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A31231 The compendium, or, A short view of the late tryals in relation to the present plot against His Majesty and government with the speeches of those that have been executed : as also an humble address, at the close, to all the worthy patriots of this once flourishing and happy kingdom. Castlemaine, Roger Palmer, Earl of, 1634-1705. 1679 (1679) Wing C1241; ESTC R5075 90,527 89

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the express Oath of one Witness should go Scot-free for want of a Second Now the Consequence of Mr. Fenwick's Argument tended to this that if the Law were so a Man thus accus'd might possibly never be freed though Innocent seeing he might be remanded from one Trial to another and so in infinitum on pre●ence of more Witnesses a power which many Lawyers think the freedom of England can by no means allow The Dispute thus ended and the Prisoners having all pleaded Not Guilty Oates began the Charge the main of which was to this effect That Mr. White having order'd preaching at St. Omers against the Oaths and given them an account how ready the Irish were to rise He summon'd a Consult which began April Twenty Four 78. at the White-Horse Tavern in the Strand where they pitcht upon Cary to go to Rome and resolv'd the Paper being afterward signed by some at Mr. White 's Chamber others at Mr. Harcourt's others at Mr. Ireland's and others at Mr. Fenwick's that the King should be Kill'd as aforesaid Moreover he affirmed That Mr. White did about the beginning or middle of July send from St. Omers Instructions by Mr. Ashby concerning Ten T●onsand Pounds for Sir George Wakeman to Poyson the King and a Commission for Sir John Gage c. That in July or August but he thinks 't was at the latter end of July he saw Mr. Gaven in Mr. Irelands Chamber and though he had seen Letters from the said Gaven in June about the affairs of Stafford-shire and Shrop shire yet he never saw him Write till then for he there drew a Bill of Exchange upon Sir William Andrews and that between the Eighth and Twelfth of August Mr. Ireland took leave of them as if he were to go to St. Omers As for Harcourt and Fenwick he affirm'd they were with Blundel and others on the Twenty First of the said Month at Wild-house where lay before them the Eighty Pounds for the Windsor● Russians and that Coleman coming in gave the Messenger a Guinny That a day after as he thinks there was held a Consult at the Benedictines where Hartcourt and Fenwick were present and there they understood of the Conspiracy against Ormond by Bishop Tal●ot's Letters who also desir'd Commissions and Money That on the Fourth of September White being return'd Oates went to him but was beaton and reviled by him for the Jesuits suspected he had hetray'd them they having understood that one in such cloathes as Oates's had been with the King yet the said White told him he would be friends with him if he gave an account of the Party and Minister that went to his Majesty Then declaring he had no more to say against the Prisoners at the Bar except it were concerning the additional 5000. l. which by Letter from Flanders Mr. White offer'd Sir George Wakeman and rejoyet at the acceptance of it heends with this That he remembred not perfectly that Gaven was at the Consult of April though he remembers he saw then his subscription but as for Turner he could positively say he was there at the lesser Clubs or Colloquies to wit in Fenwicks Chamber Dugdale follow'd Oates and said he had very liitle acquaintance with Mr. White but had seen him at my Lord Astons about two or three Years ago That White did send a Letter enclos'd in Groves's to Ewers That he should Choose trusty stout and desperate Men to Kill the King no matter whether Gentlemen or no That Mr. Whites name was to it That he knew it was his hand because he had seen him once write a Letter when he was at my Lords as aforesaid That Mr. Ewers Letters were all directed to Dugdale That he intercepted this Letter and read it the words Killing the King being in it and that the said Letter was sent by the ordinary Post which seeming strange and wonderful to the Chief Justice and all the Court He salv'd it by a far madder Answer viz That the Letters being directed to him if they were intercepted he should be hang'd and they sav'd He further said That he had bin at several Consults in his own and in Ewer's Chamber about this matter That Gaven was the Orator to perswade people That my Lord Stafford was at one about the Twenty second of September That he the said Dugdale himself was then Chosen out for the Assassination That he heard of the Kings Death two years before Gaven often encouraging him to it and upon his giving them 400 l. to pray for his Soul and promising them 100 more to go on with the Work the said Gaven assur'd him he should be canoniz'd for a Saint That an Army was to come from beyond Seas That the Massacre was to be put upon on the Presbyterians That the Killing of Kings was a thing which Gaven endeavor'd to prove out of Scripture but that he could not call now the Text to mind That he saw a Letter from Harcourt to Ewers on Monday the 14. of October and in it were these words This very Saturday night Sir Edm. Godfrey is dispatch'd whereupon he the said Dugdale told Ewers that he would be hang'd if that Action did not overthrow their Design That the next day he went to an Alehouse and askt there if they had heard of a Knights being kill'd at London now that this demand of his was true he could prove by Mr. Chetwin who being called in attested that one Sandbidge told him on that very Tuesday that being at the said Alehouse in the morning a Girle told him that Dugdale had reported there the Killing a Justice of Westmi●ster besides the said Chetwin attested that he discoursed with Dugdale about this Letter c. when he came to London to be examin'd by the Council That going out of Town he understood at his return that the said Dugdale was no witness though his Evidence had been very material at the Trials of Hill Green and Berry Dugdale having ended with this Account against White Hartcourt Gaven and Turner for he said Turner did in Mr. Ewer's Chamber about two Years ago assent to the former Treason and was to carry on the design in Worcestershire Prance stood up next and said That having made an Image for Mr. Harcourt which was sent to Mary-Land in the Portugal's Countrey the said Mr. Hartcourt as he paid him for it about a Year ago told him There was a Design of Killing the King But when afterwards Mr. Hartcourt askt him earnestly thus Can you say that I ever spoke to you about such a Business Yes answer'd he with an Asserveration and one Tompson came with you when you paid me for Four Candlesticks which either Contradicts his former Evidence or the Image must be turned into Candlesticks Then he proceeded and said That Mr. Fenwick in Mr. Ireland's Chamber talk't of Fifty Thousand Men which should be raised
