against the Incroachments of Arbitrary Power In pursuance of which Great and Good Ends we shall always be ready as we are obliged to adhere to you our Honoured Representatives with the utmost hazard of our Persons and Estates City of Chichester the same Day After the Unanimous Choice of John Braman and Richard Farington Esquires who serv'd for that City in the late Parliament they had the Sence of that Eminent City delivered to them by a Worthy Person in the Name and by the Consent of the rest in the following Speech Gentlemen THe Faithful discharge of the like high Trust we formerly gave you is the true Inducement of our chusing you again And as we heartily thank you for your past worthy Behaviour in Parliament and in a particular manner for your being for the Bill of Exclusion for the Bill of Uniting all His Majesty's Subjects for Vindicating our almost lost Right of Petitioning for frequent Parliaments and for your endeavour to call those wretched Pensioners to an Account that betray'd the Nation in the late Long Parliament So we pray you to persevere in your faithful Service of us until the Nation be throughly secured against Popery and Arbitrary Power And since that Famous and Renowned Bulwark of the Protestant Religion the ever-to-be-honoured City of London have commanded their Sheriffs to present their Thanks to the true English and Noble Earl of Essex and by him to the rest of those Right Honourable Peers for their late Excellent Petition and Advice to His Majesty so we being willing to imitate so Good and Great an Example do desire you in our names to present in like manner our humble and hearty Thanks to the said Earl and those Noble Lords Borough of Colchester February 15. 1680 1. After the Election made a great Number of the Free-Burgesses of this Corporation agreed upon the following Address to be presented to their Representatives To the Honourable Sir Harbottle Grimston Baronet and Samuel Reynolds Esq now chosen Burgesses for our Corporation of Cochester in the County of Essex WE the Free-Burgesses of the said Corporation being deeply sensible of the unspeakable danger threatning His Majesty's Life and the Protestant Religion and the well established Government of this Kingdom from the Hellish Designs of the Papists and their wicked Adherents And that our Religion and Liberties can only under God be secured to us and our Posterity by wholsome Advice in Parliament Have now chosen you to represent us there in confidence of your Integrity and Courage to discharge so great a Trust in this time of Imminent Danger And we do desire you to allow us to speak our stedfast Resolution with utmost hazard of our Lives and Fortunes to shew our Approbation of what shall be resolved in Parliament for maintaining the Protestant Religion and our Liberties against Popery and Arbitrary Government And we hope you will endeavour to the utmost of your Power to disable James Duke of York and all other Popish Pretenders from Inheriting the Imperial Crown of this Realm And we shall pray for your good success Here we cannot but inform the Reader That the Notorious Thompson in his Popish Intelligence of the 15th of March would insinuate as if there were no such Address by Printing a Story That the Mayor Aldermen and some others of this Town being Assembled on February 28. 1680 1. A Printed Paper purporting to be the manner of the Election and containing also an Address made to the Members c. was read amongst them and that none of the Assembly would own his Consenting to or making that Paper or Address Touching which it must be Noted 1. That the Mayor and several of these Gentlemen were disobliged by being Out-Voted and much offended because they could not carry it for their Friend Sir Walter Clarges and so had no Reason to Address to the Members duly and fairly Elected because they had vigorously appeared for a contrary Party 2. That there are in that Pamphlet in relating the manner of the Election some galling Truths or if you please Reflections which possibly had better been spared and therefore no wise man would own the making it But for the Address it self 't is certain That it was agreed upon consented unto and will be Justified by the far greater part of the Electors of this Antient and Eminently Loyal Borough of which 't was thought fit here to give this brief Account for obviating any slanderous Objection that might be made on that occasion The Address of the Gentlemen and Free-holders of Bedford To the Right Honourable the Lord Russel and Sir Humphrey Munnox Elected Knights for that Shire on the 14th of February 1680 1. WHen it pleased His Majesty to summon His Peers and Commons of this His Realm to meet Him at Westminster in the last Parliament we accordingly then Chose You to Act on our behalf And being abundantly satisfied not only in Your Courage Integrity and Prudence in general but also in Your particular Care and faithful conscientious Endeavours 1. To assert our Right of Legal Petitioning for Redress of our just Grievances and to punish those who were studious to betray it 2. To secure the Meeting and Sitting of frequent Parliaments already by Law provided for for the preservation of our Lives Liberties and Estates and for the support of His Sacred Majesty and even of the Government it self 3. To Repeal the Act of the 35th of Elizabeth whereby all true Protestants might possibly in case of a Popish Successor from which God of his infinite Mercy defend us be liable to utter Ruine Abjuration and perpetual Banishment .4 To secure his Majesty's Royal Person the Protestant Religion and well Established Government of this Realm 5. To destroy and root out Popery 6. To use the most effectual means conducing to so good an End viz. The Exclusion of a a Popish Successor both by name and otherwise We have therefore now chosen you again to represent us in like manner in this Parliament called to be held at Oxford in full Trust and Confidence that with the same Courage and Integrity you will persevere in the same good Endeavours pursuing all things that by joynt consent of your Fellow-Members shall be found for our publick Good and Safety And in full assurance that you will not consent to the disposal of any of our Moneys till we are effectually secured against Popery and Arbitrary Power do resolve by Divine Assistance to stand by you therein The Address of the Gentry and Free-holders of the County of Suffolk to their Representatives Chosen the 14th of February 1680 1. presented to them by Sir Philip Skippon in the name and by consent of the rest of the Electors To the Honourable Sir Sam. Barnardiston and Sir Will. Spring Baronets Knights of the Shire for the County of Suffolk Gentlemen WE the Free-holders of this County having chosen you our Representatives in the last Parliament in which we had satisfactory Demonstration of your
That Parliaments are part of the frame of the Common-Law which is laid in the Law and Light of Nature right Reason and Scripture 2. That according to this Moral Law of Equity and Righteousness Parliaments ought frequently to meet for the common peace safety and benefit of the People and support of the Government 3. That Parliaments have been all along esteemed an essential part of the Government as being the most ancient honourable and Sovereign Court in the Nation who are frequently and perpetually to sit for the making and abolishing Laws Redressing of Grievances and see to the due administration of Justice 4. That as to the place of Meeting it was to be at London the Capital City the Eye and Heart of the Nation as being not only the Regal Seat but the principal place of Judicature and residence of the chief Officers and Courts of Justice where also the Records are kept as well as the principal place of Commerce and Concourse in the Nation and to which the People may have the best recourse and where they may find the best accommodation 5. The Antiquity of Parliaments in this Nation which have been so ancient that no Record can give any account of their Beginning my Lord Coke thus tracing them from the Britains through the Saxons Danes and Normans to our days So that not to suffer Parliaments to sit to answer the great ends for which they were Instituted is expresly contrary to the Common Law and so consequently of the Law of God as well as the Law of Nature and thereby Violence is offered to the Government it self and Infringement of the Peoples fundamental Rights and Liberties Secondly What we find hereof in the Statute-Law The Statute Laws are Acts of Parliament which are or ought to be only Declaratory of the Common Law which as you have heard is founded upon right Reason and Scripture for we are told that if any thing is Enacted contrary thereto it is void and null As Coke Inst l. 2. c 29. f. 15. Finch p. 3. 28 H. 8. c. 27. Doct. and Stud. The first of these Statures which require the frequent Meeting and Sitting of Parliaments agreeable to the Common Law we find to be in the time of Ed. 3. viz. 4 Ed. 3. ch 14. In these words ' Item It is accorded that a Pariament shall be holden every year once or more often if need be The next is in the 36 of the same K. Ed. 3. c. 10. viz. Item For the maintenance of the said Articles and Statutes and Redressing of divers Mischiefs and Grievances which dayly happen a Parliament shall be holden every year as at another time was ordained by a Statute viz. the aforementioned in his 4th year And agreeable hereto are those Statutes upon the Rolls viz. 5 Ed. 2. 1 R. 2. No. 95. By which Statutes it appeareth That Parliaments ought annually to meet to support the Government and to redress the Grievances which may happen in the Interval of Parliaments That being the great End proposed in their said Meetings Now for Parliaments to meet Annually and not suffered to sit to Answer the Ends but to be Prorogued or Dissolved before they have finished their Work would be nothing but a deluding the Law and a striking at the foundation of the Government it self and rendering Parliaments altogether useless for it would be all one to have No Parliaments at all as to have them turn'd off by the Prince before they have done that that they were called and intrusted to do For by the same Rule whereby they may be so turn'd off one Session they may be three Sessions and so to threescore to the breaking of the Government and introducing Arbitrary Power To prevent such intollerable Mischiefs and Inconveniencies are such good Laws as these made in this King's time and which were so Sacredly observed in after times That it was a Custom especially in the Reigns of H. 4. H 5. H. 6. to have a Proclamation made in Westminster-Hall before the end of every Session * An honest and a necessary Proclamation to be made every Parliament That all those who had any matter to present to the Parliament should bring it in before such a day for otherwise the Parliament at that day should Determine Whereby it appears the People were not to be eluded nor disappointed by surprizing Prorogations and Dissolutions to frustrate and make void the great ends of Parliaments And to this purpose saith a late Learned Author That if there was no Statute or any thing upon record extant concerning the Parliaments sitting to redress grievances yet that I must believe that it is so by the fundamental Law of the Government which must be lame and imperfect without it For otherwise the Prince and his Ministers may do what they please and their Wills may be their Laws Therefore it is provided for in the very Essence and Constitution of the Government it self and this saith our Author we may call the Common-Law which is of as much value if not more than any Statute and of which all our good Acts of Parliament and Magna-Charta it self is but Delaratory so that though the King is intrusted with the formal part of summoning and pronouncing the Dissolution of Parliaments which is done by Writ yet the Laws which oblige him as well as us have determined how and when he shall do it which is enough to shew that the King's share in the Soveraignty that is in the Parliament is cut out to him by Law and not left at his disposal The next Statute we shall mention to inforce this fundamental Right and Privilege 25 Ed. 3. c. 23. Statute of Provisors is the 25th Ed. 3. ch 23. called the Statute of Provisors which was made to prevent and cut off the Incroachments of the Bishops of Rome whose Usurpations in disposing of Benefices occasioned intollerable Grievances wherein in the Preamble of the said Statute it is expressed as followeth Whereupon the Commons have prayed our said Soveraign Lord the King that sith the Right of the Crown of England and the Law of the said Realm is such that upon the Mischiefs and Damage which happeneth to his Realm be ought and is bounden of the accord of his said People in his Parliament thereof to make Remedy and Law in avoiding the Mischiefs and Damage which thereof cometh That it may please him thereupon to provide Remedy Our Soveraign Lord the King seeing the Mischiefs and Damage before-named and having regard to the said Statute made in the time of his said Grand-Father and to the Causes contained in the same which Statute holdeth always his force and was never defeated or annulled in any point and by so much is bound by his Oath to do the same to be kept as the Law of this Realm tho that by Sufferance and Negligence it hath since been attempted to the contrary And also having regard to the grievous Complainte made to him by his
proved Thus was that man hanged upon that Confession only though the promise that drew it from him doth appear upon Record and can be proved by good and clear Evidence And from this your Majesty may judge what credit may be given to such men We do not at present enlarge on other particulars though of great importance such as Monopolies selling places of Honors turning men of known integrity out of their Imployments to which they had a good and just right during their lives the profits of one of the most considerable of these being sequestred for sometime and applyed for the Dutchess of Lauderdales use the treating about and receiving of great bribes by the Duke and Dutchess of Lauderdale and the Lord Hatton and particularly from the Towns of Edenborough Abberdeen Lynlythgo and many others for procuring from your Majesty Warrants for illegal impositions within these Towns the manifest and publick perverting of Justice in the Session besides the most signal abuses of the Mint and Copper Coin that are most grievous to all your Subjects But the number of these is so great and they will require so many Witnesses to be brought hither for proving them that we fear it would too much trouble your Majesty now to examine them all but your Majesty shall have a full account of them afterwards One thing is humbly offered to your Majesty as the root of these and many other oppressions which is that the Method of governing that Kingdom for several years hath been That the Lord Hatton and his adherents frame any Letter that they desire from your Majesty to your Council and send it to the Duke of Lauderdale who returns it signed and this is brought to the Council upon which if at any time a debate ariseth concerning the matter of that Letter as being against or with Law and when it is proposed that a representation of that should be made to your Majesty then the Lord Hatton in his insolent way calls to have it put to the question as if it were a crime to have any Warrant either debated or represented to your Majesty which is procured by the Duke of Lauderdale or himself and this is ecchoed by his Party and by this means any further debating is stopped There are some other particulars relating to these heads that are to be offered to your Majesty in other Papers which are not added here lest your Majesty should now be troubled with too long a Paper The Impeahment of the Duke and Dutchess of Lauderdale with their Brother My Lord Hatton Presented to His Majesty by the City of Edenbourgh The matters of Fact particularly relating to the Town of Edenbourgh humbly offered for your Majesties Information Before the Matter of Fact be spoken to it is necessary that your Majesty be informed of one thing upon which this whole Affair hath moved THe City of Edenbourgh had at several times given considerable sums of Money to the Duke of Lauderdale amounting to upward of Twelve Thousand pounds Sterlin and the Lord Hatton Brother to the said Duke being inraged by that their former practice and being arrived to great height and influence in the Administration of Your Majesties Affairs in Scotland did thereupon resolve on a Designe of getting Money for himself also from them as will appear to your Majesty by the following Narration but the Magistrates at that time and such others as had then the Principal Influence in the Administration of Affairs in that Town being honest Men of good Fortunes and not to be brought to comply with his Design he bethought himself of all ways to vex them and knowing they did much value the Prosperity of the Town he thought that the first means for promoting that his Design was to have them threatned with removing Your Majesties Publique Judicatures from that City to Sterlin and perswaded his Brother the Duke of Lauderdale to move Your Majesty to that purpose but being disappointed of that project by Your Majesties Royal Wisdom Your Majesty looking upon it as if it were to declare to the World that You were jealous of so great a Part of that Your Ancient Kingdom he bethought himself of new ways to accomplish his Design for which he judged nothing so proper and effectual as to disturb them in the choice of their Magistrates and Town-Counsel and by all means possible to get some of his own chusing fit for his own ends brought into the Administration of the Affairs of that City In order to which being impatient of any longer delay he laid hold of what follows being the first occasion that offer'd though a very frivolous one At Michaclmas 1674 The said City of Edenbourgh being to go about the Election of their Magistrates for the ensuing year there was procured a Letter from Your Majesty to Your Privy Counsel commanding them to forbid the Magistrates and Town Counsel to proceed in their Elections but to continue the Magistrates that then were till Your Majesty's further pleasure should be known the reason suggested to Your Majesty for it was taken from this Circumstance That the Election ought to be made upon the Tuesday after Michaelmas and it happening this year that Michaelmas fell to be on a Tuesday they were resolved to proceed to their Elections upon Michaelmas-day Though this was a very small Matter and upon very good and prudent Considerations resolved as will afterward appear yet was it represented to Your Majesty as a Factious Design and an Innovation of dangerous Consequence tending to create and maintain Faction in that City contrary to Your Majesties Service Your Majesties foresaid Letter being intimated to the Magistrates and Town-Counsel they did immediately give exact obedience to the same They did also represent to Your Majesties Privy Council the Rights that they had for chusing their own Magistrates which had been granted to them by many of Your Majesties Royal Ancestors and confirmed by many Parliaments by vertue of which they humbly conceived they ought to be suffered to proceed in their Elections They did also represent to Your Majesties Privy Council the Reasons which had moved them to resolve of making their Elections on the said Tuesday being Michaelmas day which in short were that by their Constitution they were obliged upon the Friday before Michaelmas to make the List out of which the Magistrates are to be chosen after the doing of which there is a Surcease and Vacation of all ordinary Courts of Judicature within the Town and the whole time is spent by the Common People and Tradesmen of the Town in Rioting and Drinking until the Elections be finished which in this case would have been Twelve days which they did in Prudence think they ought to shorten not conceiving it contrary in the least to the established Rules of their Election 2. On these things they did humbly crave Your Majesties Privy Council would be pleased to represent to Your Majesty that thereby they might be freed from the suspicion of any
People in divers Parliaments holden heretofore Willing to ordain Remedy for the great Damages and Mischiefs which have happened and dayly do happen by the said Cause c. By the assent of all the great Men and Commonalty of his said Realm hath Ordained and Established c. In which preamble of the Statute we may observe 1. The intollerable grievance and burden which was occasion'd by the illegal Incroachments of the See of Rome 2. The many Complaints the People had made who in those dark times under Popery were sensible of groaning under those Burdens 3. The Endeavours used in vain by former Parliaments to Redress the same and to bring their Laws in being to have their Force and Effect 4. The acknowledgment of the King and Parliament that the Obligation hereto was upon the King 1. From the Right of the Crown which obliged every King to pass good Laws 2. The Statute in force 3. The King's Oath to keep the Old and pass New Laws for his Peoples safeguard which they should tender to him 4. From the sence of the People expressed in their Complaints and 5. From the Mischief and Damage which would otherwise ensue And therefore by the desire and accord of his People He passes this famous Law The Preamble whereof is here recited Another Statute to the same purpose you find 2 R. 2. No. 28. Also the Commons in Parliament pray That forasmuch as Petitions and Bills presented in Parliament by divers of the Commons could not heretofore have their Respective Answers That therefore both their Petitions and Bills in this present Parliament as also others which shall be presented in any future Parliament may have a good and gracious Answer and Remedy ordained thereupon before the departing of every Parliament And that to this purpose a due Statute be ensealed or Enacted at this present Parliament to be and remain in Force for all times to come To which the King replied The King's Answer THE King is pleased that all such Petitions deliver'd in Parliament of things or matters which cannot otherwise be determined A Good and Reasonable Answer shall be made and given before the departure of Parliament In which excellent Law we may observe 1. A Complaint of former remisness their Bills having aforetime been pass'd by their Grievances Unredressed by unseasonably Dissolving of Parliaments before their Laws could pass 2. That a Law might pass in that very Parliament to rectifie that Abuse for the future And 3. That it should not pass for a temporary Law but for perpetuity being of such absolute Necessity that before the Parliaments be dismissed Bills of common Right might pass And the King agreed hereto Suitable hereto we have my Lord Chief Justice Coke that great Oracle of the Law in his Instit 4. B. p. 11. asserting Petitions being truly preferr'd though very many have been Answered by the Law and Custom of Parliament before the end of Parliament This appears saith he by the Ancient Treatise De Modo tenendi Parliamentum in these Words faithfully Translated The Parliament ought not to be ended while any Petition dependeth undiscussed or at the least to which a determinate Answer is not made Rot. Par. 17. E. 3. No. 60. 25 E. 3. No. 60. 50 E. 3. No. 212. 2 R. 2.134 2 R. 2. No. 38. 1 H. 4.132 2 H. 4325.113 And that one of the principal ends of calling Parliaments is for redressing of Grievances that daily happen 36 E. 3. c. 10. 18 E. 3. c. 14. 50 E. 3. No. 17. Lyons Case Rot. Par. 1 H. 5. No. 17. 13 H. 4. No. 9. And that as concerning the departing of Parliaments It ought to be in such a manner faith Modus Tenendi viz. To be demanded yea and publiekly Proclaimed in the Parliament and within the Palace of the Parliament whether there be any that hath delivered a Petition to the Parliament and hath not received Answer thereto if there be none such it is to be supposed that every one is Satisfied or else Answered unto at the least so far forth as by the Law be may be And which custom was observed in after Ages as you have heard before Concerning the Antiquity and Authority of this Ancient Treatise called Modus tenendi Parliamentum saith my Lord Coke whereof we make often use in our Institutes Certain it is that this Modus was Rehearsed and Declared before the Conqueror at the time of his Conquest and by him approved for England and accordingly he according to Modus held a Parliament for England as appears 21 E. 3. so 60. Whereby you clearly perceive that these wholsome Laws are not only in full agreement with the Common Law and declarative thereof but in full accord with the Oath and Office of the Prince who has that great trust by the Law lodged with him for the good and benefit not hurt and mischief of the People viz. First These Laws are very suitable to the Duty and Office of a Ruler and the end for which he was instituted by God himself who commands him to do Judgment and Justice to all especially to the Oppressed and not to deny them any request for their relief protection or welfare 2 Sam. 22.3 1 Chron. 13.1 to 5.2 Chron. 9.8.19.5 c Est 1.13 Our Law-Books enjoyning the same as Bracton Lib. 1. c. 2. Lib. 3. c. 9. fol. 107 c. Fortiscue ch 9. fo 15. c. 7. fol 5.11 Coke 7. Book Reports Calvin's Case f. 11. Secondly They are also in full Harmony with the King's Coronation Oath solemnly made to all his Subjects viz. To grant fulfill and defend all rightful Laws which the Commons of the Realm shall choose and to strengthen and maintain them after his Power Thirdly These Laws are also in full agreement and oneness with Magna Charta it self that Ancient Fundamental Law which hath been Confirmed by at least Forty Parliaments viz. We shall deny We shall defer to no Man Justice and Right much less to the whole Parliament and Kingdom in denying or deferring to pass such necessary Bills which the Peoples needs call for Object But to all this which hath been said it may be objected That several of our Princes have otherwise practised by Dissolving or as laterly used by Prorogucing Parliaments at their pleasures before Grievances were Redressed and Publick Bills of Common Safety Passed and that as a Privilege belonging to the Royal Prerogative Answ To which it is Answered That granting they have so done First It is most manifest that deth not therefore create a right to them so to do according to that known Maxim a facto ad jus non valet Consequentia especially when such Actions are against so many express and positive Laws such Principles of Common Right and Justice and so many particular Tyes and Obligations upon themsâ—â—es to the contrary Secondly But if it had been so yet neither can Prerogative be pleaded to justify such Practices because the King has no Prerogative but what the Law gives
our just and due Acknowledgments for the happy Relief You have brought to us and that we may not be wanting in this present Conjuncture we have put our selves into such a Posture that by the Blessing of God we may be capable to prevent all ill Designs and to preserve this City in Peace and Safety till your Highness's Happy Arrival We therefore humbly desire that your Highness will please to repair to this City with what convenient speed you can for the perfecting the great Work which Your Highness has so happily begun to the general Joy and Satisfaction of us all December the 17th 1688. THE said Committee this day made Report to the Lieutenancy that they had presented the said Address to the Prince of Orange and that His Highness received them very kindly December the 17th 1688. By the Lieutenancy Ordered That the said Order and Address be forwith Printed Geo. Evans To his Highness the Prince of Orange The Humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common Council assembled May it please Your Highness WE taking into Consideration your Highness's fervent Zeal for the Protestant Religion manifested to the World in your many and hazardous Enterprizes which it hath pleased Almighty God to bless You with miraculous Success We render our deepest Thanks to the Divine Majesty for the same And beg leave to present our most humble Thanks to your Highness particularly for your appearing in Arms in this Kingdom to carry on and perfect your glorious Design to rescue England Scotland and Ireland from Slavery and Popery and in a Free Parliament to establish the Religion the Laws and the Liberties of these Kingdoms upon a sure and lasting Foundation We have hitherto look'd for some Remedy for these Oppressions and Imminent Dangers We together with our Protestant Fellow-Subjects laboured under from His Majesty's Concessions and Concurrences with Your Highness's Just and Pious purposes expressed in Your gracious Declaration But herein finding Our Selves finally disappointed by his Majesty's withdrawing Himself We presume to make Your Highness Our Refuge And do in the Name of this Capital CITY implore Your Highness's Protection and most humbly beseech Your Highness to vouchsafe to repair to this CITY where Your Highness will be received with Universal Joy and Satisfaction The Speech of Sir George Treby Kt. Recorder of the Honourable City of London to his Highness the Prince of Orange Dec. 20. 1688. May it please your Highness THE Lord Mayor being disabled by Sickness your Highness is attended by the Aldermen and Commons of the Capital City of this Kingdom deputed to Congratulate your Highness upon this great and glorious Occasion In which labouring for Words we cannot but come short in Expression Reviewing our late Danger we remember our Church and State over-run by Popery and Arbitrary Power and brought to the Point of Destruction by the Conduct of Men that were our true Invaders that brake the Sacred Fences of our Laws and which was worst the very Constitution of our Legislature So that there was no Remedy left but the Last The only Person under Heaven that could apply this Remedy was Your Highness You are of a Nation whose Alliances in all Times has been agreeable and prosperous to us You are of a Family most Illustrious Benefactors to Mankind To have the Title of Soveraign Prince Stadtholder and to have worn the Imperial Crown are among their lesser Dignities They have long enjoyed a Dignity singular and transcendent viz. To be Champions of Almighty God sent forth in several Ages to vindicate his Cause against the greatest Oppressions To this Divine Commission our Nobles our Gentry and among them our brave English Soldiers rendred themselves and their Arms upon your appearing GREAT SIR When we look back to the last Month and contemplate the Swiftness and Fulness of our present Deliverance astonish'd we think it miraculous Your Highness led by the Hand of Heaven and called by the Voice of the People has preserved our dearest Interests The Protestant Religion which is Primitive Christianity restor'd Our Laws which are our ancient Title to our Lives Liberties and Estates and without which this World were a Wilderness But what Retribution can We make to your Highness Our Thoughts are full-charged with Gratitude Your Highness has a lasting Monument in the Hearts in the Prayers in the Praises of all good Men among us And late Posterity will celebrate your ever-glorious Name till Time shall be no more Chapman Mayor Cur ' special ' tent ' die Jovis xx die Decemb ' 1688. Annoque RR. Jacobi Secundi Angl ' c. quarto THIS Court doth desire Mr. Recorder to print his Speech this day made to the Prince of Orange at the time of this Court 's attending his Highness with the Deputies of the several Wards and other Members of the Common Council Wagstaffe His Highness the Prince of Orange's Speech to the Scots Lords and Gentlemen With their Advice and his Highness's Answer With a true Account of what past at their Meeting in the Council-Chamber at Whitehall January 7th 168â— His Highness the Prince of Orange having caused Advertise such of the Scots Lords and Gentlemen as were in Town met them in a Room at St. James's upon Monday the Seventh of January at Three of the Clock in the Afternoon and had this Speech to them My Lords and Gentlemen THE only Reason that induced me to undergo so great an Vndertaking was That I saw the Laws and Liberties of these Kingdoms overturned and the Protestant Religion in Imminent Danger And seeing you are here so many Noblemen and Gentlemen I have called you together that I may have your Advice what is to be done for Securing the Protestant Religion and Restoring your Laws and Liberties according to my Declaration As soon as his Highness had retired the Lords and Gentlemen went to the Council-Chamber at Whitehall and having chosen the Duke of Hamilton their President they fell a consulting what Advice was fit to be given to his Highness in this Conjuncture And after some hours Reasoning they agreed upon the Materials of it and appointed the Clerks with such as were to assist them to draw up in Writing what the Meeting thought expedient to advise his Highness and to bring it in to the Meeting the next in the Afternoon Tuesday the Eighth Instant the Writing was presented in the Meeting And some time being spent in Reasoning about the fittest way of Coveening a General Meeting of the Estates of Scotland At last the Meeting came to agree in their Opinion and appointed the Advice to be writ clean over according to the Amendments But as they were about to part for that Dyet the Earl of Arran proposed to them as his Lordship's Advice that they should move the Prince of Orange to desire the King to return and call a Free Parliament which would be the best way to secure the Protestant Religion and Property and to
STATE TRACTS Being a Farther COLLECTION OF Several Choice Treatises Relating to the GOVERNMENT From the YEAR 1660. to 1689. Now Published in a Body to shew the Necessity and clear the Legality of the Late REVOLUTION and Our present Happy SETTLEMENT under the Auspicious Reign of Their MAJESTIES King William and Queen Mary LONDON Printed and are to be Sold by RICHARD BALDWIN near the Oxford-Arms in Warwick-Lane MDCXCII PREFACE to the READER THE Main and Principal Design of making this following Collection was to preserve entire in this Second Volume some other Excellent Tracts of equal esteem and value with the former which made that Book so much obtain among the Learned and Curious as that the whole Impression of it is already near sold And as it cannot but be very entertaining to Vs in the reading of them who do yet so sensibly remember what we then felt and looked for worse to fall on us every day than other so it will certainly be of great Benefit and Advantage to our Posterities in future who may considerably profit themselves by our Misfortunes This is a Collection that in the general will set forth the true and Legal Constitution of our Ancient Famous English Government which of all the Countries in Europe Memoirs of Philip de Comines Kt. lib. 5. cap. 18. p. 334. in Octavo Printed 1674. where I was ever acquainted says the Noble Lord of Argenton is no-where so well managed the People no-where less obnoxious to Violence nor their Houses less liable to the Desolations of War than in England for there the Calamities fall only upon the Authors 'T was a true Observation that this Great Man made of the Justice of our Gallant Ancestors in his days how miserable the Successive Generations have deviated from the vertue of their steps how much the strict Piety of their Manners and the noble Bravery of their Spirits Tempers and Complexions have been enervated and dissolved by the later looseness supine carelesness and degeneracy the present Age hath great reason to bewail and 't is hoped that those to come will be hereby cautioned to grow wiser and better by those past Follies and Miscarriages In particular Here will be seen the dangerous Consequences of keeping up a standing Army within these Kingdoms in a time of Peace without consent of Parliament The Trust Power and Duty of Grand Juries and the great Security of English-mens Lives in their faithful discharge thereof The Right of the Subject to Petition their King for Redress of their Wrongs and Oppressions and that Access to the Sovereign ought not to be shut up in case of any Distresses of his People The Spring of all our late private Mischievous Councils and Cabals and the Special Tools that were thought fittest for Preferment to be imployed under a colour of Authority to put all those concerted Designs in motion and execution The Parliament's Care in appointing a Committee to examine the Proceedings of the Forward and Active Judges upon several Cases that were brought before them of grand importance to the Common-weal Peace and Safety of the Nation ☞ and the Resolution of the House of Commons upon their Report That the Judges said Proceedings were Arbitrary and Illegal destructive to Publick Justice a high and manifest Violation of their Oaths a Scandal to the Reformation an usurpation of the Legislative Power to themselves and a means to subvert the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom And the several Grievances that this Nation hath long been labouring under for the Advancement of Popery Arbitrary Dominion and the unmeasurable Growth and Power of France There are likewise interspersed in this Volume several Matters of Fact relating to the Male-Admininistration of Affairs in Scotland under Duke Lauderdale and his Favourites as also a Large and Faithful Account of the late Earl of Argyle's Tryal Escape and Sentence with divers other things for the better clearing of his Case In a word This Collection will discover to us the Mysteries of the Monarchy in the two Late Reigns and the Abused Trust of Government in those Princes by a Dispencing Power both in Ecclesiastical and Civil Matters to Tyrannize over their Subjects who in the mean while were taught by sâ—me Passive-Obedience and Non-Resistance Doctrine-holders That all their Duty was tamely to submit to and patiently sigh under their daily Sufferings and Oppressions and I think we bore them so long till we were within one throw more of loosing all our good old Laws and Constitutions and even the Government it self Our Miseries were lately so great and many as you will find here that it is impossible for any one better and more fully to express them than in the words of a very Learned and Judicious Author who hath thus given us a just and lively Representation of them Our Laws says he were trampled under foot and upon the matter abolished to set up Will and Pleasure in their room under the Cant and Pretence of Dispencing Power Our Constitution was overthrown by the Trick of New Charters and by closetting and corrupting Members of Parliament Men were required under pain of the highest Displeasure to consent Some Considerations about the most proper way of raising Money in the present Conjuncture Printed Octob. 1691. and concur to the sacrificing their Religion and the Liberty of their Countrey The worthiest honestest and bravest Men in England had been barbarously murthered and to aggravate the Injustice which was done them all bad been varnished over with a Colour of Law and the Formality of Tryals not unlike the Case of Naboth and Ahab Those whom the Law declared Traytors were in defiance of the National Authority introduced into our Councils and the Conduct of Affairs put into their hands Our Vniversities were invaded by open Force those who were in the lawful possession of the Government of Colledges turned out and Papists sent thither in their room And if that Attempt had throughly prospered the Churches and Pulpits would soon have followed It were vain to go about to enumerate Particulars In a word the Nation was undone All was lost The Judges were suborned or threatned to declare that the King was Master of all the Laws and the Bishops were required to publish this New-created Prerogative in all the Churches of England by the Mouths of the Clergy which when some of them refused to do representing to the King with the utmost submission and modesty that neither Conscience nor Justice permitted them to do what he desired they were prosecuted at Law as if they had been guilty of some great Crime Letters were written and intercepted by which it appeared evidently that the change of our Religion was determined and that Popery was to be brought in with all speed least the opportunity should be lost And for the better compassing this pious design our Civil and Parliamentary Rights were to be taken away in Ordine ad Spiritualia And when the Nation and those who were concerned
