in the Afternoon was read your Majesties Letters of Direction touching Peacham which because it concerneth properly the Duty of my Place I thought it fit for me to give your Majesty both a speedy and a private Account thereof That your Majesty knowing Things clearly how they pass may have the true Fruit of your own Wisdom and clear-Seeing Judgement in Governing the Business First for the Regularity which your Majesty as a Master in Business of Estate doth prudently prescribe in Examining and taking Examinations I subscribe to it Onely I will say for my Self that I was not at this time the Principal Examiner For the Course your Majesty directeth and commandeth for the feeling of the Iudges of the Kings Bench their Several Opinions by distributing our Selves and enjoyning Secrecy we did first finde an Encounter in the Opinion of my Lord Cooke who seemed to affirm that such particular and as he call'd it Auricular Taking of Opinions was not according to the Custom of this Realm And seemed to divine that his Brethren would never doe it But when I replyed that it was our Duty to pursue your Majesties Directions And it were not amiss for his Lordship to leave his Brethren to their own Answers It was so concluded and his Lordship did desire that I mought conferr with Himself And Mr. Serjeant Mountague was named to speak with Iustice Crooke Mr. Serjeant Crew with Iustice Houghton and Mr. Solliciter with Iustice Dodderidge This done I took my Fellows aside and advised that they should presently speak with the 3. Iudges before I could speak with my Lord Cooke for doubt of Infusion And that they should not in any case make any doubt to the Iudges as if they mistrusted they would not deliver any Opinion apart but speak resolutely to them and onely make their Comming to be to know what time they would appoint to be attended with the Papers This sorted not amiss For Mr. Solliciter came to me this Evening and related to me that he had found Iudge Dodderidge very ready to give Opinion in secret And fell upon the same reason which upon your Majesties first Letter I had used to my Lord Cooke at the Council Table which was that every Iudge was bound expresly by his Oath to give your Majesty Counsel when he was called And whether he should doe it joyntly or severally that rested in your Maiesties good pleasure as you would require it And though the Ordinary Course was to assemble them yet there mought intervene Cases wherein the other Course was more convenient The like Answer made Iustice Crook Iustice Houghton who is a soft Man seemed desirous first to conferr Alleging that the other 3. Iudges had all served the Crown before they were Iudges but that he had not been much acquainted with Business of this Nature We purpose therefore â—orthwith they shall be made acquainted with the Papers And if that could be done as suddainly as this was I should make small doubt of their Opinions And howsoever I hope Force of Law and President will bind them to the Truth Neither am I wholly out of hope that my Lord Cooke himself when I have in some dark manner put him in doubt that he shall be left alone will not continue singular For Owen I know not the reason why there should have been no Mention made thereof in the last Advertisement For I must say for my Self that I have lost no moment of Time in it as my Lord of Canterbury can bear me witness For having received from my Lord an Additional of great Importance which was that Owen of his own Accord after Examination should compare the Case of your Majesty if you were Excommunicate to the Case of a Prisoner Condemned at the Barr which Additional was subscribed by one Witness but yet I perceived it was spoken aloud and in the Hearing of others I presently sent down a Copy thereof which is now come up attested with the Hands of 3. more lest there should have been any Scruple of Singularis Testis So as for this Case I may say Omnia parata And we expect but a Direction from your Maâ—esty for the Acquainting the Iudges severally Or the 4. Iudges of the Kings Bench as your Majesty shall think good I forget not nor forslow not your Majesties Commandement touching Recusants Of which when it is ripe I will give your Majesty a true Account and what is possible to be done and where the Impediment is Mr. Secretary bringeth Bonam Voluntatem but he is not versed much in these things And sometimes urgeth the Conclusion without the premises and by haste hindreth It is my Lord Treasurer and the Exchequer must help it if it be holpen I have heard more wayes than oneâ— of an ofter of 20000 l. per Annum for farming the Penalties of Recusants not including any Offence Capital or of Premunire wherein I will presume to say that my poor Endeavours since I was by your great and sole grace your Atturney have been no small Spurrs to make them feel your Laws and seek this Redemption Wherein I must also say my Lord Cooke hath done his part And I doe assure your Majesty I know it somewhat inwardly and groundedly that by the Courses we have taken they conform daily and in great Numbers And I would to God it were as well a Conversion as a Conformity But if it should die by Dispensation or Dissimulation then I fear that whereas your Majesty hath now so many ill Subjects poor and detected you shall then have them rich and dissembled And therefore I hold this offer very considerable of so great an Increase of Revenew If it can pass the fiery Trial of Religion and Honour which I wish all Projects may pass Thus in as much as I have made to your Majesty somewhat a naked and particular account of Business I hope your Majesty will use it accordingly God preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter reporting the State of my Lord Chancellers Health Jan. 29. 