negligence or long stay of the Earle of Holland who being sent out with a new Fleet for carrying Ammunition Armes and Victuals towards the continuance of the Siege and guarding the passages into the Island trifled out so much time at Court and made so many Halts betwixt that and Plymouth that he had not found his way out of that Haven when the Duke came back It s true the issue of this Action was not answerable to the Expectation and yet I cannot be of our Authours minde who telleth us Fol 71. That the Isle of Rhe was so inconsiderable as had we lost there neither blood nor honour and gained it into the bargain it would have ill rewarded our preparation and charge of the Expedition For had the English gained the Island they had not onely preserved the Town of Rochel but by the advantage of that Town and the Isle together might easily have taken in the Isle of Oleran and made themselves Masters of the greatest part of the losse of Aquitaine if the ambition of the King had carried Him unto Fâ—…rraign Conquests And a Commission granted by the King to five Bishops Bishop Laud being of the Quorum to execute Episcopall Jurisdiction within his Province The cause impulsive to it was a supposed irregularity c. In this and the rest which follows and touching the sequestration of the Archbishop of Canterbury our Authour runs himself into many errours For first Bishop Laud was not of the Quorum no more than any of the other the Commission being granted to the Bishops of London Durham Rochester Oxford and Bathe and Wells or to any four three or two of them and no more than so Secondly the irregularity or supposed irregularity of the said Archbishop was not touched upon in this Commission as the impulsive cause unto it the Commission saying onely in the Generall That the said Archbishop could not at that present in his own person attend those services which were otherwise proper for his Cognizance and Jurisdiction and which as Archbishop of Canterbury he might and ought in his own person to have performed and executed c. Thirdly this supposed irregularity was not incurred upon the casuall killing of the Keeper of his the Archbishops game as our Authour telleth us but for the casuall killing of the Lord Zouches Keeper in Bramhill Parke where the Archbishop had no game nor no Keeper neither Fourthly it was conceived by many pious and Learned men that there was something more incurred by that misadventnre than a supposed irregularity onely insomuch that neither Dr. Williams Elect Bishop of Lincolne nor Dr. Carew Elect Bishop of Exeter nor Dr. Laud Elect Bishop of St. Davids besides some others would receive Consâ—…cration from him though it be true that the Learned Bishop Andrews as our Authour tells us did doe the Archbishop very great service in this businesse yet was it not so much for his own sake or an opinion which he had that no irregularity was incurred by that misadventure but to prevent a greater mischief For well he saw that if the Archbishop at that time had been made Irregular Dr. Williams then Bâ—…shop of Lincolne and Lord Keeper of the Great Seale a man in great favour with King James but in more with the Duke would presently have stept into that See and he knew too much of the man to venture that great charge and trust of the Church of England to his carâ—… and government the dangerous consequerces whereof he was able to foretell without the spirit of prophesie The King of Denmarke being reduced almost to a despondence and quitting of his Kingdome Which as it was an occasion of great grief unto his Confederates so â—…o the Emperour himself it grew no matâ—…er of rejoycing For I have heard from â—… person of great Nobility that when the â—…ewes came first unto him he was so farre from shewing any signes of joy that he rather seemed much troubled at it of which being asked the reason by some of the principall men about him He returned this Answer As long said he as this Drowzy Dane was in the Head of the Protestants Army we shâ—…uld have wormed them out of their Estates one after another but he being made unusefull to them by this defeat we shall have them bring the Swedes upon us and there said he is a gallant young Fellow who will put us to the last card we have to play And so it proved in the event for thâ—… next year the King of Great Britain and his Brother of France negotiated with Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden then being in warre against the Pole to carry his Army into Germany which was done accordingly what his successes were our Authour telleth us hereafter in the course of this story They who lately were confined as Prisoners are now not onely free but petty Lords and Masters yea and petty Kings I cannot chuse but marvell what induced our Authour unto this Expression of making the Gentlemen assembled in the House of Commons not only petty Lords but even petty Kings I have heard that K. James once said in a time of Parliament but whether in the way of jeare or otherwise I am not able to say That there were now five hundred Kings besides himselfe And I know well what great advantage hath been made of those words of His whereof to any man that rightly understands the Constitution of an English Parliament the Commons are so farre from being either Lords or Kings that they are not so much as a part of the Supreme Councell it being easie to be evidenced out of the Writ which commands their attendance that they are called onely to consent and submit to such resolutions and conclusions ad faciendum consentiendum his quae tum ibidem de communi Consilio dicti regni nostri faciente Deo contigerit ordinari So the Writs instruct us as should be then and there agreed on by the Kings great Councell or the great Councell of the Kingdome Think you that men no otherwise impowred than so could take upon them in themselves or be reputed by our Authour as Lords and Kings And yet it may be I may wrong them for our Authour telleth us that Their Estates modestly estimated were able to buy the House of Peers the King excepted though an hundred and eighteen thrice over In this there is one thing that I doubt and two things which I shall take leave to consider of The thing I doubt of is that the Estates of the Gentlemen assembled in the House of Commons howsoever estimated should be able to buy the House of Peers though it had contained thrice as many as it did that is to say three hundred fifty four of the Lay-Nobility Assuredly the Bâ—…ronage of England must needs be brought exceeding low when the Gentlemen by chance assembled in the Lower House and not called out of purpose for such an experiment could buy the House of
opinion of most knowing men that this Cardinal had a very great hand in animating the Scots to such a height of disobedience as we finde them in And this may evidently appeare first by a passage in our Author Fol. 176. in which we finde from the intelligence of Andreas ab Habernefield that the Cardinall sent his Chaplaine and Almoner Mâ—… Thomas Chamberlain a Scot by Nation to assist the confederates in advancing the businesse and to attempt all waies for exasperating the first heat with order not to depart from them till things succeeding as he wished he might returne with good newes Secondly from the Letter writ by the Lord Loudon and the rest of the â—…ovenanters to the French King first published in his Majesties lesser Declaration against the Scots and since exemplified in our Author Fol. 168. of which Letter they could hope for no good effect but as the Cardinall should make way and provide meanes for it Thirdly by the report of a Gentleman from whose mouth I have it who being took Prisoner and brought unto the Scotish Camp immediatly after the fight neer Nuborne found there the Cardinalls Sâ—…cretary in close consultation with the heads of the Covenanters which after his restoring to liberty by the Treaty at Rippon he declared to the King and offered to make it good upon his Oath Fourthly by the impossibility which the Cardinall found in his designes of driving the Spaniard out of Flanders and the rest of the Netherlands unlesse the King was so disturbed and embroyled at home that he could not help them it being heretofore the great master-piece of the Kings of England to keep the Scale even between France and Spaine that neither of them being too strong for the other the affaires of Christendome might be poized in the evener ballance Fiftly by the free accesse and secret conferences which Hamiltons Chaplain had with Con the Popes agent here during such time as Chamberlain the Cardinalls Chaplain laboured to promote the businessâ—… Sixthly Adde hereunto the great displeasure which the Cardinall had conceived against the King for invading the Isle of Rhe and attempting the relief of Rochell and we shall finde what little reason the King had to be perswaded to any beliefe in Cardinall Richelieu though the Embassador might use all his eloquence to perswade him to it And had this presumptuous attempt of the Hollanders met with a King or in times of