43. A Brief Account of particulars occurring at the happy death of our late Soveraign Lord K. Ch. 2d in regard to Religion faithfully related by his then Assistant Mr. Jo. Huddleston 280 44. Some Reflections on His Majesty's Proclamation of the Twelfth of Feb. 1686 7. for a Toleration in Scotland together with the said Proclamation 281 45. His Majesty's Gracious Declaration to all his Loving Subjects for Liberty of Conscience 287 46. A Letter containing some Reflections on His Majesty's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience Dated April 4. 1687. 289 47. A Letter to a Dissenter upon Occasion of His Majesty's Late Gracious Declaration of Indulgence 294 48. The Anatomy of an Equivalent 300 49. A Letter from a Gentleman in the City to his Friend in the Countrey containing his Reasons for not reading the Declaration 309 50. An Answer to the City Minister's Letter from his Countrey Friend 314 51. A Letter from a Gentleman in Ireland to his Friend in London upon ocasion of a Pamphlet entituled A Vindication of the Present Government of Ireland under his Excellency Richard Earl of Tyrconnel 316 52. A Plain Account of the Persecution laid to the Charge of the Church of England 322 53. Abby and other Church Lands not yet assured to such possessors as are Roman-Catholicks dedicated to the Nobility and Gentry of that Religion 326 54. The King's Power in Ecclesiastical matters truly stated 331 55. A Letter writ by Mijn Heer Fagel Pensioner of Holland to Mr. James Stewart Advocate giving an Account of the Prince and Princess of Orange's thoughts concerning the Repeal of the Test and the Penal Laws 334 56. Reflections on Monsieur Fagel's Letter 338 57. Animadversions upon a pretended Answer to Mijn Heer Fagel's Letter 343 58. Some Reflections on a Discourse called Good Advice to the Church of England c. 363 59. The ill effects of Animosities 371 60. A Representation of the Threatning Dangers impending over Protestants in Great-Britain With an Account of the Arbitrary and Popish ends unto which the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in England and the Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland are designed 380 61. The Declaration of his Highness William Henry by the Grace of God Prince of Orange c. of the Reasons inducing him to appear in Arms in the Kingdom of England for preserving of the Protestant Religion and for restoring the Laws and Liberties of England Scotland and Ireland 420 62. His Highnesses Additional Declaration 426 63. The then supposed Third Declaration of his Royal Highness pretended to be signed at his head Quarters at Sherborn-Castle November 28. 1688. but was written by another Person tho yet unknown 427 64. The Reverend Mr. Samuel Johnson's Paper in the year 1686. for which he was sentenc'd by the Court of Kings-Bench Sir Edward Herbert being Lord Chief Justice and Sir Francis Wythens pronouncing the Sentence to stand Three times on the Pillory and to be whipp'd from Newgate to Tyburn which barbarous Sentence was Executed 428 65. Several Reasons for the establishment of a standing Army and Dissolving the Militia by the said Mr. Johnson 429 66. To the King 's Most Excellent Majesty the Humble Petition of William Archbishop of Canterbury and divers of the suffragan Bishops of that Province then present with him in behalf of themselves and others of their absent Brethren and of the Clergy of their respective Diocesses with His Majesty's Answer 430 67. The Petition of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for the calling of a free Parliament together with His Majesty's Gracious Answer to their Lordships Ib. 68. The Prince of Orange's Letter to the English Army 431 69. Prince George his Letter to the King 432 70. The Lord Churchill's Letter to the King 432 71. The Princess Ann of Denmark's Letter to the Queen 433 72. A Memorial of the Protestants of the Church of England presented to their Royal Hignesses the Prince and Princess of Orange 433 73. Admiral Herbert's Letter to all Commanders of Ships and Seamen in His Majesty's Fleet. 434 74. The Lord Delamere's Speech 434 75. An Engagement of the Noblemen Knights and Gentlemen at Exeter to assist the Prince of Orange in the defence of the Protestant Religion Laws and Liberties of the People of England Scotland and Ireland 435 76. The Declaration of the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty at the Rendezvouz at Nottingham November 22. 1688. 436 77. His Grace the Duke of Norfolk's Speech to the Mayor of Norwich on the 1st of December in the Market-place of Norwich 437 78. The Speech of the Prince of Orange to some principal Gentlemen of Somersetshire and Dorsetshire on their coming to join his Highness at Exeter Novemb. 15. 1688. 437 79. The True Copy of a Paper delivered by the Lord Devonshire to the Mayor of Darby where he Quartered Novemb. 21. 1688. 438 80. A Letter from a Gentleman at Kings-Lynn Decemb. 7. 1688. to his Friend in London With an Address to his Grace the most Noble Henry Duke of Norfolk Lord Marshall of England Ibid. 81. His Grace's Answer with another Letter from Lynn-Regis giving the D. of Norfolk's 2d Speech there Decemb. 10. 1688. 439 82. The Declaration of the Lord 's Spiritual and Temporal in and about the Cities of London and Westminster Assembled at Guild-Hall Decemb. 11. 1688. Ibid. 83. A Paper delivered to his Highness the Prince of Orange by the Commissioners sent by His Majesty to treat with him and his Highness's Answer 1688. 440 84. The Recorder of Bristoll's Speech to his Highness the Prince of Orange Monday Jan. 7. 1688. 441. 85. The Humble Address of the Lieutenancy of the City of London to his Highness the Prince of Orange Decemb. 12. 1688. 442 86. The Humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common-Council Assembled to his Highness the Prince of Orange 443 87. The Speech of Sir Geo. Treby Knight Recorder of the Honourable City of London to his Highness the Prince of Orange Decemb. 20. 1688. Ibid. 88. His Highness the Prince of Orange's Speech to the Scotch Lords and Gentlemen with their Advice and his Highness's Answer with a true Account of what past at their meeting in the Council Chamber at White-Hall Jan. 7. 1688 9. 444 89. The Emperor of Germany's Account of K. James's Misgovernment in joining with the K. of France the Common Enemy of Christendom in his Letter to K. James 446 90. The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Assembled at Westminster concerning the Misgovernment of K. James and filling up the Throne Presented to K. William and Q. Mary by the Right Honourable the Marquess of Hallifax Speaker to the House of Lords with His Majesty's Most Gracious Answer thereunto 447 91. A Proclamation Declaring William and Mary Prince and Princess of Orange to be King and Queen of England France and Ireland c. 449 92. The Declaration of the Estates of Scotland concerning the Misgovernment of K. James the 7th
and filling up the Throne with K. William and Q. Mary 450 93. A Proclamation Declaring William and Mary King and Queen of England to be King and Queen of Scotland Edinburgh April 11. 1689. 452 93. The manner of the King and Queen's taking the Coronation-Oath 453 94. The Coronation-Oath of England 454 The Coronation-Oath of Scotland Ibid. 95. Proposals humbly offered to the Lords and Commons in the present Convention for Setling of the Government 455 96. The late Honourable Convention proved a Legal Parliament 457 97. The Present Convention a Parliament 459 98. The Thoughts of a private Person about the Justice of the Gentlemens undertaking at York Novemb. 1688. wherein is shewed That it is neither against Scripture nor Moral Honesty to defend their Just and Legal Rights against the Illegal Invaders of them occasioned then by some private Debates and now submitted to better Judgments 461 99. An Enquiry into the Measures of Submission to the Supream Authority and of the Grounds upon which it may be lawful or necessary for Subjects to defend their Religion Lives and Liberties 483 100. The Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy no Badges of Slavery 489 THE Earl of Clarendon's Speech ABOUT Disbanding the Army SEPTEMBER 13. 1660. My Lords and Gentlemen THE King tells you that he hath commanded me to say many particulars to you and the truth is He hath charged me with so many that I have great reason to fear that I shall stand in much need of His Mercy for omitting many things He hath given me in Command at least for delivering them in more Disorder and Confusion then Matters of such Moment and Importance ought to be to such an Assembly for which the King Himself hath even a kind of Reverence as well as an extraordinary Kindness I am to mention some things He hath done already and many things He intends to do during this Recess that you may see how well content soever he is that you should have Ease and Pleasure and Refreshment he hath designed Work enough for Himself The King hath thanked you for the Provision you have made that there may be no free Quarter during the time the Army shall be Disbanding and hath told you what He will do with that Money you have given Him if there should want wherewithal to Disband it And now I hope you will all believe that His Majesty will consent to the Disbanding He will do so And yet He does not take it unkindly at their hands who have thought that his Majesty would not Disband this Army It was a sober and a rational Jealousie No other Prince in Europe would be willing to Disband such an Army an Army to which Victory is entailed and which humanely speaking could hardly fail of Conquest whithersoever He should lead it and if God had not restored His Majesty to that rare Felicity as to be without apprehension of Danger at home or from abroad and without any Ambition of taking from his Neighbours what they are possessed of Himself would never Disband this Army an Army whose Order and Discipline whose Sobriety and Manners whose Courage and Success hath made it famous and terrible over the World an Army of which the King and His two Royal Brothers may say as the noble Grecian said of Aeneas Stetimus tela aspera contra Contulimusque manus experto credite quantus In clypeum assurgat quo turbine torqueat hastam They have all three in several Countries found themselves engaged in the midst of these Troops in the heat and rage of Battel and if any common Souldiers as no doubt many may will demand the old Roman Priviledge for having encountred Princes single upon my Conscience he will find both Favour and Perferment They have all three observed the Discipline and felt and admired and loved the Courage of this Army when they were the worse for it and I have seen them in a season when there was little else of comfort in their view refresh themselves with joy that the English had done the great Work the English had got the Day and then please themselves with the Imagination what wonders they should perform in the head of such an Army And therefore when His Majesty is so entirely possessed of the Affection and obedience of this Army and when it hath merited so much from Him can it be believed or imagined that He can without some regret part with them No My Lords and Gentlemen He will never part with them and the only sure way never to part with them is to Disband them should it be otherwise they must be exposed to the daily Importunity of His great Neighbours and Allies and how could He refuse to lend them His Troops of which He hath no use Himself His Majesty knows they are too good English men to wish that a standing Army should be kept in the howels of their own Countrey that they who did but in Bello pacis gerere negotium and who whilest an Army lived like good Husbandmen in the Countrey and good Citizens in the City will now become really such and take Delight in the Benefit of that Peace they have so honestly and so wonderfully brought to pass The King will part with them as the most indulgent Parents part with their Children for their Education and for their Perferment He will prefer them to Disbanding and prefer them by Disbanding and will always retain such a Kindness for them and such a Memory of the Service they have done him that both Officers and Souldiers after they are Disbanded shall always find such countenance favour and reward from His Majesty that He doubts not but if he should have Occasion to use their Service they will again resort to Him with the same Alacrity as if they had never been Disbanded And if there be any so ill amongst them as there can be but very few if any who will forfeit that Favour and Protection they may have from Him by any withstanding His Majesties Commands and the full and declared sense of the Kingdom His Majesty is confident they will be as odious to their Companions as they can be to any other honest Men. My Lords and Gentlemen I am in the next place by the Kings Command to put you in mind of the Act of Indemnity not of any Grants or Concessions or Releases He made to you in that Act I have nothing of that in charge no Prince hath so excellent a memory to forget the Favours he doth but of what He hath done against you in that Act how you may be undone by that Act if you are not very careful to perform the Obligations He hath laid upon you in it the clause I am to put you in mind of is this And to the intent and purpose that all names and terms of Distinction may be likewise put into utter Oblivion Be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid That if any Person or Persons within the space of three Years next
would not have been a very melancholy Present Have not you frank and dutiful Expressions that cheerfulness and vivacity in your Looks rendred much more acceptable much more valuable No Prince in Christendom loves a cheerful giver so well as God Almighty does and he of all Gifts a cheerful Heart and therefore I pray let not a cloudy and disconsolate face be the only or the best sign of Piety and Devotion in the Heart I must ask your Pardon for misplacing much of this Discourse which I should have mentioned when I came to speak of the Ministers Bill they I hope will endeavour to remove these new marks of Dinstinction and Reproaches and keep their Auditories from being imposed upon by such Characters and Descriptions The King hath passed this Act very willingly and done much to the end of this Act before yet hath willingly admitted you to be Sharers and Partners with Him in the Obligation I may say confidently His Majesty hath never denied His Confirmation to any Man in Possession who hath asked it and they have all the effect of it except such who upon Examination and Enquiry appeared not worthy of it and such who though they are pardoned cannot yet think themselves worthy to be preferr'd His Majesty well knows that by this Act he hath gratified and obliged many worthy and pious Men who have contributed much to His Restauration and who shall always receive fresh Evidence of His Majesties Favour and Kindness but he is not sure that he may not likewise have gratified some who did neither contribute to His coming in nor are yet glad that he is in how comes it else to pass that he receives such frequent informations of Seditious Sermons in the City and the Countrey in which all Industry is used to alienate the Affections of the People and to infuse Jealousies into them of the King and His Government They talk of introducing Popery of evil Councellors and such other old Calumnies as are pardoned by this Act of Indempnity His Majesty told You when he was last here what Rigour and Severity He will hereafter use how contrary soever it is to his Nature in these Cases and conjured You My Lords and Gentlemen to concur with him in this just and necessary Severity which I am sure You will do with Your utmost Vigilance and that You will believe that too much ill cannot befall those who do the best they can to corrupt His Majesties Nature and to extinguish His Mercy My Lords and Gentlemen I told You I was to acquaint you with some things His Majesty intends to do during this Recess that You may see He will give no intermission to His Own thoughts for the Publick good though for a time He Dispences with Your Assistance He doth consider the infinite Importance the Improvement of Trade must be to this Kingdom and therefore His Majesty intends forthwith to Establish a Council for Trade consisting of some Principal Merchants of the several Companies to which he will add some Gentlemen of Quality and Experience and for their greater Honour and Encouragement some of my Lords of His own Privy Council In the next Place His Majesty hopes that a well-setled Peace and Gods great Blessing upon Him and You this Nation will in a short time flourish to that Degree that the Land of Canaan did when Esau found it necessary to part from his Brother For their riches were more then that they might dwell together and the land wherein they were could not bear them because of their cattel We have been Our selves very near this Pinacle of happiness and the hope and Contemplation that We may be so again disposes the King to be very solicitous for the Improvement and Prosperity of His Plantations abroad where there is such large room for the Industry and Reception of such who shall desire to go thither and therefore His Majesty likewise intends to erect and establish a Councel for those Plantations in which persons well qualified shall be wholly intent upon the good and advancement of those Plantations There are two other particulars which I am commanded to mention which were both mentioned and recommended to You by His Majesty in his Declaration from Breda The one for the Confirmation of Sales or other Recompence for Purchasers The other for the composing those Differences and Distempers in Religion which have too much disturbed the Peace of the Kingdom Two very weighty particulars in which His Majesty knows You have spent much time and concerning which he should have heard from You before this time if You had not met with great difficulties in the Disquisition of either For the First His Majesty hath not been without much thought upon the Argument and hath done much towards the Accommodation of many particular Persons and You shall not be at Your Journeys end before His Majesty will put that Business concerning Sales into such a way of Dispatch that he doubts not You will find a good Progress made in it before Your coming together again and I believe the Persons concerned will be very much to blame if they receive not good Satisfaction And some of You who stay in Town shall be advised and consulted with that Setlement The other of Religion is a sad Argument indeed It is a Consideration that must make every religious heart to bleed to see Religion which should be the strongest obligation and cement of Affection and brotherly kindness and compassion made now by the Wranglings of passionate and froward Men the ground of all animosity hatred malice and revenge And this unruly and unmanly Passion which no question the Divine Nature exceedingly abhors sometimes and I fear too frequently transports those who are in the right as well those who are in the wrong and leaves the latter more excusable then the former when men who find their manners and dispositions very conformable in all the necessary obligations of humane Nature avoid one anothers Conversation and grow first unsociable and then uncharitable to each other because one cannot think as the other doth And from this separation we intitle God to the Patronage of and Concernment in our Fancies and Distinction and purely for his sake hate one another heartily It was not so of old when one of the most ancient Fathers of the Church tells us That Love and Charity was so signal and eminent in the Primitive Christians that it even drew Admiration and Envy from their Adversaries Vide inquiunt ut invicim se diligunt Their Adversaries in that in which they most agreed in their very prosecution of them had their Passions and Animosities amongst themselves they were only Christians that loved and cherished and comforted and were ready to die for one another Quid nunc illi dicerent Christiani si nostra viderent tempora says the incomparable Grotius How would they look upon our sharp and virulent Contentions in the Debates of Christian Religion and the bloudy wars that have proceeded
examined lately at the Guild-hall London before the Honourable the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen upon Suspicion of his being a Conspirator in the firing the City and Suburbs in several parts thereof Thomas Roe and Joseph Harrison having been School-fellows at Eaten Colledge and being thereby acquainted Joseph Harrison hath several times lately been with him and advised him to with-draw his Concerns and remove above twenty miles out of the City for that the City and twenty miles round would be suddenly destroyed and laid wast or to that purpose Whereupon Thomas Roe asked him Whether he were privy to any such Conspiracy or concern'd in its Agitation pressing him with divers Arguments to discover what he was acquainted with of that kind Harrison replied That he had no personal and positive Knowledge thereof Thomas Roe demanded upon what ground then he did thus advise him Joseph Harrison replied That he was sometimes conversant among some Papists and perceived a Plot or Design was carrying on by them against the City of London and the Protestant Religion which Plot or Design said he the Papists call The Game of Trap or do you understand Trap ad Crucem which is the Watch-word amongst them Further Joshua Harrison said that he was informed of those things by some German Protestants and that he had Offers of Fifty Pounds per annum made him by some Jesuits and Papists to turn to their Religion but he had refused it and would not embrace the Romish Religion Thomas Roe further saith That about five Weeks since he walked through New-Cheap-side and from thence into Mark-Lane with Joseph Harrison in company with Mr. Mosely a Gentleman belonging to Bernards-Inn likewise and one of his Acquaintance together with another Man a Stranger to Thomas Roe Upon their first associating Harrison said unto him That he would not discover himself to be an Englishman but pretend himself to be a German or Italian whether of the two he doth not well remember and that he might not detect himself spake in the Company as Occasion offered in Latin But leaving the place where they tarried in Mark-lane going towards Bishopsgate-street Mr. Harrison told Mr. Roe secretly That he believed that Mr. Mosely understood the Game of Trap by some Signs he had observed from him and that he would try him Then going altogether into a house about the end of Thrâ—adneedle-street Mr. Harrison having by this time discovered himself to be an English-man said Trap and made a Cross over his Face with his Finger directing himself to Mr. Mosely Whereupon Mr. Mosely did also say Trap crossing his Forehead and Face two or three times and with a quick motion drew his Finger over his own Throat Upon which Mr. Roe asked Mr. Mosely what was the meaning of Trap But he refused to tell Mr. Roe urging him again He replied He would not saying You are not of my Religion Then Mr. Mosely asked Mr. Harrison what his Name was for he knew him not by Name he answered Harrisons Mr. Mosely replied I never saw your Name Mr. Harrison made answer It is Don Olanso del Harrisonio if so saith Mr. Mosely I have seen your Name After this Mr. Mosely and the other stranger being parted and Mr. Roe and Mr. Harrison being-alone said Harison I told you Mr. Mosely did understand Trap you may see there is a List of the Trap-Gamesters Now whether Mr. Mosely's Imitation of Mr. Harrison was feigned or real Mr. Roe could not distinguish But as they two were passing through Cheape-side homewards Mr Harrison looking upon the New Buildings said To what purpose do they build this poor city it will be again destroyed at the same time he pointed at two several Persons saying That is a Trap-Gamester and there goes another Trap-Gamester Mr. Roe further Informs That since the last Term Mr. Harrison told him he would write all the Rogueries of the Trap-Game and Gamesters in a Play and that he would undertake to shew him Twenty six Papists Meetings in and about the City and Suburbs of London but said he some of them are very private and if you be discovered not to be a Papist you will peradventure be poisoned or stabb'd Mr. Roe doth further say That when the said Harrison advised him to remove with all his Concerns about twenty Miles from London that the said Roe asked him if Windsor were not far enough it being both their native place and about the distance The said Harrison answered Not reflecting upon the Castle And further Harrison told Mr. Roe That the Jesuits could by a Composition of Ingredients make such a Matter the fume of which would corrupt any Man's Intellects and that he the said Harrison could do it A Faithful Account of the Apprehending of a Scothman some time since by William Colburne at the Cross-keys in Fleet-street as followeth A Scotch-man pretending great Respect he had for William Colburne aforesaid came to him and advised him That by all means he should remove his Goods out of London and dispose of his House William Colburne asked him For what reason The Scotch-man replied Because that he with many others were employed to set the remainder of London on Fire and that they would set it on Fire in several places at one time And Chancery-lane-end which is near the aforesaid Colburne's house they intended to set first on fire Upon which William Colburne apprehended him and being brought to his Trial he was sentenced to stand in the Pillory and did accordingly three times once at the End of Chancery-lane and twice in or about the Old Exchange Much more might be said but that our aim is to be as brief as is consistent with the truth of the Matter of Fact in our Narrative Therefore we refer any that desire further Satisfaction in every particular to William Colburne aforesaid who will fully inform them An Account of the Firing of Mr. Delanoy 's House near Pepper-Alley in Southwark January 1679 â—0 by John Satterthwait a Papist as appears by the Oath of Margaret Clarke then Servant to Mr. Delanoy who was in by the said Satterthwait to assist him in the Burning of her Masters House and suffered Death for the same I Margaret Clark being shortly to suffer Death for that which I have deserved and am much humbled for and desire to lie low before God under the sense of my own Guilt do give the World an Account of the truth of my Case for I would not be guilty 〈◊〉 a Lye now I am to appear before my Judge within a few Minutes Therefore I do say and shall declare the truth of the Matter as I shall answer it before my Lord and Judge Upon the 26th of January 1679 80. John Satterthwait came to me as I was going out of my Master's Gate and did desire me to tell him whether my Master and Mistress were at home And I answered him No. And he told me That he hoped he should have an Opportunity to speak with
to hear and slow to speak was made on purpose for a Judge No Direction can be apter and no Character becomes him better and he that would not be said to have but one Ear methinks should be ashamed to have none And I appeal to your Lordships Experience if a patient Attention accompanied with indifferent Parts and a Competency in the Law with a mind fairly disposed for Information or Conviction will not as to Use and common Benefit exceed the profoundest Knowledge and most towering Understanding that is attended with an impetuous Haste either out of a glory of Speaking or too great a fulness of himself And for Humility Though I will not say that every Impatient Man is proud because that may arise from other Causes yet every proud Man is impatient sometimes of Information always of Contradiction and he must be violent to maintain his own Imperiousness Harshness is a needless and unbecoming Provocation It makes Men hate where they should fear and reverence And yet by Gentleness I understand not Tameness but Moderation not without Rebukes but without Taunts For Corruption that Perverter of Law and Destruction of Property that leaves in the World neither Bonum nor Equum for when he does Right he does not Justice and he that sells Justice will sell Injustice 'T is not only to be avoided but abhorred and not alone in its direct Approaches but in Relatives and Servants those By-ways of Bribery and it becomes every man so manifestly to detest that it may scare even the Attempt for no Man is sufficiently safe unless to his Power he avoids the Suspicion as well as the Fault Practise does one and that which makes me speak this a publick Profession against it is the way to do the other And where Gifts prevail not yet if Fear Relation or Popularity sway 't is the same thing If there be a Byass put to a Man it matters not of what 't is made Nay these are worse than Corruption by Money for there both sides may have the same Tools when a Man cannot make himself a Kin nor his Cause Popular And now give me leave My Lord to shew why I thought it fit nay extreamly necessary to say something on the particulars I have mentioned First to satisfie your Lordship and the World I undertake not this Place without due Considerations of the Duty belongs to it Next It is some Tye upon a Man not to commit those Errors he hath in Publick declaimed against for he must add Impudence to his Crime to have his own words fly in his face with which every Man will upbraid and no Man can excuse him My Lord In a Discourse on such an Occasion as this where Men are concern'd in Point of Interest for so they are when a Judge is made my Aim is not to say what will please their Humours but what should satisfie their Minds Neither am I so vain as to think I shall do that with all nor much concerned though it fall out so If Reputation and a good Name can be got by doing my Duty 't is welcome but if it must be sought by other Arts I will be no Seeker especially considering that the Applause of the Multitude that Contingent Judge of Good and Bad rather attends the Vain than the Virtuous and is oftner sought by such too The Approbation of the Wise which are the Few and of the Honest by which I intend Men heartily affected to the Government I acknowledge I earnestly covet for them that are otherwise I court not their good Opinion because I fear not their bad and would not draw that Suspicion upon my self that Men may say What Ill has he done that those Men speak so well of him I never was of their Party nor never will be And to be even with them I think as meanly of them as they do of Loyalty whose Misfortunes are more to be esteemed than their Triumphs The good Words of such as truly love their Country which no Man ever did that does not love his Prince indeed I highly prize and will endeavour to deserve though your Lordship at this time has been before-hand with me in that Particular by bestowing them upon me first and so many that I am ashamed I have been no better to have made 'em good But because your Lordship is willing and able to render any Man much better then he is they ought to be esteemed as the Proceed of a Generous Nature and an Indulgent Prudence which by telling me what I am does but kindly insinuate what I should be My Lord I will waste no more of your Time though I omit those usual Returns of formal Thanks for they are of course or extream wondring at the great Surprizals of the Kings Favour and those humble yet high Debasements of ones Self which look like Modesty but is a sort of Bravery My Thanks shall be paid in what the KING likes best Service to His People The wonder will cease by that time I get to the Bench and my Defects are best confest by endeavouring to amend them A DISCOURSE UPON THE Designs Practices Counsels OF FRANCE SIR YOU gave me a Brief and a Pertinent Deduction the other Day of the French Practices and Designs the Progress of their Arms and the Methods of their Proceedings Together with a Scheme of the inevitable Ruine and Slavery that threatens Europe without a speedy and a powerful Conjunction against them After this general Contemplation of the present State of Christendom you were pleased to take a particular Prospect of the Interest of this Nation and how far we are to reckon our selves concerned in the Common Calamity Coming at last to this Conclusion That England cannot reasonably expect to stand long after the Loss of Holland and Flanders For the Support of this Opinion besides the Force of your own Reasoning you referr'd me to several Historical and Political Treatises upon the Subject which I have diligently examin'd and made use of in this following Discourse wherein I take the Freedom to give you my Thoughts upon the whole matter Your first Charge upon the French was Breach of Faith and you pitch'd upon the Cases of Spain and Portugal the barbarous usage of the Duke of Lorain and the Nulling of the most Christian Queens Renunciation upon Marriage which was the very Foundation of the Pyrenean Treaty by a pretended Devolution of the Spanish Netherlands in the Right of that Match Their underhand Tampering of Denmark and Swede to draw the One from us and hinder the Other from joyning with us the Influence they had upon our Disgrace at Chatham their playing Booty on both sides betwixt England and Holland in the Dutch-war and to these Instances which are all so notorious that they need no expounding you might have added a thousand more of the like Quality But these may suffice for a seasonable and a necessary Caution and without the Helps of Aggravation and Clamour especially that
any one time with above the Number of ten Persons upon the Pain of incurring a Penalty not exceeding the Sum of 100 l. in Money and Three Months Imprisonment without Bail or Mainprize for every Offence which Offence to be prosecuted at the Court of Kings-bench or at the Assizes or general Quarter-Sessions within six Months after the Offence committed and proved by two or more credible Witnesses Here you observe the Parliament who set themselves directly to obviate all the Inconveniences which might arise to the Government from tumultuous petitioning will not allow that great Numbers should joyn in Petitions for alteration of the Laws because it is possible ill Men should abuse such Liberty unless the matter of the Petition be conâ—â—â—ted to in such a manner as the Act directs but in all other Cases they leave the Subjects to their undoubted Liberty as well knowing that from thence there could arise no possible Inconvenience but on the contrary that to bar the People of that humble way of making their Wants known might force them upon worse ways of doing it And therefore I must tell you that you do my Lord Chancellor great Injustice if you think his Speech tends to deter Men from all manner of petitioning No that wise and eloquent Lord who receives every day so many Petitions will I suppose be content the King should receive some too It never yet was thought * It is the Right of all People that apprehend themselves aggrieved to approach his Majesty by Petition Mr. Finch's Argument in the Trial of the Seven Bishops f. 105. The Subjects have a Right to Petition the King in all their Grievances so say all our Books of Law and so says the Statute 13 Car. 2. Sergeant Levinz in the same Trial fol. 121. It was one Article against the Earl of Strafford That he Issued out a Proclamation and Warrant of Restraint to inhibit the Kings Subjects to come to the Fountain their Sovereign to deliver their Complaints of their Wrongs and Oppressions Rushw in his Trial 721. seditious or tumultuous in any Government for the Subjects in an humble manner to beg That he who has the only Power to do it would redress their Grievances 'T is the way by which we apply our selves to the King of Heaven who knows all our Wants and yet expects from us that we should daily express them to him in humble Petitions And the Wisdom of the Church which has appointed Liturgies and Forms of Common-Prayer seems to instruct us that God is pleased when huge Numbers joyn in the same Petition Why should not then suppliant Subjects with like Humility and in like manner address themselves to the God on Earth Especially since Kings cannot know our Desires or our Grievances till we our selves inform them what they are I remember some wicked Councellors of Darius did once obtain a Law to be made that none should Petition any one but the King for thirty Days but there never yet was found so absurd a States-man as to advise a Law that Subjects should not supplicate their Prince 'T is probable it would be well for some Favourites who are near a King if such a Right could be taken from the People for then all their false Suggestions and Informations might pass undiscovered but 't is impossible that a King should long be safe in such a Condition I will suppose a malicious States-man intending to raise a Jealousie in the Mind of the Sovereign should inform him in dangerous times that he was not beloved by his People and that he was not to trust them How could the Subjects in such a Case recover the Prince's good Opinion in the Absence of a Legal Representative but by humble and affectionate Addresses Or suppose some good Protestant Prince should be so unfortunate as to have some Councellors near him who are conceal'd and others whose Crimes make them fear Parliaments it is easie to suppose that the one sort will be filling his Ears with Stories that a great part of his Kingdom are inclined to Popery and the other sort that the best of his Subjects are quite out of Love with Parliaments as factious and seditious Assemblies Into what unfortunate Circumstances would such a Prince be apt to fall if his People were percluded from Addressing themselves and opening their Desires to him I might go on to trouble you with infinite Instances of this Nature but there is no want of any in so plain a case 'T is the Doctrine of our Church that the only Arms of Subjects are Prayers Petitions Supplications and Tears and they are no Friends either to the King or Church Hâ—b 220. Wrenhams Case Vet. Magn. Chart. Exil Hugi. De Spencer 51. who would disarm us of these My Lord Chief Justice Hobbart tell us That it is lawful for any Subject to petition to the King for Redress in an humble and modest manner for says he Access to the Sovereign must not be shut up in case of the Subjects Distresses It was one of the Crimes for which the Spencers were banished by Parliament that they hindred the King from receiving and answering Petitions from great Men and others And as it is our unquestionable Right Be the Right of the Subject never so clear manifest and acknowledged by all yet if his own be detained from him by the King he hath no other Writ or Account to recover but a mere Petition Supplicare Celsitudini c. A Learned Judge's Argument about Impositions Printed 1641. p. 26. so in all Ages the Usage has been by Petition to inform our King of our Grievances In the Reign of King Ed. 2. and Ed. 3. Petitions were frequent for Redress of publick Grievances and for Parliaments especially out of Ireland though that is a conquer'd Nation as may be seen in the close Rolls of the Reigns of those two Kings One Instance I will give you for your Satisfaction but I will tire you with no more for that would be endless 'T is Claus 10. Ed. 2. M. 28. Claus 10. E. 2. M. 28. intus Pro communitate Hiberniae Intus pro Communitate Hiberniae Rex Dilect fideliter suis Justa Cancellar Thesaur suis Hib. salutem ex parte populi nostri terrae praedict per Petitionem suam coram nobis Concilio nostro exhibitum nobis est cum instantia supplicare quod cum c. In the 5th year of King Richard the II. the whole Body of the Realm petition'd Cookes Jurisdiction of Courts p. 79. Burarts History of the Reformation Pag. 231. Procl Dat. 7. Feb. 11. Jac. that the most wise and able men within the Realm might be chosen Chancellors King Henry the 8. told his Subjects then in Arms against him in York-shire that they ought not to have rebell'd but to have applied themselves to him by Petition King James by a Proclamation publisht in the 12th year of his Reign begins thus The Complaints lately exhibited to us
King make unto him certain propositions for taking away some heavy Taxes that had been imposed on them by his Father Solomon which he refusing to gratifie them in and following the Advice of Young Men Ten of the twelve Tribes immediately chose Jeroboam a Servant of Rehoboham's a meer Stanger and of mean Parentage and made him their King and God approved thereof as the Scriptures in express Words do testifie For when Rehoboam had raised an Army of One hundred and fourscore thousand Men intending by force of Arms to have justified his Claim God appeared unto Semaiah and commanded him to go to Rehoboam and to the House of Jadah and Benjamin saying Return every man to his house for this thing is of me saith the Lord. So that since God did permit and allow this in his own Commonwealth which was to be the Pattern for all others no doubt he will approve the same in other Kingdoms whenever his Service and Glory or the Happiness of the Weal-publick shall require it The next instance I shall give you shall be in Spain where Don Alonso de la Cerda having been admitted Prince of Spain in his Father's Life-time according to the Custom of that Realm married Blanoha Daughter of Lewis the First King of France and had by her two Sons Named Alonso and Hernando de la Cerda but their Father who was only Prince dying before Alonso the Ninth then King he recommended them to the Realm as lawful Heirs apparent to the Crown But Don Sancho their Fathers Younger Brother who was a great Warrier and Sirnamed El Bravo was admitted Prince and they put by in their Grandfathers Life-time by his and the States Consent and this was done at a Parliament held at Sagovia in the Year 1276. And in the Year 1284 Alonso the Ninth being dead Don Sancho was aknowledg'd King and the Two Princes Imprisoned but at the Mediation of Philip the Third King of France their Unkle they were set free and Endowed with considerable Revenues in Land and from them do descend the Dukes De Medina Celi at this Day and the present King of Spain that is in Possession descendeth from Don Sancho In France Lewis the Fourth had Two Sons Lothairin who succeeded him and Charles whom he made Duke of Lorrain Lothairin dying left an only Son named Lewis who dying without Issue after he had reigned Two Years the Crown was to have descended on his Unkle Charles Duke of Lorrain But the States of France did exclude him and chose Hugo Capetus Earl of Paris for their King and in an Oration made by their Embassadour to Charles of Lorrain did give an Account of their Reasons for so doing as it is related by Belforest a French Historian in these very words Every Man knoweth Lord Charles that the Sucession of the Crown and Kingdom of France according to the ordinary Rights and Laws of the same belongeth unto you and not unto Hugh Capet now our King But yet the same Laws which do give unto you such Right of Succession do judge you also unworthy of the same for that you have not endeavoured hitherto to frame your Life according to the Prescript of those Laws nor according to the Use and Custom of the Kingdom of France but rather have allied your self with the Germans our old Enemies and have accustomed your self to their vile and base Manners Wherefore since you have abandoned and forsaken the ancient Virtue Amity and Sweetness of your Countrey your Countrey has also abandoned and forsaken you for we have chosen Hugh Capet for our King and have put you by and this without any Scruple in our Consciences at all esteeming it for better and more just to live under Hugh Capet the possessor of the Crown with enjoying the ancient use of our Laws Customs Privileges and Liberties than under you the next Heir by Blood in Oppressions strange Customs and Cruelty For as they who are to make a Voyage in a Ship on a dangerous Sea do not so much respect whether the Pilot claims Title to the Ship or no but rather whether he be skilful valiant and like to bring them in safety to their ways end even so our principal care is to have a good Prince to lead and guide us happily in this way of Civil and Politick Life which is the end for which Princes are appointed And with this Message ended his Succession and Life he dying not long after in Prison And now I shall come home and give you an Instance or two in England since the Conquest and so conclude William Rufus second Son of William the Conqueror by the assistance of Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterbury who had a great opinion of his Virtue and Probity was admitted King by the consent of the Realm his elder Brother Robert Duke of Normandy being then in the War at Jerusalem William dying his younger Brother Henry by his ingenuity and fair carriage and by the assistance of Henry Earl of Warwick who had greatest interest in the Nobility and Maurice Bishop of London a leading-man amongst the Clergy obtained also the Crown And Robert Duke of Normandy was a second time excluded And though this King Henry could pretend no other Title to the Crown than the Election and Admission of the Realm yet he defended it so well and God prosper'd him with success that when his elder Brother Robert came to claim the Kingdom by force of Arms he beat him in a pitch'd-Battel took him Prisoner and so he died miserable in Bonds King Henry had one only Daughter named Maud or Matilda who was married to the Emperor and he dying without Issue she was afterwards married to Geofry Plantagenet Earl of Anjou in France by whom she had a Son named Henry whom his Grandfather declared Heir-apparent to the Crown in his Life-time yet after his Death Henry was excluded and Stephen Earl of Bulloine Son of Adela Daughter of William the Conqueror was by the States thought more fit to Govern than Prince Henry who was then but a Child And this was done by the perswasion of Henry Bishop of Winchester and at the solicitation of the Abbot of Glastenbury and others who thought they might do the same lawfully and with a good Conscience for the publick Good of the Realm But the Event did not prove so well as they intended for this occasioned great Factions and Divisions in the Kingdom for the quieting of which there was a Parliament held at Wallingford which passed a Law That Stephen should be King only during his Life and that Prince Henry and his Off-spring should succeed him and by the same Law debarred William Son of King Stephen from inheriting the Crown and only made him Earl of Norfolk Thus did the Parliament dispose of the Crown in those days which was in the year 1153 which sufficiently proves what I have asserted The sum of all I have said amounts to this That Government in general is by the Law of