the Bad. In sine I belive all you have reveal'd for your own infinite Veracity I hope in you above all things for your infinite Fidelity and I love you above all things for your infinte Beauty and Goodness and I am heartily sorry that ever I offended so great a God with my whole heart I am contented to undergo an ignominious Deth for the love of you my dear Jesu seeing you have been pleased to undergo an ignominious Death for the Love of me Mr. Fenwicks Speech GOod People I suppose you expect I should say something as to the Crime I am Condemned for and either acknowledge my Guilt or assert my Innocency I do therefore declare before God and the whole World and call God to witness that what I say is true that I am Innocent of what is laid to my Charge of Plotting the King's Death and endeavouring to subvert the Government and bring in a Foreign Power as the Child unborn and that I know nothing of it but what I have learn'd from Mr. Oates and his Companions and what comes originally from them Sher. How If you can make a good Conclusion to your own Life it will do well consider if your Letters did not agree with the Evidence That ' s another matter Fenwick I assure you I do renounce all Treason from my very heart I have always and ever shall disown the Opinion of such Devillish Practises as these are of King-Killing If I speak not the whole frame of my heart I wish God may Exclude me from his Glory Sher. How Those that Murdered Sir Edmun Bury Godsrey said as you do Fenwick As for Sir Edmund-Bury Godfrey I protest before God I know nothing of it I never saw the man in my life Sher. How For my part I am of Opinion you had a hand in it Fenwick Now that I am a dying man Do you think I would go and Damn my Soul Sher. How I wish you all the good I can but I le assure you I believe never a Word you say Fenwick I pray for his Majesty every day and wish him all happiness with all my heart Also I do with all my Soul pardon all my Accusers If the Judge or Jury did any thing amiss I Pardon them with all my Soul and all Persons directly or indirectly I am very willing and ready to suffer this Death I pray God Pardon me my sins and save my Soul And as to what is said and commonly believed of Roman Catholicks that they are not to be believed or trusted because they can have Dispensations for Lying Perjury Killing Kings and other the most Enormous Crimes I do utterly renounce all such Pardons Dispensations and withall declare That it is a most wicked and malicious Calumny cast upon Catholicks who do all with all their hearts and souls hate and detest all such wicked and damnable Practises and in the words of a dying Man and as I hope for Mercy at the hands of God before whom I must shortly appear and give an account of all my actions I do again declare That what I have said is true and I hope Christian Charity will not let you think that by the last act of my Life I would cast away my Soul by sealing up my last breath with a damnable Lye Then they were at their private Devotions for about an hour And Mr. Sheriff How spake to them Pray aloud Gentlemen that we may joyn with you we shall do you no hurt if we do you no good Are you asham'd of your Prayers Then he spake to Mr. Gavan and said It is Reported you did preach at the Quakers metting Gavan To which he made answer No Sir I never preached there in my life Concerning Mr. Langhorn MR. Langhorn was tryed at the Old Baily on Saturday the 14th of June 1679 to make good the charge of High Treason against him Dugdale first appeared who proved the Plot in general as having been at several Consults with the Jesuits about the Alteration of the Governm●nt and introducing Popery where they spoke of an Army to be raised of Killing the King and a Massacre and that he knew of Sir Edm. Godfry's death by Ewers Letter on the Munday night which began thus This very Nig●t Sir Edm. Godfry is dispatch't that upon his being concern'd that the Plot might be spoild by it Ewers said it would be put upon debauch't persons for he was severe with such yet he the said Dugdale could not it ran so much in his mind but the next morning he spoke of it at an Alehouse hard by and thence it was carried to Mr. Ch●twin Prance rose next and deposed that Mr. Messenger Gentleman of the Horse to my Lord Arundel was employed by his Lord and my Lord Powis to kill the King and this he was told of by my Lord's Butler That meeting Messenger he askt him what his reason was that he would kill the King who answered He was off of it now which Question and Answer Reader made many smile Then he proceeded sayd That presently 50000 men should be raised and governed by the said Lords to kill all that were not Catholick● that he heard it from Mr. Ireland Fenwick and Grove who spake of it to him together That Mr. Har●court acquainted him before one Thompson that the King was to be killed by several and that Fenwic said That Langhorn was to have a great hand in it so that still we see here are new men and mean ones too who know of the King's Death and tell it one another for pastime and ordinary News Oates followed next saying he went into Spain in April 1677 that returning in November he brought Letters from Mr. Langhorn's Sons who studied there That Mr. Langhorn at the Receit of them was informed by him that the Youths would enter into the Society which much rejoyced Mr. Langhorn being a great Votary of the Jesuits but said if they would continue Secular Priests they would have great Promotions in England since things would not last long in this Posture That Mr. Langhorn did upon Oates his going to St. Omers in November give him a Packet and in his Letter to the Fathers he mentioned his writing to Fa. La Chaise in order to their Concerns and that Coleman had written very largely to that Father which made him the more brief That Mr. Langhorn writ another in March or April about ordering Five Pounds to his Son that had bin in Rebellion and turn'd Soldier but was now reconcil'd to him by the Intercession of the Fathers In this Letter also Mr. Langhorn exprest at large his great Care of the Catholick Design and told them among other things that the Parliament Flagging they had a fair opportunity to give the Blow which seem'd very odd to many That in an ordinary letter of Domestick concerns He should treat of such high and secret matters Then Oates go's on and say's That after the great Consult of April he