another temper it would not it 's like have been so silently connived at Most truly spoken this action of the Hollanders being one of the greatest and unsufferablest affronts which ever was puâ—… by any Nation on a King of England I have been told that complaint being made of King James of the barbarous Butchery at Amboyna he fell into a terrible rage throwing his Hat into the fire and then stamping on it and using all the signes of outragious Passion but when Time Sleep had taken off the edge of his Fury he told the Merchants who attended his answer That it was then no time to quarrell with the Hollanders of whom he hoped to make some use for restoring the Palsgrave to his lawfull Patrimony King Charles might make the same answer on this new occasion he had his head and his hands too so full of the Scots that he had no time to quarrell with the Hollanders though certainly if he had then presently turned his Fleet upon the Hollanders wherein no question but the Spaniard would have sided with him he had not onely rectified his honour in the eye of the world but might thereby have taught the Scots a better lessen of Obedience then he had brought them to by the great preparations which he made against them But this I look on in the Hollanders as one of the Consequents or effâ—…cts of the Scottish darings for if the Scots who were his Subjects durst be so bold as to baffle with him why might not they presume a little on his patience who were his confederates and Allies in husbanding an advantage of so great a concernment and having vailed his Crown to the Scots and English why might he not vaile it to them his good friends and neighbours At this close and secret Councell December 5. it was agreed that his Majesty should call a Parliament to assemble April the 13th This secret Councell did consist of no more then three that is the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and who must needs be at the end of every businesse the Marquesse of Hamilton By these it was agreed that the King should be moved to call a Parliament the intimation of it to be presently made but the Parliament it selfe not to be assembled till the middle of April In giving which long intervall it was chiefly aimed at that by the reputation of a Parliament so neer approaching the King might be in credit to take up Money wherewith to put himselfe into a posture of Warre in case the Parliament should faile him but then the inconvenience was as great on the other side that intervall of four Moneths time giving the discontented party opportunity to unite themselves to practice on the Shires and Burroughs to elect such members as they should recommend unto them and finally not onely to consult but to conclude on such particulars which they intended to insist on when they were assembled And though it be extreame ridiculous for me to shoot my Fooles-bable in so great a businesse in which such wise men did concurre yet give me leave to speak those thoughts which I had of that advice from the first beginning reckoning it alwaies both unsafe and unseasonable as the times then were I looked upon it as unsafe in regard that the last Parliament being dissolved in so strange a rupture the Closets of some Members searched many of them Imprisoned and some Fâ—…ned it was not to be hoped but that they would come thither with revengefull thoughts and should a breach happen between them and the King and the Parliament be dissolved upon it as it after was the breach would be irreparable as indeed it proved I looked upon it as unseasonable also in regard that Parliaments had been so long discontinued and the people lived so happily without them that very few took thought who should see the next and 〈◊〉 that the neighbouring Kings and States beheld the King with greater veneration then they had done â—…ormerly as one that could stand on his own leggs and had scrued up himselfe to so great power both by Sea and Land without such discontents and brabbles as his Parliaments gave him But whatsoever it was in it selfe either safe or seasonable I am sure it proved neither to the men who advâ—…sed the calling of it unlesse it were to Hamilton onely of which more hereafter Yet the King was willing to allow them all the faire dealing he in honour could hoping to gaine upon them by the sweetnesse of his carriage but
resolutâ—… was Queen Elizabeth to maintain Her Prerogative though King Charles yeiâ—…ded to the times and released His Prisoners upon this Declaration of the Judges and a Remonstrance of the Commons in pursuance of it which was another vailing of his Crowne before noâ—… mentioned because reserved uâ—…to this place For the Lords feared an antient Order that no Lords created sedentâ—… Parliamento should have voice during that Session c. Upon which their suffrage was excluded The Lords had been to blame indeed if when the Judges had declared for Law in 〈◊〉 of the House of Commons they could not make an Order to serve themâ—… both antient alike and of like Authority because both contrary to the practice and proceedings in foregoing Parliaments But whereas our Authour writes that uâ—…on the finding out of this Order the suffrage of the new Lords that is to say Kimbolton Imbercourt and Tregote was excluded for this Session I somewhat doubt his intelligence in that particular and that I doe for these two Reasons First because in the long Parliament which began in Novemb. An. 1640. when the prevailing Parties in both Houses were better backed than they were at this present the Lordâ—… Seymour Littleton and Capell created sedente Parliamento and the Lords Digby Rich and Howard of Charleton called to the House of Peers by especial Writ were all admitted to their Votes in that Sâ—…ssion of Parliament without any dispute And secondly whereas it was offered to the King being then in a farre lower condition than He was at thâ—…s present in the last of the Nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yorke That His Majestie would be graciously pleased to passe a Bill for râ—…straining Peers made hereafter from sitting or voting in Pâ—…liament unlesse they were admitted thereunto with the consent of both Houses of Parliament the King did absolutely refuse to assenâ—… unto it as appeareth clearly by his Answer unto those demands The affection of the Peers so elevated him that he received the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted spirit and returned so home an Answer as the House was amply satisfied with it In all this there was nothing strange that either the Earle of Bristol should receive the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted courage as you say he did being so backed and elevated by the affection of the House of Peers as you say he was or that the House should be so amply satisfied with his Answer to whom they had before shewed so great affections It was not the Answer but the Person which prevailed most with them as on the other side in the businesse of the Duke of Buckingham the Answer fared the worse for the Persons sake of whom you tell us in this place That the ill opinion which the Peers had of him did as much depresse him as it did elevate the other For though the Duke his Answer to his Impeachment so contrived and inlaid with modâ—…sty and humility that it was like to have a powerfull influence towards the conversion of many as our Authour tells us Fol. 53. yet was it so farre from giving any and much lesse ample satisfaction as Bristols did that it bâ—…came a new grievance to his Adversaries who thereupon resolved on the prosecution for feare it might be thought that themselves were worsted if the poor Gentleman should have mâ—…de but a saving game of it So true is thâ—…t of Velleius Paterculus saying Familiare est hominibus invidiam non ad causam sed ad voluntatem personasque dirigerâ—… that is to sâ—…y that it is usuall with most men to govern themselves in mâ—…tters of this inviduous nature not by the merits of the cause but by the intercesse of their own passions and the â—…espect or disrespect which they bear the persons But all would not smooth the aspâ—…rity of this illegall Tax c. The money which was then required of the Subjâ—…ct was not imposed on them in the way of a Tax if I remember it aright but required of them as a Loanâ—… and that too in a way which might seem to have some Loyalâ—…y in it For whereas the Parliament had passed a Bill of Subsidies and that the said Parliament was dissolved before the Bill passed into an Act His Majesty was advised that He had good grounds to require those Subsidies of the Subject which the House of Commons in their names had assented to and yet not to require them by the name of Subsidies but onely in the way of Loane till the next Parliament should enable Him to make payment of it or to confirm His Levying of those moneys by a subsequent Act. But this devise though it brought in good sums of mony for the present yet by the Articles of some men who were resolved That the King should have no other assistance towards the maintenance