidet tenens Domesday quando moritur Alodiarius Rex inde habet Alleniationem terrae a releife excepta terra sanctae Trinitatis Gulielmus Gemeticensis Lib. 3. Ca. 8. Abbatique locum cum tota villa quam ab Alodiariis auro redemit Thomas Walsinghamus p. 419. Et in definitione Alodialis which he saith is Idem quod Tenens mentioneth Chartam Gulielmi ducis Normanniae p. 1042. In Monasticon Anglicanum Tom. 2. p. 959. Dedi etiam Ecclesiam Radulphi villae umon Allodialem in ipsa villa dedi quoque unum Allodialem in Amundevilla quietam ab omni Consuetudine Bignenius dicit quod significat Haereditatem paternam Terram Et Dominicus de Prorogat ' Allodiorum dictum oppinatur quasi Alo Leuden id est sine Subjectione a voce Leuden quae Germanis paâ—i subire fignificat sicut subjectionem servitium Spelmannus derivat a Leod populare Saxonice Ita ut Aleod sit idem quod Praedium populare oppositum Feudo quod est Praedium dominicale And the Learned du Fresne amongst the various Opinions mustred up by him Concludeth with a Deniquè plerique è doctioribus existimant vocem esse primogeniam Gallicam vel Francicam quae Praedium ac rem proprietario Jure possessum denotat Feudum novum absque domini Concensu alienatum revocari potest a Domino Decis 14. Feudum in dubio praesumitur esse haereditarium non ex pacto providentia Decis 30. n. 22. Feudum antiquum absque concensu domini alienatum ex communi D. l. sententia a filio revocari potest n. 11. And the Tenures in Capite and by Knight-Service were of so high an Esteem and Value amongst the English whereby to do unto their Kings and Country that Honor and Service which was due and might be expected from them in their several Degrees and Stations as the great Lords and other Men of Note did many times purchase or obtain of each other the Homages and Servitia of so many Men or parts of Knights Fees by Deeds or Charters and so much beyond any Money or other kinds of Estate Lands or Offices as Robert Earl of Leicester's Ancestor having at the Coronation of King John agreed to pay unto Roger Bigot Earl of Norfolk's Ancestor Ten Knight's Fees for the Purchase of that great Office of High Steward of England of which Seven and an half were paid and a Controversy arising afterwards betwixt the said Earls for the Satisfaction of the Remainder in the 31st Year of the Raign of King Henry the Third the King undertaking to make an Accord betwixt them adjudged Simon Montfort who afterwards ill requited him to have and execute the said Office of High Steward and that Roger Bigot Earl of Norfolk who afterwards joyned in the
Rebellion with Montfort against him should bring his Action for the other Two Knight's Fees and an half From which most necessary and excellent Feudal Laws have proceeded those grand Honors fixed and appurtenant to our ancient Monarchy of England in our Kings and Princes Grant to several great Families in England in Fee or Fee-Tayl as to be Constable of England Earl Marshal of England Lord Steward of England Lord Great Chamberlain of England Chamberlain of the Queens of England Die Coronationis suae Butler to our Kings at their Coronations c. And likewise the Statute de Donis or Entailes the neglect whereof in leaving all the ruined Families of the Nobility Gentry and better sort of the English Nation to feigned Recoveries introduced about the Raign of King Edward the Fourth by an unhappy and unjust Trick of Law to make the Losers believe that they shall recover the Value of their Lands so Lost amounting in the whole unto the greatest part of all the Lands in England of the Bagbearer of the Court of Common-Pleas who in the Conclusion is only Vouchee to Warrants and to make it good out of his own Land and by the small Fees and Profits of his Office was never yet known to Inherit or to have been a Purchaser of ten Acres of Land yet walks about and is never molested or called to Account for those vast Sums of Money or his Land if he ever had or was re vera intended to have had any was to be liable by his being a Common Vouchee in all the Common Recoveries which are suffered in that Court It being in those more Obedient and Loyal Times esteemed no small Honour to serve our Kings or hold Lands by such a Kind of Tenure as it may be believed to have occasioned that Adage or Common saying in England before the ever to be lamented taking away of Tenures in Capite and by Knight-Service and Pourveyance No Fishing to the Sea no Service to the King and those Royal Services affixed unto Lands and Territories have been so immutable amongst other our Neighbor Nations as in the Aurea Bulla fastned upon the Empire of Germany about the 30th Year of the Raign of our King Edward the Third the Three Spiritual Electors viz. the Arch-Bishops of Mentz Cologne and Triers or Trevers do hold their Lands and Territories by their several Tenures of being Arch-Chancellors the First of Germany the Second of Italy and the Third of France the King of Bohemia to be Archipincerna Duke of Bavaria or Count Palatine of the Rhine Archidapifer Duke of Saxony Archimariscallus Duke or Marquess of Brandenburgh Archicamerarius of that Empire and might be with or amongst them exampled from our Pattern which was long before as also from the Scots who have to this day some of the like official Dignities annexed to their Lands and Estates and as in the Raign of our King Henry the First Count Tankervile was by Inheritance and Tenure of his Lands Chamberlain of Normandy And although not so ancient as the Customs of the Patroni and Clientes in the beginning of the flourishing of the vast Roman Empire which was so greatly advantageous both unto the greater and lesser part of the People the Patroni in their Popularities and Ambitions to gain and please them in their way of Advancements to Annual Magistracies not seldom exercising their Eloquence in pleading their Causes or Suits in Law before the Lawyers had for another kind of Advantages by the Gratifications of Fees and Rewards made it to be the greatest part of their Profession which before were principally employed upon seldom Occasions in matters of Difficulty in Jurisconsults and Decisions some of the more eminent sorts of them having about the Raign of the Emperor Augustus Caesar obtained Licenses of him ad respondendum Yet after the Irruption of the Goths Vandals Longobards and Hunnes with other Northern Nations into that Empire they found it to be more beneficial to do as the Germans and many other Northern Nations have done to be Feudalists and to have Lands given unto them and their Heirs to hold by Service of War and other necessaries under those grand Obligations of Interests Oaths Gratitude Homage and Fealty which proved to be better more certain and beneficial both for the Patroni and Clientes the poorer sort of the People alwayes or very often wanting the Aid and Protection of the greater from Wrongs and Oppressions like to be put upon them And the Patroni and Greater procuring to themselves thereby a more constant Observance of Duty Honour and Additions to their former Grandeur the greater and lesser thereby mutually supporting and assisting each other which in the Consequence was as it did likely to prove much better than the charge and trouble the Patroni were used to be as in the frequent courting and Humoring of the common People with their costly Epulae's and Ludi's not only to gain their own Preferments in their Annual poursuites of Offices of Magistracy but to keep the popular Votings from Mutiny and ruining them as much as themselves And howsoever that they with us in England by a great infelicity to our languishing Monarchical Government after an horrid Rebellion and murder of our late King Anno. 12. Car. 2. by an Act of Parliament made upon his now Majesties happy Restoration for the taking away the Court of Wards and Liveries Tenures in Capite and by Knight service and Pourveyance and for settling a Revenue upon His Majesty in lieu of a great part of the lands of England and Wales which the Rebels besides their great Estates had forfeited unto him which they were willing to retain to themselves and thank him as fast as they could with a more detestable Rebellion the Praeamble mentioning most unfortunately for want of a right Information and understanding thereof That the said Court of Wards and Liveries Tenures by Knight service in Capite holden of the King or others and Socage in Capite have been by consequence more praejudicial then beneficial to the Kingdome as if the Nerves and Ligaments of the Crown of England and the ancient Support and Defence of the Honour and glory thereof for more then one thousand years could any way deserve to be so Charactered and that after the Intromission of the said Court which hath been since the 24 th day of February 1645. when the Divel and his Reformation had made a large progress in the chasing Religion out of the Kingdom and washing over in blood the Blessed Martyr King Charles the first 3 Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland many Persons could not by their Will or otherwise dispose of their Lands by Knight Service whereby many Questions might possibly arise unless some seasonable remedy be taken to prevent the same Our Soveraign Lord by the Assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled and by the Authority of the same did enact the taking away of the said Court
of Wards and Liveries with other the Premises And all Tenures of any Lands holden of the King or any others shall be turned into free and Common Socage and be discharged of all Homage Escuage Voiages Royal Wardships and Aide Pour file marier pour faire fitz Chivaler livery ouster le maine all Statutes repealed concerning the same all Tenures hereafter to be created by the King his Heirs or Successors shall be in free and Common Socage Provided that that Act extend not to take away Rents certain Herriots or Suits of Court belong ing to any other Tenures taken away or altered by that Act or other Services incident to common Socage or any Releifes due and payable in cases of free and common Socage or of any Fines for Alienations holden of the King by any particular Customes of Lands and Places other then of Lands holden immediately of the King in Capite Nor extend unto any Tenures in Franck Almoigne or by Copy of Court Roll honorary Services by grand Serjeanty other then what are before dissolved or taken away Provided that this Act nor any thing therein contained shall infringe or hurt any Title of Honour feodal or other by which any person hath or may have right to sit in the Lords House in Parliament as to his or their Title of Honour or Sitting in Parliament and the Priviledges belonging to them as Peers And that that Act extend not to any the Rights and Priviledges of His Majesty in his Tynn Mines in Cornewal In recompence whereof the King shall have the Excise of Ale Beer Perry and Syder Strong and Distilled Waters setled by that or some other Act of Parliament touching the Excise upon the King during his Life and a Moyety only after his death to His Heirs and Successors And are by Sir Henry Spelman said to be non solùm jure positivo Sed Gentium quodammodo Naturae not only by positive but the Laws of Nations and Nature Especially when it was not to arise from any compulsory incertain way or involuntary Contribution or out of any personal or movable Estate cases of Relief only excepted but to fix and go along with the Lands as an easy and beneficial Obligation and Perpetuity upon it and was so incorporate and inherent as it was upon the matter a Co-existence or Being with it Glanvil and Bracton being of Opinion with the Emperour Justiniam that the King must have Armes as well as Laws to govern by and not depend ex aliorum Arbitrio and therefore the Prelates Earles and Commonalty of the Realm did in a Parliament in the 7th Year of the Raign of King Edward the 1st declare it to be necessarily belonging unto him and to none other Judge Hutton in his Argument in the case of the Shipmony in the Raign of King Charles the Martyr and diverse other Learned Judges and Lawyers have declared Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service to be so inseparable from the Crown as not to be aliened or dissolved by any Act or Authority of Parliament Some of whom could not forget that a Design having been presented and offered unto King James when the Scots had by their importunityes much enfeebled the Royal Revenue by some who neither understood our Fundamental Laws or the Constitution of our Government and having considerable Estates in the County of York and Bishoprick of Durham and being Members of the House of Commons in Parliament and mischievous enough in the long Rebellious Parliament a Revenue of Two hundred thousand pound per Annum to dissolve his Courts of Wards and Liveries and release his Tenures in Capite and by Knights Service and the King liked so well of those Hopes of augmenting his overwasted Revenue as he with Promises of great Rewards to the Designers ordered a Table to be purposely kept at White-Hall for them untill they had brought their undertakings to perfection unto which the Reverend Judges being summoned by the King to deliberate and give their Opinions could find neither Law or right Reason for the taking away of those Tenures with their incidents even by an Act of Parliament Insomuch as the Design and Table were laid down and no more thought of until the unhappy Fate and Misery of forsaking and destroying Fundamentals did so drive it on afterwards as it hath done by our abandoning the old ways and the Truths thereof into those very many Misfortunes which it hath brought us into already and will more and more into the Prophet Jeremiah's Lamentations And so greatly resembled that very antient way of the great Councels or Parliaments in France drawn and derived from their Ancestors the Francks and other their Northern Progenitors in and of that Kingdom long before there inhabiting until the miseries brought by the English Conquests and their own Divisions upon that people by those Warrs and their seeking in the interim to govern their Kings and Domineer over them in the midst of their Troubles Necessities and Disabilities to protect them had constrained some of their after Kings as Lewis the 11th one of their Kings to find the way to govern so Arbitrarily as they have since done with a continual so limited Parliament as it signifieth little more than an extraordinary Court of Justice and verify the Edicts of his prerogative Power with a car tel est nostre plaisir Insomuch as those kind of Tenures and beneficial Mutualites might not improbably have been here introduced by the Saxons from one and the same or a like Radix or Original before the Normans Atcheivements and Acquests either here or in France or by what they had learned or practised of the Feudal Laws in the Empire or after the Normans had brought England their long before Compatriots into subjection and in the Reigns of some of their after Kings continued Masters of Normandy Aniou Aquitaine Mayne and Poicteau and of so many other great parts and Provinces of the French Dominions as in process of time they gained a full Possession of the residue and in a short time after lost them all by our own Domestick Ambitions and Discords So as one Egg of the same kind cannot commonly be more like in it's external Form and Likeness to an other then the antient and ever-to-be-approved Method of our and their former great Councels or Parliaments were Wherein may warrantably without any suspicion of an Arbitrary Government be vouched and called the learned Sieur du Fresne a man of vast Reading and Litterature and not only Learned in all the Roman and Northern Antiquities but in our Old English Saxon Laws and the allowed classical and veritable Authors and Writers of our Nation and to whom the Learned Works of our Glanvil Bracton Littleton Fortescue Coke Stamford Spelman and Selden were no Strangers when in his Glossary or Comment upon the word Pares he represents unto us the Figure or lively Picture of our own ancient Customes and Usages in our great Councels
or Parliaments in these his Words or Annotations Pares dicuntur qui ejusdem sunt Conditionis vel Dignitatis In charta Grodegangi Episcopi Metensis apud Meurisium p. 167. It is said Ego Grodigangus unâ— cum voluntate illustrissimi Pipini Inclyti Francorum Regis Avunculi mei cum Consensu omnium Parium nostrorum Episcoporum Abbatum Presbyterorum Diaconorum Subdiaconorum vel omnis Cleri seu hominibus Sancti Stephani Metensis Ecclesiae cogitavi casion humanae Fragilitatis c. Apud Baldricum Noviocomensem Compares sunt Pares Feudales in legibus Henrici primi Regis Angliae ca. 34. Et exinde appellati unius domini Convassalli quod ratione Hominij Tenurae sibi invicem Pares sunt qui Domino subsunt à quibus soli judicari poterant nam Convassalli diversarum Baroniarum seu Territoriorum eidem Domino subjecti non dicuntur propriè Pares à Paritate igitur conditionis dignitatis appellatio illa profluxit Exploditur virorum doctissimorum Sententia quòd Pares derivaâ—tur à Patritijs Francicijs tenebantur Pares judicijs dominicis interesse Judicumque munere fungebantur ad id astringebantur Feudorum suorum obligatione Quod si legittimam Excusationem haberent quò minùs possent Judicijs dominicis interesse tenebantur eo casu Paris sibi conditionis Vicarios submittere qui eorum locum tenerent in ijsdem Judicijs Dignitas autem Regia Ducatus Marchio Comitatus non dicitur propriè eò quòd Duces Marchiones comites Regibus sint Pares sed partim quòd à Rege proximè descendit Parium autem Judicia in ipsos Pares convassallos exercebantur adeò ut si aliquis oriretur sententia inter ipsos Pares dirimi non possit nisi in Conventu judicio Parium suorum Domino ipso Feudali praesidente In Parium consessu judicia ab ijs in dominum non exercebantur quippe ils ne sont mis appeller Pers pour ce qu'il soient Per a lui mais Pers sont entre eux ensemble Parium Judicia inter Pares seu Convassallos tantùm exercebantur Neque Pares duntaxat per Pares seu Convassallos ad judicium subeundum summonebantur sed actiones caeterae omnes Judiciae per Pares peragebantur Cùm igitur Pares sint Vassalli qui à Domino Feudali nudè pendent ratione Tenurae atque ita etiam vulgò appellati sunt Barones ideò vox utraque eadem notione passim usurpata legitur pro majoris dignitatis Vassallo qui vel in Consilium adhibentur à Domino aut Rege That which was mentioned by Ingulfus to have been in use amongst the Monks in the Abby of Croyland being in the Raign of William Rufus And as to the Court Barons of the mesne Lords derived from their Superiour saith du Fresne Parium judicijs non modo intererat Dominus vel ejus Ballivus sed etiam in rebus arduis concilium expetebat ità ut Conciliariorum Domini feudalis vicem fungerentur In quibusdam tamen locis ut in Comitatu Bellovensi le Seigneurs ne jugent pas en les Cors mes les Homes jugent in locis ubi cum Paribus suis considet ejusmodi judiciis interesse non posse si Litem vel Controversiam habet cum Paribus Pariae ex Hispanico Parias feudales redditus honores homagia And we might as well borrow from them the word Parliament which Du Fresne hath told us was made use of by Lewis the 8 th King of France in the year 1224. which was in the 8 th year or 9 th of our King Henry the 3 d. nineteen or twenty years before it was found that the word Parliament was used in any of our Publick Records in the Antient and former Ages in all the latter in our King's Writs of Summons to their Parliaments except some few by Inadvertency giving it no other Title than Confilium or Colloquium And Du Fresne after his learned Comments upon the word Baronia and the Antient Usages thereof in England saith That our Bishops had their Regalia seu majora dominia Episcoporum ac Praelatorum quae à Regibus in feudum tenentur and the Laws of our King Henry the 1 st as our Gervasius Dorobernensis reporteth do allow that Archiepiscopi Episcopi habeant possessiones suas de Domino Rege sicut Baroniam inde respondent Ministris justitiae Regis id etiam obtinuit saith du Fresne in Francia ut Regalia Episcoporum Ecclesiarum Baroniae dicerentur And he citeth very antient Authorities out of the French Authors Records and Registers of their Parliaments mentioning an Arrest or Judgment thereupon given in the year 1282. which was in the 9 th Year of the Raign of our King Edward the First and that long before viz. in the Year of Grace 1233. which was in the 17th Year of the Raign of our King Henry the Third t 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Barâ—â—ia Ecclesiae Lugdinensis nam non modo propriè Regali◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Barones Servitiis omnibus feudalibus obnoxii erant sed â—â—iam in Comitiis publicis seu Parliamentis sâ—dere jus iis erat cujus apud nostros usus infinita praestant exempla apud Tullium Alios in Angliam vero Episcopos in Parliamentis publicis eo nomine locum sedem habere constat And that Barones Eleemosynarii apud Stanfordum in jure Anglicano dicuntur Archi-episcopi Episcopi Abbates Priores qui praedia sua Ecclesiae à Rège tenent per Baroniam Baronias enâ—m suas ex Eleemosynis Regum perhibentur accepisse licet ipsa praedia 〈…〉 rum saepè munâ—ficentia consecuti fuerint quomodo etiam apud nos Regalia Ecclesiarum censentur esse ex sola Regia liberalitate iis olim concessa And amongst our English Bishopricks besides those of Oxford Bristol and Gloucester which our King Henry the Fighth erected and endowed the Bishoprick of Lincoln had many Mannors and Lands granted by or in the time of King Henry the First not in Eleemosinam and that of Durham by King Richard the First and great Possessions afterwards gained and laid unto it by Anthony Beke a Bishop of that See in the Raign of our King Henry the Third or King Edward the First And Quaestio agitata fuit saith that Learned Sieur du Fresne an supremi Palatii Francici Officiales possunt Parium Franciae judiciis interesse cum iis consedere in judiciis in lite mota inter Joannam Comitissam Flandriae Johannem de Nigello wherein by an Arrest of the Parliament of Paris in the Year One Thousand Two Hundred and Twenty Four which was in the Eighth Year of the Raign of our King Henry the Third it was adjudged That the Cancellarius Buticularius Camerarius Constabularius Franciae Marescalli Hospitii Domini Regis debent ad usus consuâ—â—â—dines observatas interesse cum Paribus ad judicandum Pares ut
mentioned in King Johns extorted Charter aâ— Runingmede whether then newly gained as the learned Sir Henry Spelman believed or only put in practice by Edward the first a better defender of his Crown-Rights then his Father or Grandfather as others have with good probability conceived may receive the better entertainment amongst all the friends and well-willers of truth and reason when it shall be considered how much it corresponds with that more antient custome amongst the Hebrews in a government ordained by God himself where the Princes of the 12. Tribes of Israell Summo Magistratui assidebant Nobilium ordo pro seminario munerum praecipuorum quia saith Besoldus liberaliter educati sapientiores esse censentur and therefore Comites or Earls being antiently in the Reign of Charlemaine which was in Anno Christi 806. if not long before Perfecti Provinciarum qui Provincias administrabant were with Dukes also and Barons not only in France about those times but in Germany also whereas Bodin saith they did so spirare libertatem as they 〈◊〉 it on Earth to be the utmost of their wishes and d 〈…〉 to obtain as much as they could of it inserted and put in 〈…〉 the Maâ—ricula or Roll of the States of the Empire Et in Comi 〈…〉 us suffragii habuerunt and Arumaeus as well as many other 〈…〉 hentick Authors are of opinion that it was pars libertaâ—is a great part of the peoples liberty and for their good that deliberatio ordinum concilio et authoritate quorum periculores agitur suscipitur Et qui apud principem et jura Comitiorum uâ—a perpetua privativa est mediata subjectio qua qui infectus est nec Comitiorum particeps esse potest it being a Rule or Law in such Assemblies that they that sit there or are to have voice or suffrage therein were to hold immediately of the Empire and the reason of the first institution of the Parliament of France composed of the ancient Nobility by the ancient Kings of France Pepyn was as Pasquier that learned King Advocate of France observeth inpartem solicitudinis to assist their Kings in the better management of their Government who did thereby communicate les affaiâ—es publiques a leurs premier grandes Seigneurs come si avec la Monarchie ils eussent entre mesler l' ordre d' une Aristocratie gouvernement de plusieurs personages d' honneur ne se mettre en haine des grands seigneurs Potentats and not draw upon them the envy of their great and mighty men Et estans les grands Seigneurs ainsi lors uni se composa un corps general de toutes les princes gouverneurs par l' adois desquels se vinderoint non seslement les differeuts qui se presenteroient entre le Roy eux mais entre le Roy ses Subjects And the great Lords being so united composed and made one generall body of all the Princes and Governours of Provinces by whose advice and councell not only the differences which should happen between the King and them but betwixt his Subjects and were to be in extraordinary concernments of the Kingdom determined Et estoit l' usance de antiens Roys telle qu'es lieux ou la necessite les summomot se uvidoient ordinairement les affaires par assemblees generals des Barons and accordingly by the direction of right reason or of that or the more Ancient government of the Greeks in their great Councel of Amphiction or of the Romans in their Empire where in suis constitutionibus prohibitum fuit ne portae dignitatis vilibus personis paterent quas ipsa remana respublica plebeis cum sui destructione aperuit ut in ipsos Senatores imo tandem Consules insurgerent particularia Jura plebiscita pro plebe formarent tandem sibi summam potestatem sub tribintia authoritate arrogarent factionibus in contrarium motis rempublicam perderent and our Saxon Kings could neither think they wronged themselves or their subjects to call to their Assemblies and great Councells for the redressing of Grievances and Enacting of Laws their regni Scientissimos Aldermannos Governours of Provinces so as they which have had any Conversation with Tyraquel Nolden de nobilitate Cassanaei catalogus gloriae mundi L'Oyseau in his books de Seigneuries de droit des offices Du Fresue's glossar our Seldens titles of Honour Sr John Ferues glory of generosity Sr Henry Spelmans glossary may find as L'Oyseau saith that there are simple Nobles hautes grauds moindres seigueurs publicquees et privees And they may loose more credit then they are likely to get in making such a stir to metamorphose Pigmies into Gyants and Gyants into Pigmies procure their Proselites or fellow-Undertakers if they can to believe that all the world hath been since the creation therof greatly mistaken beside themselves Howsoever if that will not accomodate their levelling humors and designs they will make an essay to entice others to invade their Sovereigns Rights and Authority although they themselves should miss of their mark or aim intended by putting the Majores Barones in mind that they have a co-ordinate or compulsive power in their Kings great Councells more then deliberative or subordinately Judiciall when there will be evidence enough against it and the Parliament-Rolls and Records will if well observed afford ensuing plentifull proofs and instances thereof Principes Comites Barones Imperii alique ordines non tantum minora cum provinciis et territoriis sibi in feudum datis sed et ex majoribus illis quae re haud Innania capiunt as our William the Conqueror did in his Grant of the Earldome of Chester teneud ' Ita tibere per gladium ut Rex tenet Angliam per gladium and that Earl and his heirs had diverse Barrons under him of their own Creation And one of the said Earls granted the Earldom of Lincoln to his Sister Hawisa and her heirs the Bishoprick of Durham as a County Palatine aver Justice haute Basse subordinate to the King and in like manner was the Dutchy of Lancaster granted by our King Edward the 3. § 10. Incorporales res apud omnes quoque gentes in feudum dari receptum et Jura appellantur haec res Immobilium Jure censentur arg l. 2. de servis idque plenius planuis Intelligi potest sect proced n 4. 5. Similiter venatio quoque expresse in feudum dari potest as our free-warren tunc licet fuudus in venatione non consistat id est propter eam non habeatur venari potest vasallus quod teperit ipsius erit l. 9. sect 5. l. 62. F. de usufr. Successio etiam alia ex testamento alia ab Intestato liberis deficientibus e latere conjuncti veniunt whence proceeded the power of the Tenant in Capite granted King Henry the
Fidus Achates the Trinoda necessitas or expedtitiones castrorum pontium reparationes From which the Bishops and Clergy by themselves or others were not to be excused raysing of Forces at the Countries Charges which the preservation of their Lands that were given them for that service besides the obligations of their Oaths and gratitude strictly oblige them unto making provisions for the War for the Victuals and the Wages of Military Men as well at Home as in Forreign Expeditions for the defence of the Kingdom and State together with the Arrogationes Auctoritatem dare l. 2. F. de adopt Sect. c. 1. or give licence to adopt as our King Stephen did King Henry the II. Which together with our Licences Pardon of Alienation and Fines paid for the neglect thereof Courts-Leet and Baron Ancient demesne Free and Copyholders and Fines certain or uncertain at the Will of the Lord Prescription of Ancient Custome and Usage not mala in se villani Bordarii manucaption Satis datio or Baile Fribergh Tithings Sheriffs Turnes or County-Courts Hundred-Courts and our Communia Concilia or Parliaments upon Urgent and Special occasions concerning the defence of the Kingdom and Church of England and the advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal to be had therein Wardships Marriage Advowsons Patronage of Churches License of Widdows of Tenants in Capite to Marry Seizures Ouster les maines Liveries or Investitures Primer seizen forfeiture of portion upon marriage tendered and refused respite of homage Priority in Suing for Debts Ann. Diem Vastum Power to amend wave or charge his Demurrer to Imploy Coroners Escheators and Feodaries Issues aut diem clausit extremum stay other Mens Actions with a Rege Inconsulto Kings Silver or Money to be paid pro Licentia Concordandi Writs of per que Servitia cessavit per Biennium de Coronatore eligendo de advocatione and the Assessments of Escuage quare impedit de viridario eligendo in Parliament Writs of Couge de Eslire Evesque Writs of Recordare or Accedas ad Cariam Writs of Prohibition distringas de Excommunicato Capiendo our Juries or Tryals in matters of Controversies per pares our Writs de Odio Atia ne injuste vexes Writs of Novell Disseisiu or of Entry and Redisseisin or Triall by Battell or Judicium Dei fire deal or Ordial Writts de Nativo habendo Certiorari de Proprietate probanda cum multis aliis mentioned in that authentique book of our Laws called the Register of Writs and even almost the whole frame and Context of our Laws do besides the Laws and Statutes made by our Kings and Princes and the reasonable Customes and Usages of the People indulged or allowed by them plainly bear and declare the Idea Effigies and lively Portraict of the Feudall Laws Planted and established as they ought to be in this our heretofore more happy Islands distinguishing Estates in Lands granted inter feudum nobile plebeium From the former of which our Nobility and Bishops have derived their Privileges of Freedom from Common Process of Arrest and even the widdows of the Nobility together with the precedency of the Sons and Daughters of them And our Kings have enjoyed the privilege of protecting the persons of their servants from personall arrests which they may certainly as Justly and lawfully do as the members of the house of Commons and their Servants And that of the House of Peers in Parliament do and have none in the Times of Parliament and it should not be unobserved or unknown by or unto our later Lawyers of England that the ancient and usuall forms of our Declarations and Pleadings at Law have been and are that the Plaintiffs or Defendents were or are Seized in dominico suo ut de feodo Simplici aut Talliato and that our Laws have or had ab antiquissimis Seculis or ages a great mixture of the Feudal Laws which the people esteemed to be a part of their happiness untill this our last mad age of Rebellion Faction and Sedition had taught our English Copy-holders to esteem their Tenures to be a Norman Slavery wherein the Charity and good-will of their Landlords have continued to their generations yet notwithstanding have by length of time converted their kindnesses into a villanous Custome of Ingratitude And as the Civill Law had before done inter patrones et Clientes the patritii or Nobility esteemed it to be a Disparagement to intermarry with the vulgar who could not for a long time and without much Strugling be admitted into the Magistracy as Livy and other good Roman Historians have assured us but were as a Seperate part of the people glad to be content with their Tribuni plebis to Intercede with the Senate to make good and wholsome Laws or abate the rigour or Severity of any of them so far were they from ambition or any designs of Intermedling above their Incapacitated Spheres or Incroaching upon the Kinâ—â—y Government as if Simon Montford and his Fellow-Rebells had by force put upon King Henry the 3d. in the 49th year of his Reign taught them the way unto it not as he did by force but by degrees and sly Insinnuations working upon the Indulgence or necessities of their princes but might have tarryed long enough and beyond the longest period of time before our Feudal Laws would have given them so much as a leave or licence to attempt it However if that will not do those Novillists or hatchers of new unwarrantable doctrines will to work again limbeck their Fancies to vent the only Vapours of such imaginations or what can be Extracted as some Elixir Proprietatis Elixir Vitae or Salutis to be purchased at their own others costly enough rates and prices so as they may be instrumentall and subservient to their Wicked and Seditious Designs of Subverting the Monarchy and Deluding the People And their men of more Faction then Wifdom Law Right Reason or Evidence SECT XVI That the General Councels or Courts mentioned before the Rebellious meeting of some of the English Baronage the constraint put upon King John at Running Mede or before the 49. of H. 3. were not the Magna Consilia or Generale consilium Colloquium or Communia Consilia now called Parliaments wherein some of the Commons as Tenants in capito were admitted but only truly and properly Curiae Militum a Court Summoning those that hold of the King in Capite to acknowledge record and perform their services do their homage and pay their reliefs c. and the writ of Summons mentioned in the close Rolis of the 15th year of the Reign of K. John was not then for the summoning of a great Councell or Parliament but for other purposes viz. Military Aids and Offices WHich withall their Strains Conjectures or Alchimy of abused Wit will never be able to make the Writ which Mr Selden found in the close Role of the 15th year of the Reign of King John to be
ad loquendum or as King Henry the 3d. in the 36th Year of his Reign did call the Londoners to Westminster about taking upon them the Cross and attending him in those Wars representing in that particular only their own Estates or Qualities When in a Parliament holden by the Queen and her Councell in his absence in France in the 38th year of his Reign though Mathew Paris and Mr Daniel have given us no intimation of a Parliament then holden wherein do not appear to have been any Commons or House of Commons the Lords gave an aid by themselves the Clergy doing the like as is evidenced by the 2 following Records in these words viz. Rex dilecto fideli suo Willielmo de Oddinggeseles salutem Cum Venerabilis pater B. Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus Episcopi provinc Cant. R. Com. Cornub. frater noster R. Com. Glouc. alii Com. Barones in quindena sci Hillarii jam praetoriti apud London coram dilecta Regina nostra Consilio nostro Commorante in Anglia constituti nobis promiserunt liberaliter benigni facere auxilium decens perutile viz. quidam prelati in propriis personis quidam in pecunia Comites vero Barones in propriis personis suis potenter contra Regem Castelliae qui terram nostram Vasconiae in manu forti in quindena Pasche proxime futur hostiliter est ingressurus vos ex toto corde requirimus quod sicut supradicti Commites Barones nobis promiserunt quod erunt London A die Paschae prox futur in tres septimanas parati bene muniti sine ulla dilatione versus Vasconiam ad nos personaliter movere vos ad dictas diem et locum modo consimili veniatis omni occasione dilatione postpositis ad tendendum versus portesmum cum praefatis Magnatibus ad transfretandi cum eisdem ad nos in Vasconiam et hoc in fide qua nobis tenemini vobis firmiter injungimus sicut honorem nostrum indempnitatem corporis nostri diligitis T. per Reginam 5. die Febr. Et mand est per Henr. 3 Regem in An. 38. regni sui Archiepiscopis et Episcopis totius Angliae quatenus cum festinatione omni convocent omnes Abbates et Priores suae Diocesis cujuscunque sint ordinis inducentes modis omnibus quod nobis in praesenti necessitate subveniant manu lar 〈…〉 lua ne per defectum ipsorum vel aliorum corporis incurramus periculum et terrae nostrae jacturam quod absit quia id verteretur in vestrum ipsorum opprobium sempiternum sic igitur vestra vigilet discretio circa praedictum auxilium tam a vobis deferendum quam a subditis vestris per quirendum quod futuris temporibus vobis ipsis simus non immerito obligati Proviso quod praefatum auxilium habeamus apud Westmonasterium in quindenam Pasche proxime futuram sine defectu hoc sicut nos honorem nostrum nec non indempnitatem corporis nostri diligitis non omitatis Dirigitur etiam litera ista Archiepiscopo Cantuar cum hac clausula quod ordinariam jurisdictionem exercetis vacante sede in Episcopatu Linc. vos requirimus affectuose quatenus officiariis vestris et Archiediacono ejusdem Episcopatus scribatis attente quod tempestive convocent omnes Abbates Priores ejusdem Episcopatus cujuscunque sine ordinis ad certos dies locum abducentes eos nudis omnibus quod in hoc necessitate vestrae concilium nobis faciant subventionem And the failing to perform Military services was afterwards by the Statutes of 6. E. 1. ca. 4. 13. E. 1. ca. 21. made so Penall and fixed upon them as after a Cessavit per Biennium in the performing of their service the King or Chief Lord might by writs ordained to be granted out of the Chancery demand and prosecute to recover the same and such Tenants after Judgments had against them were to be for ever barred to demand or enjoy the same and where either the King demands Escuage of his Tenants or the mean Lords demands Escuage of their Tenants it was to be assessed in Parliament and Proved or disproved by Certificate of the Marshall of the Kings Host who is enabled thereunto by his Roll kept for that purpose When in Parliament the members of the house of Commons either holding Lands in Capite or of mesne Lords by Knights Service were not upon denying to grant Subsidies or Aydes to the King to forfeit or lose their lands according to the aforesaid Acts of Parliament or otherwise And such kind of Courts for lands holden in Capite or by Knights service should not by the most ordinary and mean Capacities be understood to be one and the same with the great Court or Councell of Parliament which many times by the Power and Authority of the King in that his Highest Court corrects and rectifies the defaults of the other Our high Courts of Parliament having the Judges of the Land subordinate to their Prince whether they have lands holden in Capite or no land summoned by his writs to give their Councell and advice as to matters of Law and the ancient customs of the Kingdom wherein the King is attended with his great Ministers or Officers of State as the Lord Chancellor Treasurer Privy Seal great Chamberlain of England Lord Steward and Chamberlain of his houshold and Lord Admirall whether of the degree of Barronage or holding of him in Capite or not with other great solemn formalities becoming the honour and State thereof with which that most honourable assembly is accompanied greatly different from those lesser Courts or Councell of summoning and calling together those that were only proper or obliged to actions of war or to know how their services were performed when our Parliaments being summoned to treat and advise of matters concerning peace and the defence of the Church and de quibusdam arduis only and have sometimes no matters of war consulted thereon Those military Councells anciently summoned for service in war and defence being in a very different form from Parliamentary Councells as for further satisfaction may be manifested by the writs aforesaid And was no more then what every Earl and Baron had in their Courts and Jurisdidictions when they summoned the Tenants holding of them by Knights service to their Courts of honour or their honorary Possessions which were in our records frequently stiled as the honors of Eagle Eye Leicester Hedingham Penerel Arundel c. to which purpose they had their Escheators Feodares and Stewards to preside or officiate therein subordinate unto them when they called their Tenants together either to ayd ride or go along with them in the wars and service of their Prince and Country or to pay them their reliefs or ayds pairfile marier which the Law Interpreteth to be only the elder or to make the eldest Son a Knight or to do their
homages or pay for the respite of them and to give the Lord to understand what alienations had been made of the lands holden of him whereby to Entitle him and those that did hold of him to the benefit of the Statute of Quia Emptores terrarum And altogether dissimular to that of the Parliament first begun with those few of the Commons which adventured to come unto it in Anno. 49. H. 3. when he was a Prisoner in the custody of Montfert Earl of Leicester a powerful rebell discontinued and interrupted as rebellious designs ought to be after his release untill King Edw. the 1. found it convenient to make use of that kind of writ of Summons to ballance the then swelling power of some of his over-Unweildy Baronage For in the former or those great Councells or Parliaments that were before the 49th Year of the Reign of King H. 3d. the Lords Spiritual and Temporall took upon them the care charge of the Commons as included in themselves as their Subjects they being by that then first kind of Writ only Elected to consent yield Obedience to such things as the Lords not themselves should ordain for had it been as it never was otherwise it would have been altogether ungatory and ridicule to allow a power to the Commons to ordain when they were impowred only to assent unto and obey and cannot at all be understood to obey and be subservient to that which themselves had Decreed the Lords Spirituall and Temporall untill the King had given unto what was advised by them his Royall sanction and assent being not at all obliged to any Obedience thereunto And untill the statute de Tallagio non concedendo without the Assent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons in Parliament Assembled was by King E. 1. assented unto had nothing to do in the granting of ayds and subsidies in Parliament Concurrently with the Lords Spirituall and Temporall in the aforesaid Writ of 18. H. 3. is said to be for to supply their own necessities as well as the Kings But in the Military Courts which were as aforesaid Summoned by King John or any other of our Kings before 49. H. 3. the Knights or those that held in Capite or Knights-Service that should fail to do their Services was to forfeit their Lands so holden and be in the Kings Mercy or pay Escuage which though it were to be assessed by Parliament was not then Understood to be a Parliament Composed of an House of Commons but a Parliament after the Ancient way consisting only of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall the Kings Great Officers of State Judges and Councell Which our Kings and their Councell both generall and speciall were not ignorant of either as to its right use or necessity for publique good or preservation When King John being rightly informed and in fear enough of an Invasion intended by the King of France his profest and known enemy et de omnibus quae in transmarinis partibus agebatur edoctus did not only inbreviare omnes naves universis portubus totius Angliae per brevia sua sed alias literas universis Vicecomitibus regni sui misit et direxit sub hac forma Johannes Dei gratia Rex Angliae c. Summone per bonos Summonitores omnes Barones Milites omnes liberos homines servientes vel quicunque sint vel de quocunque teneant qui arma habere debent vel arma habere possint qui homagium nobis vel ligeantiam fecerunt quod sicut nos seipsos omnia sua diligunt sint apud Doveram ad Instans clausum Paschae bene parati cum equis armis cum toto posse suo ad defendendum caput nostrum capita sua terram Angliae quod nullus remaneat qui arma portare possit sub nomine Culvertagii perpetuae servitatis when both in England and France nihil magis quam opprobrium significavit Et unusquisque sequatur dominum suum qui terram non habent arma habere possint illuc veniant ad capiendum solidatas nostras tu omnem attractum victualium omnia mercata ballivarum tuarum venire facias ut sequantur Exercitum nostrum Ita quod nullum mercatum de ballivis tuis alibi teneatur tuipse tunc sis ibi cum predictis Summonitoribus scias quod scire volumus quomodo venerint de ballivis tuis qui venerint qui non videas quod tu Ita efforciate venias cu 〈…〉 equis armis haec Ita exequatis ut inde ad corpus tuum nos capere debeamus tu inde habeas rotulum tuum ad nos certificandum qui remanserunt Whereupon saith that Historian his ergo literis per Angliam divulgatis convenerunt ad maritima in locis diversis homines diversae conditionis et aetatis sed cum per dies pauces tantae multitudini victus defuisset remiserunt ad propria principes militiae ex inormi vulgo copiosam Multitudinem milites solummodo servientes liberos homines cum Balistariis sagittariis juxta maritima retinentes omnibus igitur congregati ad pugnam aestimati sunt in exercitu apud Barham dâ—nam inter milites electos servientes strenuos bene armatos sexaginta millium virorum fortium quibus si er ga Regem Angliae defensionem patriae cor fuisset anima una non fuisset princeps sub coelo contra quem regnum Angliae se non defenderet And it was no mervail to the people of England who then had not learned to be affraid or make Bug-bears of publique good or kick and winch at every thing that tended that way when King Edward the first in the 24th Year of his Reign Citari fecit omnes qui sibi servitium debebant caeterosque omnes qui viginti libratas terrae amplias tenebant ut parati essent Londoniis in festo sancti Petri ad vincula cum equis armis transfretaturi cum eo Regis stipendiis militaturi And do very much differ from a Writ to Summon the Lords Spirituall and Temporall to Parliament as ad colloquium or consulendum does from coming parati cum equis armis which the Ancient cares and usage of Parliaments since that over-powerfull and unhappy designs of some unruly Barons coming in Arms to the Parliament at Oxford in the 42. Year of the Reign of King Henry the 3. and the sad consequences thereof taught our Kings to take heed of it ever after by prohibiting the coming to Parliaments with Arms and differs no less from the purpose tenour or purport of the Writs or Commissions to elect Knights of the Shires Citizens and Burgesses which had their first Originall and Commencement to come to our Parliaments in Anno. 49. of King Henry the 3. when that King was a Prisoner to an Army of Rebells was not
then untill after a long intervall of time in Anno. 22. E. 1. re-continued sub eadem fo 〈…〉 a which was in no other Tenour or to any other purpose then ad faciendum consentiendum iis to those matters or things which the King by the Councell and advice of the Peers viz. the Lords Spirituall and Temporall should ordain and although there have been ab ultima antiquitate great Councells or Parliaments Now although not formerly called Parliaments in this Nation or Kingdome yet they were not materially or formally the same and if it could be proved that the members thereof consisted of 3. Estates besides the King their Sovereign Lord before the 49th Year of the Reign of King Henry the 3. which all our Parliament Records do deny yet they that were admitted or came under the Elections illegally forced Writs and designs of Montfort and his rebellious partners by their then only newly contrived House of Commons can never entitle themselves to the same Origene Identity purpose and usage of our former Parliaments before that House of Commons in Parliament were admitted to consent unto and do what the King by the advice of his Lords Spiritualand Temporall therein should Ordain And there might be allways reason enough found that there should be a distinction betwixt the great Councells of Parliament which were not only for extraordinary emergencies touching the defence of the Kingdom and Church and redress of grievances in Civill affairs and contingencies and that which was for Military aids and services for saith our old and learned Bracton in Rege qui recte regit necessaria sunt duo haec Arma videlicet leges quibus utrumque tempus Bellorum pacis recte possit gubernare utrumque enim illorum alterius indiget auxilio quo tam militaris res possit esse in tuto quam ipsae leges usu Armorum praesidio possint esse servatae Si autem Arma defecerint contra hostes rebelles indomitos sic erit regnum indefensum sic autem leges sic exterminabitur Justicia nec erit qui rectum faciet Judicium And our Kings whose Royal Progenitors had heretofore all the Lands in England holden of them in Capite might in their greater concernments better deserve to keep their seperate and particular Military Courts for aids and services then those many of their Subjects do that would be unwilling not to be allowed to do it in their own Estates which had no other fountain or originall then the bounty and indulgence of their Kings and Princes and Bracton hath inform'd us that quod ille homagium suum facere debet obtentu reverentia quam debet domino suo adire debet dominum suum ubicunque inventus fuerit in regno vel alibi si possit commode adiri Et non tenetur dominus quaerere suum tenentem And in the homage Secundum quosdam there is to be salva fide debita domino Regi haeredibus suis. Et quod faciet servitium debitum domino suo haeredibus suis non debet homagium facere privatium sed in loco publico communi coram pluribus in Comitatu Hundredo vel Curia ut si forte tenens per malitiam homagium vellet dedicere possit dominus facilius probationem habere de homagio facto servitio recognito Which with the aid of tenures and feudall Laws and the homage services due from the Subjects to the Crown their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and our many and excellent Laws for self-preservation and publique safety did so firm and fix the Militia and Jus gladii in our Kings and Princes ordained and appointed by God for the execution of Justice Defence and Protection of the People their Religion Persons Lives Laws Liberties and Estates as they that would by perverted wrested and falsly concluded arguments overturn our Government and have Labour'd by all the Shifts and Falsities which the Devill and his Imps could contrive and furnish to Propagate their Designs and Principles of Wickedness and Confusion may find that all the Laws Records Annalls and Historians of the Kingdom do assert and prove the Jus gladii to appertain to none but our Kings and that the attempt to take it from them hath been ever accompted and punished as a Rebellion And that they are not Masters of their Wits or are Lunatiques without intervalls that can think their Industry and Pains well bestowed to go about to prove that there ought to be or ever was an Allegiance Oath or Homage made or taken to the People universally considered or was unto them due or could be by any right rule of Law Custom or Right Reason claimed by them or any way appropriate unto them Unto which well known and allways due Rights of our Kings and Princes were very subservient those great aids and support of the Kingdom the Knights fees and lands held of our King in Capite the strength and honour whereof could neither well be preserved called upon or certified unto our Kings in their Exchecquer as the book called the Red-book in that Court kept only for that purpose will inform us without an often Summoning those necessary and useful Courts or keeping them from a disuse which heretofore were wont to serve as Prognostiques or Indications or a feeling of the strength and pulse of the Kingdom by our Kings and Princes the careful Phisitians thereof the neglect whereof by the dissolution of the Abbies Monasteries and religious Houses and those large quantities of lands being no less then a fourth part of the Kingdom and the parcelling thereof into small quantities afterwards granted with a tenure in Soccage and our Kings granting of other great quantities of the Monastick Manors and lands to be holden in free and Common Soccage of the King as of his Manor of East Greenwitch together with the carlesness of the Court of Wards and Liveries and the Eascheators and Feodaries of the after ages so little minding their Duties and Oaths as if one parcell of lands were by a Jury found to be holden in Capite they were well content to suffer all the rest to pass with a per quae servitia ignorant and the carelesness in the levying of Fines and not suing out of Writs in such cases accustomed called per quae servicia which if the tenures in Capite and by Knight service had not been so ever to be lamented unhappily exchanged for a moyety after the Kings decease of a corrupt and unwholsome Drunken Excise those Terms in Capite with their Military aids and services the quondam strength and glory of our Kings and Nobility would have dwindled and shrunk into a consumption and Tabes of our heretofore Gigantine body politique and have for a great part by themselves without the so often murmuring and unwilling taxes and assessments been too weak or feeble to preserve their grandeur and protect and defend them and their peoples properties trades and
lands and Estates where our Laws do give unto them the benefit accrewing And the honourable Peers and Judges in that Court subordinate unto the King may as to matters therein determinable be the better content therewith for that not being Sworn nor punishable as Judges in other Courts are and in what they do advise therein they neither are or can be punishable in a judicio colloquiale wherein as Paulus Screrbic hath said in his Statua Poloniae Judex in colloquiis aut Regis praesentia judicans argui de male judicato non potest And the word KUPIA as Sir Henry Spelman saith with the Greeks and Romans signifying potestas dominium and the Lord or owner of it qui potestate fretus est judiciumque exercet and the place habitaculum domini the residence or Court of the Lord or Superior ubi sana rei narratio placitum forenses vocant dicebatur autem Curia primo de Regia palatio principis inde de familia judiciis in ea habitis ritu veterrimo or the place where Kings did administer Justice surely Kings were not therein to be co-ordinate or any less then Superior And the very Learned Sir John Spelman the Son of that Excellent Learned Father writing the Life of King Alured or Alfred hath together with the unquestionable historical part and truth of the relation given us the observation that Et Comitum potestatem ad huc minuebat nam neque iis integra restabat negotiorum bellicorum tractatio Horum enim magna pars Heretochiis sive Ducibus inferioribus a plebe in Comitiis suis Electis Committebatur Hi enim recensionibus meditationibis armorumque lustrationibus praefuerunt milites in Centuriis suis coeuntes ad locum toti exercitui destinatum deducebant in bellis demum Ducum inferiorum officiis fungebantur Prout e legibus boni Edwardi aliisque locis facile colligitur Haec institutio cum a populo non Comitibus Ductores hi eligebantur non parum e Comitum potentia abstulit Comitibus ergo quorum potentia Regibus semper maxime formidabilis relinquebatur ordinaria potestas in Comitiis Comitativis praefidendi in bellis sui Comitatus militibus imperandi in Curia sive Comitatu Regis conciliis publicis suo rumque negotiis attendendi mandata Regia subditis suis communicandi quod mira celcritate post novam hanc imperii institutionem factum est Et quidem si Aelfredi nostri vestigiis posteriores Regis institissent neque tot Seditiones ortae neque tantum Sanguinis in bellis Civilibus exhaustum neque Regis ipsi toties temporibus subsequentibus periclitati fuissent Sed tam bene constituta partim bella Civilia quae statim post ejus obitum recrudescentia pene omnibus legibus executionem impediebant videantur Edvardi senioris querelae lege quarta Danique post renovatas invasiones sub canuto victores maxime vero Normanni labefactarunt Gulielmus enim sive ut Magnates in invasione regni hujus maxima momenta pro meritis pactis etiam remuneraret sive ut Anglos dominio suo efficacius subderet nobilibus suis Normannis maximam potentiam que postea tot malorum origo indulsit Henricus vero primus quantum potuit leges Aelfredi nostri instituta revocavit sed tempora consuetudinesque perversae omnia quae expedire poterant inferri non patiebantur And the authority of our Kings in Parliament were not only in the Ages before but in King Alfreds or Alureds time Superior and Super-eminent in his great Councells over his Subjects as Asser Menevensis living in his Court and Writing his Life after his Death saith that Saepissimo in concionibus Comitum praepositorum ubi pertinacissime inter se dissentiebant ita ut pene nullus eorum quicquid a Comitibus praepositis judicatum fuisset verum esse concederet qui pertinaci dissensione obstinatissimo compulsi Regis subire judicium singuli subarrabant and when Appeals and Writs of Error came before him from his Earls or Ealdermen saith Mr. Selden out of Asser Menevensis when he found Error and Injustice committed by them would Sharply reprove them For in our Monarchicall Government with the ancient long continued and well-experimented existence and constitution of the House of Peers and Peerage in the Kingdom of England the Common People were so subordinate to the Baronage and Peers as the Commons were allways understood by our Kings and our Laws and the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and by the Common People themselves to be comprehended in and under the Baronage who did for them and as they were included in them very often in our great Councells and Parliaments grant or deny aids or Subsidies and in their behalf without the Commons themselves speaking or advising alledge their poverty and disability and the Popes and Forreign Neighbour Princes in their letters and rescripts understanding it no otherwise of which Mathew Paris and Thomas of Walsingham authors of great credit living in the Reign of King Henry the 3d. and King Edward the 1st his Son have afforded us plentiful instances And all things rightly observed or Considered could not give any one the least of reason or colour of it for if our Comites Burones Bracton not mentioning the Bishops who then had great power if not too much over our Kings and Princes there then being no Dukes Marquisses and Viscounts whom our Kings then used not to create though there were many Dukes or said to be in the time of the Saxons before the Norman Conquest who by our fundamentall Laws enjoyed all their authority Subordinate unto their Parliaments and Great Councells might forfeit their Lives Estates and Lands holden of them in Capite which was the only Measure of punishment in England before the Act of Parliament in the 25th Year of the Reign of King Edward the 3d. was made which did at the request of the Lords and Commons the Bishops not mentioned declare what should afterwards be attempted and punished as High Treason against him and his Heirs or for Counterfeiting his Great Seal which did or should bear record of the Laws and Actions and Kingly Government of our Kings Princes there having not been in that Act of Parliament or any Act of Parliament or Laws of our Brittish Saxon Danish or Norman before or since tacitly or expressly for the abolishing or taking away our Feudall Laws and Customs or that ever to be wailed unhappy Act of Parliament made by his now Majesty King Charles the 2. for the taking away of the Court of Wards and Liveries by reason of his tenures in Capite and of all homage and fealty drawn and prepared by a Learned Lawyer and a Member of that House of Commons in Parliament Dreaming of a Common-Wealth untill their man of Sin Oliver Cromwell was pleased to awake them who was in his profession well known to have been eminently skilled in
magnanimous and hardy Times wherein they disdained to tarry for the effects of Stratagems Bribery and Treacheries then little or not at all but now altogether or too much practised but universally and absolutely it being as unsafe for a King as his People and Kingdome to undertake to foretell the period of an Intestine Rebellion the power and malice of a Forreign Enemy or the sad and often Changes and events of War and to leave a King without the Power of a King and aid of his Subjects and be a King only for Forty Days and upon every Occasion or mischance of War arising from Forreign Princes or his Subjects either by Sea or Land be no longer a King then for so short a Time as if the Subjects Loyalty were to be put under such a limitation and if in that Time he cannot gain the Victory must run into an hole and hide himself in an hourly expectation of Death and a worse Destiny then that of the once mighty King Nebuchadonozers being changed into an Ox and put to grass untill the King of Kings not his Subjects or People should be pleased to restore him to his former shape and dignity which could never be understood to be the meaning of our William the Conqueror And if praxis be as it should be de Jure Gentium accompted to have been optimus legum Interpres our Tenures in Capite and by Knight service however our very learned Littleton a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas who is by Sr Edward Coke his Commentator believed to have written his book of Tenures in or about the 14th Year of King Edward the 4th and Sr Edward Coke without giving us any Record Authority or positive Law to warrant or build up their opinion for any such limitation yet it doth not appear but needeth some further Confirmation For the learned Sr Robert Cottons Collection out of the book of Doomesday hath taught us that Oxoniae Civitas tempore Regis Edwardi Confessoris geldebat nisi quando Londonium Eboracum Wintonia geldebant hoc erat dimidia marci argenti ad opus mil quando expeditio ibat per terram aut per mare serviebat haec Civitas quantum 5. hydae terrae Barnestaple vero Lydeford Totendis serviebant quantum ipsa Civitas Quando Rex ibat in expiditione Burgenses 20. ibant pro omnibus aliis vel 20. libras dabant Regi ut omnes essent liberi Omnes mansiones quae vocantur murales tempore Regis E. libera erant ab omni expeditione muri reparatione propterea vocantur murales Mansiones quia si quis fuerit Rex praeceperit murum reficerit Civitas Lodocestria tempore Regis Edwardi reddebat per Annum Regi 30. libras ad numerum de 20. merae 15. Sextarios mellis quando Rex ibat in Exercitu per terram de ipso Burgo 12. Burgenses ibant cum eo Si vero per mare in hostem eat mittebant ei 4. equos de eodem Burgo usque Londouium ad comportanda Arma vel alia quae opus essent for that great Conqueror as Sr Roger Twisden hath rightly and Judiciously observed had 3 things after that his Conquest in his purpose Cares and intention 1. ut prospicetur Regno de necessariis ad bellum 2. ut Satisfaceret Gallis periculorum suorum laborum Sociis Ita tamen ne Anglis ea occasione praeberetur Justa offensionis causa qua reddi possent ad insurrectionem seu rebellionem paratiores 3. ne Coloni utpote sine quibus Agricultura exerceri non poterit William Rufus and King Henry the First his Sons kept and established the same without any lessening or alteration as to the Time or ways King Stephen Henry the 2. and Richard the First did the like and King Richard the 1. wanted not an aid and money for his redemption out of his Captivity so did King John in his generall muster and array of all the Forces of England sub poena Culvertagii of Shame and Reproch like Deborahs Curse ye Meroz against the feared Invasion of the French King neither was it altered by King He. the 3. who mandavit vice Comitibus Wiggon Staff Salox Warr. quod venire fac ad ipsum Regem in exercitu suo usque Bery in Wallia desingulis duabus Hydis Terrae Com. suorum unum Hominem cum una bona securi c. habentem secum victualia pro â—s Diebus Edward the first did not understand himself to be manacled as unto Time and Wages when he told Roger Bigod Earl of Norfolk Earl Marshall of England refusing to go with him to War into Flanders he should go or be hanged and afterwards seised the great Estates of Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex Constable of England and Gilbert Earl of Gloucester and Hertford and made them glad to accept his Pardon and in the 7th Year of his Reign the Praelates Earls Barons and Commonalty of this Realm did in Parliament Declare that they are bound to aid their King at all Seasons no Time or Manner at all limited King Edward the 2. left it as he found it and in hte 3. Year of the Reign of King Edward 3. it was in Parliament declared that uone shall by any Writing bebe bound to come Armed to the King for that every Subject is to be at his Commandment that in his busy Reign of gathering Triumphant Lawrells a Proclamation was made in singulis Com. Angliae quod omnes homines habentes literas Regis de pardon felon c. causa guerrae Scotiae ad Regem veniant and our Kings Richard the 2. Henry the 4th 5th and 6th Edward the 4th and Richard the 3. continued them nothing being ordered to enervate that Constitution or Law of William the Conqueror it was by an Act of Parliament made in the 11th Year of the Reign of King Henry the 7th ordained that none that shall attend upon the King and do him true Service shall be attainted or forfeit any thing by attending upon the King in his own Person and to him true and faithfull Allegiance or in any other place by his Commandment within the Land or without shall do and Perform And in the 19th Year of the said Kings Reign by an Act of Parliament it was ordained declared enacted by the advice of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall in Parliament assembled no Commons therein mentioned by Authority of the Same who shall forfeit that doth not attend the King being in his own Person in his Wars either within the Kingdom or without or depaâ—t from his said Service without the Kings Licence in Writing under his sign Manuall or Signet or Great or Privy Seal or generall Proclamation there having been no Repeal or limitation afterwards of that especiall Service either in the Reign of that King or of King Henry the 8th Edward the 6th Queen Mary Queen