be well considered of and digested by me and that all mistakes might be prevented as far as may be I say in regard of this I have in the present Paper reduced what I have to declare as to my Innocence and Loyalty and 't is in these following Words I Do solemnly and sincerely in the presence of Almighty God profess testify and declare as followeth That is to say 1. That I do with my heart and soul believe and own my most Gracious Soveraign Lord the Kings Majesty King Charles the Second to be my true and lawful Soveraign Prince and King in the same sence and latitude to all intents and purposes as in the Oath commonly called The Oath of Allegiance His said Majesty is expressed to be King of this Realm of England 2. That I do in my soul believe That neither the Pope nor any Prince Potentate or Forreign Authority nor the people of England nor any Authority out of this Kingdom or within the same hath or have any Right to dispossess His said Majesty of the Crown or Government of England or to depose him therefrom for any Cause or pretended Cause whatsoever or to give licence to me or to any other of His said Ma●esties Subjects whatsoever to bear Arms against His said Majesty or to take away his Life or to do him any bodily harm or to disturb the Government of this Kingdom as the same is now established by Law or to alter or go about to alter the said Government or the Religion now established in England by any way of force 3. That I neither am nor ever was at any time or times guilty so much as in my most secret thoughts of any Treason or misprision of Treason whatsoever 4. That I did not in the Month of November or at any other time or times whatsoever say unto Mr. Oates or unto any other person or persons whatsoever in relation to my Sons in Spain or either of them or in relation to any other person or persons whatsoever That if they did continue in the World as Secular Priests of otherwise they should suddenly have great promotions in England for that things would not last long in the posture wherein they then were nor did I ever say any words to that or the like effect to any person or persons whatsoever 5. That I did never in all my life-time write any Letter or other thing whatsoever unto or receive any Letter or other thing from Father La Chese or any French Jesuit whatsoever or from Father Anderton or Cardinal Barbarino or any other Cardinal nor did I ever see any Letter or the Copy of any Letter or other paper or other thing written or purporting to be written unto the said La Chese or unto the said Father Anderton or the said Cardinal Barbarina by any person or persons whatsoever other than the printed Letters printed in the Narrative of the Trial of Mr. Coleman lately executed which I never saw otherwise than in the said printed Narrative nor did I ever hear any mention made by any person whatsoever of the Name of La Chese or Father La Chese before I read the said printed Narrative 6. That I did never in all my life-time make any Entry or Entries into any Book or Books or take or make or write or cause to be written into any Book or books or otherwise any Letter or Letters or any Copy or Copies of any Letter or Letters written by the said Edward Coleman to any person or persons whatsoever 7. That I did never in all my life-time enter or register into any Book or books Paper or papers whatsoever or take or make or Write or cause to be written any Copy or Copies of any Act or Acts Consult or Consults Determination or Determinations Order or Orders Resolve or Resolves or other matter or thing at any time made determined resolved passed decreed or agitated at any Congregation or Congregations Consult or Consults Chapter or Chapters Assembly or Assemblies of the Society or Order of the Jesuits or of any other Religions Order whatsoever nor did I ever see read or heard read nor did any person or persons at any time whatsoever ever Communicate unto me any such Act Consult Determination Order Resolve Matter or Thing whatsoever 8. That I did never in all my life-time to my knowledg belief or remembrane see or speak with Mr. Bedloe who gave Evidence against me at my Tryal until I saw him in that Court wherein he gave Evidence against me 9. That after the moneth of November which was in the year of our Lord 1677. I did never see or speak with Mr. Titus Oates before named until I saw him in the same Court where he gave Evidence against me at my Tryal 10. That I did never see in all my life-time to my knowledge belief or remembrance any Commission or Commissions Pattent or Patents Grant or Grants Order or Orders Instrument or Instruments Writing or Writings or other matter or thing whatsoever under or pretended to be under the Hand and Seal or the Hand or the Seal of Johannes Paulus de Oliva or any other General of the Jesuits whatsoever other then the Paper or Instrument produced and shewed unto me in the said Court at my Tryal which whether it was signed or sealed by the said de Oliva I do not know 11. That I did never in all my life-time write or cause or procure to be written any Treasonable Letter or Letters whatsoever or any thing which was or is Treason or Treasonable in any Letter or Letters Book or books Paper or papers or otherwise howsoever 12. That I believe that if I did know or should know of any Treason or Treasonable Design that was or is intended or should be intended against His said Majesty or the Government of this His Majesties Kingdom or for the Alteration by force advice or otherwise of the said Government or of the Religion now established in this Kingdom and should conceal and not discover the same unto his said Majesty or his said Majesties Council or Ministers or some of them that such concealment would be in me a sin unto Death and Eternal Damnation 13. That I do believe that it is no ways lawful for me to lye or speak any thing which I know to be untrue or to commit any sin or do any Evil that Good may come of it And that it is not in the Power of any Priest or of the Pope or of God himself to give me a Licence to Lie or to speak any thing which I know to be untrue because every such Lye would be a sin against Truth And Almighty God who is perfect Truth cannot give me a License to commit a sin against his own Essence And I do solemnly in the presence of God Profess Testify and Declare That as I hope for Salvation and expect any benefit by the Blood and Passion of my dearest Saviour Jesus Christ I do make this Declaration