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty BEcause I know your Majesty would be glad to hear how it is with my Lord Chanceller And that it pleased him out of his antient and great Love to me which many times in Sickness appeareth most To admit me to a great deal of Speech with him this afternoon which during these three dayes he hath scarcely done to any I thought it mought be pleasing to your Majesty to certify you how I found him I found him in bed but his Spirits fresh and good speaking stoutly and without being spent or weary And both willing and Beginning of himself to speak but wholly of your Majesties Business Wherein I cannot forget to relate this particular That he wished that his Sentencing of I. S. at the day appointed mought be his last Work to conclude his Services and express his Affection towards your Majesty I â—old him I knew your Majesty would be
do acknowledge my Soveraign Liege Lord King James to be lawfull and undoubted King of all the Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland And I will bear true faith and Allegeance to his Highness during my life NOw my Lords upon these words I charge William Talbot to have committed a great Offence And such an one as if he had entred into a voluntary and malicious Publication of the like writing It would have been too great an Offence for the Capacity of this Court But because it grew from a Question askt by a Councell of â—state And so rather seemeth in a favourable Construction to proceed from a kind of Submission to answer then from any malicious or insolent Will it was fit according to the Clemency of these Times to proceed in this maner before your Lordships And yet let the Hearers take these things right For certainly if a Man be required by the Lords oâ— the Councell to deliver his Opinion whether King Iames be King or no And He deliver his Opinion that He is not This is High Treason But I do not say that these words amount to thatâ— And therefore let me open them truly to your Lordships And thereiâ— open also it may be the Eyes of the Offender Himself how far they reach My Lords a Mans Allegeance must be Independant not provisionall and conditionall Elizabeth Barton that was called the Holy Maid of Kent affirmed That if K. H. 8. Did not take Katherine of Spain again to his Wife within a twelve moneth he should be no King And this was judged Treason For though this Act be Contingent and Future yet Treason of compassing and imagining the Kings Destruction is present And in like manner if a Man should voluntarily publish or maintain That whensoever a Bull or Deprivation shall come forth against the King that from thenceforth he is no longer King This is of like Nature But with this I do not charge you neither But this is the true Latitude of your Words That if the Doctrine touching the Killing of Kings be Matter of Faith that you submit your self to the Judgement of the Catholick Roman Church So as now to do you right your Allegeance doth not depend simply upon a Sentence of the Popes Deprivation against the King But upon another point also If these Doctrines be already or shall be declared to be Matter of Faith But my Lords there is little won in this There may be some Difference to the guiltinesse of the Party But there is little to the Danger of the King For the same Pope of Rome may with the same breath declare boâ—h So as still upon the matter the King is made but Tennant at will of his Life and Kingdomes And the Allegiance of his Subjects is pinn'd upon the Popes Act. And Certainly it is Time to stop the Current of this Opinion of Acknowledgement of the Popes power in Temporalibus Or elâ—e it will supplant the Seat of Kings And let it not be mistaken that Mr. Talbots Offence should be no more then the Refusing the Oath of Allegiance For it is one thing to be silent and another thing to affiâ—m As for the Point of Matter of Faith or not of Faith To tell your Lordships plain it would astonish a Man to see the Gulf of this implyed â—eliefe Is nothing excepted from it If a Man should ask Mr. Talbot whether he do condemn Murther or Adultery or Rape or the Doctrine of Mahomet or of Arius in stead of Zuarius Must the Answer be with this exception that if the Question concern matter of Faith as no question it doth for the Moral Law is matter of Faith That therein he wil submit himself to what the Church shall determine And no doubt the Murther of Princes is more then Simple Murther But to conclude Talbot I will do you this Right and I will noâ— be reserved in this but to declare that that is true That you came afterwards to a better mind Wherein if you had been constant the King out of his great goodnesse was resolved not to have proceeded with you in Course of Justice But then again you Started aside like a Broken Bow So that by your Variety and Vacillation you lost the acceptable time of the first Grace which was Not to have convented you Nay I will go farther with