out of the Hands of the Possessor than purely those of his own Conscience which is worthy Mr. Considerer's highest Consideration I shall only take notice of one Objection more and then conclude fearing I have too much trespass'd on your Patience already It 's very hard says he that a man should lose his Inheritance because he is of this or that Perswasion in Matters of Religion And truly Gentlemen were the Case only so I should be intirely of his mind But alass Popery whatever Mr. Considerer is pleas'd to insinuate in not an harmless innocent Perswasion of a Number of Men differing from others in matters relating to Christian Religion but is really and truly a different Religion from Christianity it self Nor is the Inheritance he there mentions an Inheritance only of Black-Acre and White Acre without any Office annexed which requires him to be par Officio But the Government and Protection of several Nations the Making War and Peace for them the Preservation of their Religion the Disposal of Publick Places and Revenues the Execution of all Laws together with many other things of the greatest Importance are in this Case claimed by the Word Inheritance which if you consider and at the same time reflect upon the Enslaving and Bloody Tenents of the Church of Rome more particularly the Hellish and Damnable Conspiracy those of that Communion are now carrying on against our Lives our Religion and our Government I am confident you will think it as proper for a Wolf to be a Shepherd as it is for a Papist to be the Defender of our Faith c. The Old Gentleman had no sooner ended his Discourse but I returned him my hearty Thanks for the Trouble he had been pleased to give himself on this Occasion and I could not but acknowledge he had given me great Satisfaction in that Affair what it will give thee Charles I know not I am sure I parted from him very Melancholy for having been a Fool so long Adieu I am thy Affectionate I. D. A Collection of Speeches IN THE House of Commons In the Year 1680. The Lord L. Speech My Lords MAny have been the Designs of the Papists to subvert this poor Nation from the Protestant Religion to that of the See of Rome and that by all the undermining Policies possibly could be invented during the Recess of Parliament even to the casting the Odium of their most Damnable Designs on the Innocency of his Majesties most Loyal Subjects We have already had a taste of their Plottings in Ireland and find how many unaccountable Irish Papists dally arrive which we have now under Consideration My Lord Dunbarton a great Romanist has Petitioned for his stay here alledging several Reasons therein which in my Opinion make all for his speedy Departure for I can never think his Majesty and this Kingdom sufficiently secure till we are rid of those Irish Cattel and all others besides for I durst be bold to say that whatsoever they may pretend there is not one of them but have a destructive Tenet only they want Power not Will to put it in force I would not have so much as a Popish Man nor a Popish Woman to remain here nor so much as a Popish Dog or a Popish Bitch no not so much as a Popish Cat that should pur or mew about the King We are in a Labyrinth of Evils and must carefully endeavour to get out of them and the greatest danger of all amongst us are our conniving Protestants who notwithstanding the many Evidences of the Plot have been industrious to revile the Kings Witnesses and such an one is R L'E who now disappears being one of the greatest Villains upon the Earth a Rogue beyond my Skill to delineate has been the Bugbear to the Protestant Religion and traduced the King and Kingdoms Evidences by his notorious scribling Writings and hath endeavoured as much as in him lay to eclipse the Glory of the English Nation he is a dangerous rank Papist proved by good and substantial Evidence for which since he has walked under another disguise he deserves of all Men to be hanged and I believe I shall live to see that to be his State He has scandalized several of the Nobility and detracted from the Rights of his Majesty's great Council the Parliament and is now fled from Justice by which he confesses the Charge against him and that shows him to be guilty My humble Motion is that this House Address to his Majesty to put him out of the Commission of Peace and all other Publick Employments for ever Speeches in the Honourable House of Commons Mr. Speaker IN the Front of Magna Charta it is said Nulli negabimus nulli differimus Justitiam we will defer or deny Justice to no Man to this the King is Sworn and with this the Judges are intrusted by their Oaths I admire what they can say for themselves if they have not read this Law they are not fit to sit upon the Bench and if they have I had almost said they deserve to lose their Heads Mr. Speaker The State of the poor Nation is to be deplored that in almost all ages the Judges who ought to be Preservers of the Laws have endeavoured to destroy them and that to please a Court-Faction they have by Treachery attempted to break the Bonds asunder of Magna Charta the great Treasury of our Peace it was no sooner passed but a Chief Justice in that day perswades the King he was not bound by it because he was under Age when it was passed But this sort of Insolence the next Parliament resented to the ruine of the pernicious Chief Justice In the time of Richard the Second an unthinking dissolute Prince there were Judges that did insinuate into the King that the Parliament were only his Creatures and depended on his Will and not on the Fundamental Constitutions of the Land which Treacherous Advice proved the Ruine of the King and for which all those evil Instruments were brought to Justice In his late Majesties Time his Misfortunes were occasioned chiesly by the Corruptions of the Long Robe his Judges by an Extrajudicial Opinion give the King Power to raise Money upon an extraordinary Occasion without Parliament and made the King Judge of such Occasions Charity prompts me to think they thought this a Service to the King but the sad Consequences of it may convince all Mankind that every illegal Act weakens the Royal Interest and to endeavour to introduce Absolute Dominion in these Realms is the worst of Treasons because whilst it bears the Face of Friendship to the King and Designs to be for his Service it never fails of the contrary effect The two great Pillars of the Government are Parliaments and Juries it is this gives us the Title of Free-born English-men for my Notion of Free-English-men is this that they are ruled by Laws of their own making and tried by Men of the same Condition with themselves The Two great
keeping Watch since the Plot hath cost the City above 100000 l. The City of London is the Bulwark of our Religion And is it not said the Duke is at the head of 30 or 40000 men The Lieutenancy and Justices how are they molded for his turn And if you do nothing now in this House we must all without any more ado try to make a Peace with him as well as we can I 'll never do it And will you for the sake of one man destroy three Kingdoms An Highth He moved that the Representation might declare That we see no Security but removing the Duke of York A Ninth We discoursing of Tangier at this time is like Nero's Fiddling whilst Rome was consuming by Fire If it be in a good condition we cannot help it if in a bad one we are not in a posture to do it Pray consider the condition by what 's past when King Henry the Eighth was for Supremacy the Kingdom was for it when King Henry the Eighth was against it the Kingdom was against it When King Edward the Sixth was a Protestant the Kingdom was so when Queen Mary was a Papist the Kingdom was so when Queen Elizabeth was a Protestant the Kingdom so again Regis ad exemplum c. And I believe even in King Edward the Sixth's time the Bishops themselves would not have been for throwing out such a Bill as this And if King Edward had promised any thing for the preservation of the Protestant Religion so that Mary might succeed the Pope would no way have contrived so great a Favour The bidding us prevent Popery and the letting alone a Popish Successor is as if a Physician should come to a man in a Pleurisie and tell him he may make use of any Remedies but letting of Blood the Party must perish that being the only Cure I am not at present for giving of Money that being to the State as Food to the Stomach if that be clean meat turns to good Nourishment but if it be out of order it breeds Diseases And so it is in the State if that be not in order too We have been often deceived and by the same men again Was not 200000 l. given for the Fleet in 74 and was any of it employed that way Money given for an actual War with France employed for a dishonourable Peace Never so many Admirals and so few Ships to guard us never more Commissioners of the Treasury and so little Money never so many Counsellors and so little Safety Let us address His Majesty A Tenth I 'll never be for giving of Money for promoting Popery and a Successor a publick Enemy to the Kingdom and a Slave to the Pope Whilst he hath 11 to 7 in the Council and 63 to 31 in the House of Lords we are not secure And if my own Father had been one of the 63 I should have voted him an Enemy to the King and Kingdoms and if we cannot live Protestants I hope we shall dye so The Eleventh Redress our Grievances first and then and not till then Money Tangier never was nor will be a place of Trade Tituan and Sally so near they will never trade with us to destroy themselves and can never be for our Advantage And I have many years wonder'd at the Council that have been for the keeping of it and am of opinion that Popery may be aimed at by it and that our Councils are managed at Rome from whence I saw a Letter from a Friend dated the 21th of October with the Heads of the King's Speech in it to this effect That His Majesty would command them not to meddle with the Succession That he would ask no Money That he would stand upon the Confirmation of the Lord Danby's Pardon and That the keeping of Tangier was to draw on Expences and was it not would be for the blowing of it up Twelfth I am for a Representation Thirteenth I remember before the last Session of Parliament there was a Council held at Lambeth and there hatched a Bill against Popery It was for the breeding of Children of a Popish Successor which admitted the thing and it was called a Bill against Popery but we called it the Popish Bill I am for the Church of England but not for the Church-men of the late Bishop of St. Asaph on his Death-bed good man could hardly forbear declaring himself which his Epitaph did Ora pro Anima ordered to be written upon his Tomb. We are told the other day we ought to make the Duke a Substantive to stand by himself That there was less danger of a General without an Army than an Army without a General And I have read in Pliny which was most to be feared an Army of Lyons with an Hare to their General or an Army of Hares with a Lyon to their General and it was concluded that an Army of Hares with a Lyon to their General was most to be feared of the two His Majesty is inclosed by a sort of Monsters who endeavour to destroy and I hope to move against them before we rise and though we have lost our last Bill we have not lost our Courage and Hearts Fourteenth His Majesty desires your Advice and Assistance it is seldom which is very kind and though you shall think fit not to give the latter it 's but mannerly to give the first And I hope you will not resent any Injury if any there were done by the House of Lords on the King who though he cannot cure all ill in one day he can ruine all And I acquaint you there is a very great Weight laid upon this Session of Parliament and upon the agreeing of the King with the People on which depends the Welfare of the Protestants abroad and hope you will not go about to Remonstrate now Fifteenth If you had sent the Duke's Lord Craven's and Mulgrave's Regiment to Tangier it would supply the Place with Men and Disband the Lord Oxford's Regiment and the Money on those imployed would bear much of the share of this Then the House Resolved to appoint a Committee to draw up an Address upon the Debate of this House to represent His Majesty the State and Condition of the Kingdom in Answer to His Majesties Message about Tangier The SPEECHES of several Learned and Worthy Members of the Honourable House of Commons for Passing the Bill against the Duke of York Mr. Speaker THE Gentleman that spoke last seems to intimate that we ought to have a due regard to the Kings Brother and consider what infinite disadvantages will accrew to us if we are too hasty in our Resolutions as before the Duke is found guilty to proceed to pass a Bill for Exclusion for that nothing but War and Bloodshed can be expected from it therefore he says we ought to be moderate and find out a Medium to secure the Protestant Religion notwithstanding the Duke may be a Papist Now Gentlemen I give you the Dictates of my
him 't is absolutely necessary without 't is impossible to salve I perceive no Gentleman here has confidence to deny the Loyalty of the Fact or excuse the black Crimes that appear before us Why do they not answer the Evidence that is now come in If it be false contradict it if true what is the Reason of this Debate Is not the King alive Is not all Loyalty due to him Love hates a Competitor much more a Crown A Speech spoke by the same Worthy Member upon the Irish Informations given in at the Bar in Writing THIS is not so much a Discovery as a Confirmation of the Discovery of the Plot although some inconsiderate Men are apt to give Credit to the dying Words of some Men. This agrees exactly with Oates his first Discovery It adds to the strength of what Coleman's Letters imported but so deplorable is our Condition we are in danger we see the Knife is even at our Throats but none seeks to take it out of our Enemies hand You have Witnesses against a Great Person one before another now he is a Lord a Privy Counsellor and sits in Council still My Lord of Tyrone he is in the Gate-House but not secured There is one Informant tells you they received Incouragement from the D. of Y. and that he promised them Assistance I call not the Truth of this in question but we see they make use of these great Names so that even in this Kings time we are not secure a day without the Bill They have Reason to believe that a Popish Successor will assist them in their Rebellion Now we see why our Ministers made a Peace We thought our Security to be in the French Kings being involved in a War Now I say the reason of the Nimeguen Plenipotentiaries making a Peace is seen to have the French King be at Liberty to send Men into Ireland Here you have a full Confirmation of this Evidence We see our danger both at home and abroad and what posture we are in if any means be left for our Security Let these Depositions be Printed that the Country may see our Danger if we will not Impeach the Earl of Tyrone presently if he should write into Ireland I am afraid he will find too much Favour there consider the Case of this Lord the Privy Councellor he is a great Man and a Lawyer if I thought we could not reach him we would not go about to Impeach him Agree with the Lords in their Vote and desire them to agree with you that the Papists may not draw their Incouragement from a Popish Successor Another Speech by a Person of Honour Mr. Speaker I Have not hitherto troubled you and am so sensible of my own inabilities in comparison of so many wiser and abler Men in this House that 't is with great unwillingness I rise up to speak but when I hear the Honour and Justice of this House call'd in question as it was by that Honourable Member which spake last I cannot I confess bear it with patience but must as I think it my Duty endeavour to vindicate the Justice of the House for I must profess Sir that in my Judgment this Bill is so far from an unjust thing that it is rather a Favour to him since if he were proceeded against by Impeachment for the Crimes he is accused of by several Witnesses he might perhaps forfeit more than a Crown which for our Safeties only we go about to exclude him from enjoying And since it is undoubtedly in the Power of Parliaments to dispose of such Successions it seems very hard with me to tax this House with Unjustice for so doing upon so great reason and necessity as now requires it I will not Sir at all deny the many great Services mentioned by that Honourable Member the Duke has done the Nation at Sea nor will I say any thing at all in Derogation of any one of them but yet I do not think he fought for us when he was asleep There are several things Sir wherein this Nation hath been betrayed I will not say any of them directly upon him but when I think of some of them I am very much startled and know not well what to believe for when I consider that in the Fire of London there were several outlandish Men taken in the very act of Firing a House and being delivered to the Guard were presently set at Liberty by the Officer that commanded it and that such a Man should ever since not only continue but increase in the Duke's Favour to the greatest Degree imaginable I must confess I do not like it and I think it looks very ill When I also think of the general Design which plainly appears to have been carried on all along to destroy the People and to weaken the Nation as much as possible as apapears by the Treachery was used at Chatham and the French's standing still while the Dutch and we cut one anothers Throats this also in my Judgment is very ill nor doth it appear better that it was taken ill that the D. of Monmouth when he was sent into Scotland did not cut those poor miserable Peoples Throats But that Prince had too much humanity and discretion than to do it But I do not particularly charge any Person with these There are many things Sir spoken of by the witnesses you have heard relating to the Duke as also several things in the Letters you have heard read I shall not repeat any of them I will only tell you a Passage comes into my mind and I do not tell it for the sake of the Story but that it appears to me by it that the Duke was either somewhat concerned in the Plot or at least to hinder the discovery of it for the D. speaking publickly to all that were round him of one Le Faire that was accused by Mr. Bedloe to have been one of Sir E. B. Godfreys Murderers and one of the Queens servants he said that could not be because there was no such Man as Le Faire about the Queen but yet it so fell out they say that in some little time after there was a Bond found under this Man 's own hand and he proved to be one of the Queens Servants and run away upon this Business Now Sir if this were so 't is impossible the other should be true and if a Prince or any Man speaks an untruth it is a fault so hateful to me that I must confess I know not what to call it nor what Name to give it It is the Devil I shall trouble you Sir with one thing more which comes into my mind and if true is as bad as any thing can be There was Sir a French Protestant came o're to the King to make Proposals for the Interest of the Protestant Religion Here a Person of Honour standing up said He never heard a Prince so Reflected upon in his life Upon which the House cried Go on Go on The
Factious Design with which they were charged by the said Letter This being through the Influence of the Lord Hatton refused by the Privy Council they dispatched a Gentleman to the Duke of Lauderdale with Letters and Instructions full of Respect and Submission to his Grace The Gentleman at his first arrival found Duke Lauderdale very kind and was made believe he should be quickly dispatched with Answers according to his Desire but some Delays having fallen in the Duke of Lauderdale fell likewise upon thoughts of getting Money from the Town upon this occasion and therefore pretending still more and more kindness to the said Gentleman he did first by some Insinuations let fall to him his expectation and at last flatly asked him if he had not brought a heavy Purse with him which when he understood he was not to expect he changed his Method and grew harsher and having detained him Five or Six Weeks he the said Duke entered into Consultation with his old Friend Sir Andrew Ramsey how to order the Affair By his Advice he did write a Letter and sent Proposals to the said Town That they should give Bond and Security That the Townsmen should live regularly as to all matters Ecclesiastical in the largest extent as the same is determined by the late Acts of Parliament and to keep the Town free of all sorts of Tumults either of Man or Woman Judging that this was impossible for them to perform and unfavourable to attempt and that therefore it would oblige them to make offers of Money This Letter was all the Gentleman could obtain and having gone back to Scotland and delivered it to the Magistrates they were so far from being carried in the Design that they were glad of that opportunity to witness their Zeal to serve Your Majesty for they did very heartily comply with what was proposed concerning the Bonds and Securities demanded and immediately urged that Your Majesties Ofcers and Lawyers would cause draw such Bonds and Securities as was fit for the purpose offering good Security for great summs of Money for the performance But this not being the thing truly intended their ready Compliance with it set them yet farther off from their desired Settlement and served for no other intent than to cause the Lord Hatton to double his diligence to find out new means to mollest them to which end it was alledged by him that they had of old forfeited their Priviledges and Liberties by some great Misdemeanour and that therefore they had not right to chuse their own Magistrates for which he would needs have their Records searched and accordingly they themselves with their Books and Records were in a most unusual manner brought often before him and his Friends though they had not Authority for it to the great Disturbance and Annoyance of the Citizens by being abundantly jealous of their Liberties were with no small care kept within the due Bounds of Moderation by the Loyalty and Vigilancy of their Magistrates They the said Magistrates finding how they were used at home by the Lord Hatton did again apply themselves to the Duke of Lauderdale both by private Letters to the Duke of Lauderdale and his Dutchess from some of the most eminent of them full of Assurances of particular Respect to their Graces and by a publick Letter to him from the whole Town-Council offering Bond and Security to him in the terms proposed by his fore-mentioned Letter But this could not prevail it being objected to them from some frivolous things the Lord Hatton had scraped together out of their old Records that they had lost their Liberties and that the right of chusing their Magistrates did no more belong to them Then did they produce their Charters and did convincingly clear all Mistakes and evidently make appear that the right of chusing their own Magistrates did remain to them undoubtedly and intirely All these things being cleared and open they expected to be restored to the free exercise of their Election in their accustomed manner They were still kept off with Delayes until the Lord Hatton in pursuance of his Design fell a practising with some few of themselves who did undertake with his assistance to get such Elected as were fit for his ends whereupon he writes to his Brother the Duke of Lauderdale to move Your Majesty for a Letter and accordingly the Letter was procured from Your Majesty upon the Seventh of August 75 wherein Your Majesty after reciting Your former Orders in that Affair did declare that You were well informed of their Obedience to Your Commands and of their dutiful Carriage in Your Concerns and therefore ordained them the next day after the Receipt of the Letter to convene their whole Council after their accustomed manner and out of the Lists already made to Elect the Lord Provost Bailies and other Officers According to which Letter they did the next day proceed to their Elections but instead of those whom the Lord Hatton expected they would have chosen they did Elect some men of good Fortunes and Integrity not at all fit for his purpose these who had ingaged to him not being men of that esteem or influence as to be able to carry his Design as they had undertaken The new Magistrates and Council did immediately after their Election acquaint Your Majesty with their Procedure and gave Your Majesty great Acknowledgments and Assurances of their care of the Peace of the Town and of Your Majesty's Service in all Matters both Ecclesiastical and Civil The said Lord Hatton being exceedingly inraged at this Act of theirs did by Advice of Sir George Mackynge now Your Majesties Advocate send a Letter to the Duke of Lauderdale to which he procured Your Majesties Hand upon the 25th of the same month of August by which Your Majesty ordered Your Privy Council to intimate to the Magistrates and Town-Council that it was Your Royal Pleasure that there should be turned out of the Town-Council and declared incapable of any Publique Trust in the said Town Twelve of the most eminent of the same Men with whom your Majesty had exprest your self so well pleased and whose Actings your Majesty had approved by your Letter of the Seventh of the said Month. This was accordingly executed by the Privy-Council without ever so much as calling before them the said Persons though great Crimes were laid to their Charge as being Factious Persons and mis-representing your Majesty's Proceedings without mentioning any particular Fact of theirs which could import any such Crime And though they be threatned by the said Letter to be pursued for these great Crimes and that your Majesty's Advocate is commanded in the same to insist against them yet could they never obtain from your Majesty's Privy-Council that they should be tryed for these things though by a Petition signed by the whole Twelve they did represent the great Prejudice they sustained both in their Reputation and Trade by being kept under such Threatnings and therefore did humbly offer themselves to
the strictest and severest Tryal To which Petition they never received any Answer To make appear to your Majesty that these things were done for private and finistrous Designs and not upon account of the ill effectedness or factious Dispositions of the Men as was pretended Your Majesty is humbly prayed to take notice of these Particulars following First There are three of the most considerable of these very Persons who had been charged with so great Crimes admitted since that time by bribing the Dutchess of Lauderdale into a Trust in your Majesty's Affairs in Scotland more eminent and considerable than any Trust the Town of Edenburgh can confer viz. The paying off your Majesty's Forces and bringing in your Majesty's Excise Secondly No sooner were these Twelve Men turned out of the Town-Council but after many great and essential Informalities with the recital of which it is needless to trouble your Majesty they elected for Magistrates Men of no Reputation either for Parts Estate or Honesty And though these Bonds and Securities which had been demanded from the others and consented to by them was formerly pretended to be of great importance for your Majesty's Service yet they were not so much as once demanded either by the Duke of Lauderdale or the Lord Hatton from these Men who were now chosen Thirdly These new Magistrates were not long in their Seats when off comes the Mask and the true design of getting Money appears For by an Act of the Town-Council there is about 5000 l. Sterlin disposed on amongst their nameless Friends which were the Duke of Lauderdale the Lord Hatton and some other of their Friends A great Sum to be got from that City considering that the Duke of Lauderdale had got before that about 12000 l. Sterlin from them The Dutchess of Lauderdale did also since that time endeavour to get more Money from them and did with great Wrath threaten the Magistrates in plain Terms for not giving her a Present notwithstanding all the Good she said she had done for them reckoning the Favours your Majesty hath at any time been pleased to bestow upon them as done by her self Thus hath that poor Town been abused and doth now lie having Magistrates without either Conduct or Courage in a time when the Disorders of that Nation doth require Persons to be imployed there of eminent Fidelity and Capacity to serve your Majesty His Majesty's Declaration for the Dissolution of his late Privy Council And for Constituting a New one made in the Council-Chamber at White Hall April the twentieth 1679. By His Majesty's Special Command My Lords HIS Majesty hath called you together at this time to communicate unto you a Resolution he hath taken in a matter of great Importance to his Crown and Government and which he hopes will prove of the greatest Satisfaction and Advantage to his Kingdoms in all Affairs hereafter both at Home and Abroad and therefore he doubts not of your Approbation however you may seem concerned in it In the first place His Majesty gives you all Thanks for your Service to him here and for all the good Advices you have given him which might have been more frequent if the great number of this Council had not made it unfit for the Secrecy and Dispatch that are necessary in many great Affairs This forced him to use a smaller number of your in a Foreign Committee and sometimes the Advices of some few among them upon such Occasions for many Years past He is sorry for the ill success he has found in this Course and sensible of the ill Posture of Affairs from that and some unhappy Accidents which have raised great Jealousies and Dissatisfaction among his good Subjects and thereby left the Crown and Government in a Condition too weak for those Dangers we have reason to fear both at home and abroad These his Majesty hopes may be yet prevented by a Course of wise and steady Counsels for the future and these Kingdoms grow again to make such a Figure as they have formerly done in the World and as they may always do if our Union and Conduct were equal to our Force To this end he hath resolved to lay aside the use he may have hitherto made of any single Ministry or private Advices or Foreign Committees for the general direction of his Affairs and to constitute such a Privy-Council as may not only by its number be fit for the Consultation and Digestion of all business both Domestick and Foreign but also by the Choice of them out of the several Parts this State is composed of may be the best informed in the true Constitutions of it and thereby the most able to counsel him in all the Affairs and Interests of this Crown and Nation And by the constant Advice of such a Council his Majesty is resolved hereafter to govern his Kingdoms together with the frequent use of his Great Council of Parliament which he takes to be the true ancient Constitution of this State and Government Now for the greater Dignity of this Council his Majesty resolves their constant number shall be limited to that of Thirty And for their greater Authority there shall be Fifteen of his chief Officers who shall be Privy Counsellors by their places And for the other Fifteen he will choose Ten out of the several Ranks of the Nobility and Five Commoners of the Realm whose known Abilities Interest and Esteem in the Nation shall render them without all suspicion of either mistaking or betraying the true Interests of the Kingdom and consequently of advising him ill In the first place therefore and to take care of the Church his Majesty will have the Archbishop of Canterbury and Bishop of London for the time being and to inform him well in what concerns the Laws the Lord Chancellor and one of the Lord Chief Justices For the Navy and Stores wherein consists the chief Strength and Safety of the Kingdom the Admiral and Master of the Ordnance for the Treasury the Treasurer and Chancellor of the Exchequer or whenever any of these Charges are in Commission then the first Commissioner to serve here in their room the rest of the Fifteen shall be the Lord Privy-Seal the Master of the Horse Lord Steward and Lord Chamberlain of his Houshold the Groom of the Stole and the two Secretaries of State And these shall be all the Offices of his Kingdom to which the Dignity of Privy-Counsellor shall be annexed The others his Majesty has resolved and hopes he has not chosen ill His Majesty intends besides to have such Princes of his Blood as he shall at any time call to this Board being here in Court A President of the Council whenever he shall find it necessary and the Secretary of Scotland when any such shall be here But these being uncertain he reckons not of the constant number of Thirty which shall never be exceeded To make way for this new Council his Majesty hath now resolved to Dissolve this old one
and does hereby Dissolve it and from this time excuses your farther attendance here but with his repeated Thanks for your Service hitherto and with the assurance of his Satisfaction in you so far that he should not have parted with you but to make way for this new Constitution which he takes to be as to the Number and Choice the most proper and necessary for the uses he intends them And as most of you have Offices in his Service and all of you particular Shares in his Favour and good Opinion so he desires you will continue to exercise and deserve them with the same Diligence and good Affections that you have hitherto done and with confidence of his Majesty's Kindness to you and of those Testimonies you shall receive of it upon other occasions Therefore upon the present Dissolution of this Council his Majesty appoints and commands all those Officers he hath named to attend him here to morrow at Nine in the Morning as his Privy-Council together with those other Persons he designs to make up the number and to each of whom he has already signed particular Letters to that purpose and commands the Lord Chancellor to see them issued out accordingly which is the Form he intends to use and that hereafter they shall be signed in Council so that nothing may be done unadvisedly in the Choice of any Person to a Charge of so great Dignity and Importance to the Kingdom Names of the Lords of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy-Council HIS Highness Prince Rupert William Lord Archbishop of Canterbury Heneage Lord Finch Lord Chancellor of England Anthony Earl of Shaftsbury Lord President of the Council Arthur Earl of Anglesey Lord Privy-Seal Christopher Duke of Albemarle James Duke of Monmouth Master of the Horse Henry Duke of Newcastle John Duke of Lauderdale Secretary of State for Scotland James Duke of Ormond Lord Steward of the Houshold Charles Lord Marquess of Winchester Henry Lord Marquess of Worcester Henry Earl of Arlington Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold James Earl of Salisbury John Earl of Bridgewater Robert Earl of Sunderland one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State Arthur Earl of Essex first Lord Commissioner of the Treasury John Earl of Bath Groom of the Stole Thomas Lord Viscount Falconberg George Lord Viscount Hallifax Henry Lord Bishop of London John Lord Roberts Denzil Lord Holles William Lord Russel William Lord Cavendish Henry Coventry Esq one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State Sir Francis North Knight Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. Sir Henry Capell Knight of the Bath first Commissioner of the Admiralty Sir John Ernle Knight Chancellor of the Exchequer Sir Thomas Chicheley Knight Master of the Ordnance Sir William Temple Baronet Edward Seymour Esquire Henry Powle Esquire Whitehall April 11. 1679. HIS Majesty being this day in Council did cause such of the aforementioned Lords and others who were then present to be Sworn Privy-Counsellors which being done they took their places accordingly His Majesty was also pleased to declare that he intended to make Sir Henry Capell Knight of the Bath Daniel Finch Esquire Baronets Sir Thomas Lee Sir Humphrey Winch Sir Thomas Meers Edward Vaughan and Edward Hales Esquires Commmissioners for the Execution of the Office of Lord High Admiral of England And his Majesty being afterwards come into the House of Peers in his Royal Robes and the House of Commons attending his Majesty was pleased to make this Speech My Lords and Gentlemen I Thought it requisite to acquaint you with what I have done now this day which is That I have Established a new Privy-Council the Constant number of which shall never exceed Thirty I have made choice of such Persons as are Worthy and able to Advise Me and am Resolved in all My Weighty and Important Affairs next to the Advice of my Great Council in Parliament which I shall very often Consult with to be Advised by this Privy-Council I could not make so great a Change without acquainting both Houses of Parliament And I desire you all to apply your selves heartily as I shall do to those things which are necessary for the good and safety of the Kingdom and that no time may be lost in it The Message from the King by Mr. Secretary Jenkins to the Commons on the 9th of November 1680. CHARLES R. HIs Majesty desires this House as well for the satisfaction of His People as of Himself to expedite such Matters as are depending before them relating to Popery and the Plot and would have them rest assured That all Remedies they can tender to his Majesty conducing to those Ends shall be very acceptable to him Provided they be such as may consist with preserving the Succession of the Crown in its due and legal course of Descent The Address to his Majesty from the Commons Saturday November 13. 1680. May it please your most Excellent Majesty WE Your Majesty's most Loyal and Obedient Subjects the Commons in this Present Parliament assembled having taken into our most serious Consideration Your Majesty's Gracious Message brought unto us the ninth day of this instant November by Mr. Secretary Jenkins do with all thankfulness acknowledge Your Majesty's Care and Goodness in inviting us to expedite such Matters as are depending before us relating to Popery and the Plot. And we do in all Humility represent to Your Majesty that we are fully convinced that it is highly incumbent upon us in discharge both of our Duty to Your Majesty and of that great Trust reposed in us by those whom we represent to endeavour by the most speedy and effectual ways the Suppression of Popery within this Your Kingdom and the bringing to publick Justice all such as shall be found Guilty of the Horrid and Damnable Popish Plot. And though the Time of our Sitting abating what must necessarily be spent in the choosing and presenting a Speaker appointing Grand Committees and in taking the Oaths and Tests enjoyned by Act of Parliament hath not much exceeded a Fortnight yet we have in this Time not only made a considerable Progress in some things which to us seem and when presented to Your Majesty in a Parliamentary way will we trust appear to Your Majesty to be absolutely necessary for the Safety of Your Majesties Person the effectual Suppression of Popery and the Security of the Religion Lives and Estates of Your Majesties Protestant Subjects But even in relation to the Tryals of the Five Lords impeached in Parliament for the Execrable Popish Plot we have so far proceeded as we doubt not but in a short time we shall be ready for the same But we cannot without being unfaithful to Your Majesty and to our Country by whom we are entrusted omit upon this occasion humbly to inform Your Majesty that our Difficulties even as to these Tryals are much encreased by the evil and destructive Councels of those Persons who advised Your Majesty first to the Prorogation and then to the Dissolution of the last