of His wars than what He could procure-by His compliance with His Houses of Parliament it brought forth those effects which our Authour speaks of So miserable was the Kings condition at this time that having formerly been made the Instrument to break off all Treaties with Spaine and declare a Warre against that King at the earnest solicitation of the House of Commons He was so wilfully deserted I dare not say betrayed by those that engaged Him in it Where for three daies all was so calme on both sides as if they had sworn a Truce c. This was the first great errour in the Enterprise of the Isle of Rhe And the second was as bad as this viz their not taking in of the little Fort called La Pree For had the Duke marched directly on he had in all probability taken both the Town and Citadel of St. Martin the Fortifications being then unfinish'd and the people in no small dismay for the rout of their Forces whereas the losse of those three dayes gave time and leisure enough to Mounseiur de Toyrax Governour of the place to compleat his Works in such a manner that they were thought impregnable by our ablest Souldiers Or had he took the Fort of La Pree in his pissage by it he had not onely hindred the French from bringing new Forces by that Postern to the relief of the Town but might have used the same to make good his Retreat when the necessity of his affairs should compell him to it Both which miscarriages I have heard a Person of great Honour well skilled in the Art Mâ—…litary and no professed friend unto the Duke not to impute so much to the Duke himself who was raw ignorant and unexperienced in the Warres as to Sir William Courtnâ—…y and Sir John Borrowes two great Souldiers who had the Conduct of his Counsels the one being no lesse famous for his service at Bergan ap Zone than the other was for his couragious holding out in defence of Frankendale And yet there was another thing no lesse contributing to the losse of the whole designe than these two miscarriages viz the
77. he would deny them nothing of their Liberties which any of his Predecessours had granted to them and finally in the close thereof when He enacted the Petition of Right and made it passe into a Law of which our Authour tells us Fol. 87. That never Arbitrary power since Monarchy first founded did so submitters fasces so vaile its Scepter never did the prerogative descend so much from perch to popular lure as by that Concession He vailed his Crowne unto all three by suffering the House of Commons to set up a Committe for Religion to question Manwaring Sibthorp and divers others for Doctrinall matters which if erroneous were more proper to be censured in the High Commission or the Convocation to which the cognizance of such Causes doth of right bâ—…long and not unto a Consistory of Lay. Elders which though it might consist of the wisest men yet were they for the most part none of the greatest Clerks He vailed his Crown also unto the Scots when having power to bring them under his command he yeilded to the Pacification at Barwicke not more unto his own dishonour than to their advantage which drew him on first to abolish the Episcopal Government the greatest prop of hiâ—… Estate in the Church of Scotland and after at their instance to call a Parliament in England and by the terrouâ—… of their Armes first to give way that the Lords of the Privie Councel in referencâ—… to the Tryall of the 〈◊〉 of Strafford should be examined upon oath in points debated and resolved on at the Councill Table that being done to yeild to a Triennial Parliament to be called upon his default by Sheriffs and Constables and finally to perpetuate that Parliament to his owne destruction What other vailings of the Crown followed upon this we shall hereafter see upon another occasion In this Session of Parliament was Mr. Mountague questioned for publishing certain Bookes prejudiciall to the Protestant cause c. Somewhat of Mr. Mountague we have seen before and shall now adde that his Books contained nothing prejudiciall to the Protestant Cause or to the established Doctrine of the Church of England but onely to the Calvinisticall Sect who had imposed their Heterodoxies upon credulous men for the received Doctrines of the Church This Mr. Mountâ—… disavowed in his Answer to the Romish Gaggâ—…r and severing private mens Opinions from the Churches Doctrines to be defended by their own Patrons and abettors which so offended that whole Party that an Information was intended and prepared against him which being made knowne unto King James he did not onely give him his discharge and quietus est and grant him leave in regard the Accusation was divulged and the clamour violent humbly to appeale from his Defamers unto His most sacred cognizance in publique and to represent his just defence against their slanders and false surmises unto the world but also to give expresse order unto Doctor White then Deane of Câ—…l sle cried up when Lâ—…cturer of St. Pauls for the stoutest Champion of this Church against those of Rome for the authorizing and publishing thereof which was â—…one accordingly So he in his Epistle Dedicatory to the late King Charles These are the Books The Answer to the Romish Gagger and the Defence thereof caâ—…led Appello Caesarem so prejudiciall is you say to the Protestant Cause and therefore fit to be inâ—…ed on by the House of Parliament The cause of that restraint vâ—…z the grant of Tonage and Poundage for no more than one yeare being a designe to reduce it to the rate setled in Quâ—…n Maryes daies And had they brought it unto that their Grant would have been like the Apples of Sodome goodly and beautifull to the eye sed levi tactu pressa in vagum pulverem fatiscunt saith the old Geographer but never so gently handled fell to dust and ashes a nut without a kernil and a painted nothing And yet they might have made the King some faire amends if they had brought the Subsidies to the same rate also or to the rates they were at in her Fathers daies when as one single Subsidie of foure shillings in the pound was estimated to amount to eight hundred thousand pounds of good English money which is as much as eight whole Subsidies did amount to when King Charles câ—…me unto the Crown The Divinity Schoole was appointed for the House of Commons And quâ—…stionlesse this giving up of the Divinity School unto the use of the House of Commons and placing the Speaker in or neer the Chairâ—… in which the Kings Professour for Divinity did usually reade his Publick Lectures and moderate in all Publick Disputations first put them into a conceit that the determining in all points and Controversies in Divinity did belong to them As Vibius Rufus in the story having married Tully's Widow and bought Caesars Chair conceived that he was then in a way to gain the Eloquence of the one and the Power of the other For after this we find no Parliament without a Committee for Religion and no Committee for Religion but what did think it self sufficiently instructed to manage the greatest Controversies of Dâ—…vinity which were brought before them with what successe to the Religion here by Law established we now see too clearly Most of the Voters of this Remonstranâ—… flew high and impetuously prest in upon the Duke And this makes good that saying of the wise Historian Quam breves infausti Romani populi amores that the Dâ—…rlings and Affections of the Common People take which sense you will are of short continuance It was not long since that this very man was cried up in Parliament for the great ornament and honour of the English Nation the chief preserver of this Kingdome from the Spanish practises no attribute sufficient to set forth his praises no honour large enough to requite his merits Now on the sodain he is become the subject of a popular hâ—…d tossed from one Parliament to another like the Ball of Fortune many times struck into the hazard and at last quite tossed out of the Court and-tumbled into his grave by a desperate Ruffion But as I have been told by some intelligent man this sodain alteration came another way and not from any premeditated purpose in the Parliament men who after voted this Remonstrance For having an ill eye to the Bâ—…shop of Lincolne and a designe to make hâ—…m lighter by the Seal the Bâ—…shop to prevent the danger and divert the humour proposed the Duke of Buckingham unto some leading men amongst them as the fitter game offering to furnâ—…sh them with matter and to mâ—…ke good that matter by sufficient evidence which coming not long aâ—…ter to the ears of the Duke to whom he had done many ill offices when he was in Spaine he procured the Seale to be taken from him of which more anon And who i.e. Sir Robert Mansell had an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of this