his Subjects Untill in that much mistaken Erroneous Act of Parliament said to have been made in Feb. 1645. by some of the Lords Commons of that which should not have been called a Parliament when they made War had like strange Subjects and Advisors beaten away their King neither had there been any design of abrogating the Tenures in Capite or of that kind in all the Brittish Roman Saxon Danish or Normam times to annull or dissolve so strong and solid a Foundation as our Feudall Laws nothing in the Rebellion Force and strange unkingly restrictions Articles and agreements put upon King John at Running Mede no grievance by the Tenures in Capite or by Knight-service certified upon any the Writs sent by King Henry the 3. unto all the Sheriffs of the Counties and Cities of England and Wales to Elect 4 Knights of every County and City to certify to the King and his Baronage their Grievances nothing in the forced Parliament and Oaths upon King Henry the 3. and his Son Prince Edward in the 42. Year of his Reign nothing in his direfull procession and waâ—king with his Parliament of Praelates and Nobility throuâ—h Westminster Hall unto that Abby Church with burning Tapers Curses and Anathema's against the Infringers of Magna Charta and Charta de Forresta then and yet holden in Capite with many of our Liberties Fundamentall and Feudall Laws therein contained nothing desired or ordered to be taken away of them or any of them no mention of them in the arbitration or award made by the King of France betwixt that King and his Rebell Barons or when Simon Montfort and his Partners kept him in their powerfull Army a Prisoner about a Year or a Quarter no Complaints or grievances against those Tenures in Capite in all those multitudes of other supposed grievances nothing in the Petition of Right and 30 times confirmation of Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta as if they could never have enough of them nor Reformation desired in and through all the Clownish Rebellions and Insurrections in England in the Times of Wat Tiler John Ball Jack Cade Ket and others And therefore whilst these Underminers of our long lived Monarchy and in that their own happiness have gratified their fond feavourish fancies in procuring a Dissolution of as many as they could of our Tenures in Capite for all if any they could not with the Costly expence of 48. Millions sterling in mony besides an uncomptable and unvalued damage of four hundred thousand Men Women and Children slain or Massacred whole families ruined or for ever Crpled Heaven angry and incensed Hell gaping Religion torn in more then one hundred pieces and all for want of the Care Provision and Protection that the despised Mother Church of England like the Voice that was heard in Ramah Rachel mourning for her Children that they were not our Shames Published in the Streets of Gath and Askalon in the Time of its peace and the Sins of Rebellion and Witchcraft have as the Egiptian Locusts covered overspread the face of our heretofore fruitfull Island And the Protection and Provision usually made by our Tenures in Capite for Younger Children as well as the Eldest affords them no better a care then to leave them when the Mother is after the Fathers Death by some Debaucht Rooking or Gamiug Coxcomb made a fool of and Married again as very often they will are like Lambs left as a Prey unto the Wolves or Foxes the Second Husbands who if the Mother have Children by him will be as too many are well content to help to Fricasse the first husbands Children to make Portions or Estates for the Second so as if it be Enquired where is now the Court of Wards and Liveries which hath been so pretendedly without any Just Cause at all complained of they may find every where a Court of Wards and Liveries lamentably governed by the Fathers in Law of England Wales and Ireland They might do well to make more hast then they have done to repentance consider how much more then nothing at all the Nation was beholding to those overtures as much as they could of the Monarchy Tenures in Capite have been to those Commonwealth Erecters have deserved of the People and those whom they pretended to represent in Parliament when instead of bread they have given them Stones and of Fishes Scorpions and to shew the profoundness of their wisdom did as wisely as those that attempâ—ed to drown the Eel when upon a great serious consult they may Easily discover no better effects or fruit of their overchargeable expences enforced upon the people to their own great and Villanous gain and the ruin spoil and inestimable damage of our 3 before that most happy flourishing redoubtable Kingdoms When that Act of Parliament for taking away the Tenures in Capite doth but as much as it could convert them into Free and Common Socage without any mention of pro omnibus servitiis and the Law made by King Ina who Reigned here from the year of our Savior 923. untill after some part of the Year 940. which is not specially repealed by that Act of destroying as much as it was able the Tenures in Capite and by Knight Service did ordain that Scutarorum nullus ex pelle ovina Scutafabricatur qui secus fecerit 30 solides mulctator pro singulo quoque aratrobinos alat quisque ornatos atque instructos Equites and in a Tenure in Free and Common Socage Fealty is a duty and service inseparable as Littleton saith and signifieth although as he putteth the Case is in the Ceremony of the doing thereof sometimes different from homage for when the Tenant doth fealty unto his Lord he shall hold his hand upon a Book and shall Swear that he shall be faithfull and true to his Lord and shall bear him faith for the Lands which he holdeth of him and fealty is derived a fidelitate Feltman bestowing upon an originall of the like nature a fide and Escuage draweth unto it homage and Homage draweth unto it fealty for fealty is incident to every manner of Service unless it be in the Tenure of Franck-Almoigne and the Tenures in Capite and by Knights Service some only excepted being transferred into Free and Common Socage without saying per fidelitatem tantum pro omnibus servitiis may notwithstanding the forebidding or rejection of of Homage and all other Incidents of Tenures in Capite and by Knights Service render the fealty incident unto free and Common Socage by our Laws to amount unto as much as that which the framer of that Act of Parliament hoped to extinguish by Converting those Tenures in Capite as much as he could into Tenures in pede which should have been beleived to have been very fundamental and dangerous to alter when the wisdom of the English and Scottish Commissioners authoris'd by an Act of Parliament in the Reign of King James
Train in the way of his Progress rather then fail to offer hasten to the River and bring as much water as he could in his hands and with a Cheerfull Countenance Wishes and Prayers for his health present it unto him Nor was so altogether appropriate to those Eastern Countries where God speaks first unto his people and the Sun of his righteousness did arise but was long ago practised in England where the custom was as Gervasius Tilburiensis who wrote in the Reign of K. Henry the 2. informs us that in the Reign of King Henry the 1. upon all addresses to the King quaedam in rem quaedam in spem offerre to present the King with some or other presents either upon the granting of any thing or the hopes that he would do it afterwards and so usually as there were Oblata Rolls or Memorialls kept of it in the Reign of King John and some other the succeeding Kings and Queens who seldom escaped the tender of those Gratitudes of Aurum Reginae Mony or Gold presented unto them as well as unto their Kings and was a Custom not infrequent in the Saxon Times as appeareth by our Doomesday Book the most exact and generall survey of all the Kingdom and so little afterwards neglected as it was paid upon every pardon of life or member and so carefully collected as it was long after in the Reign of King Henry the 3d by an Inquisition taken after the Death of Gilbert de Samford who was by Inheritance Chamberlain to the Queens of England found that he had amongst many other Fees and Profits due unto him and his Heirs by reason of his said office Six pence per Diem allowed for a Clark in the Court of Exchequer to Collect and gather that oblation or duty For if there were no Damage to a Prince in his Dignity and Sovereignty as it must needs be of no small concern it can be of no small Importance in matters of profit and other Necessaries appertaining to his Regality and the necessary protection and defence of himself and his people as hath been truly calculated and made demonstrable And when Homage hath been defined by our Learned Lawyers Littleton and Sr Edward Coke to signify no more then Ieo deveigne vostre home Et mutua debet esse dominii homagii fidelitatis Connexio Ita quod quantum homo Domino ex Homagio tenentis tantum illi debet Dominus ex Dominio praeter solam reverentiam and Sr Edward Coke citing a part out of the Red book of the Exchequer saith omnis homo debet esse sub Domino de vita memibris suis terrenio honore observatione consilii sui per honestum utile comprehended in the words Foyall Loyall salva fide deo terrae Principi and servicium is by him defined in Liege Angliae regulariter quod pro tenemento suo debetur ratione feodi sui and the manner of doing homage and fealty declared or appointed to be taken in 17 King Edward the 2 was that he should hold his hands together between the hands of his Lord our Littleton long after writing his book saith he shall be ungirt his head uncovered his Lord shall sit and he shall kneel before him upon both his knees and hold his hands Joyntly together betwixt the hands of his Lord and say I become your man from this day forward of life and limbs and earthly worship and shall owe you my faith for the Lands which I hold of you saving the faith which I owe unto my Lord the King and to mine other Lords Et homo Homagium saith Sr Henry Spelman sunt verba feudaliam in fundamentis Juris illius and after the Osculum or kiss of the Lord received ariseth and taketh the Oath of Fidelity to be faithfull and true unto him and saith Bracton homage becometh to be ex parte Domini protectio defensio Warrantia ex parte Tenentis reverentia Subjectio And our Littleton defining fealty as it is amongst the Feudists a fidelitate saith that it is to be true and faithfull to his Lord for the Lands which he holdeth of him and shall faithfully do unto him the service which he ought to do And Gervasius Tilburiensis cited by Sr Edward Coke might have added to the definition of homage on the King or Lords part something more from the Tenant or Homager then reverence and subjection and not have omitted the greatest Tie and Obligation which was gratitude for the Lands at the first given to his Father and Ancestor for that only Service The Tenant holding his lands services under a forfeiture but the King or Lord not simili modo but reteyning and holding his propriety directum dominium without any limitation the utile dominium appertaineth unto the Tenant untill he forfeits and then the Lord may enter upon the utile and annex it unto his directum and dispose of it as he pleaseth And Sr Henry Spelman saith licet non Juratum est in homagio sed in fidelitate Intelligendum est quod fidelitatis praestatio individue sequitur homagium Et in nostro Jure fidelitas est de Essentia Homagii nam si quis fidelitatem remiserit cassum facit ipsum Homagium And in the language of our Old Records Writs and rescripts of our Kings and Princes Homage and fealty do so often go together as they may be seem to be adjuncts each unto the other and are in effect as to the Subjection and service but Synonimous and Consignificant differing only in the Ceremonies as our Littleton saith in doing the same which in the direction and stile of our Kings mandates unto one that hath actually done his homage the Word Fidelis is many times used without any mention of Homage dilecto fideli suo as comprehending Homage fidelitas autem particularis apud Anglos individue comitatur omnes Tenuras etiam dimissiones ad brevissimum tempus nunc dierum quamvis nunc dierum parcius exigitur relaxari tamen nullo modo potest sine tenurae interitu And Homage and Fealty being such inseparable Concomitants as not to be separated Homage in the Capite and Knight Service conjoyning unto it Fealty which is the reality effect and service thereof and Homage in those Tenures the only Ceremoniall part thereof which would be to little purpose without the faith fidelity and service which can subsist and perform its services without it And was so understood by our Kings and Princes in their Writs of Summons to their Baronage to their Parliaments when making no mention of Homage which is often respited commands them infide qua nobis tenemini to appear and be present For howsoever amongst Kings and Princes those great concerns of them and their Subjects may be allowed to insist upon punctilio's of Honour and very necessary Concernments which might be consequentiall thereunto which caused our great
patroum Item ibidem Anno Domini nongentesimo vicisimo Sexto Rex Angliae Adolstanus denirit Regem Scotiae Cententium iterim sub se permisit Regno Item Edradus frater Adolstani Rex Angliae dericit Sates norhambro qui se submiserunt ei fidelitatem Juraverunt Item ibidem Edgarus Rex Angliae superavit Renadum filium Alpini Regem Scotorum Et ex tunc factus est Rex quatuor regnium scilicet Angliae Scotiae Daciae Norwegiae Item sovetus Edwardas regum Scotiae dedit Malcolmo filio Regis Cumbrorum de se tenendum Item Willielmus Bastard Anno regni sui Sexto vicit Malcolmum Regem Scotiae accepit ab eo Sacramentum fidelitatis Caused special Commissioners from Scotland to attend him and the Lords of England in Parliament about setling the peace and Military affairs in Scotland where it was assented to by the King that a Parliament should be called in Scotland by the Kings Writ out of his Chancery there in which Parliament the commonalty of that Kingdom should elect Ten Persons for themselves to come to the King and his Parliament at London pro tota communitate terrae Scotiae the Scots Commissioners Petitioning the King that those ten Persons might have their Costs and expences to be leavied by two or three lawful men specially to be elected by the Commons by the view and advice of the Guardian and Chamberlain of Scotland which the King granted with an order that duo legales homines citra mare Scotiae duo legales homines ultra mare Scotiae eligentur ad hujusmodi expensas assidendas levandas per visum concilium custodis regni Scotiae Camerarii wherein as Mr Pryn well observeth they were not to be as sitting Voting Members but as Proxies and Commissioners to Treat with the King and English Parliament concerning Scottish affairs only And so great Regard was had to the words and Testimony of this great Prince as it was in his time not denyed to be law that Ordinatio Meaning an award or something acknowledged in the King's presence per ipsum Regem affirmat Majorem vim hahere debet quam finis in Curia sua coram Justiciariis suis levatus Agreeable to which was the Opinion of the Judges also in his time in these words videtur concilio Regis quod Dominus Rex a quo omnes ministri sibi Subiecti habeant recordum est Superlativum Magis arduum recordum super omnes ministros suos processus recordum praecellens not at all disagreeing with the great reverence and Regard which the good Subjects of this Kingdom have never failed to give unto the hands and great Seals of their King's and Princes which by many inspeximus's have made a record that was so Obliterate and Unintelligible as it was no Record before and given a New life and Resurrection to many a Custome Right and Liberty which otherwise would have been lost and buried in the Rubbidge of time Commanded the Sheriffs of Lincoln to leavy the expences of the Knights of that Shire in eundo morando redeundo de mandato suo venientibus prout aliis in casu consimili consuevit Punished by his Justices of his Bench William de Brewse a great and powerfull Baron for giving Reproachfull words to Roger de Hengham a Baron of the Exchecquer after he had there given a judgement against him and followed him as he was going from the Court and reviled him with gross and bitter words who in those times were frequently in their records said and understood to be de concilio Regis and ordered that the said William de Brewse should go without his sword a very great dishonour to a Baron bareheaded a banco ipsius Domini Regis ubi placitr tenentur in aula Westmonaster per medium aulae praedictae cum curia plena fuerit usque ad Scaccarium ibidem veniam petat a praefato Rogero ut gratiam sibi faciat de dedecore transgressione sibi fact postea pro contemptu facto Domino Regi curiae suae Commirtatur turri London ibidem moraturus ad voluntatem Domini Regis Was so carefull of his Superiority and Jurisdictions as he would not suffer either it or his Justice to be sullied in the administration or execution thereof as in the case betwixt the Pryor and Bishop of Durham in the 34th Year of his Reign he caused an Information to be brought in his Court of King's Bench against the Bishop for that he had Imprisoned his Officers or Messengers for bringing Writs into his Liberty and that the Bishop had said that nullam deliberationem de eisdem faceret sed dixit quod caeteros per ipsos castigaret ne de caetero litteras Domini Regis infra Episcopatum suum portarent in laesionem Episcopatus ejusdem in the entring up of which Information Plea and Judgement thereupon the record saith quia idem Episcopus cum libertatem praedictam a Corona exeuntem dependentem per factum Regis in hoc minister Domini Regis est adea quae ad Regale pertinet infra eandem libertatem loco ipsius Regis modo debito conservanda exequenda ita quod omnibus singulis ibidem justitiam exhibere ipsi Regi ut Domino suo mandatis parere debeat prout tenetur licet proficua expletia inde provenientia ad usum proprium per factum praedictum percipiatur Wherein the Judges and Sages of the Law as in those ancient times they did frequently in matters of great Concernments have given us the reason of their Judgement in these words Cumpotestas Regia per totum regnum tam infra libertates praedictas quam extra se extendant videtur Curiae toti concilio Domini Regis quod hujusmodi imprisonamenta facta de his qui capti fuerunt occasione quod brevia Domini Regis infra libertatem praedictam tulerint simul cum advocatione acceptatione facti etiam dictis quae idem Episcopus dixit de castigatione illorum qui brevia Regis ex tunc infra libertatem suam portarent manifeste perpetrata fuerunt Et propterea ad inobedientiam exhaereditationem Coronae ad dimunitionem dominii potestatis Regalis ideo consideratum est quod idem Episcopus libertatem praedictam cujus occasione temerariam sibi assumpsit audaciam praedictae gravamina injurias excessus praedictos perpetrandi dicendi toto tempore suo amittat cum in eo quo quis deliquit sit de jure puniendus eadem libertas capiatur in manus Domini Regis nihilominus corpus praedicti Episcopi Capiatur And that often distressed prudent Prince was so Unwilling to forsake the old Paths of Truth and the good ways and Rules of the English in their great Councels for Extraordinary affairs wherin a long and very Ancient Gray headed series
Dux Aquit Dilect fidelibus suis Rogero de Hengham Petro Malorre Roberto de Recford salutem sciatis quod assignavimus vos vel duos vestrum quos presentes esse contigerit Justic. nostros ad inquirend per Sacramentum tam militum quam aliorum proborum legal hominum de Civit nostra London Comitatibus Kanc. Surr. Sussex Midd. per quos rei veritas melius sciri poterit de Malefactoribus pacis nostrae perturbatoribus homicidia depredationes incendia alia dampna quam plurima nocte dieque perpetrantibus eorum scienter Receptatoribus eis Consentientibus vim auxiliam praebentibus seu dictas transgressiones fieri procurantibus praecipientibus etiam ad inquirendum de illis qui pro muneribus suis pactum fecerunt faciunt cum malefactoribus pacis nostrae perturbatoribus eos conduxerunt conducunt ad verberand vulnerand maletractand Interfiâ—iend plures de Regno nostro in feriis mercatis aliis locis in dict Civitate Comitaribus pro Immicitia invidia malitia ac etiam pro eo quod in Assisis Juratis recogn Inquisitionibus factis de feloniis positi fuerunt veritatem dixerunt unde per Conductionem hujusmodi malefactorum Juratores Assisar Jurator recogn Inquis illarum prae timore dictorum malefactor eorum minarum sepius veritatem dicere seu dictos malefactores indictare minime ausi fuerunt sunt etiam ad Inquirend de illis qui hujusn odi munera dederunt dant quantum quibus qui hujusmodi mâ—nera receperunt recipiunt a quibus qualiter quo modo qui hujusmodi malefactores in malicia sua fovent mitriunt manutenent in Civitate Comitatibus praedict etiam de illis qui ratione potestate Dominii sui aliquos in eorum protectionem advocationem pro suo dando susceperunt adhuc suscipiunt de illis qui pecuniam vel aliud quodeunque ab aliquo per graves minas ei factas maliciose extorserunt de Conspiratoribus hiis qui malas confederationem faciunt seu fecerunt de malefactoribus in parcis vivariis ad felonias transgressiones praedictas audiendas terminandas secundum legem Consuetudinem Regni nostri Juxta ordinationem per nos Consilium nostrum in Parliamento nostro factam etiam ad omnes Assisas Juratas certificationes coram quibuscunque Justic. nostris in praedict Com. Kanâ— Surr. Sussex Midd. arrainiatis arrainiandas quamdiu vos vel duo vestrum in Comitatibus illis pro negotiis praedictis morari contigerit capiendas etiam ad gaolâ—â— nostras in Civitate Com. praedict tam de prisonibâ—â— Captis pro suspicione feloniae vel mali licet prius inde non fuerint indictati quam de aliis prisonibus quotiens vos ad patres illas adesse contigerit deliberandas secundum legem Cons. Regni nostri Et ad inquirend si Statutum nostrum edictum de aquis in quibus Salmones capiuntur positis indefenso Statutum nostrum Winton etiam mandatum nostrum de suspectis arestand Capiend in singulis suis Articulis teneantur nec ne si non teneantur â—unc qualiter infringuntur per quos Et si Ballivos alliquos infra libertatem vel extra seu ministros nostros inde Culpabiles inveneritis eos postquam inde convicti fuerint dimittatis per bonam sufficientem manucaptionem essendi coram nobis ad certum diem eis per vos praefigendum Recordum premissum inde coram vobis habita tunc nobis sub Sigillo unius vestrum m 〈…〉 atis omnes alios de quibus vobis constare poterit quod contra Statuta nostra venerint taliter per paenas in Statutis illis ordinatas vel alio modo in Casu quo penae in eisdem Statutis non est ordinat castigetis quod paena unius sit Castigatio aliorum Et ideo vobis mandamus quod ad certos dies loca quos vos vel duo vestrum ad hoc provideritis omnia praemissa expleatis in forma predicta facturi inde quod ad Justic. pertinet secundumlegem Coas Regni salvis nobis amerciamentis aliis ad nos inde spectantibus mandamus enim Vicecomitibus nostris London vic nostris Com. predictorum quod ad vos dies loca quos vos vel duo vestrum ei scire facietis predicti vic nostri Civitatis predictae omnes prisonae gaolarum ejusdem Civitatis eorum attach et tot et tales tam milites quam alios probos legales Homines de ipsa Civit. Et predicti vic predictorum Com. Assisas Jurates Certificationes illas cum brevibus originalibus omnes prisones gaolarum dictorum Com. eorum attach tot tales tam milites quam alios probos legales Homines de Com. predictis per quos rei veritas in premissis melius sciri poterit inquiri coram vobis ven fac In Cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus pat T. mei ipso apud Laureto xxi die Februarii Anno Regni nostri xxxv which Walsingham an Authentique writer of those Times calleth a Troil Baston or the modern French Ottroy le Baston or a Commission to enquire of notorious Offences and Offenders and punish them And in the making of his Laws and Act of Parliament did not omit the right use of his Power and Authority when in the 3 Year of his Reign in an Act of Parliament that the Peace of the Church and the State should be maintained he did Will and Command that Religious Houses be not overcharged In an Act of Parliament made in the same Year that a Clerk convict of Felony delivered to the Ordinary should not depart without Purgation it is said to be provided and in the perclose so that the King shall not need to provide any other Remedy And in some other Acts made in the year it is agreed and In another Act of Parliament that elections ought to be free the King commandeth upon great forfeitures that no man nor other by force of Arms by Malice or Menacing do disturb any to make free elections That amerciaments shall be Reasonable and according to the offence wherein Cities Boroughs and Mesne Lords were concerned as well as himself Concerning the Punishment of Ravishers of Women the King Prohibiteth Concerning Appeals to be against the principall and accessory it is provided and commanded by the King The like in Ca. 15. What persons be mainprisable and who not and the penalty for unlawfull Bailment those that were taken by the Commandment of the King or of his Justices or of the Forest being not Bayleable Concerning the penalties of a Sergeant or Pleader committing Deceipt the King
commandeth that such things be no more done from henceforth And if any Officer of Fee doth it his Office shall be taken into the Kings hands It is provided and agreed that the King of his Office shall from henceforth grant attaints upon Enquest in Plea of Land or Freehold In the several limitations of prescription in severall Writs which might be to many very prejudicial it was in like manner provided that in a Writ of right none should presume to declare of the seisin of his Ancestor further or beyond the time of King Richard the 1st Writs of Partition and Novell Desseisin of the first voyage of King Henry Father of the King into Gascoigne Writs of Mort d' Auncestor of Cosinage Ayel et Nuper obiit of the Coronation of the sâ—id King Henry and not before That one plea shall be decided by the Justices of the King's Bench before another be commenced it is provided also and commanded by the King In an Act touching the Tenants plea in a Writ of Dower and at what time Assizes shall be taken it was declared that forasmuch as the King hath ordained those things unto the honor of God and Holy Church and for the Common-Wealth and remedy of such as be grieved he would not that at any other time it should turn into prejudice of himself or of his Crown but that such right as appertains unto him should be saved in all points and forasmuch as it is great Charity to do right unto all men at all times when need should be it was provided by the assent of the Praelates that Assizes of Novell Disseisin Mortd auncestor and Darrein presentment should be taken in Advent Septuagesima and Lent even as well as Enquests may be taken and that at the Speciall request of the King made unto the Bishops In the 4th Year of his Reign caused an Eatenta Maneriorum or Survey as to his particular Royal Revenue much like unto that of William the Conquerors of his Castles Houses Buildings Demesne-Lands Copyhold Commons Parks Forests Woods Asserts Tenants Cottages Pleas and Perquisites of the Counties Churches and the values thereof and of Heriots Fairs Markets Escheats Customs Rents Services Fishings Freeholders Woods Rents of Assize Tenures in Soccage or by Knights-Service Forreign Works and Customes Perquisites of Courts Fines and all other Casualties Declared by a Statute de Officio Coronatoris the Duties of a Coroner and enquiries to be made by them In the matter of Bigamy published and declared certain constitutions before him and his Councel and commanded them to be stedfastly Observed in the presence of certain Reverend Fathers Bishops of England and others of the Kings Councel to which the Justices as all the Kings Councel did agree Cap. 1. In what Cases aid shall be granted of the King in what not it is said that it is agreed by the Justices and other Learned men of the Kings Councel of the Realm which heretofore have had the rule and practise of Judgments that where a Feoffment was made by the King with a Deed thereupon if another person by a like Feoffment and Deed be bound to Warranty the Justices could not heretofore have proceeded any further neither yet do proceed without the Kings Command And it seemeth also they could not proceed in other cases wherefore they shall not surcease by occasion of any Grant Confirmation or Surrender but after advertisement made thereof to the King they shall proceed without delay Ca. 4. Concerning purprestures upon the Kings Lands to be reseised If any do complain of such Reseisins he shall be heard as right requireth 6. E. 1. In an Act concerning a man killing another in his own defence or by misfortune it is said the King commanded In Ca. 10. that the husband and wife being impleaded shall not fourch by Essoin that act of Parliament is said to be the Statute of the King In the same year an Exposition and alteration of the Statute of Gloucester in divers articles and points was made by the King and his Justices by the Kings Letters-Patents dated at Gloucester In the foregoing statutes or Articles whereof videlicet ca. 1. it is said to have been provided in ca. 3. Established the like in Ca. 4. in 5. and 6. provided and the like in the 8. and the offenders shall be greivously amerced to the King In the Statute of Gloucester ca. 14. where it is ordained that a Citizen of London shall recover in an Assize damages with the land it is said the King of his speciall grace granteth and the Barons of the Exchequer and Treasuâ—er shall be commanded And in severall statutes and Articles there made did afterwards by the advice of his Justices make in some of them divers expositions alterations and additions in several materiall parts or Points 7. E. 1. by his Writ directed to the Justices of his Bench Signified that it was accorded that at the next Parliament by the councell and assent of the Prelats Earls and Barons provision should be made that none should come to Parliaments Treaties or Assemblies with force and arms and in the next Parliament after the said Treaty the Prelates Earles Barons and the Commonalty of the Realm Comprised in the Votes and suffrages of the Prelats Earls and Barons there assembled to take order of that business have said that to the King it belongeth and on his part it is through his Royall Seigneury Strictly to defend by force of armour and all other force against his peace at all times when it shall please him and to punish those which shall do contrary according to the Laws and Usages of the Realm and hereunto they are bound to aid him as their Sovcreign Lord at all seasons as need should be and commanded the same to be read before him in his Bench and there enrolled In the Statute of Mortmaine made in the same Year that no Lands should be aliened in Mortmaine upon pain of the forfeiture thereof it is mentioned that the King for the profit of his Realm minding to provide a convenient remedy by the advice of his Prelates Earls Barons and others of his Subjects being of his Councel hath provided and ordained c. 10. E. 1. in the Statute of the Exchecquer touching the recovery of the Kings Debts the King by his Writ directed to the Treasurer Barons and Chamberlains of the Exchecquer for the Indempnity of him and his People Willed and Provided Anno. 1â— E. 1. in the Statute of Acton Burnell made for recovery of Debts the King for himself and by his Councel hath Ordained and Established In the Statute of Entails that the Will of the Donor should in all things be performed Ca. 1. which was of a grand Concern to all the Nobility Gentry and Freeholders of England in their Dignities Families Lands and Estates and the transmitting them to Posterity it is said wherefore our Lord the King perceiving how necessary and expedient it should be
to his people that they shall have Election of their Sheriff in every Shire where the Shrievalty is not of Fee if they list which would have been very prejudicial both to the King and his people as to the collecting of his revenue and Executing his Justice by his Mandates Writs and Process if the confirmation allowance or disallowance thereof had not been by Law lodged in the King and his Supream authority What persons shall be returned in every Jury the King Willeth and Commandeth For a remedy against Conspirators False Enformers and Embracers of Juries the King hath provided a remedy Against Mainteynors of Suits it is said the King willeth but it may not be understood hereby that any person shall be prohibited to have Councel of Pleaders or of Learned Men in the Law for his Fee or of his Parents or next Friends What distress shall be taken for the Kings debts and how it shall be used the King willeth What sort of Persons the Commons of shires shall chuse for their Sheriffs forasmuch as the King hath granted it is said the King willeth That Baylewicks and Hundreds shall not be let too dear to charge the people with contribution In summons and attachments in plea of land the writ shall contain 15 daies it is in like manner to be understood In like manner against false retornes of writs The King willeth that the Statute of Winchester shall be read 4 times in the year and put in execution The King willeth that Escheators shall commit no wast in Wards lands In an act of Parliament declaring in what cases the owner shall have his lands delivered out of the King's hands with the issues it is said the King willeth In an Act of Parliament that vessels of gold shall be assayed it is said to have been ordained and that notwithstanding all those things before-mentioned or any point of them both the King and his Councell and all that were present at the making of that Ordinance meaning the Judges and Assistants of that Honourable Court will and intend that the right and prerogative of his Crown shall be saved to him in all things In the Statute de Escatoribus 29. E. 1. at the Parliament of our Lord the King at Lincoln in his Councell it was agreed and also commanded by the King Himself and this order shall be held from henceforth in the Chancery notwithstanding a certain ordinance lately made by our Lord the King concerning lands and tenements taken into his hands by his officers and not to be delivered but by the King himself and as it is conteined in a Certain dividenda or indenture made betwixt the King himself and his Chancelor whereof one part remaineth in the Custody of the Chancelor In the new Statute of Quo Warranto made Anno 30. E. 1. it is recited that the King himself in the 6 year of his Reign providing for the wealth of his Realm and the more full administration of Justice as to the Office of a King belongeth the more discreet men of the Realm as well high as of low degree being called thither it is provided and ordained but in the writs framed to enquire by what warrant the Liberties were granted to the people they are said to be in Parliamento nostro per nos concilium nostrum 31. E. 1. In an ordinance for Measures it is said that by the consent of the whole Realm of England the King's measure was made In the Statute of 33. E. 1. Touching protections granted by the King it is said to have been provided In the ordinance or definition of Conspirators made in the aforesaid Year it is declared that this ordinance and final definition of Conspirators was made and aworded by the King and his Councell in Parliament In the Statute of Champerty made in the 33d year of the Reign of the aforesaid King it is recited that whereas in our Statute it was contained and provided by a common accord the writ framed thereupon mentioneth that law to be the Kings Ordinance In the Ordinance for enquests made in Parliament the same year it is said to have been agreed and ordained by the King and all his Councell In the ordinatio Forestae made in the year aforesaid whereas certain people have by great men made request to our Lord the King that they may be acquitted of their charge and the demand of the Foresters our Lord the King answered that when he had granted Pour lieu he was pleased it should stand as it was granted albeit the thing was sued and demanded in an evill point Nevertheless he willeth and intendeth that all his demeasne lands which have been of the Crown or returned unto it by Escheat or otherwise shall have free chase and free warren and in right of them that have lands and tenements disafforested for the said Pourlieus and such as demand to have Common within the bounds of forests the intent and will of our Sovereign Lord the King is c. And if any that were disafforested would rather be in the Forest it pleaseth the King very well and our Lord the King willeth and commandeth the Justices of the Forest c. In Anno 34. of his Reign there being an Ordinance for measuring of Land In the same Year the King by his Letters-Patents with the Teste meipso certifying the Statute de Conjunctim Feoffatis declared that it was no new thing that among divers establishments of Laws which he had ordained in his time upon the great and heinous mischiefs that happen in Writs of Novel disseisin chiefly above others he as if he neither did know or believe any co-ordination or that he was to be tutored by a Conservatorship had devised a more speedy remedy then was before and willeth and granteth that that Statute shall take his effect the morrow after the feast of St Peter ad Vincula next coming In the Statute for Amortising of Lands tempore E. 1. the King commandeth c. In Ca. 4. Which seemeth to be about the 27th Year of that Kings Reign in the confirmation of all our Laws Liberties and Customes it is said that the King willeth and granteth if any Statutes have been made or any customes brought in contrary thereunto that such Statutes and Customes shall be void for evermore And for the more assurance of this thing we will and grant that all Archbishops and Bishops for ever shall twice in the year cause to be openly read in their Cathedralls the said Charters and denounce curses against the willing infringers thereof and the Archbishops Bishops c. have voluntarily Sworn to observe the tenor thereof In the ordinatio pro Statu Hiberniae made by him at Nottingham by the assent of his Councel there being in Ca. 6. in what cases the Justices of Ireland may grant pardon of Felony c. and where not there is an exception so always that there
of Attorney which the after Clause Ira pro defiatu potestatis doth Intimate to be a thing so necessary as without it they might be rejected if it should be Insisted upon for surely the King that by his Writ for the Election gives the power and license to his Sheriffs to Elect Knights and Burgesses to come unto the Parliament is to have so much Controll and Power over it as to examine whether they were duly Elected and upon occasions of death undue Elections or other Incapacities to Cause new Elections to be made wherein although the House of Commons have in this our Century or an hundred years last past been willing to save the King and his Ministers of State a labour and upon the death or removall of a Member have usually sent their Warrant or Certificate to the Lord Chancellor or Keeper of the Great Seal of England or the Clark of the Crown for the Election of others the learned Lord Chancellor or Keeper Egerton scrupling such a kind of proceeding wished it might be otherwise and the President of Simon de Monforts Rebellious first institution of an House of Commons in his new unexampled kind of Parliament in the 49th year of the Reign of King Henry the 3 cannot be so racked or strained as to Warrant any such proceeding for even then when he was those Rebells prisoner for an Year and a Quarter they could not tell how to adventure upon such a kind of new and self authority yet it hath been by the permission and Indulgence of our Princes who have thereby too much given them the opportunity and advantage of making one evil action to be a Custom for all that have been but a little acquainted with our Laws and Records may without derogation to that part of the honourable Court of Parliament of which it hath been well observed and said in the Earl of Leicesters Case No man ought to Speak or think dishonourably of them believe that it is a matter particularly and especially only appropriate and belonging to the King and his Supreme authority and dignity and the Elections are so entrusted by the King to the care of the Sheriffs his Officers as in the Choice or election of Coroners or Verduters de assensu Comitatus by the assent or good likeing of the Common People of the County there is in the Conclusion of the Writ a Speciall Clause to Certifie the name of whom they had Chosen which if the King were not therein to give his allowance or refusall would be altogether Insignificant and to no Purpose And by his Sovereign power notwithstanding his approbation in such an Election it was never denyed to be lawfull and for the weal Publique that the King upon Information that the Coroner so Chosen was aliis detentus negotiis and could not attend the duty and employment of that office or was Surprized with a dead palsie or had not Laws Sufficient in the County or lived in the further part thereof so that he could not conveniently execute the said office or was elected Sheriff or a Verdurer in a forrest or that Quidam R. who was elected by the Sheriff de assensu ejusdem Comitatus was not a Knight as the statutes concerning the making or electing of Coroners directed and had not 5l per Annum Land of Freehold yet the Sheriff had elected him into that office to Command the Sheriff to chuse another in his Place de assensu Comitatus qui melius Scire possit ad illus intendere quod nomen ejus Scire faceret c. or when a Verdurer was adeo languidus semo confectus as he could not attend the execution of the office another should be elected in his place de assensu Comitatus nomen ejus scire faceret And it is not like to be any disparagement to the Judgement or knowledge of any man of the Law to acknowledge that the Writ of Conge de Eslire granted by the King to a Pryor and Covent to elect an Abbot or Dean and Chapter of a Diocess to elect a Bishop when the King hath before hand nominated the man by an especiall Clause takes care that he be regno Regi utilis fidelis and that after his election and the formality of the election by the Dean and Chapter dispatched there is a Writ de Regio assensu to Confirm that election followed by another to the Escheator to restore unto him the temporalities in the form following Rex dilecto fideli suo J. Justiciario suo Hiberniae salutem Cum dilecti nobis in Christo Decanas Capitulum Ecclesiae de B. vacante nuper Ecclesia sua praedicta per mortem bonae memoriae Lucae nuper Episcopi loci illius dilectum nobis in Christo M. J. Decanum Ecclesiae predictae in suum Episcopum elegerunt pastorem nobis per suas patentes literas Supplicaverunt ut Electioni Regium assensum adhibere dignaremur Nos licet idem Decanus Capitulum prius a nobis eligendi licentiam non postuleverint ut est moris volentes tamen eis hac vice gratiam facere specialem eidem Electioni Regium assensum Duxerimus adhibendum nolentes quod quamvis ipsi hujusmodi licentiam mini ne 〈…〉 runt molestentur in aliquo seu graventer volentes insuper eidem Electo ut ipsius parentur laboribus expensis gratiam facere uberiorem vobis dedimus potestatem quod si Contingat Electionem hujusmodi per loci Metropolitanum Canonicum Confirmari vobis inde per literas patentes loci ipsius Metropolitam nobis inde directas constiterit tunc fidelitatem ipsius Electi nobis debitam in hoc parte nostro nomine recipiatis ei temporalia Episcopatus illius prout moris est restitui faciatis vice nostra receptis prius ab Episcopo Electo literis suis factis Sigillo suo sigillo Capituli sui Signatis quod gratia nostra quam eidem Electo ad praesens ex mera liberalitate nostra fecimus nobis vel haeredibus nostris non Cedat in praejudicium c. T. c. And may remember that when the Papall Clergy were Culminated in their highest Zenith under the domineering power and Insolency of the Popes their Incouragers and Protectors and so high as upon the vacancy of Bishopricks or other dignified Ecclesiastick preferments they that sought for those places would hasten to Rome nd get Bulls of investiture from the Pope upon the Kings unwilling recommendation which though a politick fear had made King Henry the 8. for a Time to Condiscend unto yet he was Carefull to make the party so preferred to appear at his return before him either in person or by proxy and renounce every Clause in the Popes Letters or Bulls that might prove derogatory to his Crown and Prerogative or the Law of the Land and Swear Fealty and Allegeance unto him and thereupon Writs were ordered to be
made out of the Chancery for a new Election if none had been before made by the Dean and Chapter of the Diocess or afterwards for the Kings allowance of an Election to be made by the Dean and Chapter and a restitution thereupon of the Temporalities And Fitz-Herbert a learned Judge hath informed us that if a Dean and Chapter should elect a Bishop without the Kings assent and after make a Certificate thereof to the King he may assent thereunto or refuse to do it if he please and if he do assent thereunto a speciall writ is to be made to some Person to take his Fealty and to restore unto him his Temporalities in the form aforesaid And our Kings have not only done it in the Election of Coroners and Verdurers but in matters of an higher nature viz. the Election of Members of the Commons in Parliament in the Case of Sr Thomas Camois Banneret which saith Mr Elsing did not as a Baron antiently use to serve as a Member in the house of Commons in Parliament as appeareth by the Kings writ directed to the Sheriff of Surrey for a new Election in the Stead of the said Sr Thomas Camois wherein the reason is expressed in these words Nos animadvertentes quod hujusmodi Banneretti ante haec tempora in milites Comitatus ratione alicujus Parliamenti minime consueverunt eligi And was afterwards as a Baron summoned into the House of Peers in Parliament and the Kings servants have likewise had exemtions as when James Barners was discharged quia de retinentia Regis familiaris unus militum Camerae Regis The servants of the Queen and Prince enjoying also the like Priviledges For the same year there appeareth to have been an exemtion and discharge of Thomas Morvill Quia est de retinentia Charissimae Dominae matris nostrae Johannae Principissae Walliae A Verdurer being Chosen in a forrest beyond Trent and the King upon a Suggestion made in Chancery that he had not Lands and Tenements Sufficient within the Limits of the Forrest nor was resident therein having Caused another de à ssensu Comitatus to be elected did upon better Information by the Justice of that Forrest that he had Lands and Tenements sufficient and was fit for the place supersede the later Writ and Commanded that he that was formerly elected should be permitted to execute the said Office In the first year of the Reign of King Edward the 1st the King being Informed that one Matteville having been elected Coroner of Essex de assensu Comitatus officium praedictum explere non potuit sent his Writ to the Sheriff of Essex to elect per assensum Comitatus one that should be able to execute that office with a Command to Certifie the name of the party to be so elected which a King that is sui Juris and not governed by those he should govern might surely better do then a private man who is never denyed the refusall of one elected that is not fit for the ends and purposes for which he was Chosen as if a Carpenter should by a mistake of a friend or servant be hired or employed to do the work or business of a Farrier or a Farrier of an Apothecary And it should be no otherwise when all the Laws of the World where right reason and morality have any Influence or any thing to do have ordained and allowed a retorn or attempt to be given of Writs Proces Mandates or Precepts well or evill executed unto those that had authority to grant them and how they had been observed and obeyed which was the only reason end and design of such retornes and attempts to be given thereof In the yearly nomination and appointment of Sheriffs of the Counties of England and Wales the Judges of the severall Circuits do elect six whom they think fit to be Sheriffs for every County which upon Consideration had by the Lord Chancellor or Keeper of the great seal of England Lord Treasurer diverse of the Lords of the Kings Privy-Counsell some Officers of his Household and the aforesaid Justices being reduced to three for every County their names are to be presented to the King who Chooseth One for every County who is afterwards Sworn and made Sheriffs by his Letters-Patents the former being discharged and not seldom upon better Information given to the King altered and another named by him the Mayor and Sheriffs of London and the Mayor of Oxford being elected according to their Charters are to be Yearly presented and Sworn before his Barons of the Exchecquer before they can Execute or Intermeddle in their Offices and a Sheriff hath some hundred years ago been amerced and in misericordia quia retornavit elegit alios quam milites in brevi de Assiza And with the same reason and rule of Justice it hath been done in the undue and Illegall Elections of some Members of the House of Commons in Parliament upon Complaint made by remedies provided in the 36th year of the Reign of King Edward the third as may be evidenced by the view and consideration of the Records ensuing in these words viz Rex Vicecomiti Lanc. salutem quia super Electione facta de militibus pro Communitate Com. praedict pro ultimo Parliamento nostro in Com. praedict venientibus maxima alteratio facta existit nos ea de Causa volentes super electione praedicta plemius certiorari tibi praecipimus quod habita in pleno Com. tuo super electione praedict Cum militibus allis probis hominibus de Communitate dict Com. de Liberatione Informatione diligentibus utrum viz. Edwardus Laurence Mathaeus de Risheton qui in brevi nostro de Parliamento praedicto tibi directo retornati fuerunt pro militibus dicti Com. electi fuerint an alii si per deliberationem Informationem hujusmodi inveneris ipsos de Communi assensu totius Com. pro militibus dicti Com. electos fuisse tunc habere facias eisdem Edwardo Matheo decem octo libras duodecem Solid pro expensis suis veniendi ad Parliamentum praedict ibidem morando ex inde ad propria redeundo viz. pro quadraginta septem diebus utroque praedictorum Edwardi Laurentii Capiente per diem quatuor solidos si alii pro militibus ejusdem Com. electi fuerint tunc nos de nominibus eorum sub sigillo tuo in Cancellaria nostra reddas certiores hoc breve nobis remittens Teste Rege Decimo Septimo die Novembris per ipsum Regem But it seems that took no effect for Mr Pryn in his Marginall note saith that they made no retorn as they ought to have done so early did the design of a factious popularity to provide for themselves begin to take root by the calling of an intended Elected part of the Common People of England into the great Councell thereof as the Tenor of the
Subjoyned Writ will manifest in the form ensuing viz. Rex dilectis fidelibus suis Godfr Foliambe sociis suis Custodibus pacis nostrae in Com. Lancastr Salutem cum nuper pro eo quod super Electionem recitando usque redder et nobis Certiores ac jam intellexerimus quod praedicti Edwardus Laurentius qui locum tenentes dict vic existunt retornum brevium nostrorum Com. praedict faciunt breve nostrum praedictum penes se retinent executionem aliquam inde hactenus facere non Curarunt nihilominus vadia illa indies levari faciant in nostri deceptionem manifestam nos volentes hujusmodi deceptioni obviare vobis mandamus quod prox Sessione vestra vocatis Coram vobis militibus allis probis hominibus ejusdem Com. aliis quos noveritis evocando diligentem Informationem inquisitionem super praemissis capiatis de eo quod in hac parte inveneritis nos in Cancellaria nostra sub Sigillis vestris aut alicujus vestrum distincte aperte sine dilatione reddatis Certiores hoc breve nobis remittentes T. R. apud Westm. per ipsum Regem Et mandatum est vic Lanc. quod levationi dictorum vadiorum Supersedeat quousque aliud inde de Rege habuerit in mandatis T. ut supra per ipsum Regem Upon which Mr Pryn observeth that the King in that age not the House of Commons examined and determined all disputable and undue Elections Complained of and ordered that the Knights whose elections were unduly made should not receive their wages or expences untill the Legality of their elections were examined and that the King may cause the Elections to be examined by speciall Writts to the Sheriffs or Justices of the Peace in his default to Enquire and Certify the legality of their elections by the Testimony of their Electors or Assenters out of the whole County and untill full Examination Supersede the Levying of their Wages and in his Plea for the House of Lords and Peers saith that the Statute made in the 8th year of the Reign of King Henry the 4th and the 11th of King Henry the 6th upon the Petitions and Complaint of the Commons in Parliament to the King and Lords which Inflicted Penalties upon the Sheriffs for making undue Elections and retorns which formerly were Arbitrary at the discretion of the King and to be Tryed not by the Commons alone without Oath upon Information as now but by the Justices Assigned to take Assizes and that by enquest and due examination therein if the Sheriff be found Guilty he shall forfeit one hundred pounds to the King and the Knights unduly retorned shall lose their Wages not to be turned out saith Mr Pryn by a Committee for Privileges of the House of Commons and that the Statutes of 1. H. 5. ca. 1. 6. H. ca. 4. 8. H. 6. ca. 7. 22. H. 6. ca. 15. touching the Election of Knights Citizens and Burgesses to Parliament do not alter the Law or Impower the House of Commons to determine the Legality of any Elections but leave them as before to the King by the advice of the Lords to redress as these Law-books viz. Dier 113. 168. Plowden 118. to 131. Old Book of Entries 446. 447. have resolved and are not to follow any late Arbitrary Precedents but the ancient usage and Law of our Parliaments and solid reason which will not Justify those late Innovations or extravagancies for when men are saith the Learned Sr Robort Filmer Assembled by an humane power the authority that doth assemble them Can also limit and direct the execution of that Power SECT XX. Of the small Numbers of Knights of the Shires and Burgesses which were Elected and came in the Reign of King Edward the first upon his aforesaid Writs of Election and how their Numbers now amounting unto very many more were after increased by the corruption of Sheriffs and the ambition of such as desired to be Elected FOr Mr. Pryn in his indefatigable and most exact searches of the Summons and Elections of Members of the House of Commons in Parliament and the return of the Sheriff thereupon which he himself as well as others might have then thought unnecessary and superfluous yet are now of great use for the discovery of long hidden truths hath in all the Reigns of King Edward 1. Edward the 2. Edward the 3. Richard 2. Henry 4. King H. 5. 6. and Edward the 4th found no more then 170. Boroughs Cities and Ports either Summoned by Sheriffs or their precepts or Writs to elect or return or actually electing returning Knights Citizens Burgesses and Barons of the Cinque ports to attend in Parliament that of those 170. Glastonbury in Somersetshire Overton in Hantshire St Edmondsbury in Suffolk Hoden and Richmond in Yorkshire had only one precept issued unto them Odiham 2 precepts Alton and Basingstake in Hantshire 4 precepts to elect and send Burgesses to Parliament upon neither of which they returned any Burgesses as the Sheriffes returns of ballivi libertatis nullum dederunt responsum or nihil inde fecerunt will attest whereupon they never had any more precepts of that nature sent unto them before the end of King Edward 4's Reign Christchurch only excepted which of late Years hath elected and returned Burgesses So that in truth 20 of those 170. Namely Newbury in Barkshire Freminton Modbury South Molton in Devonshire Bromyard Ledbury Ros in Herefordshire Dunster Langeport Monteacute Stoke Cursey Matchet Ware in Somersetshire Alesford in the County of Southamton Oreford in Suffolk Gatton in Surrey Alverton Malton and Pontefract in Yorkshire elected and returned Burgesses but once for one single Parliament and no more Mere in Wiltshire and Rippon in Yorkshire upon two several precepts made only one election Five more of those antient Boroughs as Lidford in Cornewall Bradnesham Okehamtam in Devonshire Andover in Hampshire Woodstoke in Oxfordshire and that 3 of 5 Severall Precepts the Sheriffs returned quod ballivi nullum dederunt responsum Farneham in Surrey Grantham in Lincolnshire and Beverley in Yorkshire upon five precepts did but twice elect during the Reigns of the aforesaid Kings and 4 more to wit Cheping-Norton and Dodington in Oxfordshire Mulliborne port in Somersetshiee and Coventry in Warwickshire made in all the times aforesaid but 3 elections Poole in Dorsetshire Webley in Herefordshire Witney in Oxfordshire and Aixbrugh in Somersetshire upon 5 precepts had but 4 elections and returns in all those Reigns St Albans in Hartfordshire Kingston upon Thames in Surrey Wich in the County of Wigorn and Heytesbury in Wiltshire made in all that time but 5 returns and elections of Burgesses Five others viz. Honyton and Plymouth in Devonshire Chard in Somersetshlre Seaford in Sussex and Wotton Basset in Wiltshire but 7. Preston in Lancashire Stamford in Lincolnshire Hyndon and Westbury in Wiltshire but 6. Stortford in Hartfordshire only 8. and Lancaster 13. during the Reigns of the
all the returns of the Writs of Election for the Election of Knights Citizens and Burgesses from the 21st Year of the Reign of King E. 1. during the residue of his Reign for before no Manucaptors or pledges for Knights or Burgesses elected to come to Parliament were given in for those Knights that were elected in Anno 49. H 3. for the County of York and from thence during the Reign of King E. 2. E. 3. R. 2. H. 4. and 5. and thence until after the 33. of King Henry 6. and had after their Elections actuall and formall Indentures or instruments of procuration mutually Signed and Sealed by the Sheriff and the Electors or Assentors and Elected which were with the Writs of Election returned and filed amongst the records of the King in his Chancery having their procurations or powers inserted in the perclose of the indenture made betwixt the Sheriff and the Electors some being named instead of many Dante 's Concedentes eisdem the parties Elected plenam sufficientem potestatem pro se communitate praedict ad faciend consentiend iis quae tunc ibidem de communi concilio regni Domini Regis favente Domino ordinari contigerint super negotiis in dicto brevi specificat and notwithstanding their election and one part of the Indenture with the procuration therein returned with the Writ to the King in his Chancery were not accompted members of the House of Commons in Parliament untill their admittance by the Kings Allowance and Authority as it was upon a great debate adjudged in the 35 Elizabeth in the House of Commons in Parliament in the Case of Fits-Herbert in which the two eminent Lawyers Anderson and Coke afterwards successively Lord Chief Justices of the Court of Common Pleas were as Members personally present and in a Parliament holden in the 18 Year of the Reign of King Edward 3. the King was angry that the Convocation of the Clergy appeared not and charged the Archbishop of Canterbury to punish them for their defaults and said he would do the like to the Parliament In the 5 year of the Reign of King Richard 2. Members Elected were by an Act of Parliament to appear upon Summons or be amerced or otherwise punished according as of old times hath been used to be done in the said case unless they may reasonably and honestly excuse them to the King and in 1st and 2d Philip and Mary 39 of the Members of the House of Commons saith Sr Edward Coke whereof Mr Edmond Plowdon the famous Lawyer was one who pleaded that he was continually present at that Parliament and traversed that he did not from thence depart in contempt of the King and Queen and of the said Court had an Information exhibited against them by the aforesaid King and Queen for not appearing in Parliament according as they were Summoned cannot be admitted in the House of Commons in Parliament before they shall have taken the Oaths of Allegeance and Supremacy before the Lord Steward of the King's Houshold or his Deputy under a forfeiture or penalty nor depart from the Parliament without License and when admitted are Petitioners for License to choose and present their Speaker to the King who in their behalf prayeth to be allowed access to his Majesty freedom of speech and from Arrest of themselves and their menial servants during the time of their attendance have Wages allowed them by the King to be paid by their Commonalties in eundo morando redeundo according to longer or shorter distances or abode their Speaker being by the King also allowed Five Pounds per diem besides other perquisites appertaining to his place are but Petitioners have receivers and tryers of their petitions assigned by the King or by the Lord Chancelour de per liu and days were seldom prefixt and limited for exhibiting of them which were many times rejected with a non est petitio Parliamenti endorsed for that it was more proper for inferior Courts and sometimes for their hast or Importance of the King's Affairs were ordered to be answered in Chancery are no Court of Judicature or Record were not accustomed to draw or frame Acts of Parliament which they assent unto but leave them to be formed by the Judges and the King 's learned Councel at Law and not seldom after Parliaments ended most of the former Acts of Parliament being drawn and framed upon petitions or specifying to be at the request of the Lords and Commons or of the Commons only or that the King Willed Commanded Prohibited Provided or Ordained can make no proxies and are but a grand enquest of the Kingdom are not Authorized to give or administer any Oath never did or are to do it but are to send such Witnesses as are to be sworn to take their Oaths in the House of Peers and the Members of the House of Commons or their Speaker Jointly or severally cannot administer an Oath unto any of their fellow Members or any of the Commons whom they would represent for that would be to administer it unto themselves which Juries and men Impanelled in Enquests are never permitted to do but are to receive their Oaths from a Superior Authority and none but the King or such as have been Commissionated by him are impowred to give Oaths which hath allways put a necessity upon the House of Commons when any Witnesses are to be examined before them to produce and send them first to be sworn and take their Oaths in the House of Lords and they cannot adjourn or prorogue without the King 's special order and command nor were ever Summoned by themselves legally to come to Parliament without the Lords Spiritual and Temporal but as to their Meeting and Continuance were to follow their King in his House of Lords as the Moon and the Stars those Common people of the Sky do the Sun could not punish heretofore an offence or delinquency against themselves or any of their Members without an Order first obtained from the King or his Lord Chancellor have sometimes Petitioned the Lords in Parliament to intercede with the King to remit his displeasure conceived against them in the times of Henry the 4 few Petitions were directed to the King and his Councel some were to the King alone and some to the Lords alone and some to the Commons only saith Mr. Elsing and if they were Petitions of Grace the Commons only wrote thereupon soit baile as Seigneurs per les a Roy or soit per le a Roy per les Seimurs the other were sent up to the Lords without any directions the Judges the Kings Learned Councel in the Law prepared all answers to the Petitions of the Commons all Petitions directed to the King were to be considered by the Judges and his Councel at Law and by them prepared for the Lords if need were by the Commons who sometimes Petitioned