Parliament at a time when the Commons had taken great pains about and were prepared for those Tryals And by the like pernicious Councels of those who advised the many and long Prorogations of the present Parliament before the same was permitted to sit whereby some of the Evidence which was prepared in the last Parliament may possibly during so long an Interval be forgotten or lost and some Persons who might probably have come in as Witnesses are either dead have been taken off or may have been discouraged from giving their Evidence But of one mischievous Consequence of those dangerous and unhappy Councels we are certainly and sadly sensible namely That the Testimony of a material Witness against every of those Five Lords and who could probably have discovered and brought in much other Evidence about the Plot in general and those Lords in particular cannot now be given vivâ voce Forasmuch as that Witness is unfortunately dead between the Calling and the Sitting of this Parliament To prevent the like or greater Inconveniences for the future We make it our most humble Request to Your Excellent Majesty that as You tender the Safety of Your Royal Person the Security of Your Loyal Subjects and the Preservation of the True Protestant Religion You will not suffer your Self to be prevailed upon by the like Councels to do any thing which may occasion in consequence though we are assured never with Your Majesties Intention either the deferring of a full and perfect Discovery and Examination of this most wicked and detestable Plot or the preventing the Conspirators therein from being brought to speedy and exemplary Justice and Punishment And we humbly beseech your Majesty to rest assured notwithstanding any Suggestions which may be made by persons who for their own wicked purposes contrive to create a distrust in your Majesty of Your People That nothing is more in the Desires and shall be more the Endeavours of us Your faithful and loyal Commons than the promoting and advancing of your Majesties true Happiness and Greatness The Address of the Commons in Parliament to his Majesty to remove Sir George Jeffreys out of all Publick Offices WE your Majesties most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects the Commons in Parliament assembled having received a Complaint against Sir George Jeffreys Knight your Majesties Chief Justice of Chester and heard the Evidence concerning the same and also what he did alledge and prove in his Defence And being thereupon fully satisfied that the said Sir George Jeffreys well knowing that many of your Loyal Protestant Subjects and particularly those of your Great and Famous City of London out of Zeal for the Preservation of the Protestant Religion your Majesties Royal Person and Government and in hopes to bring the Popish Conspirators to speedy Justice were about to Petition to your Majesty in an Humble Dutiful and Legal way for the Sitting of this Parliament the said Sir George Jeffreys not regarding his Duty to your Majesty or the welfare of your People did on purpose to serve his own private Ends and to create a Mis-understanding between your Majesty and your Good Subjects though disguised with pretence of Service to your Majesty maliciously declared such Petitioning sometimes to be Tumultuous Seditious and Illegal and at other times did presume publickly to insinuate and assert as if your Majesty would deprive your Citizens of London of their Charters and divers other Priviledges Immunities and Advantages and also of your Royal Favour in case they should so Petition and also did publickly declare that in case they should so Petition there should not be any Meeting or Sitting of Parliament thereby traducing your Majesty as if you would not pursue your Gracious Intentions the rather because they were grateful to your good Subjects do in most humble manner beseech your Majesty to remove the said Sir George Jeffreys out of the said Place of Cheif Justice of Chester and out of all other Publick Offices and Employments under your Majesty His Majesty by Mr. Secretary Jenkins was pleased to return Answer to this Address That he would consider of it His Majesties Message to the Commons in Parliament Relating to Tangier CHARLES REX HIs Majesty did in His Speech at the opening of this Session desire the Advice and Assistance of His Parliament in relation to Tangier The Condition and Importance of the Place obliges His Majesty to put this House in mind again that He relies upon them for the support of it without which it cannot be much longer Preserved His Majesty does therefore very earnestly Recommend Tangier again to the due and speedy Consideration and Care of this House The Humble Address of the Commons in Parliament assembled Presented to His Majesty Monday 29th day of November 1680. in Answer to that Message May it please your Most Excellent Majesty WE Your Majesties most Obedient and Loyal Subjects The Commons in Parliament Assembled having with all Duty and Regard taken into our serious Consideration Your Majesties late Massage relation to Tangier cannot but account the present Condition of it as Your Majesty is Pleased to represent in Your said Message after so vast a Treasure expended to make it Useful not only as one Infelicity more added to the afflicted Estate of Your Majesties Faithful and Loyal Subjects but as one result also of the same Councels and Designs which have brought Your Majesties Person Crown and Kingdoms into those great and imminent Dangers with which at this day they are surrounded And we are the less surprised to hear of the Exigencies of Tangier when we remember that since it became a part of Your Majesties Dominions it hath several times been under the Command of Popish Governours particularly for some time under the Command of a Lord Impeached and now Prisoner in the Tower for the Execrable and Horrid Popish Plot That the Supplies sent thither have been in great part made up of Popish Officers and Soldiers and that the Irish Papists amongst the Soldiers of that Garrison have been the Persons most Countenanced and Encouraged To that part of your Majesties Message which expresses a reliance upon this House for the support of Tangier and a recommendation of it to our speedy care We do with all humility and reverence give this Answer That although in due Time and Order we shall omit nothing incumbent on Us for the preservation of every part of your Majesties Dominions and advancing the prosperity and flourishing Estate of this your Kingdom yet at this time when a Cloud which has long threatned this Land is ready to break upon our heads in a storm of Ruine and Confusion to enter into any further consideration of this matter especially to come to any resolutions in it before we are effectually secured from the imminent and apparent Dangers arising from the Power of Popish Persons and Councils We humbly conceive will not consist either with our Duty to your Majesty or the Trust reposed in Us by those we represent It is
charge proceeded to enquire into the same and found that not only the fore-mention'd Henry Carr had been so refus'd the common Right of a Subject as is above-said but that George Broome being a Constable last year in London and committing some of the Lord Chief Justice Scroggs's Servants for great Disorders according to his Duty he was in few days arrested by a Tipstaff without any London Constable and carried before the said Chief Justice by His Warrant to answer for the committing of those persons above-said but being there was accused of having spoken irreverently of the said Chief Justice and an Affidavit read to him to that purpose which was falsly as the said George Broome affirms Sworn against him by two persons that use to be common Bail in that Court and of very ill Reputation Upon which he was committed to the Kings's Bench though he then tendred two able Citizens and Common-Council-men of London to be his Bail And he was forc't to bring his Habeas Corpus to his great Charge before he came out When the Marshal Mr. Cooling exacted 5 l. of him of which he complain'd to the Chief Justice but had no other Answer But he might take his Remedy at Law But the said Marshall fearing he should be questioned restor'd him two Guinies of it And further this Committee was inform'd by Francis Smith Bookseller That about Michaelmas was Twelve-month he was brought before the said Chief Justice by his Warrant and charged by the Messenger Robert Stephens That he had seen some parcels of a Pamphlet call'd Observations on Sir George Wakeman ' s Tryal in his Shop Upon which the Chief Justice told him he would make him an Example use him like a Boar in France and pile him and all the Booksellers and Printers up in Prison like Faggots and so committed him to the Kings's Bench Swearing and Cursing at him in great fury And when he tendred Three sufficient Citizens of London for his Bail alledging Imprisonment in his circumstances would be his utter ruin the Chief Justice replied The Citizens lookt like sufficient persons but he would take no Bail and so he was forc't to come out by Habeas Corpus and was afterwards inform'd against for the same matter to his great charge and vexation And a while after Francis the Son of the said Francis Smith was committed by the said Chief Justice and Bail refus'd for selling a Pamphlet call'd A New-years Gift for the said Chief Justice to a Coffee-house and he declared to them he would take no Bail for he would ruin them all And further it appear'd to this Committee that the said Chief Justice about October was twelve month committed in like manner Jane Curtis she having a Husband and Children for selling a Book call'd A Satyr against Injustice which his Lordship call'd a Libel against him and her Friends tendring sufficient Bail and desiring him to have mercy on her Poverty and Condition he swore by the Name of God she should go to Prison and he would shew no more mercy than they could expect from a Woolf that came to devour them and she might bring her Habeas Corpus and come out so Which she was forc'd to do and after inform'd against and prosecuted to her utter ruin four or five Terms after In like manner it appeared to this Committee that about that time also Edward Berry Stationer of Gray's Inn was committed by the said Chief Justice being accus'd of selling The Observations on Sir George Wakeman 's Tryal and though he tendered 1000 l. Bail yet the Chief Justice said he would take no Bail he should go to Prison and come out according to Law And after he with much Trouble and Charge got out by Habeas Corpus he was forc'd by himself or his Attorney to attend five Terms before he could be discharg'd though no Information was Exhibited against him in all that time In Consideration whereof and of others of the like Nature too tedious here to relate this Committee came to this Resolution Resolved That it is the Opinion of this Committee That the refusing sufficient Bail in these Cases wherein the Persons Committed were Bailable by Law Was Illegal and a High Breach of the Liberty of the Subject And this Committee being informed of an extraordinary kind of a Charge given at the last Assizes at Kingston in the County of Surrey by Mr. Baron Weston and proceeding to examine several Persons then and there present It was made appear to this Committee by the Testimony of John Cole Richard Mayo and John Pierce Gentlemen and others some of whom put down the said Barons words in Writing immediately that part of the said Charge was to this effect He inveighed very much against Farel Luther Calvin and Zuinglius condemning them as Authors of the Reformation Which was against their Princes minds and then adding to this purpose Zuinglius set up his Fanaticism and Calvin built on that blessed Foundation And to speak truth all his Disciples are seasoned with such a sharpness of Spirit that it much concerns Magistrates to keep a strait hand over them And now they are restless amusing us with Fears and nothing will serve them but a Parliament For my part I know no Representative of the Nation but the King all Power Centers in him 'T is true he does intrust it with his Ministers but he is the sole Representative and I-faith he has wisdom enough to intrust it no more in these Men who have given us such late Examples of their Wisdom and Faithfulness And this Committee taking the said matter into their Consideration came to this Resolution Resolved That it is the Opinion of this Committee That the said Expressions in the Charge given by the said Baron Weston were a Scandal to the Reformation in Derogation of the Rights and Priviledges of Parliaments and tending to raise Discord between his Majesty and his Subjects And this Committee being informed by several Printers and Booksellers of great Trouble and Vexation given them unjustly by one Robert Stephens called a Messenger of the Press the said Stephens being examined by this Committee by what Authority he had proceeded in that manner produced two Warrants under the Hand and Seal of the Chief Justice Scroggs which were In haec verba Angl. ss WHereas There are divers ill disposed Persons who do dayly Print and Publish many Seditious and Treasonable Books and Pamphlets endeavouring thereby to dispose the minds of his Majesties Subjects to Sedition and Rebellion And also infamous Libels reflecting upon particular Persons to the great scandal of his Majesties Government For Suppressing whereof his Majesty hath lately issued out his Royal Proclamation And for the more speedy suppressing the said Seditious Books Libels and Pamphlets and to the end that the Authors and Publishers thereof may be brought to their punishment These are to will and require you and in His Majesties Name to charge and command you and every of you upon
to which it stands Prorogued until they have sufficiently provided against Popery and Arbitrary Power This Court after some Debate and Consideration had thereupon did return the Petitioners Thanks for their Care and good Intention herein And did thereupon nominate and appoint Sir John Lawrence Sir Robert Clayton Knights and Aldermen Mr. Recorder Sir Thomas Player Kt. Mr. John Du Bois John Ellis Esq and Mr. Michael Godfrey Commoners to withdraw and immediately to prepare a Petition to his Majesty upon the Subject matter of the said Petition who accordingly withdrawing after some time returned again to this Court and then presented the Draught of such a Petition to his Majesty The Tenor whereof followeth Viz. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty c. After reading whereof It is agreed and ordered by this Court Nemine Contradicente That the said Petition shall be presented to his Majesty this Evening or as soon as conveniently may be And the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor is desired to present the same accompanied with Sir John Lawrence Sir Joseph Sheldon Sir James Edwards Knights and Aldermen Mr. Recorder Deputy Hawes Deputy Daâ—â—l John Nichols John Ellis Esquires Mr. Godfrey and Capt. Griffith Commoners who are now nominated and appointed to attend upon his Lordship at the Presenting thereof Ward Mayor Commune Concil ' tent ' 13 Januarii 1680. Annoque Regis Car. II. 32. IT is Agreed and Ordered by this Court Nemine Contradicente That the Humble Petition to His Majesty from this Court now read and agreed upon shall be presented to His Majesty this Evening or as soon as conveniently may be And the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor is desired to Present the same accompanied with Sir John Lawrence Sir Joseph Sheldon and Sir James Edwards Knights and Aldermen Mr. Recorder Deputy Hawes Deputy Daniel John Nichols John Ellis Esquires Mr. Godfrey and Capt. Griffith Commoners who are now nominated and appointed to attend upon his Lordship at the Presenting thereof Wagstaffe To the KING 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common-Council Assembled Most Humbly sheweth THat Your Majesty's great Council in Parliament having in their late Session in pursuance of Your Majesty's Direction entred upon a strict and impartial Inquiry into the horrid and execrable Popish Plot which hath been for several years last past and still is carried on for destruction of Your Majesty's Sacred Person and Government and extirpation of the Protestant Religion and the utter Ruine of Your Majesty's Protestant Subjects and having so far proceeded therein as justly to attaint upon full Evidence one of the five Lords impeached for the same and were in further Prosecution of the remaining Four Lords and other Conspirators therein And as well the Lords Spiritual and Temporal as the Commons in Your said Parliament assembled having Declared That they are fully satisfied that there now is and for divers years last past hath been a horrid and Treasonable Plot and Conspiracy contrived and carried on by those of the Pupish Religion in Ireland for Massacring the English and subverting the Protestant Religion and the Ancient established Government of that Kingdom And Your said Commons having Impeached the Earl of Tyrone in order to the bringing him to Justice for the same And having under Examination other Conspirators in the said Irish Plot. And Your said Commons having likewise impeached Sir William Scroggs Chief Justice of Your Majesty's Court of Kings Bench for Treason and other great Crimes and Misdemeanors in endeavouring to subvert the Laws of this Kingdom by his Arbitrary and Illegal proceedings And having voted Impeachments against several other Judges for the like Misdemeanors Your Petitioners considering the continual Hazards to which Your Sacred Life and the Protestant Religion and the Peace of this Kingdom are exposed while the Hopes of a Popish Successor gives Countenance and Encouragement to the Conspiratours in their wicked Designs And considering also the Disquiet and Dreadful Apprehensions of Your good Subjects by reason of the Miseries and Mischiefs which threaten them on all parts as well from Foreign Powers as from the Conspiracies within Your several Kingdoms against which no sufficient Remedy can be provided but by Your Majesty and Your Parliament were extreamly surprized at the late Prorogation whereby the Prosecution of the Publick Justice of the Kingdom and the making the Provisions necessary for the Preservation of Your Majesty and Your Protestant Subjects hath received an interruption And they are the more affected herewith by reason of the Experience they have had of the great Progress which the emboldned Conspirators have formerly made in their Designs during the late frequent Recesses of Parliament But that which supports them against Dispair is the Hopes they derive from Your Majesty's Goodness That Your Intention was and does continue by this Prorogation to make way for Your better Concurrence with the Counsels of Your Parliament And Your Petitioners humbly hope That Your Majesty will not take Offence that your Subjects are thus Zealous and even impatient of the least Delay of the long hoped for Security whilst they see your precious Life invaded the true Religion undermined their Families and innocent Posterity likely to be subjected to Blood Confusion and Ruine and all these Dangers encreased by reason of the late Endeavours of Your Majesty and Your Parliament which have added Provocation to the Conspirators but have had little or no Effect towards securing against them And they trust Your Majesty will graciously accept this Discovery and Desire of their Loyal Hearts to preserve Your Majesty and whatever else is dear to them and to strengthen Your Majesty against all Popish and Pernicious Counsels which any ill affected Persons may persume to offer They do therefore most humbly Pray That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased as the only means to quiet the Minds and extinguish the Fears of Your Protestant People and prevent the imminent Dangers which threaten Your Majesty's Kingdoms and particularly this Your Great City which hath already so deeply suffered for the same to permit Your said Parliament to Sit from the Day to which they are Prorogued untill by their Counsels and Endeavours those good Remedies shall be provided and those just Ends attained upon which the Safety of Your Majesty's Person the preservation of the Protestant Religion the Peace and Settlement of Your Kingdoms and the Welfare of this Your Ancient City do so absolutely depend For the pursuing and obtaining of which good Effects Your Petitioners unanimously do offer their Lives and Estates And shall ever Pray c. Vox Patriae Or the Resentments and Indignation of the Free-born Subjects of England against Popery Arbitrary Government the Duke of York or any Popish Successor being a true Collection of the Petitions and Addresses lately made from divers Counties Cities and Boroughs of this Realm to their respective Representatives chosen to serve in the Parliament
held at Oxford March 21 1680. HE was certainly no Fool that first said Parliaments were the Pulse of the People 'T is from thence Wise State-Physitians take their Diagnosticks What Sentiments our late Parliament had of our Modern Affairs is obvious in their Printed Votes and Addresses Nor will it be less plain what is the Common Sense of the Body of the People in this Juncture of iminent Danger if the Unanimous Addresses from so many considerable parts of England be regarded No sooner was the late Parliament surprizingly Prorogued Jan. 10. 1680 1 in the very Crisis of Business and when they had so many excellent Bills before them and had made so hopful a Progress in unvailing the horrid Popish Plot which still like an Ill Spright haunts and Night-mares us and in bringing Criminals to Justice but presently the whole Nation was startled and forthwith as Convulsions are first perceived in the Head the same Day a considerable Number of Eminent Citizens of London Presented the following Address to their Major To the Right Honourable Sir Patience Ward Knight Lord Mayor of the City of London WE the Citizens of the said City on behalf of our selves and others our Fellow Citizens being very apprehensive of the great and iminent Dangers that this Metropolis and the whole Protestant Intrest are expos'd to by the Horrid and Devilish Designs of the Papists and their Adherents And being sensible that they are increas'd and heightned by the Surprizing Prorogation of this present Parliament do most humbly recommend to your Lordship the Particulars hereunder mentioned I. That your Lordship will be pleased to cause the several Watches of this City to be doubled this Night and so to continue and cause some House-keepers to watch in person and a sufficient Ward to be kept by Day II. To cause the several Chains in the several Streets of this City to be put up this Night and so to continue III. That your Lordship will be pleas'd to keep the Keys of the several Gates of this City this Night and so to continue IV. To cause the several Gates of this City to be kept Lock'd up every Lord's Day and permit the several Wicket-Doors only to be opened V. That your Lordship will not permit any Body of Armed Souldiers greater or less other than the Trained Bands of this City to march through any part of the same VI. That your Lordship will forthwith Order a Meeting of the Common Council of this City Which his Lordship was pleased favourably to receive and read and then gave the Gentlemen answer That he was very apprehensive of the Danger of this City and had done something already to have full Watches and intended to go out himself to see that they were kept and assured them that he would seriously consider their Desires and take all the care that lay in him to prevent the Danger that so threatned them The very same day and before it was possible the news or thoughts of any Prorogation could reach so far the Grand Jury of Shropshire in the name and behalf of themselves and that whole County thought fit to express their hearty Concurrence with and thanks to the then House of Commons for their Zealous Proceedings against the most Dangerous Popish Interest in the Termes following To the Honourable Ric. Newport Esq and Sir Vincent Corbet Bar. Knights of the Shire in this present Parliament for the County of Salop Jan. 10. 1680. WHereas the Honorable the Commons in this Parliament assembled have to the great satisfaction of the Nation caused their Votes to be published thereby letting the Kingdom know the Candour and Integrity of their Proceeding which they desire may be examined in the face of the Sun but fully satisfying us with what Wisdom Constancy and Courage in this time of iminent danger they have endeavoured to secure our King our Religion the Government and our Liberties We the Grand-Jury Impannelled for the Body of this County of Salop being extreamly sensible how worthily you have discharged the Trust reposed in you and finding our Opinions therein seconded by the Unanimous Resolution of the rest of our County do believe our selves in all Justice obliged humbly to testify unto you how much we rejoyce in the Proceeding you have made how heartily we concur with your wise Resolutions and how earnestly we desire they may be brought to perfection and in particular the Bill to Exclude the D. of York That so we and our Posterity may be delivered from the apparent Danger of Popery and the necessary Consequences thereof Tyranny and Oppression and remain Free Protestant Subjects to acknowledge evermore the Service and Obligation we owe to Patriots that have serv'd us so faithfully Signed by all the Members of the Grand-Jury being 17 of the most considerable Gentlemen of the County January 13. 1680 1. A Common Council being held at Guild-Hall several Eminent Citizens Presented the following Petition To the Right Honourable Sir Patience Ward Kt. Lord Mayor of the City of London and the Right Worshipful the Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council Assembled The humble Petition of the Citizens and Inhabitants of the said City Sheweth THat we being deeply sensible of evils and mischiefs hanging over this Nation in general and this City in particular in respect of the danger of the Kings Person the Protestant Religion and our well establish'd Goverment by the continued hellish and damnable designs of the Papists and others their adherents And knowing no way under heaven so effectual to preserve His Royal Majesty and us from the utter ruin and destruction threatned as by the speedy sitting of this present Parliament the surprising Prorogation of which greatly adds to and increases the just fears and jealousies of your Petitioners minds We your Petitioners do therefore beseech your Lordship and this Honorable Court to acquaint His Majesty with these our fears and apprehensions and that it is our humble and earnest desire as well as yours that His Majesty would be pleased for the utter defeating the wicked and bloudy purposes of our Enemies to permit this present Parliament which stands Prorogued to the 20th of this instant January then to Assemble and continue to sit until they have effectually secured us against Popery and Arbitrary Power and Redressed the manifold Grievances which at present we groan under and for our immediate security that you will be pleased to order whatsoever else shall be thought necessary and expedient by your Lordship and this Honourable Court in this time of imminent danger for the safety of this great City And your Petitioners shall ever Pray c. The Address of the Free-holders of the County of Middlesex to Sir William Roberts Knight and Nicholas Raynton Esq Knights of the Shire WE the Freeholders of this County have in great Confidence of your Integrity Wisdom and Courage now chosen You to Represent Us in the next Parliament to be holden at Oxford on the 21st Day of this present March. And
being accompanied with several other Lords at the Delivery thereof thus expressed himself The Earl of Essex's Speech at the Delivering the following Petition to His most Sacred Majesty Jan. 25. 1680. May it please your Majesty THe Lords here present together with divers other Peers of the Realm taking notice that by Your late Proclamation Your Majesty has declared an intention of calling a Parliament at Oxford and observing from History and Records how unfortunate many Assemblies have been when called at a Place remote from the Capital City as particularly the Congress in Henry the Second's time at Clarendon Three several Parliaments at Oxford in Henry the Third's time and at Coventry in Henry the Sixth's time With divers others which have proved very fatal to those Kings and have been followed with great mischief on the whole Kingdom And considering the present posture of affairs the many jealousies and discontents which are amongst the People We have great Cause to apprehend that the consequences of a Parliament now at Oxford may be as fatal to Your Majesty and the Nation as those others mentioned have been to the then Reigning Kings and therefore we do conceive that we cannot answer it to God to Your Majesty or to the People If we being Peers of the Realm should not on so Important an Occasion humbly offer our advice to Your Majesty that if possible Your Majesty may be prevailed with to alter this as we apprehend unseasonable Resolution The Grounds and Reasons of our Opinion are contained in this our Petition which We humbly Present to Your Majesty To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition and Advice of the Lords under-named Peers of the Realm Humbly Sheweth THat whereas Your Majesty hath been pleased by divers Speeches and Messages to Your Houses of Parliament rightly to represent to them the Dangers that Threatned Your Majesty's Person and the whole Kingdom from the Mischievous and wicked Plots of the Papists and the sudden Growth of a Foreign Power unto which no stop or remedy could be Provided unless it were by Parliament and an Union of Your Majesty's Protestant Subjects in one Mind and one Interest And the Lord Chancellor in Pursuance of Your Majesty's Commands having more at large Demonstrated the said Dangers to be as great as we in the midst of our Fears could Imagine them and so pressing that our Liberties Religion Lives and the whole Kingdom would be certainly Lost if a speedy Provision were not made against them And Your Majesty on the 21st of April 1679. Having called unto your Council many Honourable and Worthy Persons and declared to them and the whole Kingdom That being sensible of the evil Effects of a single Ministry or private Advice or Forreign Committee for the General Direction of your Affairs Your Majesty would for the future Refer all things unto that Council and by the constant Advice of them together with the frequent use of your great Council the Parliament Your Majesty was hereafter Resolved to Govern the Kingdoms We began to hope we should see an end of our Miseries But to our unspeakable Grief and Sorrow we soon found our Expectations Frustrated The Parliament then subsisting was Prorogued and Dissolved before it could perfect what was intended for our Relief and Security and though another was thereupon called yet by many Prorogations it was put off till the 21st of October past and notwithstanding Your Majesty was then again pleased to acknowledge that neither Your Person nor Your Kingdom could be safe till the matter of the Plot was gone thorow It was unexpectedly Prorogued on the 10th of this Month before any sufficient Order could be taken therein all their Just and Pious Endeavours to save the Nation were overthrown the good Bills they had been Industriously preparing to Unite all Your Majesties Protestant Subjects brought to nought The discovery of the Irish Plot stifled The Witnesses that came in frequently more fully to declare That both of England and Ireland discouraged Those Forreign Kingdoms and States who by a happy conjunction with us might give a Check to the French Power disheartned even to such a Despair of their own Security against the growing greatness of that Monarch as we fear may induce them to take new Resolutions and perhaps such as may be fatal to us The Strength and Courage of our Enemies both at home and abroad increased and our selves left in the utmost danger of seeing our Country brought into utter Desolation In these Extremities we had nothing under God to comfort us but the Hopes that Your Majesty being touched with the Groans of Your perishing People would have suffered Your Parliament to meet at the Day unto which it was Prorogued and that no further interruption should have been given to their Proceedings in Order to their saving of the Nation But that failed us too For then we heard that Your Majesty by the private suggestion of some Wicked Persons Favourers of Popery Promoters of French Designs and Enemies to Your Majesty and the Kingdom without the Advice and as we have good Reason to believe against the Opinion even of Your Privy-Council had been prevailed with to Dissolve it and to call another to meet at Oxford where neither Lords nor Commons can be in Safety but will be daily exposed to the Sword of the Papists and their Adherents of whom too many are crept into Your Majesties Guards The Liberty of speaking according to their Consciences will be thereby Destroyed and the Validity of all their Acts and Proceedings consisting in it left Disputable The Straitness of the Place no way admits of such a concourse of Persons as now follows every Parliament the Witnesses which are necessary to give Evidence against the Popish Lords such Judges or others whom the Commons have Impeached or had resolved to Impeach can neither bear the Charge of going thither nor trust themselves under the Protection of a Parliament that is it self Evidently under the power of Guards and Soldiers The Premises considered We Your Majesties Petitioners out of a Just Abhorrence of such a dangerous and pernicious Council which the Authors have not dared to avow and the direful Apprehensions of the Calamities and Miseries that may ensue thereupon do make it our most Humble Prayer and Advice That the Parliament may not sit at a Place where it will not be able to Act with that Freedom which is necessary and especially to give unto their Acts and Proceedings that Authority which they ought to have amongst the People and have ever had unless Impaired by some Awe upon them of which there wants not Precedents And that Your Majesty would be graciously pleased to Order It to Sit at Westminster it being the usual Place and where they may Consult and Act with Safety and Freedom And your Petitioness shall ever Pray c. Monmouth Kent Huntington Bedford Salisbury Clare Stanford Essex Shaftsbury Mordant Evers Paget Grey Herbert Howard Delamer The Counties
they that make Leasings to his Grace of his Lords Barons and Leiges Act 134. Par. 8. James 6. May 22. 1584. Anent Slanderers of the King his Progenitors Estate and Realm FOrasmuch as it is understood to our Soveraign Lord and his three Estates assembled in this present Parliament what great harm and inconveniency has fallen in this Realm chiefly since the beginning of the Civil troubles occurred in the time of his Highness minority through the wicked and licentious publick and private speeches and untrue calumnies of divers of his Subjects to the disdain contempt and reproach of His Majesty his Council and proceedings and to the dishonour and prejudice of his Highness his Parents Progenitors and Estate stirring up his Highness's Subjects thereby to misliking sedition unquietness and to cast off their due obedience to His Majesty to their evident peril tinsil and destruction his Highness continuing always in love and clemency toward all his good Subjects and most willing to seek the safety and preservation of them all which wilfully needlessly and upon plain malice after his Highness's mercy and pardon oft times afore granted has procured themselves by their treasonable deeds to be cut off as corrupt Members of this Commonwealth Therefore it is statute and ordained by our Soveraign Lord and his three Estates in this present Parliament that none of his Subjects of whatsoever Function Degree or Quality in time coming shall presume or take upon hand privately or publickly in Sermons Declanations and familiar Conferences to utter any false slanderous or untrue Speeches to the disdain reproach and contempt of His Majesty his Council and proceedings or to the dishonour hurt or prejudice of his Highness his Parents and Progenitors or to meddle in the Affairs of his Highness and his Estate present by-gone and in time coming under the pains contained in the Acts of Parliament anent makers and tellers of Leasings certifying them that shall be tryed contraveeners thereof or that hear such slanderous Speeches and reports not the same with diligence the said pain shall be executed against them with all rigour in example of others Act 205. Par. 14 King James 6. June 8. 1594. Anent Leasing-makers and Authors of Slanders OUR Soveraign Lord with advice of his Estates in this present Parliament ratifies approves and for his Highness and Successors perpetually confirms the Act made by his Noble Progenitors King James the First of Worthy Memory against Leasing-makers the Act made by King James the Second entituled Against Leasing-makers and tellers of them the Act made by King James the Fifth entituled Of Leasing-makers and the Act made by his Highness's self with advice of his Estates in Parliament upon the 22d day of May 1584. entituled For the punishment of the Authors of Slanders and untrue Calumnies against the Kings Majesty his Council and proceedings to the dishonour and prejudice of his Highness his Parents Progenitors Crown and Estate as also the Act made in his Highness's Parliament holden at Linlithgow upon the 10th of December 1585. entituled Against the Authors of slanderous Speeches or Writs and statutes and ordains all the said Acts to be published of new and to be put in execution in time coming with this addition That whoever hears the said Leasings Calumnies or slanderous Speeches or Writs to be made and apprehends not the Authors thereof if it lies in his power and reveals not the same to his Highness or one of his Privy Council or to the Sheriff Steward or Bayliff of the Shire Stewards in Regality or Royalty or to the Provost or any of the Bayliffs within Burgh by whom the same may come to the knowledge of his Highness or his said Privy-Council where through the said Leasing makers and Authors of slanderous Speeches may be called tryed and punished according to the said Acts The hearer and not apprehender if it lye in his power and concealer and not revealer of the said Leasing makers and Authors of the said slanderous Specches or Writs shall incur the like pain and punishment as the principal Offender Act 107. Par. 7. King James 1. March 1. 1427. That none interpret the Kings Statutes wrongously ITem the King by deliverance of Council by manner of Statute forbids That no man interpret his Statutes otherwise than the Statutes bear and to the intent and effect that they were made for and as the maker of them understood and who so does in the contrary shall be punished at the Kings will Act 10. Par. 10. King James 6. Dec. 10. 1585. Authors of slanderous Speeches or Writs should be punished to the Death IT is statuted and ordained by our Soveraign Lord and three Estates that all his Highness's Subjects content themselves in quietness and dutiful obedience to his Highness and his Authority and that none of them presume or take upon hand publickly to declaim or privately to speak or write any purpose of reproach or slander of His Majesties Person Estate or Government or to deprave his Laws and Acts of Parliament or misconstrue his proceedings whereby any misliking may be moved betwixt his Highness and his Nobility and loving Subjects in time coming under the pain of Death certifying them that do in the contrary they shall be reputed as seditious and wicked Instruments enemies to his Highness and the Commonwealth of this Realm and the said pain of Death shall be executed upon them with all rigour in example of others Act for preservation of His Majesties Person Authority and Government May 1662. And further it is by His Majesty and Estates of Parliament declared statuted and enacted That if any person or persons shall by writing printing praying preaching libelling remonstrating or by any malicious or advised speaking express publish or declare any words or sentences to stir up the people to the hatred or dislike of His Majesties Royal Prerogative and Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastical or of the Government of the Church by Archbishops and Bishops as it is now settled by Law That every such person or persons so offending and being legally Convicted thereof are hereby declared incapable to enjoy or exercise any place or employment Civil Ecclesiastick or Military within this Church and Kingdom and shall be liable to such further pains as are due by the Law in such Cases Act 130. Par. 8. James 6. May 22. 1584. Anent the Authority of the three Estates of Parliament THE Kings Majesty considering the Honour and the Authority of his Supreme Court of Parliament continued past all memory of man unto their days as constitute upon the free Votes of the three Estates of this ancient Kingdom by whom the same under God has ever been upholden Rebellious and Traiterous Subjects punished the Good and Faithful preserved and maintained and the Laws and Acts of Parliament by which all men are governed made and established And finding the Power Dignity and Authority of the said Court of Parliament of late years called in some doubt at least some curiously travelling
to have introduced some Innovation there anent His Majesties firm will and mind always being as it is yet That the Honour Authority and Dignity of his said three Estates shall stand and continue in their own Integrity according to the ancient and laudable custom bygone without any alteration or diminution Therefore it is statuted and ordained by our said Soveraign Lord and his said three Estates in this present Parliament That none of his Leiges or Subjects presume or take upon hand to impugn the Dignity and Authority of the said three Estates or to seek or procure the innovation or diminution of the Power and Authority of the same three Estates or any of them in time coming under the pain of Treason The Earl of Argyle 's first Petition for Advocates or Council to be allowed him To his Royal Highness His Majesties High Commissioner and to the Right Honourable the Lords of His Majesties Privy-Council The Humble Petition of Archibald Earl of Argyle SHEWETH THat your Petitioner being Criminally Indicted before the Lords Commissioners of Justitiary at the instance of His Majesties Advocate for Crimes of an high Nature And whereas in this Case no Advocate will readily plead for the Petitioner unless they have your Royal Highness's and Lordships Special License and Warrant to that effect which is usual in the like Cases It is therefore humbly desired that Your Royal Highness and Lordships would give special Order and Warrant to Sir George Lockhart his ordinary Advocate to consult and plead for him in the foresaid Criminal Process without incurring any hazard upon that account and your Petitioner shall ever pray Edinburgh Novemb. 22. 1681. The Councils Answer to the Earl of Argyl's first Petition about his having Advocates allowed him HIS Royal Highness his Majesties High Commissioner and Lords of Privy-Council do refuse the desire of the above-written Bill but allows any Lawyers the Petitioners shall employ to consult and plead for him in the Process of Treason and other Crimes to be pursued against him at the instance of His Majesties Advocate Extr. By me Will. Paterson The Earl of Argyl's second Petition for Council to be allowed him To His Royal Highness His Majesties High Commissioner and to the Right Honourable the Lords of His Majesties Privy-Council The humble Petition of Archibald Earl of Argyle SHEWETH THat your Petitioner having given in a former Petition humbly representing That he being Criminally Indicted before the Lords Commissioners of Justitiary at the instance of His Majesties Advocate for Crimes of an high Nature And therefore desiring that Your Royal Highness and Lordships would give special Warrant to Sir George Lockbart to consult and plead for him Whereupon your Royal Highness and Lordships did allow the Petitioner to make use of such Advocates as he should think fit to call Accordingly your Petitioner having desired Sir George Lockhart to consult and plead for him he hath as yet refused your Petitioner And by the 11. Patliament of King James the VI. Cap. 38. As it is the undeniable priviledge of all Subjects accused for any Crimes to have liberty to provide themselves of Advocates to defend their Lives Honour and Lands against whatsoever accusation so the same Priviledge is not only by Parliament 11. King James the VI. Cap. 90. Farther asserted and confirmed but also it is declared That in case the Advocates refuse the Judges are to compel them least the party accused should be prejudged And this being an affair of great importance to your Petitioner and Sir George Lockhart having been not only still his ordinary Advocate but also by his constant converse with him is best known to your Petitioners Principles and of whose eminent abilities and fidelity your Petitioner as many others have hath had special proof all along in his Concerns and hath such singular confidence in him that he is most necessary to your Petitioner at this occasion May it therefore please Your Royal Highness and Lordships to interpose your Authority by giving a special Order and Warrant to the said Sir George Lockhart to consult and and plead for him in the said Criminal Process conform to the tenor of the said Acts of Parliament and constant known practice in the like Cases which was never refused to any Subject of the meanest quality even to the greatest Criminals And your Royal Highness's and Lordships Answer is humbly craved Edinburgh Novemb. 24. 1681. The Councils Answer to the Earl of Argyle 's second Petition HIS Royal Highness His Majesties High Commissioner and Lords of Privy Council having considered the foresaid Petition do adhere to their former Order allowing Advocates to appear for the Petitioner in the Process foresaid Extr. By me Will. Paterson The Earl of Argyle 's Letter of Attorney constituting Alexander Dunbar his Procurator for requiring Sir George Lockhart to plead for him WE Archibald Earl of Argyle do hereby substitute constitute and ordain Alexander Dunbar our Servitor to be our Procurator to pass and require Sir George Lockhart Advicate to consult and plead for us in the Criminal Process intended against us at the instance of His Majestics Advocate and to compear with us before the Lords Commissioners of Justitiary upon the 12th of December next conform to an Act of Council dated the 22d of Novemb. instant allowing any Lawyers that we should employ to consult and plead for us in the said Process and to another Act of Council of the 24th of Novemb. instant relative to the former and conform to the Acts of Parliament In witness whereof we have Subscribed these presents at Edinburgh-Castle Nov. 26. 1681. before these Witnesses Duncan Camphell Servitor to James Glen Stationer in Edinburgh and John Thom Merchant in the said Burgh ARGYLE Witnesses Duncan Camphell John Thom Witnesses An Instrument whereby the Earl of Argyle required Sir George Lockhart to appear and plead for him Apud Edenburgum vigesimo sexto die Mensis Novembris Anno Domini millesimosex centesimo octuagesimo primo Anno Regni Car. 2. Regis trigesimo tertio THE which day in presence of me Notar publick and Witnesses under subscribed compeared personally Alexander Dunbar Servitor to a Noble Earl Archibald Earl of Argyle as Procurator and in name of the said Earl conform to a Procuration subscribed by the said Earl at the Castle of Edinburgh upon the twenty first day of November 1681. making and constituting the said Alexander Dunbar his Procurator to the effect under-written and past to the personal presence of Sir George Lockhart Advocate in his own Lodging in Edinburgh having and holding in his hands an Act of His Majesties Privy Council of the date the 22d of November 1681. instant proceeding upon a Petition given in by the said Earl of Argyle to the said Lords shewing That he being Criminally Indicted before the Lords Commissioners of Justitiary at the instance of His Majesties Advocate for Crimes of an high Nature and whereas in that Case no Advocates would readily plead for the said