Enterprise upon the Dukes default I bâ—…lieve not so For though Sir Robert were Vice-Admirall and had the subordinate power to the Duke of Buckingham in all things which concerned that Office yet in the present Enterprise he had not any thing at all to pretend unto the Lord Admirall himselfe not acting in occasionall services or great employments at the Sea in regard of his Office but as he is impowred by special Commission from the King which he may grant to any other as He sees cause for it A thing so obvious in the course of our English stories that I need bring no examples of it to confirm this truth And the first thing resolved upon was His solemne Initiation into Regality and setting the Crown upon His head As solâ—…mne as the King esteemed it yet our Authour as it seems thinks more poorly of it For he not onely censureth it for a vanity though a serious vanity but thinks that Kâ—…ngs are idle in it though idle to some better purpose than in 〈◊〉 and Dances Are not all Christian Kâ—…ngs wiâ—…h whom the Rites of Coronation are accounted sacred much concerned in this and the Scriptures more are not the Ceremonies of Anointing and Crowning Kings of great antiquâ—…ty in all Nations throughout the World directed by the holy Spirit in the Book of God exempl fiâ—…d in Saul David Solomon but most particularly in the inauguration of Jehoash the 2 of Kings 11. 12. where it is said that Jehojada the high Priest brought forth the Kings son and put the Crown upon him and gave him the testimonies and they made him King and anointed him and clapt their hands and said GOD SAVE THE KING Was this a Pageant think we of tâ—…e high Priests making to delight the Souldiery or a solemnity and ceremony of Gods own appointing to distinguish his Vicegerents from inferiour persons and strike a veneration towards them in all sorts of men whether Priests or people He that shall look upon the Coronation of our Saviour the placing of the Crown upon his head and putting the Scepter into his hands and bowing of the knee before him with this acclamation Haile King of the Jewes will therein finde a pattern for the Inauguration of a Christian King In which there is not any thing of a serious vanity as our Authour calls it but a grave pious and religious conformity to the Investiture and Coronation of their supreme Lord. I could enlarge upon this subjâ—…ct but that I think better of our Authour than some of our Historians doe of Henry Duke of Buckingham of whom it is observed that at the Coronation of King Richard the third he cast many a squint eye upon the Crown as if he thought it might be set on a fitter head But our Authour passeth from the Coronation to the following Parliament In order whereunto he tellâ—… us that The Lord Keeper Williams was displaced and his place was disposed of to Sir Thomas Coventrie Our Authour is here out again in his Temporalities the Lord Keeper Williams not being displaced betwixt the Coronation and the following Parliament but some months before For the Great Seale was taken from him in October three moneths and more before the day of the Coronation Sir Thomas Coventrie sitting in 〈◊〉 as Lord Keeper both in the Michaelmas Term at Reading and in the Candlemas Term at Westminster The like mistake he gives us in his Temporalities touching Bâ—…shop Land whom he makes Bishop of Bathe and Wells at the time of his afflâ—…cting in the Coronation whereas indeed he was at that time Bishop of St. Davids onely and not translated to the Bishoprick of Bathe and Wells till September following And that I may not trouble my self with the like observation at another time though there be many more of this nature to be troubled with I shall crave leave to step forth to Fol. 96. where it is said That the Articles of Lambeth were so well approved of by King James as he first sent them fiâ—…st to the Synod of Dort as the Doctrine of our Church where they were asserted by the suffrage of our British Divines and after that commended them to the Convocation held in Ireland to be asserted amongst the Articles of Religion established Anno 1615. and accordingly they were This is a very strange Hysteron Proteron setting the cart before the horse as we use to say For certainly the Articles of Lambeth being made part of the Confession of the Church of Ireland Anno 1615. as indeed they were could not before that time be sent to the Assembly or Synod at Dort which was not held till three years after Anno 1618. And this I take to be from what more than a superannuating as to call it in his Temporalities though he be confident in his Preface that he stands secure not onely from substantiall falshoods but even from circumstantiall also in assigning all both things and actions their proper times How ill this confidence is grounded we have seen in part and shall see more hereof hereafter as occasion serveth Who loved the Bishop if Fame belies her not better than was fit I think our Authour with more prudence might have spared this Note especially having Fame onely for the ground thereof which is so infamousâ—…n â—…n Historian as a learned Gentleman hath well noted that no wise man would build on the credit of it If Fames and Libels should once passe for Hâ—…storicall truths few Kings or Favorites or Ministers of great affairs or indeed who else would goe with honour to their graves or live with glory in the mouthes of the next Posterities Wilson a creature and dependent of the Earle of Warwicke whom you accuse elsewhere of partiality in the businesse of the Earl of Essex leaves the like stain upon his Lady but out of zeale to the good cause indevoureth to acquit the Bâ—…shop from the guilt thereof by saying that he was Eunuchus ab utero an Eunuch from his Mothers wombe which all that knew that Prelate most extremely laughed at And what had he for his authority but Famâ—… and Libels purposely scattered and divulged amongst the people to disgrace that Family by the malitious Contrivers of the Publique ruine The honour of Ladies in the generall is a tender point not easily repaired if wronged and therefore to be left untouched or most gently handled For which cause possibly S. 〈◊〉 adviseth that we give honour to the Woman as the weaker vessell and weaker vessels if once crackt by ungentle handling are either utterly broken or not easily mended And for this Lady in particular whom these two Authours tosse on the breath of Fame I never heard but that she was a person of great parts and honour and one that never did ill offices to any man during the time of her great power and favour both with King and Queen So that we may affirme of her as the Historian doth of Livia that great Emperours Wife Potentiam
ejus nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis that no body ever found her power but either in lessening his deserved punishments or adding some respects to him for his well-deservings Nor seemed the question in the sense of many which was the Traytour but which was the most That is to say whether the Duke of Buckingham or the Earle of Bristol were the greater Traytour though it appeareth not for any thing which our Authour tells us that any treason was proved against either of them For had the Duke proved his Charge of Treason against the Earle he had both power and opportunity enough to have wrought his ruine or had the Earle proved the like Charge against the Duke the Commons needed not have troubled themselves with a new Impeachment containing nothing but Encroachments on the Royall favour and some miscarriages which at another time and in another man would have been connived at Our Author gives us a sull Copie of the Earles Charge against the Duke but of the Dukes Charge against the Earle whether out of Partiality or want of Information he affords us nothing I shall therefore adde so much in the way of supplement as to subjoyn three or four of the principall Articles of the Charge against him leaving them here as they were left in the House of Peers without any further prosecution than the Narrative onely It was then charged upon the Earle 1. That having certified King James by several Letters out of Spain that the Treaty of the Match was in a very good forwardnesse the Prince at his arrivall there found it nothing so there being little done in relation to it 2. That in the time of his negotiation by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise he counselled and perswaded the said Kings Majesty to set at liberty the Jesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion and to grant and allow unto the Papists and Professours of the same a free toleration and silencing the Laws made and studing in force against them 3. That at the Princes coming into Spain the said Earle of Bristol cunningly falsly and traiterously moved and perswaded the Prince being then in the power of a forreign King of the Romish Religion to change his Religion and used many dangerous and subtile insinuations to that effect 4. That in pursuance of the said trayterous designe he used these words unto the Prince That the State of England did never any great thing but when they were under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and that it was impossible they should doe anything of note otherwise 5. That a Proposition being made by the King of Spaine touching the Palatinate