the Fryday before St Michael in the same Year as q'eux Prelatz ove le Clergie par eux mesmes les Counties Barons par eux mesmes Chivalers Gentz des Countes Gentz de la commun par eux mesmes en treteront imparterent temps 4. Vendredi prochein suont mesmes le Vendredi en plein Parlement les Prelatz par eux mesmes les Countes Barons par eux mesmes les Chivalers des Countes par eux mesmes puis toutz en commun responderont and the like we read of the Prelats Earls Barons and great men eux mesmes Chivalers Gentz des Countes of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses and Commons separate consultations by themselves and their several answers to the Articles and businesses propounded to them in the Parliaments of 13. E. 3. N. 6. 10. 11. part 2. N. 5. to 9. 14. E. 3. N. 6. 11. 17. E. 3. N. 9. 10. 11. 55. 58. Ro. Parl. 20. E. 3. N. 10. 11. Ro. Parl. 25. E. 3. N. 6. 7. Ro. Parl. 28. E. 3. N. 55. 56. Ro. Parl. 36. E. 3. N. 6. 7. Ro. Parl. 40. E. 3. N. 8. Ro. Parl. 42. E. 3. N. 7. Ro. Parl. 47. E. 3. N. 6. Ro. Parl. 50. 51. when the Commons had a Speaker and departed to their accustomed place in the Chapter-House of the Abby of Westminster And â—aith Sr William Dugdale at the Parliament holden at Gloucester in Anno Domini 1378. in the Reign of King Richard the 2d in refectorio de armorum legibus tractabatur aulae autem hospitium communi Parliamento erat deputata Porro in camera hospitii quae camera Regis propter ejus pulchritudinem antiquitus vocata est concilium secretum inter Magnates versabatur ac in domo capitulari concilium commune In the said Kings Reign the Knights and Burgesses were called by name in presence of the King In the great alterations betwixt the Lords and Commons and King Henry the 4th in the 9th Year of his Reign and a pacification and endeavour to reconcile the Lords and Commons the King sent unto the Commons to come before him and the Lords In a Parliament holden the 13th year of his Reign the Commons of Parliament were called at the door of the painted Chamber in the Kings Palace of Westminster and came which shews that they did not usually sit there In the 33. of King Henry the 8. The Duke of Suffolk then Lord Steward commanded the Clerk of the Parliament to call the Names of the House of Commons unto which every one answered being all in the upper house below the Barr and then the King came Nor was or is it likely to be within the verge or neighbourhood of any truth or reason that such an inferior sort of men as some citizens and Burgesses to be elected out of so many Citys and Boroughs as those enforced writs of Elections in Anno 49. H. 3. Designed when the Nobility and Gentry and the Laws of those times not only held but believed it to be a disparagement to a whole Kindred to Marry with the Daughters of Burgesses who might be understood to be either their Tenants or Dependents should presume or be allowed to Sit in one and the same Chamber room or place with their King sitting in his throne or chair of estate encompassed with his more noble and greatest councell the Lords Spirituall and Temporal the Peers in Parliament where none but the Peers themselves and their Assistants are permitted to sit and do then also sit uncovered when the civill and Caesarian Laws and the Laws and reasonable Customes of nations do so distinguish betwixt the noble and ignoble as if a Gentleman be present the ignoble or common persons shall arise from their seats and give diligent heed when he speaks and it is a peculiar honor due unto gentry to sit upon benches or seats and those who are otherwise are not to take the right hand of them or the chiefest seats in the company or to sit next the Judge before them are not to be so much valued in their testimonies and more credit ought to be given to the Oaths of two Gentlemen produced as witnesses then to a multitude of the vulgar or ignoble persons though many and great privileges are and have been in the civill Laws given and allowed to the Honorable Order of Knighthood and that our Kings and common laws have given unto them great respects and privileges which are and have been to these our dreggy and worst of times enjoyed yet it can be no disparagement to that ever to be esteemed Order and Degree to have it affirmed and believed that it hath been from the 21th year of the Reign of King Edward the 1st to this our present century and scarcely slipt out of the memories of aged men no unusuall thing that many of the Knights of the shires and Burgesses elected to be members of the house of Commons have been the Secretaries Stewards Feodaries or domestick Servants Reteyners Tenants by Knights-service or Petit Serjeanty Castle-guard or managers of some part of the Lands and Estates of the Nobility and great men of the Kingdom And as to that which some that are unwilling to Submit to the powers of truth and right reason will be ready to object that in the 3. year of the Reign of King Henry the 8th a Committee of the Lords have come into the House of Commons to confer with them and probably saith Mr Elsing might during the time of that Conference sit with them yet it was but pro hac vice and not constantly or at any other time And when King James in the 7th year of his Reign was pleased to order the Lords and Commons to sit in the Court of Requests the Lords on the right hand by themselves and the Commons on the left they did then sit distinctly as out of their separate houses to be Spectators of the creation of Prince Henry to be Prince of Wales and could be no more an argument for those contrivers who are enforced to pick up any thing that they can imagine may be for their purpose then that of the fatal over-eager prosecution of the late Earle of Strafford at the suit instance of the house of commons upon their unlucky bill of Attainder in Westminster-hall whether his late Majesty afterwards murthered and martyred had from their separate and distinct houses for that only business dislocated and transferred them SECT XXIV What the clause in the Writs for the Election of Knights Citizens and Burgesses to come unto the Parliament ad faciendum consentiendum do properly signify and were intended by the said Writs Of Election to be Members of the House of Commons in Parliament FOr Assensum dare est probari l. 2. c. de relation Consensus denotat aequalitates sententiarum cogitationis voluntatis And facere duplici modo accipitur aut
pro nudo facto aut eo quod effectum juris post se relinquit si nudum est factum nihil aliud significat quam corporalem effectionem veluti fossam fodere Romam ire c. Quando autem effectum juris post se relinquit omnemomnino faciendi causam complectitur dandi solvendi numerandi judicandi l. verbum 218 F. de verb. sign item reddendi l. 175. eodem tit restituendi quo intellectu pro gerere reddere accipitur pro eo quod est tradere l. verbum 54. F. de verb. elig l. extat F. quod me Cod. ad l. faciend de verb. sig Hinc facere posse vel non posse in jure Civili pro Solvendo esse vel non esse sect pend de act 3. de constit per l. 14. sect 1. posse F. de re Consentire est in unam Sententiam concurrere l. 1. F. conventionis F. de pactis sic accipitur in l. consensu F. de action oblig consentire videtur qui praesens non contradicit l. 7. in fine Gothofred ad l. 2. in prin F. consentit item qui non repugnat l. 12. de spons consentire dicitur cum duorum voluntates in unam concurrunt utroque approbante sciente consensus proprie non dicitur nisi qui verbis expressus est l. 1. sect voluntatem Non qui cogitat aut loquitur proprie dicitur facere sed agere Cumtamen quicquid fiat etiam agi dicitur And it neither is or ever was intended that the Commons Assembled in Parliament were to ordain but to consent unto and obey such things as their King and Sovereign by the Councel and Advice of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall should ordain And therefore they will be foully mistaken and run over head and ears into the grossest of errors if they shall suffer themselves to be Seduced into a groundless opinion that they can and are to advise the King in the making or repealing of Laws as the Lords Spirituall and Temporall are or that they are to consider or advise with their Sovereigns or have as great an interest or charge incumbent upon them in the weal publick and that the giving their assent is to be as a causa efficiens sine qua non For if they will take the pains to consult our Old Historians and the Grants and Charters of our former Kings and Princes or great men and the subscriptions thereunto they will find the assent of all the subscribers but the Donors to signify no more then approbations or testimonies of witnesses of which Ingulphus Eadmerus with Mr. Seldens annotations thereupon and his tittles of honours Mathew Paris and Sr William Dugdales Monasticons will afford us plentifull proofs and examples and it will be beyond the reach of credulity it self that all or any of such subscribers except the Donors had any proper or just interest of their own thereunto either to promote or hinder it As in that Charter made by Witlafius King of the Mercians in Praesentia Dominorum suorum Egberti Regis West-Saxoniae Athel 〈…〉 ulphi filii ejus coram Pontificibus proceribus majoribus totius Angliae in Civitate Londonia ubi omnes congregati sumus pro concilio capiendo contra Danicos piratas littora Angliae assidue infestantes signo sanctae crucis confirmavit or in that in Anno Domini 833 the grant of great quantities of Lands to the Abby of Croyland attested by ✚ Celnothus Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis consului ✚ Ego Euboldus Archiepiscopus Eboracensis consignavi ✚ Ego Osmundus Episcopus Londinensis collaudavi ✚ Ego Helmstanus Episcopus Wintoniensis assensum praebui ✚ Ego Herewicus Episcopus Lichfieldensis consensi ✚ Ego Cedda Episcopus Herefordensis aspiravi ✚ Ego Adelstanus Shireburnensis Episcopus procuravi ✚ Ego Humbrithus Helmari Episcopus probavi ✚ Ego Wilredus Dommocensis Episcopus annui ✚ Ego Herferdus Wigornensis Episcopus gratum habui ✚ Ego Godwinus Roffen Episcopus favi ✚ Ego Hebba Abbas de Medel Hamsted ratificavi ✚ Ego Ambertus Abbas Ripadii interfui ✚ Kincuinus Abbas de Bardeine astiti Ego Egbertus Rex West-Saxoniae concessi ✚ Ego Adelwulphus filius Regis West-Saxoniae consensum dedi ✚ Ego Wulhardus dux affui ✚ Ego Athelstanus dux audivi ✚ Ego Herenbrithus dux acceptavi ✚ Ego Swithinus Presbiter Regis Egberti praesens fui ✚ Ego Rosa scriba Regis Withlasâ—i manu mea Chirographum istud scripsi And King Edgar in his Charter and confirmation to the Church of Glastenbury using the Title of Ego Edgar divina dispositione Rex Anglorum caeterarumque gentium in circuitu persistentium Gubernator Rector viz. Dunstano Dorobernensi Oswaldo Archiepiscopis adhortantibus consentiente etiam annuente Brithelmo Episcopo Fontanensi caeterisque Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus cum sigillo sanctae Crucis confirmavit Ealfgina ejusdem Regis mater consensit Ego Kennadius Rex Albaniae adquievi followed by the consent of divers Abbots Dukes and Servants of King Edgar communi concilio Optimatum suorum in the 12th year of his Reign And the same King founding a Colledge or Abby near unto Winchester Church had the consent or approbation of Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury with a corroboravi of Edmond and Edward Clitones or sons of that King then under age of Alfthryth the Queen with a Crucem impressi of Eadgifu the Kings grandmother with a Consolidavi of Oscytil Archbishop of York with a confirmavi of the Bishop of Winchester with a Benedixi the Bishop of London with a Consolidavi Osulf Bishop Confirmavi Oswold Bishop Consignavi Alfwold Bishop Consolidavi Byzethtlen Bishop confirmavi Alfetan Bishop consolidavi Eadelm Bishop Confirmavi Athulf Bishop consignavi Wensige Bishop confirmavi Aescwig Abbot consolidavi Osgar Abbot consignavi the confirmation of two other Abbots and the newly instituted Abbot of the foundation of Alfhere Duke followed by 5 Dukes more and 8 ministri or Thanes of the King who as Mr Selden in his comment thereupon noteth nempe plerumque ut Regius Cliens aut minister Aulicus fundum eo nomini possidebat those ages believing that consentientes et facientes pari constringuntur poena in the hindring or not performance thereof as in that grant of Aethelred Anglorum Basâ—leus of land to the Abby of St Albans in the year of our Lord 996. said to be assented unto and confirmed by the Queen 10 Bishops 8 Abbots 4 Dukes 8 Thanes or servants of the Kings who had no right or intelest in those lands and in an Original Charter of King Stephens by which he gave Sutton to the Church of Winchester in exchange for Morden after the subsigning of divers Bishops Earls and some others that were great Officers there were 17 that subscribed with the Title of Barons And when Aethelbald in the Year of the Incarnation of our Saviour Christ 730. as his Charter mentioneth
records or Historians or even of our Neighbor nations find or make any but Fools or Knaves or Criminals of the highest nature believe that any Law was ever made in England or concerning any part of its dominions or teritories without their Kings regal Assent Will or Dictate untill that House of Commons made that most damnable ever to be abhorred wicked Vote or Order which they would have called a Law for the Murder of K. Charles the First Two of the principal Contrivers whereof Cromwell and Bradshaw have since had their Carcasses by a just Judgment of God thrown and buried under Tyburn a Common place of Execution for Theeves and Traytors the worst of Criminals and Malefactors in mankind but lest the over hast of the designs of those that would make a gain thereby should Gallop them into Errors of no small dangers or mischiess to the publique they may be pleased to take a little breath pause and consider the true meaning acceptation and extent of the words Constitute Convince Colloquium so often and necessarily used in the Writs and Mandates of our Kings and Princes in summoning or calling a part of their subjects unto their great Councels or Parliaments For Constituere convenire Significat conveniendo obligat se ad id quod jam debitum est sic constituere pecuniam est jam ante debitam absque stipulatione promittere Theophil in Sect de const non solum pro alio sed pro seipso quis recte constituat Sect. de constitut inst de act debitum autem oportet esse quod instituitur constituere possunt qui bona vel peculia habent cum libera administratione Gad. l. 182. de verb. res Signif constituimus nudo consensu eoque sufficiente ad actionem producendam Sect. 9. de just act constituere in dignitate munere Briss. ex F. C. constituere quaestionem est decernere ut judicetur Constitutio in generali nomine dicitur jus quod a principe conditur Theophil Sect. F. de jur natur Constitutum i. e. decretum Constitutus dies dies praefinitus Lex Lengobard si talis causa fuerit quam deliberare minime possit paenas constituat distringat hominem illum de judiciaria sua i. e. diem constituit lib. 1. 2. tit 21. And it was the duty and interest of the Commons Elected to come unto Parliament to consent unto such things as the Lords of whom they held their Lands and stood in great awe of to gain their loves or avoid their ill-wills should advise which with their Oath of Allegeance to the King their Superior Lord and their Homage and Fealty done to the Mesne Lord might perswade them to be as unwilling to forfeit their Lands as they would be to injure their Judgments and Consciences And though in some of the Writs for the wages of the Commons in Parliament assembled it hath by the mistaking or inadvertency of Clerks been sometimes said that they came and tarried ad consulend tractand yet the Tenor and intention of the most part of the Writs of Election for the Commons have been since the 21st Year of the Reign of King Edward the 1. as many as almost 20 for every one in the purpose Tenor and commanding part of it no more then ad faciend consentiend and sometimes ad loquendum and at another time ad audiendum faciendum upon which and no other account they came thither and were returned as Subjects not King-makers Law-makers Governours Disposers or Deposers and whilst they remained there or in veniendo redeundo and tarried at home were nor could be no otherwise then Subjects And in that and no other manner certainly did King Edward the 3d understand it when in a Parliament holden by him at Westminster in the 45th Year of his Reign there had been a great mistaking in the designed manner of levying an aid granted to the King of 22 s. and 3 d. out of every parish of England as hath been before mentioned Upon the examination whereof after the Parliament was dismissed the King and his Privy-Councel finding that that rate upon every Parish would fall much short of the summ intended and not supply the publique occasions did by an extraordinary special Writ directed to the Sheriff of every County command them to Summon only one Knight Citizen and Burgess of each County City and Borough serving in that Parliament especially named by the King in those Writs to avoid trouble and expences to appear at a Councel to be holden at Winchester to advise how to raise the intended summ of Money and directed the Sheriffs to enquire and return the number and names of all the Parishes Churches Chappell 's and Prebendaries within their respective Counties in the hands as well of Lay-men as of Clerks and Religious persons who accordingly meeting in the said Councel of Winton which continued sitting but 9 days as the Writ for the Knight of Southamton expresses and for Sussex Berks Oxon Wilts only for 11 days and to others in like proportions each of those Knights Citizens and Burgesses though they received their expences for going to tarrying at and returning from the Parliament at Westminster which granted that aid to the King and were specially again Summoned to that Councell to rectify their great mis-calculation in the aid intended and number of Parishes had their expences by the Kings Writs allowed unto them for that purpose for repairing to continuing at and going home from that Councell and in that and no other sense or manner did the Commons in that Parliament understand it Neither did the Commons in Parliament when upon the grant of the Lords in Parliament in the 13th year of the Reign of that King of the 10th Sheaf of all the corn in their demesnes except that of their bound Tenants the 1â—th fleece of wool and the â—0th lamb of their own Store to be paid in 2 years They made answer that they knew and tendred the Kings estate and were ready to aid the same only in this new device they durst not agree without further conference with their Countries and so praying respite untill another time they promised to travell their Countries think themselves to be Kings or Sovereigns over their fellow-Subjects or that they themselves were any other then Subjects And Sr Edward Coke having affirmed it to have been as it were a Law or Custom of Parliament hath likewise informed us that in the 42 year of the Reign of that King it being declared to the Parliament by the Arch-bishop of Canterbury that in a Treaty between the Kings Councel and David le Bruce of Scotland the last offer of the said David was that he was willing to have so as he might freely enjoy to him in fee the whole Realm of Scotland without any subjection or any other thing which might be accompted a perpetuall charge concerning which the Lords and Commons being willed to give their advice
Year of the Reign of King Henry the 3. and for many ages past and are and should be no more then as Sr Edward Coke saith a Grand Enquest as men that were most Cognisant that best knew the grievances of their Countries with what might be their proper remedies and their abilities or disabilities to aid their Sovereign and assist the publick good being the truest most intelligent and most considerate Judges of their own Interest and the right and only use of their being Elected appeareth by the use and reason thereof to be no other in Parliaments then Informers of grievances and are to be Petitioners for Laws or Remedies When it is Judicis Officium that is to say the Suprema potestas which in England was never yet proved or rightly understood to reside in the People or any other then the King and in valde dubiis opinionibus in quibus non appareat quae sit magis communis rationes quae ex utraque parte efficaces adducuntur Trutinare non est dubitare de iis quae lege vel apertaratione monstrantur Qua propter opinio quaelibet contralegem veram rationem vana est And if any should be so wild or gone out of their reason as to endeavour to make an Assent to be aequivalent or as much as an innate Authority or any Effect of a Superiority or so much as a resemblance thereof they may as well undertake to assert that the Prelates Earls Barons and Commonalty of Engl. had power to create Edward the black-Prince Son and heir apparent of King Edward the 3d Prince of Wales and to give him the Principality thereof because that great and victorious King in the 11th year of his Reign did grant it unto him concilio et concensu Praelatorum Comitum Baronum Communitatum Regni sui non suorum Angliae in generali Parliamento when in the preamble thereof he declared that he did it de serenitate Regalis praeeminencia and the Commons in Parliament in the 50th year of the Reign of that King after that the Archbishop of Canterbury had spoken much in the commendation of Richard de Burdeaux Son and heir of Edward late Prince of Wales Son and heir apparent of the Realm did with one voice pray the Lords so ignorant were they then of their own supposed co-ordination and so over-valuing the power of the Lords that they would make him Prince of Wales as his father was Who answered that it lay not in them but in the King so to do but promised to be Mediators for him So as they who would pretend to such a large representation of the people are to remember that they can give no power but such as they are themselves justly and by law entitled unto as Subjects obeying in their Elections the words intention and true meaning of their Sovereign who did cause them to be Elected to come unto his Parliament with a consenting performing and obeying power only but not an equall coordinate or Superior and that it hath been a ruled and allowed case thorough all the Nations of the World and the Ages thereof that nemo plus juris dare potest quam in se ipso habet And however that prudent Prince King Edward the 1st did for the avoiding of some troubles which a remnant of his and his fathers unquiet Barons would have put upon him and his people whom he was bound to protect condescend to that Act of Parliament that no Tallage or aid should be granted without the consent of the Archbishops Bishops Earls and Barons Knights Citizens Burgesses and Freeholders of the land put himself and them under the frailty of the good and kind will and intentions of a part of his subjects yet he could not find either any cause or reason to doubt or suspect that they or any of their posterity should so little follow the conduct or manage of their understanding the care of their self-preservation and the prevention of the ruine of their private in the publick as not to submit to that known and almost every where approved rule or Aphorisme of wisdom that Publica privatis anteponenda sunt and that of the Poet Tunc tuares agitur paries cum proximus ardet Or that any if not an enemy to himself his posterity and his Country as much as a Traytor to his King would in a case of publick necessity when every man was as greatly concerned to defend themselues their King Country and posterities by a giving giving a timely aid and assistance ai if it had been pro Aris focis and Hannibal had been at Porta's have been either forward or backward to gard and relieve themselves their King and Country and not make hast to imitate the Romans who at other times Factious and Seditions enough would not suffer the more prudent Fabious the preserver of his and their Country even in the mioest of their discontents and murmurings that he made no more hast to fight and beat the enemy to want their help either with men or money When as Bornitius saith Quicquid boni homo Civisque habet possidet quod vivit libere vivit quod bene quod Beate omniumque rerum bonorum usu interdum etiam copia ad voluptatem utitur fruitur totum hoc beneficium Reipublicae civilique ordini acceptum est reserendum And that omnis homo res singularum in Republica conservari nequeant nifi conservetur Respub sive communis adeoque singuli sui causa impendere videntur qnicquid conferunt in publicum usum And St Chrysostome was of the same opinion when he said that ab antiquis temporibus communi omnium sententia principes a nobis sustinere debere visum est ob id quod sua ipsorum negligentes communes res curare universumque suum otium adeo impendunt quibus non solum ipsi sed quae nostra sunt salvantur And Zechius saith Regi competunt ratione excellentiae ejus dignitatis quae Regalia dicuntur and that multa adjumenta sunt ei necessaria ut dominium totum externa tueri valeat With whom accordeth Bodin informing us that Sine majestatis contemptu fieri non potest ea res enim peregrinos ad principem aspernandum subditos ad deficiendum excitare consuevit For surely it was never rightly understood that their Membership of the House of Commons in Parliaments did abridge or lessen the Superiority of their Sovereign as may be evidenced by the procedures and affairs of all the Parliaments of England from the beginning of their admission thereunto untill the late unhappy distempers thereof It having been by long experience Tried and found to be in Government a Policy as successfull as prudentiall to gain in the making of Laws the approbation and good-liking as much as may be of those that are to obey and be guided by them to the end that they may the more
easily take effect be put in execution and that all occasions of Envy Dislike Hatred and Calumny might be taken from the Prince and his Ministers of State which advised or promoted them which as Zanzini di Recanati hath reported was a custom and usage of our Neighbours the French in and since the Reign of their Charlemayn and the succeeding Kings untill the Reigns of some of their later Kings and Princes Which could not be without some variations in the Writs of our Kings and Princes Summoning or calling some of their Subjects their great Councels or Parliaments which may be fully evidenced SECT XXV Of the many Variations and Alterations of our Kings Writs of Summons to their great Councels or Parliaments Excluding some and taking in others to be assistant in that high and honourable Court with its Resummons Revisions drawing of Acts of Parliament or Statutes by the Judges or the Kings Learned Councel in the Laws and other requisites therein necessarily used by the Sole and Individual Authority of our Kings and Princes FOr in the 22. or 23. E. 1. the Sheriffs were authorised to Elect Citizens and Burgesses which they have since used to do by their precepts to the Mayors Bayliffs c. The Writ for the City of London Anno 26. E. 1. was to Elect two Citizens another in 29 for 4 1. E. 2. for 2 32. E. 3. no more Anno 34. E. 3 to Elect 4 and had usually Elected and returned 3 or 4 Citizens to serve in Parliament upon sundry Writs requiring them only to Elect two as in Annis 6. 7. 8. and 15. E. 2. Annis 1. 6. 9. 11. 12. 14. 20. 21. 22 E. 3. and Mr Pryn's opinion was that such kind of Elections were made good and effectual only by the subsequent allowances of our Kings unto whom all those returns were made and who in those times determined all the rights of Elections and numbers of the Knights Citizens and Burgesses to be elected And heretofore Burgesses only of every Borough in Dorsetshire by assent of the rest elected and returned their Burgesses in the County Courts on the day of the Knights election all by one joint Indenture and so continued to do not only in 3. 5. 8. 9. H. 5. 7. and 20. H. 6. but after the Statute of 23. Henry 6. as the Indenture of 33. of Henry 6. doth attest In 27. E. 1. no Judges appear to have been Summoned to that Parliament Nor to another in the same Year Divers of the Writs of Summons in the Reigns of Edward 1. E. 2. E. 3. did specify the causes of Summoning the Parliament but for the most part they were generall as at this day and none speciall after the 7th Year of the Reign of Richard 2. The Parliament being prorogued for that the King could not be present the same day new Writs of Summons have been antiently sent forth and another day appointed as in 6. E. 1. 23. E. 1. 11. E. 2. Edward the First in the Thirty Third Year of his Reign having Summoned a Parliament to meet at Westminster die Martis in quindena Purificationis beatae Mariae Virginis proximo pro quibusdam negotiis regnum suum Angliae nec non stabilimentum terrae suae Scotiae directing his Writ to Edward Prince of Wales his Son aliis Magnatibus proceribus Regni sui to be there tractatur concilium suum impensur did the 22d day of that January direct other Writs unto them declaring that at that day propter aliqua impedimenta legittima postmodum a latere emergentia ibidem commode interesse non possumus quod nos taedet vobis mandamus quod die dominica proxima post festum sancti Mathei Apostoli proximo futuri ibidem personaliter intersitis nobiscum super dictis negotiis tractaturi hoc nullate 〈…〉 s omittátis And in the same Year added a clause in the later end of his Writ of Summons et habeas ibi nomina praedictorum militum Civium et Burgensium et hoc breve scire facias eisdem quod propter arduitatem negotiorum praedictorum celeriorem expeditionem eorundem volumus primo die Parliamenti personaliter interesse per quod nolumus nec intendimus aliquem ad dictum Parliamentum Summonitum quod eodem primo die personaliter non inter sit habere ullo modo excusatum c. In the 34th Year of his Reign Summoned the Earls and Barons to come to a Parliament ad tractandum de super auxilio ad Edwardum primogenitum filium Regis militem faciendum In the 35 Year of his Reign having Summoned a Parliament to be holden at Caerlisle in Octabis Sancti Hillarii in expectation that Petrus Sabinensis Episcopus a Cardinal of the Church of Rome and a Legate of the Popes whose Predecessor or himself had been a great Agent against him and his father for the Pope the Kings of France and the unquiet part of the Baronage in the sad Afflictions of the Crown would be there against that time Et idem Cardinalis came not to him to Carlisle untill the Sunday after Mid-Lent called Passion Sunday quae nunc instat did afterwards The 22d of February then next following Send his Writ to Thomas Earl of Lancaster his Nephew a man of great power and Estate and a darling of the People Commanding him in fide dilectione quibus tenetur firmiter injungentes quod dictis die loco modis omnibus personaliter intersitis nobiscum super praemissis habituri colloquium tractaturi vestrumque Concilium impensuri hoc sub foriffactura omni quae nobis foriffacere poteritis nullatenus omittatis Et eodem modo scribitur Episcopis aliis Baronibus King Edward the 2d his Son in the first Year of his Reign Summoned a Parliament to consult about his Coronation burying of his Father and the Solemnities thereof and his nuptialls and commanded the Archbishop of Canterbury to Summon the Chapter of his Church Archdeacon and Clergy of his Diocess the Dean and Archdeacon in their proper persons and the Chapter by one and the Clergy by two procuratores idoneos ad faciendum consentiendum his quae tunc de communi concilio favente Domino ordinari contigerit super negotiis antedictis hoc nullo modo omittatis Eodem modo scribitur Episcopis Lincoln London Cicestren Oxon. In the 2d Year of his Reign the Sheriff of Yorkshire returned a Writ of Summons to the Parliament that he had according to the Tenor of the Writ made Proclamation that none should come armed to the Parliament Some of our Kings after Writs of Summons to some Temporal Lords and Bishops have countermanded them and commanded others to continue at their Charges In the 7th Year of his Reign a Parliament being called to be holden at Westminster the King understanding that Johannes de Insula and some others had appointed the Assizes
quibusdam Magnatibus aliis de Concilio suo super dictis negotiis in brevi specificat eis ibidem plenius exponend tractaturi suumque concilium impensuri ulteriusque facturi quod ibidem de communi concilio assensu contigerit ordinari and that the Sheriff as likewise the Sheriffs of all the other Counties of England were commanded to certify the names of the Merchants sic eligendorum with a severe admonition in the latter end of the said Writ of Summons viz. sciens procerto quod fi dicti Mercatores de discretioribus ditioribus ut praedicitur eligendi ad dictos diem locum non habueris te ab ofsicio tuo amovere teque tanquam expeditionem negotionum nostrorum praedictorum impedieras de impeditione hujusmodi culpabilem invenire absque difficultate aliqua faciemus Teste Edwardo Duce Cornubiae Domino de Cestria filio nostro charissimo Custode Angliae apud Kennington Et Eodem Anno Strangers have been sometimes admitted into the House of Peers after a Summons to be Receivers and Tryers of Petitions but did not sit The Commons at the beginning of every Parliament are sent for out of the House of Commons to come to the Bar of the House of Lords where the Lord Chancellor if he be present or in his absence one of the Lord Chief Justices or an Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and sometimes the Lord Treasurer and in 9. H. 6. Linwood a Doctor of Law in the sickness of a Lord Chancellor declared in the behalf of the King or his Lieutenant the cause at large of the Summons of Parliament commanded them to elect and present their speaker the Writs of Summons making sometimes a short mention thereof and many times none at all In 17th E. 3. the cause of Summons was begun to be declared by the Chancellor but pursued by Sr Bartholomew Burghurst concerning the Kings Actions in France 15. E. 3. The King denied the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to come into the Parliament-House untill he had answered certain Articles objected against him in the Exchequer and then also refused him entrance untill at the last at the intercession of the Lords he was admitted In Anno 16 of his Reign Prince Edward his son Duke of Cornewall and Custos regni with others of the Councell summoned a Parliament in his fathers name to grant him an aid being then in his Wars beyond the Seas The King in the 18th year of his Reign sent his Writs of Summons to a Parliament to treat of the affairs of the Kingdom with these words nobiscum si praesentes fuerimus ibidem seu cum deputandis a nobis si abesse nos contigerit Eodem Anno Writs were issued for the Electing of two Knights for every County without mention of any Citizens Burgesses and in some no manucaptors for the Elected retorned and were to appear at London but before the day appointed come another Writ came to appear at Sarum Eodem Anno The King being offended at the small appearance of the parliament on Monday commanded it to be adjourned untill the next day The Receivers and Tryers being named because the prelates and other grandees were not come on Tuesday the parliament was adjourned untill the Thursday on which day the cause of Summons was declared 20. E. 3. On Fryday the Commons delivered in their petitions which were considered by the Lords upon Saturday Sunday and Monday next following and on that Monday they were Dissolved In the 21st Year of his Reign he declared in his Writs to Summon that parliament that he did call them not to give him Money or Supplies but only to enquire after wrongs done to the people Eodem Anno the Commons having long continued together desire an answer to their Bill leur deliverance Anno 24. E. 3. The King sending his Writs to Elect 2 Knights of every County and 2 Burgesses of every City and Borough caused a Clause to be inserted that none should be placitatores querolarum manutentores aut ex hujusmodi quaestu vincentes In 26. E. 3. the King issued out Writs to the Sheriffs of every County in England to elect one Knight for every County to come to the parliament and sent his Writs to the Mayors and Bailiffs of Burgess Towns not to the Sheriffs as at other time to retorn 1 Citizen for every City and 1 Burgess for every Borough except London whose Sheriffs were commanded to Elect 2 Citizens giving the reason why no more then 1 for other places ut Homines ab ista occupatione Audumpnalo quo nirus possimus retrahomus Anno 27. E. 3. Sent hrs Writs to the Sheriff to Elect de assensu Com. only 1 Knight and to the Sheriffs of London the Mayor and Bayliffs of all other Boroughs that used to send Burgesses to Parliament to Elect and retorn 2 Citizens and Burgesses apiece for the Statute of the Staple made in the same year ca. 3. hath these words viz. Whereas good deliberation had with the Prelates Dukes Earls Barons and great men of the Country that is to say of every County one for all the Countys and of the Commons of Cities and Boroughs Anno 28. E. 3. the cause of Summons was first declared before the names of the Receivers and Tryers were published Eodem Anno the King issued his Writs to all the Sheriffs of England to cause 2 Knights of every Shire to come to the Parliament at Lincoln to confirm the perambulation of the Forrests and particularly enjoyned to Summon the Knights Elected the last Parliament but if dead or unable to come to Elect others in their places and the Sheriff for Oxford and Barkshire receiving only a mandate to elect Knights for Oxfordshire did notwithstanding retorn two for Berkshire in this manner Et quia Com. Berks. est in ballia mea licet perambulatio in eodem facta fuit observata pro eo quod in isto brevi continetur quod colloquium in Parliamento tractandum erit Super aliis negotiis praefatum Regem tangentibus Ideo gratis elegerunt duos milites quorum nomina c. Anno 29. E. 3. the Chief Justice declared that the Kings pleasure was that the Cause of Summons should be declared by Mounsieur Walter de Manny and so it was yet the Chief Justice managed the Parliament business in the House of Peers as Speaker for presently after Mounsieur de Manny's discourse he called the Commons to advise thereof and make ready their Petitions In the 34 year of his Reign sent his Writs to all the Sheriffs to cause to appear in Parliament all Collectors of the Tenths and Fifteenths granted to him in Parliament for paying his Forces by Land and Sea for the Kingdoms defence to be restored again to the payers in case no such expences should be made and all Arrayers of Souldiers to give an account of all Moneys received and disbursed
by them for that the Soldiers and Mariners were not paid And to appoint one honest man out of every County to come along with them to see and examine their accounts 37. E. 3. The cause of the Summons was first declared before the names of the Receivers and Tryers were published according to the use at this day and of all Parliaments since 29. E. 3. And it is said in the end of the shewing the cause of the Summons Et outre le dit Roy volt que si nul se sent greever mett avent son petition en ce Parlement ci ne avoir convenable report sur ce ad assignee ascuns de ses Clercks en le Chancellarie Recevoirs des ditzpetitions In eodem Anno Proclamation was made in Westminster Hall by the Kings command that all the Prelates Lords and Commons who were come to the Parliament should withdraw themselves to the painted Chamber and afterwards on the sâ—m◠〈◊〉 there being in the same chamber the Chancellor Treasurer 〈◊〉 some of the Prelates Lords and Commons Sr Henry Greeâ— the Kings Chief Justice told them in English much of the French Language being then made use of in the Parliament-Rolls and Petitions that the King was ready to begin the Parliament but that many of the Prelates Lords and Commons who were Summoned were not yet come wherefore he willeth that they should depart and take their ease untill Monday Anno 40. E. 3. The Lord Chancellor concluded his speech touching the Summons The Kings will is que chescun que ce sont grievez mett devant sa petition a ces sont assignez per lui de ces recevoir aussi de les triers Six days were not seldom allowed for receiving and trying petitions which were sometimes prolonged two or three days ex gratia Regis and the reason supposed for such short prefixions was because the sitting of Parliaments in former times continued not many days Toriton a Town in Devonshire was exempted from sending of Burgesses to Parliament and so was Colchester in 6. R. 2. in respect of new making the walls and fortifying that Town for Five Years In divers Writs of Summons of King Edward 3. He denied to accept of proxies ea vice 6. 27. And 39. E. 3. Proxies were absolutely denied ista vice 6. R. 2. And 11. R. 2. The like with a clause in every of those Writs of Summons legitimo cessante impedimento Anno 45. E. 3. Ista vice being omitted a clause was added Scientes quod propter arduitatem negotiorum Procuratores seu excusationem aliquam legittimo cessante impedimento pro vobis admittere nolumus and thereupon the Lords that could not come obtained the Kings License and made their proxies and although at other times they did make Proxies without the Kings License yet in such cases an Affidavit was made of their sickness or some other Lawfull impediment as in 3. 6. 26. And 28. H. 8. The antient form and way of such Licenses in 22d E. 3. being in French and under the Kings Privy-Seal as Mr Elsing hath declared and therein the Abbot of Selby's Servant was so carefull as he procured a Constat or Testimoniall under the Kings Privy-seal of his allowance of the said procuration and another was granted to the said Abbot in 2. H. 4. under the signet only Eodem Anno The Parliament having granted the King an ayd of 22 s. and 3 d. out of every parish in England supposing it would fully amount to Fifty Thousand Pounds but the King and his Councell after the Parliament dismissed finding upon an examination that the rate upon every parish would fall short of the summ of mony proposed for that supply did by his Writs command the Sheriffs of every County to Summon only one Knight for every County and one Citizen and Burgess for every City and Borough that had served in the said Parliament for the avoiding of troubles and expences to appear at a Councell to be holden at Winchester to advise how to raise the intended summ of money Anno 46. E. 3. An ordinance being made that neither Lawyer or Sheriff should be returned Knights of the shire the Writs received an addition touching the Sheriff only which continues to this day viz. Nolumus autem quod tu vel aliquis alius Vicecomes shall be Elected but the King willeth that Knights and Serjeants of the best esteem of the County be hereafter returned Knights in the Parliament Eodem Anno There was no Judges Summoned to the Parliament In Anno 50. Some particular Knights were specially commanded by the King to continue in London 7 days longer then others after the Parliament ended to dispatch some publique affairs ordained by Parliament and had wages allowed for those 7 days to be paid by their Countries Some being sent from Ireland to attend the Parliament a Writ was sent by the King to James Boteler Justice of Ireland to leavy their expences upon the Commonalty of that Kingdom which varied from those for England After the bill which in the usuall language and meaning of those times signified no more then a petition delivered the Chancellour willed the Commons to sue out their Writs for their fees according to the custom after which the Bishops did arise and take their leaves of the King and so the Parliament ended Anno 51. E. 3. the Prince of Wales representing the King in Parliament Sate in the Chair of State in Parliaments after the cause of Summons declared by the Lord Chancellour or by any others whom the King appointeth he concludes his speech with the Kings Commandment to the House of Commons to choose their Speaker who being attended by all the House of Commons and presented by them unto sitting in his Chair of Estate environed by the Lords Spirituall and Temporall hath after his allowance and at his retorn and not before one of the Kings maces with the Royall armes thereupon allowed to be carried before him at all time dureing the Parliament with one of the Kings Serjeants at armes to bear it before him and to attend him during the time of his Speakership Anno 1. Richardi 2. The Parliament beginning the 13th of October was from time to time continued untill the 28th of November then next ensuing and the petitions read before the King who after answers given fist bonement remercier les Prelats Seigneurs Countes de leur bones graundez diligences faitz entouz l'Esploit de dites besognes requestes y faitzpur commun profit de leur bien liberal done au liu grantez en defens De tout le Roialme commandant as Chivaliers de Contes Citizens des Citeos Burgeys des Burghs quils facent leur suites pour briefs avoir pour leurs gages de Parlement en manere accustumes Et leur donast congie de departir In a Parliament of 5. R. 〈◊〉 there were severall adjournments and the Knights and
be Elected to be a Member of the House of Commons in Parliament is to take before he be admitted to sit therein or have any voice as a Knight Citizen or Burgess of or in the House of Commons an Oath upon the Evangelists before the Lord Steward or his deputy that he doth testify and declare That the Queens Majesty her Heirs and Successors is the only Supream Governour of this Realm and of all other her Highness's Dominions and Countries as well in all Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall things or causes as Temporall and renounce all Foreign Jurisdiction of any Foreign Prelate Prince or Potentate whatsoever And promise that from henceforth he shall bear Faith and true Allegeance to the Queens Highness her Heirs and Successors and to his power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions Privileges Preheminencies and Authorities granted or belonging to the Queens Highness her Heirs and Successors or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm Queen Elizabeth in the 31st Year of her Reign did by the advice of her Privy-Councell and of the Justices of both her Benches and other of her learned Councell prorogue and adjourn the Parliament from the 12th of November 1588. to the fourth of February then next following from which day it was continued till the Thursday following post meridiem Wherein divers of the Bishops Earls Barons Justices and masters of Chancery were Receivers and Tryers of petitions The Bishops all but 7 named each of them 2 Proctors 7 Temporall Lords sent their proxies Such as were meer attendants in the House of Peers were sometimes made joint Committees with the Lords in severall matters The Commons presenting their Speaker to the Queen he was admitted with a caution not to use in that House irreverent Speeches or to make unnecessary addresses to her Majesty and the Chancellour by Command of the Queen continuavit praesens Parliamentum usque diem Sabbati prox hora nona When the Lords sent to pray a conference with the Commons and it is assented unto one of the Judges were allways named to attend the Lords Committees In a bill for setling a jointure for the Wife of Henry Nevill Esq. Wherein all former conveyances were to be cancelled the Lords ordered that the deeds should be sealed up and brought into their house to the end that they might be redelivered again uncancelled in case the Queen should resuse to sign the Act of Parliament the House of Commons by their Speaker desired her Majesties assent to such Statutes as had been provided by both Houses Upon her gracious generall Act of Pardon les Prelats Seigneurs Commons en Parlement en nom de toutes voz autres Subjects remercient tres humblement vostre Majeste The Queens Sollicitor generall being Elected a Member of the House of Commons in Parliament they desired the Lords that he might come into the House of Commons and sit with them which was assented unto and performed In the Year 1588. and 31st of her Reign when she had most need of her Subjects aid and good will upon the Petition of the Commons against some grievances of the Purveyors and her Court of Exchecquer she answered by their Speaker that she had given orders to her Lord Steward to redress any Complaints of her purveyance and that she had as much skill and power to rule and govern her own House as any of her Subjects whatsoever to rule and govern theirs without the help of their Neighbours and would very shortly cause a collection to be made of all the Laws already made touching Pourveyance and of all the constitutions of her Houshould in that case and would thereupon by the advice of her Judges learned Councell set down such a formall plot or method before the end of that present session of Parliament as should be as good better for the ease of her subjects then what the house had attempted without her privity in which they would have bereaved her Majesty of the honour glory and commendation thereof and that she had in the 10th year of her Reign caused certain orders and constitutions to be drawn for the due course of such things in her Court of Exchequer as her Subjects seem to be grieved at And so after a Generall Pardon and some bills passed the Lord Chancellour by her Majesties command dissolved the Parliament Anno 35th the Lord Keeper by her Majesties command declared the necessity of publick aides how little the Late Subsides amounted unto by Reason of the ill gathering desired the time might not be Mispent in long orations Speeches and verbosities which some men took delight in Receivers and Tryers of Petitions were named and some Proxies delivered Their Speaker Sr Edward Coke in his Speech remembred the Queen of her speech to the last Parliament that many came thither ad consulendum qui nesciunt quid Sit consulendum and prayed that she would give her assent to such Bills as should be agreed upon The Lord Keeper in his reply alleadged that to make more laws might seem Superfluous and to him that might ask Quae causa ut crescunt tot magna volumnia legum It may be answered in promptu causa est crescit in orbe malum And after upon further instructions received from her Majesty declared that Liberty of Speech was granted but how far was to be thought on there be two things of most necessity wit and speech the one exercised in invention the other in speaking priviledge of speech is granted but you must know what priviledge you have not to speak every one what he listeth or what cometh in his heart to utter but your priviledge is to say yea or no wherefore Mr Speaker her Majesties pleasure is that if you perceive any idle heads which will not Stick to hazzard their own estates which will meddle with reforming of the Church and transforming of the Common-Wealth and do exhibit any bills to such purpose that you receive them not untill they be viewed and considered of by those who it is fitter should consider of such things and can better judge of them The daily continuing or adjorning of the Parliament was Dominus Custos magni Sigilli continuavit praesens Parliamentum After a bill for setling the lands and Estate of Sr Francis Englefeild attainted of high Treason in Parliament had been ordered by the House of Commons to be ingrossed the Lords did hear Councell on the part of Englefeilds heirs and afterwards passed it In the case of repealing of certain uses in a deed concerning the Estate of Sr Anthony Cook of Rumford in the County of Essex after the bill had been 3 times read in the House of Lords and assented unto a Proviso was added of Saving the Queens right with a note entred that it should not hereafter be used as a praecedent Acts or bills of Generall pardon do passe both Houses with once reading The Lord-Keeper by her directions
Soveraigns privity or order being far without the Bounds or reach of their Commission or purpose of it and an incroachment upon the regall power was in the House of Commons in Parliament used until the Late distemper thereof or for their late Speaker Mr Williams when Sr Robert Peyton one of their Members was for some matter which they would create to be criminall brought upon his knees and adjudged to be expelled the House and to receive his sentence from their Speaker in no smoother an expression or language then Go thou cursed thou worst of men the House of Commons hath spewed thee out when they and others may know that the House of Peers do never use by themselves to exclude any of their members without the order and concurrence of their Sovereign and in case of Treason Upon the great debate of Monopolies as they called them granted by the Queen a list being brought into the House she having notice thereof sent for the Speaker and declared unto him that for any patents granted by her whereby any of her Subjects might be grieved or oppressed she would take present order for reformation thereof her Kingly Prerogative was tender and therefore desired them not to speak or doubt of her carefull reformation but that some should presently be repealed others suspended and none put in execution but such as by a Tryall at Law should appear to be for the good of the people which he reporting to the House to his unspeakable joy as he said and comfort but thereupon Secretary Cecill said that there was no reason all should be revoked for the Queen meant not to be swept out of her Prerogative And therefore gave them a caution for the future to believe that what soever is subject to a publick exposition cannot be good and said that Parliamentary matters were ordinarily talked of in the streets that the time was never more apt to disorder or make ill interpretations of good meanings and thought those persons would be glad that all Sovereignty were turned into Popularity we being here but the popular bouch and our liberty but the liberty of the Subject if any man in the House speak wisely we do him great wrong to interrupt him if foolishly let us hear him out we shall have the more cause to tax him and I do heartily pray that no member of this House may plus verbis offendere quam concilio inuare Mr Francis Moore moved that the Speaker in the name of the House might give thanks to her Majesty for setting at liberty her Subjects from the thraldom of those monopolies and crave pardon for any extravagancy of words in that House Mr Wingfield wept and said his heart was not able to conceive or his tongue express the joy that he had in that message but his opinion and Mr Francis Moore and Mr Francis Bacon's were against the making of the Apology for that would be to accuse themselves of a fault when they had committed none and being put to the vote it was by the whole House agreed that the Speaker should return the Queen their humble thanks Mr Donald wished that her gracious message might be recorded in their books others that it might be in Letters of Gold others in their Hearts Mr Secretary Cecill said there is not any soul living deserves thanks in this cause but our Sovereign Mr Francis Bacon said he had served as a member in 7 Parliaments and never knew but two committed to the Tower the one was Mr Arthur Hall for saying that the Lower House was a new Person in the Trinity and the other was Parry for making a seditious speech in the House When the thanks were given by the Speaker she said She was the person that still yet under God had delivered them and trusted that by his Almighty power she should be the Instrument to protect them Declared to the Speaker of the House of Commons that she rejoyced not so much to be a Queen as a Queen over so thankfull a people Sir George Belgrave was complained 〈◊〉 for procuring himself to be elected Burgess of Leicester by appearing in a blew coat with the Earl of Huntingtons cognisance for which the Queens Attorney Sr Edward Coke exhibited in the Earl of Huntingtons name an Information at the Queens suite in the Star-Chamber Mr Bacon said there never were but 2 articuli super chartas the one when the Sword was in the Commons hands the other Articuli Cleri when the Clergy of the land bore sway Some bill being brought in concerning monopolies which had been formerly by the Queen redressed Sr Edward Hobby said If we will be dealing herein by petition will be our only course this is a matter of Prerogative and this no place to dispute it Upon the bill concerning the transport of Iron ordnance Mr Cary said we take it for an use in the House that when any great and weighty matter or bill is here handled we straightway say it toucheth the Prerogative and that must not be medled withall and by that we come here to do our Country good bereave them of that good help we might administer unto them To which Mr Speaker replyed qui vadit plane vaditâ—sane let us lay down our griefs in the preamble of the bill and make it by way of petition Mr Francis Hastings said How swiftly and sweetly her Majesty apprehended our griefs I think there is no Subject but knoweth for us then to deal in a matter so highly touching her Prerogative we shall not only give her Majesty just cause of offence but to deny our Proceeding by bill Sr George Moor disliked the proceeding by bill Mr Laurence Hyde said that he saw no reason but we may proceed by bill and not touch her Prerogative her Majesty is not more carefull and watchfull of her Prerogative then H. 8. E. 6. were and then there was no doubt or mention made of Prerogative Mr Comptroller said in duty we should proceed to speak unto the Queen by wny of petition and not by way of bill or contestation we must note that her self and her Prerogative will not be forced and I do not hold this course by bill to fiand either with respect or duty In the debate concerning the Earl of Huntingtons bill in the Star-chamber sitting the Parliament against Sr George Belgrave for indirectly making himself a Burgess in Parliament some of the House moving for a conference with the Lords about it Mr Dale said id possumus quod dejure possumus and that the safest way would be a conference Mr Tate said it will not be good to pry too near into her Majesties Prerogative by examining Informations exhibited in the Star-Chamber Mr Cary said that the custom of the House of Commons was when they wanted any Record to send their Warrant to the Lord Keeper to grant a Certiorari to have the Record brought into the House in Ferrers case in the Reign of King Henry the
8th who being a Member of the House of Commons and Imprisoned the House of Commons made an address to the King for his release when they could not do it by their own power Mr Speaker said I am to deliver unto you her Majesties commandement that for the better and more speedy dispatch of causes we should sit in the afternoon and that about this day sennight her Majesties pleasure is this Parliament shall be ended At a conference with the Lords their Lordships told the Commons they would not have their Judgment prejudicated and in that conference of the House of Commons stiled themselves the Lower House There was saith Justice Hussey a whole Alphabet of paenall Laws in the time of King Henry the 7th Mr Mountague said The praerogative Royall is now in Question which the law hath over allowed and Maintained Serjeant Heale speaking somewhat that displeased the Generality of the House they all made an humming and when he began to speak again they did the like whereupon the Speaker stood up and said It is a great disorder that this should be used for it is the antient use of this House for every man to be Silent when any one Speaketh and he that is Speaking should be Suffered to deliver his mind without interruption Sr Edward Hobby upon the debate of a bill brought in for the peoples more diligent repair to Church whether the Church-Wardens were the more proper to certifie the defalters said that when her Majestie did give us leave to chuse our Speaker She gave us leave to chuse one out of our own number Mr Onslow the Clark of the House of Commons in Parliament being Sick the House gave his man leave to officiate for him every Members contributing 12d apeice for his support In the case of Belgrave depending in the Court of Star-Chamber upon an Information brought by Sir Edward Coke her Majesties then Artorney General prosecuted by the Earl of Huntington for wearing his Livery to make himself a Member of the House of Commons in Parliament after several Motions Debates and Disputes in the House of Commons a Conference was concluded to be had with the Lords thereupon the rather for that it had been said that the Lords in Parliament were reported to have directed the said Bill to be exhibited in the Star-Chamber one of their House being concerned therein and a day appointed by the Lords accordingly which failing and revived again by a motion of one of the Members of the house of Commons in their own House and the matters limitted whereupon it should consist first touching the offence committed by Mr. Belgrave whether it was an Infringement of the Liberty of the House of Commons and for the first that the Commons would do nothing therein until a Conference with them for the 2d to know the reasons of their Lordships appointment of the Information and to bring it to some end Mr. Speaker at another day certifying a message from the Lords concerning some other matters Sir Edward Hobby said We attended the Lords that morning which was appointed touching the Information against Mr. Belgrave who in the end concluded that forasmuch as it concerneth them as the House of Commons Priviledges they desired some time to consult and they would send us word of their Resolutions and some days after a Copy of the Information against Belgrave was sent to the House of Peers unto them under the hand of the Clerk of the Star Chamber by them and Sir Edward Hobby with some Bills but nothing appeareth to have been done touching the said Information against Belgrave In the mean time a servant of Mr. Huddleston a Knight of the Shire for Cumberland being arrested in London upon a Writ of Execution the Plaintiff and Serjeants denying to release him because it was after Judgment they were upon complaint to the House committed to Prison the Serjeant released paying the Serjeant at Arms Fees and the Plaintiff paying them as well as his own was ordered to remain three days in the Serjeants Custody For a like Judgment was cited to have been given by the House of Commons in the case of the Baron of Wilton in that Parliament Upon Thursday December the 7th Sir Edward Hobby shewed that the Parliament was now in the wain and near ending and an order was taken touching the Information delivered to this house viz. the House of Commons in Mr. Belgraves case but nothing done therein and as it seemeth by not taking out the Process no Prosecution of the Cause is intended against the said Mr. Belgrave he thought it fit because the chief Scope of the said Information seemeth to be touching a dishonour offered to this House that it would please the House that it might be put to the question being the original and first horrid fashion of their afterward altogether course or manner of voting and making their own pretended Liberties whether he hath offended this House yea or no If he hath he desireth to be censured by you and if he hath not it will be a good motive to this Honourable House here present who are Judges in this Court and yet he might have remembred what long and learned debates and disputes there had lately been amongst themselves whether the Custom of that House was or had been in cases of grievance to proceed by Bill or Petition to the Queen and it was resolved that it was the most proper and dutiful way to proceed by Petition which was done accordingly in clearing the Gentleman of that offence when it came before them which had then no higher esteem in Sir Edward Hobbyes opinion than to be previous to an after disquisition which that Law and the Queens Writ and the Election of that part of the people that brought them thither neither did or could give them any greater authority than ad faciendum consentiendum to do and perform that which the King and Lords in Parliament should ordain to be done and performed and when all should be rightly considered was an offence too often by more than one or once since practised to procure a Membership indirectly in an House of Commons in Parliament committed by Mr. Belgrave that should as little have been countenanced as there was any just or legal Warrant for it wherein Mr. Comptroller said I know the Gentleman to be an honest Gentleman and a great Servant to his Prince and Countrey I think it very fit to clear him I wish it may be put to the Question I will be ready to vouch your sentence for his offence when it comes there but if any other matter appears upon opening the Cause with that we have nothing to do Mr. Secretary Cecil who had not long before said in the same House he was sorry to see such disorder and little do you know how for disorder this Parliament is taxed I am sorry I said not slandered I hoped that as this Parliament began gravely and with Judgment