unspeakable wrong that has been done us or rather the poor nation in general For does not every body know that Sir Edmund-bury-Godfrey was so far from being our Enemy that he was a friend to all a most kind one to many and in this affair so extraordinary and particular That he no sooner receiv'd Oates his Depositions but he presently acquainted Mr. Coleman with them who went to Windsor and divulg'd the whole matter to all he knew If no Turk then can be thought with Deliberation and in cool blood to kill another that has neither done him harm nor can bring him the least Emolument by his Death what Christians can be imagin'd so nonsensically stupid as to lay their heads together in relation to the Murther of a Person who was so far even from accidentally provoking that he had perform'd the utmost service on our Behalf that Friendship it self could suggest But how unconceiveable is it now that there should be such a number and Rabble of Conspirators and that they should execute this Design when not only his Death would in the Judgment of any Fool infallibly ruin us all if known but when his Life also was so infinitely useful to us For he was able and he had also courage to confront Oates and consequently to Witness how impudently and beyond all measure he had now deviated from his former Depositions No wonder then that the Wits of our Enemies every where have been on the Rack to find pretences for this Murther but after all how ridiculous and weak they are let any man judge that will Did Prance and his Friends offer at better reasons and certainly they had time and concern enough for invention than That Sir Edmund-bury-Godfrey was a busy man in the opinion of the Priests and that he had done and would yet do us a great deal of mischief when as in the first place his Kindness to us was as I have already shown you extraordinary and in the next what a work should we have on our hands If we must Kill all that are Busy and all that would do us harm As for Bedlow let us consider his account and we shall find in it That Tongue 's and Oates his Information was their sole drift and aim Nay the Conspirators tell him forsooth That the Plot without these papers would be discover'd to that D●gree that they should not be able to bring it to pass till another Age. Is not this more than extravagant and what Bedlams do they fancy the People to be that believe them for how could the Assassines hope the Plot having been a full fortnight before the Councel and several of the main Plotters in Prison that Sir Edmund-bury-Godfrey had not already as de facto he did deliver'd up those Papers to the Board Or supposing the contrary what expectation was there that he should have them then in his pocket and lastly if they had been about him What advantage could men imagin by the Action when Oates was still at hand to give as often as the Ministers of State pleas'd a perfect account of all he knew Are these reasons for the Killing of a Dog much less a Man that had acquainted us with the Design even when it was a Secret But now my Lords Gentlemen what shall we say when this is pretended to be done in Somerset House notwithstanding the Queen's whole Court and God knows how many Protestant Guards were there to be alarmed at the least noise That this Knight should be presently strangled though stout and strong by a feeble Antient Man without resistance or bustle and with a Cravat also that he should be removed into many different places of the House and that to no manner of purpose without ever being discover'd by any That he should for the most part be hid in a little Lodging full of people who neither saw him carried in or out nor found him lying in the pretended Chamber which was both over against their Dining-Room and a place also where the whole Family as it was proved were necessitated to go often every day That he could being a very tall man be crowded when stiff into a Sedan nay that the Sedan could be not only conducted and carried out by men That were then in other places as several testified you see at the Trial but thorow the great Gate of the Palace too without being scen by the Centinels though they never stirr'd a Pikes length from it Can there be within the reach of fancy such impossibilities YES my Lords and Gentlemen That Bedlo should be offered almost three times more for this Murther than Grove was to have for killing the King and for the meer carrying away the body four times as much as Dugdal pretends for his Enterprise and yet the said Bedlo refus'd as I already mention'd both these vast summes though he were then an actual Conspirator if you will believe him in the main of the Treason and in such want also that he was forc'd to hazard his neck or at least his back by Cheates and the like for meer Bread and necessaries To conclude in short for I cannot now stay to trouble you with the different Actors and all the several contradictions which these two Sons of Belial mention in their respective Accounts I say to conclude in short can any man believe if the Accused had bin Guilty they would have denied with the utmost Execrations the fact at the Gallowes when a single Confession had saved their Lives and especially when one of them to wit Berry was a Convert to the Protestant Church and such a one also as the Ordinary of Newgate in his late Treatise declares as did much lament his ever having bin of our Communion Shew me then my Lords and Gentlemen a plainer Demonstration since the Creation of the World for the Innocence of any man or more Contradictions for the Detection of an Accusers Villany Yet if Sir Edmund must have bin made away by a Consultation and Cabal lay it then I beseech you at some bodys dore that had reason to wish his Destruction and enquire as has bin formerly hinted to you of Doctor Loyd who it was that told him even before the finding of the Body that he lay Murder'd with two Wounds and his own Sword through him as he publickly declared in his printed funeral Sermon But since I have mentioned the solemn Denyal made by those that were Executed for it I must desire your considerations on a new Charge I mean on the DISPENSATIONS which they say we have for our LYING at our very Death and truly before I begin I cannot but profess that I know not whether I am more confounded with the infinit Arguments that crowd on all hands or with the thought that Christians and those Englishmen too should soberly and in earnest Charge us with so sottish and senseles a Crime For first was there ever a Party in this