which was That the eldest Son of the Prince Palatine should marry with the Emperours Daughter but must be bred up in the Emperours Court the said Earle delivered his opinion That he thought it unreasonable And when the danger was presented in regard of the alteration of the young Princes Religion which must needs follow thereupon the said Earle answered That without some great action the peace of Christendome would never be had Comparing these with those that were charged upon the Duke it will appeare that they both concurred in one designe which was to â—…ender each oâ—…her suspected in matter of Loyalty Religion though by so doing they made good sport to all their Enemies and the world to boot Many good men as our Authour calls them being passing jocund at the contest But it was resolved by the Judges that by their Restraint i. e. the Restraint of Sir Dudley Diggs and Sir John Eliot no reason being given to the House for it the whole House was Arrested The Judges were wise men and would not strive against the stream as the saying is for otherwise I can see no reason of their resolute precedents to the contrary there are many in the times foregoing of which I shall instance in two onely and those two in a Parliament held in the 35 year of the so much celebrated Reigne of Queen Elizabeth The first is this Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromely delivered a Petition to the Lord Keeper desiring the Lords of the Upper House to be Suppliants with them of the Lower House unto Her Majesty for entailing of the succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them Her Majesty was highly displeased herewith as contrary to Her former strait command and charged the Councell to call the parties before them Sir Thomas Henage being then Vice-Chamberlaine and one of the Lords of the Privie Councell sent for them and after speech with them commanded them to foâ—…ar the Parliament and not to go out of their severall lodgings After they were called before the Lord Treasurer the Lord Buckhurst and Sir Thomas Henage Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower Sir Henry Bromely with Master Richard Stevens to whom Sir Henry Bromely had imparted the matter were sent to the Fleet as also Mr. Welch the other Knight for Worcestershire In the same Parliament one Mr. Morrice Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster who is to be my second instance moved against the hard courses of the Bâ—…shops Ordinaries and other Ecclesiâ—…sticall Judges in their Courts used towards sundry learned and godly Ministers and Preachers and spake against subseription and oathes and offered a Bill to be read against Imprisonment for refusall of such Oathes which comming to the Queens knowledge and Mr. Coke afterwards Sir Edward Coke then Speaker of the House of Commons being sent for and admonished not to admit of that or any such Bills if they should be offered the said Mr. Morrice as I have been credibly informed was taken out of the House by Sergeant at the Armes but howsoever sure I am that he was committed unto Prison for the said Attempt And when it was moved in the House by one Mr. Wroth that they might be humble Suitors to Her Majesty that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained To this it was answered by all the Privy Counsellours which were then Members of the House that Her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to Her selfe and to presse Her Highnesse with this suit would but hinder them whose good is sought That the House must not call the Queen to accompt for what shâ—… doth of her Royall Authority That the causes for which they were restrained may be high and dangerous That Her Majesty lâ—…h no such questions neither doth it become the House to search into such mattâ—…rs Whereupon the House desisted from interposing any further in their behaâ—…f And thus we see that no fewer than five Members that is to say Wentworth Welch Bromely Stevens and Mâ—…rrice â—…ut off at one time from the House of Commons without any remedy or any Declâ—…ration of the Judges that any such Arrest as is here pretended was layd upon the House by their Imprisonment So
Peers thrice ovâ—…r there being not above five hundred of the one and thrice one hundred and eighteen that is to say above three hundred and fifty of the other ranke by which accompt every Gentleman must be able to buy his two Lords and a half one with another the which I think no wise man can imagine The first thing I consider of is why our Author should leave out the Bishops for Spirituall Lords in this va luation as if they were no Members of the House of Peers for that he doth not reckon them into the bargain is evident enough by the calculation there being at that time an hundrâ—…d and eighteen Temporall Lords in the Upper House Assuredly the B shops had sate there longer in their Predecessors than any of the Lay-Nobility in their noblest Ancestors and had as good right of sitting and of voting there as either the Prerogative Royall oâ—… the Laws could give them And it was ill done of our Authour to exclude them now and not well done by him that should have kept them in to exclude them afterwards The Rights and Priviledges of holy Church confirmed in the first Article of the Magna Charta and sworn to by all Kings succeeding were never so infringed as by that exclusion But the King soon found the sad effect and consequents of those â—…vil Counsellors by which He was perswaded to it the next thing which was done in Parliament being the taking away or abrogating of His own Negative Voice and passing all subsequent Laws and Ordinances without His consent And by this meanes they brought to passe another point which as it seems was aimed at from the beginning of that Parliament it being told Sir Edward Dering as he himself informs us in the Collection of his Speeches That if they could bring the Lords to sit in the House of Commons and the King to be but as one of the Lords then their worke was done This brings me to the second thing which I am to consider of and that is why our Authour should make the King to be no other than a Member of the House of Peers for when he tells us that the Gentlemen in the House of Commons were able to buy all the House of Peers except the King it must needs follow that the King must be accounted of as one of that House the said exception notwithstanding So that by turning the B shops out of the House and bringing the King into their place he hath quite altered the right constitution and form of Parliaments which antiently consiâ—…ed of the Lords Spirituall the Lords Temporall and the Commons as the three Estates over all which the King presided as the Supreme Head Its truâ—… indeed that the King having passed away the B shops Votes did after by a strangâ—… improvidence in a Message or Declaration sent from Yorke on the 17th of June reckon Himselfe as one of the three Estates which being once slipt from His pen and taken up by some leading men in the Houses of Parliament it never was let fall again in the whole agitation of those Controversies which were bandied up and down between them Nor did many of the Kings owne party see the danger of it who taking it for granted that the King was onely one of the three Estates a Member of the House of Peers as our Authour makes Him were forced to grant in pursuance of the said disputes that the two Houses of Parliament were co-ordinate with the King not subordinate to Him and what could follow thereupon but that they might proceed as they did without Him that of co-ordinat a se invicem supplent being a most undoubted Maxime in the Schools of Logick The Attorney pleading eagerly though impertinently for the King How eagerly the Attorney pleaded for the King I am not able to say but it appeareth even by our Authour himself that his Plea was pertinent enough and drew so many of â—…he Lords into his opinion that the Poular party or Lower-House-Lords as â—…ome call them in the House of Peers â—…urst not adventure it to vote till the Lord Say by drawing that House into a Committee made this Proposition That the Lords who were against the Liberties of the Subject should with subscription of their Names enter their Reasons to remain upon Record that Posterity might not be to seek for so it followeth in our Authour who they were who so ignobly betrayed the Freedome of their Nation and that this done and not before they should go to voting Upon which terrible Proposition the Lords shrunk aside as afterwards they did in the late long Parliament Anno 1641. when frighted by the menaces of Dr. Burgesses Myrmidons in the businesse of the Earle of Strafford and in the yeare 1642. on the like threatning motion made by Mr. Hollis for passing the great Bill of the Militia Some say that when the multitude were be labouring him with stones and cudgels they said that were his Master the Duke there they would give him as much And questionlesse they meant as much as they said the Duke being made so odious by the continuall prosecution of his