we should have ended modestly and at least with discretion I protest I have a Libel in my pocket against the proceedings of this Parliament could when he came to speak of Mr. Belgraves aforesaid offence say he had heard it spoken of diversly but for his own part he was more apt to move against Mr. Dyet a Member of that House that drew the Information in the Court of Star-Chamber against Mr. Belgrave that he should be well punished for seeking to diminish the Praerogative of the Court a power or word never before believed to be proper or applicable to the House of Commons in Parliament by praying Aid of the Court of Star-Chamber for an offence done to us this Court sitting which complexedly with the House of Peers in Parliament hath been and ought to be stiled a Court but not separately as to its own constitution or practice And desired that Mr. Belgrave may be cleared here which will be a good Inducement not to censure him heavily there Mr. Ravenscroft said we ought not proceed against a Fellow member until he be called It is not apparent to us that he made the Information it is under Mr. Attorneys hand and therefore ought to be intended his for now it is upon Record under his hand against which we can receive no Averment by speech of others but by the Gentleman 's own words viva voce And so there was no more said of that matter But it was put to the question whether he should be cleared of the offence to the House yea or no and all cryed I I I only young Mr. Francis Grantham who gave a great No at which the House laught and he blusht Some of the Members of the House of Commons observed and found fault that when the Members were Voting the contradicting party went out of the House leaving the affirming party in the House they that remained did it more to continue and abide in their places than for any affection they had to the Vote of the other and there might be also a great mistake in the temputation of the whole number of the Members when some never came at all or tarried but a little while many others were strugling in or out about their own Domestick or particular Affairs Upon Friday December the 18th Anno. Dom. 1601. as the Speaker was going to the House in the morning the Queens General Pardon was delivered unto him which he took and delivered into the House which they sent back again because it was not brought according to course an haughtiness not usual or comely for those that were to receive such vast benefits by it The Collection for the Clerk of the Houses Servant supplying his Masters place at 12 d. each Member amounted unto 25 l. which was after the number of 500 Members Afterwards Mr. Attorney General assisted by Dr. Cary on the right hand and Dr. Stanhop on the left brought to the House her Majesties free and general Pardon and delivered also to the House their Subsidy-Bill for the grant of four entire Subsidies Eight Fifteenths and Tenths the Subsidy of the Clergy was sent in a Roll according to the usual Acts whereunto Sir Edward Hobby took exceptions because it was not sent in a long Skin of Parchment under the Queens Hand and Seal so it was sent back again and then the other was sent The Lord Keeper upon the Speakers Speech at the ending of the Parliament said That Laws were to have the Queens Royal Assent as God should direct her Sacred Spirit that she saith touching their proceeding in the matter of her Praerogative that she is persuaded that Subjects did never more dutifully and that she understood they did obiter touch her Praerogative and not otherwise but by humble Petitions and therefore that thanks that a Princess may give to her Subjects she willingly yieldeth but now she well perceiveth that private respects are privately masked under publick pretences as for the grant of the Subsidies and the manner of giving the Subsidies it was not persuasive or by persuasive Inducements it was speedy freely and of Duty with great Contentment that no Prince was ever more unwilling to exact or receive any thing from the Subject then she our most Gracious Soveraign for we all know she never was a greedy Grasper nor strait-handed keeper and therefore she commanded him to say that you had done plentifully dutifully and thankfully And added also an admonition to the Justices of Peace many of which probably were Members there present that they would not deserve the Epethites of prowling Justices Justices of quarrels who counted Champerty good Conscience Justices who did suck and consume the Wealth and good of the Commonwealth and also to those who do lye if not all the year yet at least three quarters of the year at London and after some Bills or Acts of Parliament signed with la Royne se voult or come il est desire and some others with la Royne savisera dissolved that Parliament in Anno 1601. Which may be justly accompanied with the Observations and Annotations of that eminent and learned Lawyer Mr. William Noy Attorney General of that pious Prince and Martyr King Charles the first who was by death arrested and called out of this World before his Royal Masters Persecution and ever to be detested Murder and in all probability if he had then been living would have done more towards the rescue of his Royal Person and Government than all these silent Lawyers that crouched under the burdens of the Rebellious miscalled Common-wealth and their Man of sin Oliver Cromwell that afterwards cheated them of their Prey In former times especially since the admittance of Commons elected to Sit in our great Councils in Parliament all the Acts of Parliament were framed and drawn up upon the Petitions of the Parliament and the Kings Answers thereunto by the Judges and the Kings learned Council at Law compendiously and very often after the ending of the Parliament or some good part of time afterwards and if any thing were oversliped by the Commons a clause was added to help the same But on the other side after the Petitions and Answers were read and the Royal Assent given Additions contrary to the meaning of the Commons have been added and sometimes somewhat omitted All Bills commonly called Petitions were most usually exhibited by the Commons it being their part petere leges as best knowing what was amiss At the making of the Statute of Merton in Anno 20. H. 3. concerning Trespasses in Parks and Ponds the answer was it is not yet discussed for the Lords demanded the imprisonment of the offenders therein and the King denyed it wherefore it was deferred Some Petitions were formerly indorsed coram Rege against which the Commons petitioned in 6 E. 3. n. 31. for that nothing was done upon their Petitions and therefore prayed that theirs might be answered before the Parliament ended Some Bills have been exhibited in their
names which they agreed not unto as in Anno 21. E. 4. 3. concerning exceptions of Villenage where the Commons in their Petition afterwards alledged it to be expresly against the Laws and Customs of the Land and therefore prayed the King and his good Council to prevent the mischiefs which might happen by that Petition and maintain the good Laws and Customs of the Land in his time and the times of his Ancestors by the sages of the Law used and without having regard to the Petitions of any singular Persons to the overthrow and open undoing of the Law of the Land The Commons prayed that the Petitions which were delivered by them in the last Parliament and by our Lord the King Prelates and Grandees of the Land answered and granted be held and the answers before granted not changed by any Bill delivered in this Parliament in the name of the Commons or of any other for the Commons do not avow any such Bill Unto which was answered another time the King by the advice of the Prelates and Grandees caused to be answered the Petitions of the Commons touching the Laws of the Land that the Laws had and used in times past nor the process used hereafter cannot be changed without making thereon a new Statute the which thing to do the King would not then nor yet can intend for divers reasons but as soon as he can intend it he will take the Grandees and Sages of his Council about him and Ordain upon such Articles and others touching the amendment of the Law by their Advice and Council so as reason and equity shall be done to all his Leiges and Subjects Anno 25. E. 3. Item priontles Commons that for no Bill especially of singular Persons no Statute heretofore ordained be changed nor other process made upon the Execution of the Statutes which hath not been used in times past About which time or not long before the Commons did use to present their Bills or Petitions to the Re ceivers of Petitions appointed by the King by one select Messenger no constant Speaker it seems being then made use of or Mace or Ensigns of Honour carried before him by one of the Kings Serjeants at Arms granted or allowed by the King of which honourable circumstances Mr. Pryn acknowledgeth he could find no original accompanied with divers other of the House which probably saith Mr. Noy might produce such or the like inconveniencies A Subsidy was granted upon condition that their Petitions and grievances might be received the next day in Parliament and hasty remedies ordained which being promised the Commons were ordered to deliver their Petitions to the Clerk of the Parliament then intended and understood to be of the House of Peers which was done accordingly Anno 21. E. 3. The Commons advised four days on the Kings charge for their advice to be given touching the French War wherein at last they desired to be excused Anno 22. E. 3. Granted an Aid upon condition that their Petitions of the last Parliament and of this might be dispatched in the presence of four or six of the Commons and afterwards delivered their Petitions to the Clerk of the Parliament Anno 29. E. 3. The cause of Summons being declared on the Wednesday for a speedy Aid the Commons were commanded to give their answer upon the Friday following and in the mean time to make ready their Bills and Petitions on which day after a short parlance with the Lords they granted the Subsidy and exhibited their Petitions before the King Anno 42. E. 3. Were charged to make ready their Petitions and to deliver them upon the Wednesday following Anno 43. E. 3. Being commanded to deliver their Petitions prayed day until the Saturday following and then presented the same Anno 47. E. 3. The King requiring a speedy Aid commanded untill it should be agreed that all business in the Parliament should in the mean time be suspended Petitions of the Commons were not alwaies delivered in Parliament to the Receivers of Petitions but sometimes delivered publickly to the Lords themselves sitting in their upper House unless sometimes when the Lords had finished the charge given them by the King and had no occasion to sit dailiy in their House then they were delivered to the Clerk of the Parliament Petitions also were sometimes in Parliament directed to be delivered to the Lord Chancellor who might of himself give them such Remedies as the ordinary course of the Chancery would The King usually gave the Answers unto Bills exhibited by the Commons with le Royle veult or le Roy's advisera to ordinary Petitions in the granting or denying The petition of the Commons in 22 E. 3. was answered by our Lord the King the Prelates and the Grandees of the Land In 28 E. 3. Some by the Lords alone And in the 2d R. 2. n. 47. some answered by the assent of the Commons as 18. E. 3. to the 18 Article Anno 29. E. 3. n. 22. Some refered to the Kings great Councel as 22 E. 3. n. 18. 28 E. 3. n. 43. Others answered by the Kings Councel alone as Anno 17 E. 3. n. 52. 10 E. 3. n. 28. 25 E. 3. n. 27. Some referred to the King himself as 22 E. 3. n. 9. 29. E. 3. n. 18. 20 E. 3. n. 17. 16 R. 2. n. 32. 1 H. 4. n. 118. The Judges and the Kings learned Councel in the Law and the Lords of the Kings privy Councel were antiently the standing Committees for to consider and examine Bills or Petitions but the Judges and the Kings learned Councel at Law do now only attend the Lords in their Committees All Bills and petitions in Parliament were formerly directed to the King and his Councel Anno 20. E. 3. the Petitions of the Commons were brought before the Grandees of the Councel Anno. 27. E. 3. the Commons pray that their Petitions may be answered the which our Lord the King made to be read and answered by the Prelates Grandees and others of his Councel The Chancellor telleth the Commons that the King would ordain certain Lords and others after Easter who should Sit upon the points of their Petitions not answered at that time The Judges are summoned to Parliament ad tractandum cum concilio for so it was explained Anno 4. E. 3. the praeamble of the Statute de Bigamies mentioneth the presence of certain reverend Fathers Bishops of England and others of the Kings Councel Anno 17. E. 3. the Parliament was adjourned before Receivers and Triers of Petitions were appointed Although a time was before limited for the delivery of Petitions and the Commons were charged touching the maintenance of Peace c. Petitions were sometimes answered by a Select number of the Kings Councel and at other times all as the King pleased Some Petitions were formerly indorsed coram Rege against which the Commons petitioned in 6 E. 3. n. 31. For
like Answers that they were conclusive but only reported unto them to have their opinion first and then their assent by vote after deliberation which should necessarily precede their assent and the Answerers were properly the Lords in the Kings name And the Debate was in the Kings presence for saith he I have seen the fragments of the journal tempore H. 7. which directly sheweth that the King himself was present at the Debate of divers Bills or Petitions that were exhibited to the Commons and the Parliament being kept in the Kings house and near his own lodgings The Commons Petition that the Sheriffs be allowed in their accounts for Liberties c. Unto which was answered The Lords were not advised to assent unto that which may turn to the decrease of the antient Farms of the Realm or damage of the Crown for ever seeing the King is within his tender Age. The Commons exhibited two Bills against the Ryots of Cheshire and Wales c. To which was answered by the assent of all the Lords and Peers when all the Lords and Peers in Parliament were charged in the Kings behalf whereupon they have of their own good grace and free will promised to aid according to their power In the 18th year of the Raign of King Edward third divers Answers were made accord c. not naming by whom and some were general with only let this Petition be granted yet the Statute touching Pleas to be held before the Marshal doth expound the practice of that age when it saith that the King by the assent of the Praelates great men and the Commons granted the same In the Act for moderation of the Statute concerning Provisors the Commons are named and the Lords wholly omitted and yet in the next Parliament Anno 2. H. 4. upon a complaint of the Commons that the said Act was not truly entred the Lords upon examination granted by the King upon protestation that it should not be drawn into example and the King remembring that it was well and truly done as it was agreed upon in Parliament did affirm that it was truly entred taking no exceptions at the said omission but said it was entred au maniere come il fuest parlz accords par le Roy es Commons Anno 17 E. 3. The Commons petitioning that Children born beyond the Seas might be inheritable of Lands in England that Statute was not inrolled in the same year the Archbishop of Canterbury demanded of all the Praelates and Grandees then present whether the Infants of our Lord the King being born beyond the Seas should be inheritable in England the which Praelates and Grandees being every one examined by himself gave their Answers that the Kings Children are inheritable wheresoever they be born but as touching the Subjects Children born out of the Kings Service they doubted and charged the Judges to consider thereof against the next Parliament the Petition was entred in the Parliament Roll. The Commons do pray that where many Parceners use an Action Auncestrel and some are summoned and have served their Writs alone without naming the others who have recovered and in the same manner that it may be done of Jointenants To which the King answered il sue al conseil qu'il foit faire par le mischeif qu' ad esteentiels cas lieur heirs And therefore saith Mr. Noy Let the Lawyers puruse those Parliament Rolls viz. 17 20 21 22 29 40 46. 51 E. 3. wherein no Statutes at all were made Annis 47 and 50 E. 3. Statutes were made yet very many of the Petitions were not granted but omitted and doubts not but they will find divers granted which demanded Novelley and yet not observed for Law because they were omitted in the Statute and that therefore the Commons have petitioned for some of the same things again in subsequent Parliaments which they would not have done except touching Magna Charta if they had had the grant of their former Petitions been in force In the 11th year of the Raign of King H. fourth The Commons do pray that no Chancellor Treasurer c. nor no other Officer Judge or Minister of the Kings taking fees or wages of him do take any manner of gift or brocage of any man upon a grievous pain To which was answered le Royle voet which being entred in the Parliament Roll in the margent was written Respectuatur per dominum principem concilium whereby it was not made into a Statute nor ever observed for a Law In the same year they Petition against Attorneys Prothonataries and Filacers which being likewise granted and entred in the Parliament Roll hath in the margent also written the like Respectuatur and so no Statute made thereon at any time But in the next Parliament 13 H. 4. The Clerks and Attorneys exhibiting their Petition to repeal that of 11 H. 4. did alledge that the Petition and Answer if they be enacted in manner aforesaid into a Statute and put in execution would be grievous insupportable and impossible and therefore prayed a modification To which was answered Let the Petition touching the Prothonataries and Filacers be put in suspence until the next Parliament and in the mean time let the Justices be charged to inter-commnne of this matter and report their advice therein And the reason is because an Ordinance is of a lower nature than a Statute and cannot repeal a Statute which is of an higher and that Ordinances of Parliament are seldom published by Proclamation as the Statutes were whereby the Subjects might know how to direct their actions The Statute of 15 E. 3. being never used or put in practice was repealed by a bare Ordinance in the next Parliament In the Statutes or Acts of Parliament concerning London Anno 28. E. 3. and Anno 38. E. 3. and Cap. 6. concerning Coroners and Takers of Wood Cap. 7. concerning Sheriffs Anno. 25. E. 3. Cap. 1. concerning Pourveyors and Cap. 4. concerning Attachments and Cap. 2. concerning Treasons the assent of the Lords in the Parliament Rolls is wholly omitted and yet the Statutes the best Interpreters do mention their Assent In the 21 E. 3. the Commons pray that the Petitions delivered in the last Parliament be dispatched and answered this Parliament without any delay c. To which the King answered The shortness of the time will nor suffer that those things be dispatched before Easter and therefore it pleased the King that those other things be dispatched The King in Anno 22. of his Raign greatly prospering in his Wars in France and besieging Calice sent unto his Parliament in England to demand a Subsidy putting them in mind of their promise to aid him in those Wars with their bodies and their purses whereupon they granted him two fifteens the King shortly after informing them of more successes and that he had granted to the King of France a Truce and demanding another Subsidy and to make them the more willing thereunto required their
Petition They pray that the Customs of the Merchants cease and they make their own conduct To which was answered le Roys ' avisera and thereupon will answer in convenable manner Anno 13. E. 3. they pray that a Justice of the one Bench or the other may come twice a year into the Counties beyond Trent To which the King answered as touching this point l' Roys ' avisera Which amounted not to a denyal for the Judges went Circuit thither afterwards Anno 37. E. 3. They pray that none be impeached for making Leases for Life in time of Pestilence nor hereafter for Lands holden in Capite without Licence of Alienation To which the King answered This requires a great deliberation and therefore the King will advise therein with his good Councel how this right may be saved and the Grands and Commons of this Land eased Anno 45. E. 3. they Petition for the free passage of Woolls To which was answered Estoit sur avisement Anno 50. E. 3. They pray that a Fine levied by Infants and Feme Coverts may be reversed within three years after they come to years or their Husbands Death To which the King answered le Roys ' avisera tanque al procheine Parliament de changer le loy devant used And it was the observation of Mr. Noy that faithful and learned Attorney of his late Majesty that in the Raign of King E. 3. in whose time the Answers of le Roys ' avisera first began by reason of his being continually in War beyond the Seas the King or his Councel had no leisure or at least no will to answer so in time s' avisera became as bad as a denyal and no other Answers given to such Petitions shewed that the King was not pleased to grant them The Commons alledging that notwithstanding the Statute made concerning Lands seized into the Kings hands by his Escheators the Lands after Enquest taken and before it can be returned into Chancery are granted to Patentees and before the Tenant can be admitted to traverse the Lands are many times wasted do pray that none be outed by reason of such Enquests until they be returned into the Chancery and the Occupiers warned by Scire facias to answer at a day to come when if they do not appear and traverse and find Sureties to answer the profits and commit no wast if it be found for the King and that if any Patent be granted or any thing done to the contrary the Chancellor do presently repeal the same and restore the Complaint to his possession without warning the Patentee or other occupier as well for the time past as the time to come The Answer unto which was The King willeth and Commands upon great pain that the Escheators hereafter do duly return all their Enquests in the Term and upon the pain heretofore ordained by the Statutes And further it is accorded by the Lords of the Realm if it please the King that before such Enquests be returned into the Chancery the King shall not hereafter make any Patent of such Lands in debate unto any c. And that the King of his abundant grace will abstain one month after such return within which time the party may traverse the Office and that the King will not make any Patent of such Lands unto any Stranger and if after any be made it shall be void But touching that which is demanded of Patentees made hereafter le Roys ' avisera It being observed by that worthy Observator that as he conceived the first part was answered by the Kings Councel and by them reported to the Lords who added the rest of the Answer if it please the King And yet the said Answer is vacated upon the Roll being Crossed all over with a Pen and the reason thereof given in the margent with a contrary hand to that of the Roll which sheweth that it was done after the Parliament was ended and after the said Roll was ingrossed viz. Quia dominus noster Rex noluit istam responsionem affirmare sed verius illam negavit pro magna parte dicens soit usez come devant en temps de ses nobles progenitors Roys d Angle terre out ad estre use Et ideo cancellatur damnatur And there can be no question but this answer in the affirmative was allowed at the least not denyed at the time of the Royal assent and that afterwards when the Statute was to be drawn up the King taking advantage of the words si plest au Roy did deny it and so the Roll was vacated And the Councel which ought to be intended the Kings Privy Councel for the Lords were the Kings great Councel and they or any Committee of them assisted by the Judges whilst the Parliament was in being were at the dissolution or proroguing thereof all gone out of their former power or employ and nothing ought to debar a King from advising with his Privy Councel by whose Advice as the Writs of Summons do import his greater Councel was called to assist them as well as himself in the time of Parliament or after it was ended and whether the one or the other had just cause to advise the King not to grant that Petition for it omitted the finding of Sureties to commit no Wast and to answer the Issues to the King which the Commons offered in their Petition and the Lords if the King so pleased that no Patent be made to any stranger of the Lands in debate which the Commons never desired But the Councel were the willinger to let it pass because it was in the Kings Power to deny it afterwards as he did whereas had it been the practice of those times the Councel would rather have kept back the Answer and not suffered it to have been read at the time of giving the Royal Assent In the fame Parliament after the said Petition was granted and the Assent cancelled as aforesaid the Commons delivered openly in Parliament a great Roll or Schedule and another Bill annexed to the said Roll containing about 41 Articles one of which remains Cancelled and Blotted out And in a Petition do pray the King their Leige Lord and the continual Councellors about him which can be no otherwise understood than of his constant privy Councel that of all the said Articles comprised in the said Roll and Schedule or Bill which are in the file of other Bills in this Parliament good Execution and true Justice be done for the profit of the King our Lord and his whole Realm of England Whereupon after it was said by the Chancellor of England on the Kings behalf to the Knights of the Shires Citizens and Burgesses there present that they sue forth their Writs for their Wages the Praelates and Lords arose and took their leaves of the King their Lord and so departed that present Parliament And after the Parliament ended the Commons delivered unto the Lords two great Bills for
the Commonalty of great Yarmouth the which Bills with the Indorsements thereupon made by the Lords were also on the Filace Divers Bills are there mentioned to be delivered and some mentioned to have been answered as happily all were saith that diligent Observator by the Lords of his Majesties Councel after the Parliament ended And therefore no marvel if all the Answers were not read on the last day of the Parliament when some of them were not made until after the Parliament ended and there is a Petition directed to the thrice redoubted Lord the King in these words following viz. Supplie vos Leiges the Praelates Dukes Earls Barons Commons Citizens Burgesses and Merchants of the Realm of England For Magna Charta to be confirmed unto them and for a general pardon setting down the Articles thereof whereof many were granted and many qualified as the King and his Councel pleased to answer the same And it was not the use and practise of those times to keep back any Answer that was justly displeasing to the King and his Councel much less any other For in Anno 11. H. 4. The Commons petition that none of the Kings Officers may receive any gift c. To which the King answered le Roy le veult In the same year a Petition of the Commons concerning Attorneys was granted by the King and both the Petitions and Answers were ingrossed in the Parliament Roll together with the rest which shews plainly that they were Read on the last day of the Parliament for the Royal Assent Yet notwithstanding the Kings Councel so misliked them that when the Clerk attended with the Roll of that Parliament for the drawing up of that Statute as the manner was those two Petitions and Answers were not thought good to be inserted in the Statute and therefore they did write in the Margent of the said Roll against the same these words Respectuatur per Dominum Principem Concilium which is written with another hand si non antea le Roy le veult answered to a Petition of the Commons without a Statute made there is only an Ordinance The Commons complain of Commissions granted to enquire of divers Articles in Eyre generally which have not been heretofore granted without Assent of Parliament and of the proceedings of the Justices therein contrary to the Law in assessing Fines without regard to the Quality of the Trespass To which was answered The King is pleased that the Commissions be examined in his presence In the 21th year of the Reign of King E. 3. the Commons pray that their Petitions for the Common profit and for amendment to have of mischiefs may be answered and indorsed in Parliament before the Commons so as they may know the Indorsement and thereby have Remedy according to the Ordinance of Parliament In the 37th year of the Raign of King E. 3. the Chancellor demanded of the Commons the last day of the Parliament after the Answers given to the Petitioners were Read if they would have the things so accorded mys par void ' Ordinance ou de Statute qui disoient qui bone est le matere les choses par voydes Ordinances nemy per Statut issint est fait And yet those were no otherwise drawn up into an Ordinance than only by entring the Petitions and Answers in a Parliement Roll. In the 9th year of his Raign the Articles of the Clergy being answered they procured the same Articles and Answers to be exemplified in such sort as they were entred in the Roll of Parliament which is lost without penning the same in any other form and were afterwards published under the great Seal of England with an Observari volumus In the Raign of the same King it was accorded that no Grand of the Land or other of what Estate or degree soever do make prizes or carriages for the houses of the King Queen or their Children and that by Warrant shall make payment thereof and it was ordained by Statute that that Accord be cryed and published in Westminster Hall And our Lord the King and his Councel willeth the same accord be cryed where it behoveth So as where they prayed the publishing thereof at Westminster Hall only the King and his Councel added the publishing thereof in London and elsewhere And the close Rolls of that year do declare that it was published in all the shires of England When an Ordinance had its first motion and being in the House of Lords in Parliament and agreed on and was drawn in the form of an Act of Parliament it was afterwards to receive the Assent of the Commons in Parliament In divers Parliaments when the Commons Petitioned for a Novel Ley which the Lords were willing enough to yield unto and the King to grant yet for that the King intended not to make any Statute that Parliament those Petitions have been deferred to another time and divers others which did not demand a new Law were granted and reputed for good Ordinances or Acts of Parliament As when in 21 E. 3. The Commons prayed that in Writs of Debt or Trespass if the Plaintiff recover damages against the Defendant that he have Execution of the Lands which the Defendant had the day in which the Writ was purchased Unto which the King answered This cannot be done without a Statute whereupon the King will advise with his good Councel and further do that which shall seem best for his people In the same year the Commons do shew that whereas before these times it hath been used that if Lands had been given to a man and his Wife and the Heirs of their Bodies issuing and the one dies no Issue having been had betwixt them the other may commit Wast without being impeached thereof that it may please our Lord the King to ordain thereof Remedy and that in such case a Writ of Wast be ordained To which the King answered Demurge entre les autres Articles dont novel ley est demandez Eodem Anno Shew the Commons that whereas a Writ of Possession doth not lye of Tenements deviseable though they be not devised to the great damage of all the Commons that it would please our Lord the King and his good Councel to ordain by Statute that Writs of Possession my lye and hold place as well of Tenements deviseable in case where they are not devised as of others and that there be saved to the Tenants their Answers in case that they be devised Whereunto the King answered Let it remain amongst the other Articles whereof a New Law is demanded In the 22d year of the Raign of the same King they do pray that for that many are disinherited by non Claim although they have good Right and namely those who are not learned in the Law that non Claim be gone and utterly taken away To which the King answered This would be to make a New Law which thing cannot
be done for the shortness of time Eodem Anno Pray the Commons that where a man is attainted at the Suit of the Party for Trespass done against the Peer and the Trespasser taken and let by the Marshal and his Marshals to Mainprise or at large they be charged with the Damages To which the King answered To put an Issue to this Article in manner as they pray it would be to make a new Law the which the King is not advised yet to do The Commons do pray That the Issues and Amerciaments of the Green Wax be certainly expressed in the Estreats and that the Sheriffs be allowed in their Accompts for the Hundreds granted from the Crown which Petitions were referred to the next Parliament for that the King had no leisure or no intent to make Statutes thereof at any time The Roll of the Parliament of 34 E. 3. is lost In the 17th year of the said Kings Raign the Commons do pray the King to desire the Parliament to consider how he might gain the Arrears of the first year and be put in a way for to gain the second year of the said Aid with less grievance to the People But the Lords and Commons were so exasperated by the Excommunication threatened by the Archbishop of Canterbury against them all because the King would not admit him into the Parliament and that they required a Declaration to be first made and agreed upon that the Peers of the Land whether Officers or not be not bound to answer the Kings Suit but in Parliament and it was a whole week before the King would agree unto it All which time the Archbishop demanded entrance standing upon his right as primus Par Angliae and required to be admitted upon pain of Excommunication At the last the said Declaration being first agreed upon by a special Committee of the Lords the King granted it and presently upon the same day the Archbishop was admitted who demanded Tryal by his Peers But as touching the Aid for the King the Lords and Commons incensed by the Clergy flatly answered that if the conditions of the grant in Anno 14. were not performed they would pay none After which the Laity and the Clergy exhibited their Petitions as the manner then was severally but petitioning the one for the other as they never did since or before except in Anno 25. E. 1. when the Popish Clergy had put that great and Victorious King also to the like plunge and their Petitions being answered by the Kings Councel who were the standing Committee for that purpose but the Lords and Commons disliked thereof and obtained a Special Committee of themselves to consider of the same which being reported and well liked a Statute was made thereupon by a Committee of the Grands and Commons which being read before the King and Sealed with his great Seal and delivered to the Grands and Commons divers of the Kings Councel as the Treasurer some of the Justices of both Benches the Steward of his House and the Chamberlain were sworn upon the Cross of Canterbury to observe the same as much as to them belonged but yet the said Councellors Treasurer and Justices made their Protestation that they assented not to the making of the said Statute nor to the form thereof neither could they keep the same if they were contrary to the Laws and Usages of the Realm which they were sworn to observe which disorderly Parliament ending in May and the King intending not to suffer the said Statute to be put in Execution summoned his great Councel to meet at London in July following to Repeal the same but there were so many of the Praelates called thereunto although the Archbishop was omitted that he could not effect his desire therein wherefore he summoned another great Councel to meet at Westminster about Michaelmas following whereby the Assent of the Earls Barons and other wise men not warning any Praelates the said Statute was repealed In which Statute so Repealed there will appear to have been many inconveniences both to the King and his People if it had continued in force The 2d Chapter whereof touching Tryal by Peers swerved very much from the true meaning of Magna Charta cap. 26. Nullus liber homo c. For that appointeth his Tryal to be by his Peers but restrains it not unto any place whereas this limits the Tryals of the Peers of the Land to be in Parliament only which would be very inconvenient to the King to wait for a Parliament for every Offence and very troublesom to the Commons to be so often troubled thither and no way beneficial for the Temporal Lords for they whether in Parliament or out of Parliament were ever to be tried per Nobiles Pares The 4th Chapter had Clauses that the King should place New Officers when they fall but by accord of the Grands which shall be nearest in the Country which is directly against the dignity of the King to be thus limited in the choice of his Officers and prove as inconvenient to the Subject if those Grands should not be men of Merit That the King shall take all Offices except the Judges c. into his hands the 3d day of every Parliament and the Officers be put to answer every complaint and if they be attainted shall be judged by the Peers in Parliament and the King shall cause Execution to be pronounced and be done accordingly without dclay which is altogether unjust and against all Right and Reason and against the Law to put any man out of his place before Judgment and Conviction and against the Right and Dignity of the Crown to bind the King to Execute the judgment of the Peers And it is observable that it was not in the Petition but was added afterwards by the Committee who drew up the Answer to the same and so was the 4th Clause penned by the said Committee much more beneficial for the Subjects than was in the Petitions or Answers Which particulars well considered no man can blame the King for his dissimulation at that time and his Repeal of that Statute In the Parliament of 18 E. 3. where the King having summoned a former Parliament in the year before and therein pacified the Lords and Commons so well as they all agreed that the said Statute made in the 15th year of his Raign should be Repealed and taken away and loose the name of a Statute for as much as it is prejudicial and contrary to the Laws and Usages of the Realm and to the Rights and Praerogatives of the King But for that some Articles were comprised in the said Statute which were reasonable and according to the Law and Reason It was accorded by our Lord the King and his Commons that of such Articles and others accorded in this present Parliament a new Statute be made by the advice of the Justices and other Sages and held for ever And no Statute being made the Commons prayed
the King to have the Answers to their Petitions in writing in manner of a Patent under the great Seal of England for every County City and good Town one Patent for the comfort of the People which the King granted by the advice of the Praelates and Grands most of which were the Judges Officers of State and Privy Councellors of the King which Patent was sealed and entred in the Patent Roll under which was written la Charter ensealer pour les Communs After which the King summoned three Parliaments in 20 21 and 22. But no Statute was made in either of them The next Statute was made in Anno 25 E. 3. in which year the King had two Parliaments and Statutes made but mention nothing by whom they were made only the Commons do pray that the Petitions reasonably prayed by the Commons be granted confirmed and sealed before the departure of the Parliament And in the same Parliament n. 43. The Commons praying that the Statute made the last Parliament touching Reservations be published and put in Execution Unto which the King answered Let the Statute be viewed and recited before the Councel and if need be in any point let it be better declared and amended as the Statute of the King and the Realm be kept By which it appeareth that the Councel penned the Statutes Anno 27. E. 3. The King summoned a great Councel whither many Commons were sent and it was agreed that the Ordinances of the said Councel should be recited in the next Parliament Anno 28. E. 3. n. 16. The Commons prayed that the Ordinances of the Staple and all the other Ordinances made at the last great Councel which they have seen with great deliberation be affirmed in this Parliament and held for a Statute to endure for ever Unto which the King and Lords agreed with one mind so always that if any thing be to be put out let it be done in Parliament when need shall be and not in any other manner And accordingly there is an Addition at the end of the first Chapter against Provisors as in the Statute Roll and Print but not in rot Concilii Anno 27. nor yet in the Parliament Roll de Anno 28. E. 3. That whole Addition seeming to be added by the Councel alone and yet shewed to the Parliament for their consent before the said Statute was published And it is observable by that of 27 E. 3. n. 43. and this of 28 E. 3. n. 16. That the Statutes were most usually made long after the Parliament ended although in the Parliaments of 14 15. and 18 E. 3. they were engrossed and sealed in the time of Parliament sedente curia Statutes were made when some of our Kings were beyond Sea which happened often in the Raigns of E. 3. and H. 5. Anno 25. E. 1. a Parliament was held at London when the King was in Flanders by his Son Edward and the Statute made therein was put into the form of a Charter or Patent Anno 13. E. 3. were two Parliaments whilst the King was beyond the Seas but no Petitions or Statutes in either Anno 14. E. 3. a Parliament was holden in the Kings absence beyond the Seas by his Son Edward Duke of Cornwal Guardian of England but no Petition of the Commons nor Statute Anno 23. E. 3. a Parliament was held in the Kings absence by Lyonell the Kings Son Guardian of England and divers Petitions of the Commons were then answered but no Statute made thereof Anno 51. E. 3. the King could not be present at the beginning of the Parliament but granted a Commission to Richard Prince of Wales to begin the same Et ad faciendum ea quae pro nobis et per nos facienda fuerint And yet the Lords went to the King lying sick at Sheene the day before the Parliament ended where he gave his Royal Assent unto the Answers made unto the Petitions and commanded them to be read the next day in full Parliament but yet no Statute was made thereon notwithstanding the Commission for the Commission was but for matters to be done in Parliament as the words Ibidem facienda fuerint do import Anno 8. H 5. a Parliament was held in England by Humfrey Duke of Gloucester the King being then beyond the Seas wherein the Commons petitioned n. 16. That whereas it had been told them by divers Lords in this Parliament that the Petitions to be delivered to the Duke of Gloucester Guardian of England shall not be ingrossed before they be first sent beyond the Seas to our Soveraign Lord the King to have therein his Royal Assent and Advice wherefore may it please the said Lord Duke to ordain by authority of this present arliament That all the Petitions delivered by the Commons to the said Duke in the Parliament be answered and determined within this Realm of England during the said Parliament and if any Petition remain not answered and determined during the said Parliament that they be held for void and of none effect and that this Ordinance be of force and hold place in every Parliament to be held in the Realm in time to come To which was answered Soit avise per le Roy. Howsoever it may be conceived that all the Petitions with the Answers were sent to the King for his Advice and Assent which of them should be in the Statute and which not for in that Statute consisting of three Chapters which was made that year there are only two of the answers to their Petitions determined that is made into the said Statute viz. pet n. 4. in the 2d cap. and pet n. 7. in the 3 cap. The Commons did not Petition for any thing contained in the 5th cap. neither is there any thing recorded thereof in that Parliament Roll although one other of the Commons Petitions n. 15. for Women Aliens the Widows of Englishmen to have Dower was granted absolutely and the Petition n. 8. against Retail of sweet Wines altogether and the Petition n. 9. That Gascoign Wine should not be sold for above 6 d. the Gallon were granted with be it as is desired if it please the King Yet neitheir of these Petitions are in the Statute The usual time for making the Statutes was after the the end of every Parliament yea after the Parliament Roll was engrossed Anno 3. R. 2. The Temporal Lords met in the great Councel after the Parliament was ended where the Clerk read unto them the Enrolment of the Ordinance in that Parliament touching the power of the Justices of the Peace At which time it is probable the Statute was made and that Ordinance quite altered Anno 11 H. 4. n. 28. and 63. The Petitions and their Answers agreed on in Parliament are entred in the Roll with the rest which past into the Statute of that year and in the margent was written with another hand Respectuatur per dominum Principem concilium and neither of those are in the
King that now is touching Pourveyors and the other Statute made in his time and the time of his Progenitors be firmly kept and maintained in all points and be duly Executed according to the Law and that Writs be granted to every one who will sue upon every point contained in what Statute soever And if any Justice or Minister be dilatory to any Statute thereof made that so much as he hath done to the contrary be held for nothing and erroneous To which was answered Il plest au Roy. And yet notwithstanding that Petition was thus absolutely granted and agreed upon the Statute made thereof cap. 1. is only that Magna Charta and all other Statutes shall be kept and duly Executed omitting all the test Anno 45. E. 3. n. 14. They Petition that King that it please him of his Grace and Majesty to command charge and ordain that the great Charter and the Charter of the Forest be kept and held in all points and that the Franchises Customs and Liberties heretofore used be held and kept in form as they were granted or used To which was anwsered Re Roy le voet And yet in the Statute thereon cap 1. is no more than thus It is ordained that the great Charter and the Charter of the Forest be held and kept in all points and omitteth all the rest Anno 2. R. 2. n. 27. cap. 1. The Statute is penned much larger for the Liberties of the Church than is in the Petition or Answer and the salvo for the Kings Regality is wholly omitted Anno 3. R. 2. n. 26. cap. 1. They agree for the Liberties of the Church but Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta are wholly omitted in the Statute Anno 3. R. 2. n. 37. cap. 3. Touching Provisions the special abuses of the Pope are omitted Anno 13. R. 2. n. 40. cap. 3. In the Oath which the Justices are to take the words duly and without favour are omitted Anno 25. E. 1. cap. 5. 7. Touching Aids Taxes and Prises granted to the King but not to be taken for a Custom And a release for Tole taken by the King for Wooll and a grant that he will not take the like without common consent and good will were agreed by the Lords and Commons in that Parliament sealed with the Kings Seal and the Seals of the Archbishop and Bishops who with the Kings Councel were voluntarily sworn to the performance thereof Anno 28. E. 1. cap. 2. The saving was added by the King and his Councel at the drawing up of the Statute as appears by the words therein viz. The King and his Councel do not intend by reason of the Statute Item cap. 20. At the conclusion was added a saving for the King 5. R. 2. cap. 5. For Preachers without the Commons Assent repealed 1 E. 6. 12. 1 Eliz. 1. The Assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament one or both expressed included or implied in that of King E. 3. or H. 4's grant of the Dutchy of Cornwal and annexing Lands thereunto do as in the many antient grants of the Saxon Kings signify no more than an approbation and confers neither jus in re or potestatem dandi vel concedendi And so in the case of the entailed and restored Lands and the Honour and Earldom of Oxford granted by King R. 2. to Awbrey de Vere in the 16th year of his Raign n. 151. And the like may be believed where some things have been done or Grants or Charters said and entred in the Parliament Rolls to be Authoritate Parliamenti which as the Judicious Mr. Noy hath observed do not without other circumstances prove a common Assent of Parliament for that some of the Answers to divers Petitions of the Commons in Parliament temporibus R. 2. H. 4. were put upon the Files only and not entred in the Parliament Rolls And the same words are in divers Acts of Parliament mentioned to be inrolled in the Parliament Rolls of 4 7 of H. 4. Anno 4. H. 4. The Commons pray that the most sufficient Welshmen of every Lordship be chosen to keep the Peace and to answer for all Felonies c. as they were wont to do unto the Conqueror of Wales in the time of King Edward To which the King answered let this Petition be committed to the Councel to be thereof advised and the same Councel have power to provide Remedy therein according to their discretion by Authority of Parliament In the 7th year of the Raign of the said King the Commons prayed the King that certain Petitions exhited by Bartholomew Verdon and his companions might graciously be exploited per authoritatem Parliamenti whereupon the King by the Advice and Assent of the Lords in Parliamenr and at the request of the Commons granted the said Petition as by the Endorsement thereof filed amongst the special Petitions may appear But afterwards Anno 8. H. 5. n. 12. The Commons perceiving those words Authoritate Parliamenti often used by the Lords alone in their Answers to Petitions exhibited to the Receivers appointed by the King whereby the parties complained of were oftentimes constrained to answer Causes determinable at the Common Law before the Kings Councel or in the Chancery exhibited the Petition ensuing viz. Praying the Commons in this present Parliament that if any man sue a Bill or Petition with these words authoritate Parliamenti and the Answer be made let this Bill or Petition be committed to the Councel of the King or to the Councellors of the King to execute and determine the contents thereof whereas the said Bill or Petition is not by the Commons of the Land required to be affirmed or assented unto that no man to such a Bill or Petition unless the Assent or Request of the Commons be endorsed be bound to answer contrary to the Laws of the Realm Unto which was answered soit aviser per le Roy. At the foot of many Charters and Writs have been indorsed per ipsum Regem totum concilium in Parliamento and sometimes per ipsum concilium suum in Parliamento and at other times per petitionem in Parliamento Anno 6. H. 6. 1. Part pat n. 1. Pro Abbate conventu de Welhow de avisamento Dominorum ad supplicationem Communitatis Et Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium per petitionem in Parliamento pro 10 l. solut in Hanaperio Anno 4. H. 4. n. 116. The Commons pray that whereas one Thomas Taynleur Approver had appealed divers honest men very falsly for which he was drawn and hanged it would please the King to grant out Writs of the Chancery unto the Justices to cease all process against the party so falsly appealed which was granted assensu Praelatorum Procerumque c. And the form of the Writ there set down and underneath was written per petitionem in Parliamento In publick Ordinances the words of ceremony are seldom expressed only the matter agreed upon is
recorded but the manner and form of the agreement and by whom in particular is most usually omitted yet necessary to be understood for such was the practice and usage of that age In cases which require no new Law those Acts were seldom entred it was thought sufficient if they were on the file prout Fitz Herberts Abridg. tit Parliament Anno 33. H. 6. n. 17. Neither did those necessarily require the Common Assent of Parliament for the Petitions granted Authoritate Parliamenti do not prove the Common Assent unless they were exhibited by the Commons otherwise they were such only as were delivered to the Receivers of Petitions appointed by the King at the beginning of every Parliament and they were answered by the Tryers then also appointed for the same amongst whom none of the House of Commons were ever appointed and those answers or the matters themselves being heard before the Lords in Parliament as Petitions of great weight and difficulty alwaies were for such alwaies had the additions of Authoritate Parliamenti the first of them beginning tempore Richardi 2. And whether those words be added or omitted yet such Answers ever did and will bind so as they be not contrary to the Laws and Customs of the Land There needed no publication of Ordinances touching the Chancery when the Chancellor was present nor concerning the Courts of Justice when the Judges were present in Parliament neither touching the grievances of the Kings Ministers and other Officers for some of them were ever present in Parliament And the Commons were so careful to have their Parliament Rolls engrossed as in 2d Henry 4. n. 26. divers days before the end of the Parliament they did by their Speaker beseech the King that the business done and to be done in this Parliament be enacted and engrossed before the departure of the Justices whilst they have them in their memory Unto which it was answered that the Clerk of the Parliament should do his endeavour to enact and engross the Substance of the Parliament by advice of the Justices and after shew it to the King and Lords in Parliament to have their advice By which it appeareth that the Parliament Roll was not drawn up by the Clerk alone ex officio but with the advice of the Justices and although it was here said that it should be afterwards shewed unto the King and Lords to be approved of by them yet it is not to be thought that the King and Lords did usually examine the same but the Judges advice was usually had therein how else could the Commons require the same to be ingrossed whilst it remained in the Judges memory The Parliament Roll of 11. E. 3. For the creation of his Son Prince Edward Duke of Cornwal and annexing Lands thereunto is lost But in Anno 5. H. 4. The Commons exhibiting their Bill in Parliament in the behalf of the Prince to be made Duke of Cornwal did recite that grant of King E. 3. to have been made by the Kings Letters Patents and pray that the Lands which were annexed might not be aliened and that which had been aliened reseised Annis 7. 8. H. 4. n. 65. The Speaker in the name of the Commons prayed the King and the Lords in Parliament that certain of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal whom it pleased them to appoint and a certain number of the Commons whose names he had written in a Schedule or any 11. 10. 9. 8. 7. or 6. of them might be at the Enacting and Ingrossing of the Rolls of Parliament and that his Prayer and Petition might be enacted of Record in the Roll of Parliament which request the King graciously assented unto Anno 1. H. 4. n. 45. The Commons agreed that the King might moderate the Statute against Provisors Anno 2. H. 4. n. 45. They complain to the King that the same was otherwise entred in the Parliament Roll than was agreed on by them and that it might be examined which the King granted but upon Protestation that it should not be drawn into Example Whereupon the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Justices and Councellors of the King being severally examined in full Parliament in the presence of the King and all the Commons testified that the said moderation was duly and justly entred and Enacted in the Parliament Roll in manner as it was spoken and agreed on by the said Lords and Commons the which entring and enacting so made the King remembred to be well and truly done as it was agreed on in the last Parliament So careful were the Commons of the Parliament Rolls the only Treasury of those publick Ordinances and yet never petitioned touching the Roll of Statutes nor to be present when they were made for they knew full well that that did belong meerly to the King and his Councel But only did put his Majesty in mind in Anno 2. H. 5. n. 10. That the Statute ought not to be drawn up contrary to the meaning of the Petitions which were then granted and afterwards to prevent that inconvenience they themselves framed their Bills in form of a Statute which order continueth to this day Anno 12. E. 2. The Petition of Hugh Audly and Margery his Wife concerning the Lands of the Earl of Cornwal exemplified was exhibited in the Parliament at York at Michaelmas and answered in the next Parliament at Easter following Some had Writs out of the Chancery for the setling and confirming of what was granted to them by Parliament prout Anno 16. R. 2. For livery to be made to Awbrey de Vere of the Lands entailed unto him The Act of Parliament of 28 E. 1. being granted and published with a saving to the Right and Praerogative of the Crown was afterwards upon the murmuring of some of the Lords and Commons against that Proviso republished without it Statutes were not Enrolled until the King had allowed thereof and commanded it to be ingrossed sealed and kept Things perpetual were made into a Statute and temporary into an Ordinance or signified by Letters Patents In the Parliament of 15 E. 3. A Statute was in a manner extorted from that glorious King and a special Committee appointed to pen it against which the Kings Councel protested and the King by his Proclamation or Declaration revoked the same for that he assented not but dissimuled which remains upon record to this day to that Kings great dishonor if not rightly understood Which that great Attorney General Mr. Noy undertook to clear in this manner The Commons having granted the year before a very large Subsidy to the King toward the French Wars to be paid in two years under divers conditions and the Statute drawn up by a special Committee of Lords and Commons who took great care that the King should be duly answered the said grant and the Subjects enjoy his Majesties graces in those conditions expressed and the King going into France with full confidence to receive the said money accordingly but
being abused by his Officers that which was paid so spent as little came to his hands so as for want of money he was enforced to accept of a Truce when he was in probability of a great Victory if not of the Conquest of all France whereupon returning suddenly he fell first upon the Officers who excusing themselves laid the blame upon the Collectors which caused the King to send out strickt Commissions to enquire thereof But he was most incensed against the Archbishop of Canterbury who had encouraged him to those Wars willing him to take no care for treasure because he would himself see him abundantly furnished by the said Subsidy which failing and the King understanding that the Pope sided with the French mistrusted the Praelates in general but especially the Archbishop and reprehended him sharply for it who presently complained of manifold violences against the Liberties of the Church and English Nation comprehended in Magna Charta and thus the Clergy incensed the Commons against the King and the Commissioners which he had appointed to enquire of the abuses of the Collectors who had enquired of divers matters in Eyre beyond the limits of their Commissions which bred such ill humours in the Lords and Commons as when in the 15th year of his Majesties Raign when he had in Parliament shewed the necessity of the French Wars and that the Aid granted him the year before was withheld and ill spent by his Officers and therefore desired the Parliament to consider how Malefactors might be punished and the Law kept in equal force both to Poor and Rich the Commons delivered up their advice in writing for a Commission to be directed to the Justices in each Shire d' Oyer Terminer these matters in general But the King the Praelates and Grandees thought fit to add Articles of the said enquiry and therefore they delivered unto the Commons certain Articles which were ordained by the said Praelates and Grandees for them to advise and give their Assent The which being viewed and examined by them they assented that good Justices and Loyal be assigned to hear and determine all the things contained in the said Articles for the profit of our Lord the King The Assent of the Lords is many times omitted to be entred and so likewise hath many times been that of the Commons In the same year the Commons exhibited their Petitions for the confirming of a Statute made in the 15th year of the said Kings Raign which was general n. 26. And in general for all Statutes and the other special n. 27. for that in particular And yet in the same 17th year an Ordinance was entred n. 23. viz. Item accordez est assentuz that the Statute made at Westminster in the Quindena of Easter in the year of the Raign of our Lord the King the 15th be wholly repealed and gone and loose the name of a Statute which was without any mention either of Lords or Commons In the 30th year of the Raign of the said King the Dukes Earls Barons and Commons conferring together by the Kings order touching the Exactions of the Pope in the White-Chamber now called the Court of Requests assented if it please the King Anno Eodem in the 9 10 11 12. Chapters of Statutes made in that year upon several Ordinances entred in the Rolls of that year n. 27 28 29. no mention is made therein either of the Lords Assent or the Commons though both are mentioned in the Praeamble of the Statutes Anno 2. H. 4. The cruel Bill for the burning of Hereticks beginning in the Lords House and exhibited by the Clergy was written in Latine and so was the long Answer to the same and all and one in the same phrase and no mention made of the Commons Assent Anno Eodem a Bill was exhibited by the Clergy into the Lords House against a Bull from the Pope to discharge the Possessions of the Cistertian Monks from the payment of Tythes which being there answered was carried to the Commons by the Archbishop of Canterbury himself to have their Assent and told them that the King and the Lords were attended upon with the Answer to the same and afterwards the Commons came before the King and the Lords in Parliament and made divers requests and amongst others shewed that the Archbishop of Canterbury delivered them the Petition touching the order of Cistertians to which Answer the said Commons agreed Eodem Anno the Commons did shew that whereas the King had ordained a Staple at Bruges in Flanders Merchant strangers did by Land or Sea bring their Wooll thither to the great profit and encrease of the price of Wooll coming thither the Town of Bruges hath for their own profit forbidden the bringing of Wooll thither as they were wont to do to the great damage of the Merchants of England and of all the Commons whereof they do pray Remedy Unto which was answered It is advised by the Praelates Grandees and Commons of this Realm that the Pention is reasonable The Commons Petition against the Subsidy of 40 s. for every sack of Wooll granted by the Merchants Unto which was answered for that our Lord the King for great necessity which yet endureth and appears greater from day to day did do it which being shewed to the Grandees and Commons in this Parliament assembled on the Kings behalf the said Lords and Commons by Common Assent have granted the said Subsidy The Parliaments or great Councels were heretofore very short and dispatched in a few days having the matters which were alwaies extraordinary appointed or declared by the King to be treated of And there are divers Answers to Petitions which cross or add to the prayers of the Commons whereunto their Assent is not specified and yet the Statutes thereupon made do mention it For the price of Wines a report of a former Statute is not in the Petition but in the Answer only And it should be remembred that although the House of Commons in Parliament have been often of late times only said to have been the representing of some part of the Commons of England those that were as aforesaid Elected and admitted into the Parliament have in their Petitions to their Kings for Redress of Grievances stiled themselves no otherwise then your Pravrez Communs and Leiges yet it was never intended or could be of all the Freeholders or people of England or in the Latitude of the word represented which is over extended § 26. What is meant by the word Representing or if all or how many of the People of England and Wales are or have been in the Elections of a part of the Commons to come to Parliament represented FOR the Nobility the Proceres and Magnates and the Bishops and many Abbots and Pryors were always Summoned apart to our Parliaments and never represented by the Commons the consent of the Universality of the People being in and before the 49th year of