said that being thus Kill'd they carried the Corps to a chamber of Hills at Dr Godwins where lying till Munday night they brought it to a Room in the lower part of Sommerset-House and then Hill shewd it Prance by a dark Lanthorn Green Berry and the rest being by That on Tuesday it was brought to Sir John Arundels where lying till Wednesday it was convey'd to the first lodging and from thence about twelve in a Sedan to the So-ho and then on a Horse before Hill to the place where it was afterwards found That Girald and one Vernat spake to him the said Prance of a great Reward and that there was to be a good one from my Lord Bellasis That in the beginning of November Girrald Lewson Vernat one Dethick and himself met at Bow where reading all the Writings of the said Murther they were very merry and a Drawer listning Prance threatned to kick him down stairs but the Boy being call'd said he knew nothing but that Dethic was with company there and that in reading a Paper he heard Sir Edmund-Godfrey's name and that some body threatned to kick him Bedlow swore That Le-Phair Prichard Keines and other Priests but Girald he knew not did treat with him concerning the Murther of a Gentleman about the beginning of October last That he having a mind about two years ago to discover the Plot was prevented but now drill'd them on to know the Party that he might prevent them but they would not tell him who it was That they set him to insinuate himself into the acquaintance of Sir Edmund Godfrey not telling their Design That on Saturday the day that Sir Edmund Godfery was murther'd Le Phair having mist Bedlo in the morning met him by accident in Lincolns-Inn-Fields about four and at the Palsgraves Tavern told him That a material man was to be put out of the way that night who had all Oates's and Tongue 's informations which if not taken from him would discover their business to that Degree that they must stay till another Age to effect it That Le Phair then told him he should have Four Thousand Pound for a Reward That no worse man than my Lord Bellasis was engaged for it and Mr. Coleman had order to pay it yet named not Sir Edmund Godfrey to him That he parted then with Le Phair but came not according to his engagement to Somerset-House That Le Phair met him on Monday in Fleetstreet and charged him with breach of promise That he answered That he knew not but the murthered person might be his Friend whereupon Le Phair appointed him to meet at Eight in the Evening at Sommerset-House and he should know more that coming there the said Le Phair told him the man was Kill'd and that if he would help to carry off the Body he should have half the Reward That he then shew'd him the body by a dark Lanthorn but that he saw neither Hill Green nor Berry there Green being in the Court That he had such a remembrance of Faces that he can tell all he saw there though the light were small And by the way Reader now it was as appears by the Lords Journal that Bedlo Deposes he saw Prance and that Wa●s † Le Phair Atkins and my lord ●ell●si●'● man were wi●h him being is you see quite different Actors from those mention'd by Pra●er Then he tells 〈◊〉 T●●●●he Corps had a Cravat about the Neck like that about his 〈◊〉 now but so streight that he could not put his Finger between which Reader one would think were no very proper Instrument to Strang●● a strong Man so cleverly and without Noise That he knew Sir E. Godfrey presently though they said he belong'd to a Man of Quality● That the Jesuits now with him the said Bedlow were not those who had formerly imploy'd him to insinuate himself into this Knight's Company and yet Reader his Worship inform'd us as you see but just before That his present Introducer Le Phair was one of them who had thus imploy'd him He further sayes That for his part he advised them to throw the Body with Weights into the River That they thinking that not safe answer'd They would put it on himself That upon asking Le Phair How they could get him away they said in a Chair and Berry was to let them out That upon his saying T was too early Eleven or Twelve being better for their purpose and that he would come again Le Phair conjur'd him not to fail that Night on the Sacrament he had taken on Thursday for after Oa●es his Discovery of the Plot the Sacrament was Administred to him twice a Week That he hasted away and having so great a Charge upon him as the Sacrament he grew disturb'd and went to Bristow where God put it into his Mind to discover All and so writ to the Secretary The Premises were endeavour'd also to be confirm'd by Four Colateral Testimonies as first by Mr. Robinson of the Common-Pleas who attested that Sir Edm. Godfrey said to him That he believed he should be the first Martyr but if they came fairly he would not part with his Life tamely Secondly by one Curtis a poor Chair-Woman belonging to Sir E. Godfrey who said She saw Hill with her Master about Nine or Ten in the Morning on the Saturday he was Murther'd Thirdly by Hill's denying before the Council that ever he saw Girald whenas the Boy at the Plow prov'd in Court that they met there And lastly by Berry's sending away the Prince whilst this Intrigue was on foot upon pretence that he had Orders to acquaint all Persons of Quality That the Queen received no Visits And then being askt at his Examination by the Lords Whether he had ever had such Orders before he then said No which Contradicts his present Answer To this Charge the Prisoners answer'd with all imaginable Protestations That they were Innocent Nor did Sir Robert Southwe●'s Testimony advantage them a little in the Opinion of many for firsts he being summon'd as a Witness for the King to acquaint the Court with several Particulars about Prance's Examination before the Council was askt Whether his present Description and Account of Places were suitable to what 〈…〉 which Sir Robert answered Yes but that it was 〈…〉 had said In the next place the A●turney General demanding whether Prance did hesitate when he shew'd the Lords the several places in relation to the murther He answered That he went positively and directly till they ask● him where in Sommerset-●ouse the Body was carried but that then after going into several rooms he was in great● distraction yet because in that Confusion he said Th●● 〈…〉 we are right the C. Justice would have it that his doubtfulness gave credit to his Testimony since a Knight of the Post never sticks at any thing Now as to the Prisoners