Adversaries in both Houses of Parliament and the Remonstrance made against him by the House of Commons at the end of the last Session that it was thought by most men that the Dukes life and the Publiqne safety could not stand together On which inducements that fatall blow was struck by Felton as it after followeth fol. 90 94. But whereas our Authour tells us fol. 90. that he declared as much in certain papers which were sticked to the lineings of his hat I thinke he is something out in that there being nothing found in his hat or elsewhere about him but a few loose papers such as might well become those mâ—…n who make God the Authour of their sinnes His first ascribing of the fact to the late Remonstrance was made to one Dr. Hutchenson Chaplaine in Ordinary â—…o the King and then in the course of his attendance sent by the King of purpose assoon as the sad news was brought unto Hâ—…m to trie if he could learn out of him upon what motives he committed that most horrible murder and afterwards again and again both at the time of his examination before the Lords of the Councell and finally at the very instant of hâ—…s execution But to return again to the threatning words used by the people in the murder of Doctor Lamb I well remember that this bald Rhime was spread about not long after in pursuance of them viz Let Charles and George doe what they can The Duke shall die like Doctor Lamb. And I remember also that about the same time there came out a Chronogram in which the Numerall letters of Georgius Dux Buckinghamiae viz M. D. C. X. V. V. V. I. I. I. made up the yeare 1628. to which thesâ—… Verses were subjâ—…yned and being made by chance must needs be thought a strange Prognostication of that
attended it was at last forgotten If this suffice not I shâ—…ll borrow our Authors help for a further answer who telleth us of Archbishop Abbot fol. 127. That his extraordinary remissnesse in not exacting strict Conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in the point of Coremony seemed to resolve those legall determinations to their first Principle of Indifferency and led in such an habit of Inconformity as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation then which nothing in the world could be said more truly I have said nothing of the Antient and Generall usage of those severall Ceremonies because the Question is not now of the Antient usage but whether and how farre they were to be used or not used in the Church of England according to such Rubricks Lawes and Ganons which remain in force Nor shall I adde more at the present than that I think our Authour hath not rightly timed the businesses in dispute between us the placing of the Communion Table Aâ—…tarwise bowing or cringing toward it and standing at the Gloria Patri not being so generally in use at the time of this Parliament as to give any scruple or offence to the greatest Zealots or if they were they could not honestly be fathered on Archbishop Laud as countenanced or brought in by him in the time of his government of which more hereafter our Authour now draws toward an end and telleth uâ—… finally But thâ—…se were but part-boyled Popery or Popery obliquâ—… So then the Ceremonies above-mentioned how Primitive soever they were must be damned for Popery though it be onely part boyled and oblique Popery as our Authour calls it and with that brand or by the name of English Popish Ceremonies as the Scotish Presbyterians term them the rest as well as these may be also blemished but let them call them what they will we see now by a most wofull and lamentable experience that the taking away of these part boyled Poperies these English Popish Ceremonies or whatsoever eâ—…se the malignity of any men shall please to call them the substance of Religion hath been much impaired and by this breaking down of the Pale of the Vineyard not onely the little Foxes have torn off her elusters but the wilde Bores have struck at her very root I have no more to addâ—… now but a witty and smart Epigram made on this or the like occasion and is this that followeth A learned Pâ—…late of this Land Thinking to make Religion stand With equall poize on either side A mixture of them thus he try'd An Ounce of Protestant he singleth And then a Dram of Papist mingleth With a Scruple of the Puritane And boyled them all in his brain-pan But when he thought it would digest The scruple troubled all the rest The greatest danger was from Popery direct And from this the danger appeared very great c. And here I thought I should have heard that some points of direct and down right Popery had been obtruded by the Bâ—…shop and Prelaticall Clergy but on the contrary I finde all silent in that case and good reason for it Whence then appeared so great a danger not from the introducing of Popish Doctrinâ—…s but increase of Papists and that not onely in some Counties of England but in the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland also with those of Scotland and Ireland I forbear to meddle though the Committee for Religion having an Apostolical care of all the Churches did take them also into their consideration marvailing onely by the way how our Brethren of the Kirke who stood so high upon the termes of their Independencie could brook that their affaires should be so much looked into by an English Parliament But where our Author telleth us that in some Counties of England the Papists were multiplied to some thousands of Families more than there were in Queen Elizabeths time there may be very good reason given for that for since the death of Quâ—…en Elizabeth the Holy-dayes had been made dayes of common labour and yet all sports prohibited on the Sunday also the Common-prayer-Book either quite neglected or so slubbered over that there was no face of Regular Devotion to be found amongst us the Churches in most places kept so slovenly and the behaviour of the people so irreverent in them that it is no mervail that men desirous to worship God in the beauty of holinesse should be induced to joynâ—… themselves to such societies of men as seemed to have more in them of a Christian Church The King having thus dissolved the Parliament c. That is to say after so many indignities and provocations as were given unto him by the disorder tumultuous carriage of some of the Members which our Author very handsomely and ingenuously hath described at large it was the opinion of most men as our Author telleth us Fol. 132. that the dissolution of this Parâ—…lament was the end of all And certainly there was very good reason why it might be thought so the King never having good successe in any of his Parliaments since his first coming to the Crown and withall having an examplâ—… before his eyes of the like discontinuance of assembling the three Estates in the Realme of France by the King then Reigning and that upon farre lesse provocations then were given King Charles For whereas in an Assembly of three Estates Anno 1614. the third Estate which represents our House of Commons entrenched too busily upon the liberties of the Clergy and some preheminencies and exemptions which the Nobility enjoyed by the favour of some former Kings it gave the King so great offence that he resolved first to dissolve them and never after to be troubled with the like Impertinencies Nor was there since that time any such Assembly nor like to be hereafter in the times ensuing those Kings growing weary of that yoake which that great Representation did indeavour to impose upon them But because he would not cut off all communication betwixr himselfe and his people he ordained another kind of meeting in the place thereof which he called La Assembli des natables that is to say the Assembly of some principall persons composed of some selected persons out of every Order or Estate of his own nomination whereunto should be added some Counsellor out of every Court of Parliament of which there are eight in all in France throughout that Kingdome which being fewer in number would not breed such a confusion as the generall Assembly of the States had done before and be withall more pliant and conformable to the Kings desires and yet their Acts to be no lesse obliging to all sorts of people then the others were Such an Assembly as this but that the Clergy had no vote in it was that which was called here by my Lord Protector immediately after the dissolving of the late long Parliament who possibly had his hint from this Institution And this