the Reign of King Henry the 3d included in the King and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal the Tenants and Knights Fees of the Lords Temporal and Spiritual not a few were not represented when with those and their dependancies they so over-powered King H. 3. in a Parliament at Oxford as to inforce him to yield unto those Provisions which afterwards proved to be the fatal Incentives of an ensuing bloody War and the Seminary of many Commotions and Contests betwixt some of our Succeeding Kings and their Subjects in their after Generations those only excepted being Tenants Paravail who held their Lands subordinately of the Tenants that were mean to those that held their Lands of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal the Majores Barones holding of the King in Capite with multitudes almost innumerable of Copy-holders Lease-holders Tenants at Will or Sufferance Villani or Bordarii le menu peuple et de busse condition were exempted by Order of Parliament as represented by them and no other and always used to be so the almost numberless Herd of Monks Fryers and Religious Persons and their Revenues Servants Tenants and Dependants were not nor could be represented but freed by the Kings Orders in Parliament from payment of the Commoners Wages that came to Parliament by two several necessary sorts of Priviledges and Immunities instead of many more which they claimed the Religious and Monastick People of the Nation with their very large Possessions and Revenues before the dissolution of them in the Reign of King Henry the 8th and King Edward the 6th being rationally to be accounted little less than a full 4th part of the Lands of the Kingdom the Secular Clergy always giving Subsidies apart by themselves being almost 10000 were represented by the Bishops or Convocation of the Clergy the Tenants in Antient demesne or of the great number of the Tenants of the Kings Annaent demesne proper and largely extended Royal Revenue that should be which before they were Granted or Aliened away by our Kings like Indulgent Common Parents to their almost every days craving Subjects and People or in Rewarding and Incouraging publick and great Services done or to be done for the Common-wealth or Publick good which were very large and diffusive through all the parts of the Nation and the Clerks of the Chancery Beneficiate as most of them Antiently were and the Judges Kings Council and Officers attending the Honourable House of Peers in the like condition and should be exempted although by length of Time Custom Indulgence or Permission they have been since the Original of the House of Commons in the 49th year of the Raign of King Henry the 3d. which was then no more than our Embrio and from thence discontinued until the 22d year of the Raign of King Edward the first charged and made contributary to publick Aids and Necessities and the largely Priviledged County Palatine of Lancaster having heretofore comprehended in it the three great Earldoms of Leicester Derby and Lincoln with their largely extended Revenues was not at the first represented but did forbear the sending of Members the remainder whereof is now a great part of the Kings Revenue the whole County Palatine of Chester with Wales and its Provinces had none until the Raign of King Henry the 8th nor the County Palatine of Durham and the Burrough of Newark upon Trent until some few years ago Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Pryors Religious Men and Women and all that have hundreds of their own as very many have by Grant from the Crown are by the Statute of 42 H. 3. exempted from coming to the Sheriffs Torn or County Court and so not intended to be Electors or Elected The Kings very large should be Demesne Lands and Crown Revenue and that of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the many other before mentioned exempted And the Records of the House of Peers in Parliament have often told us that many times when the Commons gave Subsidies they did it by the Assent of the Lords Spitual and Temporal And as a very Learned Divine of the Church of England there being many Pseudo-Protestant Divines that are not of it hath well remarked there is no Subject of the Kingdom of England represented in Parliament by the Commons thereof but as subordinate to the King and to join with him and the Lords in their As-Assent and Approbation not against him or either of them in our Kings and Soveraign Princes making of Laws for the good of the Kingdom For Repraesentare is no more than locum implore autoritate vel vicaria potestate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ita iotis est exhibere vi quà dam juris praesentiam ejus qui revera non est Budaeus definit esse repraesentationem per figuram facere imaginario visu rem ipsam repraesentare locum implere loco sistere loco praesentis sistere repraesentatio quaedam imaginaria And being but Commissioners special Attorneys or Procurators of some part of the Lay-Commonalty and Freeholders not of the Copy-holders Lease-holders Villains or Bondmen Servants or Apprentices could not by their Indentures Letters of Attorney or Procurations with any reason truth understanding or propriety of speech be believed to represent for them that never delegated or authorised them or to Act beyond the purpose or design of those that Elected sent or imployed them nor can make it to be any thing more than an aenigma or Riddle with some hidden and inveloped sense or meaning not to be comprehended in the genuine obvious or proper meaning sense or construction of the word Repraesent for who can without a great weakness failing or Error in his Judgment think that they could by any tentering or straining of the word make all the several kinds of people that sent them in obedience to the direction of their Kings Writs or Orders to impower them whilst they sate in the House of Commons in Parliament to Sentence Condemn Fine Arrest Imprison Banish or Sequester any of those that they pretended to represent when the Praedecessors of those that would be Masters of such a Latitude did in Parliament in the 42d year of the Raign of King Edward the third when a Tax or Aid was proposed for the King being the first and only end for which they were elected and sent make it their request to the King to give them leave to go home to their several Countries and places to advise before hand with those that sent them Otherwise the Pledges or Sureties which every Member of the House of Commons being to give their County and place whom they would represent as their Procurators or Attorneys are to be well heeded and cautiously taken for pledges or security well watched in their doings and not left to trick and purchase to themselves by unlawful Encroachments an Arbitrary and Illegal Soveraignty which the Laws of the Land never allowed them and their Masters the Counties and places that sent them
could neither give or intend for nil dat qui non habet as being never able to give them complextly or singly their diversities of Powers or Interests present or to come other than such as the intent and purport of their Writs of Election Commissions allowed when the Devil with a pair of Spectacles cannot find in their Indentures or Procurations any Commission either by the King or those that Elected them other than to do and perform such things as the King by the advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament should ordain but not to make War against their King and Murder him Plunder and destroy their fellow Subjects and Masters that elected and sent them for better purposes neither can they or any of their Record-massacring Champions ever be able to prove that the Lords Spiritual or Temporal did or could transfer unto them their power representative in Parliament which without the Authority of the King that gave it is not transferrable And when there were but 170 Counties Cities and Towns that sent Knights Citizens and Burgesses to Parliament in the latter end of the Raign of King Edward the First were but almost one Part of three that could be truly esteemed Representers of many of the Commons too many having been since only added by corruption of Sheriffs and otherwise it could never be intended or at all possible or so much as probable as all could be Freeholders or otherwise within the true meaning and intention of the word Representation or represent applied to the House of Commons or any particular member thereof was until our late Factious and Seditious Times never found in any of our Parliament Rolls Records or Memorials which hath lately been made to be very large and drawn into a factious and seditious extent and interpretation For the Parliament being only the Kings great Councel not of the people his Subjects upon special emergent occasions concerning the weal publick in the defence of the Kingdom and Church all offences committed against the Members of either of the Houses siting the Parliament or in their coming or returning are by Law to be prosecuted and punished in the behalf of the King and in his name and by his only Regal Authority and the Prison of the Tower of London is the Kings by a long possession but none of the peoples as it was adjudged in the Raign of Edward the 1st in the case of the priviledge of the Earl of Cornwal and long after that viz. In the latter end of the Raign of King Henry the 8th in the case of the Lord Cromwel and Tailbois and in the extraordinary forcible Riot and Trespass committed in the 12th year of the Raign of K. Richard 2. upon the Goods Lands and Servants of one of the Knights of the Shire of Cumberland sitting the Parliament whereupon that King upon his complaint directed a Writ or Commission to enquire and certify the Fact directing the Sheriff of Westmorland by a Jury of his County to attend them therein and those that were found offenders to arrest and bring coram nobis concilio nostro not the House of Commons in Parliament in Quindena sancti Michaelis with a nos talia si fuerint relinquere nolentes impunita upon which Mr. Pryn observeth that the King upon that complaint did not presently send for the Offenders in Custody by a Serjeant at Arms as the Commons of late times have done And did the more as he saith urge that Record and Precedent to rectify the late irregularities of sending for persons in Custody upon every motion and suggestion of a pretended breach of priviledge to their extraordinary vexations and expence before any legal proof or conviction of their guilt against the great Charter and all ancient precedents and proceedings in Parliament further evidenced by him to appertain only to the King by the Commons own Petitions from time to time in several Parliaments in the Raigns of Henry the 4th Henry the 6th and Edward the 4th in the cases of Chodder Atwil Dome Colyn c. And that it was expresly resolved and declared to belong only to the King by his Writs of Priviledge supersedeas habeas corpora issued out of the Court of Chancery to deliver members of Parliament or their Servants imprisoned or taken in execution against the Priviledge of Parliament for in the great Debates and Arguments in the House of Commons in the case of Fitz-Herbert in the 35th year of the Raign of Queen Elizabeth when Sir Edward Coke was Speaker it was at the last concluded that it was meet that the whole matter should be brought before them by an Habeas corpus cum causa issued out of the Chancery and there to be returned since no Writ of Habeas Corpus nor yet of priviledge could be returned into the House of Commons but only into the Chancery or Lords House as Writs of Error were whereupon the Speaker attending the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England pressed for a special Habeas Corpus with a clause to be inserted therein that Fitz-Herbert existens de Parliamento captus suit c. with a recital of the cause of priviledge who upon conference with the Judges would not Assent thereunto and resolving not to depart from the usual form issued out the Writ to the Sheriff returnable in Chancery who bringing the Body of the Prisoner and certifying the cause of his imprisonment the Lord Keeper sent the Sheriffs return of the Habeas corpus to the Commons House the Chancery men who brought it being ordered to read it which they did with the Writ thereunto annexed whereupon Mr. Dalton argued that the House had no power to deliver him he being not arrested sedente Parliamento but before it sate and that in a point of Law whether in this case he ought to be priviledged the Commons House ought not to pass any Vote therein but ought to advise with and receive instructions from the Judges of the Realm whether in this case by the Law they could grant Priviledge which being seconded by Sir Francis Bacon and thirded by Sir Edward Coke it was ordered that Fitz-Herbert should appear and be heard by his Councel the next morning and that the advice of the Judges should be had therein which being bad the Judgment of the House was that he was not to have Priviledge for three causes First because he was in Execution taken the same day of his Election Secondly because it was at the Queens suit which was the grand Reason Thirdly because he was taken neither sedente Parliamento nec eundo nec redeundo and Mr. Pryn likewise humbly conceived that in case of any Member of Parliament Arrested their only legal Means and Remedy was and is by a Writ of priviledge out of the Chancery In the Journal of the House of Commons in Parliament Anno 6. E. 6. There is an Order entred that if any Member require priviledge for him
appointed by the King are in every Parliament Tryers of the Petitions of the Commons but they are not of any Petitions to the King and House of Lords the Commons not being to be allowed petitioning to themselves and our Kings often refusing to grant what was required where any had offended and broken the Priviledge of the House of Lords or committed any Treason or misdemeanor against the King and many times upon a charge of the House of Commons they were to receive their sentence at the Bar of the House of Lords kneeling but never in the House of Commons until the late new-fashion'd Rebellion and fancied Soveraignty of the people which God never gave them and the Devil cannot allow them after a Parliament ended and leave given by the King to depart the Commons do Petition the King for his Writs to the Counties and places that sent them to pay them their wages which the House of Peers never did And a strange representation partial much disordered and disjointed it was when 45 Members in the time of a Rebellious and Parliamentary confusion ejected 400 of their better conditioned fellow Members and have since taken upon them when their Soveraign hath with some restrictions given them proper and necessary liberty of Speech in the discussing of matters pertinent and becoming the reason and business for which they were called to deny innocent liberty to their Partners chosen and intrusted by other parts of the Nation not at all depending upon them but Elected sent and intrusted by their fellow Subjects Arraign and Murder their Pious King at the Suit of the People when they neither could or did give them any Order or Authority to do vote and make a War against him his Loyal and their fellow Subjects to the Ruine and Destruction of above two hundred thousand and punish others as their Votes shall carry it receive upon their knees their Sentence sometimes to be imprisoned in the Tower of London sent thither only by their Speakers Warrant or expelled the House with a Warrant for the Kings Writ to Elect another and no man can tell whence that power was is or could be derived unto them either by Warrant of the Laws of God Nature or Nations or the Laws and reasonable Customs of England or of any Forreign Senates or Councels to disprove approve or remove or punish one another or how they can underprop that their beloved Authority when many times the Major part of the Members were absent in person and many of those that are present and have no mind to concur were either wanting in their courage or that for which they were Elected and what with those that were absent and tarryed in their Countries or were in London and come late to the House or stayed there but a very short time there is seldom the one half or so many of them as could make a Major part of them understand to give an energy or certain establishment to what within the limits and bounds of their constitution should be agreed unto or by what Rule of Law or rectified reason any that are represented should be condemned by those that represent them not for that but for better other purposes Or how they can be said to represent the People that sent them in the matter of Parliament Priviledges when they that they represent are not to partake of their Freedom from Arrests Troubles of Suits c. for themselves and Moenial Servants or how do they represent in their properties when there is no such thing in their Writs Commissions or Procurations and they did in the 13th year of the Raign of King Edward the 3d ask leave of the King to go home to their several Countries and Places to confer with those that sent them concerning a Tax or Subsidy required or how they can be said to represent for all that sent them and call themselves one of the three Estates of the Kingdom if any can tell how to believe them when they whom they would represent are not nor ever were Estates c. If the People had a Soveraignty Vested and Inhaerent in them should be no more when they are in Parliament but as a Grand Enquest as Sir Edward Coke saith to some only purposes but to many and the most of their business but as Petitioners for Redress of Grievances or if they could by any right or construction be understood to be Soveraigns when they can do nothing there or have admittance until they shall have taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to their King and Soveraign or can demonstrate how many kinds of Soveraigns there be and which is on Earth the Single and Sole Soveraign under God or when or how came all the People they would represent to be Soveraigns or how can they be Soveraigns after they have taken their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy unto their King and Prince and his Heirs and Successors their only very not Fictitious Soveraign and how it happeneth that they have in many of their Petitions in Parliament stiled themselves your Pourez Leiges the Commons of England if they at that time had any part of Soveraignty in them and were not all Poor neither or when sometimes in the Raign of King H. 6. or in his Absence or Infancy their Petitions were directed unto them by the Title of Sages Senators tres Honourable Seignieurs or how they could as representatives of the Commons be Petitioned unto by any of the Commons For that would have been as absurd to have been Petitioners to themselves or to have been believed to be all Wise or Honourable or that all they represented could by any kind of Grammar Reason or Sense be understood to have been sent as Soveraigns or were ever so understood to be by those that Elected or sent them they should when they were to go home to those that delegated them were not to depart without the Kings License and then did not neglect to Petition the King for Writs to be paid their Wages by the Countries or Places that employed them and if any Sheriff had levied their Wages with an overplus for himself they that were so wronged have complained to the Kings Justices in Eyre and have been remedied But were never found to complain to their unintelligible Soveraigns or to have any process from them to levy their Expences or to Petition to have them paid out of the Lands Estates of those that sent them or was granted by any Order or Procurations of those that sent them Or if all the people of England who are and should be certainly to be known and Ranked according to their several degrees and qualities unless all should be levelled into a Lump informity or menstrosity Higeldy Pigheldy all Fellows at Football it might put Heraldry it self at a stand or out of its wits to distinguish how much of a Knight of a Shire is a Duke Marquess Earl Viscount Baron Knight Esquire Gentleman Yeoman
or Common Freeholder or the Widdows or Feme Soles of any of them resides or is incorporate in that one Knight of a Shire or how much in the other Knight of the Shire when by the Kings Writs there were to be no more than two and by Oliver Cromwels the Usurpers Writs there was as many as six and when in his Time of Villany two English Earls Knights of the Kings Honourable Order of the Garter sate as Members of that which was miscalled the House of Commons in Parliament although it might well deserve the Question of what Nation they were or Riddle my Riddle what is this how much of them were Earls or Commons or what Epiccen or Hermophrodite kind of men they were or whom if not very Rebels they did then and there represent Or whether the Knights and Burgesses of England and Wales as they were admitted into the House of Commons from the 48th and 49th year of the Raign of King Henry 3. until the Raign of King Henry the 7th did or could represent for Ireland Gastoign the Isles and other Dominions of our Kings and sometime Scotland for which until then there were Receivers and Triers of Petitions particularly appointed for those other Dominions and places or who did represent for Wales the Bishoprick of Durham before there were Knights of the Shires and Burgesses allowed by our Kings or for the Town of Newark upon Trent so lately priviledged by his now Majesty or whether they do in one entire and complexed Body represent for all the Commons of England when as the Journals Parliament Rolls and Memoriols can inform us that sometimes the City of London as also other particular places have separately petitioned the King and not at all Times in a generality name and behalf of all the Commons of England Servants Mechanicks and Labourers c. which being no Freeholders or Electors can never be understood to have given any of the Members of the House of Commons any procurations jointly or separately to give any consent or represent for them in Parliament So that whatsoever hath or shall be done or acted in Parliament either for Lease or Copyholders villani Bordarii Mechanicks Labourers Servants c. Neither is or can be obliging to those multitudes otherwise than by the Soveraign power of the King when by the Energy and Vertue of his Royal Assent that which was before but an Embrio comes to be aminated and have as it were a Life and a Soul breathed or put into it by his sanction or giving it the force of a Law by his and no others Act of Parliament further than the advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Assent or Approbation of the Commons in Parliament assembled Or how they can by or with any Law Right Reason Construction propriety of Speech or Grammar be said or believed to represent those of the Commons of England whom they have many times accused and take upon them to imprison or punish When our Parliaments have been or should be founded upon the Feudal Laws our Monarchick best of Governments and there could be no Election of Members of the House of Commons to come to Parliament ad faciendum consentiendum iis which the King by the advise of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal should there ordain not in omnibus in all matters for that was the proper care and business of our Kings and Princes and their private Councel by whose advice the Writs of Summons issued out under the Kings great Seal of England to Summon the Lords Spiritual and Temporal to a Parliament to consult not de omnibus or de omnibus arduis but de quibusdam arduis and until the 49th of King Henry 3. when Simon Montforts Rebellious Parliament and his Counterfeit Writs of Election of Members to be a then endeavoured to be constituted House of Commons in Parliament received its first foundation and gave the occasion and encouragement to many Rebellions and Mischiefs afterward and from the 21 and 22 E. 1. until that gave it some rectifyed allowance unto such a kind of Election and Convention of Members in an House of Commons in Parliament to be assembled the so Elected Members of Commons of Parliament could neither meet or assemble until there were Writs of Summons issued out to assemble the Lords Spiritual and Temporal as Peers not unto the King but one unto the other in Parliament for when the Lords Spiritual and Temporal are not to be assembled by the Kings Writs of Summons the Commons cannot be Elected to attend the King and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for to meet without so much as unto Markets or Fairs or Indulgent allowance of our Kings would be a breach of the Kings Peace which should be so sacred and ever was accompted to be of so great a concernment unto him and his people as when he pardoned any of his offending Subjects against his Laws the ancient forms of our Kings pardons were only without enumerating or particular specification of the Crimes damus concedimus pacem nostram and gives us the reason that all our Parliaments as well relating either to the upper or lower House do specially except Treason Felony or breach of Peace which seemeth certainly to be no other than a necessary Clause added by our Kings in their priviledges of Parliament And otherwise it would be an unread unheard unintelligible mixture of a Supremacy or Soveraignty that a King deriving his Soveraignty only from God and his People and Subjects sworn unto him by their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and obliged unto him for their Estates and Self-preservation at the same time be invested with a Soveraignty which is to be certainly placed amongst the most puzling Riddles of Madam Sphinx and none of the over-turning Republicans can give us no manner of solution until all the Vulgus or Rabble multitude of the World can be persuaded to be of one mind and for many years continue therein and all impossibles come to be possible And there cannot be a greater absurdity offered to the Common Intellect or understanding of mankind than to endeavour to perswade them that there is a plurality of Soveraigns and that all the Subjects of England do or can represent the King and are his Soveraigns or that he is the Subject or general Servant of so many Millions of people as he is rightfully King of and are sworn unto him by the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy but are conditionally only his Subjects until some fair opportunity to Arraign him at the suit of his own Subjects cut off his head and extirpe him and his Illustrious Family by no other Warrant than to set up the Kingdom of Jesus Christ who never yet gave them any Order or Authority to attempt any such egregious Villany And should not have been so locked up in their Morphaeus commonly erring wandring dreams or imaginations as to think that two or three necessary priviledges only
proper for Members of the House of Commons in Parliament may be extended to all that they shall fancy or think to be necessary or suitable to their incroaching humours or designs and may be very great loosers by the bargain if by such a Gross mistake they make all that is or shall be their own proper Estates allowed or given unto them by the bounty and munificence of our Kings and Princes and their Feudal Laws to be Priviledges of Parliament when their Properties and Liberties are not Priviledges of Parliament and all kind of Priviledges are and ought to be subject unto these two grand Rules of Law and may and ought to be forfeitable by a non user or misuer no Praescripton or length of time in such cases being to be made use of against the King and some Corporations as the Burrough of Colchester procured an Exemption from sending Members to the House of Commons in Parliament in regard of their charge of Building or Repairing their Town-walls and New-Castle upon Tyne did the like propter inopiam and charge and trouble to defend themselves against the Scots and Priviledges of Parliament are not nor can with any propriety of Speech Truth Reason or Understanding be called Liberties Properties or Franchises which they that make such a noise with them would be sorry to have so brittle short or uncertain Title in or unto their own Rights in their own Estates Lands or Livelihoods and had better be at the charge to go to School again or fee a Lawyer to instruct or make them understand the difference betwixt Priviledges of Parliament and Priviledges that do no way appertain unto the aforesaid Parliament Priviledges and betwixt Privilegium and Proprium and cannot sure be so vain or foolish as to think that they were Elected by the Peoples Authority and their own and not by the Kings or that after the King hath allowed them a Speaker for otherwise he must be at the trouble to forsake his own proper place Chair of Estate or Throne in the House of Peers and sit in the House of Commons with them and hear their Debates Discourses and Speeches pro aut contra which might have abridged them of their Priviledge of Freedom of Speech granted at his allowance of their Speaker or that by the immediate causing to be carried before that their allowed Speaker in the presence of these many Members of the House of Commons that came to attend him to the King one of his Royal Masses or Maces Crowned usually born before our King as Ensigns of Majesty to attend him during the time of his Speakership at home or abroad in the House of Commons in Parliament or without whether it continue for a short or long time as many of our Parliaments have done with an allowance of five pounds per diem for his House-keeping and Table-provision whereof many of their Members do not seldom partake the Lord Steward of the Kings Houshold having likewise a large Allowance of Expences by the King for his Table to entertain such of the Nobility and others as during the time of Parliament will come to eat with him besides many large Fees in the making of Orders and passing of Bills or Acts of Parliament for Laws Naturalizations c. which could not be legally taken without the Kings Tacit permission the late illegal and unparliamentary way never used in any Kingdom Senate or Republick or in this Kingdom to suffer their Speaker or his Clerks to make a great weekly gain by the Printing and Publishing to be sold at every Sationers or Booksellers Shops and cryed up and down the Streets in London and Westminster by Men Women Girls and Boys all that is or hath been done in the Commons House of Parliament to the no small profit of their Speaker excepted or that when any person not of that House who have not by any supposed Priviledge any Serjeant Lictor Catchpole or Messenger fastes or secures to attend them or any particular Prison allotted unto them who by their Commissions Elections or Trusts reposed in them by their King and Countries may search and never find any power or Authority lodged in them who never were or are any Court of Judicature to Seise Arrest or Imprison any of their Fellow Subjects but since that late Incroachment which hath no older a Date than about the latter end of the Raign of our King James the First who upon his observation of some of their Irregularities jestingly said that the House of Commons in Parliament were an House of Kings it never being intended by those that Elected them or our Kings and Princes that admitted them that they should have or exercise any power to Seise or Imprison or any place or Prison allowed by our Kings as their particular Prison and though it appears that they had in the latter end of the Raign of King Henry 6. a Clerk yet it was by the grants of our Kings by themselves have by the Kings permission appointed Door-keepers but upon any occasion or cause of Imprisonment or punishing any offenders could find no other means Praesident or way unto it than to make use of the Kings Serjeant at Arms attending their Speaker who arresteth and either carrieth them to Prison to the Tower of London which is no Prison appropriate to matters of Parliament either to the House of Peers who are to consult and advise their Soveraign or the House of Commons to Assent and obey the Tower of London being only the Kings Prison for special offenders and more than ordinary safe Custody the Marshallsea for the Courts of Kings-Bench and Marshallsea the Fleet for the most of the Courts in Westminster-Hall that was anciently the Kings House or Palace every County or City in England and Wales and the Court of Admiralty having their particular Prisons appertaining to their Coercive Power subordinate to their King every Prison being alwaies stiled and said to be prisona nostra or prisona domini Regis the Prison for or of the King whereby to restrain offenders of their Liberties and keep them in the Custody of the Law until they can be tryed and give Satisfaction to the Law so as if there were no other cogent arguments or evidences amongst multitudes of those that in our Annals and Records and the whole frame and constitution of our Kingly government to support and justify the Soveraignty thereof that only one of our Kings allowing their Speaker the attendance of one of their Serjeant at Arms with his Mass or Mace as an Ensign of Royal Majesty with a pension for his support and House keeping and an allowance of large Fees as aforesaid might be sufficient to proclaim a most certain Soveraignty and Supremacy in our Kings and Princes and none at all in the House of Commons who may do well to take more heed in their ways and incroaching upon Regal Authority which in the Raigns of King Edward the third and King Richard the 2d
said to be per Dominum Regem And a second of the same date and tenor with a perclose said to have been per Dominum Regem magnum Concilium John Pechies pardon for whom that House of Commons in Parliament was said to intercede only mentioneth that it was precibus aliquorum Magnatum 15 E. 3. The Archbishop of Canterbury before the King and Lords humbling himself before the King desired that where he was defamed through the Realm he might be arraigned before his Peers in open Parliament Unto which the King answered that he would attend the Common Affairs and afterward hear others 5 H. 4. The King at the request of the Commons affirmeth the Archbishop of Canterbury the Duke of York the Earl of Northumberland and other Lords which were suspected to be of the confederacy of Henry Percy to be his true Leige-men and that they nor any of them should be impeached therefore by the King or his Heirs in any time ensuing 9 H. 4. The Speaker of the House of Commons presented a Bill on the behalf of Thomas Brooke against William Widecombe and required Judgment against him which Bill was received and the said William Widecombe was notwithstanding bound in a 1000 pound to hear his Judgment in Chancery And the many restorations in blood and estate in 13 H. 4. and by King E. 4. and of many of our Kings may inform us how necessary and beneficial the pardons and mercy of our Kings and Princes have been to their People and Posterities The Commons accuse the Lord Stanley in sundry particulars for being confederate with the Duke of York and pray that he may be committed to prison To which the King answered he will be advised And Pardons before Indictments or prosecution have not been rejected for that they did anticipate any troubles which might afterwards happen For so was the Earl of Shrewsburys in the Raign of Queen Elizabeth for fear of being troubled by his ill-willers for a sudden raising of men without a warrant to suppress an insurrection of Rebels Lionell Cranfeild Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer of England being about the 18th year of King James accused by the Lords and Commons in Parliament for great offences and misdemeanours fined by the King in Parliament to be displaced pay 50000 l. and never more to sit in Parliament was in the 2d year of the Reign of King Charles the Martyr upon his Submission to the King and payment of 20000 l. only pardoned of all Crimes Offences and Misdemeanors whatsoever any Sentence Act or Order of Parliament or the said Sentence to the contrary notwithstanding For whether the accusation be for Treason wherein the King is immediately and most especially concerned or for lesser Offences where the people may have some concernment but nothing near so much or equivalent to that of the Kings being the supreme Magistrate the King may certainly pardon and in many pardons as of Outlaries Felonies c. there have been conditions annexed Ita quod stent recto si quis versos eos loqui voluerit So the Lord Keeper Coventry in the Raign of King Charles the Martyr to prevent any dangerous questions touching the receiving of Fines and other Proceedings in Chancery sued out his Pardon The many Acts of Oblivion or general Pardon granted by many of our Kings and Princes to the great comfort and quiet of their Subjects but great diminution of the Crown Revenue did not make them guilty that afterwards protected themselves thereby from unjust and malicious Adversaries And where there is not such a clause it is always implyed by Law in particular mens cases and until the Soveraignty can be found by Law to be in the People neither the King or his people who by their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy are to be subordinate unto him are to be deprived of his haute ex basse Justice and are not to be locked up or restrained by any Petition Charge or Surmise which is not to be accompted infallible or a truth before it be proved to the King and his Council of Peers in Parliament and our Kings that gave the Lords of Mannors Powers of Soke and Sake Infangtheif and Outfangtheif in their Court Barons and sometimes as large as Fossarum Furcarum and the incident Power of Pardons and Remissions of Fine and Forfeitures which many do at this day without contradiction of their other Tenants enjoy should not be bereaved of as much liberty in their primitive and supream Estates as they gave them in their derivatives And though there have been Revocations of Patents during pleasure of Protections and Presentations and Revocations of Revocations quibusdam certis de causis yet never was there any Revocation of any Pardon 's granted where the King was not abused or deceived in the granting thereof For in Letters Patents for other matters Reversals were not to be accounted legal where they were not upon just causes proved upon Writs of Scire facias issuing out of the Chancery and one of the Articles for the deposing of King Richard 2d being that he revoked some of his Pardons The recepi's of Patents of Pardon or other things were ordained so to signifie the time when they were first brought to the Chancellour as to prevent controversies concerning priority or delays made use of in the Sealing of them to the detriment of those that first obtained them And the various forms in the drawing or passing of Pardons as long ago His testibus afterwards per manum of the Chancellour or per Regem alone per nostre Main vel per manum Regis or per Regem Concilium or authoritate Parliamenti per Regem Principem per Breve de privat sigillo or per immediate Warrant being never able to hinder the energy and true meaning thereof And need not certainly be pleaded in any subordinate Court of Justice without an occasion or to purchase their allowance who are not to controul such an Act of their Sovereign Doctor Manwaring in the fourth of sixth Year of the Raign of King Charles the Martyr being grievously fined by both Houses of Parliament and made incapable of any place or Imployment was afterwards pardoned and made Bishop of St. Asaph with a non obstante of any Order or Act of Parliament So they that would have Attainders pass by Bill or Act of Parliament to make that to be Treason which by the Law and antient and reasonable Customs of England was never so before to be believed or adjudged or to Accumulate Trespasses and Misdemeanors to make that a Treason which singly could never be so either in truth Law right reason or Justice May be pleased to admit and take into their serious consideration that Arguments a posse ad esse or ab uno ad plures are neither usual or allowable and that such a way of proceeding will be as much against the Rules of Law Honour and Justice as of Equity and good
Conscience And may be likewise very prejudicial to the very ancient and honourable House of Peers in Parliament for these and many more to be added Reasons viz. Former Ages knew no Bills of Attainder by Act of Parliament after an Acquittal or Judgment in the House of Peers until that unhappy one in the Raign of King Charles the Martyr which for the unusualness thereof had aspecial Proviso inserted That it should not hereafter be drawn unto Examples or made use of as a Presidâ—â—t And proved to be so fatally mischievous to that blessed King himself and His three Kingdoms of England Scotland and Ireland as he bewailed in his excellent Soliloqâ—â—es and at his Death his consenting to such an Act and charged His late Majesty never to make Himself or â—is People to be partakers of any more such Mischief procuring State Errors The House of Commons if they will be Accusers wherein they may be often mistaken when they take it from others and have no power to examine upon Oath wild and envions Informations and at the same time a part of the Parliament subordinate to the King will in such an Act of Attainder be both Judge and Party which all the Laws in the World could never allow to be just And such a course if suffered must needs be derogatory and prejudicial to the Rights and Priviledges and Judicative Power of the Peers in Parliament unparallelled and unpresidented when any Judgments given by them shall by such a Bill of Attainder like a Writ of Error or as an Appeal from them to the House of Commons be enervated or quite altered by an Act of Attainder framed by the House of Commons whereby they which shall be freed or absolved by their Peers or by that Honourable and more wise Assembly shall by such a back or by-blow be condemned or if only Fined by the House of Peers may be made to forfeit their Estates and Posterities by the House of Commons or if condemned in the Upper House be absolved in the Lower who shall thereby grow to be so formidable as none of the Peerage or Kings Privy-Councel shall dare to displease them and where the dernier Ressort or Appeal was before and ought ever to be to the King in his House of Peers or without will thus be lodged in the House of Commons and of little avail will the Liberty of our Nobility be to be tryed by their own Peers when it shall be contre caeur and under the Control of the House of Commons Or that the Commons disclaiming as they ought any power or Cognisance in the matters of War and Peace should by a Bill of Attainder make themselves to be Judges and Parties against a Peer both of the Kings Privy Council and Great Council in Parliament touching Matters of that Nature For if the Commons in Parliament had never after their own Impeachments of a Peer or Commoner Petitioned the King to pardon the very Persons which they had Accused as they did in the Cases of Lyons and John Pechie in the 51 year of the Raign of King Edward the Third whom they had fiercely accused in Parliament but the year before the Objection that a Pardon ought not to be a Bar against an Impeachment might have had more force than it is like to have Neither would it or did it discourage the exhibiting any for the future no more than it did the many after Impeachments which were made by the Commons in several Parliaments Kings Raigns whereupon punishments severe enough ensued For if the very many Indictments and Informations at every Assizes and Quarter Sessions in the Counties and in the Court of Kings-Bench at Westminster in the Term time ever since the Usurpation and Raign of King Stephen and the Pardon 's granted shall be exactly searched and numbred the foot of the Accompt will plainly demonstrate that the Pardons for Criminal Offences have not been above or so many as one in every hundred or a much smaller and inconsiderable number either in or before the first or latter instance before Tryal or after and the Pardon 's granted by our Kings so few and seldom as it ought to be confest that that Regal Power only proper for Kings the Vicegerents of God Almighty not of the People hath been modestly and moderately used and that the multitude of Indictments and Informations and few Pardon 's now extant in every year will be no good Witnesses of such a causelesly feared discouragement And it will not be so easily proved as it is fancied that there ever was by our Laws or reasonable Customs anâ— Institution to preserve the Government by restraining the Prince against whom and no other the Contempt and Injury is immediately committed from pardoning offences against Him and in Him against the People to whose charge they are by God intrusted Or that there was any such Institution which would be worth the seeing if it could be found or heard of that it was the Chief to be taken care of or that without it consequently the Government it self would be destroyed To prove which groundless Institution the Author of those Reasons is necessitated without resorting as he supposeth to greater Antiquities to vouch to Warranty the Declaration of that excellent Prince King Charles the First of Blessed Memory made in that behalf when there was no Controversie or Question in agitation or debate touching the power of pardoning in his Answer to the nineteen Propositions of both Houses of Parliament wherein stating the several parts of this well regulated Monarchy he saith the King the House of Lords and the House of Commons have each particular Priviledges Wherein amongst those which belong to the King he reckons the power of pardoning if the Framer of those Reasons had dealt fairly and candidly and added the Words immediately following viz. And some more of the like kind are placed in the King And this kind of excellently tempered Monarchy having the power to preserve that Authority without which it would be disabled to protect the Laws in their Force and the Subjects in their Peace Liberties and Properties ought to have drawn unto him such a respect and reverence from the Nobility and Great Ones as might hinder the Ills of Division and Faction and cause such a Fear and Respect from the People as might impede Tumults and Violence But the design being laid and devised to tack and piece together such parcels of his said late Majesties Answer as might make most for the advantage of the Undertaker to take the Power of Pardoning from the Prince and lodge it in the People and do what they can to create a Soveraignty or Superiority in them which cannot consist with his Antient Monarchy and the Laws and reasonable Customs of the Kingdom the Records Annals and Histories Reason Common Sense and understanding thereof the long and very long approved usages of the Nation and Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy of those that would now not only
Citizens or Tradesmen nor can all the Members of the Body Politick be equally wounded in their Estates or concernments by the vain imaginations causless fears and jealousies and bugbears of other seditious or fanciful Mens own making And to men that have not yet proceeded so far in the School of Revelation as to be sure of the Spirit of Prophesie it may prove a matter of ill consequence that the universality of the People should have occasion ministred and continued to them to be apprehensive of utmost dangers from the Crown from whence they of right expect Protection And a Wonder next a Miracle from whence the Premisses to such a trembling and timorous conclusion can be fetched or how a People whose valiant and wiser Fore-fathers were never heretofore scared with such panick fears nor wont to be affrighted with such Phantasmes should now suspect they can have no Protection from the Crown when some of them do at the same time labour all they can to hinder it Or how it should happen in the long Rebellious Parliament that after Mr. Chaloner a Linnen Draper of London was hanged for Plotting a Surprize of the City of London and reducing it to the Kings obedience honest Mr. Abbot the Scrivener should be pardoned without any such discontent and murmuring of the People or that Oliver Cromwel should not be debarred of his Power of Pardoning in his Instrument of Government and be allowed to Pardon the Lord Mordant for a supposed Treason against his usurped Authority and our King deriving his Authority legally vested in Him and His Royal Ancestors for more than one thousand years before may not adventure to do it without the utter undoing and ruine of his Subjects in their Properties Lives and Estates by His pardoning of some Capital Offenders Or why it should not be as lawful and conveninent for the King to grant Pardons to some other Men as to Doctor Oates or Mr. Bedlow When no Histories Jewish Pagan or Christian can shew us a People unless in Cases of intollerable Villanies Petitioning their Kings that they would not Pardon when all are not like to be Saints or Faultless and it will ever be better to leave it to the Hearts of Kings and God that directs them than to believe Tyranny to be a Blessing and Petition for it And the most exact search that can be made when it findeth the Commons petitioning in Parliament to the King or House of Peers that they may be present at some Tryals there upon their Impeachments cannot meet with any one President where they ever desired or were granted such a reasonless Request pursued and set on by other Mens Designs to have one Mans Tryal had before another and by strugling and wrestling for it expose the King and Kingdom to an utter destruction And therefore in those their fond importunities might do well to tarry until they they can find some Reason why the Lords Spiritual may not Vote or Sit as Judges or Peers in Parliament in the Case of the five Lords as well as of the Earl of Danby Or any President that it is or hath been according to Parliamentary proceedings to have any such Vote or Request made by the Commons in Parliament Who neither were or should be so omnipotent in the opinion of Hobart and Hutton and other the learned Judges of England as to make a Punishment before a Law or Laws with a Retrospect which God himself did never allow but should rather believe that Laws enacted contrary to the Laws of God and Morality or that no Aids or Help are to be given to the King pro bono Publico or that there should be no Customs or Prescription or that the King should be governed by His People would be so far from gaining an Obedience to such Laws or Acts of Parliament as to render them to be ipso facto null and of none effect When the King hath been as careful to distribute Justice as his Mercy without violence to his Laws and well inform'd Conscience hath sometimes perswaded him to Pardon to do Justice or to cause it to be done in a legal and due manner and is so appropriate to the Office and Power of a King so annext appendant and a part of it as none but His Delegates are to intermeddle or put any limits thereunto and if it should not be so solely inherent in Him would be either in abeyance or no where For the House of Commons are not sworn to do Justice and if they were would in such a case be both Judges and Parties and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal are not as to particular proceedings sworn but meerly consultive So as Justice can vest in none but the King who is by his Coronation-Oath only sworn to do it if His Right of Inheritance and greater Concernments than any of his Subjects did not abundantly ingage and prompt Him thereunto and is therefore so every way and at all times obliged to do Justice and Protect the Lives Estates Peace and Liberty of His Subjects as he is with all convenient speed and hast to Try or bring to Judgment a Subject accused of Treason by the Houses of Lords and Commons both or either of them in His Court of Kings-Bench before the Justices thereof or by special Commission by a Lord High Steward in or without the time of Parliament And the King may acquit which amounteth to a Remission or Pardon by a more Supream Authority than any of His Judges some particular Cases wherein Appeals are or may be brought only excepted do ordinarily by an authority derived from no other not to be debarred by probabilities or possibilities or by consequences not always to be foreseen or avoided For a Man pardoned for Man-slaughter may be so unhappy as in the like manner afterwards to be the death of five or ten more 20000 Rebells pardoned at a time as in the Insurrections of Wat Tyler Jack Cade c. may be guilty of the like Offence twenty or forty years after The Lord Mayor of London that hath an allowance of Tolls and Profits to take a care of the City and wholsomness of Food might be as they are too much careless and undo them in their Health and well being The Judges may as those in the Raign of King Edward the First and Thorp in the Raign of King Edward the Third be guilty of Mildemeanours yet that is not to bereave us of that good which better Men may do us in their administration of Justice our Kings have granted Priviledges to certain Cities and Towns not to pay Subsidies and granted Pardons as their Mercies and right reason inclined them in the course of their several Raigns for many Ages last past yet have not acquitted or left unpunished all the Offenders ever since there being a greater likelyhood that they would not be so easie in pardoning where they were to gain so much by Attainders Fines and Forfeitures And therefore panick and
both Houses and had no Royal Assent unto them must at the next Assembly begin again for every Session of Parliament is in Law where any Bill hath gained the Royal Assent or any Record upon a Writ of Error brought in the House of Peers hath been certified is and hath been accompted to have been a Session And although some of this latter quarrelling Age have Espoused an Opinion too much insisted upon that an Impeachment brought by the House of Commons against any one makes the supposed Offence until it be Tryed unpardonable A Reason whereof is undertaken to be given because that in all Ages it hath been an undoubted Right of the Commons to Impeach before the Lords any Subject for Treason or any Crime whatsoever And the Reason of that Reason is supposed to be because great Offences complained of in Parliament are most effectually determined in Parliament Wherein they that are of that Opinion may be intreated to take into their more serious Consideration That there neither is nor ever was any House or Members of Commons in Parliament before the Imprisonment of King H. 3. by a Rebellous part of his Subjects in the Forty ninth year of his Raign or any kind of fair or just evidence for it Factious designing and fond conjectures being not amongst good Pa 〈…〉 ots or the Sons of Wisdom ever accompted to be a sufficient or any evidence Nor was the House of Lords from its first and more ancient original intituled under their King to a Judicative Power to their Kings in common or ordinary Affairs but in arduis and not in all things of that nature but in quibusdam as the King should propose and desire their advice concerning the Kingdom and Church in matters of Treason or publick concernments and did understand themselves and that high and honourable Court to be so much forbid by Law ancient usage and custom to intermeddle with petty or small Crimes or Matters as our Kings have ever since the sixth year of the Raign of King Edward the first ordained some part of the Honourable House of Peers to be Receivers and Tryers of Petitions of the Members of the House of Commons themselves and others directed to the King to admit what they found could have no Remedy in the ordinary Courts of Justice and reject such as were properly elsewhere to be determined with an Indorsement of non est Petitio Parliamenti Which may well be believed to have taken much of its reason and ground from a Law made by King Canutus who began his Raign about the year of our Lord 1016. Nemo de injuriis alterius Regi queratur nisi quidem in Centuria Justitiam consequi impetrare non poterit For certainly if it should be otherwise the reason and foundation of that highest Court would not be as it hath been hitherto always understood to be with a Cognisance only de quibusdam arduis matters of a very high nature concerning the King and the Church But it must have silenced all other Courts and Jurisdictions and have been a continual Parliament a Goal-delivery or an intermedler in matters as low as Court Leets or Baron and County Courts and a Pye-Powder Court And the words of any Crime whatsoever do not properly signifie great Offences and that all great Offences do concern the Parliament is without a Key to unlock the Secret not at all intelligible when it was never instituted or made to be a Court for common or ordinary Criminals For the House of Commons were never wont to take more upon them than to be Petitioners and Assenters unto such things as the King by the advice of His Lords Spiritual and Temporal should ordain and obey and endeavour to perform them And an Impeachment of the House of Commons cannot be said to be in the Name or on the behalf of all the People of England for that they never did or can represent the one half of them and if they will be pleased to exaimine the Writs and Commissions granted by our Kings for their Election and the purpose of the Peoples Election of them to be their Representatives Substitutes or Procurators it will not extend to accuse Criminals for that appertained to the King himself and His Laws care of Justice and the Publick for the Common People had their Inferiour Courts and Grand Juries Assises and Goal-Deliveries to dispatch such Affairs without immediately troubling Him or His Parliament and the tenour and purpose of their Commissions and Elections to Parliament is no more than ad faciendum consentiendum iis to obey and perform such things as the King by the advice of His Lords Spiritual and Temporal should in Parliament ordain For although where the Wife or Children of a Man murdered shall bring an Appeal the King is debarred from giving a Pardon because by our Saxon Laws derived from the Laws of God they are not to be disturbed in that satisfaction which they ought to have by the loss or death of the Man murdered Yet the publick Justice will not be satisfied without the party offending be Arraigned and brought to Judgment for it if the party that hath right to Appeal should surcease or be bought off so as an Appeal may be brought after or before the King hath Indicted and an auter foitz acquit in the one case will not prejudice in the other and where the Matter of Fact comes to be afterwards fully proved and the Appeal of a Wife or Child of a Bastard called filius populi quia nullius filius where only the King is Heir cannot vacate or supersede an Indictment of the Kings Neither is an Appeal upon a Crime or in criminal Matters in the first instance to be at all pursued in Parliament by the Statute made in the First year of the Raign of King H. 4. the words whereof are Item for many great inconveniences and mischiefs that often have happened by many Appeals made within the Realm of England to the great afflictions and calamites of the Nation as it afterwards happened by the Lancastrian Plots and Desings in that mischievous Appeal in Anno 11. of King Richard the Second before this time It is ordained and stablished from henceforth That all the Appeals to be made of things done out of the Realm shall be tryed and determined before the Constable and Marshal of England for the time being And moreover it is accorded and assented That no Appeals be from henceforth made or in any wise pursued in Parliament in any time to come And therefore that allegation that the House of Peers cannot reject the Impeachment of the Commons because that Suit or Complaint of the Commons can be determined no where else will want a better foundation an Impeachment of the House of Commons in the Name of all the People being no other than an Appeal to the King in Parliament And the Suit of such as might be Appellants in another place being there