for the Catholick Cause under the Command of my Lord Bellasis Powis and Arundel and that there should be Trade enough for him and others in Church-Work That he going to Mr. Fenwick's Chamber and his Confessarius Father James being dead Mr. Fenwick would have had him come to Confession to him and enjoyn'd him Secresie once or twice Then Bedlow was call'd who said That he question'd not but Mr. White and Fenwick would now object his former slender Evidence against them but that it was then Convenient for otherwise it would have stopt a Design there being a Treaty with Mr. Reading about them two as well as the Lords in the Tower So that Mr. Reading depended on him as to the favouring the said Lords according as he dealt with these which made him then Apologize in Court as some of the Justices he believ'd did remember That he could not then safely declare all he had to say and in truth he was so far from saying all that he did not say half of it Now as to the Particulars of his then Evidence it was he affirm'd thus That he had seen Mr. White at several Consults but this he said with a Caution viz. That he never heard Mr. White was so very much concern'd in the Plot because he had no reaeson to say otherwise since he heard of it from Mr. White himself and so could not well speak it from a Hear-say And for Mr. Fenwick he never heard him 't is true give in any Answer but yet he had seen him at the Consults This was Bedlow's Prelude but whether Satisfactory or not the Auditors then and the Readers now can best judge and especially since his former Charge was not as he would now have it to be it being without any Apology or Advertisement to the Court that he had more to say against them as it most manifestly appears by Ireland's Printed Tryal For being then ask't Whether he knew any thing of Mr. White 's being present at any of the Consults His Answer was That he had the least Acquaintance with him of any of all the Society yet both he and Mr. Fenwick had been several times at Consultations but he knew not the particular Resolves of them nor had he heard them speak any thing in particular only he was often told that nothing was done without Fenwick but this Evidence not being enough the Jury was Discharged of them and they Remanded to Prison The Court taking no notice of Bedlow's Pretence and Plea or of Mr. White 's Demand viz. Whether any thing he had now said was in the last Tryal the Chief Justice askt Bedlow if they had told him any thing of Killing the King who answered Yes For White had told Coleman the manner of sending the Four Ruffians to Windsor That he saw Hartcourt take out of a Cabinet 80. or a 100 l. That Hartcourt paid them the Money by Coleman's Order and gave the Messenger a Guinney to Drink his Health for Coleman was gone before he the said Bedlow came in Moreover he had seen Mr. Fenwick at Mr. Hartcourt's and White 's Chamber when this whole Business was spoken of That he heard from Mr. White and others in Mr. Hartcourt's Chamber of Grove's and Pickering's Reward or Killing the King as aforesaid That Pickering had received Checks for slipping many Opportunities For once his Flint was loose another time there was no Power in the Pan a third time he Charg'd the Pistol with Bullets and no Powder and a fourth time as one that was at the Tryal assur'd me though the Common Print has omitted it he Charg'd it with Powder only Which Reader if these Attempts had bin Bells are all the Charges that can be Rung on them That Mr. White was in Mr. Hartcourt's Chamber with him and others where 't was agreed that the Additional 5000 l. should be given Sir George Wak●man and yet Oats in his Evidence told us That Mr. White order'd it by Letter from Flanders He further sayes That Fenwick was to go to New-Market along with Coniers c. to Destory the King there in his Morning-Walk That he knew nothing in particular of Turner and Gaven That ●e had brought Hartcourt many Pacquets from Spain France Flanders c. about this Affair That he had often carryed the Papers of Business to Mr. Langhorne to Register them That he saw Hartcourt in Sir William Aderson's Presence give a Bill of Exchange to Sir George Wakeman of 2000 l. in part of a greater Sum That Sir George then said 15000 l. was too small a Reward for setling Religion but that Sir George did not read out the Merchant's Name on whom it was drawn After this two Letters were produc'd taken among Mr. Hartcourt's papers The first being from Mr. Peters here in England in which the 24 th of April was mention'd as the day of the meeting Now because it was there enjoyn'd that they should not appear much about Town till the meeting were over lest their Design should be suspected and because of the word Design as also that Secrecy was much recommended as in its own nature necessary The C. Justice thought it extremly conduc'd to the making out of the Plot. As for the second it was from Mr. Anderton at Rome bearing date the 5th of February was Twelve month where mention being made of Patents that were sent and Patents being in the Plural number 't was thought that these were the Commissions so often spoken of The Charge being finish'd it became soon very dubious as to Gaven and Turner because Oates knew them not at their Apprehension and his own words in Court make it good for first He confest that when he met Gaven after his apprehension in the Lobby and was askt by a Gentleman about him he did not well know him nor could say any thing against him then because being under an ill favour'd Perriwig and being a man he knew had a good Head of Hair he did not understand the MYSTERY of it and so spar'd his Evidence and informing the Councel against him Again Gaven produc'd several Staffordshire Witnesses and among others Sir John Winford's Neece and her Maid where he sojourned who attested that they were very confident of his being with them besides other moneths all June and July 'till the 23th because they remember not his absence yet they would not positively say that 't was impossible for him to be away some days since they had no particular Circumstances in readinesse but both they and the rest of his witnesses did averr that he was in Wolver-Hampton from the 23th to the end of July for then to their knowledge he was in the Spiritual Exercise which in truth included the very time of Oates his Accusation for by his saying that Gaven was in London either in July or August and then absolutely agreeing that it was in July it in manner follows that the time