you Your last Submission I conceive to be Satisfactory and Compleat But then it was too late The Kings Honour was upon it It was published and the Day appointed for Hearing Yet what preparation that may be to the Second Grace of Pardon that I know not But I know my Lords out of their accustomed favour will admit you not only to your Defence concerning that that hath been Charged But to extenuate your Fault by any Submission that now God shall put into your mind to make The Charge given by Sr. Francis Bacon his Majesties Atturney Generall against Mr. I.S. for Scandalizing and Traducing in the publick Sessions Letters sent from the Lords of the Councell touching the Benevolence MY Lords I shall inform you ore tenus against this Gentleman Mr. I. S. A Gentleman as it seems of an ancient House and Name But for the present I can think of him by no other Name then the Name of a great Offender The Nature and Qualityâ— of his Offence in sum is this This Gentleman hath upon advice not suddenly by his Pen Nor by the Slip of his Tongue Not privatly or in a Corner but publickly As it were to the face of the Kings Ministers and Iustices Slandered and Traduced The King our Soveraign The Law of the Land The Parliament And infinite Particulars of his Majesties worthy and loving Subjects Nay the Slander is of that Nature that it may seem to interest the People in Grief and Discontent against the State whence mought have ensued Matter of Murmur and Sedition So that it is not a Simple Slander but a Seditious Slander like to that the Poet speaketh of Calamosque armare Veneno A Venemous Dart that hath both Iron and Poysonâ— To open to your Lordships the true State of this Offence I will set before you First the Occasion whereupon Mr. I. S. wrought Thâ—n the Offence it self in his own words And lastly the Points of his Charge My Lords you may remember that there was the last Parliament an Expectation to have had the King supplied with Treasure although the Event failed Herein it is not fit for me to give opinion of an House of Parliament But I will give testimony of Truth in all places I served in the Lower House and I observed somewhat This I do affirm That I never could perceive but that there was in that House a generall Disposition to give And to give largely The Clocks in the House perchance might differ Some went too fast some went too slow But the Disposition to give was generall So that I think I may truly say Solo tempore lapsus Amor. This Accident happening
within the last Division agreeable to divers presidents whereof I had the Records ready And concluded that your Majesties Safety and Life and Authority was thus by Law inscansed and quartered And that it was in vain to fortify on Three of the sides and so leave you open on the Fourth It is true he heard me in a grave fashion more than accustomed and took a Pen and took notes of my Divisions And when he read the Presidents and Records would say This you mean falleth within your first or your second Division In the end I expresly demanded his Opinion as that whereto both he and I was enjoyned But he desired me to leave the Presidents with him that he might advise upon them I told him the rest of my Fellows would dispatch their part and I should be behinde with mine which I perswaded my Self your Majesty would impute rather to his Backwardness than my Negligence He said as soon as I should understand that the rest were ready he would not be long after with his Opinion For I. S. your Majesty knoweth the day draweth on And my Lord Chancellers Recovery the Season and his Age promising not to be too hasty I spake with him on Sunday at what time I found him in Bed but his Spirits strong and not spent or wearied And spake wholly of your Business leading me from one Matter to another And wished and seemed to hope that hee might attend the day for I. S. and it were as he said to be his last work to conclude his Services and express his Affection towards your Majesty I presumed to say to him that I knew your Majesty would be exceeding desirous of his being present that day so as that it mought be without prejudice to his continuance But that otherwise your Majestie esteemed a Servant more than a Service especially such a Servant Surely in mine Opinion your Majesty were better put off the dayâ— than want his presence considering the Cause of the putting off is so notorioâ—s And then the Capital and the Criminal may come together the next Term. I have not been unprofitable in helping to discover and examine within these few dayes a late Patent by Surreption obtained from your Majesty of the greatest Forest in England worth 30000 l. under Colour of a Defective Title for a matter of 400 l. The Person must be named because the Patent must be questioned It is a great Person my Lord of Shrewsbury Or rather as I think a greater than he which is my Lady of Shrewsbury But I humbly pray your Majesty to know this first from my Lord Treasurer who methinks groweth even studious in your Business God preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant The rather in regard of Mr. Murray's Absence I humbly pray your Majesty to have a little regard to this Letter A Letter to the King touching my Lord Chancellers Amendment and the putting off of J. S. his Cause February 7. 