expresly prohibited cannot be supposed to be the concern or interest of all the People deserving or requiring satisfaction or especially provided for by Law to have satisfaction unless it could by any probability or soundness of Judgment be concluded that all the People of England besides Wives Children or near Kindred and Relations the necessity of publick Justice and deterring Examples are or should be concerned in such a never to be fancied Appeal of the People And it will be very hard to prove that one or a few are all the People of England or if they could be so imagined are to be more concerned than the King who is sworn to do Justice unless they would claim and prove a Soveraignty and to be sworn to do Justice which though they had once by a villanous Rebellion attacked until Oliver Cromwel their Man of Sin cheated them of it for God would never allow them any such power or priviledge or any Title to the Jesuits Doctrine which some of our Protestant Dissenters their modern Proselites have learned of them that the King although he be singulis major is minor universis And it is no denial of Justice in the House of Peers to deny the receiving of an Impeachment from the House of Commons when they cannot understand any just cause or reason to receive it and the Records Rolls Petitions and Orders of Parliament will inform those that will be at the pains to be rightly and truly directed by them that Petitions in Parliament have been adjourned modified or denied and that in the Common or Inferior Courts of Justice Writs and Process may sometimes be denied superseded or altered according to the Rules of Justice or the circumstances thereof And our Records can witness that Plaintiffs have petitioned Courts of Justice recedere a brevi impetrare aliud And it cannot be said that the King doth denegare Justitiam when he would bind them unto their ancient legal well experimented forms of seeking it in the pursuing their Rights and Remedies hinders them in nothing but seeking to hurt others and destroy themselves For Justice no otherwise denied should not be termed Arbitrary until there can be some solid reason proof or evidence for it When it is rather to be believed that if the Factious Vulgar Rabble might have their Wills they would never be content or leave their fooling until they may obtain an unbounded liberty of tumbling and tossing the Government into as many several Forms and Methods as there be days in the year and no smaller variety of Religions And by the Feudal Laws which are the only Fundamental Laws of our Government and English Monarchy those many parts of the Tenants that held of their Mesne Lords in Capite could not with any safety to their Oaths and Estates Authorise any of their Elected Members of the House of Commons in Parliament to accuse or charge any of the Baronage of England in the House of Peers in Parliament although every Tenant in his Oath of Vassalage to his Mesne Lord doth except his Allegiance to the King and would be guilty of Misprision of Treason if he should conceal it by the space of twenty and four hours and if any of the Elected would or should avoid such Misprision of Treason in the not performance of his Duty and Oath of Allegiance it would require a particular Commission to his own Elected Members and is not to have it done by way of a general Representation when there is not to be discerned in the Kings Writ or in the Sureties or Manucaptors matters or things to be performed or in the Indentures betwixt the Sheriff and the Electors and Elected any word of Representation or any thing more than ad faciendum consentiendum iis to assent and obey do and perform such things as the King by the Advice of the Lords in Parliament shall ordain and if they would make themselves to be such Representers were to have a particular and express Commission to charge or impeach any one of themselves or of the House of Peers with Treason or any other high Misdemeanours And they must be little conversant with our Records that have not understood that the Commons have many times received just denials to their Petitions and that some have not seldom wanted the foundations of Reason or Justice That many of their Petitions have adopted the Concerns and Interests of others that were either Strangers unto them or were the Designs of some of the grand Nobility who thought them as necessary to their purposes as Wind Tide and Sails are to the speeding of a Ship into the Port or Landing-places of their Designs For upon their exhibiting in a Parliament in the 28 year of the Raign of King Henry the Sixth abundance of Articles of High Treason and Misdemeanours against William de la Poole Duke of Suffolk one whereof was that he had sold the Realm of England to the French King who was preparing to invade it When they did require the King and House of Lords that the Duke whom not long before they had recommended to the King to be rewarded for special services might be committed Prisoner to the Tower of London the Lords and Justices upon consultation thought it not reasonable unless some special Matter was objected against him Whereupon the said Duke not putting himself upon his Peerage but with protestation of his innocency only submitting himself to the Kings mercy who acquitting him from the Treason and many of the Misdemeanours and for some of them by the advice of the Lords only banished him for five years And that thereupon when the Viscount Beaumont in the behalf of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal required that it might be Inrolled that the Judgment was by the Kings own Rule not by their Assent and that neither they nor their Heirs should by this Example be barred of their Peerage No Protestation appears to have been made by any of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for or on the behalf of the Commons Or by the Commons for themselves So as a different manner of doing Justice can neither truly or rationally be said to be an absolute denial of Justice and was never believed to be so by the Predecessors of the House of Commons in Parliament in our former Kings Raigns when some hundreds of their Petitions in Parliament have been answered There is a Law already provided or let the old Law stand or the King will provide a covenable or fitting remedy And is not likely if it were as it is not to be any Arbitrary Power or any temptation or inducement thereunto to produce any Rule or incouragement to the exercise of an Arbitrary Power in the Inferiour Courts when there is none so weak in his Intellect but may understand that different Courts have several Boundaries Methods and Forms of Proceedings and that the Kings extraordinary great Court and Councel in His House of Peers although very just and
Prelats Counts Barons autres gentz du Parlement did in full Parliament as the Record it self will evidence Petition the King to restore the said Edmond Mortimer to his Blood and Estate which were to remain unto him after the death of his said Father to whom it was answered by the King in these words Et sur ce nostre Seigneur le Roi charge a les ditz Prelats Countes Barons en leur foies ligeance queux ils lui devoient de puis ce que le Piere nostre Seigneur le Roi que ore est estoit murdre per le dit Counte de la Marche person procurement a ce quil avoit mesmes comdevant sa mort que eux eant regarda le Roi en tiel cas lui consilassent ce quil devoit faire de reson audit Esmon filz le dit Counte les queux Prelats Countes Barons autres avys trete entre eux respondirent a nostre Seigneur le Roi de Common assent que en regard a fi horrible fait comme de murdre de terre leur Seigneur lige quen faist unques ne avoient devant en leur temps ne nes devant venir en le eyde de dieu quils ne scavoient uncore Juger ne conseiller ceque seroit affaire en tiel cas Et sur ce prierent a nostre Seigneur le Roi quils poierent ent aver avisement tanque au proche in Parlement la quelle priere le Roi ottroia sur ce prierent outre que nostre Siegneur le Roi feist au dit Esmon sa bone grace a quoi il respond quil lui voloit faire mes cella grace vendroit de lui mesmes Sir Thomas de Berkeley who Sir William Dugdale in his Book of the Baronage of England found and believes to have been a Baron being called to account by the King for the murder of his Father King Edward the Second to whose custody at his Castle of Barkeley he was committed not claiming his Peerage but pleading that he was at the same time sick almost to death at Bradely some miles distant and had committed the custody and care of the King unto Thomas de Gourney William de Ocle ad eum salvo custodiendi and was not guilty of the murder of the King or any ways assenting thereunto Et de illo posuit se super Patriam had a Jury of twelve Knights sworn and impannelled in Parliament who acquitted him thereof but finding that he had committed the custody of the King to the aforesaid Thomas de Gournay William de Ocle and that the King extitit murderatus a further day was given to the said Sir Thomas de Berkeley de audiendo Judicio suo in prox Parliamento and he was in the interim committed to the custody of Ralph de Nevil Steward of the Kings Houshold At which next Parliament Prierent les Prelatz Countes Barons a nostre Seigneur le Roi on the behalf of the said Sir Thomas de Berkeley that he would free him of his Baylor Mainprize whereupon the King charging the said Prelats Counts and Barons to give him their advice therein Le quel priere fust ottroia puis granta nostre Seigneur le Roi de rechef a leur requeste que le dit Mons'r Thomas ses Mainpernors fusseient delivres discharges de lure mainprise si estoit Jour donne a dit Thomas de estre en prochein Parlement which proved to be a clear Dismission for no more afterwards appeareth of that matter Neither after a fierce Impeachment in the said Parliament of 21 R. 2. against Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellor of England of High Treason upon which he was by that injured Prince condemned and banished when as the Record saith Les dits Countz prierent au Roi ordenir tiel Jugement vers le dit Ercevesque come le cas demande le Roi sur ceo Recorda en le dit Parlement que le dit Ercevesque avoit este devant lui en presence de certeines Seigneurs confessor que en la use de la dite Commission il sey mesprise lui mist en la grace du Roi surquoi the Judgment was given against the said Archbishop that he should be banished and forfeit all his Lands Goods and Estate when in the first year of the Raign of the usurping King H. 4. that Archbishop not tarrying long in Exile the minds of the Commons became so setled on the prevailing side that there was so small or no opposition made by them against him as the Duke of York and Earl of Northumberland and others of the Blood of the said Archbishop of Canterbury did in Parliament pray the King that the said Archbishop might have his recovery against Roger Walden for sundry Wasts and Spoils done by him in the Lands of the said Archbishoprick which the King granted and thanked them for their motion The Bishop of Exeter Chancellor of England at the assembling of the Parliament taking his Text out of the Prophecy of Ezekiel Rexerit unus omnibus alledging the power that ought to be in Soveraign Kings and Princes whereby to govern and the Obedience in Subjects to obey and that all alienations of his Kingly Priviledges and Prerogatives were reassumable and to be Repealed by his Coronation-Oath Pour quoi le Roi ad fut assembler le Estatz de Parlement a cest faire pour estre enformer si ascun droitz de sa Corone soient sustretz ou amemuser a sin que par leur bon advis discretion tiel remedie puisse estre mis que le Roi puisse esteer en sa libertie ou poir Comme ses Progenitors ont este devant lui duissent de droit non obstante ascun ordinance au contraire ainsi le Roi as Tener Et les governera whereupon the Commons made their Protestation and prayed the King that it might be Inrolled that it was not their intente ou volunte to Impeach or Accuse any Person in that Parliament sans congie du Roi And thereupon the Chancellor by the Kings command likewise declared That Nostre Seigneur le Roi considerant coment plusieurs hautes offenses mesfaits on t estre faitz par le People de son Roialme en contre leur ligeance l' Estat nostre Seigneur le Roi la loie de la terre devant ces heures dont son People estiet en grant perill danger de leie leur corps biens voullant sur ce de sa royalle benignite monstre fair grace a son dit People a fyn quilz ayent le greindre corage volonte de bien faire de leure mieux porter devors le Roi entemps avenir si voet grante de faire ease quiete salvation de son dit People une generalle Pardon a ces liges forspries
that granted them and was to be vouched to warranty which was in common and ordinary matters very usual in our Laws and reasonable Customs and therefore to him only as the Grantor and Protector of their Parliament Priviledges and not to themselves the gratitude and acknowledment was only due And the House of Commons until this our present unruly Age or Century did not adventure to take upon themselves or endeavour by any pretended Authority of their own to punish any the violators of their aforesaid Priviledges but supplicated Aid of their Kings and Princes that were the donors and granters of them And therefore in the Raign of King Henry the fourth it was adjudged that as the Record witnesseth Videtur Cur. quod non For in Anno 8 H. 6. William Lark a Servant of William Wild Burgess of Parliament being arrested upon an Execution during the Parliament the Commons petitioned the King to give order for his discharge and that no Lords Knights Citizens or Burgesses nor their Servants coming to the Parliament may be Arrested during the Parliament unless it be for Treason Felony or Breach of the Peace The King granted the first part of the Petition Et quant al residue le Rei sa avisera The Commons prayed that Edmond Duke of Somerset Alice Poole the late Wife of William Poole Duke of Suffolk William Bishop of Chester Sir John Sutton Lord Dudley the Lord Hastings James de la Barre one of the Kings Secretaries and 20 or 22 Knights and Esquires particularly named amongst which was Thomas Kemp Clerk of the House of Commons which the Commons themselves and their own Clerk had not them found to be either a Liberty or Priviledge of their own to punish might be banished from the King during their Lives and not to come within twelve Miles of the Court for that the People do speak evil of them To which the King answered He is of his own meer motion contented that all shall depart unless only the Lords and a few of them whom he may not spare from his presence and they shall continue for one year to see if any can duly impeach them In Anno 31 H. 6. The Commons made a Request to the King and Lords that Thomas Thorp their Speaker and Walter Roil a member of their house who were in Prison might be set at liberty according to their Priviledges The next day after the Duke of York who was then a Rival for a long time but after a publick Competitor for the Crown and President of the Parliament came before the Lords not the Commons and shewed that in the vacation of the Parliament he had recovered damage against the said Thomas Thorp in an action of trespass by Verdict in the Exchequer for carrying away the goods of the said Duke out of Durham House for the which he remained in Execution and prayed that he might continue therein Wherein the Councel of the Judges being demanded they made Answer it was not their part to Judge of the Parliament which was Judge of the Law wherein surely they might rather have said what they should have most certainly have believed then as Sir Edward Coke did long after that the King was principium caput finis Parliamenti and only said that a general Supersedeas of Parliament there was but a special supersedeas in which case of special supersedeas every Member of the Commons House ought to enjoy the same unless in cases of Treason Felony Surety of the Peace or for a condemnation before the Parliament After which the Lords determined that the said Thomas Thorp should remain in execution and sent certain of themselves to the Commons who then had so little power to free themselves from Arrests and imprisonment as they could not deliver their own Speaker out of Prison but were glad to follow the direction of the King and Lords to chuse and present unto the King another Speaker the which they did and shortly after certain of the Commons were sent to the Lords to declare that they had in the place of the said Thomas Thorp chosen for their Speaker Thomas Charleton Esquire Walter Clark a Burgess of Chippenham in the County of Wilts being committed to the Prison of the Fleet for divers condemnations as well to the King as to others was discharged and set at Liberty at the Petition of the Commons to the King and Lords without Bail or Mainprise At the Petition of the Commons William Hill a Burgess of Chippenham aforesaid being in Execution in the Kings-Bench was delivered by a Writ of the Chancery saving the Plaintiffs right to have Execution after the Parliament ended It was enacted by the universal Vote and Judgment as well of the Commons as the Lords that John Atwil a Burgess for Exeter being condemned during the Parliament in the Exchequer upon 8 several informations at the suit of John Taylor of the same City shall have as many Supersedeas as he will until his returning home King Henry 8. in the case of Trewyniard a Burgess of Parliament imprisoned upon an Outlawry after Judgment caused him to be delivered by a Writ of Priviledge upon an Action brought against the Executors and a demurrer it was resolved by the Judges to be Legal George Ferrers Gent. servant of the King and a Burgesse of Parliament being arrested in London as he was going to the Parliament-house by a Writ out of the Court of Kings Bench in execution at the Suit of one White for the sum of 200 markes being the debt of one Walden which arrest being signifyed to Sir Tho. Moyle Knight Speaker of the House of Commons and to the Knight and Burgesses there an order was made that the Serjeant of the Mace attending the Parliament should go to the Compter and Demand the Prisoner which the Clerks and Officers refusing from stout words they fell to blows whereof ensued a fray not without hurt so as the said Serjeant was forced to defend himself with his Mace and had the Crown thereof broken off by bearing off a stroak and his Servant struck down which broil drawing thither the 2 Sheriffs of London who did not heed or value the Serjeants complaint and misusage so much as they ought but took their Officers parts so as the Serjeant returning without the Prisoner informed the Speaker of the House of Commons how rudely they had entertained him who took the same in so ill part that they all together some of whom were the Kings privy Councel as also of the Kings privy Chamber resolved to sit no longer without their Burgess but left their own house and went to the House of Peers and declared by the mouth of their Speaker before Sir Thomas Audley Knight then Lord Chancellor and all the Lords Judges there assembled the whole matter such no Estates they believed themselves to be who Judging the contempt to be very great referred the punishment thereof to
the order of the House of Commons who returning to their places again ordered that their Serjeant should go to the Sheriffs of London to demand the delivery of their Burgess without any Writ or Warrant albeit the Lord Chancellor offered to grant them a Writ which they refused as being of opinion that all commandments and orders of their House by their Serjeants only shewing of his Mace the Ensign of their Soveraigns authority without a Writ would be authority sufficient but before the Serjeant came into London the Sheriffs having intelligence how heinously the matter was taken better bethought themselves and delivered the Prisoner but the Serjeant according to his command charged the Sheriffs to appear the next morrow in the House of Commons bringing with them the Clerks of the Compter and the said White was likewise taken into Custody whereupon the next morning the said Sheriffs and Clerks together with the said White appearing were compelled to make Answer without Councel and with the Sheriffs and the said White were committed to the Tower of London and the Officers and Clerks to Newgate where they remained for some days and were after delivered not without the humble suit of the Lord Mayor of London and divers of their friends But a debate and questions arising in the House of Commons which lasted 9 or 10 days together how to preserve the debt of the Creditor whilst they enjoyed the priviledge of Parliament by delivering Mr. Ferrers out of prison upon an execution and some being of opinion that it was to be salved only by an Act of Parliament and not well agreeing also thereupon the King being advertised thereof summoned to appear before him the Lord Chancellor and the Judges and the Speaker of the House of Commons and other the gravest persons of that House who after his Judicious arguments concerning the extent and warrantableness of the priviledge of Parliament and his own more especially in the granting thereof touching the freedom from Arrests which all the Judges assented unto none speaking against it commended notwithstanding the intention of his Houses of Parliament to have an Act to preserve the Creditors debt who he said deserved to have lost it the Act of Parliament was consented unto by the Commons but passed not the House of Lords by reason of the sudden dissolution of the Parliament Upon the report made by Mr. Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster Chairman or principal of the Committee of the House of Commons for the delivery of Edward Smally a Servant of Mr. Hales a Member of Parliament arrested in Execution that the said Committees found no President for the setting at large by the Mace and if they had it had but denoted the Kings sole Authority for that it was his Mace and his Serjeant at Arms that carried it and none of their Mace or Serjeant any person in Arrest but only by Writ and that by divers precedents of Record perused by the said Committee it appeareth that ever Knight Citizen and Burgess of the House of Commons in Parliament which doth require Priviledge hath used in that case to take a corporal Oath before the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England for the time being that the party for whom such Writ was prayed was his Servant at the time of the Arrest made And thereupon Mr. Hall was ordered by the House that he should repair to the Lord Keeper and make Oath in form aforesaid and then to proceed to the taking of a Warrant for a Writ of Priviledge for his said Servant according to the said report and it so appears by the Journal of the House of Commons and saith Mr. Elsing the Writ of Priviledge being so easy to be had what needed any Petitions to be made by the Commons to the King and the Lords for the same and as there is no precedent for this in the times of Edward the third Richard 2d H. 4. nor H. 5. so there are none to the contrary There being then no such opinions as have been since indulged and seditiously enough espoused by some that would go so far beyond Truth and Reason as to believe that the Members of the House of Commons that are or shall be have a Charter of Ordination or which is more of a never to be prov'd Commission from an unintelligible power of Soveraignty of the People And a man might wonder himself almost into an Extasy or Inanition how or by what magical or strange artifice Sir Edward Coke in the latter end of his Age and Treasury of Law and good Learning if he had ever Studied and read as he ought to have done the Feudal Laws which were our Fundamental Laws and the Original of our once and I hope may be again happy government and might before he came to be over-credulously infected with the Impostures of the modus tenendi Parliamenta and mirrour of Justice have well understood that they were no other than those which are and long have been the Laws of the Britains Saxons Germany France and Spain the Goths Vandals and Longobards Denmark Norway Sweden Hungary Bohemia Holland and West Freizland Gelderland Savoy Transilvania Silesia Moldavia Walachia Navarre Catalonia and the Republicks of Geneva and Genoa Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily Dutchies of Lorrain Millian and Florence with some little small diversities and that all our multitudes of allowed Customs Usages and Priviledges by the Indulgence of our Kings and Princes and their Laws have had no other Fountain or Original and should confess that our Magna Charta and Carta de Foresta which were not only some Relaxations Liberties and Priviledges granted and allowed by our King Henry the third but were expressly granted to be holden of that King his Heirs and Successors in Capite and that both they and all our Acts and Ordinances made them to be no other than as their Patroni or foundation and that our Colloquia generalia or Magna Concilia or Curia as Brodon stiles them now or for many Ages past called Parliaments and even those beneficia and Laws were not unknown to the Brittains in the time of their valarous and great King Arthur and could tell how when he was a Member of Parliament in the third year of the Raign of King Charles the Martyr and one of the most eminent and busy to Name and Stile the Petition of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament Assembled their Petition of Right when that which they would there claim to be their Rights and Liberties had no Right Reason Law President true History or Record to back or assert what they desired the King to give his Royal assent or Fiat unto and was no more the Rights of the People truly understood than to desire a Liberty to pull down the House or Government upon their own heads carve out their own destruction and entail it or as little Children left alone in an House with a great fire
acquiruntur In concessione Privilegiorum observari debet ne contra Jus divinum possumus morale ejusque abolitionem quicquam indulgeat vel largiatur which would so have been if the parties supposed to have been Priviledged should extend them against their King and Gods Vicegerent And it neither was or could be by any Rule of Law or Right Reason any Priviledge granted unto any Members of the House of Commons in Parliament by any of our Kings to their Speaker or otherwise that any of our Kings and Princes should not upon any occasion of High Treason Felony or breach of the Peace personally enter into the House of Commons and cause to be Arrested any of the Members thereof when Queen Elizabeth caused Dr. Parry one of their Members to be Arrested sitting the Parliament for High Treason and tryed condemned and executed for it by Sentence of her Justices in the Court of Kings Bench at Westminster §. 29. Neither could they claim or ever were invested by any Charter or grant of any of our Kings or Princes or otherwise of any such Priviledge or Liberty nor was or is in England any Law or Usage or Custom that a Parliament sitting cannot be prorogued or dissolved as long as any Petition therein exhibiteth remained unanswered or not determined IT being never likely to have been so in a well-constituted government of a Kingdom built constituted upon sound solid principles of Truth Right Reason as ours of England is to have either often or always Ardua to be considered of or of those Arduorum quaedam most especially concerning the defence of the Kingdom and Church of Eng. which were not only to make an Act for the killing of Crows of Paving of Streets or that ex se or per se naturally or properly it could be or ever was in any Regal government in the Earth any Law or Custom to perpetuate or everlastingly to hold a Parliament a thing altogether unknown and unpractised by our English Monarchs who thought it enough at three great Festivals in every year to be attended with their Praelates Nobility and Grandees viz. at Christmas Easter and Pentecost and inquire into the State of affairs of the Kingdom which many times did occasion as much of Advice and Conference amounted as to a Parliament some addresses upon home emergencies being then made for Remedies of evils happened or as fires been to be prevented private petitions seldom interposing if in the inferiour Courts of Justice they might otherwise have Redress for that had been expresly forbidden by a Law of King Canutus and those Sumptuous Feasts and Solemnities being of no longer duration than the Festivals themselves And in so many inferior Courts that gave Remedies the people had no need to trouble themselves or their Kings in Parliament with Petitions especially when in the 9th year of the Raign of King H. 3. A peculiar Court was granted by our Magna Charta and Erected to give Remedies to all the peoples Actions Complaints not Criminal with a lesser charge and attendance in an ordinary and more expedite course and when they came with Petitions proper as they thought for Parliaments they were to be tryed by Bishops and Barons thereunto by the King appointed who by the advice of the Chancellor Treasurer Justices and the Kings Serjeants at Law were if they thought fit to receive them or otherwise to reject them with a non est Petitio Parliamenti and they that were received were many times referred by the King to his Privy Councel and sometimes with an Adeat Cancellariam and at other times with a farther Examination to the Justices of the Courts from whence the complaints did arise or with a respectuatur per dominum principem or referred to the Judges as against the multitude of Attorneys as in the Raign of King Henry 4. And Petitions were not seldom answered with there is a Law already or the King will not depart from his Right And when the Acts of Parliament were made in the 4th and 36th years of the Raign of King Edward 3. wherein he granted that Parliaments should be holden once in every year if need be the Petitions of the people could not avoid the like Limitations or Tryals of them as the Laws required Certain Petitions having been exhibited by the Clergy to the King it was agreed by the King Earls Barons Justices and other wise men of the Realm that the Petitions aforesaid be put in sufficient form of Law A time was appointed to all that would exhibit any Petitions The first part of a Petition the King granted and to the rest he will be advised The Commons did pray that the best of every Countrey may be Justices of Peace and that they may determine all Felonies to which was answered for the 2d the King will appoint Learned Justices they pray that the 40 s. Subsidy may cease Unto which was Answered the King must first be moved They pray that the King may take the Profits of all other Strangers Livings as Cardinals and others during their Lives Unto which was answered the King taketh the profits and the Councel the Kings privy Councel hath sent their Petitions to the King who was then busied in his Wars in France The Commons did pray that all Petitions which be for the Common profit may be delivered in Parliament before the Commons so as they may know the Indorsement and have Remedy according to the ordinance of Parliament unto which was given no Answer The Commons having long continued together to their great Costs and mischief desire Answer to their Bill which in the Parliament Language signified no more than a Petition leur deliverance The Commons petitioned against the falshood of such as were appointed Collectors for 2000 Sacks of Wooll To which was answered This was answered in the last Parliament and therefore Commandment was given to execute the same And the like Answer given ut prius to their Petition touching Robbers and Felons They pray that all Petitions in this present Parliament may be presently answered To which 〈◊〉 answered by the King after Easter they shall be answered The Parliament in Anno 6. E. 3. began upon Monday but forasmuch as many of the Peers and Memb 〈…〉 were not come the assembly required the continuance of the Parliament until the 5th of Hillary next following which was granted The Commons praying the King to grant a pardon for the debts of King John and King Henry the third for which process came dayly out of the Exchequer The King answered he will provide Answer the next Parliament No Parliament being after summoned until Anno 13. of his Raign when the Lords granting to the King the 10th Sheaf of all the Corn of their demesns except of their bound Tenants the 10th fleece of Wooll and the 10th Lamb of their own store to be paid in two years and would that the
great wrong or Male Tolt set upon Wooll be revoked and that this grant turn not into a Custom That the keeping of the Kings Wards Lands may be committed to the next of the kin of the same Ward That Remedy may be found against such as dying past away their Lands to defraud the Lords of their Wardships The Commons made answer that they knew and tendered the Kings Estate and were ready to Aid the same only to this new device they durst not agree without further conference with their Countries and so praying respite until another time they promise to travel to their Countries Sundry of the Lords and Commons being not come the Parliament was continued from day to day until the Thursday following The Archbishop of Canterbury having been in the Kings displeasure humbled himself and desired his favour and having been defamed desired his Tryal by his Peers to which the King answered he would attend unto the Common affairs and after hear others A Proclamation was made for such as would exhibit any Petitions and a day given therefore Anno 25 E. 3. The Commons pray that process of Outlawry shall be in debt Detinue and Replevin To which was answered the like motion was in the last Parliament which had the same Answer and was then reasonably answered Anno 45. E. 3. it was agreed that ever Petition now exhibited may be by some of the Lords considered The Commons pray that the Extracts of Greenwax may mention at whose suit such Amerciaments were lost in what Term and what Plea and between what parties To which was answered let the same be provided the next Parliament which was not summoned until in Anno 47. E. 3. In Anno 47. of his Raign after Subsidies granted the Commons prayed answers to their Petitions which was granted after the Chancellor had in the name of the King given them great thanks he willed that such of the Commons that would wait on their Petitions might so do and the rest that would might depart and so the Parliament ended They pray that Right may be done to every mans Petition To which the King answered let that be observed which toucheth every private person our Kings and Princes having ever taken time to answer the petitions of their Subjects §. 30. That in those affairs peculiar only to so great and venerable an assembly which should not be Trivial or proper to Lower and Lesser Jurisdictions assigned for the determining of Lesser matters for the publick Ease and Benefit Our Kings and Princes have a greater burden and care upon them as Gods Vicegerents besides that of Parliaments to manage and take care of the Kingdom for the benefit and good of themselves and their People FOR our Kings and Supream Magistrates having many other as well necessary as ordinary and Common affairs to look after and have regard unto as the care of Peace at Home and Abroad Defence and Protection of their People Commerce Intelligence and Correspondence with Allies and Neighbour Princes guard of the Seas and reducing of Parliament Councels to speedy Actions could not admit a long consult which in our former and more happy Parliament Assemblies were seldom above forty days and many times with lesser periods of time found to be sufficient to dispatch the great and Important occasions thereof For the care of three great Kingdoms and a multitude of Accidents dayly hourly or oftner happening ordering and disposing Competent Magistrates and Officers therein observation of their well or ill managing their trusts rewarding and encouraging the good and punishment of the bad with the administration of fit Remedies to all that complain of grievances and oppressions committed by or amongst such a multitude of people with the very great difficulties of keeping Peace abroad with Neighbour Princes and preserving their own Subjects from being Injurious to theirs or receiving wrong from others may put a Prince into a necessity of having in his own person more than Argus his Eyes or Briareus hands and give him no or a very small time of rest to ask of God what Solomon did when he took upon him the government of Israel being a great People that could not be numbred or counted for multitude give therefore thy Servant an understanding heart to Judge the people that he may descern betwixt good and evil for who is able to Judge so great a People And with greater reason as being to govern a stubborn and Rebellious people high minded and proud with the riches gained thereby many of whom have perplexed and troubled him and themselves with their needless and destructive Fears and Jealousies without which the burden would not be so heavy as it is And can never seem light if those Fault-finders and Quick-silver Brained State Polititians would but consider how great it is in the dayly exercise of that government have hitherto made kept us happy all which put together might be enough to load an Atlas and would never be so well done or prove so effectual for dayly and publick good if they should tarry either for the coming of Parliaments or for long and perpetual or disagreeing Parliaments And cannot be deemed to be of little moment or concernment if an estimate be taken of the cares charge and troubles to preserve the publick Peace both by Sea and Land Leagues and Alliances Intelligence Correspondence and Amity with Forraign Princes and States the least breach of Peace with whom might disturb our Peace and Commerce abroad and transport Invasions and War upon us at home with sending and receiving of Embassadors giving audiences dispatches to theirs and sending Instructions with ours besides their sitting in Councel with their Privy Councel commonly three times in every Week of extraordinary concernments make not some addition thereunto Sundays scarce excepted and not that day or every day in every Week besides can pass but he is troubled either with petitions for grants or favours protection from oppressions and redresses for greivances either delivered by the petitioners themselves or by one or both of the two Secretaries or the four Magistri Supplicationum Libellorum Masters as they are called of Requests who by their monthly turns of waiting have commonly an audience twice in every moneth of our Kings and Princes who are as the mercy seat upon Earth the Pool of Bethesda the Asculapius Temple the Balm of Gilead Asylum sanctuary or refuge to help all the distresses and calamities of their people And that in all our Parliaments since the beginning of the Raign of King Edward 3. they have inter their quaedam Ardua taken alwaies into their care not only those of England but of Ireland Scotland Gascogney Guernsey Jarsey and the Isles though they have no Burgesses or any other representing for them as England hath had since the 48th year of the Raign of King Henry the third which considered with the many cares of collecting and gathering in his Revenue and well ordering
of his Aerarium or Treasury without which no King or Prince can be safe or great and protect and defend himself and his people from Injuries and Contempt which put all together may give Gods appointed watchman of our Israel besides their more weighted and occasional business in Parliament scarcely time to slumber or sleep or enjoy his natural refreshments or divertisements without the addresses and Importunities of his almost always wanting and complayning Subjects which they that will be at leisure to peruse all the orders of himself and his privy Councel and treasury References upon Petitions in the Secretary of State and Master of the Requests Books and the Reports and Returns thereof with all that are contained in the patent close Rolls fine and liberate Rolls of every year besides the Writs Remedial granted out of the Chancery from which no man as our Laws say is to return sine Remedio those of the Common or Ordinary sort in every year amounting to no smaller a number than eighty Thousand in a year which by Law were anciently intended not to have been granted but by immediate Petitions to the King howsoever are now dispatched of Course as it hath long been by his Majesties not a few subordinate Officers very much to the ease and relief of his People who have so long enjoyed those benefits and accommodations as those Writs of Course without the trouble either of our Kings or their more especial Court of Parliaments as Anciently as King Canutus Raign who began his Raign in the year of our Lord 1016. and from thence so continued until the Raign of King John wherein a Writ of Novel diseisin is noted in the Margin of a Roll to be de cursu from whence the Cursistors in Chancery have taken and do yet keep their Name not a Cursitando as Fleta who wrote about the Raign of King Edward the 2d terms them Juvenes pedites little Lads who carried and fetcht Writs to and from the Great Seal but Clerici de Cursu mentioned in the Oath ordained to be given unto them in Parliament in Anno 18. E. 3. Insomuch as when Simon de Montfort that Married the Sister of King John and either his Father or himself had about that time been the destruction of the Protestant Albigenses and Waldenses in France did in the time of the Imprisonment of King H. 3. and his Son Prince Edward whom he and his Rebellious Partners had taken Prisoners in the Battle at Lewes take an especial care that in the absence of Thomas de Cantilupo the Kings Chancellor the Kings great Seal being committed to the Trust of Ralph de Sandwich Keeper of the Kings Wardrobe assisted by Hugh le Despencer Justiciar of England and Peter de Montfort two special Rebels to be kept until the return of the Chancellor and that the said Ralph should Seal brevia de Cursu but those which were de praecepto were to be Sealed in their presence And when that Rebellion was afterwards broken and Simon de Montfort and the most of his Rebel partners were slain at the more fortunate Battle at Evesham and the King restored to his Regality and Rights of government he and his Successors afterward did in all their Parliaments enjoy the power and authority of Monarchs in their great Councels or Assemblies of Parliament wherein by reason of their great and important affairs in War a in France Scotland and Wales they could not be able to be personally present but summoned and held their no long lasting Parliaments by their Lieutenants or Guardians of the Kingdom for the short continuance thereof § 31. That our great Councels or Parliaments except Anciently at the three great Festivals viz. Christmas Easter and Pentecost being ex more summoned and called upon extraordinary emergent occasions could not either at those Grand and Chargeable Festivals or upon Necessities of State or Publick Weal and preservation ex natura rei continue long but necessarily required Prorogations Adjournments Dissolutions or Endings FOR extraordinary occasions being not common or ordinary and the Summons or calling of fit and well capacited Persons to those venerable or great Councels of Parliament for purposed sometimes especily Limitted and Declared to be for Advice and Aid not in omnibus arduis only but in quibusdam arduis concerning the defence of the King his Kingdom and the Church always howsoever declared by the King himself or such as he appointed and there being other great and little Courts enough in the Kingdom to dispatch and administer Justice it could not but put our Kings and Princes in mind not to trouble their highest Court for small and trivial Affairs but to believe that Canutus an Ancient King of this Nation who began his Raign in Anno Domini 1001. had reason by an express Law to prohibit the troubling of him or his Parliament or greatest Councel with small matters when they might with more ease less delay expences and attendance be determined at home or in their proper Courts or Places in these words videlicet neme de injuria alterius Regi quaeritur nisi quidem in Centuria Justitiam consequi aut impetrare non potest Centuria autem Cominus quisque ut quidem par est intersit aut saltem debito absentiam luat supplicio and that Law might well be said to have been made by that King sapientum Concilio which might occasion the use of Receivers and Triers of Petitions constantly appointed by the King or his House or Councel of Peers until our late times of Rebellion and Confusion that great Councel or Court never being intended by our Kings or their Laws to be a standing often or continual Court for ordinary Affairs The wisdom of our Kings and their House of Peers having often rejected and not given any Remedies to Petitioners that might more properly be relieved in Inferiour Courts For King Offa in the year 787. after the Incarnation of our Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ had a 2d Session in his great Councel And therefore as all Parliaments have had very urgent and necessary causes of Calling and Summoning them by their Kings so they were to have their continuance and duration proportionable to the Business and Affairs for which their Advice Assent or Approbation were required and even in the Ecclesiastical Councels begun as early after the Incarnation of our blessed Redeemer Jesus Christ as the year 446. The many Secular Businesses as making of Laws and redressing of Grievances in and by the Presence and Assistance of our Kings and many of the Nobility continued until the Norman Conquerour who separated the Ecclesiastical and Civil Jurisdictions one from the other and the Attendance upon Parliaments were not a little troublesom and chargeable to the Spiritual and Temporal Baronage and therefore the Ancient Custom of our Saxon Kings was more easy and less burdensom unto the Prelates and Nobility when it required their constant and annal Attendance
Duty and Allegiance they are obliged to attend their Soveraign and come to the General Consult of a Parliament so is it to be considered that the Speculator and Prorector of our Kingdom and Nation under God just allowances being always to be made of natural rests and refreshments and competent care of health cannot be Master if he could of much time whilst he is to encourage and maintain the Publick Good of his People and Guard them from any evils or inconveniences which do or might assail them in his care and distribution of Justice in all the complaints and Petitions of a numerous and mighty People in the issuing out of Writs Edicts and Proclamations which do every day and hour in the year almost imploy his Ministers of State and substituted in their several stations and qualifications Sundays and the grand Festivals in every year not always escaping and the not to be expressed almost perpetual cares of a Kingly and Monarchick Government largely attested by the many Patent Charter and Clause Rolls brevia Regis Rescripts Commissions Certioraris Writs of ad quod dampnum Inquisitions cum multis aliis in the Raigns of our Kings and Queens now lodged and preserved in the Tower of London the Exchequer and the Treasures thereof with the Records of the other Courts with what else could be rescued from the ravage of War and Time together with the Memorials of their Secretaries of State Privy Councel Table Books referrences and the returns thereof hearings of causes complaints and orders and redresses thereof with a necessary Inspection and Survey in and of all the affairs and conditions of his people and their well or ill being when the cares of government were so accompted to be an heavy burden for Moses in his conduct of an affrighted and oppressed people of Israel driven out of Egypt with six hundred thousand men on foot besides Women and Children with their Flocks and Herds in their travelling and unsetled condition through the wilderness towards their hopes in the Promised Land of Canaan with murmuring enough in the hearing and determining of their Suits and Complaints one against another raised in Jethro his Father-in-Law such a compassion of his Labour and Toil therein as he told him he would surely wear away both himself and the People and therefore Councelled him only to reserve hard matters unto himself and appoint out of the People able Men such as fear God and love the Truth hating Covetousness to Judge the People in smaller matters Wherein they that shall rightly consider the cares of Kings and Princes and the trouble of preserving and doing good to a far greater number of People not seldom as unto too many against their Wills may think themselves to be happy under the Protection of Gods Vicegerent and bound to obey with cheerfulness his Providence therein and that it was never intended by our less murmuring and more grateful Ancestors to make perpetual extraordinaries or a standing Court of Parliament which could not fall within the Reason Necessity or Practise of any good or rational Government and if it could as it never can must of necessity tear in pieces our happy best Established Monarchy and Sacrificing it to an inexorable misery leave our Posterities to be tossed and driven in and upon the Waters of Strife Self-interest and Vain Imaginations and in the fear without any cause of an Arbitrary Power of our Kings never like to happen over-hastily and madly run into the Arbitrary Power of a multitude or some prevailing Party of plundering and pretending Reforms amongst them many of which is and will be the worst of all Arbitraries of a Rude Ignorant Unreasonable and Senseless multitude with the greatest certainties of miseries as fatally as inevitably likely to happen §. 32. That Parliaments or great Councels de quibusdam arduis concerniug the defence of the Kingdom and Church of England neither were or can be fixed to be once in every year or oftner they being alwaies understood and believed to be by the Laws and ancient and reasonable Customs of England ad libitum Regis who by our Laws Right Reason and all our Records and Annals is and should be the only watchman of our Israel and the only Judge of the necessity times and occasion of summoning Parliaments FOR notwithstanding that by an Act of Parliament made in the 4th year of the Raign of King Edward 3. It was accorded that a Parliament should be holden once in every year and more often if need be And in an other Act of Parliament made in the 36th year of the Raign of the aforesaid King Edward it is said that for the maintenance of the Articles and Statutes made in the said Parliament of the 36th and redress of divers mischiefs and grievances which dayly happen a Parliament shall be holden as at other times was appointed by a Statute yet the latter Act of Parliament was but with reference to the former and that imparted no more than that a Parliament shall be holden once in every year and more often if need be and howsoever that in the 50th year of the Raign of that King the Commons renewed their petition that a Parliament might be holden that Knights of the Parliament might be chosen by the whole Counties and that the Sheriffs might likewise be without brocage in Court the King only answered to the Parliament there are Statutes made therefore to the Sheriffs there is answer made to the Knights it is agreed that they shall be chosen by common consent of every County and in Anno Primo R. 2. petitioned the King that a Parliament might be yearly holden in a convenient place to redress delays in Suits and to end such Cafes as the Judges doubt of which the Consequences after will shew were only to be at the pleasure and will of the King as his prudence care and necessity of himself and the publick good should necessarily advise if the true Interpretation of both those Acts of Parliament could as it never can bear any other signification for although that which next followed that Act of Parliament made in the 4th year of the Raign of that King was in the next year after yet that which succeeded that was in Anno 6 and not printed For the Parliament was for a few days Adjourned and being after holden at York was for a short time likewise Prorogued and afterwards the Assembly being not come was Adjourned until the 5th of St. Hillary next following at York and from thence again to a Reassembly at the same place at the end of which Re-assembly the Commons had License to depart and the Lords were commanded to attend him the next day at which time the Parliament was Dissolved The Duke of Cornwal the Kings Eldest Son as Guardian of England by the Kings Letters Patents held the Parliament at Westminster and a memorandum made to Summon the Parliament at the 5th of St. Hillary
next following And the Commons upon the Kings demand of an Aid alledge that they cannot agree thereunto without further conference with their Countries pray a respite of time until they return from thence For that sundry of the Lords and Commons were not come the Parliament was Adjourned for some few days In regard the Commons had so long continued at their great costs and expences they desire Answer of their Bills and a deliverance Lionel Duke of Clarence the Kings Son held the Parliament The Parliament for certain causes was Adjourned until Monday next after the Feast of St. Edmond the Martyr After the Petitions of the Commons not before Answered were read and answered before the King Lords and Commons the King Licensed the Commons to depart and the Parliament ended And although in a Parliament holden in Anno 4. E. 3. ca. 14. It is accorded that a Parliament shall be holden every year and more often if need be yet in Anno 5. there being one there ensued none after until 9. in 10. there was one from thence until 14. none in 15. another after which none until 18. after which none until 20. thence none until 23. none after until 25. thence none until 27. and in that of 25. were 6. several Sessions wherein several Acts of Parliament were made in Annis 28. 29. Parliaments were holden but none afterwards until 31. thence none until 33. thence every year until 36. In which an Act was made that for maintenance of the said Articles and Statutes in the said 36 years ordained and redress of divers mischiefs and grievances which may happen a Parliament shall be holden every year as another time was ordained by a Statute in 4 E. 3. cap. 14. in 37. 38. Parliaments were holden from thence none until 45. another in 47. another in 50. In Annis 1 2 3 4 5 6 7. none in 8 9 10 11. and in every year after during his Raign a Parliament 1 2. Parliament in one year in 2. a Parliament in 3. one in 4 5 6. one in 7. none in 8. one in 9. one in 10. none in 11. one in 12. none and in 13. one 1 2 3 4 5. Parliaments none in 6. but in 7 8. 9. were Parliaments 1 2 3 4. were Parliaments but none in 5. 7. in 10 11. Parliaments in 12. 13. none in 14 15. were Parliaments in 16 17. none in 18. one in 19. none in 21. 22. none in 23. a Parliament in 24. none a Parliament in 25 in 26. none in 27 28 29. were Parliaments in 30. none in 31. one in 32 none in 33 one 1. one in 2. none in 3. 4. were Parliaments in 5. 6. none in 7. 8. Parliaments in 9 10. 11. none in 12. one in 13. none in 14. one in 15 16. none in 17. one but in 18 19 20 21 none in 22. one But 1 Parliament though he lived a few years after In some part of whose Raign many of the Acts of Parliament being not to be found the first that appears amongst the Printed Acts of Parliament was in the 3. year of his Raign 2 Parliaments were held in that year and a 3. in the 4th year of his Raign none in the 5. 6. but one in the 7th and no more until the 11th one in the 12th and no more until 19. 1. And thence none until the 3. and after every year a Parliament until the 8th year of his Raign In which the like misfortune happened unto the Parliament Rolls for many years as it did in the Raign of his Father King Henry the 7th in 14 15. there appeareth to have been an Act of Parliament and from thence no more until the 21. and thence a Parliament in every year until 30. and in that year none but in 31. and thence every year a Parliament until 36. wherein was no Parliament but in 37. one 1 2 3 4 5 6 7. A Parliament in every year 1. Mar. 2. Sessions 1. 2. Philippi Mar. 3 4. 5. A Parliament was in the first year of her Raign and from thence none until 6. and thence none until 8. from whence none until 13. thence to 15. and afterwards none until 18. and from thence none until 23. thence none until 27. none in 28. and but one in 29. none in 30. one in 31. thence none until 35. thence none until 39. thence none until 43. 1. one in 2. none Parliaments in 3 4. none in 5. 6. from 7. none until 18. thence none until 21. In Primo Caroli Regis 1. in 2. none in 3. 4. another No complaints being in those Internals of Parliament made for want thereof and that blessed Martyr having granted to the great inconveniences of his Regality and necessaries of his Monarchicque more than was fit for his Subjects to ask which was dearly after paid for after by many a suffering Loyal Family in the late long Rebellion did in the granting of the Act of Parliament the 16th day of November 1640. for a Triennial Parliament to be holden in every 3d. year declare unto them in these words viz. My Lords and you the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons you may remember when both Houses were with me at the Banqueting House at Whitehall I did declare unto you two Rocks I wished you to eschew this is the one of them and of that consequence that I think never Bill passed here in this House of more favour to the Subjects than this is and if the other Rock be as happily passed over as this shall be at this time I do not know what you can ask for ought I can see at this time that I can make any question to yield unto therefore I mention this to shew unto you the sense that I have of this Bill and obligation as I may say that you have to me for it for hitherto to speak freely I have had no great incouragement to do it if I should look to the outward face of your actions or proceedings and not to the inward intentions of your hearts I might make question of doing it Hitherto you have gone on in that which concerns your selves to amend and yet those things that meerly concern the strength of this Kingdom neither for the State nor my own particular This I mention not to reproach you but to shew you the State of things as they are you have taken the Government almost in pieces and I may say it is almost off the hinges A Skilful Watch-maker to make clean his Watch he will take it asunder and when it is put together it will go the better so that he leave not forth then one pin in it Now as I have done all this on my part you know what to do on your parts and I hope you shall see clearly
Praemunire the Commons by the name of the Commons of England three times repeated not stiling themselves a third Estate petitioned the King that the Estates viz. The Lords Spiritual and Temporal herein acknowledging the Praelates to be of great use to the King might declare their resolutions to stand to and abide by the King and had never presumed so high as publickly to print and declare that the Soveraignty is inherent and radicated in the people if they had not plundered or sequestred the Devils Library of Hellish Inventions Tricks and new found devices or met with some manuscript of them at some Auction a Trick of trade newly found out by the Stationers And likewise prayed the King and him require by way of Justice that he would examine the Lords Spiritual and Temporal severally and all the Estates in Parliament to give their opinion in the cases aforesaid whereupon the said Archbishops Bishops and Praelates being severally examined made their Protestations that they could not deny or affirm that the Pope had power to excommunicate or translate Bishops or Praelates but if any such thing be done by any that it is against the Kings Crown and dignity And the Lords Temporal being severally examined answered that the matters aforesaid were clearly in derogation of the Kings Crown and Dignity And likewise the Procurators of the Lords Spiritual being severally examined answered in the name and for their Lords as the Bishops had done whereupon the King by the Assent aforesaid and at the request of the Commons did ordain and Enact the said Statute of Praemunire And might be assured that in Holland the united Provinces the chief of the confederate Estates with those that represent the Reistres Schaff or Nobility do usually sit at the Hague in Holland many times go home or send to the Towns and places they represent to receive their orders or approbation who sometimes send their Deputies unto the Estates at the Hague with their resolutions so as there is a wide and great difference betwixt those which our ambitious high-minded parcel of people that would be called Estates and those that are the true and real Estates of the principality of Ghelders and County of Zutphen Earldoms and Counties of Holland Zealand Utrecht and Friziss Omland and the Eu and Lovers who did so unite and confederate themselves together with all those that would allye and unite with them as they promised not to infringe or break any of each of their Priviledges or Immunities which our Members of the House of Commons in Parliament have largly done by ejecting turning out and imprisoning one another putting others in their places and making them receive their illegal Sentences and unjust Judgments upon their knees neither shall raise or make any Taxes or Imposts upon each other without general consent which ours would be so stiled Estates have as largely done as 48 Millions of English Money have amounted unto and in case any thing be done to the contrary it shall be null and void the Lords Lieutenants and Governors of the said several Provinces and Stadtholders thereof and all the subordinate Magistrates and Officers should from time to time take their Oaths to perform the same and the Governors of the Cities Towns Places in the said united Provinces do in especial cases send unto their Stadtholders their Assent or Ratifications before any thing be acted which our pretending third Estates did not do when they arraigned and murdered their King at the suit of the people when that blessed Martyr King Charles the first asserted that they were not a tenth part of the people and he might truly have said that there were not above one in every 200 of the deluded people of many Millions of his Subjects Cromwels Souldiers and Army and the murdering Judges only excepted and not all of them neither that desired his death or being so wickedly used And can never find any reason record or president to warrant the imprisoning securing or secluding as they have lately called it any of their own Members nor are to judge of the Legality or Illegality of the Election of their Members nor of any the pretended breach of their Priviledges of which the King and Lords were anciently the Judges as is evident by 16 R. 2. n. 6. 12 R. 2. n. 23. 1 H. 4. n. 79. 4 H. 4. n. 19 20. 5 H. 4. n. 71. 78. ca. 5. 8 H. 4. n. 13. Brook Parliament 11. 8 H. 6. n. 57. 23 H. 6. n. 41. 31 H. 6. n. 27 28. 36. 14 E. 4. n. 55. 17 E. 4. n. 36. cum multis aliis but were always Petitiouers to the King for Publick Laws and redress of grievances or in the case of private persons but very seldom petitioned unto and then but by sometimes the Upholsters and Merchant adventurers of London and though they had the free Election of their Speakers granted yet they were to present them to the King who allowed or refused them and sometimes caused them to chuse another never did or could of right administer an Oath to witnesses or others to be examined by the whole House of Commons as the Lords in their subordinate Judicative power usually did had no Vote nor Judicature in Writs of Errour brought in Parliament returnable only before and to be judged by the King and his House of Lords nor yet in criminal Causes upon impeachments wherein the Lords are only subordinate to their Soveraign to be Judges So as the improbability impossibility and unreasonableness of the super-governing power and pretended Supremacy of the House of Commons in Parliament will be as evident as the Absurdity and Frenzy thereof will appear to be by all our Records Annals Historians and Memorials which will not only contradict the follies of those that are so liberal to bestow it upon them but may give us a full and undeniable assurance that the representing part of part of the Commons of England in Parliament from their first Original in 49 H. 3. when their King was a Prisoner to a part of his Subjects they could then represent none but Rebels did not certainly believe themselves to be either one of the 3. Estates of the Kingdom or co-ordinate with their King when in the first year of the Raign of King Edward the second as Walsingham a Writter of good accompt then living and writing after the 49th year of the Raign of King Henry 3. hath reported the people seeking by the help of the Bishops and Nobility to redress some grievances which did lye heavily upon them ad Regem sine strepitu accedentes rogant humiliter ut Baronum suorum Conciliis tractare negotia regni velet quibus a periculis sibi regno imminentibus non solum cautior sed Tutior esse possit And when they had any cause of complaint or any grievances cast or fallen upon them by their fellow Subjects or thrown or imposed one upon another did not