particulars of that grand Meeting as aforesaid But this home Charge came to nothing because there were no Witnesses ready to prove it viva voce for as to the Print though publisht by the Chief Justice it was refus'd since a man was not as Mr. Justice Pemberton Answer'd to be Convicted by a History The Prisoner urged again the Record of the Lords House which could shew that Bedlow had there sworn that he had no persons more to accuse either in or out of the House than those he had already mention'd so that He Mr. Langhorn not being one of them the said Bedlow must be perjur'd but this was deny'd him as was also the hearing of Witnesses to prove that Bedlow had own'd in Mr. Reading's Tryal that he had formerly minc't his Evidence against Mr. Whitebread which was plain perjury since he then swore to speak the whole Truth as well as nothing but Truth Mr. Langhorn though he thought he had hard measure patiently acquiest for he was a very quiet and modest man and then the Court called the Witnesses that proved in the preceding Tryal Oates's being here in April but all of them in some material thing or other varied from their former Depositions for Walker the Minister finding it necessary to advance in his computation about the time when he drew Oates the next morning within the Scheme of his Knowledge as he worded it in the former Tryal tells us now that he believes it was in April and towards the middle of it though in the said former Tryal he made it every whit as likely to be in the latter end of March and yet half April could not then serve you see Oates his turn But Cicily Mayo on the contrary finding it as necessary to shorten her time will have it That it was a matter of a fortnight before Whitsuntide as she remembers when she saw Oates at the Doctor 's yet before she not only depos'd That it was the week before Whit suntide or May the 19 but that he came again to them a week after As for the Doctor or Knight himself who was to assure the Court that his servants told him of Oates his visits he now tells us that he was then sick in the Countrey whereas before he swears in these words At that time says he that they have given in Evidence I was abroad as my business leads me often abroad into the Countrey and then he add's a little after that upon the visit of a Gentleman he fell ill in which time Oates was gone but upon his Recovery to wit in June or July He came to enquire for Dr. Tongue So that if the said Doctor or Knight were sick and out of Town from February to Whitsun week or latter end of May as his Coach-man and He both now depose what becomes of his Boy Page's Testimony that remembred the day before Oates to have been at his Masters in the beginning of May because his said Master had a Patient in I slington Sick of a Feavor nay what shall be thought of the said Doctor himself who to vouch the Boy and to satisfy the Jury swore then that that Patient of his was Aldram Milvers daughter when as here we find him not in the Country about his business but under the Care of Doctor Needham and to be a Patient himself by his own Confession for a great many weeks together The School-Master's also shewd that he understood his business for having well consider'd Mr. Gavans late Inferences he swore at present only that it was on the first Munday in May to the best for sooth of his Remembrance and as he takes it which are expressions far different from the words Yes I do when the Judge askt him if he swere positively and directly As for Clay the old Priest he was confronted by Mr. Charles Howard the Duke of Norfolks Brother who was only examin'd though his wife and two servants were also present to attest That Oates was never with them after April 77 till July 78. Nor were these the sole witnesses that were past by for it had often happened thus both in this and the Jesuits Tryal there being above 30 who never came to their Examinations either for want of hearing or of being called Now because Mr. Howard fear'd his Testimony in Court might be alter'd by the Writers of the Tryal he gave the following account to several of his friends under his own hand one of which came accidentally into mine Nay he sent one to Oates himself to the end no foul play might be us'd with him An Account of what the Honourable Charles Howard said at the old Baily June 14. 1679. As he attest's under his own hand June 14. 1679. AT the Old Baily I'was examin'd how long I had been acquainted with Mr. Oates and at what times I had seen him I answered That I had bin acquainted with him two years or something more That I did see him in Arundel House in April 1677. That upon the Fifth day of May following my Son Charles died and that I have another Son living That after that time I did not see Dr. Oates until the third day of July 1678. That after the said Third of July Mr. Clay did see Dr. Oates with me at Arundel House in my Chamber and not before in my sight but how many times I do not remember That possibly Mr. Clay might see Dr. Oates before I did but as to that I could say nothing Charles Howard Besides it must be remembred that Mr. Howard above a moneth before had bin examin'd by a Committee of the Lords about this business in the presence of Clay and Oates where he satisfy'd their Lordships so well by the time of his Son Charles's Death who had as he told the said Lords bin Examin'd or posed by Oates in April 77 and by many other Circumstances concerning the whole matter that Clay himself confest he might be mistaken in time and that since Mr. Howard who had a better memory than he sayd Oates was not at his House in April 78. he would no longer gainsay it or words to that purpose Mr. Langhorn being found Guilty was Condemned with the five Jesuits that very day and on the Fourteenth of July he was drawn to Tyburn where he publickly declar'd his Innocence as appears by the following Speech which he left written under his own hand Mr. Langhorns's written Speech and Prologue IN regard I could not foresee whether I should be permitted to speak at my Death so as to make a publick Declaration of my Innocence and Loyalty as a Christian ought to do considering likewise that if it should be permitted unto me it would be more advisable for me rather to prepare before hand and set down in writing the very words in which I should make my Declaration than to trust my memory with them to the end that the same may