neer Barwick he left those shores and came in great Post-haste as it was pretended to disturb that businesse which was to be concluded before he came thither But this vile dealing makes me Sea-sick I returne to Land where I finde that All the preparation both of one side and the other proved onely an interview of two Armies nothing being acted considerable in way of Engagement That so it was is a truth undoubted but how it came to passe that it should be so would be worth a knowing For never did so many of the Lords and Gentry attend a King of England in an expedition against that people nor never did they carry with them a greater stock of Animosities and indignation then they did at this present But first I have been told by some wise and understanding men about the King that he never did intend to fight as they afterwards found but onely by the terrour of so great on Army to draw the Scots to doe him reason And this the Covenanters knew as well as he there being nothing which he said did or thought so farre as thoughts might be discovered by signes and gestures but what was forthwith posted to them by the Scots about him And this I am the more apt to credit because when a notable and well experienced Commander offered the King then in Camp neer Barwick that with two thousand Horse which the King mighâ—… very well have spared he would so waste and destroy the Countrey that the Scots should come upon their knees to implore his mercy He would by no meanes hearken to the Pâ—…oposition Nor were the Lords and pâ—…rsons of most note about him more forward at the last then he For having given way that the Eâ—…rles of Roxborough and Traquair and other Nobâ—…e mâ—…n of that Nation might repair to Yorke for mediating some atonement between the King and his people they plyed their busineâ—…s so well that by representing to the Lords of the English Nation the dangers they would bring themselves into if the Scots were totally subdued they mitigated the displeasures of some and so took off the edge of others that they did not go from Yorke the same men they came thither on the discovery of which practice and some intelligence which they had with the Covenanters the Earls of Traquair and Roxborough were confined to their Chambers the first at Yorke and the second at New Castle but presently dismissed againe and sent back to Scotland But they had first done the worke they came for for never were men so sodainly cooled as the Lords of England never did men make clearer shewes of an alteration by their words and 〈◊〉 in so much that the Scottish Army beginning to advance and the Earl of Holland being sent with a great body of Horse to attend upon them he presently sent word unto the King in what danger he was and how he stood in feare of being under-ridden as I take it by the Galloway Naggs and thereupon received order to retire Againâ—… No marvell if things standing in this condition the King did cheerfully embrace any overture which rended to a Pacification or did make choice of such persons to negotiate in it who were more like to take such termes as they could get then to fight it out Amongst which termes that which was most insisted on by the Scotch Commissioners because it was most to their advantage and the Kings disabling was That he recall all his Forces by Land or Sea Which he did accordingly and thereby lost all those notable advantâ—…ges which the gallantry of his Army the greatness of his preparations both by Sea and Land and the weaknesse of an inconsiderable Enemy might assure him of But he had done thus once before that is to say at the returning of his Forces and Fleet from Rochel Anno 1628. at what time He was in no good termes with His Subjects and in worse with His Neighbours having provoked the Spaniard by the invading of the Isle of Gadas and the French by invading the Isle of Rhe which might have given Him ground enough to have kept his Army and His authority withall and when an Army once is up it will keep it self necessity of State ruling and over-ruling those Concessions and Acts of Grace to which the Subjects may pretend in more setled times But His errour at this time was worse than that the Combustions of Scotland being raised so high that the oyle of Graces rather tended to increase than to quench their flâ—…me Had He recalled his Forces onely from the Shores and Borders of that Kingdome which is the most that He was bound to by the Pacification till He had seen the Scots disbanded their Officers cashiered their Forts and Castles garrisoned with English Souldiers and some good issue of the Assembly and Parliament to be held at Edinborough He had preserved His honour among Forreigne Princes and crushed those practices at home which afterwards undermined His peace and destroyed His glories But doing it in this form and manner without effecting any thing which He seemed to Arme for He animated the Scots to commit new insolencies the Dutch to affront Him on Hiâ—… own shoares and which was worst of all gave no small discontentment to thâ—… English Gentry who having with great charge engaged themselves in this expedition oâ—… of hope of getting Honour to the King their Countrey and themselves by their faithfull service were suddenly dismissed not onely without that honour which they aimed at but without any acknowledgment of their love and loyalty A matter so unpleasing to them that few of them appeared in the next years Army many of them turned against Him in the following troubles the greatest part looking on His successes with a carelesse eye as unconcerned in His affaires whether good or evil But from miscarriages in this Warre I might passe next to a mistake which I finde in our Author concerning the antient way of constituting the Scotish Parliaments of which he telleth us that The King first named eight Bishops then those Bishops chose eight Noble men those Noble men chose so many Barons and those the like number of Burgesses c. Not altogether so as our Author hath it for the King having first named 8. Bishops and the Bishops named 8. Noble men the Bishops and Noble men together chose 8. Commissioners for the Sheriffdomes and as many for the Boroughs or Corporations which two and thirty had the Names of the Lords of the Arricles and had the canvassing and correcting of all the Bills which were offered to the Parliament before they were put to the Vote And perswaded His Majesty that the Cardinall of Richelieu would be glad to serve His Majesty or his Nephew c. That the French Ambassadour did indeavour to perswade the King to that belief I shall easily grant but am not willing to believe that the King should be so easily perswaded to it it being the
made Baron of that place by His Majesties favour On the other side the Lord Lieutenant deriving his descent from the Nevils Earles of Westmor land whose Honorary Seate that was procured himself to be created Baron of Rabie in those Letters Patents by which he was invested with the Earldome of Strafford This gave the beginning to that fire which consumed the Earle but not till it had been much increased on another occasion There was a thrifty designe in Court to save the King the charges of a publick table and to that end it was advised that Sir Henry Vane then Treasurer of the Houshold should be made one of the principall Secretaryes in the place of Sir John Cooke then weak with age but so that he should still hold the Treasurership in the way of Commendam Scarce was Vane warm in his new Office when the Earle of Strafford interposed alleaging to the King that he had no other Correspondent in the Court for the businesses of Ireland but Mr. Secretary Cooke and that if he should be displaced His Majesties affairs in that Kingdome might extremely suffer On this a sudden stop was made and Cooke restored continuing in his former Office till the Queen openly appeared in behalf of Vane who so prevailed that Vane was setled in the place and Cooke dismissed into the Countrey as no longer serviceable which fewell being added to the former fire made it flame so high that nothing but death or blood could quench it Insomuch as it was thought by many understanding men that Sir Henry Vane did purposely misreport the Kings Message to the former Parliament for abrogating the Ship-money in hatred to the Earle of Strafford who had undertook to manage that Parliament to the Kings advantage and that seeing him to continue still both in power and favour he fell upon that speeding project which our Author hath related in that which followeth in the story that by such a cunning piece of malice he might rather seem to offer him up as a sacrifice to the publick justice than to his own particular hatred Ah ult io magis publicè vindictae quam privato odio dato videatur as in the like case the Historian hath it For the Câ—…ons were resalved that day should set a totall period to the Earles defence and next to speed their Bill 〈◊〉 Aâ—…tainder The Commons had now spent a Moneth in prosecuting their Acousation against the Earle of Strafford and seeing how little they had gained in order to the point they aimed at resolved to steer their course by another winde For finding that their proofs amounted not to a Legall evidence and that nothing but legall evidence could prevail in a way of Judicature they called the Legislative power to their assistance according unto which both Lords and Commons might proceed by the light of their own consciences without any further proof or testimony And so it is affirmed expresly by Mr. St. John then Sollicitor Generall in his Speech made at a Conference in a Committee of both Houses of Parliament April the 29. 