calumniate their Kings by publick calumnies or Remonstrances for who would not in the course of ordinary friendship or in the case of Children or Servants to their Parents or Master take it to be an ill piece of love or duty publickly to abuse and rail at their Kings and those which were invited for helps in Councel worse than the accursed Chams discovery of his Father Noahs Nakedness or Jobs instead of comfort better censuring friends did it in no worse expressions than Walsingham hath related viz. Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbato Priores Comites Barones tota terrae Communitas monstrant domino nostro Regi humiliter rogant eum ut ea ad honorem suum populi sui salvationem velit corrigere emendare And when they long after found themselves as aforesaid stiled one of the 3. Estates in some of the Parliament Rolls so as aforesaid mentioned could not by any Grammar or reasonable construction or by any Rules of any truth sense or reason believe the King to be one of the 3. Estates spoken of or at all intended in the Journals or Rolls of Parliament or understood so to be by the parties speaking or spoken of or unto the Sandy and britle foundation of which ill digested opinion being not likely to get any room in any serious mans well weighed consideration Being only made use of as a Trick of Faction and Sedition to exclude the Bishops and Lords Spiritual on purpose to put the King in their place whereby to make him co-ordinate with them and the House of Peers and help to justifie as much as they could the fighting against Imprisoning Arraigning and Murder of their King And being Elected and Introduced into the House of Commons as Procurators only and representing for some part not all of the Commons under their proper limitted conditions ad faciendum consentiendum iis to such matters and things as in that greatest of Councels in the Kingdom should be ordained by the King and the Lords Spiritual and Temporal there Assembled for the good and welfare thereof under the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy did not stile themselves Estates or think they were thereunto entituled when at the Coronation of their former and succeeding Soveraign Kings and Princes they were in suo genere though with different Species Degrees Estates Capacities comprehended under the notion of the vulgus or common People for until the 11th year of the Raign of King Richard the 2d they had no Title of Estates allowed or given unto them and if they could make any Title thereunto the Lords Spiritual or Praelates were the first the Lords Temporal and Nobility the 2d under and subordinate to their King Supream Head and Governour and the Commons who were dispares to the Peers of England the 3d. who did notwithstanding long after in their Petitions in Parliament take it to be honour enough to call themselves by no higher a Title than the Commons The Kings Leiges and his pouvrez Leiges the word Estate State or one of the Estates in Parliament being by the Invention or Phraseologie of their Clerks or Registers by hasty abbreviation and in and but sometimes saving of labour in the aforesaid 11th year of the unfortunate Raign of King Richard the 2d by Use and Custom fastned upon them as men and many learned Authors have often by an Incuria done when in their writing of Ancient and Former things or times they have made use of words or expressions of the present times as more intelligible as Duel for Battle or Camp Fight Parliament for our seldom or greatest Councels hint for intimation or spoken of before the last of which being known only to have been here introduced in the late Covenanted Scotch and English Rebellion by Mr. Alexander Henderson or the late Senseless Proud False and Insignificant Titles of Honour or Respect of an Alderman assumed by such as paid a great Sum of Money as a Fine not to be an Alderman and so became revera no Alderman with as little Reason as the Citizens Wives of London as low as the Meal-man's and Bricklayer's do think themselves clownishly handled or dealt with if they be not at every word stiled Madam cum multis aliis his nugis Curialibus of the misusage and impropriety of words misapplied without any consideration had of the intention and true meaning of the Authors and the times wherein they lived and the mode and usage of the words in former and latter times made use of for the better signification and expression of mens meanings either writings reading or modus loquendi viz. by an ignorant Bellum Grammatical make Rebellion to be as necessary as Religion and Rebellion to be Religion Who could not without the Power or impulse of dreaming or some wild imagination be Estates in very deed when they took and sued for their Wages in coming to the Parliament tarrying and returning and have been told by some of our Kings in Parliament that they were but Petitioners which they then did not contradict which the higher sphered Lords in Parliament never did more than enjoy a Priviledge Anciently allowed but rarely made use of by them in the hunting and killing a Deer as they travelled through any of the Kings Forests or Parks in their way to advise and serve their Kings in those their greatest of Councels and in our Statutes and Acts of Parliament penned by the Judges and Councel of our Kings in their former and much better Usage and Custom of drawing and penning our Acts of Parliament of late left only to be framed by Sollicitors and the Prosecutors and Contrivers thereof so as the word Estates is rarely to be found therein And so little were the Parliamentary Commons of England obliged to the old approved good Writers and Historians as Asser Menevensis Ingulfus Roger Hoveden Gervasius Tilburiensis William of Malmesbury Matthew Paris Brompton Knighton and many others contemporaries to our Brittish Saxon Danish and Norman Kings and their Successors and if their Testimonies will not pass with these Reeord Scrap-mongers who would wrest and wring every thing they can meet with to their Seditions and Treason hatching by false and wicked glosses and misinterpretations the Parliament and Statute Rolls that do every where give evidence as an everlasting truth unto what that blessed Martyr King Charles the first hath so truly asserted in his Answer to the Rebel Parliament 19 Propositions when the Secretary or Sir Edward Hyde by a mistake had allowed them the Title of Estates which being decryed by the Lawyers and Loyal Members of the Loyal Parliament at Oxford then attending viz. Sir Orlando Bridgman Sir Geffry Palmer and Sir Robert Holborn had not so passed but that the post could not be recalled yet howsoever the Rebellious party at London that were so willing to catch at that as they thought advantage might have seen read in the words cohaerent in the same Paragraph an exception in the
according to the great Charter nulli vendemus Justitiam unto which the King answered such as be of course shall be so and such as be of grace the King will command the Chancellour to be therein gracious Neither doth it appear that the Lords Spiritual who in the Raign of King Stephen held three several Councels in Secular Affairs and of King Henry the 2d were sundry times Mediators employed by him in Treaties betwixt him and the King of France or that the Lords Temporal the other part of the House of Peers and Baronage of England subordinate under their King and Soveraign did ever take esteem or believe the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament jointly or separately to be a 3d. Estate of the Kingdom for they neither had or enjoyed that Title or supposed Power In Anno 17. of King John in the Rencounter or Rebellion at Running Mede when in a pacification there made with some of his robustious Barons it was agreed that if the Conservators none of them which were then nominated to be the Conservators of the Kingdom being then called the Estates could not obtain a just performance of that constrained agreement by a complaint made unto the King or his Chief Justice of the Kingdom populus not then dreamed to be a 3d. Estate might â—um pravare with a salvo or exception to the Persons of him his Wife and Children do it and were not so imagined to be when the Popes Legat had by his Excommunication of that King and Interdiction of the use of Christianity in the whole Nation constrained him to do Homage to the Pope by an Investiture of the Sword Crown and Scepter and an yearly Tribute of 1000 Marks for the Kingdom of England and Ireland to the Church and See of Rome that Engine or Trick of Soveraignty Inhaerent in the People or a 3d. Estate representing for them in Parliament not then being thought necessary for a ratification of those that would magnifie themselves with that Factious and Fictitious Title of a 3d. Estate which they durst not adventure to make use of or mention in our Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta freely granted by King Henry the 3d. his Son and that more than thirty times Confirmations for the first whereof they believed they had made a good bargain when they had given unto that King the 15th part of their moveables and were not a 3d. Estate or called so in the 42 year of the Raign of that King when the Derogatory Act of Parliament to Kingly Government was enforced from him at Oxford in the 42 year of his Raign Anno 13. E. 3. The Bishop of Durham and Sir Michael de la Poole came from the King with a Message to the whole Estates which probably were then none other than the Lords Spiritual and Temporal concerning his Victories atchieved in France The Lords upon the Kings want of Money grant to the King the tenth Sheaf of Corn their Bond or Bond-Tenants excepted their 〈…〉 h Fleece of Wooll and 〈…〉 h Lamb for two years the Commons then not stiled Estates require time to go into their Countries to advise with those that sent them the Commons not Estates return their Assent and make several demands with a request that the Sheriffs of every County may in the next Summons to Parliament return two Knights girt with Swords A general Proclamation was made that all Persons having Charters of Pardon should resort to the Sea-coast for the Kings Service upon pain to forfeit the same The Commons do give the King for his Relief 30000 Sacks of Wooll upon conditions expressed in a pair of Indentures whereupon the Lords promised to send to the King to know his pleasure after long Debating the Commons promise to give presently to the King 2500 Sacks of Wooll so as if the King liked the conditions aforesaid the same should run in payment if not they would freely give it to him Remembrances of things not finished in one Parliament to be done in another They granted unto the King the ninth of their Grain Wooll and Lamb for two years to be Levyed out of all Towns-men the ninth of their Goods of such as dwelled in Forests and Wasts a Fifteenth upon condition the King would grant their Petitions contained in a Schedule so willing were the Commons to obtain and get what they could from the King and so little did they think themselves to be a 3d. Estate or an entire or any part of Soveraignty Sundry Bishops Lords and Commons were appointed daily to sit until they had reduced the aforesaid Grant into the form of a Statute and was agreed upon by the King and the whole Estates which could not be expounded that the King was one of those Estates or the other any more than the Lords Spiritual and Temporal leaving the Commons to be no more than they were in suis gradibus no 3d. Estate which beginneth To the Honour of God c. And such Articles as were to continue but for a time the King exemplified under the great Seal Know ye that with our Bishops Earls c. Certain Bishops and Lords requiring to be saved harmless against the Duke of Brabant for great sums of Money wherein they stood bound for the King if the Duke of Cornwal married not the Daughter of the said Duke which was granted and all which Letters Patents were inrolled in Chancery And for that the King in his Stile was named King of France and had changed his Arms whereby The Abridger of the Parliament Rolls or Records or Mr. Pryn the Rectifier or misuser of them hath given us a curtailed Abbreviation of the Parliament Remembrances in 14 E. 3. wherein all that the Abridger or Rectifier was pleased to give us was that Subjects were no longer bound to him than as King of France the Kings Letters Patents of Indempnity were granted beginning Edwardus c. Know ye that where some people intend c. When as in the Printed Statute according to the Parliament Record for so it may better be understood to have been the Abridger or Rectifier so miscalled might have seen that the King by the Title of King of England and France and Lord of Ireland by his Letters Patents under the great Seal of England reciting that whereas some people did think that by reason the Realm of France was devolved to him as Right Heir of the same and for as much as he is King of France the Realm of England should be put in Subjection of the King and of the Realm of France in time to come he having regard to the Estate of his Realm of England and namly that it never was nor ought to be in Subjection to the obeysance of the Kings of France which for the time have been nor of the Realm of France and willing to provide for the Surety and Defence of the Realm of England and of the Leige people of the same doth will and grant
and stablish for him and his heirs and Successors by the Assent of the Praelates Earls Barons and Commons wherein if the Commons had in themselves an inhaerent Right of Soveraignty they would neither have been troubled with any such fears of the French Government or needed any such provision against it of his Realm of England in this present Parliament in the 14th year of his Raign of England and first of France that by the cause or Colour of his being King of France and that the said Realm to him pertaineth or that he came to be named King of France in his Stile or that he hath changed his Seal or Arms nor for the Commandments which he hath made or shall make as King of France his said Realm of England nor the people of the same of what Estate or condition they shall be shall not at any time to come be put in Subjection nor in obeysance of him or his Heirs nor Successors as Kings of France nor be subject or obedient but shall be free and quit of all manner of obeysanee as they were wont to be in the time of his Progenitors For that Trick or Engine of metamorphosing the Soveraignty of the King into that of the people and by excluding the Bishops and Lords Spiritual out of the House of Peers in Parliament unto which ab ultimo Antiquitatis seculo since Christianity abolished Paganisme they were as justly as happily entituled and put our Kings and their Regalities in their places whereby to create unto themselves a co-ordination and from thence by the Intrigues of Rebellion a Soveraignty in themselves which was not in the former and better Ages ever entertained or believed by our Parliaments when no Original pact or agreement hath been or can yet be discovered how or when the House of Commons came to be entituled unto their pretended inherent Soveraignty or to be seized thereof by their representation of the people or from whom they had it or who gave it unto them when it may be believed God never did it for he that never used or was known to contradict himself hath in his holy word declared and said per me Regis regnant which should not be misinterpreted and believed to be conditionally if the people should approve or elect them for which the Gentlemen of Egregious Cavillations if they would be believed should search and see if in all the Books of God and Holy Writ they can find any revocation of what God himself hath said and often declared for an undeniable truth or that he ever discharged and renounced it by as infallible Acts and Testimonies But if any one that believes Learning and the inquires after Truth Right Reason and what our impartial Records and Historians will justify how or from whence that Aenigna or mystical peice of Effascina of the Members of the House of Commons making themselves to be a 3 Estate of the Kingdom and a Creed of the late Factioâ—s and Rebelling ever to be deplored Parliament or from what Lernean Lake or Spawn of Hydras came It may besides the Pride and Ambition of many that were the fomenters or Nurses of them be rationally 〈◊〉 understood to have none other source or Original besides don Lancifer himself then for Sir Edwards Cokes unhappy stumbling upon his reasonless admired forged Manuscript and Imposture called Modus tenendi Parliamentum in Anglia in King Edward the Confessors Raign there having been neither any Author or Record as Mr. Pryn hath truly observed to Justify or give any credit thereunto but was as he hath abundantly proveâ— a meer Figment and Imposture framed by Richard Duke of York 31. and 32. H. 6. by the Commons Petition and the Duke of Yorks Confederates by the Rebellion and Insurrection of Jack Cade and his Rebellious levelling party to make him that Duke of York Protector and Defender of the People which ended in the dethroning of King Henry 6. and though Mr. Hackwel of Lincolns-Inne a learned Antiquary hath adventur'd to say that he hath seen an Exemplification of a Record sent from England into Ireland to establish Parliaments there after the form or Method of that Modus yet when the learned Archbishop Usher pressed him much to see it he could neither shew the exemplication nor the Record it self neither of which are yet to be seen in England or Ireland only Sir Edward Cokes Copy remains but when or from whence he had it he was never yet pleased to declare 13. E. 3. At the request of the whole Estate which may most certainly have been thought to have been made to the King not to themselves those Articles were made Statutes and the Conditions were read before the King and the Chancellor Treasurer Justices of both Benches Steward of the Kings Chamber and others were all sworn upon the Cross of Canterbury to perform the same 17. E. 3. The cause of summoning the Parliament being declared amongst the other things to be touching the Estate of the King who was often absent in the Wars of France and for the good government which they whom the erring Abridger hath stiled the 3 Estates viz. 1. The Lords Spiritual 2. The Lords Temporal 3. The Commons in Parliament were to consult of so as if the Commons could be a third Estate the King and his Estate and the government were necessarily and only then and always to be understood and believed to be the 4th Estate principal Superior and Independent 18. E. 3. At which Parliament and Convention sundry of the Estates saith that ill Phrasing Abridger or Translator whoever he was were absent whereat the King was offended and charged the Archbishop of Canterbury for his part to punish the defaults of Clergy and he would do the like touching the Parliament whereof Proclamation was made and being not absent was neither likely to be angry with himself or resolving to punish himself The Chancellor in full Parliament declaring the cause of summoning the Parliament viz. The Articles of the Truce with the French King the breaches in particular thereof the whole Estates mistakenly so stiled were willed the King that willed or commanded being no part of them unless it could be believed that himself willed or commanded himself as well as others to advise upon them give their opinion thereof by the Monday next following 20 E. 3. After the reading of the Roll of Normandy and that the King of France his design to extirpate the English Nation the Messengers that were sent by the King required the whole Estate no such Title being in the Original whereof the King could then be no part if it was said to be the whole Estate without him for he could not be with them when he was absent in France and had sent his Messengers unto them to be advised what Aid they would give him for the furtherance of his Enterprise And Mr. John Charleton one of the Messengers aforesaid likewise bringing Letters from the Bishop of
Durham Earls of Northampton Arundel Warwick Oxford Suffolk and Hugh le Despenser Lord of Glamorgan to the whole so misnamed Estate of Parliament when the King could not be one of them not at all being present purporting that whereas the King at his Arrival at Hoges in Normandy had made his Eldest Son the Prince of Wales Knight he ought to have of the Realm forty Shillings for every Knights Fee which they all granted and took Order for the speedy levying thereof 25 E. 3. Sir John Matravers pardon was confirmed by the whole missettled Estates whereof the King could not be accompted any of them for he granted the pardon 28 E. 3. Richard Earl of Arundel by Petition to the King praying to have the Attainder of Edmond Earl of Arundel his Father reversed and himself restored to his Lands and Possessions upon the view of the Record and and the said Richard Earl of Arundels Allegation that his Father was wrongfully put to death and was never heard the whole Estates saith that ill Translator adjudged he was wrongfully put to Death and Restored the said Earl to the benefit of the Law which none could do but the King who was petitioned and having the sole interest in the forfeiture was none of those which were wrongfully called the whole Estates 37 E. 3. Where it is said that at the end of the Parliament the Chancellor in the presence of the King shewed that the King meant to execute the Statute of Apparel and therefore charged every State to further the same the King could not be understood to charge himself After which he demanded of the whole Estates so as before mistaken whether they would have such things as they agreed on to be by way of Ordinance or of Statute they answered by way of Ordinance for that they being to take benefit thereby might amend the same at their pleasure And so the King having given thanks to all the as aforesaid miscloped Estates for their pains taken licensed them to depart which should be enough to demonstrate that the Granter and Grantees were not alone or conjoynt and that the King giving thanks to the Estates did not give it to himself 42 E. 3. The Archbishop of Canterbury on the Kings behalf gave thanks to the whole in the like manner mis-termed Estate for their Aids and Subsidies granted unto the King wherein assuredly the Archbishop of Canterbury did not understand the King to be any part of the whole Estate which the King gave thanks unto The Commons by their Speaker desiring a full declaration of the Kings necessity require him to have consideration of the Commons poor Estate The King declared to the Commons that it was as necessary to provide for the safety of the Kings Estate as for the Common-wealth Anno 6. Regis Richardi 2. after Receivers and Triers of Petitions named Commandment was given that all persons and Estates which imported no more being rightly understood than conditions or sorts of men miscalled as aforesaid should the next day have the cause of summoning the Parliament declared 11 R. 2. The Parliament was said to have been adjourned by the common Assent of the whole Estates the first time of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal being called the Estates without or with the Commons joyned with them no such names or words appellations or Titles were either known or in use nor any such words or Titles as Estates being to be found in the Originals or Parliament Rolls before Anno 11 R. 2. for no more appeareth in the Original than in and under these expressions viz. Et mesme le vendredi auxint a cause ce fest solempnite de pasch estoit a progeno ii coveient le Roi les Seigneurs tautx autres entendre a devotion le Parlement coe assent le toutz Estats le Parlement estoit continez del dit vendredi tanque Lindy lendemain de la equinziesme de Pasch adonquez prochem ensuent commandez per le Roy a toutz les Seigneurs Communs du dit Parlement Quils seroient a Westminster le dimengo en la dite quinzieme de pascha a plustaid sur ceo noevelles briefs furent â—aiots a toutz les Seigneurs somons au dit parlement de yestre a la dite quinzieme sur certaine peine a limiter per les Seiguro qui seroient presents en dit Parlement a la quinzieme avant dite le quel Limdy le dit Parlement fust recommence tenat son cours selont la request des Communs grant de nostre Seigur le Roi avant ditz And then but the inconsiderate hasty new created word of the Clerks in a distracted time when the great Ministers of State in two contrary Factions to the ruin of the King and many of themselves as it afterwards sadly happened were quarrelling with each other and all the Bishops so affrighted as they were enforced to make their Protestation against any proceedings to be made in that so disturbed a Parliament In Anno 21. R. 2. The Bishop of Exeter Chancellor of England taking his Theme or Text out of Ezechiel Rex unius omnibus erat proved by many Authors that by any other means than by one sole King no Realm could be well governed For which cause the King had assembled the Estates in Parliament to be informed of the rights of his Crown withheld which Oration afterwards was to the same effect seconded by Sir John Bussey Knight Speaker of the House of Commons King Richard the second being as a Prisoner in the Tower of London made the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Hereford his Procurators to publish his Rem 〈…〉 of the Kingdom to the whole Estates Which whether at at that time distinguished or divided into three doth not appear viz. into Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons could not comprehend the King who was not to be present but gave the direction and authority to his said Procurators and could never have been understood to have been present or one of them himself or to have made such a prosecution against or for himself After the claim made unto the Crown of England in Parliament by Henry Duke of Lancaster and a consultation had amongst the Lords and Estates not expressing that the Commons were a 3d. or any part thereof it being then altogether improbable that King Richard the 2d or any other representing for him was there present and to make one of the said pretended Estates as much out of the reach of probability that King Richard himself was one or a Person then acting against himself the Duke of Lancaster himself then affirming that the Kingdom was vacant And when the Usurping King Henry the 4th openly gave thanks to the whole Estates wherein is plainly evidenced that himself neither was or could be understood to be then or at any other time one of the said Estates The first day of the Parliament the Bishop of London
the Kings Brother and Chancellor of England in the behalf of the King Lords and Commons declaring the cause of calling the Parliament and taking for his Theme Multitudo Sapientum learnedly resembled the Government of the Realm to the Body of a man the Right-hand to the Church the Left-hand to the Temporalty and the other Members to the Commonalty of all which Members and Estates the King not deeming himself to be one was willing to have Councel The Archbishop of Canterbury Chancellor of England by the Kings commandment declaring the cause of the Summoning the Parliament and taking for his Theme Regem honorificate shewed them that on necessity every Member of mans Body would seek comfort of the Head as the Chief and applyed the same to the honouring of the King as the Head And in that his Oration mentioning the Lords Spiritual and Temporal Knights Citizens and Burgesses giveth them no Title of Estates but the Kings Leiges In the presence of John Duke of Bedford Brother of the King Lieutenant and Warden of England and the Lords and Commons the Bishop of Durham by his commandment declared that the King willed that the Church and all Estates should enjoy their Liberties which could not include the King It was ordained that all Estates should enjoy their Liberties without the words Concessimus which could not comprehend the King who granted it to them but not to himself The Chancellor at the first assembling of the Parliament declared that the King willeth that all Estates should enjoy their Liberties which must be intended to others that were his Subjects and not to himself that was none of them The Archbishop of York Chancellor of England declaring the cause of Summoning the Parliament said the King willeth that all Estates should enjoy their Liberties in which certainly he well knew that the Person willing or granting was not any of the Persons or Estates to whom he willed and granted that they should enjoy their Liberties The Duke of Gloucester being made Guardian or Keeper of England by the King sitting in the Chair the Archbishop of York being sick William Linwood Doctor of Laws declaring the cause of summoning the Parliaâ—ent said that the King willed that every Estate should enjoy their due Liberties which properly enough might be extensively taken to Military men and Soldiers the Gentry Agricolis opificibus all sorts of Trades Labourers Servants Apprentices Free-holders Copy-holders Lease-holders single Women and Children Tenants at Will and which never were themselves Estates but the several sorts and degrees thereof wherein if any Law Reason or Sense could make the King to be comprehended an inextricable problem or question would everlastingly remain unresolved who it was that so willed or granted The King sitting in his Chair of State John Bishop of Bath and Wells Chancellor of England in the presence of the Bishops Lords and Commons by the Kings Commandment declared the causes of summoning the Parliament taking for his Theme or Text the words sussipiant montes Pacem Colles Justitiam divided it into three parts according to the three Estates by the Hills he understood Bishops and Lords and Magistrates by little Hills Knights Esquires and Merchants by the People Husbandmen Artificers and Labourers By the which third Estates by sundry Authorities and Examples he learnedly proved that a Triple Political vertue ought to be in them viz. In the first Unity Peace and Concord In the second Equity Consideration Upright Justice without maintenance In the third due Obeysance to the King his Laws and Magistrates without grudging and gave them further to understand the King would have them to enjoy all their Liberties Of which third Estates the Chancellor in all probability neither the King or they that heard him did take or believe the King himself to be any part The 15th day of August the Plague beginning to increase the Chancellor by the Kings Commandment in the presence of the 3 Estates the Clerks Translator or Abridger being unwilling to relinquish their Novelty or Errors of which the commonest capacity or sense can never interpret the King to be one Prorogued the Parliament until the Quindena of St. Michael The Bishop of Bath and Wells Chancellor of England in the presence of the King Lords and Commons declaring the cause of the Summons of Parliament said that the King willed that all Estates should enjoy thâ—â— Liberties which might intitle the King to be the Party willing or granting but not any of the Parties who were to take benefit thereby It was enacted by the whole Estates which may be understood to be the King Lords Spiritual and that the Lords of the Kings Councel none of theirs should take such order for the Petition of the Town of Plymouth as to them should seem best Letters Patents being granted by the King to John Cardinal and Archbishop of Canterbury of divers Mannors and Lands parcel of the Dutchy of Lancaster under the Seal of the Dutchy were confirmed by the whole Estates for the performance of the last Will and Testament of King H. 5. though it was severed from the Crown and was no part of the concernment thereof nor had any relation to the Publick or any Parliamentory Affairs the King himself that granted the Letters Patents could not be interpreted to be one of those whole Estates which were said to have confirmed them By the whole Estates were confirmed King Henry the 6th Letters Patents of the Erection and Donation of Eton Colledge and also of Kings Colledge in Cambridge with the Lands thereunto belonging which might well conclude the King although he being the Donor could not be believed to be any part of the whole Estates who by their approbation are said to have confirmed his Letters Patents The Chancellor in the name of all the Lords in the presence of the King protested that the Peace which the King had taken with the French King was of his own making and will and not by any of the Lords procurations the which was enacted And it was enacted that a Statute made in the time of King H. 5. that no Peace should be taken with the French King that then was called the Dolphin of France without the assent of the three Estates of both Realms should be utterly revoked and that no Person for giving Counsel to the Peace of France be at any time to come impeached therefore which may demonstrate that neither the Dolphin of France nor the King of England were then accompted to be any part of the several 3. Estates of the said Kingdoms The King by his Chancellor declared that he willed that all Estates should enjoy their Liberties it cannot be with any probability supposed that either he or his Chancellor intended that himself was one of the said Estates The Archbishop of Canterbury Chancellor of England in the presence of the King gave thanks in his behalf to the 3. Estates wherein no
amaze all the men of Law and Learning in the Kingdom of England how Sir Edward Coke that hath been attempted to be a man of so great knowledge and experience in the Law and entrusted with so many weighty Charges and Offices in our Laws as Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas and afterwards of the Court of Kings Bench and so great a Collector and Remembrancer of the cases and judgments in the Law with their various forms and entries should have so often read in his so greatly beloved Book of Littleton the Chapters of Homage and Homage Auncestrel and Escuage assessed in our Parliaments could think it to be the Common Law of England and that by which it had for many Centuries past been Governed and not to be by its true and original Name and Nation as well here as in all the other parts of the Christian World the Feudal Law and what else where those Feudal Laws used in England which our Learned Sir Henry Spelman and Dr. Zouch Mr. of Alban-Hall in Oxford so largely directly mentioned to have their beneficial Use and Residence amongst us allowed and repeated by the very learned the Sieur du Fresne a Baron of France and other good Authors and Historians And if those premises cannot be enough to satisfy us Sir Edward Coke if he were alive might do well to instruct us what Law that Homage and Escuage appertained unto And if there were any other Laws that this Kingdom was governed by when and by whom they were introduced and of how long continuance for it may be hoped that our Sons of Novelty will not be so impudent as to offer to obtrude upon the World the Follies and Villanies of Wat Tiler and Jack Cade our late pretended Rebuplicans or their cheating Instrument maker Oliver Cromwel Or upon what other Laws than Feudal are our Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta supported and as often as thirty times in several of our Parliaments confirmed when all our many English Rebellions troubles of State and Commotions either at home at abroad have left it as a quiddam Sacrum more than the safe guarded vestal fire amongst the Romans or can shew us in any of our Records Annals or holy Writ wrested or misinterpreted that the Dernier Resort or Appeal hath been or ought to be in the people unless they can make themselves or any others believe that there was something or more revealed to them than was in the Scripture or Holy Prophets for there was no third Estate under our Kings to assist their Councels in Parliaments subordinate unto them put upon them nor intended to be by the 25 Conservators enforced upon King John in the Rebellious Parliament and Battle at Running Mede afterwards reduced to four or when their Captain General Robert Fitz-Walter was stiled Mariscallus Exercitus dei Ecclesiae Anglicanae neither in Anno 42. H. 3. being over-powered by some of his Rebellious Barons where those 25 Conservators were turned into 24 the one half to be nominated by the King the other by the contending party at the Parliament at Oxford or when that afterwards adjudged derogatory Parliament to Kingly Authority was referred by King Henry the third and the Rebellious Barons unto the Arbitration of the King of France or sworn to abide it none of the Rebellious party were entituled Estates or in that after Rebellion and detaining King Henry the 3 and prince Edward his Son about a year and a quarter they would not adventure to form or imitate a general Councel in that captive Kings name those few that came were not called or intended to be a 3 Estate in an House of Commons nor in any of the many Rescripts or Mandates which Symon Montfort and his partner Rebels made in their Captive Kings name nor in any Parliament after his Release or in the Parliament of King Edward the first when he was pleased to suffer some of the Commons Elected by his Writs to attend in the House of Commons in Parliament neither had they the boldness in all his long Raign of 35 years or in the 17 or 18 years of King Edward the second or the fifty one years of King Edward the third or in the Raign of King Richard the 2 until the Title of Estates crept in as aforesaid and Mr. Pryn made himself after the Creator of them in his misused rectifying And having as they thought turned the Tables the wrong way in calling our Feudal Laws the Common Laws which indeed they are should be and a long time have been have so far put them out of their Right place Order and Station as they think they have changed our Feudal Laws which are should be the only Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Government thereof into a quite contrary and too many of our Lawyers have been so willing to forget them as they had rather now of late make us believe if they could the tricks of Attorneys to be our Common Laws than our more Ancient Legal Rational and Fundamental Feudal Laws Insomuch that one that thinks himself no small one hath of late been pleased to say very considerately as he thought that the Study and Knowledge of Antiquities was but like the picking up of Old Iron in the London Streets or Kennels As if the Prophet Jeremy had either mistaken or lost the Commission which our Alwise and Omniscient God had given him when he advised us Stare super vias antiquas inquirere veritatem and such Lawyers of a late Edition might find themselves hard put to it to answer the question how or from whence proceeded or were derived our Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy which have for so many ages past been legally taken and enjoyned and do and ought yet to continue if not from an ancient Fundamental Feudal Laws from what other Laws of God or man were they derived or any the various Customs or Usages of either Heathen or Christian fixt or established by by any other rational Custom or Usage or unfixt and left only to the divers Interests Occasions and Contingencies of every mans particular Interest and Affairs and can never be ascertained how long they shall continue in one and the same mind and good liking and where the Systeem of these Laws Usages or Customs are or may be found or what Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy have been sworn unto or upon them Whether upon the Old Custom of England of wrastling or choosing King and Queen at the Epiphany or Twelft Night at Christmas And if they would be a 3 governing Estate may think themselves not a little beholding unto such as can either think or believe that they are or ought to be so in love with them as to trust them as formerly they had done and could tell their Brethren of Scotland that their promises were but conditional and did very lovingly alter order their man of sin Oliver Cromwel to beat subdue and after their Laws and Religion
of a contrived Parliament to govern the King when that gentle fictitious modus is content to allow the King a Salvo dom Regi et ejus Consilio quod ipsi hujusmodi Ordinaciones of 6. 3. or 1. of the Committee Postquam scripta fuerint examinare emendare valeant si hoc facere sciant valeant Ita quod hoc fiat tunc ibidem in pleno Parliamento de assensu Parliamenti Et non retro Parliamentum which last clause saith Mr. Pryn quite spoils Altars and contradicts what the Community of twelve six or three had ordained And King Edward the confessor whom the many foregoing and after ages have justly and truly reported and esteemed to be neither Oliver Cromwel or the mistaken Sir Edward Coke with their several modi tenendi Parliamenta did not find either of them in his Recherches amongst all the Laws of the Mulumtians Mercian Saxon and Danish Laws and other ancient Customs used in England in his time when he was Monarch thereof and Vicarius Summi Regis ordained Laws concilio Baronum Angliae leges 68 Annos sopitas excitavit excitatas reparavit reparatas decoravit decoratas confirmavis confirmatas vero vocantur Leges Edwardi Regis non quod ipse primo eas adinvenisse dicitur sed cum praetermissa fuissent oblivioni penitus dedita a diebus avi sui Edgari qui 17 Annis regnavit ipse Edwardus quia Justa erant honesta a profunda Abyssu extravit as if he had pulled them out of some Holes Vauts or Cranyes eas revocavit ut suas observandas contradidit wherein there is nothing at all that may be subservient to the wildest kind of Interpretation of a modus tenendi Parliamentum which in the case of so great Rational and Fundamental general Councel as a Parliament could not be beleived to be omitted in the making and framing K. Edward the Confessors Laws nor can they be conceived or believed to be made at one time but at several times during his Raign and in these although there are extant a very great commendation of the usefulness of the Law of Friborghs or Tithings there is not a word or any thing to be understood of the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament being a third Estate For it appears in Anno 1244 in a Parliament holden at London the King consulted with the Bishops apart the Earls and Barons apart and the Abbots and Priors apart about the Popes not performing his promise concerning his removal of the grievances of the Kingdom where were none of the Common people either as a third Estate or otherwise which was before his imprisonment in the 48th year of his Raign by some of his Rebellious Barons and in all his Raign before there is often mention of his Bishops Earls and Barons Magnates and Grand Conseil but nothing at all of Commons or a formed House of Commons until the 49th year of his Raign and not long before at a Parliament assembled totam Nobilitatem Angliae For before the 42 year of that Kings Raign Nobiles Angliae tam viri Ecclesiastici quam seculares met in a Parliament at London Ita quod nunquam tam populosa multitudo ibi antea visa fuit where the King informing them of his necessities and requiring an aid they not any Commons but the Lords Spiritual and Temporal began to be very querelous and remembring old grievances as they called them demanded the Justiciary Chancellor and Treasurer might be chosen by the Common Councel of the Kingdom which by the Records and Annalists was never understood to be any other than the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament summoned to give their advice to the King as the greatest men of wisdom and Estates in whom that and the obedience of the Common people were Justly included the choice of which great Offices of State Sir Edward Cokes modus tenendi Parliamentum having not then peeped into the World to help to disturb it the Lords Spiritual and Temporal then alledged to appertain unto them not unto the Vulgar or Common people and had been Justly and anciently due unto them ab antiquo Justum consuetum which had no longer a date than the enforced Charter of King John at Running Mede and the collateral strange security at the same time given for the 25 Conservators of the Liberties of the people to maintain its antiquity than something less than 42 years before which propositions the King denying that Councel was dissolved without any Claim of the common peoples third Estateship or being an Essential or constituent part of the Parliament or to have votum decisivum therein There was no such Modus tenendi Senatum or Parliamentum then so stiled when the Roman Empire began its rise for shortly after though their Stile or Title was Senatus populusque Romanus yet their Historians tell us that they had their Patritii and Menenius Agrippa when the Rabble Vulgus or Common people had made an Insurrection or mutiny and gone tumultuously into the Mount Aventine knew better how to bring them again into their Wits by a pleasant well understood fable or Apologue of the head Members Belly and Paunch in their Bodies natural and our Republican 3 Estate men might read and understand that those Common peoples Votes or Dictates were able to reach no further than their Plebiscita and never could arrive unto a Senatus consultum that when Julius Caesar came into our Brittain before the Incarnation of our Redeemer and that Nation had planted Colonies here they left us no Modus tenendi Senatum neither did Agricola Governor here for the Roman Colonies who had taught our Nation the use of the Roman Gown and Civilities teach them the modus tenendi Parliamentum or Senatum which Sir Edward Coke dreamed of or inform them that the Common people were a third Estate or had an inhaerent Soveraignty in them In all the Laws of Dunwallo Mulumtius there was no mention of Law for a modus tenendi Parliamentum or in those of Mercia Regina Britonum or in the time of the Heptarchy of the Saxon Kings or of King Ethelbert who raigned here in the year after Christ 568. Neither in the Laws of King Ina who raigned in England about the year 712. Or in the Laws of King Alured who began his Raign in Anno 871. and ended in Anno 900. and declares that he had ordained collected and put them together Atque easdem literis mandavit quorum bonam certe partem Majores sui religiose coluerunt mulâ—a etiam sibi digna videntur quae sibi observari melius commoda videbantur ea consulto sapientum partim antiquanda partino Innovanda videbantur curavit At quoniam temeritatis videatur ex suis ipsius decretis quenquam literarum monumentis consignare tum etiam se quidem apud posteros Justitiae suae fidem quae se magni fecerit
quaecunque in Actis Inae Gentilis sui Offae Merciorum Regis Ethelfredi magni Ethelbaldi qui primum Anglicos sacro Baptismate tinctus observata digna deprehendit ea collegit congessit reliqua plene omisit Or in any of the Books if they were extant said to have been written by that great King viz. Breviarium quoddam collectum ex Legibus Trojanorum Graecorum Britannorum Saxonum Danorum as hath been before mentioned Or in or by the Laws of King Edward who Raigned here in Anno 900. when iis omnibus quae republicae praesunt etiam atque etiam mandavit ut omnibus quoad ejus facere poterint aequos se praebeant Judices perinde ut in Judiciali libro Scriptum habetur no Warrant yet appearing for a Modus tenendi Parliamentum nor a third Estate over-ruling or voting their Soveraign nec quicquam formident Jus Commune audacter dicant litibus singalis dici quibus dijudicantur codicibus statuit Or in the Laws of King Athelstan who Raigned here in the year 924. the Heptarchy being then reduced to its pristine Estate of Monarchy or in or by his Laws in a Councel holden at Exeter or in or by any the Laws of King Edmond Or in or by any the first written Laws said to be of the Brittains in the Raign of their King Howel Dha stiled the good or in or by any the Laws of King Eldred made in or about the year 948. or in or by any the Laws of King Edgar who Raigned about the year 959. and stiled himself favente dei gratia not of the people totius Angliae Rex Imperator as he might well do when he was Rowed in a Ship or Barge upon the River Dee in Wales by four of his Tributary Kings Or by King Edward made in or about the year 950. in the Senatus Consultum League or Agreement made betwixt him and the Monticuli Walliae Angliae sapientum and Walliae consiliis Or in the pact or agreement made betwixt King Edmond Ironside and Canutes the Dane when they were perswaded to spare the dire effect of a Bloody Battle and leave the â—vent unto a personal combate betwixt the King and his Danish Competitor in the view of both Armies whereupon they both being ferried over into the near Isle of Alney the strong Ironside so wearied and almost vanquished the Dane as he willingly agreed to be content with the moity of the Kingdom Neither doth there any thing appear in or by the Laws of our King Canutus who Raigned here about the year 1608. ex sapientum Consilio Or in or by any the Laws or Constitutions of William the Conqueror or any of our succeedings Kings or Princes And the late new Framers of new Governments calculated for the meridian of their own Profit and Ambitious Factious designs might have better informed themselves by the reading those mischievous Provisions imposed at a Parliament at Oxford upon King Henry the third and his Son Prince Edward which being afterwards by the King and the contending Barons referred to the Arbitration of the King of France a not long before enemy enough of King Henry the third with an engagement on both sides upon Oath to abide by his award those Provisions were upon a full hearing before that King and his Great Councel the Parliament at Paris in the presence of all the contending parties adjudged to be null and void as derogatory to Kingly government as hath been here before expressed that although in those Provisions there was another solemn Jury Impannelled in every County to Enquire and Certify all and every the supposed Breaches of Liberties and their Verdict under their Hands and Seals were returned into the Court of Chancery there is nothing to be found of the contents or complaints expected and that there being by those Provisions to be 3 Parliaments in every year one at Michaelmas or 2 at Candlemas and a third at the first of June and 12 to represent the Common people were to be Elected by the Barons and they that were chosen were none other than Bishops and Barons and the hautes homes so small was then the trust in the Vulgus or Common people and so nothing at all either in behalf or consideration of modus tenendi Parliamentum or a third Estate or Soveraignty in the people or can any rationally beleive that the Clerks in the House of Peers which is the highest Court of Record under their Soveraign and the house of Commons none but often supplicating the other to Record and Inrol their Special matters and Protestations and in the Parliament of 11 R. 2. when the five great Lords appealed five other as big as they of High Treason and throwing down their Gauntlets with Armies ready to attend their purposes and the Bishops had made their protestation and forsook their places might not by a facile inadvertency have suffer'd the word Estates to have crept under their Pens and be a means of procreating some of the like unfortunate Errors yet were they now amongst the living and examined they would swear they intended none other than the Lords Spiritual and Temporal but subordinate to the King especially when the whole tenor and current of our multitudes of Acts of Parliament except those few of Richard the 3. that murdered his Nephew the young King to get into his Throne by flattering the people and calling them Estates seem to have no acquaintance with that since misused word or expression as some have done by saying when he came once to sit in Chancery the King can do no wrong And it might be more marvellous than the seven wonders of England that so great an Elevation and belief should be in that mistaken part of Parliament when in the storm and tide of a Faction and Sedition driving on a horrid Rebellion in order to the Murder of their King they had in their more than Pharisaical Fastings and Prayers with Protestations to make him a glorious King put him into insufferable Fetters as it were of Iron as to impose upon him in the 16th year of his Raign to put the power of summoning the Parliament once in every three years if he should omit it to the Lord Chancellor or Keeper of the Great Seal under severe penalties upon their Oaths at a certain praefixation of time and upon his failing to any twelve or more of the House of Peers and every house might choose their own Speaker and Administer the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to their Members and that therein should be omitted the title of Estates or some other Character of Grandetza if it had at all been justly due unto them When in December 1621 the House of Commons in Parliament by a Remonstrance made unto King James not being able to shew any good Law or Reason to the contrary did declare that they did not assume to themselves any power to determine of Religion or War nor did intend to
defectum ejus Et dixit D. Tho. qui. 1. P. 62. Quest. dixit Angelos quia peccare non possunt liberiores esse nobis qui pecca e possunt And Cicero defineth liberty to be potestas vivendi ut velint at non vivit ut velit qui juxta sensus carnis suae Cupiditatis sed is solummodo qui vivit juxta rationem Plutarchus Epictetus eandem Libertatis definitionem Nobis dederunt not that liberum esse debet dici cui nec impedimentum praeberi possit volenti nec vis inferri volenti but if none of the fancied vast liberties which the too many of our State or Government Menders would entitle their own evil designs and entail upon all that shall be so foolishly wicked as to be deluded by them and the costly searches of Mr. William Pettit amounting by his own Report unto more than five hundred pounds in all that could be found in any the Books and Manuscripts publick or private of England cannot reach or come so near as unto a probability that there ever were in the Brittish Roman Saxon Danish or Norman Raigns of our Kings and Princes and their many Royal Successors ever since or long before that since the Creation of the World either in Parliament or without any mention of a third Estate inherent in the people and they must be content to go a begging for a belief in some lately discovered Island where they may dream any such stuff may be sound either as their modus tenendi Parliamentum or a third Estate as Subjects at the same time governing their Kings and Princes when by their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy they are bound alwaies to be obedient unto them as next under God their SupremeHead and Governor And may curse their fate that every thing their scrutinies can assist them with should not with wresting wringing and false and senseless Interpretations appear at all to be for their purposes but every thing clearly against them and sorrowfully repent that they or their Predecessors had so unhappily busied themselves in destroying so many Props of the Monarchick Government as the Court of Star Chamber wherein did sometimes sit as Judges the Lord Chancellor Lord Treasurer and the Chief Judges of both the Benches and the Barons of the Exchequer the Archbishop of Canterbury and divers of the Kings Privy Council who as Judges in seveveral Courts did sit there upon special occasions and the procuring the King to take away the High Commission Court in their miscarried designs of Levelling the Hierarchy and order of Bishops The want of which two very necessary and useful Courts hath suffred the Nation to be overflown with all manner of wickedness and Impiety And in that their over-hasty carreer of breaking our English Monarchy like a Glass into many small or little peices needed not to have been so hasty but have paused a little while have considered that as unto the circumstances of Time Place Number of Persons Usages and Customs in a variety of contingencies being the only ancient proper and efficient cause of summoning Parliaments adjorning or dissolving them there could not be a probability of a modus tenendi Parliamentum either in King Edward the Confessors Raign or before or after for that our Parliament Rolls and Records do una voce plainly declare against it and shew that many times Parliaments have been holden in the absence of our Kings by the Prince his Eldest Son or by some other of their Sons as Lieutenants or Guardians of their Kingdom or by the Queen Mother assisted by the Kings Justitary or other Commissioners during the Imprisonment of King Richard the first or by the Queen Consort of King John in his absence or by King Henry the 4th in his usurpation upon King Richard the second when he unjustly made use of a Parliament summoned by him And there could not be a third Estate in the Raign of King Charles the second when he had as aforesaid so unfortunately been ill advised to exchange the Nerves Sinews Strength and Honour of his Crown and Government for a mistaken Recompence of an Excise upon Ale Beer and Syder and then there were but two Estates viz. The Lords Spiritual and Temporal subordinate unto their Soveraign and it would be a difficulty insuperable to find any Truth Reason Evidence Probability or Possibility that there is or ought to be a Soveraignty inhaerent in the people or if such Improbabilities were or could be what Method or contenting Equal distribution could be made thereof amongst Learned and Unlearned Ambitious Rich and Poor Rude Ignorant or better tempered vicious or virtuous Women and Children or Fooles Madmen in their intervals or without when some have not improbably calculated the number of the Kings Subjects in England only to be not much under five Millions besides these vast numbers in Scotland and Ireland And who upon any or many discords like to happen should be the pacifying Reconciler Justiciary or Umpire betwixt them and what Charters Agreements or Surrenders should be contrived or put in writing betwixt them concerning the Right use or distribution of that never to be proved inhaerent Soveraignty in the people taking as Subjects the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy or that ever it was attempted before our English Rebellions either in England Scotland or Ireland or can they give us any reason or demonstration that it was ever allowed of or that any pact or Agreement was made to confirm it Neither is there any Modus tenendi Parliamentum or any such thing or matter as a three governing Estate in the solemn Recognition made in a Parliament at Clarenden in the Raign of King Henry the second of the Anitae Consuetudines or Laws used in the time or Raign of his Grand-Father King Henry the first which the Archbishops and Bishops verbo veritatis sine dolo malo Ing nio promised faithfully to obey and the Earls and Barons likewise And will be a Priviledge never taught to the Athenians sometimes the wiser part of Greece by their great Legislator Solon who after he had made them some Laws feigned a Voyage or Journey to Salamia and caused them to swear to observe them until his Return and absented himself the longer because he would not have them break them as Pisistratus the Tyrant did afterwards to his own advantage perswade them to do the Spartans under their great Legislator Lycurgus and the many other little Commonwealths of Achaia first fooled by Philip of Macedon afterwards by Alexander the Great his Son who conquered all that part of the World but Diogenes the Philosopher in his Tub now all into slavery the Ottoman Empire had long before better business to trouble their Heads with than the fond Imagination of a Soveraignty inhaerent in themselves although one of their most â—acred Laws in their Ten Tables was Slus populi sit Suprema Lex ne quid detrimenti res publica capiat Neither did
the Romans those Cordatissimi Mortales as the learned Pettus Cunaeus hath stiled them and most watchful of their Priviledges the wary long lasting Republick of Venice or the later Confederates of the United Provinces ever trouble themselves or any other with such reasonless incredible Whimsies it being impossible that Subject and Soveraignty should constare vel consistere in uno eodenque Subjecto neither when Jeroboam drew away the Ten Tribes of Israel from the Obedience of Rehoboam and made as the Holy Scripture saith all Israel to sin was there any such opinion amongst their Cabalistical Doctrines The Republicks of Venice Holland could not be capable of Leagues and Treaties with Monarch and Forreign Princes as unto War and commerce nor the little Common-wealths of Genoa and Geneva or those many Imperial free Cities or Towns in or near Germany or the Electors of the Empire or the Hanse Towns should they give entertainment unto such Fancies and Fopperies as a Soveraignty in the people neither would the Cantons of of Helvetia or Switzerland think themselves well used to be obliged to such a Parcel of unpracticable folly And if those Egregious Cavillators can find no way of retreat for those their notorious follies but to fly for Succour unto praescription that will if they could as they will never be able to prove it yeild them as little comfort for a Rebellious electing of some few Members into the House of Commons first formed as unto a small number of them during the Imprisonment of King Henry the third by Montforts Army of Rebels that would not mount unto a Prescription quia mala fide and if it could have come up to any thing like a Prescription there would be no reason or need for an Election of Members to be in the House of Commons in Parliament by the Sheriffs by the Mandate or Warrant of the Kings Writs or how could a party drawn out of such a pretended inhaerent Soveraignty in the people rationally subsist when those their untruly supposed Rights or Priviledges cannot upon the most exact enquiry be found or discerned amongst all the Records Charters and Patents of our Kings and Princes or those of any of our Neighbour Nations of Christendom or of any other Nation White Black or Tawncy but do plainly contradict it and declare the quite contrary and will manifest it to be the greatest Cheat and Villany that ever was put upon the Sons and Daughters of mankind either as unto a pretended inhaerent Soveraignty or a third Estate or the figment of a Modus tenendi Parliamentum Or how could any of our Kings Rightly and Justly stile them a third Estate when they could not choose a Speaker without their License nor leavy their Wages without his Writs directed to the Sheriffs for that purpose nor punish any that had arrested any of them or their maenial Servants whilst they attended the King in their Service for him and their own good and at all conferences either in their own House or in the House of Peers were to stand uncovered when the Lords sate covered could not grant Tax or Aid without the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and in King Edward 1. His Raign and some of our after Kings have refused to intermeddle or give advice in matters of Peace and War but desired that the Councel of the Lords as the most able might be taken therein In the 34 and 35. H. 8. the Knights and Burgesses of Chester had no title of Estates but the same King in the Act of Parliament declaring in what Order and Manner the Lords should sit in the House of Peers in Parliament made no appointment for or concerning any of the House of Commons as if they had been no Essential part of Parliament that in the great case of Mr. George Ferrars a Member of the House of Commons as wel as a Servant of that Kings upon a complaint that he had been imprisoned and the Kings Serjeant at Arms attending their Speaker was beaten and abused the House of Commons in Parliament complained to the House of Lords who remitted it to them again and no remedy or punishment could be had until it came to the King himself who without any mention or Title given unto them of a third Estateship was pleased to grant it And in Queen Maries Raign 39. of their Members were Indicted by her for not attending the Parliament yet none either claimed a third Estateship or to be tryed by their Peers Queen Elizabeth imprisoned some and at several times charged them and their Speaker not to intermeddle with matters of Church or State but all the Masters of any Understanding Reason or Common sense ought to understand them to be no other than Petitioners and her Leige-men And it is well known that King James in his Instructions to his Son Prince Henry and his learned answer to Cardinal Peronius does assert the Jus Regium to be the Right of Kings from God immediately without any notice taken of a third Estate But if those Kingly Government or Monarchy Reformers would but give their contemplations and designs some little Respite they might easily perceive the frailty of the Materials out of which they mould would the Members of the House of Commons into a third Estate and might find Evidenee Records Reason and Law enough if they have not forsworn them to desist from such an impossibility And it might better become their own busying themselves in the government of the Kingdom wherein they have no manner of skill or knowledge to consult the consequences and the Events and having no knowledge of the causes Mediume contengencies or treacheries too much or too often attendant in Princes affairs not seldom also miscarrying for the Sins of the people or of some Jonas in the Ship deserving a punishment ought more seriously to weigh and consider how little the people of England will think themselves hereafter beholding or obliged unto them when in a popular and aboundance of Ignorance accompanied with sin and wiekedness they advised King Charles the Second to dissolve by Act of Parliament these Nerves and Sinews of the Crown which the Judges of England in the Raigns of King James the first and King Charles the first upon several consults have declared to be so inseparable to the Crown of England as the most potent and binding Act of Parliament that could be made will never be able to disunite them when they have thereby against their wills converted those Tenures of Honour and safety to their King and Protection peace and plenty to his people and the Releifs and Herriots due and payable to the King into a Chimney-Money granted afterwards by another Act of Parliament and what a profitable bargain they have made by forfeiture of all the Lands which they held by and under their Feudal Laws converted into Socage when by a Law made by King Athelstan ever plow Land in Socage was to find in Service