Earl unless they had his Royal Highness's and their Lordships special License and Warrant to that effect which is usual in the like Cases And by the said Petition humbly supplicated that his Highness and the Council would give special Order and Command to the said Sir George Lockhart the said Earls ordinary Advocate to consult and plead for him in the foresaid Criminal Process without incurring any hazard upon that account His Royal Highness and Lords of the said Privy Council did refuse the desire of the said Petition but allowed any Lawyers the Petitioner should employ to consult and plead for him in the Process of Treason and other Crimes to be pursued against him at the instance of His Majesties Advocate And also the said Alexander Dunbar having and holding in his hands another Act of the said Lords of Privy Council of the date the 24th of the said month relative to and narrating the said first Act and proceeding upon another supplication given in by the said Earl to the said Lords craving That his Royal Highness and the said Lords would interpose their Authority by giving a positive and special Order and Warrant to the said Sir George Lockhart to consult and plead with him in the foresaid Criminal Process conform to the tenor of the Acts of Parliament mentioned and particularized in the said Petition and frequent and known practice in the like cases which was never refused to any Subjects of the meanest quality His Royal Highness and Lords of Privy Council having considered the foresaid Petition did by the said Act adhere to their former Order allowing Advocates to appear for the said Earl in the Process foresaid as the said Acts bear and produced the said Acts and Procuratory foresaid to the said Sir George Lockhart who took the same in his hands and read them over successive and after reading thereof the said Alexander Dunbar Procurator and in name and behalf foresaid solemnly required the said Sir George Lockhart as the said Noble Earls ordinary Advocate and as a Lawyer and Advocate upon the said Earls reasonable expence to consult and advise the said Earls said Process at any time and place the said Sir George should appoint to meet thereupon conform to the foresaid two Acts of Council and Acts of Parliament therein mentioned appointing Advocates to consult in such matters which the said Sir George Lockhart altogether refused Whereupon the said Alexander Dunbar as Procurator and in Name foresaid asked and took Instruments one or more in the hands of me Notary publick undersubscribed And these things were done within the said Sir George Lockhart's Lodging on the South side of the Street of Edinburgh in the Lane-Mercat within the Dining-room of the said Lodging betwixt Four and Five hours in the Afternoon Day Month Year Place and of His Majesties Reign respective foresaid before Robert Dicksone and John Lesly Servitors to John Camphell Writer to His Majesties Signet and Dowgall Mac. Alester Messenger in Edinburgh with divers others called and required to the Premisses Ita esse Ego Johannes Broun Notarius publicus in Premissis requisitus Attestor Testantibus his meis signo subscriptione manualibus solitis consuetis Broun Witnesses Robert Dicksone Dowgall Mac. Alester John Lesly Decemb. 5. 1682. The Opinion of divers Lawyers concerning the Case of the Earl of Argyle WE have considered the Criminal Letters raised at the instance of His Majesties Advocate against the Earl of Argyle with the Acts of Parliament contained and narrated in the same Criminal Letters and have compared the same with a Paper or Explication which is libelled to have been given in by the Earl to the Lords of His Majesties Privy-Council and owned by him as the sense and explication in which he did take the Oath imposed by the late Act of Parliament Which Paper is of this tenor I have considered the Test and am very desirous to give chedience as far as I can c. And having likewise considered that the Earl after he had taken the Oath with the explication and sense then put upon it it was acquiesced to by the Lords of Privy-Council and he allowed to take his place and to sit and Vote And that before the Earls taking of the Oath there were several papers spread abroad containing objections and alledging inconsistencies and contradictions in the Oath and some thereof were presented by Synods and Presbyteries of the Orthodox Clergy to some of the Bishops of the Church It is our humble Opinion that seeing the Earls design and meaning in offering the said Explication was allenarly for the clearing of his own Conscience and upon no facrious or seditious design and that the matter and import of the said paper is no contradiction of the Laws and Acts of Parliament it doth not at all import any of the Crimes libelled against him viz. Treason Leasing making depraving of His Majesties Laws or the Crime of Perjury but that the glosses and inferences put by the Libel upon the said paper are altogether strained and unwarrantable and inconsistent with the Earls true design and the sincerity of his meaning and intention in making of the said Explication Wednesday the 12th of December the day of compearance assigned to the Earl being now come he was brought by a guard of Souldiers from the Castle to the place appointed for the Trial and the Justice Court being met and fenced the Earl now Marquess of Queensberry then Justice-General the Lords Nairn Collingtoun Forret Newtoun and Hirkhouse the Lords of Justitiary sitting in Judgment and the other formalities also performed the Indictment above set down Num. 24. was read and the Earl spoke as follows The Earl of Argyle's Speech to the Lord Justice General and the Lords of the Justitiary after he had been arraigned and his Indictment read My Lord Justice General c. I Look upon it as the undeniable priviledge of the meanest Subject to explain his own words in the most benign sense and even when persons are under an ill Character the misconstruction of words in themselves not ill can only reach a presumption or aggravation but not any more But it is strange to alledge as well as I hope impossible to make any that know me believe that I could intend any thing but what was honest and honourable suitable to the Principles of my Religion and Loyalty tho I did not explain my self at all My Lord I pray you be not offended that I take up a little of your time to tell you I have from my Youth made it my business to serve His Majesty faithfully and have constantly to my power appeared in his Service especially in all times of difficulty and have never joined nor complied with any Interest or Party contrary to His Majesties Authority and have all along served him in his own way without a frown from His Majesty these thirty years As soon as I passed the Schools and Colledges I went to travel to France and Italy and
is I shall only say As my Life hath most of it been spent in serving and suffering for his Majesty so whatever be the event of this Process I resolve while I breath to be loyal and faithful to His Majesty And whether I live publickly or in obscurity my head my heart nor my hand shall never be wanting where I can be useful to His Majesties Service And while I live and when I die I shall pray That God Almighty would bless His Majesty with a long happy and prosperous Reign and that the lineal legal successours of the Crown may continue Monarchs of all His Majesties Dominions and be Defenders of the True Primitive Christian Apostolick Catholick Protestant Religion while Sun and Moon endure God save the King The Kings own Letter to this Nobleman when he was Lord Lorn Collogne December 20. 1654. My Lord Lorn I Am very glad to hear from Middleton what affection and zeal you shew to my Service how constantly you adhere to him in all his distresses and what good Service you have performed upon the Rebels I assure you you shall find me very just and kind to you in rewarding what you have done and suffered for me and I hope you will have more Credit and Power with those of your Kindred and Dependants upon your Family to engage them with you for me than any body else can have to seduce them against me and I shall look upon all those who shall refuse to follow you as unworthy of any protection hereafter from me which you will let them know This honest Bearer M will inform you of my Condition and Purposes to whom you will give Credit and he will tell you That I am very much Your very affectionate Friend C. R. General Middleton's Order to the Earl of Argyle who was then Lord Lorn for capitulating with the English wherein he largely expresseth his Worth and Loyalty John Middleton Lieutenant General next and immediate under His Majesty and Commander in chief of all the Forces raised and to be raised within the Kingdom of Scotland SEeing the Lord Lorn hath given so singular proofs of clear and perfect Loyalty to the Kings Majesty and of pure and constant affection to the good of His Majesties Affairs is never hitherto to have any ways complyed with the Enemy and to have been principally instrumental in the enlivening of this late War and one of the chief and first movers in it and hath readily chearfully and gallantly engaged and resolutely and constantly continued active in it notwithstanding the many powerful disswasions discouragements and oppositions he hath met withal from divers hands and hath in the carrying on of the Service shewn such signal Fidelity Integrity Generosity Prudence Courage and Condect and such high Vertue Industry and Ability as are suitable to the Dignity of his Koble Family and the Trust His Majesty reposed in him and hath not only stood out against all temptations and enticements but hath most nobly crossed and repressed designs and attempts of deserting the Service and persisted loyally and firmly in it to the very last through excessive toil and many great difficulties misregarding all personal inconveniencies and chusing the loss of Friends Fortune and all private Concernments and to endure the utmost extremities rather than to swerve in the least from his Duty or taint his Reputation with the meanest shadow of disloyalty and dishonour I do therefore hereby testifie and declare That I am perfectly satisfied with his whole Deportments in relation to the Enemy and this late War and do highly approve them as being not only above all I can express of their worth but almost beyond all parallel And I do withal hereby both allow and most earnestly desire and wish him to lose no time in taking such course for his safety and preservation by Treaty and Agreement or Capitulation as he shall judg most fit and expedient for the good of his Person Family and Estate since inevitable and invincible necessity hath forced us to lay aside this War And I can now no other way express my respects to him nor contribute my endeavour to do him Honour and Service Intestimony whereof I have signed and sealed these Presents at Dunveagave the last day of March 1655. JOHN MIDDLETON Another Letter from the Earl of Middleton to the same purpose Paris April 17. 1655. My Noble Lord I Am hopeful that the Bearer of this Letter will be found one who has been a most faithful Servant to your Lordship and my kind Friend and a sharer in my Troubles Indeed I have been strengthned by him to support and overcome many difficulties He will acquaint you with what hath past which truly was strange to both of us but your own Re-encounters will lessen them My Lord I shall be faithful in giving you that Character which your Worth and Merit may justly challenge I profess it is next to the ruine of the Service one of my chiefest Regrets that I could not possibly wait upon you before my going from Scotland that I might have settled a way of Correspondence with you and that your Lordship might have understood me better than yet you do I should have been plain in every thing and indeed have made your Lordship my Confessor and I am hopeful the Bearer will say somewhat for me and I doubt not but your Lordship will trust him If it shall please God to bring me safe from beyond Sea your Lordship shall hear from me by a sure hand Sir Ro. M. will tell you a way of corresponding So that I shall say no more at present but that I am without possibility of change My Noble Lord Your Lordships most Faithful and most Humble Servant JO. MIDDLETON A Letter from the Earl of Glencairn testifying his esteem for this Noble Person and the sense he had of his loyalty to the King when few had the Courage to own him My Lord LEst it may be my misfortune in all these great Revolutions to be misrepresented to your Lordship as a person unworthy of your favourable Opinion an Artifice very frequent in these times I did take occasion to call for a Friend and Servant of yours the Laird of Spanie on whose discretion I did adventure to lay forth my hearts desire to obviate in the bud any of these misunderstandings Your Lordships true worth and zeal to your Countries happiness being so well known to me and confirmed by our late suffering acquaintance And now finding how much it may conduce to these great ends we all with that a perfect Unity may be amongst all good and honest-hearted Scotchmen tho there be few more insignificant than my self yet my zeal for those ends obliges me to say that if your Lordships health and affairs could have permitted you to have been at Edenburgh in these late times you would have seen a great inclination and desire amongst all here of a perfect Unity and of a mutual respect to your Person as of chief
the Pannel before he was called and required by the Lords of His Majesties Privy-Council to take Oath did ever by word or practice use any reproachful speeches of the said Act of Parliament or of His Majesties Government But being required to take the Oath he did humbly with all submission declare what he apprehended to be the sense of the Act of the Parliament enjoyning the Test and in what sense he had freedom to take the same 3. The Act of Parliament enjoyning the Test does not enjoyn the same to be taken by all persons whatsoever but only prescribes it as a qualification without which persons could not assume or continue to act in publick Trust Which being an Oath to be taken by so solemn an invocation of the Name of Almighty God it is not only allowable by the Laws and customs of all Nations and the Opinion of all Divines and Casuists Popish or Protestant but also commended that where a Party has any scrupulosity or unclearness in his conscience as to the matter of the Oath that he should exhibit and declare the sense and meaning in which he is willing and able to take the Oath And it is not at all material whether the scruples of a mans conscience in the matter of an Oath be in themselves just or groundless it being a certain maxim both in Law and Divinity that Conscientia etiam erronea ligat And therefore tho the Pannel had thought fit for the clearing and exoneration of his own conscience in a matter of the highest concern as to his peace and repose to have exprest and declared the express sense in which he could take the Oath whether the said sense was consistent with the Act of Parliament or not yet it does not in the least import any matter of reproach or reflection upon the justice or prudence of the Parliament in imposing the said Oath but alenarly does evince the weakness and scrupulosity of a mans conscience who neither did nor ought to have taken the Oath but with an explanation that would have saved his conscience to his apprehension Otherwise he had grosly sinned before God even tho it was Conscientia errans And this is allowed and prescribed by all Protestant Divines as indispensibly necessary and was never thought to import any crime and is also commended even by Popish Casuists themselves who tho they allow in some cases of mental reservations and equivocations yet the express declaration of the sense of the party is allowed and commended as much more ingenious and tutius Remedium Conscientiae ne illaqueeter as appears by Bellarmine de Juramento and _____ upon the same Title de Interpretatione Juramenti and Lessius that famous Casuist de Justitia Jure Dubitatione 8 9. utrum si quis salvo animo aliquid Juramento promittat obligetur quale peccatum hoc sit And which is the general opinion of all Casuists and all Divines as may appear by Amesius in his Treatise de Conscientia Sanderson de Juramento Praelectione secunda And such an express Declaration of the sense and meaning of any party when required to take an Oath for no other end but for the clearing and exoneration of his own Conscience was never in the opinion of any Lawyer or any Divine construed to be the Crime of Leasing-making or of defamatory Libels or depraving of publick Laws or reproaching or misconstruing of the Government but on the contrary by the universal suffrage of all Protestant Divines there is expresly required in Cases of a scrupulous Conscience an abhorrence and detestation of all reserved senses and of all Amphibologies and Equivocations which are in themselves unlawful and reprobate upon that unanswerable Reason that Juramentum being the highest Act of Devotion and Religion in eo requiritur maxima simplicitas and that a party is obliged who has any scruples of Conscience publickly and openly to clear and declare the same 4. Albeit it is not controverted but that a Legislator imposing an Oath or any publick Authority before whom the Oath is taken may after hearing of the Sense and Explication which a person is willing to put upon it either reject or accept of the same if it be conceived not to be consistent with the genuine sense of the Oath Yet tho it were rejected it was never heard of or pretended that the offering of a sense does import a Crime but that notwithstanding thereof Habetur pro Recusante and as if he had not taken the Oath and to be liable to the certification of Law as if he had been a Refuser 5. The Pannel having publickly and openly declared the sense in which he was free to take the Oath it is offered to be proved that he was allowed and did accordingly proceed to the taking of the Oath and did thereafter take his place and sit and Vote during that Sederunt of Privy Council So as the pretended Sense and Explication which he did then emit and give can import no Crime against him 6. It is also offered to be proved that before the Pannel was required to take the Oath or did appear before his Royal Highness and Lords of Privy-Council to take the same there were a great many Papers spread abroad from persons and Ministers of the Orthodox Clergy and as the Pannel is informed some thereof presented to the Bishops of the Church in the name of Synods and Presbyteries which did in downright terms charge the Test and Oath with alledged contradictions and inconsistencies And for satisfaction whereof some of the Learned and Reverend Bishops of the Church did write a learned and satisfying Answer called A Vindication of the Test for clearing the Scruples Difficulties and Mistakes that were objected against it And which Vindication and Answer was exhibited and read before the Lords of His Majesties Privy Council and allowed to be printed and from which the Pannel argues 1. That it neither is nor can be pretended in this Libel that the alledged Explication wherein he did take the Oath does propose the scruples of his Conscience in these terms which were proposed by the Authors of these Objections which do flatly and positively assert that the Oath and Test do contain matters of inconsistency and contradiction whereas all that is pretended in this Libel with the most absolute violence can be put upon the words is arguing Implications and Inferences which neither the words are capable to bear nor the sincerity of the Earls intention and design nor the course of his by-past life can possibly admit of And yet none of the persons who were the Authors of such papers were ever judged or reputed Criminal or Guilty and to be prosecuted for the odious and infamous Crimes libelled of Treason Leasing-making Perjury and the like 2. The Pannel does also argue from the said matter of Fact that the alledged Explication libelled can neither in his intention and design nor in the words infer or import any Crime against him because
and publish their Proclamation explaining the Oath and declaring the genuine sense and meaning thereof namely That it did not tye to the whole Articles of the Confession of Faith ratified by Act of Parliament James 6. and which as to several Articles thereof had occasioned the scruples and difficulties and alledged inconsistency and contradiction betwixt the last part of the Oath and the said Confession and betwixt some of these Articles and the Currant of the Protestant Doctrine received and contained in the Syntagma of the Protestant Confessions And therefore if the Pannel at that time did think fit for the clearing and exoneration of his own Conscience to use the expressions in the Explication libelled and yet with so much duty and confidence of the Parliaments Justice as to their meaning and intention That the Parliament never intended to impose contradictory Oaths and that he did take it so far as it was consistent with it self and the Protestant Religion not knowing then whether the whole Confession was to be reputed a part of the Oath and doubting there-anent and which the Lords of His Majesties Privy-Council and his Sacred Majesty by his approbation since have thought a difficulty of so great moment as it was fit to clear the same by a publick Proclamation How now is it possible that any Judicatory under Heaven which proceeds upon the solid grounds of Law and Reason and who it cannot be doubted will have a just regard to the intrinsick Principles of Justice and to all mens security that they can now believe all or any of the Crimes libelled should be in the least inferred from all or any of the expressions contained in the said Explication But that on the contrary it was a warrantable allowance and Christian practice condemned by the Law and Custom of no Nation That having scruples in the matter of an Oath which should be taken in Truth Judgment and Righteousness and upon full deliberation and with a full assurance and sincerity of mind That he did plainly openly and clearly declare the sense in which he was willing to take it and if Authority did allow it as the genuine sense of the Oath the Pannel to be holden as a Taker of the Oath And if upon farther consideration Authority think not that habetur pro Recusante and a Refuser of the Oath but no ways to be looked upon as a criminal or guilty person And the Pannel repeats and conjoyns with this point of the Reply that point in his Defence whereby he positively offers to prove 1. That his Explication and the sense wherein he took the Oath was heard and publickly given and received in Council and the Pannel thereafter allowed to take his place and sit and vote in that Sederunt 2. The Pannel also offers positively to prove That the tenor and terms of his Sense and Explication wherein he did take the Oath is contained in that Solid Learned and Pious Vindication written by the Bishop of Edenburgh in answer to the Objections and alledged inconsistencies and contradictions in the Oath and which Vindication was publickly read in Council and so far approved that it was allowed to be printed and published and was accordingly dispersed and spread abroad And it is not of the least import that the Proclamation of the Lords of Privy-Council altho it does oft allow the same to be taken by the Clergy yet at the same time they expresly declare the genuine sense and meaning of the Parliament not to comprehend the whole Articles of the Confession which was not cleared before the Pannel's taking his Oath And whereas it is pretended That the Acts of Parliament libelled upon against Leasing-makers depravers of His Majesties Laws do obtain and take place where-ever there are any words or expressions that have a tendency in themselves or by a natural consequence and rational inferences to reflect upon the Government or misconstrue His Majesties Proceedings and that the Explication libelled is such and that it was found so in the Case of Balmerino albeit it was drawn up by way of humble Petition and Address to His Majesty and with great Protestations and Expressions of Loyalty It is answered The Acts of Parliament libelled upon are oponed and the 43d Act Par. 8. James 6. and the other Acts making the depraving of His Majesties Laws to be Crimes do expresly require that Speeches so judged be perverse licentious Speeches ex natura sua probrosa and reproachful and spoke animo defamandi and which could not receive any other rational Construction which cannot in the least be applied to or subsumed upon the words or Explication given in by the Pannel And Law and Reason never infers or presumes a Crime where the thing is capable of a fair and rational Construction and where it was done palam and publickly and in presence of His Majesties High Commissioner and Lords of His Majesties Privy-Council whereof the Pannel had the honour to be a Member Persons committing and designing to commit Crimes making use of Times and Places and Companies of another nature on whom their suggestions and insinuations may prevail But it is a violence to the common Reason of mankind to pretend that a person of the Pannel's Quality having the honour to serve His Majesty in most eminent Capacities and devoted to His Majesties Interest and Service beyond the strictest ties of Duty and Allegiance by the transcendent Favours he had received that the Pannel in those Circumstances and in presence of his Royal Highness and Lords of Privy Council should design to declame and defacto declame against and defame His Majesties Government To suppose this is absolutely contradictory to the common Principles and Practices of Law and common Topicks of Reason And as to Balmerino's Case it is answered That the Lords of Justitiary are humbly desired to call for and peruse the said Petition and Books of Adjournal which was certainly a defamatory Libel of His Majesties Father of blessed Memory and of the States of Parliament in the highest degree being expresly that there was nothing designed but an innovation of the Protestant Religion and the subversion and over-turning the Liberties and Priviledges of the Parliament and the Constitutions of the Articles and other things of that kind which made certainly of it self a most villanous and execrable Libel containing the highest Crimes of Treason and Perduellion and was not capable of any good sense or interpretation but was absolutely pernicious and destructive So that it is in vain to pretend that the said Libel did contain Prefaces and Protestations of Loyalty which no Law regards even in simplici injuria maledicto tho committed by a private person cum praefatione salvo honore or the like and which were certainly ridiculous to sustain in a Libel concerning Crimesof Treason And whereas it is pretended That tho others were guilty of these Crimes it does not excuse the Earl that the Lords of Privy-Council cannot remit Crimes and the neligence
another making a Speech that no Man understood a third all the time of the reading repeating Lord have mercy upon me miserable sinner Nay even an Advocate after being debarred a few days because albeit no Clerk yet he would not take it without the benefit of his Clergy viz. the Councils Explanation was yet thereafter admitted without the Warrant of the Councils Act but all this in the Case of so many other was right and good Further the Council expresly declare the Earl to be Guilty before he had ever said one word in his own defence Thereafter some of them become his Assizers and others of them witness against him and after all they do of new concern themselves by a Second Letter to His Majesty wherein they assert That after full debate and clear probation he was found guilty of Treason c. to have a sentence past against him and that of so high a nature and so dreadful a consequence as suffers no person to be unconcerned far less their Lordships his Judges who upon grounds equally just and which is more already predetermined by themselves may soon meet with the same measure not only as Concealers of Treason but upon the least pretended disobedience or non-compliance with any Act of Parliament and after all must infallably render an account to God Almighty He bids them therefore lay their hands to their bearts and whatever they shall judge he is assured that God knows and he hopes all unblassed men in the World will or may know he is neither guilty of Treason nor any of the Crimes libelled He says he is glad how many out-do him in asserting the true Protestant Religion and their Loyalty to His Majesty only he hadds If he could justify himself to God as he can to His Majesty he is sure he might account himself the happiest man alive But yet seeing he hath a better hope in the mercy of God through Jesus Christ he thereupon rests whether he finds Justice here on Earth or not He says he will add nothing to move them either to tenderness or pity he knows that not to be the place and pretends to neither from them He pleads his Innocence and craves Justice leaving it to their Lordships to consider not so much his particular Case as what a Preparative it may be made and what may be its Consequences And if all he hath said do neither convince nor persuade them to alter their judgment yet he desires them to consider whether the Case do not at least deserve to be more fully represented and left to His Majecty's wisdom and justice seeing that if once the matter pass upon record for Treason it is undoubted that hundreds of the best and who think themselves most innocent may by the same methods fall under the like Condemnation whenever the King's Advocate shall be thereto prompted And thus you have a part of what the Earl intended to have said before pronouncing Sentence if he had not made his Escape before the day Yet some things I perceive by his Notes are still in his own breast as only proper to be said to His Majesty I find several Quotations out of the Advocate 's printed Books that it seems he was to make some use of but seeing it would have been too great an interruption to have applied them to the places designed I have subjoined them together leaving them to the Advocate 's own and all mens consideration It was by some remarked That when the Lords of Justitiary after the ending of the first days debate resolved that same night to give judgment upon it they sent for the Lord Nairn one of their number an old and infirm man who being also a Lord of the Session is so decayed through age that he hath not for a considerable time been allowed to take his turn in the Outer-house as they call it where they judge lesser Causes alone But notwithstanding both his age and infirmity and that he was gone to bed he was raised and brought to the Court to consider a Debate a great deal whereof he had not heard in full Court and withal as is informed while the Clerk was reading some of it fell of new asleep It was also remarked that the Lords of Justitiary being in all five viz. the Lord Nairn above-mentioned with the Lords Collintoun Newtoun Hirkhouse and Forret the Libel was found relevant only by the odds of three to two viz. the Lord Nairn aforesaid the Lord Newtoun since made President of the Session and the Lord Forret both well enough known against the Lord Collintoun a very ingenious Gentleman and a true old Cavalier and the Lord Hirkhouse a learned and upright Judge As for the Lord Justice General who was also present and presided his vote according to the constitution of the Court was not asked But to return to my Narrative the Earl as I have already told you did not think fit for reasons that you shall hear to stay till His Majesty's return came to the Council's last Letter but taking his opportunity made his escape out of the Castle of Edinburgh upon Tuesday the Twentieth of December about eight at night and in a day or two after came His Majesty's Answer here subjoined The King's Answer to the Council's Letter December 18. 1681. C. R. MOST dearly c. having this day received your Letter of the 14th instant giving an account that our Advocate having been ordered by you to insist in that Process raised at our instance against the Earl of Argyle he was after full debate and clear probation found guilty of Treason and Leasing-making betwixt us our Parliament and our People and the reproaching our Laws and Acts of Parliament We have now thought fit notwithstanding of what was ordered by us in our Letter to you of the 15th of November last hereby to authorize you to grant a Warrand to our Justice General and the remanent Judges of our Justice Court for proceeding to pronounce a Sentence upon the Verdict of the Jury against the said Earl nevertheless it is our express pleasure and we do hereby require you to take care that all execution of the Sentence be stopped until we shall think fit to declare our further pleasure in this Affair For doing whereof c. Which Answer being read in Council on the Thursday and the Court of Justiciary according to its last Adjournment as shall be told you being to meet upon the Friday after a little hesitation in Council whether the Court of Justiciary could proceed to the Sentence of Forfaulture against the Earl he being absent it was resolved in the affirmative And what were the grounds urged either of hesitation or resolution I cannot precisely say there being nothing on record that I can learn But that you may have a full and satisfying account I shall briefly tell you what was ordinarily discoursed a part whereof I also find in a Petition given in by the Countess of Argyle to the Lords
of the Traytors it was comfortably hoped before thirty Months should have past over after the detection thereof some effectual Remedies might have been applied to prevent the further Attempts of the Papists upon us and better to have secured the Protestants in their Religion Lives and Properties But by sad experience we have found that notwithstanding the vigorous Endeavours of three of our Parliaments to provide proper and wholsome Laws to answer both ends Yet so prevalent has this Interest been under so potent a Head the D. of Y. as to stifle in the birth all those hopeful Parliament-Endeavours by those many surprizing and astonishing Prorogations and Dissolutions which they have procured whereby our Fears and Dangers have manifestly increased and their Spirits heightned and incouraged to renew and multiply fresh Plottings and Designs upon us But that our approaching Parliament may be more successful for our Relief before it be too late by being permitted to sit to Redress our Grievances and to perfect those Good Bills which have been prepared by the former Parliaments to this purpose these following Common-Law Maxims respecting King and Parliament and the Common and Statute-Laws themselves to prevent such unnatural Disappointments and Mischiefs providing for the fitting of Parliaments till Grievances be redress'd and publick Safety secured and provided for are tendered to consideration Some known Maxims taken out of the Law-Books 1. Respecting the King That the Kings of England can do nothing as Kings but what of right they ought to do That the King can do no wrong nor can he dye That the King's Prerogative and the Subjects Liberty are determined by Law That the King hath no Power but what the Law gives him That the King is so called from Ruling well Rex à bene Regendo viz. according to Law Because be is a King whilst be Rules well but a Tyrant when he Oppresses That Kings of England never appear more in their glory splendor and Majestick Sovereignty than in Parliaments That the Prerogative of the King cannot do wrong nor be a Warrant to do wrong to any Plowd Comment fol. 246. 2. Respecting the Parliament That Parliaments constitute and are laid in the Essence of the Government That a Parliament is that to the Common-Wealth which the Soul is to the Body which is only able 〈…〉 and understand the symptoms of all Diseafes which threaten the Body-politick That a Parliament is the Bulwark of our Liberty the boundary which keeps us from the Inundation of Tyrannical Power Arbitrary and unbounded Will-Government That Parliaments do make new and abrogate old Laws Reform Grievances in the Commonwealth settle the Succession grant Subsidies And in sum may be called the great Physician of the Kingdom From whence it appears and is self-evident if Parliaments are so absolutely necessary in this our Constitution That they must then have their certain stationary times of Session and continuance for providing Laws essentially necessary for the being as well as the well-being of the People and redressing all publick Grievances either by the want of Laws or of the undue Execution of them in being or otherwise And suitable hereunto are those Provisions made by the Wisdom of our Ancestors as recorded by them both in the Common and Statute-Law First Coke lib. 7. Rep. p. 12 13. What we find hereof in the Common-Law The Common-Law saith my Lord Coke is that which is founded in the immutable Law and light of Nature agreeable to the Law of God requiring Order Government Subjection and Protection c. Containing ancient Vsages warranted by Holy Scripture and because it is generally given to all it is therefore called Common Lib. 9. Preface And further saith That in the book called The Mirror of Justice appeareth the whole frame of the ancient Common-Laws of this Realm from the time of K. Arthur 5 6. till near the Conquest which treats also of the Officers as well as the diversity and dictinction of the Courts of Justice which are Officinae Legis and particularly of the High Court of Parliament by the name of Council-General or Parliament so called from Parler-la-ment speaking judicially his mind And amongst others gives us the following Law of King Alfred who reigned about 880. Le Roy Alfred Ordeigna pur usage perpetuel que a deux foits per lan ou plus sovene pur mistier in temps de peace so Assembler a Londres Mirror of Justice Ch. 1. Sect. 3. pur Parliamenter surle guidement del people de dieu corneâ—t gents soy garderent de pechers viverent in quiet receiverent droit per certain usages saints Judgments King Alfred ordaineth for a usage perpetual That twice a year or oftner if need be in time of peace they shall assemble themselves at London to treat in Parliament of the Government of the People of God how they should keep themselves from Offences should live in quiet and should receive right by certain Laws and holy Judgments And thus saith my Lord Coke you have a Statute of K. Alfred Lord Coke's Comment upon it as well concerning the holding of this Court of Parliament twice every year at the City of London as to manifest the threefold end of this great and honourable Assembly of Estates As First That the Subject might be kept from offending that is that Offences might be prevented both by good and provident Laws and by the due Execution thereof Secondly That men might live safely and in quiet Thirdly That all men might receive Justice by certain Laws and holy Judgments that is to the end that Justice might be the better administred that Questions and Defects in Laws might be by the High Court of Parliament planed reduced to certainty and adjudged And further tells us That this Court being the most Supream Court of this Realm is a part of the frame of the Common-Laws and in some cases doth proceed Legally according to the ordinary course of the Common-Law as it appeareth 39 E. 3. f. Coke Inst ch 29. fol. 5. To be short of this Court it is truly said Si vetestatem specter est antiquissima si dignitatem est honoratissima si jurisdictionem est capacissima If you regard Antiquity it is the most Ancient if Dignity the most Honourable if Jurisdiction the most Sovereign And where question hath been made whether this Court continued during the Heptarchy let the Records themselves make answer of which he gives divers Instances in the times of King Ine Offa Ethelbert After the Heptarchy King Edward Son of Alfred King Ethelston Edgar Ethelred Edmond Canutus All which he saith and many more are extant and publickly known proving by divers Arguments that there were Parliaments unto which the Knights and Burgesses were summoned both before in and after the Reign of the Conqueror till Hen. 3d's time and for your further satisfaction herein see 4 E. 3.25 49 Ed. 3.22 23. 11 H. 4.2 Littl. lib. 2. cap. 20. Whereby we may understand 1.