should have Power as you have heard in Mr. Col●man's Tryal to open●their very Betters But suppose that the Refined Romans are in truth as weak as the Tramontans What did our Gentlemen nay our Neblemen and the Queen her self find so admirable in Oates that they should so unanimously also receive him for a Privy-Councellor Has the recommendation of a Jesuit or two such power as to make men of this Ranck trust their Lives Honours and Estates in the hands of one that could not be so serviceable to them as any of their respective Footmen and yet no part of this Plot was thought fit it seems to be communicated to my Lord Shrewsbury my Lord Arundel my Lord Brudnel my Lord Lumley or to any of the other late Converts who were one would have thought as likely to be then trusted with any thing that tended to the Wealfare of our Religion as the Heroes that now appear as our Accusers But after all the mighty and great Employments which this Fool boasts of could any body have thought him yet so simple as to declare upon Oath in the face of the World That the business they sent him now into England about was to kill Doctor Tongue for having translated the Iesuits morals as if that forsooth were an Action so horrid and inconvenient to the whole Catholick Cause that it deserv'd such a punishment even in the principal time of the Plot and by his hand also that manag'd the whole and knew all the secrets of it nor was his Reward though one might be hang'd as well for Doctor Tongue as Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey any more than fifty pound as he swears in the Lords Journal and in his Narrative Is not this a happy Poet to flag thus in the very top and flight of his Fancy and does he not also do you think well personate his former Offices and Caracter when in the Lords Journal he swears That Collonel Roper gave him Ten Shillings for bringing him his Comission a gift one would have imagin'd fitter for an Ordinary Keeper that brought him a Hanch of Venison than a Present for a great Envoye and States-Man But Money and he were ever such strangers that according to his Idaea the sums and business did fully quadrate and agree Neither was his foresight greater in the Story about Collonel Howards Commission for in the Lords ‖ Journal he not only swears That he himself delivered him one in Wild●Garden in May or June but tells us also in his Narrative to make it a clear and indisputable Lye That the said Collonel Deceast CONFEST he had received and accepted his Commission For had this bin true would not the King do you think would not the Council would not the Parliament and would not the whole Nation have told us of it as having now found out the thing they had so long sought after But why do I stand thus on a single Perjury when there are undeniable and evident ones in every Trial. For in Mr. Coleman's does he not besides a Hundred other Falsities accuse him of sending relief from London to the Ruffians at Windsor on the twenty first of AVGVST when as all his Servants could attest That he was then and several days before in Warwick-shire Does he not swear in Mr. Ireland's That he the said Mr. Ireland was in Town between the eighth and twelveth of that Moneth though he were notoriously and constantly absent from the THIRD to the FOVRTEENTH of the following September as I formerly show'd you Is he not forsworn in Hills Tryal for saying that Sir Ed. Godfrey told him that he went in fear of his Life by the Popish Party whenas he has since declared in the presence of several That this Knight was he believed a PAPIST That he frequented the Benedictins and was most cruelly threatned by a Protestant of great Power and Interest Is he not also forsworn in Sir Geo. Wakeman's Trial by the Testimony of Sir Philip Lloyd and the clear proof of Mr. Corkers not being President of the Benedict●ines as he positively swore he was And as for Mr. Langhorn's and the Jesuit's Tryal has he not among his other egregious Untruths Depos'd That he was in Town the twenty fourth of April with Sir Thomas Preston and Sir John Warner whenas Six have plainly proved you see the last Perjury and FOURTEEN the former But now that I mention these St. Omer Witnesses let me appeal to you my Lords and Gentlemen if such Testimony be invalid and not to be beleived because they have studied under the Jesuits or witness for their own Party Whether there can be any more Commerce between Nation and Nation and whether it lies not in the power of a Villain to father what ridiculous Fact he pleases on any man as committed in the very Streets of Paris without p●ssibility of Desproving him though a thousand persons could testify the contrary to their own certain knowledge for there are few there comparatively that are not Catholicks and of them also that study most have bin taught by the Jesuits Besides if this Doctrine had bin formerly allow'd of how easily might all the Cavaliers in England have bin destroy'd in the late times for seeing Parties convers chiefly together it had bin but finding out an Oates and a Bedlow and then any Charge must have past muster if the Testimony of other Cavaliers were to go for nothing 'T is not bare swearing as Mr. Corker well observ'd that makes an Evidence credible but probable Circumstances together with an absolute and intire proportion which is always the Concomitant of Truth As for those Youths then many of them were Gentleman and of prime Families too many had left the School and had no more to do with the Jesuits nay some as Oates tells us of Hildesley's usage in Ireland's Tryal had Piques and Grudges against them nor did they averr any private Intrigue but a thing obvious to a whole College which consists of about 200 persons and might if false be contradicted to their shame when they least dream't of it I say they averrd a thing obvious to the whole Colledge viz. That Oates was constantly there but one night from his first coming to his Expulsion or going away for good and all Besides their Testmony was not single and barely said but confirmd by Sir John Warner and Sir Thomas Preston's not being in Town by the before-mention'd improbabilities of Oates his admitance to the knowledge of such weighty Affairs by his extreme poverty all along by Mrs Grove and her Maid where he pretended to have lodg'd by the Mrs. of the White horse Tavern who deny'd that any considerable company was then there she being at that time in a very low Condition and just leaving the Tavern so that she could not have forgotten so unwonted a meeting had there bin any and lastly by his palpable and impudent flinshing from his former Testimony in this Affair I mean from