who had been Receiver of the Kings Money and had not accounted for it in Twenty years was once endeavoured to be pleased by being made Chancellor of the Exchequer Hollis one of the Secretaries of State Sir Arthur Haselrig and William Strode were to be put into great places one to be Governour of the Prince and the other as a Secretary and there being no special Office for the Lord Kimbolton the hopes of their being better Subjects and Councellors than the former begat their after Rebellion for which three Kingdoms and the ruin and desolation thereof with the life of the Blessed Martyr King Charles the first might have been spared if that Treason had been punished by Law the King having been informed that some of the well-willers to the Scotish Rebellion had before hand conveyed away their Estates the next care to be taken being to take away the Life of Thomas Earl of Strafford who was General of the Army of the King in the North against the Scots who coming up to London to accuse Pym and the rest of the five Members so called found as he was knocking at the door of the House of Peers Mr. Pym gotten in accusing him of High Treason upon which he being Arraigned was Acquitted when he was guilty of no Treason but they of abundance but that not giving satisfaction to their wicked designs they invented a way to have him again Arraigned upon a Bill in Parliament at the Suit of the Commons of England which was the first Bill in Parliament of that kind in writing that ever was before to Interest and proclaim the House of Commons to be Co-ordinate and a third Estate including the King to be in or ex se one of them many of the Preachers were found fault with for Arminianism and other Doctrines by those that understood them as little as they did the Word of God that they preacht up the Kings Power and Prerogative and Doctor Manwarring voted by the House of Commons in Parliament to be punished and sequestred whom the King afterwards made a Bishop Mr. William Pryn Mr. Henry Burton and Dr. Bastwick justly sentenced in the Court of Star Chamber the first having his Ears nailed unto the Pillory and all of them severally imprisoned in remote places were insolently voted out of Prison an attempt never before adventured upon by an House of Commons in Parliament and no such things as previous votings in order to the fixing or carrying on evil designs were ever before used to be made in any of our Kings or Princes Raigns and were by multitudes of factious Londoners of the most Common sort intermingled brought in a seditious procession on Horseback through the Streets with Rosemary in their Hats or Hands Mr. Pryn shortly after made a busy and fiery Member of Parliament the two former whereof were fanatically reported to have had miracles or visions seen upon the occasion of that they called their sufferings Bills were put upon the Corners of the Streets in London to invite People to give a meeting upon a certain day at Grocers Hall in London to some Members of the House of Commons in Parliament to prepare Petitions unto themselves some Troops of Factious Ministers made themselves the Conductors out of several Counties of many a simple Innovator with Papers in their Hats signifying no more than something they knew not what against Popery the Porters of London must put on their Sunday Cloaths and carry to the House of Commons printed Petitions against the Kings enjoying the Militia where they were only informed that it was against Watermen of London's carriying of Trunks all the Boys in a Free School at Stamford in Lincolnshire enticed by the naughty School-Master to subscribe their names to a Petition against Bishops with other numberless Cheats and trciks to make fears and jealousies and breed a Rebellion which might proceed as much as it could to break in peices never as they hoped to be repaired again our Ancient and flourishing Monarchy the King maketh a progress into his Kingdom of Scotland where they beg and importune him for the small Demesne Crown Lands which he had left and when he would have reserved enough to have defrayed the charge of his house keeping whilst he remained there they would not trust him with the Money for fear he should provide Arms with it when in the mean time a Rebellion was begun in Ireland with a Massacre from whence when he returned to London he was received by all the Citizens with the Hosanna of a Great seeming Joy but suddenly after ill managed by some Lords and Commons in Parliament their then too great Idol in a most Hypocritical way of a Remonstrance bearing Date the 14th day of December 1641. at Hampton Court wherein with all zeal and faithfulness unto His Majesty acknowledging his Royal favour and Protection to be a great blessing and security unto them for the enjoying of all these publick and private Priviledges and Liberties and whensoever any of them shall be invaded or broken And because the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament are the Birthright and Inheritance not only of themselves but the Kingdom but every one of his Subjects is interessed that is as to his protection only whilst they are his Subjects do honour and obey him are so simpliciter but not secundum quid the maintenance and preservation whereof doth very highly conduce unto the publick peace and prosperity of His Majesty and all His People they conceive themselves more especially obliged with all humbleness and care and constancy of Resolution to endeavour to maintain and defend the same as in an easie to be conceived manner of threatning Amongst other the Priviledges of Parliament they do declare that it is their undoubted Right that His Majesty ought not to take notice of any matter in agitation and debate in either Houses of Parliament but by their Information which would not only contradict but overturn the Reason Constitution Records and Annals of all our Nation And that he ought not to propound any condition provision or limitation in any Bill or Act in debate or preparation in either of both Houses of Parliament or to manifest or declare his consent or dislike of the same before it be presented to His Majesty in the course of Parliament so as they would have their King to be as a Mute until they shall have finished all they would for otherwise one Interval might thwart another how shall such a King be Master of a Judgment or have any or was God to be prayed unto to give his Judgment to the King or unto the People or by what Rule of Right Reason should the King being of full age and sanity of mind not be permitted the right use of the Faculties of his Soul And that the King ought not to conceive displeasure against any man for such Opinions and Propositions as shall be delivered in such debate it belonging to the several Houses of Parliament
respectively which had their Original contradistinct Powers and Customs to judge and determine such Errours and Offences in Words or Actions that shall be committed by any of their Members in the handling or debating any matter depending which was contradicted by Queen Elizabeth when she charged the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament not to intermeddle in matters of Church or State or receive any Bills of that nature and severely punished some Members that attempted to do otherwise Yet they complained in their so strange a claim of those their never to be found Priviledges that they were to their great grievance broken by the Kings endeavouring to put a Salvo Jury to their Bill or Act of Parliament forbiding the pressing of Souldiers at that instant when there was so great an occasion for the Wars in Ireland and went much higher than the great Earls the Constable and Earl Marshal of England and Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester did when in a Parliament of King Edward the first they denyed him his accustomed Salvo Jure where he or his Privy Councel or Councel at Law adjudged it necessary And therefore humbly intreated his Majesty by his Royal Power and Authority whereof it may 〈◊〉 they would leave him as little as possibly they couldâ— to protect them in those and all other their Priviledges of Parliament And for the time to come would not interrupt the same and that they may not suffer in his Majesties favour when he should be so greatly obliged unto his Subjects as to restore again to his knowledge and Judgment after the end of such a Parliament never before known in England or any other Nation of the Christian World such a kind of Priviledge neither being possible to be found or heard of on Earth or amongst the Antipodes or in the discovery which Gonzagua's Geese made of the Countrey of the Moon where the Servants are reported to govern the Masters and the Children their Parents And that his Majesty would be pleased to nominate those that have been his Advisers that they may receive such condign Judgment as may appertain unto Justice And this his most faithful Councel shall advise and desire as that which will not only be a comfort to themselves but of great advantage to his Majesty by procuring such a confidence between him and his People as may be a Foundation of honour safety and happiness to his Person and Throne And probably had never adventured to fly so high a pitch if some of the Lords and Commons in Parliament had not upon the Scotch petitioning Rebellion and entring into England borrowed 150000 l. upon their several personal securities to pay their quarters whilst they were here which Parliament Manacles of their King would have amounted to more than the aforesaid Sir Edward Cokes figment of a modus tenendi Parliamentum used as he beleived in Edward the Confessors time And in the absence of Parliaments might have the Name and Title of King until they should make an occasion to Print a Remonstrance against him or arraign him And as a Prologue to their intended Remonstrance the next day they seeming not a little to congratulate his safe coming from Scotland did beseech him to give more Life and Power to the faithful Councel of his Parliament and being necessitated to make a Declaration of their grievances and the corruption of some of his Bishops especially such as are in a near trust and employment about him and were divers of them of his Privy Councel and about the Prince his Son and have thereby a dangerous operation in his Councel and Government in this time of a preparation for War betwixt his Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland which was then but procured and fomented by confederacy Insurrection of the Papists and Bloody Affairs in Ireland for prevention whereof they have ingaged themselves and their Estates in the sum of 150000 l. Sterling or thereabouts for the necessary supply of his Majesty in his dangerous Affairs therefore they prayed 1. That he would concur with the desires of his Parliament for the depriving the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament which was the one half of that grand Fundamental of the Laws and Government of England in the House of Peers in Parliament and abridge their immoderate power usurped over the Clergy to the hazard and prejudice of the Laws Liberty and Religion of his Subjects and the taking away oppression in Church Government and Discipline punishing such Loyal Subjects as join together in Fundamental Truths against the Papists and by the oppressions of unnecessary Ceremonies 2. Remove from his Councel all the promoters thereof and to imploy such persons in his great Affairs and trust as his Parliament may conside in which was to govern him both in times of Parliament and without when he hath at his Coronation taken his Oath to govern according to his Laws not any of the Peoples 3 That he would not alienate any of the forfeited Irish Lands which begot good bargains for some of the ungodly contrivers when they after purchased their Rebel perjured Soldiers arrears for xvj d. per pound Which being fulfilled they his most great and faithful Councel upon these conditions â—â—all by the blessing of God as they would have it cheerfully undergo the expence of the War and apply themselves to such other means and Councels as shall support him and make him glorious both at home and abroad In order whereunto the contrary way they did the 15th day of December 1641. notwithstanding his earnest request unto them print and publish it wherein besides some of their own or their instigators unquiet Spirits ambitious or evil designs to misuse and Govern their Soveraign plainly appearing may be seen and the many greivances of their own making in the oppressing of each other and undertaking to determine of matters and Mysteries of State and the Arcana's and necessities of State of which they could not possibly without necessary Praecognita's be competent Judgâ—s they made a great addition to that prologue to their subsequent Rebellion and abominable consequence of the murder of that excellently pious Prince insomuch is it may be over and over again a wonder to be ranked amongst the greatest in what untrodden or dark inaccessible Caverns of the Earth these unknown and never accustomed Priviledges of the Parliaments of England could lurk or lye hidden when in all the Conservatorships of liberties devised at Running Mede forced upon King John the â—ovisions made at Oxford in the Raign of King Henry the 3d. neither any thing in the Raigns of King Edward the 2d 3. 4. and Richard 2d Henry 4 5 6. Richard the 3d the Usurper Henry the 7th King Henry 8. E. 6. Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth and and King James had never such shackles desired or claimed to be put upon any of them unto which those Parliament Remonstrants were the more incouraged by that oppressed Princes having his three Kingdoms
set on fire about his Ears at once that of Ireland incited by his condescensions to that of Scotland and that of England as busy as the worst but gaining more by it when the King had to pacify all given them license by an Act of Parliament to continue in Parliament without adjourning proroguing or dissolving until those great Sums of Money should be satisfied and Ireland quieted which they never intended but hindred and perplexed all they could although he offered to go thither in Person himself which they would not consent unto for fear least he should thereby get Arms and Power into his own hands to frustrate their wicked design which that Republican wicked party durst never offer to Oliver Cromwell the Protector of their supposed Liberties with any the least of those monstrous conditions by them called Priviledges but could tamely suffer him to make his own Instrument of Government alter the Course of Parliament with more or less Members of the House of Commons in Parliament pull out and imprison diverse Members of that House and shut up the Doors constitute a new House of his mechanick and ordinary Commanders instead of a House of Lords after the Republican partty had made such an Act of Parliament as they could that none should have benefit of the Laws who did not take an oath of engagement not to have any more a King or House of Lords And to be disappointed as little as they could possibly in those their intentions made all the hast they could to fire their Beacons of personal Plots and dangers against themselves the great Patriots of the Kingdom and Weal publick as they had done before against Popery and therefore incredible Plots and Conspiracies were discovered by one of their Members who had an especial faculty therein and likewise by others as a Plaister taken from the sore of a man infected therewith and brought by an Incognito in a Letter to Mr. John Pym the Lord Digby seen at Kingston upon Thames with four Horses in a Coach in a warlike manner Horses kept and trained under ground and a dangerous design to blow up the River Thames with Gunpowder whereby to drown the Parliament Houses with many the like ridiculous fopperies to affright the easy to be deluded silly Vulgar and engage them in a Rebellion and were in the mean time to be secured themselves by a guard for which they â—eâ—tioned the King who ordered the Justices of Peace to command the Constables of that division to furnish one but that would not accommodate their purposes nothing would help forward their more than ordinary designs than a guard by the Trained Bands of the City of London by turns which being granted by the King suddenly after the Citizens Wives were so afraid of the danger oâ— the Tower of London as they could not lye dry in their Beds and the Lieutenant of the Tower must be displaced and a more confiding one put in to give them content that never intended to be satisfied Which being done the Pulpits of the Prebyterian Scotized Clergy flaming and the Printing Presses Stationers and Cryers in the Streets as busy in the publishing the Harangues of the House of Commons Members in proclaiming the imaginary grievances and he was a small man at Arms that had made and published no more than one or two such Speeches mean while Protestations were ordered to be made in every Parish of England and Wales to defend the King and the Protestant Religion the King going into London in his Coach hath a Paper thrown into it with a writing thereupon To your Tents O Israel the many Rude â—eople of the adjoyning Hamlets came in droves to the Parliament crying No Bishops and for Justice and as they pass by Whitehall Gate and knock at it desire to speak with the King who sends unto the Students of the Inns of â—ourt with some Captains and Commanders to attend him as a supplemary Guard who came and had a Diet and Table provided for them the Bishops do leave the House of Peers with a protestation patterned with one in 11 R. 2. that they could not sit there in safety for which they were all made Prisoners in the Tower of London but were all afterwards released except Matthew Wren Bishop of Ely who remained there sequestred from his Bishoprick for something more than 13 years without knowing for what cause or crime until his late Majesties happy Restauration Mr. Henry Martin a Member of the House of Commons in Parliament more fearing the Anger of his Mistress than his God or King begins in Parliament to declaim against the King saying that he was not fit to Raign or Govern and moved that all the Regal Ornaments customarily lodged in the Abby of Westminster under the custody of the Dean and Chapter thereof might be seised one Mr. Parker made hast to make himself an Observator of the Rebellious way with dislocated Maximes abused and wrested out of their proper meaning and Interpretations viz. Quod efficit tale est magis tale the King is Major singulis but minor universis salus populi est suprema Lex which although Learnedly answered by the more Loyal Orthodox Party to an ample Conviction that should be could not satisfie or stop the designed Confederacy and Rebellion but the ten Judges of the twelve that gave their Opinions in the case of Mr. Hambden against him concerning the Ship-money for the King were by the Parliaments Order put out of their Offices and Places Justice Berkly one of the Justices of the Court of Kings Bench taken Prisoner as he was sitting by the Usher of the Black Rod attending the House of Peers after which Mr. Denzal Hollis came to the House of Lords and with greater boldness than assurance claimed the Militia and Power of the Sword to appertain of Right to the People and Mr. Pryn writes and Publishes his Book of the Supremaey of Parliaments seconded by Mr. John Whites Book entituled a Politick Chatechism undertaking to prove by our Laws the Resistibility and Forcing the Power of our Kings to be Vested in the People and the Judges were commanded by the Parliament without the King to declare to the People in their Circuits that the Militia is and ought to be in the Parliament as the Representative of the People which was never before done read seen or heard of in England which all the Judges obeyed but my honoured Friend the worthy Sir Thomas Mallet one of the Justices of the Court of Kings Bench who not forgetting his very Ancient and Noble discent plainly and resolutely at every place in his next Circuit declared it in all his Charges to be in Law de Jure Coronae suae in the King and for his so exemplary Loyalty was in the last place of that Circuit by Sir Richard Onslow Knight a Member of the Commons House in Parliament with a Troop of Horse as he was sitting upon the Bench at Kingston upon
Thames Arrested and carried Prisoner to the Tower of London and the Wind and Tyde of fear and self-preservation did then so impetuously drive Sir Edward Littleton the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England who some years before when he was a young Man made it a part of his Praise or Olympick Game to prove by Law that the King had no Law to destrain men esse Milites and Sir John Banckes Knight Lord Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas that they joyned with the then Illegal concurrent Votes of too many of the House of Peers that the Militia which was the Right and Power of the Sword and Jus divinum gladii and the totum aggregatum and support of the Government was in the People when our Learned Bracton hath truly informed us that in Rege qui recte regit necessaria sunt duo Arma videlicet Leges quibus utrumqne bellorum pacis recto possit gubernari utrumque enim istorum alterius indiget auxilio quo tam Res militaris possit esse in tuto quam ipsae Leges usu Armorum praesidio possent esse servatae si autem Arma defecerint contra hostes Rebelles Inimicos sic erit Regnum indefensum si autem Leges sic exterminabitur justitia nec erit qui justum faciet Following therein that opinion of Justinian the Emperour in his Institutes And did declare not like men that had taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy before they were admitted into that House that if any Person whatsoever wherein the King or his Command ought to have been excepted shall offer to arrest or detain the Person of any Member of that House without first acquainting their House or receiving further Order from that House that it is Lawful for any such Member or any Person to assist him and to stand upon his and their guard and defence and to make resistance according to the protestation taken to defend the Priviledges of Parliament which was neither to commit or maintain Treason or make that without the Kings Authority to be Treason that never was their intollerable haughty Priviledges so incompatible and inconsistent with Monarchy demanded by the Petition of the Lords and Commons in Parliament the 14th day of December 1641. can never be able to withstand the dint and force of the Law and Right Reason if a Quo Warranto should be brought against them Whereupon the King the 4th day of January 1641. coming into the House of Commons in Person no such Company attending with Pistols at the Door as was untruly reported and being sate in the Speakers Chair said he was sorry for the occasion of coming unto them Yesterday he had sent a Serjeant at Arms to apprehend some that were accused of High Treason whereunto he expected Obedience and not a Message and that he must declare unto them that in case of High Treason no Person hath a Priviledge And therefore he was come to know if any of these Persons accused were here for so long as those Persons accused for no slight crime but for Treason were there he could not expect that that House could be in the Right way which he heartily wishes and therefore he came to tell the House that he must have them wheresoever he can find them but since he sees the Birds are flown he doth expect from them that they should send them unto him as soon as they return thither But assures them in the word of a King he never did intend any force but shall proceed against them in a legal and fair way for he never meant any other which they might easily have done when they had his own Serjeant at Arms attending that Honse for no other than such like purposes The next day being the 5th day of January 1641. notwithstanding that Treason Felony and Breach of the Peace were always by the Laws of England and Customs of their Parliaments exempt and never accompted to be within the Circuit of any Parliament Priviledge for otherwise Parliaments and great Assemblies well Affected or ill Affected would be dangerous unto Kings they declare the Kings coming thither in Person to be an high breach of the Rights and Priviledge of Parliament and inconsistent with the Liberty and Freedom thereof and therefore adjourned their sitting to the Guildhall in London which they should not have done without the Kings Order that a special Committee of 24 should sit there also concerning the Irish Affairs of which number was Sir Ralph Hopton that after got out of their wicked errors and fought and won sundry glorious Battels for the King against those Parliament Rebels and some few more of that their Committee deserted their Party And the Writ sent by King Edward the first to the Justices of his Bench by Mr. Pulton stiled a Statute made in the 7th year of his Raign might have sufficiently informed them and all that were of the profession of the Law in the House of Commons in Parliament that in a Parliament at Westminster the Prelates Earls Barons and Commonalty of the Realm have said that to the King it belongeth and his part is through his Royal Seignory streightly to defend force of Arms and all other force against his Peace at all times which shall please him and to punish them which shall do contrary according to the Laws and Usages of the Realm and therefore they are bound to aid him as their Soveraign Lord at all times when need shall be and therefore commanded the Justices to cause those things to be read before them in the said Bench and there Inrolled The before confederated national Covenant betwixt England and Scotland being by Ordinance of Parliament for so they were pleased to call their no Laws confirmed under a penalty that no man should enjoy any Office or Place in the Commonwealth of Engl. and Ireland that did not Attest and Swear it which the King prohibiting by his Proclamation sent unto London the bringer whereof was hanged the King certainly informed of the traiterous practices and other misdeameanors of the Lord Kimbolton and his aforesaid Associates did as privately as possible with the Prince Elector Palatine his Nephew and no extraordinary attendance go in person to the House of Commons to seize them because his Serjeants at Arms durst not adventure to do it who having notice of it by the Countess of Carlisles over-hearing his whispering to the Queen and suddenly sending them notice thereof were sure to be absent wherein he being disappointed did afterwards by his Attorney General exhibit Articles of High Treason and other Misdemeanors against them 1. That they had traiterously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of the Kingdom and deprive the King of his Legal Power and place on Subjects an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Power which shortly after proved wofully true and for many years after so continued 2. That they have endeavoured by many foul aspersions upon his Majesty
the hands or clutches of their Wolves Foxes and Harpies Birds or Beasts of prey mean while the King labouring by many Princely Answers to their Messages Letters and Proclamations to keep them from the Witchcraft of Rebellion the more they galloped into it and nominate the Earl of Essex to be their General and a great contribution of Plate and Money as before hath been mentioned to bring the King home to his Parliament who might have been more ready than they had he not been encompassed without any cause or provocation with as many Treasons Plots Falsehoods and Treacheries as he had Hairs upon his Head and Beard with no small want of Money and Friends in the midst of his three once flourishing Kingdoms flaming and on fire about his Ears which could not otherwise have brought such an accumulation of evils upon him And being somewhat supplied by many of his Exchecquer Receivers who brought unto him Remainders of Moneys upon their Accompts John Pym excepted that was the Kings and his Fathers Receiver in Arrear about 22 years and could not be at leisure lest he should thereby hinder the managing of his Treason against the King and so would have made a trusty Chancellor of the Exchecquer for the King marched as well as he could toward his Loyal Subjects of Wales whither to hinder and distress him the Earl of Essex with his Army of Rebels way-laying him at Edge-hill in Warwickshire where Loyalty and Rebellion fighting a bloody Battel and Robert Earl of Lindsey the Kings General being hurt and carried away Prisoner to Warwick Castle shortly after died his Son the Lord Willoughby offering himself an Hostage being not according to the Laws of War accepted and the Rebels Cannons levelled against the brow of the Hill where the King and the Prince sat but being disappointed left the Field and retired to Warwick and the King keeping it all that night the next day marched to Banbury and took it from thence fixed himself at Oxford to which very many Parliament Men that were Loyal retired and kept a true Parliament howsoever the Rebels made shift to get by parcels to London where they Publish how near they were to gain the Victor◠of which they could have given a greater eertainty of the Lord Wharton had not hid himself in a Saw-pit and Stephen Marshal a Factious Minister had not mistaken himself when in his Parish Pulpit at Finching field in Essex he had related an impudent Lye in the hearing of one that had been in that Battel that he had pickt up Bullets in his Velvet Cap to help the Rebels Souldiers when a Souldier that heard him so preach could have proved that he at another time had confessed that he was so affrighted that he had run away four or five Miles from the place where the Battel had been before he knew where he was after which they were so unwilling to forsake their Treasonable hopes as they rallyed and ingaged all the Friends the Devil could help them unto insomuch as the War grew more and more fierce as at the Kings Besieging of Gloucester the effascinated Citizens of Londons Trained Bands came to raise the Siege a sharp Fight was at Newbury where they were beaten and Weemes a Scotish Cannoneer taken Prisoner whilst he was levelling at the Person of the King in a Bloody Fight at Copreby Bridge where the Rebels had the worst and yet Weemes was pardoned and left to do more mischief when all he could say was in Gude Faith his Heart was to the King And the King was from place to place so victorious as he drove the Parliament Rebels by the help of his Nephews Prince Rupert and Prince Maurice and the gallant Conduct of Sir Ralph Hopton and the Greenviles and the courage of the Cornish men for which they had the Kings thanks publickly read and Registred in the Churches the Earl of Essex and his Rebel Parliamentarians were so driven and penn'd up at Lestichiel in Cornwal as their whole Army Cannon and Amunition Bag and Baggage were seized and the Earl of Essex and some other Commanders enforced to shift and save themselves in a Cock-boat Sir William Balfour getting away with some of the Horse notwithstanding all which and that that over-tender hearted Prince had experimented more than once their Rebellion was inexorable and that neither his Protestation upon the Sacrament nor the word stamped upon his Coyn for Religion and the Priviledges of Parliament could make them forsake their Rebellious Principles could not forbear to bring them if possible out of that sin of Witchcraft but when he might with a victorious Army have beaten them at Bramford did by some that were hired to betray 〈◊〉 Councels for by that time they had as much lea 〈…〉 the Art of Bribery as they had the glosses of Rebellion rouse their obdurate and feared Souls with Messages for Peace and divers Royal Ministers and Citizens of London had petitioned them to make Peace with the King who sent the Earls of Southampton and Dorset unto their then called House of Peers who were answered and received uncivilly enough as to their own Persons and the King their Master that sent them Printed and Published intercepted Letters betwixt the King and the Queen and relying more upon their confederating Brethren of Scotland than upon their God and the King his Vicegerent in all hast sent to invite them to come unto their Aid which they did and before they went home had 300000 l. Sterling paid unto them for their Rebel Assistance which putting a stop to the Kings Victories especially in that unfortunate Battel at Naseby and afterwards at Marston Moore by a misintelligence at the later betwixt Prince Rupert and the Earl of Newcastle the King condescended to a Treaty by Commissioners at Uxbridge where no other reason could be accepted but as if the King had been a Subject and they his Soveraign they appeared willing to transfer unto their Scotish Brethren a great part if not all of the Kingdom of Ireland every attempt and self-defence of the King and his Loyal Party bringing no better comfort than dispair he gave license to his good Subjects to retire into the Parliament Quarters or unjust Dominion and compound for their supposed forfeitures which much encreased their Treasure and Power for fighting against the King when they fought for him against his Rebels as if the King and they had been but one Incorporation and themselves the head and the King could be a Rebel to himself and them at the same time and Wat Tyler or Jack Cade or the late Massinello had Authority to make themselves Soveraigns which they had not impudence enough to adventure for it must needs appear to all Mankind to be a Gipsy jugling trick or Proteisme never before heard of in any part of the World The Noble Earl of Scarsdale refusing to compound but retiring home did ever after cloath himself in Sackcloth and every day to his death make a
amount unto no more than the breeding of Factions and dislike of his Majesties mild and tender hearted Government lampooning and scandalizing him robbing and pilfering his Royal Revenue whereby to encompass him with all manner of importunate necessities as if the cheating and misusing of Kings had been no small part of their Praerogative contrived a most abominable Association upon him and his Royal Brother his now Sacred Majesty to murder and ruine them as they were to come thorough a narrow Lane from Newmarket to London in the same Coach and being disappointed therein proceeded to infect as much as they could the Parliament that should have been his best and most wholsom Counsel to make and enter into an Association upon their Oaths without their King to exclude and banish his Royal Brother his now present Majesty and his Heirs and Successors from the Royal Succession for that he was suspected to be addicted to the Religion of the Church of Rome Which being by the King and major part of the House of Lords contradicted a Force and Insurrection was contrived and enough as they hoped listed and made ready to accomplish it but it being discovered by some that had been persuaded to assist therein and some of the Nobility being according to Law attainted of High Treason and forfeited they would not leave prosecuting of him with their Plots and Designs until God the Appointer of Kings had called him to his mercy from them that would have no mercy for him And having thus long abused their Kings with their Rebellions and brought a long lasting Series of mischief and miseries upon their seduced Followers could not rest satisfied if they should not give more Credit to their New Commonwealth-Mongers that would entitle them to the only power of summoning proroguing adjorning or dissolving of Parliaments and manackling of their Kings and Princes and did not think they had enough established it and themselves if they had not when for Loyalty or any such matter they were to eject any of their Fellow-Members caused them to receive their Sentence upon their Knees although they had committed no Offence neither supplicated for any pardon or had it And another being as willing as some others to adore his own fancy without any evidence of Truth Law or Right Reason in his Wringing Wresting and Torturing of Tropes Metaphors Allegories Improprieties of Words or Phrases beyond their Right or common use or what he had picked together out of some lying Manuscripts and abused Records by omissions of truths whereby to put his vain and groundless imaginations into some frame and method hath in his Book Printed and Published endeavoured to make the House of Commons to be an Essential and Constituent part of Parliament and to have a votum Decisivum therein and hath therein committed more dangerous errors than the late Author of the Theory of the Earth in his endeavouring to prove Noahs Flood to have been more from natural causes than the product of God Almighty's Will and Infinite Power declared by his more especial Servant Moses sufficiently confuted by the Reverend Father in God Herbert Lord Bishop of Hereford And it must needs be said that he hath over-dangerously handled Joves Thunder-bolts and made himself as instrumental as he could to take the Soveraignty from the King and bestow it upon the People whom he and his Opiniotretees would suppose to be represented in Parliament whereas he should have only said it was a constituted part of the Parliament from the 49th year of the Raign of King Henry the 3d sub modo forma during that Kings Imprisonment under Symon Montfort Earl of Leicester and his Rebel Associates and were neither in Authority or Degree the same with the more Honourable and better Estated House of Peers although in that then constituted House of Commons in Parliament there were to be four Knights out of every County in England to be Elected and sent thither few of them appearing and that more or less they might have claimed as they have lately done the summoning of the Peers and the Nobility of the Kingdom Electing the Members of the House of Commons in Parliament and they representing all the People might more easily have continued and maintained their Post and Station of a never to be proved senseless and reasonless Soveraignty which was not to be seen heard or read in this Kingdom either in the time that it had been a Roman Colony or of the Great Arthur or the Saxon Heptarchy Norman Conquest and our many since succeeding Kings and Princes and is and hath ever been attended with so many possibilities of setting People together to kill destroy and ruin one another as hath no where in the habitable World but in our late English Frenzy and Infatuation and most egregious Hypocritical pretences of Religion whilst they for almost fifty years together imployed their Godless time in murdering of their Kings and Laws and the one half or more of their Fellow-Subjects Lives and Estates and that Author can never prove that there are two Supreams nor find any way to agree them which should be uppermost or which the lowermost And what pro Deus atque hominum fidem could those liberties be that they by a pretence of Reformation of grievances of their own making had usurped upon their King to mould themselves and their wicked fellow Complotters into a Republick as they would have it stiled when it proved to be nothing but a Society of Rapine plunder and villany whereof their Regicide Oliver Cromwell had afterwards cheated them and was almost as great a mistake in what a very learned Judge had said when he was Member of the House of Commons that the King was primarily a Trustee for the People yet it could not be so affirmed by any Truth Rule or Law of God or man as immediately from or by them but only as immediately from or by God commanded to take care of his People And a wrongfull misinterpretation hath been endeavoured to be put upon some part of our Reverend Mr. Hookers Book of Ecclesiastical Policy as if he had positively affirmed that the King was a Trustee for his People as he is doubtless for his protection when the late learned Dr. Sanderson Bishop of Lincoln hath affirmed unto me that he having heedfully perused the Book written with Mr. Hookers own hand could discover no such words therein So here is complexedly met and united a Systeme and a Mass of the Conspiracies Factions Seditions Treasons and abominable confusions put together and agitated sometimes at one time and after at others from the later end of the Raign of King Richard the first until the Raign of King Charles the 2d in the dream of the Election of our Kings and Princes in the Rebellion at Running Mede some Barons in the Raign of King Henry the third threatning to choose another King and enforcing of Conservators of the Liberties of the People in
Lindenbroâ—ius in legibus eorum Hinckmarus in Epist. Du Fresne 1 Tom. 487. Selden tit honor 621. 622 623 624 625. LL Canuti Schwederus Part 2. S. 2. p. 838. Du Fresne Glossar ' 491. Cassanaeus in catalog glor ' mundi 8 parte S. 15. Tiraquel de mobilitate Virgilius Aened 5. L'Oyseau traite des Seignenries Ca. 66. Idem ibidem Ca. 1. and 6. 1 Eliz. ca. 1. Oath of Supremacy Oath of Alegiance Marculfi formulae in praefat Marculfi Lib. 1. Ca. 25. Bugnonii notae in Marculfum 510. 511 512 513 514 515 516. Idem Ibidem 586. 587. Selden tit honor 708. in dors claus 6. Johannis m. 3. Ro. claus 6. Johannis m. 2. in dorso Dors. claus 28. H. 3. m. 13. Elsings ancient and modern manner of holding Parliaments in England 7. and 9. ' Et in dors â—0 claus 49. H. 3. in sched 〈◊〉 Paris 41. 〈◊〉 P. 12â—3 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—oâ—or 716. 719. dors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 23. E. 〈◊〉 dors 〈◊〉 5◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. 〈◊〉 6. E 〈…〉 〈◊〉 and present manner of holding Parliamentâ— Câ— 2. P. 22. 23 and 24. Ordericus Vitalis hist. Ecclesiast lib. 4. p. 523. b. Selden tit honor 692. 693. Spelmans Glossar ' 452. Cambden Brit. 122. Seiden tit honor 713. Selden tit honor 713. Mathew Paris 81. edict London Du Fresne in â—erbo Pares L'Oiseau tralte deâ— Seigneuries cap. 5. p. 100. Mat. Paris Favin in his Theatre of honour 181. Du Fresne in verbo Pares Idem Tom. 3. â—â—3 Sir Richard Bakers Chronicle Numbers 11. Joshua 23. Jeremiah 26. Bodin Besoldus de Comitibus imperii 117. Arumaeus de Comitiis 7 223. Pasquier dec Recherches li. 2. 72. 74 76. Livy Fenestella alii Romanae gentis Scriptores Sext. 6. p. 43. 32. H. 81. Seldans Mâ— Seldans Mâ— Livy Ro. Claus. 15. Jo. parte 2 m. 7. in dorso not parte 1. as in Seldan or his Printer hath misquoted it Daniel in the Life of King Joh. 136 137. Matt. Paris â—34 Spelmans Glossar Ro. Claus. 1. H. 3. m. 9. in dorso Sam. Daniel 167. Claus. 38. H. 3. m. 14. dors Claus. 38. H 3. m. 13. Shedula Ro. Marist Coke 1. institutes tit Escuage Sect. 102. Statute Quia Emptores terrâ—rum 18. E. 1. cap. 1. Mat. Paris 233. 234. Walsingham Hist. Angli E. 1. 69. Bracton Li. 1. de legibus conscietudinibus Anglica Bracton lib. 2 de aâ—quirendo Dominâ— ca. 16. sect 3. Coke 4th part institutes Seldens tit honr Bracton Spelmans glos in verbu Comes Pancirodo de utrisque imperiis Oâ—dericus vitalis Lib. 13. Tacitus Hist. Lib. 2. Ordericus vitalis Hoveden alii histor Angliae passim frequenter Selden tit honor cap. 1. 3. sect 5. L. L. Edwardi Confessor 12. Seldens tit of honor Bracton in proamio Bracton Lib. 2. de acquirendo Domino cap. 16. sect 3. Lib. 1. Ca. 2. sect 7. Lib. 1. ca. 2. dererum divisione sect 8. Lib. 2. de acquirendo Dominio cap. 24. sect 1. Bracton Lib. 5. cap. 8. Stamford grants of the Kings 41. Bracton Lib. 5. de defaltis cap. 3. Baronius Annalls ad An. 315. 12. 13. 14. 15. Virgills Aeneids Spelman glos in Verbo Magister Dugdales Origenes Juridiciales Seldens notes upon Hengham 239. Ro. Pat. 51. H. 3. in dorso Seldens dissertatio ad Fletam Epilogo Li. 2. de vite Aelfredi Regis Script per Johannem Spel-Kenrici Spelmani filium Hoveden parte posteriore 375. idem 451. parte posteriore Seldens tit honor 632 633. 634. Paulus Screrbic promptuar Statut Poloniae 171. Spelmanni glossar in vocibus Curia Curtis Aelfredi magni Anglorum Regis vita per Johannem Spelman Equit 〈…〉 rat Henrici f. Lib. 2. 121. sect 10. 11. 12. Asser Menevensis in Aelfredi Regis Seldens tit honor 628. Mat. Paris Thomas Walsingham 25. Ed. 3. ca. 2. Leland in assertione Arthuri 2 Reg. ca. 5. Feltman de Feudis sect 45. p. 146. 148. Littletons tenures 1. cap. Iudic. 2. 6. 7. Act of Oblivion Generall Pardon granted by his Majesty after his Happy Restauration Lindenbrogius Câ—kes 1 part institutes Comment snr Littleton ca 4. sect 101. 102. In fine L L. Edwards Regis in Praefatione L. L. Edwardi Confessioris Ordericus Vitalis degestis Gulielmi Conquestoris Sr Roger Twisdon in his Preface to William the Conqueror's Laws L. L. Gulielmi Conquestoris Boemus demosibus Gentium Decreta leges Gulielmi Conquestoris emendationes Quas posuit in Anglia quae olim vocabatur Britannia Sir Edward Coke in procmio of his Institutes or Comment upon Littletons Tenures Sr Robert Cottons Collections M. S. Sr Rog. Twisden in praefatione ad leges Gulielmi Conquestoris Henrici 1. filii ejus Gervasuis Tilburiensis Ro. claus 12. H. 3. m. 2. in dorso Sam. Daniel Hist of Edward the 1. in ro clause pate E. 1. 7. E. 1. 3. E. 3. Ro. Clause 8. E. 3. m. 17. in dorso 11. H. 7. ca. 1. 19. H. 7. Aurelius Townsend proceedings in Parliament in some of the last Years of Râ—ign of Qu. Elizabeâ—h Case of Ship-Money argued in the Exohequer Chamber Ro. Clause H. 3. L. L. In. 15. 16. Littleton tit Fealty sect 92. 93. Feltman â—rac de Feudis sect 2. Calvin's Case Cokes 7 Relat. and Lord Chancellor Ellesmeres argument upon the Postnati Reports and Register of Writs Archives Records 3 Car. primi Fabian Philipps the mistaken recompence given to the King for the release of his Tenures in Capite and Knights-Service and Pourveyance P. 49. and 50. Fabian Philips Tenenda non Tollenda Sir Francis Bacon's Ire to the Duke of Buckingham Baldus in proem feudorum in consult 274. lib 3. Cynus in l. si viva matre de bonis matris Bodin de repub lib. 1. Beseldus dissert politis Juridic de Juribus Majestatis ca. 9. Aelianus Hist. variaâ— lib. 1. Brissonius de Regno Persiae lib. 〈◊〉 17. E. 2. Littleton tit Homage Spelman glos tit homagium Bracton lib. 2. cap. 35. num 8. Spelman gloss tit homagium Spelman gloss tit fidelitas 1 Jac. ca. 26. 〈◊〉 Claus. H. 3. Spelman's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sr Henry Spelman of the Laws Terms c. Cornelius Neostadius in tract de Origine Feudi Hollandici Frisici accordat Origine Neostadius in suo Epist. dedicat Seldens tit honor Sr John Fernes glory of Generosity sect 110. 111. 117. 118. 119. Livy Bracton de Essâ—cits ca. 10. sect 1. Seldens tit Honor. ca. 5. sect 831. Sir John Fernes glory of Generosity 107. Bond 's Sermon to the House of Commons in Parliament Sir John Fernes glory of Generosity Sigonius de antiquo Jure Provinciarum Littletons tenures Cokes Comments thereupon Spelmans glos tit Laudes Livy Selden's notes upon Fortescuâ— Fleta lib. 3. ca. 6. sect 3. Scldeni dissertatio ad Fletam ca. 10. p. 249. Choppinus de antiquo Dominio â—egum Francia Fleta lib. 1. ca. 42. P. 93. Fleâ—a lib. 3. ca. 6. sect 2.
3. Daniels Hist. 184. 191 192. Statute Coronatoris Anno 4. E. 〈◊〉 Statute de Bigamis eodem Anno. Statute of the Exchequer or Ruthland Westminster 2. 13. E. 1. ca. 16. Quia Emptores terr 18. E. ca. 1. Inter record apud recept Socii tempore E. 2. 18. E. 1. 27. E. 1. 28. E. 1. 30. E. 1. 33. E. 1. Daniel in the Life of King E. 1. 3. E. 1. Ro Claus 〈◊〉 9. Seldens t is of honor Ro part 1. mo E. 4. Ro. Vascon 22. E. 1. Recneil de tons les traiter entre les potentats de l'Europe a Nimegne Coke Comment â—up Littleton 1 part Instit. ca 5. tit Socage Walsingham Hist. E. Sa. Daniel Hist. E. 1. Daniel in the Life Reign of King E. 1. Plowdens Comment in le case inter Buâ—kley Rico Thomas 3. E. 1. Ro Claus m 9. vide Seldens tit of honor Ro. pa. 4. E. 1. m. 35. Seldeni dissertatio ad Fletam 526. For sterus de juris prudentia Rom. 3. E. 1 ca 29. Ro. Claus. 3. E. 2. Ro. pat de An. 3. E. 1. m. 10. de Statutis legend proclamand in Cum. Cest alibi 4. E 1. ro cart m 3. parte 17. aut potius parte 3. m. 37. Clause Anno 4. 〈◊〉 1. m. 15. dorso Dugdales or juâ—idic 56. c. Seldeni noiae in Hengham Breton 6. E. 1. Britton 1 ca. 15. 19. Sir Richard Bakers Chronicle Speeds Hist. of Great Britain Speeds Hist. of England in the Reign of King Edward the 1st and Spelmans glos in catalog Justiciar Walsingham ypodigma Neustria 491 492. 493. 494. 7. E. 1. ro pat m. 13. 1. E. ro claus m. 1. 10. E. 1. ro pat m. 2. 20. E. 2. ro pat m. 4. 12. E. 1. ro Cart. m. 3. 13. E. 1. ro Claus. m. 9. 13. E. 1. Mich. 18. E. 1 Norf. ro 46. placit Parl. 18. E. 1. n. 4. Râ—leyâ— placit Parl. 6. 7. Pryns aurum Regin ro claus 20. E. 1 ro fin m. 25. ro pat ejusdem anntâ—m 5. 17. Cokes 8. report Beechers case in Anno. 6. Jac. rot Justâ—itin tempore E. 1. inter record apud recept Scrii de tempore E. 1. praliâ—a in itinere apud Glou. tempâ—â—â— H. 2. ro I. 242. Spelmans glos in diatriâ—a de Justi Anglia 334. Pryn in his Preface to the abridgement of the records in the Tower of London Dugdales Baronage Ro. vascon 22. E. 1. Ro. Claus. 22. E. 1. 〈◊〉 6. in dorso Claus. 23. E. 1. m. 9. in Claus. 23. E. 1. m. 2. in dorso Sam. Daniel in the Life of King E. 1. Ro Clause tempore E 1. Sam. Daniel in viea ejusdem Regis Ro pat 25 E. 1. parte prima 〈◊〉 9. Ro pat 25. E. 1. parte 1. in 3. 13. vel 14. E. 1. ro 8. E. 2. Ro. Claus 25. E. 1. Speeds History of England in the Life of King Edward the 1. Ro. Claus. 30. E. 1. m. 13. Walsingham Ipodigma Neustria 491. 492. 493 494. 495. Speeds Chronicle 654. Walsingham Ipodigma Neu. Hist. E. 1. M. S. Sr John Divies argument upon the question of Impositions Walsingham in vita E. 1. p. 50. Pryn's 4. pâ— of a Register of Parliament Writs 22. 23. Ryleys placit Parl. 43. 44. Ro. Claus. 33. E. 〈◊〉 m. 13. Cedul ordinat per Dominum regem de stabilitate terrae Scotiae Mich. 33. 34. E. 1. ro 103. in banco Regis In placitis adjudicat tempore E. 1. in banco regis coram rege Wallia Ro. Claus. 34. E. 1. m. 11. in dorso Mich. 33. 34. E. 1. coram regero 71. Mich. 34. E. 1. incipiend ro 113. Coram rege concilio in banco regis Ib. 46. Ib. 48. 56. 57. Ib. 51. Walsingham Hist. Angliae sub E. 1. p. 55. 56. 57. Walsingham ib. 60. 61. Midd. 〈◊〉 Anno. 35. E. 1. Walsingham Hist. E. 1. F. 89. 3. E. 1. ca. 1. Ca. 2. Ca. 5. Ca. 6. Ca. 13. Ca. 14. Ca. 29. Ca. 37. Ca. 38. Ca. 45. Ca. 48. Exposition of the Statute of Glocester Ca. 4. Ca. 5. Ca. 6. Walsingham Hist. E. 1. 75. 76. Ca. 2. Ca. 3. Ca. 4. Ca. 6. Ca. 7. Ca. 8. Ca. 9. Ca. 10. Ca. 11. Ca. 12. Ca. 13. Ca. 14. Ca. 15. Ca. 16. Ca. 17. Ca. 18. Ca. 19. Ca. 20. 33. F. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ca. 3. Ca. 4. Ca 5. Ca. 6. Ca. 2. Ca. 3. Ca. 4. Dr. Brady in his Answer to Mr. Petitâ— Essential and Constituent Rights of the House of Commons in Parliament fo 117. Et ro 10. E. 1. Ro. Scotiae abinde ad 19. E. 1. Ro. Scutag 31. E. 1. m. 2. Dugdales Origines Juridic Catalog Justic. Leges Anglo-Saxoniae translatae per Abrahâ—◠〈◊〉 Whilocuâ— Brompton legibus S â—icis Ch 〈…〉 Liâ—hfielden LL. Gulielmi Conquest In Bagâ— de Quo Warranto in R 〈…〉 l. extract de vereditis Civit. London pro Rege tempore E. 1. 3. E. 1. ca. 39 Cokes 4th Institutes ca. 55. tit Parliament fo 6. Elsiugs ancient and present manner of hâ—lding Parliaments ca. 1. 57. Cromptous Jurisdictien of Courts 11. Pryns brevia Parliamentaria redi viva 145. 148. Daltouâ— officium Vicecomitum 417. 〈◊〉 Cokes 4 pars Instituts 〈◊〉 parliament Dier fo 6â— Plowdens Com ment in the Case of the Earl of Leicester Register of Writs 177. Register of Writs Fitz-Herberts nat bre 170. E. 1. 3. Articuli Cle. 2. 25. Register of Writs in the Case of an Abbot 294. Burnetts hist. of the reformation of the Church of England 1. part 11. Ro. Claus. 4. E. 3. Fitz-Herberts natura brevium 170. Elsings ancient present manner of holding Parliaments in England Ca. 1. 65. 66. Ro. Claus. 7. R. 2. in dorso m. 32. Ro. Claus. 7. R. 2. 28. Register of Writs 177. 178. 1. 〈◊〉 1. Ro. Claus. 1. part Claus 36. E. 3. m. 2. 3. in dorso Pryns 4 part Regist. of Parliamentary Writs 259. 260. 261. Idem in his Plea for the House of Lords 394. 395. Sir Robert Filmers Patriarcha or the natural power of Kings p. 60. Pryn's brevia Parliamentaria rediviva 223. 224. 225. 2â—6 〈◊〉 §. 8. Pryn's brevia Parliamentar rediviva 226. 227. Crompton's Jurisdiction of Courts tit Parliament Pryn's brevia Parliamentar rediviva 64. 229. 265. Ro. Parl. 4. 5. 36. E. 3. Pryn's bre 〈…〉 Parliamentâ—ria rediviva 152. 153. 154. Pryn's brevia Parliamentarrediviva 28. 143. Pryn's brevia Parliamentar 315. Pryn's brevia Parliamentâ—â— rediviva 227. 305. Pryn's brevia parl rediviva Ro. parl 18. E. 3. 5. R. 2. ca. 4. Cokes 4th institutes 6. H. 8. ca. 16. 1. El. 1. ca. 5. El. 1. 3. Jac. Ro. parl 4. E. 3. passim in regnis subsequentium regum 40. E. 3. Essings manner of holding Parliaments 213. Pryns animadversions upou Cokes 4 institutes tst Parliament Ms. of Mr. Noy Cokes 4 〈…〉 institutes Elsings ancient and modern way of holding
made severall answers that they could not assent to any such peace or any thing in Parliament that tendeth to the Disherison of the King and his Crown whereunto they were Sworn For that which in all governments begot the frequency of the use of the word assent more especially with many of our Kings and Princes in their Laws rescripts Charters and Edicts proceeding from a design and desire only of complacency to win engage and continue the love and affections of their Subjects and perswade them to a more willing obedience and better liking of what they had before given their assent unto in the framing or contrivance of any Laws orders or reglements which might produce a custom not easily to be abandoned or forsaken There being no greater ties or obligations imaginable upon mankind next to the fear and obedience to the divine Laws then Interest Self-preservation and publick good and the dangers and mischiefs which might and too often do ensue by the neglect of any or all of them Or if the Commons Writs to attend in Parliament or their Sovereigns great Councells ad faciendum consentiendum had been as they neither were or ought to be ad consulend tract super arduis it was not super omnibus sed de quibusdam that could not ex vi termini or the intent of their Sovereign or by any common or rationall intendment of any other be understood to give them an authority over their King that desired their advice nor operate any thing to furnish them with a power which they could not claim or to release or discharge their duty and allegiance nor should transport their actions beyond the energy in either the mandate or procurations for if it should the multitude of Counsellors which Solomon accounted to be a safety would be as so many Masters o◠dangers and there can be nothing in the words ad faciendum consentiendum or the sometimes misclerkled or misapplyed words consulendum tractandum ordinandum or in those at other times used words or expressions ad audiendum vel loquendum in the use right or genuine acceptation intendment signification true Etymology or common construction of either or any of these words jointly or severally to make them aequalls Comptrollers or masters of their Sovereigns for though good Councell be as the eyes ears and common senses to a Prince or Magistrate yet it could never claim to be the soul or reason of them For Concilium by Festus is derived a consulendo vel quod in unam sententiam plurium mentes conciliant and Consiliarius is no more then suasor Consultor consulere veneranda antiquitate fuit judicare de utili honesto decernere concilium mandatum in hoc differunt quod mandatum species quaedam est imperii quod pro societate generis humani receptum est ut quod cuique negotium datum est id mandatoris periculo conficiatur Concilium autem ab imperio alienum est nec ullam voluntatis ejus qui consultum dat significationem habet itaque ejus consultoris arbitrio permittit nec utrum fiet nec ne laborat itaque ex concilio nulla nascitur obligatio ex mandato nascitur l. 1. in fin l. 2. F. l. consil de regul juris Tractare est discutere agere vel deliberare seu disserere sic tractare in jus l. 1. F. 44. l. Jul. de Adult ad tractandum id est agendum seu colloquendum l. 9. F. ad l. Jul. de Adult Tractatus pro questione articul in l. 5. in pr. F. pro F. de prescr verb. l. ult F. Ordo est dispositio recta antecedentium consequentium scilicet quodque ordine suo loco collocantus Loqui hi dicuntur qui cum quodam judicio vocem proferunt atque singula ordine collocant vel sensus aliquos verborum de reg juris l. 2. 6. F. rem puplic Mando saith Martinius signifieth gerendum procurandumve aliquid committo ut Imperiionus impono jubeo volo necessario fieri est autem mandare alicui personae gerendum aliquid exequendumque committere mandatum est conventio qua is qui rogatur procuratoris animo id se recepit gratuito daturum facturumve mandamus libero homini villico aut servo imperamus mandata appellantur praecepta principum quae praesidibus provinciae profiscientibus dabantur quibus omnis eorum potestas continebatur l. 1. leg 19. F. de Offic. l. 27. in fine l. 33. F. de Jnre proconsul And Colloquium is no more then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to talk or confer together Bracton calleth the Parliament Magna Curia Communis reipublicae sponsio and in the beginning of his Book writeth in this manner Lex vigorem babet quicquid de Concilio consensi Magnatum reipublicae communi sponsione Authoritate Regis sive principis praecedente Juste fuerit definitum approbatum the Register of Writs in the Writs of Wast Cessavit stileth it Commune Concilium regni Henry of Huntington termeth it Magnum placitum when speaking of a Parliament he doth it in these words fuit in nativitate sanctae Mariae magnum placitum apud Northampton in quo congregatis omnibus principibus Angliae deliberatum est quod filia sua rediretur viro suo Comiti Andegaviae Ordinare i. e. judicium causa res l. 24. l. 25. ordinare postrema vel suprema judicia l. 15. C. de testam which the Commons cannot claim when by their Writs they are Elected only ad faciendum consentiendum iis which the King by the advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal should ordain facere absolute est facere judicium suffragium dicitur vox illa qua unusquisque declarat suam voluntatem Et pro auxilio accipitur Et suffragium dicitur proprie acclino deinde per Metaph. assentio foveo auxilior Et significat succurrere auxilium dare Et voces quae dicebantur in Comitiis cannot be understood to make every Vote or opinion which is but recens imbecilla assensio to have the force of a Law Et opinio quod incerta est is not to be esteemed either as a Law or any thing more then an Embrio or something more then a wish or desire and if it grow not up into a Law is to return into a Vote only with Quid enim nisi vota supersunt and must not claim to be a Law when it hath got but a third part or the smaller of the way unto it and should not adventure to enforce as many as they can to believe a Vote of the House of Commons in Parliament to be a Law like that which hath been said of the Laws of the Medes and Persians who are now and long have been under an Arbitrary Government irrevocable when as the Commons in Parliament have been from the first originall or beginning of it in the 49th
of the King and his Nobles sealed by the Archbishop and Bishops but not by the King All other Statutes of H. 3. were proclaimed In Anno 4. E. 3. The extent of Mannors and the Statute de officio Coronator c. are not enrolled nor the Statute of Bigamy made in the same year though it was published and hath the praeamble of a Statute Anno 7. E. 1. The Statute de defensione portandi arma was sent by Writ Patent to the Justices and by another Writ Patent to the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer to be there enrolled And Eodem Anno the Statute of Mortmain is directed to the Justices in Banco to be there enrolled in Rot. Statute 9 E. 1. In the Print the correction of the Statute of Glouc. is directed in the form of Letters Patents to the Justices but recorded to be done Anno 9. E. 2. Ro. Glouc. Anno Eodem m 10. Anno 12. E. 1. The Statute of the Exchequer is directed to the Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequer Ro. Claus. 13. E 1. The Statute of Acton Burnel hath no Praeamble or any form of a Proclamation and yet it is enrolled in Ro. Stat. m. 46 Where there is one clause that the King shall have one penny out of every pound to maintain the Clerk and another that that Ordinance shall not extend unto Jews both which are omitted This Statute is also enrolled Ro. Claus. Anno 11. E. 1. In dorso which shews the true year when it was made The Statute de circumspecte agatis was but an Ordinance upon the complaint of the Bishop of Norwich Anno 18. E. 1. The Statute Quia emptores terrarum hath a Praeamble and conclusion in form of a Statute and yet is not enrolled in the Statute Roll the first in the Statute Roll being that of 6. E. 1. The Statute of Wast is but an Ordinance upon a debate in Parliament and the Justices commanded to proceed accordingly Anno 9. E. 2. The Articles for the Clergy are the Petitions of the Clergy and the Answers thereunto are ad verbum Exemplified under the great Seal with an Observari volumus and not drawn up into the form of a Statute Anno 15. E. 2. The Statute of Carlisle is by Writ sent to the Justices of the Bench and sealed in the time of Parliament as may appear by the date thereof at our Palace of Carlisle Articles concerning the Kings Praerogative and the Answers thereunto are only recited and not drawn up in the form of a Statute and seems to be but an Ordinance made in Parliament and the Justices of the Bench directed to observe the same else it had not been registred saith that very able Commentator Mr. Noy in our antient Manuscripts the venerable Conservators of our Statute Laws and otherwise had long ago perished with our Parliament Rolls whereof divers are missing of the Subsequent times all of the former to 4 E. 3. Yet the Statute Roll from 6. E. 1. are extant but divers Statutes omitted therein even from the said time 9. E. 3. The Statute of Money made at York was directed to the Sheriff to be proclaimed it may be for hast upon the approaching Fairs Of 18. E 3. Upon the Petition of the Commons that Merchant strangers might buy Woolls freely Proclamation was immediately sent to the Sheriffs for that purpose The revocation of the Statute of Anno 15. E. 3. and the Statute against Maintenance Anno 20. E. 3. being Acts made in the Kings great Councel and not of the Parliament were directed to the Sheriff to be published and so was the Statute of Labourers in the 23 year of that Kings Raign and also to the Bishops And all other the Statutes of E. 3. to the Raign of Henry 6. were drawn up in the form of Letters Patents or with a short Praeamble that the things following were ordained in Parliament and sent with a Writ to every Sheriff to be published whereof some remain yet in the Tower of London unsent in the time of Henry 6. Probably because that about that time the invention of Printing was brought into England Insomuch as in those times 1. No Statute hath been made in some Parliaments although sometimes agreed upon 2. Many things have been omitted 3. Many things added 4. A Statute hath been made wherein the Commons gave not their Assent 5. Wherein neither Lords or Commons assented Anno 18. E. 3. The Commons exhibited a Petition containing 12 Articles which were presently answered and together with the Subsidy grant was made into a Statute sealed delivered and published Sedente Curia And afterwards in the same Parliament they exhibited another Petition against Provisions from Rome which was agreed and assented unto by the King Earls Barons Justices and other Sages of the Law that the matters contained in the said Petition should be put into a covenable form according to the prayer of the Commons n. 32. 39. and yet no Statute at all made thereupon Anno 25. F. 3. n. 13. The Commons Petition against Provisions from Rome which was under-written for an Answer to the same viz. It is agreed that the Answer to this Petition shall be put into the Statute and so the Statute was entred by the Clerk amongst the rest in the Parliament Roll a thing then usual and yet that was not published with the other Statutes For in the next Parliament in the same year n. 43. The Commons prayed it might be published and put in Execution Anno 3. R 2. n. 38. The Commons Petition against Extortions was absolutely granted And notwithstanding the protestation of the Praelates to the contrary it was enrolled and yet afterwards at a great Councel the Lords then assembled said it was not their intent it should be enrolled and no Statute was made thereon Anno 11. H. 4. n. 28. 63. Two several Petitions of the Commons were absolutely granted and entred in the Parliament Roll and afterwards when the Councel met to draw up the Statute they were respited Anno 25. E. 3. n. 59. and cap. 3. Tit. Collations all this Clause was omitted out of an answer to a Petition of the Clergy viz. It is accorded by the King the Grands and Commons that after Judgment rendred for the King and the Clerk in Possession the Presentment cannot be repealed And there are added in that Statute two special Clauses for the Clergy which were not in the Answer And afterwards Anno 13. R. 2. n. 59. cap. 1. Collations the like Clause for the King is wholly omitted viz. And further the King willeth that Ratification granted for the incumbent after that the King presented and commenced his Suit shall be allowed hanging the Plea nor after Judgment given for the King but that such Judgment shall be fully executed as reason demandeth Anno 37. E. 3. n. 10. The Commons petitioned that the grand Charter and the Charter of the Forest and the Statute made Anno 36. of our Lord the