the Lives of all that are brought into Judgment do ultimately depend from their Verdict there lies no Appeal by finding Guilty or not Guilty they do complicately resolve both Law and Fact As it hath been the Law so it hath always been the Custom and Practice of these Juries upon all general Issues pleaded in Cases Civil as well as Criminal to judge both of the Law and Fact See the Reports of the Ld Chief Justice Vaughan p. 150 151. So it is said in the Report of the Lord Chief Justice Vaughan in Bushel's Case That these Juries determine the Law in all matters where Issue is joined and tried in the Principal Case whether the Issue be about Trespass or a Debt or Disseizin in Assizes or a Tort or any such like unless they should please to give a special Verdict with an implicite faith in the Judgment of the Court to which none can oblige them against ther wills These last 12 must be Men of equal condition with the Party indicted and are called his Peers therefore if it be a Peer of the Realm they must be all such when indicted at the Suit of the King and in the Case of Commoners every man of the 12 must agree to the Verdict freely without compulsion fear or menace else it is no Verdict Whether the Case of a Peer be harder I will not determine Our Ancestors were careful that all men of the like condition and quality presumed to be sensible of each other's infirmity should mutually be Judges each of others lives and alternately taste of Subjection and Rule every man being equally liable to be accused or indicted or perhaps to be suddenly judged by the Party of whom he is at present Judge if he be found innocent Whether it be Lord or Commoner that is indicted the Law intends as near as may be that his Equals that judge him should be his Companions known to him and he to them or at least his Neighbours or Dwellers near about the place where the Crime is supposed to have been committed to whom something of the Fact must probably be known and though the Lords are not appointed to be of the Neighbourhood to the indicted Lord yet the Law supposes them to be Companions and personally well known each unto other being presumed to be a small number as they have anciently been and to have met yearly or oftner in Parliament as by Law they ought besides their other meetings as the hereditary Councellors of the Kings of England If time hath altered the case of the Lords as to the number indifferency and impartiality of the Peers it hath been and may be worthy of the Parliament's consideration and the greater duty is incumbent upon Grand Juries to examine with the utmost diligence the Evidence against Peers before they find a Bill of Indictment against any of them if in truth it may put their Lives in greater danger It is not designed at this time to undertake a Discourse of Petit-Juries but to consider the Nature and Power of Grand Inquests and to shew how much the Reputation the Fortunes and the Lives of English-men depend upon the Conscientious performance of their Duty It was absolutely necessary for the support of the Government and the safety of every Man's Life and Interest that some should be trusted to inquire after all such as by Treasons Felonies or lesser Crimes disturbed the peace that they might be prosecuted and brought to condign punishment and it was no less needful for every man's quiet and safety that the trust of such Inquisitions should be put into the hands of Persons of understanding and integrity indifferent and impartial that might suffer no man to be falsely accused or defamed nor the Lives of any to be put in jeopardy by the malicious Conspiracies of greator small or the Perjuries of any profligate Wretches For these necessary honest Ends was the institution of Grand Juries Our Ancestors thought it not best to trust this great concern of their Lives and Interests in the hands of any Officer of the King 's or in any Judges named by him nor in any certain number of men during life lest they should be awed or influenced by great men corrupted by Bribes Flatteries or love of Power or become negligent or partial to Friends and Relations or pursue their own Quarrels or private Revenges or connive at the Conspiracies of others and indict thereupon But this trust of enquiring out and indicting all the Criminals in a County is placed in men of the same County more at least than Twelve of the most honest and most sufficient for knowledge and ability of Mind and Estate to be from time to time at the Sessions and Assizes and all other Commissions of Oyer and Terminer named and returned by the chief Sworn Officer of the County the Sheriff who was also by express Law anciently chosen annually by the People of every County and trusted with the Execution of all Writs and Processes of the Law and with the Power of the County to suppress all Violences unlawful Routs Riots and Rebellions Yet our Laws left not the Election of these Grand Inquests absolutely to the Will of the Sheriffs but have described in general their Qualifications who shall enquire and indict either Lord or Commoner They ought by the old Common-law to be Lawful Liedge-people of ripe Age not over aged or infirm and of good Fame amongst their Neighbours free from all reasonable suspicion of any design for himself or others upon the Estates or Lives of any suspected Criminals or quarrel or controversie with any of them They ought to be indifferent and impartial even before they are admitted to be sworn and of sufficient understanding and Estate for so great a Trust The ancient Law-book called Briton of great Authority says See Brit. p. 9 and 10. The Sheriffs Bailiffs ought to be sworn to return such as know best how to enquire and discover all breaches of the Peace and lest any should intrude themselves or be obtruded by others they ought to be returned by the Sheriff without the denomination of any except the Sheriff's Officers And agreeable hereunto was the Statute of 11 H. 4. in these words Item Because of late See 11 Hen. 4. Inquests were taken at Westminster of persons named to the Justices without due Return of the Sheriff of which persons some were outlawed c. and some fled to fanctuary for Treason and Felony c. by whom as well many Offenders were indicted as other lawful Liege-people of the King not guilty by Conspiracy Abetment and false imagination of others c. against the force of the Common-Law c. It is therefore granted for the Ease and Quietness of the People that the same Indictment with all its Dependences be void and holden for none for ever and that from henceforth no Indictment be made by any such persons but by Inquest of the King's Liedge-people in the manner as
desolationibus tam sanctae Eccles quam Reg. factis per hoc iniquum Concilium Domini Regis contra magnas Chartas tot toties multoties emptas redemptas concessas confirmatas per tot talia Juramenta Domini Regis nunc Dominorum Henrici Johannis ac per terribiles fulminationes Excommunicationis sententiae in transgressores communium libertatum Angliae quae in chartis praedictis continentur corroboratas cum spes praeconcepta de libertatibus illis observandis fideliter ab omnibus putaretur stabilis indubitata Rex conciliis malorum Ministrorum praeventus seductus easdem infringendo contravenire non formidavit credens deceptive pro numere absolvi à transgressione quod esset manifestum regni exterminium Aliud etiam nos omnes angit intrinsecus quod Justiciarii subtiliter ex malitia sua ac per diversa argumenta avaritiae intolerabilis superbiae Regem contra fideles suos multipliciter provocaverunt incitaverunt sanoque salubri consilio Ligeorum Angliae contrarium reddiderunt consilia sua vana impudenter praeponere affirmare non erubuerunt seu formidaverunt ac si plus habiles essent ad consulendam conservandam Rempublicam quam tota Universitas Regni in unum collecta Ita de illis possit vere dici viri qui turbaverunt terram concusserunt Regnum sub fuco gravitatis totum populum graviter oppresserunt praetextuque solummodo exponendi veteres Leges novas non dicam Leges sed malas consuetudines introduxerunt vomuerunt ita quod per ignorantiam nonnullorum ac per partialitatem aliorum qui vel per munera vel timorem aliquorum potentum innodati fuerunt nulla fuit stabilitas Legum nec alicui de populo Justitiam dignabantur exhibere opera eorum sunt opera nequitiae opus iniquitatis in manibus pedes eorum ad malum currunt festinant ac viam recti nescierunt Quid dicam non est judicium in gressibus suis Quam plurimi liberi homines terrae nostrae fideles Domini Regis quasi viles ultimae servi conditionis diversis Carceribus sine culpa commiserunt ibidem carcerandi quorum nonnulli in carcere fame maerore vinculorum pondere defecerunt extorquerunt pro Arbritrio insuper infinitam pecuniam ab eâ—â—dem pro redemptione sua crumenas aliorum ut suas impregnarent tam à divitibus quam pauperibus exhauserunt ratione quorum incurriverunt odium inexorabile formidabile imprecationes omnium quasi tale incommunicabile privilegium per Chartam detest abilem de non obstante obtinuerunt perquiviserunt ut à lege divina humanaque quasi ad libitum immunes essent Gravamen insuper solitum adhuc sive aliquo modo saevit omnia sunt venalia si non quasi furtiva proh dolor Quid non mortalia pectora cogit Auri sacra fames Ex ore meo contra vos O Impii tremebunda coeli decreta jam auditis Agnitio vultuum vestrorum accusat vos peccatum vestrum quasi Sodoma praedicavistis nec abscondistis vae animae vestrae vae qui condunt leges scribentes injustitiam scripserunt ut opprimerent in judicio pauperes vim facerent causae humilium populi ut essent viduae praeda eorum pupillos diriperent vae qui aedificant domum suam injusticia coenacula sua non in Judicio vae qui concupiverunt agros violenter tulerunt rapuerunt domos oppresserunt virum domum ejus imo virum Haereditatem suam vae Judices qui sicut Lupi vespere non relinquebant ossa in mane Justus Judex adducit Consiliarios in stultum finem Judices in stuporem mox alta voce justum Judicium terrae recipietis His auditis omnium aures tinniebant totaque Communitas ingemuerunt Vide Mat. West Anno 1289. p. 376 li. 13. dicentes heu nobis heu ubi est Angliae toties empta toties concessa toties scripta toties jurata Libertas Alii de Criminalibus sese à visibus populi subtrahentes in locis secretis cum amicis tacite latitaverunt Anno vero 1290. 18. Ed. 1. deprehensis omnibus Angliae Justiciariis de repetundis praeter Jo. Metingham Eliam de Bleckingham quos honoris ergo nominatos volui judicio Parliamenti vindicatum est in alios atque alios carcere exilio fortunarumque omnium dispendio in singulos mulcta gravissima amissione officii Spelmans Glossary p. 1. co 1. 416. alios protulerunt in medium unde merito fere omnes ab officiis depositi amoti unus à terra exulatus alii perpetuis prisonis incarcerati alii que gravibus pecuniarum solutionibus juste adjudicati fuerunt AFter that the King for the space of three Years and more had remained beyond Sea and returned out of Gascoign and France into England he was much vexed and disturbed by the continual clamour both of the Clergy and Laity desiring to be relieved against the Justices and other His Majesties Ministers of several oppressions and injuries done unto them contrary to the good Laws and Customs of the Realm whereupon King Edward by his Royal Letters to the several Sheriffs of England commanded that in all Counties Cities and Market Towns a Proclamation should be made that all who found themselves agrieved should repair to Westminster at the next Parliament and there shew their Grievances where as well the great as the less should receive fit Remedies and speedy Justice according as the King was obliged by the Bond of his Coronation Oath And now that great day was come that day of judging even the Justices and the other Ministers of the King's Council which by no Collusion or Reward no Argument or Art of Pleading they could elude or avoid The Clergy therefore and the People being gathered together and seated in the great Palace of Westminster the Archbishop of Canterbury a man of eminent Piety and as it were a Pillar of the holy Church and the Kingdom rising from his Seat and fetching a profound sigh spoke in this manner Let this Assembly know that we are called together concerning the great and weighty Affairs of the Kingdom too much alas of late disturbed and still out of Order unanimously faithfully and effectually with our Lord the King to treat and ordain Vide Fleta Cap. 17. p. 18 19. Authoritas Officium ordinarii Concilii Regis Ye have all heard the grievous complaints of the most intollerable injuries and oppressions of the daily desolations committed both on Church and State by this corrupt Council of our Lord the King contrary to our great Charters so many and so often purchased and redeemed granted and confirmed to us by the several Oaths of our Lord the King that now is and of our Lords King Henry and John and corroborated by the dreadful thundrings of the sentence of Excommunication against the
easily be done but never consented to as fit to be done And I remember particularly at my Lord Shaftsbury's there being some general Discourse of this kind I immediately flew out and exclaim'd against it and ask'd if the thing succeeded what must be done next but massacring the Guards and killing them in cold blood Which I look't upon as so detestable a thing and so like a Popish Practice that I could not but abhor it And at the same time the Duke of Monmouth took me by the hand and told me very kindly My Lord I see you and I are of a Temper did you ever hear so horrid a thing And I must needs do him that Justice to declare that I never observed in him but an Abhorrence to all base things As to my going to Mr. Shepheard's I went with an intention to taste Sherry for he had promised me to reserve for me the next very good piece he met with when I went out of Town and if he recollects he may remember I ask'd him about it and he went and fetch'd a Bottle but when I tasted it I said 't was hot in the mouth and desired that whenever he met with a choice Piece he would keep it for me which he promised I enlarge the more upon this because Sir George Jefferies insinuated to the Jury as if I had made a story about going thither but I never said that was the only Reason And I will now truly and plainly add the rest I was the day before this Meeting come to Town for two or three days as I had done once or twice before having a very near and dear Relation lying in a very languishing and desperate Condition And the Duke of Monmouth came to me and told me he was extreamly glad I was come to Town for my Lord Shaftsbury and some hot Men would undo us all How so my Lord I said Why answered he they 'll certainly do some disorderly thing or other if great Care be not taken and therefore for God's sake use your Endeavours with your Friends to prevent any thing of this kind He told me there would be Company at Mr. Shepheard's that Night and desired me to be at home in the Evening and he would call me which he did And when I came into the Room I saw Mr. Rumsey by the Chimney though he swears he came in after and there were things said by some with much more Heat than Judgment which I did sufficiently disapprove and yet for these things I stand condemned But I thank God my part was sincere and well meant It is I know inferr'd from hence and was pressed to me that I was acquainted with these Heats and ill Designs and did not discover them But this is but Misprision of Treason at most So I dye innocent of the Crime I stand condemn'd for and I hope no body will imagaine that so mean a Thought could enter into me as to go about to save my self by accusing others The part that some have acted lately of that kind has not been such as to invite me to love Life at such a rate As for the Sentence of Death passed upon me I cannot but think it a very hard one For nothing was sworn against me whether true or false I will not now examine but some Discourses about making some Stirs And this is not levying War against the King which is Treason by the Statute of Edward the Third and not the consulting and discoursing about it which was all that was witnessed against me But by a strange Fetch the Design of seizing the Guards was construed a Design of killing the King and so I was in that cast And now I have truly and sincerely told what my part was in that which cannot be more than a bare Misprision and yet I am condemned as guilty of a Design of killing the King I pray God lay not this to the charge neither of the King's Council nor Judges nor Sheriffs nor Jury And for the Witnesses I pity them and wish them well I shall not reckon up the particulars wherein they did me wrong I had rather their own Consciences should do that to which and the Mercies of God I leave them Only I still aver that what I said of my not hearing Col. Rumsey deliver any Message from my Lord Shaftsbury was true for I always detested Lying tho' never so much to my advantage And I hope none will be so unjust and uncharitable as to think I would venture on it in these my last Words for which I am so soon to give an account to the Great God the Searcher of Hearts and Judge of all Things From the time of chusing Sheriffs I concluded the Heat in that Matter would produce something of this kind and I am not much surprized to find it fall upon me And I wish what is done to me may put a stop and satiate some Peoples Revenge and that no more innocent Blood be shed for I must and do still look upon mine as such since I know I was guilty of no Treason and therefore I would not betray my Innocence by Flight of which I do not I thank God yet repent tho' much pressed to it how fatal soever it may have seem'd to have proved to me for I look upon my Death in this manner I thank God with other eyes than the World does I know I said but little at the Trial and I suppose it looks more like Innocence than Guilt I was also advis'd not to confess Matter of Fact plainly since that must certainly have brought me within the Guilt of Misprision And being thus restrained from dealing frankly and openly I chose rather to say little than to depart from that Ingenuity that by the Grace of God I had carried along with me in the former parts of my Life and so could easier be silent and leave the whole Matter to the Conscience of the Jury than to make the last and solemnest part of my Life so different from the Course of it as the using little Tricks and Evasions must have been Nor did I ever pretend to a great readiness in speaking I wish those Gentlemen of the Law who have it would make more Conscience in the use of it and not run Men down and by Strains and Fetches impose on easie and willing Juries to the Ruine of innocent Men For to kill by Forms and Subtilties of Law is the worst sort of Murther But I wish the Rage of hot Men and the Partialities of Juries may be stopp'd with my Blood which I would offer up with so much the more Joy if I thought I should be the last were to suffer in such a way Since my Sentence I have had but few Thoughts but Preparatory ones for Death Yet the importunity of my Friends and particularly of the Best and Dearest Wife in the World prevail'd with me to sign Petitions and make an Address for my Life To which I was very averse For
after the Fifth Century the Doctrine of one Individual Essence was received If you will be farther informed concerning this Father Petau will satisfie you as to the first Period before the Council of Nice and the leared Dr. Cudworth as to the second In all which particulars it appears how variable a thing Tradition is And upon the whole matter the examining Tradition thus is still a searching among Books and here is no living Judge XII If then the Authority that must decide Controversies lies in the Body of the Pastors scattered over the World which is the last retrenchment here as many and as great Scruples will arise as we found in any of the former Heads Two difficulties appear at first view the one is How can we be assured that the present Pastors of the Church are derived in a just Succession from the Apostles there are no Registers extant that prove this So that we have nothing for it but some Histories that are so carelesly writ that we find many mistakes in them in other Matters and they are so different in the very first links of that Chain that immediately succeeded the Apostles that the utmost can be made of this is that here is an Historical Relation somewhat doubtful but here is nothing to found our Faith on so that if a Succession from the Apostles times is necessary to the Constitution of that Church to which we must submit our selves we know not where to find it besides that the Doctrine of the necessity of the Intention of the Minister to the Validity of a Sacrament throws us into inextricable difficulties I know they generally say that by the Intention they do not mean the inward Acts of the Minister of the Sacrament but only that it must appear by his outward deportment that he is in earnest going about a Sacrament and not doing a thing in jest and this appeared so reasonable to me that I was sorry to find our Divines urge it too much till turning over the Rubricks that are at the beginning of the Missal I found upon the head of the Intention of the Minister that if a Priest has a number of Hosties before him to be consecrated and intends to Consecrate them all except one in that case that Vagrant Exception falls upon them all it not being affixed to any one and it is defined that he Consecrates none at all Here it is plain that the secret Acts of a Priest can defeat the Sacrament so this overthrows all certainty concerning a Succession But besides all this we are sure that the Greek Churches have a much more uncontested Succession than the Latines So that a Succession cannot direct us And if it is necessary to seek out the Doctrines that are universally received this is not possible for a private man to know So that in ignorant Countries where there is little Study the people have no other certainty concerning their Religion but what they take from their Curate and Confessor since they cannot examine what is generally received So that it must be confessed that all the Arguments that are brought for the necessity of a constant infallible Judge turn against all those of the Church of Rome that do not acknowledge the Infallibility of the Pope for if he is not infallible they have no other Judge that can pretend to it It were also easie to shew that some Doctrines have been as Universally received in some Ages as they have been rejected in others which shews that the Doctrine of the present Church is not always a sure measure For five Ages together the Doctrine of the Pope's Power to depose Heretical Princes was received without the least Opposition and this cannot be doubted by any that knows what has been the State of the Church since the end of the Eleventh Century and yet I believe few Princes would allow this notwithstanding all the concurring Authority of so many Ages to fortisie it I could carry this into a great many other Instances but I single out this because it is a point in which Princes are naturally extream sensible Upon the whole matter it can never enter into my mind that God who has made Man a Creature that naturally enquires and reasons and that feels as sensible a pleasure when he can give himself a good account of his Actions as one that sees does perceive in comparison to a blind man that is led about and that this God that has also made Religion on design to perfect this Humane Nature and to raise it to the utmost height to which it can arrive has contrived it to be dark and to be so much beyond the penetration of our Faculties that we cannot find out his mind in those things that are necessary for our Salvation and that the Scriptures that were writ by plain men in a very familiar Stile and addrest without any Discrimination to the Vulgar should become such an unintelligible Book in these Ages that we must have an infallible Judge to expound it and when I see not only Popes but even some Bodies that pass for General Councils have so expounded many passages of it and have wrested them so visibly that none of the Modern Writers of that Church pretend to excuse it I say I must freely own to you that when I find that I need a Commentary on dark passages these will be the last persons to whom I will address my self for it Thus you see how fully I have opened my mind to you in this matter I have gone over a great deal of ground in as few words as is possible because hints I know are enough for you I thank God these Considerations do fully satisfie me and I will be infinitely joyed if they have the same effect on you I am yours THis Letter came to London with the return of the first Post after his late Majesties Papers were sent into the Country some that saw it liked it well and wished to have it publick and the rather because the Writer did not so entirely confine himself to the Reasons that were in those Papers but took the whole Controversie to task in a little compass and yet with a great variety of Reflections And this way of examining the whole matter without following those Papers word for word or the finding more fault than the common concern of this Cause required seemed more agreeing to the respect that is due to the Dead and more particularly to the Memory of so great a Prince but other considerations made it not so easie nor so adviseable to procure a License for the Printing this Letter it has been kept in private hands till now those who have boasted much of the Shortness of the late King's Papers and of the length of the Answers that have been made to them will not find so great a disproportion between them and this Answer to them A Brief Account of particulars occurring at the happy Death of our late Soveraign Lord King Charles
the Reign of Our late Royal Brother King Charles the Second shall not at any time hereafter be required to be Taken Declared or Subscribed by any person or persons whatsoever who is or shall be Employed in any Office or Place of Trust either Civil or Military under Us or in Our Government And We do further Declare it to be Our Pleasure and Intention from time to time hereafter to Grant Our Royal Dispensations under Our Great Seal to all our Loving Subjects so to be Employed who shall not take the said Oaths or Subscribe or declare the said Tests or Declarations in the abovementioned Acts and every of them And to the end that all Our Loving Subjects may receive and enjoy the full Benefit and Advantage of Our Gracious Indulgence hereby intended and may be Acquitted and Discharged from all Pains Penalties Forfeitures and Disabilities by them or any of them incurred or forfeited or which they shall or may at any time hereafter be liable to for or by reason of their Non-conformity or the Exercise of their Religion and from all Suits Troubles or Disturbances for the same We do hereby give Our Free and Ample Pardon unto all Non-conformists Recusants and other Our Loving Subjects for all Crimes and Things by them commited or done contrary to the Penal Laws formerly made relating to Religion and the Profession or Exercise thereof Hereby Declaring That this Our Royal pardon and Indempnity shall be as Good and Effectual to all intents and purposes as if every individual person had been therein particularly named or had particular Pardons under Our Great Seal which We do likewise Declare shall from time to time be Granted unto any person or persons desiring the same Willing and Requiring Our Judges Justices and other Officers to take Notice of and Obey Our Royal Will and Pleasure herein before Declared And although the Freedom and Assurance We have hereby given in relation to Religion and Property might be sufficient to remove from the Minds of Our Loving Subjects all Fears and Jealousies in relation to either yet We have thought fit further to Declare That We will Maintain them in all their Properties and Possessions as well of Church and Abby-Lands as in any other their Lands and Properties whatsoever Given at our Court at Whitehall the Fourth Day of April 1687. In the Third Year of Our Reign By His Majesties Special Command A LETTER containing some Reflections on His Majesties Declaration for Liberty of Conscience Dated the Fourth of April 1687. SIR I. I Thank you for the Favour of sending me the late Declaration that His Majesty has granted for Liberty of Conscience I confess I longed for it with great Impatience and was surprised to find it so different from the Scotch Pattern for I imagined that it was to be set to the second part of the same tune nor can I see why the Penners of this have sunk so much in their stile for I suppose the same Men penned both I expected to have seen the Imperial Language of Absolute Power to which all the Subjects are to Obey without reserve and of the Cassing Annulling the stopping and disabling of Laws set forth in the Preamble and body of this Declaration whereas those dreadful words are not to be found here for instead of Repealing the Laws his Majesty pretends by this only to Suspend them and though in effect this amounts to a Repeal yet it must be confessed that the words are softer Now since the Absolute Power to which his Majesty pretends in Scotland is not founded on such poor things as Law for that would look as if it were the gift of the People but on the Divine Authority which is supposed to be delegated to his Majesty this may be as well claimed in England as it was in Scotland and the pretentions to Absolute Power is so great a thing that since his Majesty thought fit once to claim it he is little beholding to those that make him fall so much in his Language especially since both these Declarations have appeared in our Gazettes so that as we see what is done in Scotland we know from hence what is in some peoples hearts and what we may expect in England II. His Majesty tells his people that the perfect Injoyment of their Property has never been in any Case invaded by him since his coming to the Crown This is indeed matter of great Incouragement to all good Subjects for it lets them see that such Invasions as have been made on Property have been done without his Majesties knowledge so that no doubt the continuing to levy the Customes and the Additional Excise which had been granted only during the late King's Life before the Parliament could meet to renew the Grant was done without his Majesties knowledge the many Violences committed not only by Soldiers but Officers in all the parts of England which are severe Invasions on Property have been all without his Majesties knowledge and since the first Branch of Property is the Right that a man has to his Life the strange Essay of Mahometan Government that was shewed at Taunton and the no less strange proceedings of the present Lord Chancellour in his Circuit after the Rebellion which are very justly called his Campagne for it was an open Act of Hostility to all Law and for which and other Services of the like nature it is believed he has had the reward of the great Seal and the Executions of those who have left their Colours which being founded on no Law are no other than so many murders all these I say are as we are sure Invasions on Property but since the King tells us that no such Invasions have been made since he came to the Crown we must conclude that all these things have fallen out without his privity And if a standing Army in time of Peace has been ever lookt on by this Nation as an Attempt upon the whole Property of the Nation in gross one must conclude that even this is done without his Majesties knowledge III. His Majesty expresses his Charity for us in a kind wish that we were all Members of the Catholick Church in return to which we offer up daily our most earnest Prayers for him that he may become a Member of the truly Catholick Church for Wishes and Prayers do no hurt on no side but his Majesty adds that it has ever been his Opinion that Conscience ought not to be constrain'd nor people forced in matters of meer Religion We are very happy if this continues to be always his sense but we are sure in this he is no Obedient Member of that which he means by the Catholick Church for it has over and over again decreed the Extirpation of Hereticks It encourages Princes to it by the Offer of the pardon of their Sins it threatens them to it by denouncing to them not only the Judgments of God but that which is more sensible the loss of their Dominions
called The Publick Occurrences which came out to day and cannot but set you right as to his News about the Reading of the Declaration on Sunday He tells you That several Divines of the Church of England in and about this City eminent for their Piety and Moderation did yesterday Read his Majesties late Declaration in their Churches according to the Order in that behalf but some to the great surprize of their Parishoners were pleased to decline it You in the Country are from this Account to believe that it was Read here by the generality of the Clergie and by the eminent Men among them But I can and do assure you that this is one of the most impudent Lyes that ever was Printed For as to this City which hath above a Hundred Parishes in it it was Read only in Four or Five Churches all the rest and best of the Clergy refusing it every where I will spare their Names who read it but should I mention them it would make you who knows this City a little heartily to deride H. C's Account of them And for the Surprize he talks of the contrary of it is so true that in Woodstreet where it was read by one Dr. M. the People generally went out of the Church This I tell you that you may be provided for the future against such an Impudent Lyar who for Bread 〈…〉 and put about the Nation the falfest of things I am Yours AN ANSWER To the City Minister's LETTER from his Country Friend SIR IT is not for me now to acknowledge my private Debt to you for the favour of your Letter since the publick is as much concern'd in it as I and if I may judge of all by the compass of my Neighbourhood and Acquaintance I may assure you they are not insensible of your Obligation though they are ignorant of the Author The Country as far as my Intelligence reaches has followed the Example of the City and refused to read the Declaration of Indulgence according to a certain Order said to be the Kings which we in the Country can scarce believe to be His. For it has neither been signified to the Ordinaries according to the usual manner nor could those that dispersed it give any Account whence it came to them I have heard indeed that an Act of Council concerning it has been published in the Gazette which I never saw and if I had I should scarce have thought Authentick For I always took that Paper as for its Authority to have been all of a piece and that we were no more bound to take notice of any Order published there under any penalty than we are to believe all the News from Poland or Constantinople Nay though this Order had come to us in due form yet had we had great reason to suspect something of surreption and surprize upon his Majesty in this matter and that it could not proceed from his Majesty's free and full consent for we cannot yet forget his repeated professions of kindness to us and of satisfaction in our Principles and Duty and having done nothing since which might forfeit his goed Opinion we are unwilling to believe that it is His Majesties own mind and pleasure to loud us with such an Order as we cannot execute with any congruity safety or good Conscience I. As to his Majesties Declaration We of all his Majesties Subjects are the least concern'd in it and with all duty be it spoken we cannot see that our legal Establishment receives any Addition by this Declaration For there are yet thanks be to God no Penal Laws to which our Congregations are obnoxious and therefore we do not stand in need of any Toleration Yet it is upon us only that the Reading of it is imposed An Act which cannot well be construed otherwise than as a soliciting and tempting our own people to forsake our Communion If this Declaration must needs be read in any Religious Assemblies ' in reason surely it should be in those who wholly owe their substance to it It would better have become the Roman than the Protestan Chappels But in the Koman Church Indulgence hath another signification and belongs to those only that frequent their Churches but not to such as leave them for with them this is the only sin that is not capable of Indulgence But the Priests desire to be excus'd lest while they proclaim Toleration to others they bring an Interdict upon themselves Or why I pray was not Father Pen Ordered to publish it in his Meetings Or the worthy Mr. Lob the reputed Father of this Project why had not he the benefit of his own Invention and a Patent for being the sole Publisher of it within his own Pound Or why was not my Lord Mayor's private and elect Congregation thought worthy of so great a grace Surely it is not to draw upon us the envy of the Distenters that the honour of publishing this Declaration is impos'd upon us alone when it belongs to all other Communions in the Kingdom except our own And it we refuse it I hope it will be imputed to our Modesty for we are not ambitious of being impertinent or busie bodies in other mens matters A certain person much greaten than he deserves but perhaps not so high is said to have used the Words of Rabshaketh upon this occasion That the Church of England Clergy should eat their own Dung Isa 36.12 This sentence might better have become a Messenger of the King of Affyria than a pretended Counsellour of our own Prince though some make a question to which King he belongs But God be thanked we are not yet so straitly besieg'd as to be reduc'd to that extremity and though by the permission of God We should be reduc'd to so miserable a Condition We should I hope by the Grace of God be content to endure that and worse extremities if possible rather than Betray or Surrender the City of God But before that comes it is possible that the Throat that belch'd out this Nasty Insolence may be stopp'd with something which it cannot swallow II. Besides there are some passages in the Declaration which in Conscience we cannot read to our People though it be in the King's Name for among others we are to Read these Words We cannot but heartily wish as will easily be believed that all the People of our Dominions were Members of the Catholick Church Our People know too well the English of this and could not but be strangely surpriz'd to hear us tell them that it would be an acceptable thing to the King that they should leave the Truth and our Communion and turn Papists The Wish of a King when solemnly Declared is no light insignificant thing but has real influence and effect upon the minds of Men. It was but a Wish of Henry the Second that cut off F. Becket then Archbishop of Canterbury Councils and Courts of Justice too often bend to a King's Wishes though against their own