1641. where it is said That although single testimony might be sufficient to satisfie private consciences yet how farre it would have been satisfactory in a judiciall way where Forms of Law are more to be stood upon was not so clear whereas in this way of Bill private satisfaction to each mans conscience is sufficient although no evidence had been given in at all Thus they resolved it in this Case but knowing of what dangerous consequence it might be hereafter to the lives and fortunes of the Subjects a Clause was added to the Bill that iâ—… should not be drawn into example for the time to come which because it may seem somewhat strange to them that know it not I will here adde so much of the said Bill as concerns this point In which said Bill the heads of the Accusation being reckoned up it followeth thus viz Be it therefore enacted by the Kings most excellent Majestie and by the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled and by the authority of the same that the said Earle of Strafford for the heynous crimes and offences aforesaid stand and be adjudged and attainted of high Treason and shall suffer such pain of death and incurre such forfeitures of his Goods and Chattells Lands Tenements and Hereditaments of any Estate of Free-hold or Inheritance in the said Kingdomes of England and Ireland which the said Earle or any other to his use or in trust for him have or had the day of the first sitting of this present Parliament or at any time since Provided that no Judge or Judges Justice or Justices whatsoever shall adjudge or interpret any act or thing to be Treason nor hear or determine any Treason nor in any other manner then he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this Act and as if this Act had never been made Thus have we Treason and no Treason in the selfe-same action that being judged Treason in this one man which never was to be judged Treason in any other But whatsoever it was it was conceived that many of the Lords began to shew themselves more forwards to comply with the Commons then they had done formerly Whereof the King having notice he thought it high time for him to interpose c. and calling both Houses together May the first said c. This coming of his Majesty and the Speech then made as it relished so ill with the two Houses that few of them attended on the solemnitâ—…es of the next day on which the Kings eldest Daughter was married to the Prince of Orange so gave it no contentment to the Eâ—…rle himselfe whose death it rather 〈◊〉 and made sure worke of then it could any waâ—…es conduce to his preservation That passage in the Kings Speech in which he signified that the misdemeanours of the Earle were so great and many that he was not fit to serve in the place of a Constable wrought more impression on the Spirits of that Noble Gentleman then any kinde of death whatsoever it were which his Enemies could inflict upon him though with great modesty he did no otherwise expresse it in a letter sent unto the King then that he could have wished his Majesty had spared his Declaration on Saturday last But the Earles friends were as much unsatisfied in the Kings coming at that time as in that passage of his Speech giving it out that the King was put upon it by some of his bosome-Enemies which were in neerest trust about him on purpose to set him at greater odds with the House of Commons and consequently with the people whom they represented by drawing on himselfe the envy of that businesse howsoever it happened That if the Earle should be attainted notwithstanding by the Votes of the Lords it woâ—…ld be looked upon as a thing done against his will and no thanks to him but if he were acquitted by
questioned for preaching Popery 81 Placing the Communion Table Altar-wise had both law and practise for it and therefore was no Popery 82 133 Taking away part-boyled Poperies or English popish Ceremonies an impairing the substance of Religion 90 The reason of so great an increase of Papists in England was the neglect of Holy-dayes and Common-prayer 92 Prince his Marriage a branch of the royall Prerogative 12 Puritans rejoyced not at the Prince his birth 97 Protestation taken by the Parliament and injoyn'd the Kingdome 239 Puritan party how they were to be sweetned with the great Offices of the kingdome 226 Religion House of Commons set up a CoÌ„â—…ittee as a Consistory of Lay-elders to take cognizance of Causes ecclesiastical 31 They sate in the Divinityschooles at Oxford Parliament 34 Isle of Rhee errors in that Enterprise 52 S SAbbath Sports allowed on that day the motives thereto and restrictions therein 112 Divinity of the Lords day Sabbath a new Doctrine 114 The Pâ—…iesthoods O der and Revenue under the Gospel not grounded thereon 116 Scots A certaine maintenance setled on the Scots Clergy 107 Scotch Service-book Tumults at reading thereof 145 The true occasion of raising up the seditious Scots 112 Card. Richelieu animated the Scots to rebellion 162 Scots lost by favours and gain'd by punishments 169 They promis'd payment for their quarters at their first coming but afterwards plunder'd all 204 Their cowardly carriag 205 Why freely help'd by the English to drive out the French 223 Sea The Kings dominion in the narrow seas asserted by Selden against Grotius 128 The King regain'd his dominion at sea and secured our coast from piracies through the benefit of ship-mony 120 Ship-mony How and why Kings have levied it as a Navall aid 121 How the Writs issued our 123 The whole charge thereof amounted to 236000 l. which was buâ—… 20000 li. per mensem 123 Clergy not exempted therefrom 124 Socinianisme charg'd upon the Members of the Convocation who made a Canon against it 195 Spaniards old friends to the English 9 They intended really to restore the Palatinate to the Prince Elector 11 Earle of Strafford v. Wentworth Synod or Convocation rightly continued by the same Writ that call'd them 179 Their danger in sitting after the Parliament was up 181 The Oath c. how occasioned 189 Taken for upholding the Church-government then established 191 And that willingly 193 The Clergy's power therein to make Canons binding without a parliament 220 T COmmunion-table v. Popery Bowing towards it a primitive custom no Popery revived by B. Andrews 85 Its setting up within the Railes Altar-wise to prevent profanation enjoyned by the Kings authority 133 Bishop of Lincoln's Book against it 136 V SIr George Villers Duke of Buâ—…kingham made the Ball of fortune 36 His Impeachment by the Birle of Bristol 43,50 By whom render'd odious to the people 63 Feltons motive to murder him 64 His eâ—…tate at his death not comparable to Cardinall Richelieu's 67 W SIr Th VVentw 〈◊〉 of Straff not wise in coming to the Parliament 211 His Triall why defer'd so long 226 Why â—…ecretary Vane was incensed againâ—…t him 228 For want of legall Evidence a Bill of Attainder brought in against him by Legislative power 230 The Kings censure of him in the H. of Lords 233 The names of those Commons that were for his acquitting 236 The Bishop of Armagh and Lincoln with two Bishops more sent to resolve the Kings Conscience 241 The Kings Letter to the Lords in his behalf 246 Sent out of the world per viam expedientiae His Epitaph 240 Dr. VVilliams B. of Lincolne an instrument to set the Parliament against the Duke of Buckingham 36 When and by whose means the great Seale was taken from him 39 Whether he was Eunuchuâ—… ab utero or no 41 Bishop Andrew's opinion of him 56 His Book call'd Holy Table c. wrote against his Science and Conscience 136 He was Head first of the Popish then of the Puritan party 138 He was set free from the Tower much about the time of the Archbishops impeachment 217 VVords New coyning of them an Affectation 4 Y YOrk The Kings second Son not born but created Duke thereof 117 FINIS Fol. 1. Fol. â—… â—…ol 3. â—…bid Fol. 4. Ibid. Fol. 5. Fol. 6. Ibid. Fol. 7. Fol. 9. Fol. 11. Ibid. Fâ—…l 12. Ibid. Fol. 15. Fol. 17. Fol. 20. Ibid. Fol. 21. Fol. 29. Fol. 45. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 64. Fol. 69. Fol. 71. Fol. 73. Fol. 75. Ibid. Fol. 78. Fol. 88. Fol. 89 Fol. 91. Fol. 94. Ibid. Fol. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 101. Fol. 102. Fol. 108. Fol. 110. Fol. 112. Ibid. Fol. 124. Fol. 125. Fol. 126. Fol. 126 Fol. 127. Ibid. Fol. 128. Fol. 129. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 130. Fol. 131. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 132. Ibid. Fol. 136. Fol. 137. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 138. Ibid. Fol. 147. Ibid. Fol. 150. Ibid. Fol. 158. Fol. 159. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 161. Fol. 163. Fol. 165 Fol. 167. Fol. 168. Ibid. Fol. 182. Ibid. Fol. 184. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 1â—… Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 189. Fol. 194. Fol. 195 Fol. 196. Ibid. Fol. 199. Fol. 202. Fol. 200. Fol. 205. Ibid. Fol. 210. Fol. 219. Ibid. Fol 246. Fol. 152. â—…ol 253. Fol. 256. Ibid. Fol. 257. Fol. 158. Fol. 160. Fol. 165.