pinches he is really concerned that Ireland is not altogether an independent Kingdom and in the Hands of its own Natives he longs till the Day when the English Yoak of Boudage shall be thrown off Of this he gives us broad Hints when he tells us That England is the only Nation in the World that impedes their Trade That a Man of English Interest will never Club with them as he phrases it or project any thing which may tend to their Advantage that will be the least Bar or Prejudice to the Trade of England Now why a Man of English Interest unless he will allow none of that Nation to be an able and just Minister to his Prince should be partial to ruine one Kingdom to avoid the least Inconveniency of the other contrary to the positive Commands of his King I cannot imagine For since it is the Governour 's Duty to Rule by Law and such Orders as he shall receive from His Majesty I know no Grounds for our Authors Arraigning the whole English Nation in saying That no one Man among them of what Perswasion soever will be true either to the Laws or his Majesty's positive Orders which shall seem repugnant to the smallest Conveniencies of England This is a glory reserved only as it seems for his Hero my Lord Tyrconnel The Imbargo upon the West India Trade and the Prohibition of Irish Cattel are the two Instances given It were to be wished indeed for the Good of that Kingdom that both were taken off and I question not but to see a Day wherein it shall seem proper to the King and an English Parliament to Repeal those Laws a Day wherein they will consider us as their own Flesh and Blood a Colony of their Kindred and Relations and take care of our Advantages with as little Grudging and Repining I am sure they have the same and no stronger Reason as Cornwal does at Yorkshire There are Instances in sevral Islands in the East-Indies as far distant as Ireland is from England that make up but one Kingdom and govern'd by the same Laws but the Wisdom of England will not judge it time fitting to do this till we of Ireland be one Mans Children either in Reality or Affection we wish the latter and have made many Steps and Advances towards it if the Natives will not meet us half way we cannot help it let the Event lie at their own Doors But after all I see not how those Instances have any manner of relation to the English Chief Governors in Ireland they were neither the Causes Contrivers nor Promoters of those Acts. The King and an English Parliament did it without consulting them if they had 't is forty to one my Lord of Ormond and the Council whose Stake is so great in Ireland would have hindred it as much as possible Our Author's Argument proves indeed That 't is detrimental to Ireland to be a subordinate Kingdom to England and 't is plain 't is that he drives at let him disguise it as much as he will but the conclusion he would prove cannot at all be deduced from it Shortly I expect he will speak plainer and in down right Terms propose That the two Kingdoms may be governed by different Kings Matters seem to grow ripe for such a dilloyal Proposition If these Acts and not the Subjection to an English King were the Grievances they would be so to the British there as well as to the Natives but though we wish them Repealed we do not repine in the mean time if the British who are the most considerable Trading part of that Nation and consequently feel the ill Effects of those Acts more sensibly can be contented why the Natives should not acquiesce in it unless it be for the forementioned Reasons I cannot see Our Author allows that there are different ways of obeying the King 't is a Point gained for us and proves there may be such a Partiality exercised in executing his Majesties Commands as may destroy the very Intent of them and yet taking the Matter strictly the King is obeyed but a good Minister will consider his Masters Intentions and not make use of a Word that may have a double Sence to the Ruine of a Kingdom nor of a Latitude of Power wherewith he is intrusted to the Destruction of the most considerable Party in it Far be it from us to think it was his Majesties Intentions to depopulate a flourishing Country to undo Multitudes of laborious thriving Families in it to diminish and destroy his own Revenue to put the Sword into Mad-mens Hands who are sworn Enemies to the British No! His Majesty who is willing that Liberty of Trade as well as Conscience should equally flourish in all parts of his Dominions that recommends himself to his Subjects by his Impartiality in distributing Offices of Trust and from that Practice raises his greatest Argument to move his People to Repeal the Penal Laws never intended that some general Commands of his should be perverted to the Destruction of that People his Intention is to protect His Majesty Great as he is cannot have two Consciences one calculated for the Latitude of England another for Ireland We ought therefore to conclude in respect to the King that his Commands have been ill understood and worse executed and this may be done as our Author confesses and the King undoubtedly obeyed but such an Obedience is no better than a Sacrifice of the best Subjects the King has in this Kingdom Our Author has given very good Reasons why the Natives may be well content with their present Governor but I cannot forbear laughing at those he has found out to satisfie the poor British with My Lord Tyrconnel's most Excellent Charitable English Lady His high sounding Name TALBOT in great Letters a Name that no less frightens the Poor English in Ireland then it once did the French a Name which because he is in possession of I will not dispute his Title to but I have been credibly informed that he has no relation to that most Noble Family of Shrewsbury though my Lord Tyrconnel presumes to bear the same Coat of Arms a Name in short which I hope in time Vox praetereae nihil A Second Reason is drawn from his Education We have heard and it has never yet been contradicted that my Lord Tyrconnel from his Youth upwards has constantly born Arms against the Brittish If our Author will assure us of the contrary I am apt to believe â—i Excellency will give him no thanks who lays the foundation of his Merit upon the Basis of his constant adherence to the Iâ—ish Party What use of Consolation can be drawn from this head by the Brittish is beyond my skill to conâ—preâ—â—nd A third Reason is drawn from his Stake in England the Author would do well to shew us in what Country this lies that we may know where to find Reprisals hereafter for since he offers this for our Security 't is fit
it hath been to cut the Tacklings and to steer contrary to the Pilot's Directions he thinks such safer by far shut up under Hatches then set at Liberty or employ'd to do mischief As for his supposition of 30000 men to be sent out of Ireland into Handers I cannot tell what to make on 't Let them crack the Shell that hope to find the Kernel in it For my part I despair though the readiness of the English Souldiers of Ireland who at twenty four hours warning came into England to serve His Majesty in the time of Monmouth's Rebellion ought to have been remembered to their advantage and might serve to any unprejudic'd person as a Pattern of the Loyalty and good Inclinations of all the Protestants in that Kingdom if his Majesty had had occasion for them VVhether the Parliament will Repeal the Test for those several weighty Reasons our Author says are fitter for contemplation than Discourse tho methinks it would be pleasant to see a House of Common sit like the Brethren at a silent Meeting is not my Province to determine As likewise VVhether they will so much consider that Grand Reason the King will have it so for his Conscience and theirs may differ or what the diffenters will do I cannot tell One thing I am sure of there will be no such Stumbling-block in the way of the King's desires when they meet as the present condition of Ireland they will be apt when His Majesty tells them they shall have their equal shares in Employments when they have Repealed the Laws to say Look at Ireland see what is done there where the Spirit of Religion appears bare fac'd and accordingly compute what may become of us when we have removed our own legal Fences since they now leap over those Hedges what may we expect when they are quite taken away Poyning's Law is a great grievance to our Author and here in one word he discovers that 't is the dependance this Kingdom has on England he quarrels at 'T is fit the Reader should understand that Law enacted when Poynings was Lord Deputy makes all the English Acts of Parliament of force in Ireland we are therefore so fond of that Law and cover so much to preserve our dependance on England that all the Arguments our Author can bring shall not induce us to part with it I will not reflect in the least on the Courage of the Irish I know there are several brave men among them but they have had the misfortune to fall under the Consideration of as our Author softens it but the plain sence is been beaten by a warlike Nation And I question not unless they behave themselves modestly in their Prosperity they will again fall under the Consideration of the same Nation 't is better we should live in peace and quietness but the Choice is in their hands and if they had rather come under our consideration again than avoid it let them look to the Consequence Another advantage which may accrue to Ireland by a Native as a Governour our Author reckons to be His personal knowledge of the Tories and their Harbourers and his being thereby better capacitated to suppress them Malicious People would be apt to infer from this Suggestion that his Excellency had occasion formerly to be familiarly acquainted with such sort of Cattle I have heard indeed that one of our bravest English Princes Henry the during the Extravagancies of his youth kept Company with publick Robbers and often shar'd both in the Danger and Booty But as soon as the Death of his Father made way for his Succession to the Crown he made use of his former acquaintance of their Persons and Haunts to the extirpating and dissolving the greatest knot of Highway-men that ever troubled England My Lord therefore in imitation of this great Prince no doubt will make use of his Experience that way to the same end And I readily assent to the Author that no English Governour can be so fit to clear that Kingdom of Tories and that for the same reason he gives us There are two other Advantages remaining one is his Excellency's having already made different Parties in that Kingdom the Objects of his Love and Hatred let the Offences of the one or the Merits of the other be never so conspicuous Whether the Brittish can draw any comfort from his Excellency's knowledge of them this way is fit to be debated The other is the probality of his getting the Statute for benefit of Clergy in favour of Cow-Stealers and House Robbers Repealed and where by the way there is a severe Rebuke given to our English Priests for their ill-placed Mercy to Irish Offenders A fault I hope they will be no more guilty of Whether these Advantages be so considerable as to move his Majesty to continue a Man for other more weighty Reasons absolutely destructive to this Kingdom or whether some of them might not be performed by an English Governour His Majesty is the only Judge Only this I am sure of The King if he were under any Obligations to His Minister has fully discharged them all and has shewed himself to be the best of Masters in giving so great and honourable an Employment to his Creature and continuing him in it so long notwithstanding the decrease of his own Revenue and the other visible bad effects of his Management the Impoverishment of that Kingdom amounting to at least two Millions of Mony And His Majesty may be now at liberty without the least imputation of Breach of promise to his Servant to restore us to our former flourishing condition by sending some English Nobleman among us whose contrary Methods will no doubt produce different effects To conclude methinks the comparison between His Majesty and Philip of Macedon when he was drunk is a little too familiar not to say unmannerly and that between Antipater and my Lord Tyrconnel is as great a Complement to the latter But provided my Lord be commended which was our Author's chief design he cares not tho' the comparison does not hold good in all points 't is enough that we know we are Govern'd by such a Prince that neither practises such Debauches himself nor allows of them in his Servants But we are not beholding to the Author for the knowledge of this should a Foreigner read his Pamphler or get it interpreted to him he would be apt and with reason to conclude that His Majesty as much resembled Philip in a Debauch as my Lord Tyrconnel doth sober Antipater I have now done with all that seems of any weight in our Author's Pamphlet and can see nething in his Postscript that deserves an Answer All that I will say is That his Recipes bear no proportion to our desperate Disease and he will prove not to be a Physitian but a pretending Quack who by ill applied Medicines will leave us in a worse Condition than he found us I shall conclude with telling you That your Letter which enclosed
the Face to turn them again upon you after they have made all this Noise for Liberty And the Church of England you may be assured will not any more trouble you but when a Protestand Prince shall come will joyn in the Healing of all our Breaches by removing all things out of the way which have long hindred that blessed Work They cannot meet together in a Body to give you this Assurance how should they without the Kings Authority so to do but every particular Person that I have discoursed withal which are not a few and you your selves would do well to ask them when you meet them profess that they see an absolute Necessity of making an end of these Differences that have almost undone us and will no longer contend to bring all Men to one Vniformity but promote an Vniform Liberty Do not imagine I intend to give meer Words I meâ—n honestly such a regular Liberty as will be the Beauty and Honour not the Blot and Discredit of our Religion To such a Temper the Archbishop of Canterbury with several other Bishops of his Province and their Clergy have openly declared they are willing to come And the Bishops and Clergy of the Church of England have never been know to act deceitfully Our Religion will not at any time allow them to equivecate nor to give good VVords without a Meaning much less at such a time as this when our Religion is in great danger and we have nothing to trust unto but Gods Protection of sincere Persons Let Integrity and Vprightness preserve us is their constant Prayer They can hope for no Help from Heaven if they should prevaricate with Men. God they know would desert them if they should go about to delude their Brethren And they are not so void of common Sense as to adventure to incur his most high Displeasure when they have nothing to rely upon but his Favour In short Trust to those who own you for their Brethren as you do them for though they have been angry Brethren yet there is hope of Reconciliation between such near Relations But put no Confidence in those who not only utterly disown any such Relation to you but have ever treated you with an implacable Hatred as their most mortal Enemies unto whom it is impossible they should be reconciled Prov. 12.19 20. The Lips of Truth shall be established for ever but a lying tongue is but for a mâ—ment Lying Lips are an Abomination to the Lord but they that deal truly are his Delight Abby and other Church-Lands not yet assured to such Possessors as are Roman Catholicks Dedicated to the Nobility and Gentry of that Religion SInce it is universally agreed on that so great a Matter as the total Alienation of all the Abby-Lands c. in England can never be made legal and valid and such as will satisfie the reasonable Doubts and Scruples of a religious and conscientions Person except it be confirm'd by the Supreme Authority in this Church t is evident that the Protestants who assert the Church of England to be Autokephalos and such as allows of no Foreign Jurisdiction or Appeals having had these Lands confirmed to them by the King as Head of the Chuech the Convocation as the Church Representative and by the King and Parliament as the Supreme Legislative Power in this Realm have these Alienations made as valid to them as any Power on Earth can make them but the Members of the Church of Rome who maintain a Foreign and Supreme Jurisdiction either in a General Council or in the Bishop of Rome or both together cannot have these Alienations confirm'd to them without the Consent of one or both of these Superior Jurisdictions If therefore I shall make it appear that these Alienations in England were never confirm'd by either I do not see how any Roman Catholick in England can without Sacriledge retain them and his Religion together As to the first of these since there hath been no Council from the first Alienation of Abby-Lands in England to this Day that pretends to be general but that of Trent we need only look into that for the Satisfaction of such Roman Catholicke as esteem a General Council above the Bishop of Rome And I am sure that that Council is so far from confirming these Abby-Lands to the present Possessors that it expresly denounceth them accursed that detain them Sess 22. Decret de Ref. Cap. 11. Si quem c. If Covetousness the Root of all Evil shall so far possess any Person whatsoever whether of the Clergy or Laity though he be an Emperor or a King as that by Force Fear or Fraud or any Art or Colour whatsoever he presume to convert to his own Use and usurp the Jurisdiction Goods Estates Fruits Profits or Emoluments whatever of any Church or any Benefice Secular or Regular Hospital or Religious House or shall hinder that the Profits of the said Houses be not received by those to whom they do of right belong let him lie under an Anathema till the said Jurisdiction Goods Estates Rents and Prosits which he hath possessed and invaded or which have come to him any manner of way be restored to the Church and after that have Absolution from the Bishop of Rome So great a Terror did this strike into the English Papists that were Possessors of Church-Lands against whom this Anathema seems particularly directed that many of the zealous Papists began to think of Restitution and Sir William Peters notwithstanding his private Bull of Absolution from Pope Juâ—â—us the Fourth was so much startled at it as that the very next Year he endowed eight new Fellowships in Exeter-Colledge in Oxford Again the same Council Sess 25. Decret de Râ—f c. 2 â— Cupiens Sancta Synodus c. Decreeth and commandeth that all the Holy Ca 〈◊〉 and General Councils and Apostolick Sanctions in Favour of Ecclesiastical Persons and the Liberties of the Church and against those that violate them be exactly observed by eveâ—y 〈◊〉 and doth farther admonish the Emperor Kings Princes and all Persons of what Estate soever that they would observe the Rights of the Church as the Commands of God and defend them by their particular Patronage nor suffer them to be invaded by any Lords or Gâ—ntlemen whaâ—soever but severely punish all those who hinder the Liâ—â—wâ—â—ies Immâ—â—ities and Jurildictions of the Church and that they would imitate those excellent Princes who by their Authority and Bounty encreased the Revenues of the Church so far were they from suffering them to be invadâ—â— and in this let every one sedulously perform his part c. And now after so full and express Declaration of the Council of Trent I do not â—â—e how any of those Râ—man Catholicks who esteem a general Council to be the Supreme Authority in the Church and receive the Trent Council as such can any way excuse themselves in point of Conscience from these heavy Curses that are there denounc'd against all those
were represented by some of the Dissenters not only as favorers of Popery but as endeavouring to hale it in upon us by all the methods and ways that lay within their circle and yet now the whole defence of the Reformed Religion must be entirely devolved into their hands and when all the sluces are pulled up that had been made to hinder Popery from overflowing the Nation they must be left alone to stem the Inundation and prevent the Deluge They among the Fanaticks that boasted to be the most avowed and irreconcileable Enemies of the Church of Rome are not only become altogether silent when they see the Kingdom pester'd with a swarm of busie and seducing Emissaries but are both turned Advocates for that Arbitrary Paper whereby we are surrendred as a Prey unto them and do make it their business to detract from the reputation and discourage the Labours of the National Ministers who with a zeal becoming their Office and a Learning which deserves to be admired have set themselves in opposition to that croaking fry and have done enough by their excellent and unimitable Writings to save People from being deluded or perverted if either unanswerable confutations of Popery or demonstrative defences of the Articles and Doctrines of the Reformed Religion can have any efficacy upon the minds of Men. Among other fulsom Flatteries adorning a Speech made to his Majesty by an Addressing Dissenter I find this hypocritical and shameful Adulation namely that if there sholud remain any seeds of Disloyalty in any of his Subjects the transcendent goodness exerted in his Declaration would mortifie and kill them To which he might have added with more truth that the same transcendent goodness had almost destroyed all the seeds of their honesty and mortified their care and concernment for the Interest of Jesus Christ and for the Reformed Religion Their old strain of zealous Preaching against the Idolatry of Rome and concerning the coming out of Babylon my People are grown out of fashion with them in England and are only reserved and laid by to recommend them to the kindness and acceptation of Foreign Protestants when their occasions and conveniencies draw them over to Amsterdam Whoever comes into their Assemblies would think for any thing that he there hears delivered from their Pulpits that She which was the Whore of Babylon a few years ago were now become a Chast Spouse and that what were heretofore the damnable Doctrines of Popery were of late turned Innocent and Harmless Opinions The King's Declaration would seem to have brought some of them to a melius inquirendum and as they are already arrived to believe a Roman Catholick the best King that they may in a little time come to esteem Papists for the best Christians The keeping back nothing that is profitable to save such as hear them and the declaring the whole Counsel of God that are the terms upon which they received their Commission from Jesus Christ and wherein they have Paul's practice and example for a pattern would seem to be things under the Power of the Royal Prerogative and that the King may supercede them by the same Authority by which he dispenses with the Penal Statutes Which as it is very agreeable unto and imported in his Majesty's Claim of being obeyed without reserve so the owning this Absolute power with that annex of challenged obedience does acquit them from all obligations to the Laws of Christ when they are found to interfer with what is required by the King But whether God's Power or the King 's be superior and which of the two can cassate the others Laws and whose wrath is most terrible the Judgment day will be able and sure to instruct them if all means in this World prove insufficient for it The Addressers know upon what conditions they hold their Liberty and they have not only observed how several of the National Clergy have been treated for preaching against Popery but they have heard how divers of the Reformed Ministers in France before the general Suppression were dealt with for speaking against their Monarch's Religion and therefore they must be pardoned if they carry so as not to provoke his Majesty tho in the mean time through their Silence they both betray the Cause of their Lord and Master and are unfaithful to the Souls of those of whom they have taken upon them the Spiritual guidance As for the Papers themselves that are stiled by the name of Addresses I shall not meddle with them being as to the greatest part of them fitter to be exposed and ridicul'd either for their dullness and pedantry or for the Adulation and Sycophancy with which they are fulsomly stuft than to deserve any serious consideration or to merit Reflections that may prove instrumentive to Mankind Only as that Address wherein his Majesty is thanked for his restoring God to his Empire over Conscience deserveth a rebuke for its Blasphemy so that other which commends him for promising to force the Parliament to ratifie his Declaration tho by the way all he says is that he does not doubt of their concurrence which yet his ill success upon the Closetting of so many Members and his since Dissolving that Parliament shews that there was some cause for the doubting of it I say that other Address merits a severe Censure for its insolency against the legislative Authority And the Authors of it ought to be punished for their crime committed against the Liberty and Freedom of the two Houses and for encouraging the King to invade and subvert their most essential and fundamental Privileges and without which they can neither be a Council Judicature nor Lawgivers After all I hope the Nation will be so ingenuous as not to impute the miscarriages of some of the Nonconformists to the whole Party much less to ascribe them to the Principles of Dissenters For as the points wherein they differ from the Church of England are purely of another nature and which have no relation to Politicks so the influence that they are adapted to have upon men as members of Civil Societies is to make them in a special manner regardful of the Rights and Franchises of the Community But if some neither understand the tendency of their own Principles nor are true and faithful unto them these things are the personal faults of those men and are to be attributed to their ignorance or to their dishonesty nor are their Carriages to be counted the effects of their religious Tenets much less are others of the Party to be involved under the reproach and guilt of their imprudent and ill conduct Which there is the more cause to acknowledge because tho the Church of England has all the reason of the world to decline Addressing in that all her legal Foundation as well as Security is shaken by the Declaration yet there are some of her Dignitaries and Clergy as well as divers of the Members of her Communion who upon motives of Ambition Covetousness
humbly Pray That His Majesty would Consent to this Expedient in order to a future Settlement And hope that such a Temperament may be thought of as that the Army now on Foot may not give any Interruption to the proceeding of a Parliament But if to the great Misfortune and Ruin of these Kingdoms it should prove otherwise we further declare That we will to our utmost defend the Protestant Religion the Laws of the Kingdom and the Rights and Liberties of the Subject A Letter from a Gentleman at King's-Lynn December 7. 1688. To his Friend in London Sir THE Duke of Norfolk came to Town on Wednesday Night with many of the chiefest of the County and yesterday in the Market-place received the Address following which was presented by the Mayor attended by the Body and many hundreds of the Inhabitants To his Grace the most Noble Henry Duke of Norfolk Lord Marshal of England My Lord THE daily Allarms we receive as well from Foreign as Domestick Enemies give us just Apprehensions of the approaching Danger which we conceive we are in and to apply with all earnestness to your Grace as your great Patron in all humble Confidence to succeed in our Expectations That we may be put into such a posture by your Grace's Directions and Conduct as may make us appear as zealous as any in the Defence of the Protestant Religion the Laws and Ancient Government of this Kingdom Being the desire of many hundreds who must humbly callenge a Right of your Grace's Protection His Grace's Answer Mr. Mayor I Am very much obliged to you and the rest of your Body and those here present for your good Opinion of me and the Confidence you have that I will do what in me lies to support and defend the Laws Liberties and Protestant Religion in which I will never deceive you And since the coming of the Prince of Orange hath given us an opportunity to declare for the defence of them I can only assure you that no Man will venture his Life and Fortune more freely for the Defence of the Laws Liberties and Protestant Religion than I will do and with all these Gentlemen here present and many more will unanimously concur therein and you shall see that all possible Care shall be taken that such a Defence shall be made as you require AFter which the Duke was with his Retinue received at the Mayor's House at Dinner with great Acclamations and his Proceedings therein have put our County into a Condition of Defence of which you shall hear further in a little time our Militia being ordered to be raised throughout the County Our Tradesmen Seamen and Mobile have this morning generally put Orange Ribbon on their Hats Ecchoing Huzza's to the Prince of Orange and Duke of Norfolk All are in a hot Ferment God send us a good Issue of it Lynn-Regis Decemb. 10. 1688. Sir BY mine of the 7th Instant I gave you an Account of the Address of this Corporation to his Grace the Duke of Norfolk and of his Grace's Answer thereto Since which his Grace has sent for the Militia Troops and put them in a posture of Defence as appears by the ensuing Speech The Duke of Norfolk's second Speech at Lynn I Hope you see I have endeavoured to put you in the posture you desired by sending both for Horse and Foot of the Militia and am very glad to see such an Appearance of this Town in so good a Condition And I do again renew my former Assurances to you that I will ever stand by you to Defend the Laws Liberties and the Protestant Religion and to procure a Settlement in Church and State in concurrence with the Lords and Gentlemen in the North and pursuant to the Declaration of the Prince of Orange And so God save the King The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about the Cities of London and Westminster Assembled at Guild-hall Dec. 1688. WE doubt not but the World believes that in this great and dangerous Conjuncture we are heartily and zealously concerned for the Protestant Religion the Laws of the Land and the Liberties and Properties of the Subject And we did reasonably Hope that the King having Issued His Proclamation and Writs for a Free Parliament we might have rested Secure under the Expectation of that Meeting But His Majesty having withdrawn Himself and as we apprehend in order to His Departure out of this Kingdom by the pernicious Counsels of Persons ill-affected to our Nation and Religion we cannot without being wanting to our Duty be silent under those Calamities wherein the Popish Counsels which so long prevailed have miserably Involved these Realms We do therefore Unanimously resolve to apply our Selves to His Highness the Prince of Orange who with so great Kindness to these Kingdoms so vast Expence and so much Hazard to his own Person hath Undertaken by endeavouring to procure a Free Parliament to rescue Us with as little Effusion as possible of Christian Blood from the Imminent Dangers of Popery and Slavery And we do hereby Declare That we will with our utmost Endeavours assist his Highness in the obtaining such a Parliament with all speed wherein our Laws our Liberties and Properties may be Secured the Church of England in particular with a due Liberty to Protestant Dissenters and in general the Protestant Religion and Interest over the whole World may be Supported and Encouraged to the glory of God the Happiness of the Established Government in these Kingdoms and the Advantage of all Princes and States in Christendom that may be herein concerned In the mean time we will endeavour to preserve as much as in us lies the Peace and Security of these great and populous Cities of London and Westminster and the Parts adjacent by taking care to Disarm all Papists and secure all Jesuits and Romish Priests who are in our about the same And if there be any thing more to be performed by us for promoting his Highness's generous Intentions for the Publick good we shall be ready to do it as occasion shall require W. Cant. Tho. Ebor. Pembroke Dorset Mulgrave Thanet Carlisle Craven Ailesbury Burlington Sussex Barkelay Rochester Newport Waymouth P. Winchester W. Asaph Fran. Ely Tho. Roffen Tho. Petriberg P. Wharton North and Grey Chandos Montague T. Jermyn Vaughan Carbery Culpeper Crewe Osulston WHereas His Majesty hath privately this Morning withdrawn Himself we the Lords Spiritual and Temporal whose Names are subscribed being assembled at Guild-hall in London having Agreed upon and Signed a Declaration Entituled The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about the Cities of London and Westminster Assembled at Guild-hall 11. Decemb. 1688. Do desire the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke the Right Honourable the Lord Viscount Weymouth the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of Ely and the Right Honourable the Lord Culpeper forthwith to attend his Highness the Prince of Orange with the said Declaration and at the same
Consent of Parliament is against Law That the Subjects which are Protestants may have Arms for their Defence suitable to their Condition and as allowed by Law That Election of Members of Parliament ought to be Free That the Freedom of Speech and Debates or Proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any Court or place out of Parliament That excessive Bail ought not to be required nor excessive Fines imposed nor cruel and unusual Punishments inflicted That Jurors ought to be duly empannell'd and return'd and Jurors which pass upon Men in Tryals for High-Treason ought to be Freeholders That all grants and promises of Fines and Forfeitures of particular Persons before Conviction are Illegal and Void And that for Redress of all Grievances and for the amending strengthening and preserving of the Laws Parliaments ought to be held frequently And they do claim demand and insist upon all and singular the Premises as their undoubted Rights and Liberties and that no Declarations Judgments Doings or Proceedings to the prejudice of the People in any of the said Premises ought in any wise to be drawn hereafter into Consequence or Example To which Demand of their Rights they are particularly encouraged by the Declaration of His Highness the Prince of Orange as being the only Means for obtaining a full redress and remedy therein Having therefore an intire Confidence that his said Highness the Prince of Orange will perfect the Deliverance so far advanced by Him and will still preserve them from the Violation of their Rights which they have here asserted and from all other Attempts upon their Religion Rights and Liberties The said Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Assembled at Westminster do resolve That William and Mary Prince and Princess of Orange be and be declared King and Queen of England France and Ireland and the Dominions thereunto belonging to hold the Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdoms and Dominions to them the said Prince and Princess during their Lives and the Life of the Survivor of them And that the sole and full Exercise of the Regal Power be only in and executed by the said Prince of Orange in the Names of the said Prince and Princess during their joynt lives and after their Deceases the said Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdoms and Dominions to be to the Heirs of the Body of the said Princess and for default of such Issue to the Princess Ann of Denmark and the Heirs of Her Body and for default of such Issue to the Heirs of the Body of the said Prince of Orange And the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons do pray the said Prince and Princess of Orange to accept the same accordingly And that the Oaths hereafter mentioned be taken by all Persons of whom the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy might be required by Law instead of them and that the said Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy be Abrogated I A. B. do sincerely promise and swear That I will be Faithful and bear true Allegiance to their Majesties King WILLIAM and Queen MARY So help me God I A. B. do swear That I do from my Heart Abhor Detest and Abjure as Impious and Heretical this Damnable Doctrin and Position That Princes Excommunicated or Deprived by the Pope or any Authority of the See of Rome may be Deposed or Murthered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever And I do declare That no Foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preeminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm So help me God Jo. Browne Cleric ' Parl. Die Veneris 15 Feb. 1688. His Majesties Gracious Answer to the Declaration of both Houses My Lords and Gentlemen THIS is certainly the greatest proof of the Trust you have in Vs that can be given which is the thing that maketh us value it the more and we thankfully Accept what you have Offered And as I had no other Intention in coming hither than to preserve your Religion Laws and Liberties so you may be sure That I shall endeavour to support them and shall be willing to concur in any thing that shall be for the Good of the Kingdom and to do all that is in my Power to advance the Welfare and Glory of the Nation Jo. Browne Cleric ' Parliamentorum Die Veneris 〈◊〉 Februarii 1688. ORdered by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal Assembled at Westminster That His Majesties Gracious Answer to the Declaration of both Houses and the Declaration be forthwith Printed and Published And that His Majesties Gracious Answer this Day be added to the Engrossed Declaration in Parchment to be Enrolled in Parliament and Chancery A PROCLAMATION WHereas it hath pleased Almighty God in his Great Mercy to this Kingdom to Vouchsafe us a Miraculous Deliverance from Popery and Arbitrary Power and that our Preservation is due next under God to the Resolution and Conduct of His Highness the Prince of ORANGE whom God hath Chosen to be the Glorious Instrument of such an Inestimable Happiness to us and our Posterity And being highly sensible and fully persuaded of the Great and Eminent Vertues of Her Highness the Princess of ORANGE whose Zeal for the Protestant Religion will no doubt bring a Blessing along with Her upon this Nation And whereas the Lords and Commons now Assembled at Westminster have made a Declaration and Presented the same to the said Prince and Princess of ORANGE and therein desired them to Accept the Crown who have Accepted the same Accordingly We therefore the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons together with the Lord Mayor and Citizens of London and others of the Commons of this Realm do with a full Consent Publish and Proclaim according to the said Declaration WILLIAM and MARY Prince and Princess of ORANGE to be KING and QUEEN of England France and Ireland with all the Dominions and Cerritories thereunto belonging Who are accordingly so to be Owned Deemed Accepted and taken by all the People of the aforesaid Realms and Dominions who are from henceforward bound to Acknowledge and Pay unto them all Faith and true Allegiance Beseeching God by whom Kings Reign to Bless King WILLIAM and Queen MARY with Long and Happy Years to Reign over Vs. God Save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY Jo. Brown Cleric ' Parliamentorum The Declaration of the Estates of Scotland concerning the Misgovernment of King James the Seventh and filling up the Throne with King William and Queen Mary THAT King James the 7th had acted irregularly 1. By His Erecting publick Schools and Societies of the Jesuits and not only allowing Mass to be publickly said but also inverting Protestant Chapels and Churches to Publick Mass-houses contrary to the express Laws against saying and hearing of Mass 2. By allowing Popish Books to be Printed and Dispersed by a Gift to a Popish Printer designing him Printer to his Majesties Houshold College and Chapel contrary to the Laws
Community 4. It will be some Acknowledgment to the Prince for what he has done for the Nation And it is worthy Observation that before the Theocracy of the Jews ceased the manner of the Divine Designation of their Judges was by God's giving the People some Deliverance by the hand of the Person to whose Government they ought to submit and this even in that time of extraordinary Revelations Thus Othniel Gideon Jephthah Sampson and others were invested by Heaven with the Supreme Authority And though Joshua had an immediate Command from God to succeed Moses and an Anointing to that purpose by the laying on of Moses's Hands Yet the Foundation of the People's Submission to him was laid in Jordan And I challenge the best Historians to give an Instance since that Theocracy ceased of a Designation of any Person to any Government more visibly Divine than that which we now admire If the Hand of Providence miraculously and timely disposing Natural Things in every Circumstance to the best advantage should have any influence upon Mens Minds most certainly we ought not here to be insensible If the Voice of the People be the Voice of God it never spoke louder If a Nation of various Opinions Interests and Factions from a turbulent and fluctuating State falls into a serene and quiet Calm and Mens Minds are strangely united on a sudden it shews from whence they are influenced In a word if the Hand of God is to be seen in Human Affairs and his Voice to be heard upon Earth we cannot any where since the ceasing of Miracles find a clearer and more remarkable Instance than is to be observ'd in the present Revolution If one examines the Posture of Foreign Affairs making way for the Prince's Expedition by some sudden Events and Occurrences which no Human Wisdom or Power could have brought about if one observes that Divine Influence which has directed all his Counsels and crown'd his Undertakings notwithstanding such innumerable Dangers and Difficulties with constant Honour and Success If one considers how happily and wonderfully both Persons and Things are changed in a little time and without Blood it looks like so many marks of God's Favour by which he thinks fit to point him out to us in this extraordinary Conjuncture I will trouble you but with one Consideration more which is That the two things most necessary in this Affair are Unanimity and Dispatch For without both these your Counsels will have little Effect In most things 't is good to be long in resolving but in some 't is fatal not to conclude immediately And presence of Mind is as great a Vertue as Rashness is a Vice For the turns of Fortune are sometimes so quick that if Advantage be not taken in the critical hour 't is for ever lost But I hope your Lordships and all those Gentlemen who compose this August Assembly will proceed with so much Zeal and Harmony that the Result of your present Consultations may be a lasting and grateful Monument to Posterity of your Integrity Courage and Conduct The Late Honourable Convention proved a Legal Parliament I. THE necessity of a Parliament agreed by the Lords and Commons Voting that the Throne is Vacant for there being a Vacancy there follows an immediate necessity of setling the Government especially the Writs being destroyed and the Great Seal carried away put a period to all publick Justice and then there must be a supply by such means as the necessity requires or a failure of Government II. Consider the Antecedents to the calling the Convention that is about three hundred of the Commons which is a majority of the fullest House that can be made above sixty Lords being a greater number than any part divided amounted to at this great Meeting the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of the City of London by application to His then Highness the Prince of Orange desired him to accept of the Administration of Publick Affairs Military and Civil which he was pleased to do to the great satisfaction of all good People and after that His Highness was desired to Issue forth his Circular Letters to the Lords and the like to the Coroners and in their absence to the Clerks of the Peace to Elect Knights Citizens and Burgesses this was more than was done in fifty nine for the calling a Parliament in April 1660. for there the Summons was not real but fictitious i. e. in the names of the Keepers of the Liberties of England a meer Notion set up as a Form there being no such Persons but a meer Ens rationis impossible really to exist so that here was much more done than in 1659 and all really done which was possible to be invented as the Affairs then stood Besides King Charles the 2d. had not abdicated the Kingdom but was willing to return and was at Breda whither they might have sent for Writs and in the mean time have kept their form of Keepers of the Liberties c. But in the present case there was no King in being nor any style or form of Government neither real or notional left so that in all these respects more was done before and at the calling of this Great Convention than for calling that Parliament for so I must call it yet that Parliament made several Acts in all thirty seven as appears by Keebles Statutes and several of them not confirmed I shall instance but in one but it is one which there was occasion to use in every County of England I mean the Act for Confirming and Restoring Ministers being the 17th of that Sessions all the Judges allowed of this as an Act of Parliament tho never confirmed which is a stronger case than that in question for there was only fictitious Summons here a real one III. That without the Consent of any Body of the People this at the Request of a Majority of the Lords more than half the number of the Commons duly chosen in King Ch. the 2d. time besides the great Body of the City of London being at least esteem'd a 5th part of the Kingdom yet after the King's Return he was so well satisfied with the calling of that Parliament that it was Enacted by the King Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament that the Lords and Commons then Sitting at Westmiuster in the present Parliament were the two Houses of Parliament notwithstanding any want of the Kings Writs or Writ of Summons or any defect whatsoever and as if the King had been present at the beginning of the Parliament this I take to be a full Judgment in full Parliament of the case in question and much stronger than the present case is and this Parliament continued till the 29th of December next following and made in all thirty seven Acts as abovementioned The 13 Caroli 2. chap. 7. a full Parliament called by the Kings Writ recites the other of 12 Caroli 2. and that after his Majesties return they were continued till the 29th of December
and then dissolved and that several Acts passed this is the plain Judgment of another Parliament 1. Because it says they were continued which shews they had a real being capable of being continued for a Confirmation of a void Grant has no effect and Confirmation shews a Grant only voidable so the continuance there shewed it at most but voidable and when the King came and confirm'd it all was good 2. The dissolving it then shews they had a being for as ex nihilo nihil fit so super nihil nil operatur as out of nothing nothing can be made so upon nothing nothing can operate Again the King Lords and Commons make the great Corporation or Body of the Kingdom and the Commons are legally taken for the Free-holders Inst 4. p. 2. Now the Lords and Commons having Proclaimed the King the defect of this great Corporation is cured and all the Essential parts of this great Body Politique united and made compleat as plainly as when the Mayor of a Corporation dies and another is chosen the Corporation is again perfect and to say that which perfects the great Body Politique should in the same instant destroy it I mean the Parliament is to make contradictions true simul semel the perfection and destruction of this great Body at one instant and by the same Act. Then if necessity of Affairs was a forcible Argument in 1660 a time of great peace not only in England but throughout Europe and almost in all the World certainly 't is of a greater force now when England is scarce delivered from Popery and Slavery when Ireland has a mighty Army of Papists and that Kingdom in hazard of final destruction if not speedily prevented and when France has destroyed most of the Protestants there and threatens the ruine of the Low-Countries from whence God has sent the wonderful Assistance of our Gracious and therefore most Glorious King and England cannot promise safety from that Foreign Power when forty days delay which is the least can be for a new Parliament and considering we can never hope to have one more freely chosen because first it was so free from Court-influence or likelihood of all design that the Letters of Summons issued by him whom the great God in infinite Mercy raised to save us to the hazard of his Life and this done to protect the Protestant Religion and at a time when the people were all concerned for one Common interest of Religion and Liberty it would be vain when we have the best King and Queen the World affords a full house of Lords the most solemnly chosen Commons that ever were in the remembrance of any Man Living to spend Money and lose time I had almost said to despise Providence and take great pains to destroy our selves If any object Acts of Parliament mentioning Writs and Summons c. I answer the Prededent in 1660 is after all those Acts. In private cases as much as has been done in point of necessity a Bishop Provincial dies and sede vacant a Clerk is presented to a Benefice the Presentation to the Dean and Chapter is good in this case of Necessity and if in a Vacancy by the Death of a Bishop a Presentation shall be good to the Dean and Chapter rather than a prejudice should happen by the Church lying void Surely a fortiori Vacancy of the Throne may be supplied without the formality of a Writ and the great Convention turn'd to a Real Parliament A Summons in all points is of the same real force as a Writ for a Summons and a Writ differ no more than in name the thing is the same in all Substantial parts the Writ is Recorded in Chancery so are His Highnesses Letters the proper Officer Endorses the Return so he does here for the Coroner in defect of the Sheriff is the proper Officer the People Choose by Virtue of the Letters c. quae re concordant parum differunt they agree in Reality and then what difference is there between the one and the other Object A Writ must be in Actions at Common Law else all Pleading after will not make it good but Judgment given may be Reversed by a Writ of Error Answ The case differs first because Actions between party and party are Adversary Actions but Summons to Parliament are not so but are Mediums only to have â—n Election 2. In Actions at Law the Defendant may plead to the Writ but there is no plea to a Writ for electing Members to serve in Parliament and for this I have Littleton's Argument there never was such a Plea therefore none lies Object That they have not taken the Test Answ They may take the Test yet and then all which they do will be good for the Test being the distinguishing Mark of a Protestant from a Papist when that is taken the end of the Law is performed Object That the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy ought to be taken and that the new ones are not legal Answ The Convention being the Supream Power have abolish'd the old Oaths and have made new ones and as to the making new Oaths the like was done in Alfreds time when they chose him King vide Mirror of Justice Chap. 1. for the Heptarchy being turn'd to a Monarchy the precedent Oaths of the seven Kings could not be the same King Alfred swore Many Precedents may be cited where Laws have been made in Parliament without the King 's Writ to summon them which for brevity's sake I forbear to mention For a farewel the Objections quarrel at our Happiness fight against our Safety and aim at that which may indanger Destruction The Present Convention a Parliament I. THat the formality of the Kings Writ of Summons is not so essential to an English Parliament but that the Peers of the Realm and the Commons by their Representatives duly Elected may legally act as the great Council and representative Body of the Nation though not summoned by the King especially when the circumstances of the time are such that such Summons cannot be had will I hope appear by these following Observations First The Saxon Government was transplanted hither out of Germany where the meeting of the Saxons in such Assemblies was at certain fixed times viz. at the New and Full Moon But after their Transmigration hither Religion changing other things changed with it and the times for their publick Assemblies in conformity to the great Solemnities celebrated by Christians came to be changed to the Feasts of Easter Pentecost and the Nativity The lower we come down in Story the seldomer we find these General Assemblies to have been held and sometimes even very anciently when upon extraordinary occasions they met out of course a Precept an Edict or Sanction is mentioned to have Issued from the King But the Times and the very place of their ordinary Meeting having been certain and determined in the very first and eldest times that we meet with any mention of
be miserably diminish'd sooner than we are aware But there remains yet another part of our Message which we have to impart to you on the behalf of your People They find in an antient Statute and it has been done in fact not long ago That if the King through any Evil Counsel or foolish Contumacy or out of Scorn or some singular petulant Will of his own or by any other irregular Means shall alienate himself from his People and shall refuse to be govern'd and guided by the Laws of the Realm and the Statutes and laudable Ordinances thereof together with the wholsom Advice of the Lords and great Men of his Realm but persisting head-strong in his own hare-brain'd Counsels shall petulantly prosecute his own singular humour That then it shall be lawful for them with the common assent and consent of the People of the Realm to depose that same King from his Regal Throne and to set up some other of the Royal Blood in his room H. Knight Coll. 2681. No Man can imagine that the Lords and Commons in Parliament would have sent the King such a Message and have quoted to him an old Statute for deposing Kings that would not govern according to Law if the People of England had then apprehended that an Obedience without reserve was due to the King or if there had not been such a Statute in being And though the Record of that Excellent Law be lost as the Records of almost all our Antient Laws are yet is the Testimony of so credible an Historian who lived when these things were transacted sufficient to inform us that such a Law was then known and in being and consequently that the Terms of English Allegiance according to the Constitution of our Government are different from what some Modern Authors would persuade us they are This Difference betwixt the said King and his Parliament ended amicably betwixt them in the punishment of many Evil Counsellors by whom the King had been influenced to commit many Irregularities in Government But the Discontents of the People grew higher by his After-management of Affairs and ended in the Deposition of that King and setting up of another who was not the next Heir in Lineal Succession The Articles against King Richard the Second may be read at large in H. Knighton Collect. 2746 2747 c. and are yet extant upon Record An Abridgment of them is in Cotton's Records pag. 386 387 388. out of whom I observe these few there being in all Thirty three The First was His wasting and bestowing the Lands of the Crown upon unworthy Persons and overcharging the Commons with Exactions And that whereas certain Lords Spiritual and Temporal were assign'd in Parliament to intend the Government of the Kingdom the King by a Conventicle of his own Accomplices endeavoured to impeach them of High-Treason Another was For that the King by undue means procured divers Justices to speak against the Law to the destruction of the Duke of Glocester and the Earls of Arundel and Warwick at Shrewsbury Another For that the King against his own Promise and Pardon at a solemn Procession apprehended the Duke of Glocester and sent him to Calice there to be choaked and murthered beheading the Earl of Arundel and banishing the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Cobham Another For that the King's Retinue and a Rout gathered by him out of Cheshire committed divers Murders Rapes and other Felonies and refused to pay for their Victuals Another For that the Crown of England being freed from the Pope and all other Foreign Power the King notwithstanding procured the Pope's Excommunication on such as should break the Ordinances of the last Parliament in derogation of the Crown Statutes and Laws of the Realm Another That he made Men Sheriffs who were not named to him by the Great Officers the Justices and others of his Council and who were unfit contrary to the Laws of the Realm and in manifest breach of his Oath Another For that he did not repay to his Subjects the Debts that he had borrowed of them Another For that the King refused to execute the Laws saying That the Laws were in his Mouth and Breast and that himself alone could make and alter the Laws Another For causing Sheriffs to continue in Office above a Year contrary to the tenor of a Statute-Law thereby incurring notorious Perjury Another For that the said King procured Knights of the Shires to be returned to serve his own Will Another For that many Justices for their good Counsel given to the King were with evil Countenance and Threats rewarded Another For that the King passing into Ireland had carried with him without the Consent of the Estates of the Realm the Treasure Reliques and other Jewels of the Realm which were used safely to be kept in the King 's own Coffers from all hazard And for that the said King cancelled and razed sundry Records Another For that the said King appear'd by his Letters to the Pope to Foreign Princes and to his Subjects so variable so dissembling and so unfaithful and inconstant that no Man could trust him that knew him insomuch that he was a Scandal both to himself and the Kingdom Another That the King would commonly say amongst the Nobles that all Subjects Lives Lands and Goods were in his hands without any forfeiture which is altogether contrary to the Laws and Vsages of the Realm Another For that he suffered his Subjects to be condemned by Martial-Law contrary to his Oath and the Laws of the Realm Another For that whereas the Subjects of England are sufficiently bound to the King by their Allegiance yet the said King compell'd them to take new Oaths These Articles with some others not altogether of so general a concern being considered and the King himself confessing his Defects the same seemed sufficient to the whole Estates for the King's Deposition and he was depos'd accordingly The Substance and Drift of all is That our Kings were antiently liable to and might lawfully be deposed for Oppression and Tyranny for Insufficiency to govern c. in and by the great Council of the Nation without any breach of the old Oath of Fealty because to say nothing of the nature of our Constitution express and positive Laws warranted such Proceedings And therefore the Frame of our Government being the same still and the Terms of our Allegiance being the same now that they were then without any new Obligations superinduced by the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy a King of England may legally at this day for sufficient cause be deposed by the Lords and Commons assembled in a Great Council of the Kingdom without any breach of the present Oaths of Supremacy or Allegiance Quod erat demonstrandum MANTISSA WHen Stephen was King of England whom the People had chosen rather than submit to Mawd tho the Great Men of the Realm had sworn Fealty to her in her Father's life-time Henry Duke of Anjou Son of the said Mawd afterwards King Henry the Second invaded the Kingdom An. Dom. 1153 which was towards the latter-end of King Stephen's Reign and Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury endeavoured to mediate a Peace betwixt them speaking frequently with the King in private and sending many Messages to the Duke and Henry Bishop of Winchester took pains likewise to make them Friends Factum est autem ut mense Novembris in fine mensis EX PRAECEPTO REGIS ET DUCIS Collect. pag. 1374 1375. convenirent apud Wintoniam Praesules Principes Regni ut ipsi jam initae paci praeberent assensum unanimiter juramenti Sacramento confirmarent i.e. It came to pass that in the Month of November towards the latter end of the Month at the summons of the King and of the Duke the Prelats and Great Men of the Kingdom were assembled at Winchester that they also might assent to the Peace that was concluded and unanimously swear to observe it In that Parliament the Duke was declared King Stephen's adopted Son and Heir of the Kingdom and the King to retain the Government during his Life I observe only upon this Authority That there being a Controversy betwixt the King and the Duke which could no otherwise be determined and settled but in a Parliament the Summons of this Parliament were issued in the Names of both Parties concerned Quisquis habet aures ad audiendum audiat FINIS
hours without intermission it adjourned till the next day being Tuesday the 13th of December at Two of the Clock in the Afternoon And then the Earl being again brought to the Bar the following Interloquutour that is Judgment and Sentence of the Lords of Justitiary on the foregoing debate was read and pronounced in open Court Edinburgh December 12. 1681. The Interloquutour of the Lords of Justitiary THE Lords Justice General and Commissioners of the Justitiary having considered the Libel and Debate they sustain the defence proponed for the Earl of Argyle the Pannel in relation to the perjury Libelled viz. That he emitted this Explanation at or before his taking the Test first before his Royal Highness His Majesties High Commissioner and the Lords of His Majesties Privy Council relevant to elude that Article of the Libel The Lords sustain the Libel as being founded upon the Common Law and Explication Libelled and upon Act 130. Parl. 8. James VI. to infer the pain of Treason They likewise sustain the Libel as founded upon the 10. Act Parl. 10. James VI. to infer the pain of Death and likewise sustain that part of the Libel anent Leasing making and Leasing-telling to infer the particular pains mentioned in the several Acts Libelled And repel the whole other defences duplies and quadruplies and remits the Libel with the defences anent the Perjury to the knowledge of an Assize Thereafter the Assize that is the Jury being constitute and sworn viz. List of the Assizers Marquiss Montross E. Middleton E. Airlie E. Perth P. Cr. E. Dalhousie E. Roxburgh P. C. E. Dumfries E. Linlithgow P. Cr. Lord Lindoors Lord Sinclare Lord Bruntisland Laird of Gosfoord Laird of Claverhouse Laird of Balnamoon Laird of Park Gordon HIS Majesties Advocate adduced four Witnesses to prove the points of the Indictment remitted to the knowledge of the Assize viz. John Drummond of Lundie then Governour of the Castle of Edinburgh now Treasurer Deputy Sir William Paterson and Mr. Patrick Menzies Clerks of the Privy Council and H. Stevenson their under Clerk Who deponed That on the 4th of November the Earl did give in an unsubscribed Explanation of the Test which he refused to sign One of the Witnesses also adding That he heard him make the same Explanation the day before in Council and that it was there accepted Then His Majesties Advocate asked if the Earl would make use of his Exculpation for eliding the Perjury Libelled to wit That he had emitted the same Explanation before taking the Test in presence of his Royal Highness and the Council To which the Earl answered That seeing they had sustain'd the Libel as to the alledged Treason he would not trouble them about the Perjury especially the matter of Fact referred by the Interloquutour to his probation being of it self so clear and notour Fut the truth is the Interloquutour pronounced was so amazing that both the Earl and his Advocates were struck with deep silence for they plainly perceived that after such a Judgment in the case all further endeavours would be in vain it being now manifest that seeing the Earls innocence had so little availed as that his plain and honest words purely uttered for the necessary satisfaction of his own conscience and clearing of his Loyalty had been construed and detorted to infer Leasing-making Depraving and Treason the Tongues of men and Angels as some of his Advocates also said could not do any good and therefore neither did the Earl nor they object any thing either against the Assizers or Witnesses though liable to obvious and unanswerable exceptions Nor did the Earls Advocates say any thing to the Assize as the custom is and as in this case they might well have done to take off the force of the Evidence and to demonstrate that the Depositions instead of proving the Indictment did rather prove the Earls defences But as I have said they now plainly saw that all this had been unnecessary work and in effect were of opinion that after so black and dreadful a sence put upon what the Earl had spoke and done in such fair and favourable circumstances there could be nothing said before such a Court which might not expose themselves to the like hazard and more easily be made liable to the same mis-construction But upon this silence the Advocate taking Instruments protests whether in form only or from a real fear let others judge for an Assize of Error in case the Assizers should Assoil or acquit Whereupon the Assize removing was inclosed and after some time returned their Verdict which was read in open Court of this tenour The Verdict of the Assize THE Assize having Elected and Chosen the Marquess of Montrose to be their Chancellor they all in one voice find the Earl of Argyle guilty and culpable of the Crimes of Treason Leasing-making and Leasing-telling And find by plurality of Votes the said Earl innocent and not guilty of Perjury And then the Court again adjourned And the Privy-Council wrote the following Letter to His Majesty Halyrud-House December 14. 1681. The Councils Letter to the King desiring leave to pronounce Sentence against the Earl of Argyle May it please Your Sacred Majesty IN Obedience to Your Majesty's Letter dated the 15th of November last we ordered Your Majesty's Advocate to insist in that Process raised at your Instance against the Earl of Argyle And having allowed him a long time for his appearance and any Advocates he pleased to employ and Letters of Exculpation for his Defence He after full Debate and clear Probation was found guilty of Treason Leasing-making betwixt Your Majesty Your Parliament and Your People and the reproaching of Your Laws and Acts of Parliament But because of Your Majesty's Letter ordaining us to send Your Majesty a particular account of what he should be found guilty of before the pronouncing of any Sentence against him we thought it our duty to send Your Majesty this account of our and Your Justices proceedings therein And to signifie to Your Majesty with all Submission That it is usual and most fit for Your Majesty's Service and the Advantage of the Crown that a Sentence be pronounced upon the Verdict of the Assize without which the Process will be still imperfect After which Your Majesty may as you in Your Royal Prudenee and Clemency shall think fit Ordain all farther execution to be sisted during Your Majesty's pleasure Which shall be dutifully obeyed by Your MAJESTY's Most Humble Most Faithful and most Obedient Subjects and Servants Sic Subscribitur Alex. St. And. Athol Douglas Montrose Glencairn Wintoun Linlithgow Perth Roxburgh Dumfries Strathmore Airlie Ancram Livingstoun Jo. Edinburgens Elphingstoun Dalziell Geo. Gordon Ch. Maitland Geo. Mckenzie G. Mckenzie Ramsay J. Drummond THE Earl as well as the Lords of Privy Council waited some days for the Answer of this Letter But the Earl making his escape a day or two before it came I shall take occasion to entertain you in the mean time with an account of
some thoughts that the Earl had set down in Writing in order to some discourse he intended to have made to the Lords of Justiciary before their pronouncing Sentence And then I shall subjoyn the Motives and Arguments which as he hath since informed some of his Friends did induce him to make his escape Which with what I have said before will give you a full account of all matters till His Majesty's return came and the Sentence past And first he takes notice That on Monday the Twelfth of December the day of his Arraignment the Court adjourned before he was aware And it being then late about nine of the Clock and after a sederunt of twelve hours He did not imagine they would have proceeded further that night but only heard afterwards that they sat it out till two or three after midnight And was surprized the next morning to understand that without calling him again or asking at him or hearing or considering his own sense of his own words they had not only found the Libel relevant but repelled his defences and with one breath rejected all his most material reasons of Exculpation root and branch This seemed hard though the words had been worse and no way capable of a favourable construction which none no not the Judges themselves can be so void of sense as to think really they were not and this was so far beyond all imagination that neither the Earl nor his Advocates did ever dream it could fall out though all was not said might have been said nor what was said so fully enforced as the Earl's Advocates could easily have done if the case had not been thought so very clear and the Earl his innocence so obvious and apparent and they unwilling unnecessarily to irritate many concerned This great haste and strange proceeding did so surprise and astonish him as I have said that it caused him the next day when the Sentence was read to keep deep silence and suffer the Interloquutor to be pronounced the Assizers chosen and sworn and the Witnesses received and examined without once offering to say or object any thing or so much as inquiring at either Assizers or VVitnesses whether they had not been tampered with and practised by promises and threatnings or whether some of them had not previously and publickly declared themselves in the Case and others of them had not partially advised and solicited against him Which as they are just and competent Exceptions so he was able to have proven them against most of them instantly and fully And indeed as to such of the Assizers as were Councellors whom for your better information I have marked in the List of Assuzers thus P. Cr. and had first ordered his Imprisonment next signed the Letter to His Majesty and then ordered the Process and therein manifestly fore-stalled their own judgment had they done no more it was a wonder beyond parallel That neither their own Honour nor the common decency of Justice nor even His Majesty's Advocate 's Interest did prevent their being impannelled on that Assize But the truth is the Earl did so far neglect and abandon himself and give way to the Court that he did not so much as open his mouth to clear himself of the Perjury laid to his charge which yet God Almighty was pleased to do by the plurality of voices of the same Assize who it appears plainly did bear him little kindness For whereas Assizers do usually return their Verdict Proven or not Proven rather than Guilty or not Guilty and ought alwise to do so where the relevancy is in dubio and especially in a case of this nature in which the alledged Treason is no overt act and indeed no act nor so much as a real ground of offence but plainly such a subtil chimerical and non-sensical consequence that the finding it doth quite surpass the comprehension of all unbyassed men It might have been expected that persons of their quality would have chosen the more moderate form of proven or not proven and not involved themselves unnecessarily upon Oath in adjudging the relevancy of a guilt which so few are able to imagine and none will ever make out yet you see in their Verdict that all in one voice they did find the Earl Guilty in the most positive and strong form adding for superabundance culpable forsooth the better to demonstrate their good will Nor is it unworthy of remark that when such of the Assizers as were present at the Council declared the Earl Innocent of the Perjury which His Majesty's Advocate did only pretend to infer from the Earls alledged silence or not speaking loud enough the first day when he signed the Test because they heard him at the same time pronounce his explanation Yet some other Assizers that were no Councellors and knew nothing of the matter of fact but by hear-say without all regard to the witnessing of these Counsellors their fellow Assizers voted him Guilty And so took it formally on their Consciences that he had said nothing in the Council at his taking the Test albeit all the Council knew the contrary by which they are clearly perjured Nay such was the earnestness of some who thought it scazce possible to carry the Treason upon words so safe and innocent to have the Earl found guilty of Perjury that it was particularly recommended to His Majesty's Advocate to get him made guilty of that point to render him for ever uncapable of publick employment And the Clerk of the Assize was so concerned in it that he twice misreckoned the Votes before he would yield that the Earl was assoiled or acquit of the Perjury And this among other things may serve to clear how that whole matter was influenced and managed For as the Earl cannot be charged with Perjury the second day because he swore none at all so as little the first day seeing whether he took the Test with an Explanation as certainly he did or simply without saying any thing It is equally apparent there was no Perjury in the case But it appears their Assizers were of the Opinion that the Indictment or Libel alone as it was indeed the only evidence was a sufficient proof of the Earl his being guilty of Perjury And indeed for any other Rule or Reason that occurs They might as well have found him guilty of the Perjury as of the Treason But the Assizers that were Councellors being under a particular check apprehending they might be found perjured themselves if they had not acknowledged the hearing of the words that all others present could have attested to have been audibly spoken and some of themselves have confessed to have heard before they knew the tenor of the Libel And the great Crime of Treason being sufficient to do the Job it is like they judged it advisable to give this insignificant absolution from Perjury That their Virdict of Treason might have the greater colour and shew of candor and sincerity However it seems to be without