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty MY Lord Chanceller sent for me to speak with me this Morning about 8. of the clock I perceive he hath now that Signum Sanitatis as to feel better his former weakness For it is true I did a little mistrust that it was but a Boutade of Desire and good Spirit when he promised himself strength for Friday though I was wonn and carried with it But now I finde him well inclined to use should I say your Liberty or rather your Interdict signifyed by Mr. Secretary from your Majesty His Lordship shewed me also your own Letter whereof he had told me before but had not shewed it me What shall I say I doe much admire your Goodness for writing such a Letter at such a time He had sent also to my Lord Treasurer to desire him to come to him about that time His Lordship came And not to trouble your Majesty with circumstances both their Lordships concluded my Self present and concurring That it could be no prejudice to your Majesties Service to put off the day for I. S. till the next Term. The rather because there are Seven of your Privy Council which are at least Numerus and part of the Court which are by Infirmity like to be absent That is my Lord Chanceller my Lord Admiral my Lord of Shrewsbury my Lord of Exceter my Lord Zouch my Lord Stanhope and Mr. Chanceller of the Dutchy wherefore they agreed to hold a Council too morrow in the afternoon for that purpose It is true that I was alwayes of Opinion that it was no time lost And I doe think so the rather because I could be content that the Matter of Peacham were first setled and put to a point For there be perchance that would make the Example upon I.S. to stand for all For Peacham I expect some account from my Fellows this day If it should fall out otherwise then I hope it may not be left so Your Majesty in your last Letter very wisely put in a Disjunctive that the Iudges should deliver an Opinion privately either to my Lord Chanceller or to our Selves distributed His Sickness made the later way to be taken But the other may be reserved with some Accommodating when we see the success of the Former I am appointed this day to attend my Lord Treasurer for a Proposition of Raising Profit and Revenew by Infranchising Copyholders I am right glad to see the Patrimonial part of your Revenew well look'd into as well as the Fiscal And I hope it will so be in other parts as well as this God preserve your Majestie Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to the King of account of Owens Cause c. 11 February 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty MY Self with the rest of your Counsel Learned confered with my Lord Cooke and the rest of the Iudges of the Kings Bench onely being met at my Lords Chamber concerning the business of Owen For although it be true that your Maiesty in your Letter did mention that the same Course might be held in the Taking of Opinions apart in this which was prescribed and used in Peachams Cause yet both my Lords of the Council and we amongst our Selves holding it in a Case so clear not needfull But rathat it would import a diffidence in us and deprive us of the means to debate it with the Iudges if cause were more strongly which is somewhat we thought best rather to use this Form The Iudges desired us to leave the Examinations and Papers with them for some little time to consider which is a thing they use But I conceive there will be no manner of Question made of it My Lord Chief Iustice to shew forwardness as I interpret it shewed us passages of Suarez and others thereby to prove that though your Majesty stood not Excommunicate by particular Sentence yet by the General Bulls of Coena Domini and others you were upon the matter Excommunicate And
not touch me in that which is indissoluble That is point of Duty And that your Majesty will pardon this my un-warranted presumption of writing being to such an end I cease in all Humblenesse Your Majesties poor and never so unworthy Servant Essex To my Lord of Essex It may please your Lordship THat your Lordship is in Statu quo prius no Man taketh greater gladnesse than I do The rather because I assure my self that of your Eclipses as this hath been the longest it shall be the least As the Comicall Poet saith Neque illam tu satis noveras neque te illa hoc ubi fit ibi non vivitur For if I may be so bold as to say what I think I believe neither your Lordship looked to have found her Majesty in all points as you have done Neither her Majesty per case looked to find your Lordship as she hath done And therefore I hope upon this experience may grow more perfect Knowledge and upon Knowledge more true Consent VVhich I for my part do infinitely wish as accounting these Accidents to be like the Fish Remora which though it be not great yet hath it a hidden propriety to hinder the sailing of the ship And therefore as bearing unto your Lordship after her Majesty of all publick persons the second Duty I could not but signifie unto you my affectionate Gratulation And so I commend your good Lordship to the best preservation of the Divine Majesty From Grayes Inne To my Lord Treasurer Burghley My Lord WIth as much confidence as mine own honest and faithfull Devotion unto your Service and your honourable Correspondence unto me and my poor estate can breed in a Man doe I commend my self unto your Lordship I waxe now somewhat ancient One and thirty yeares is a great deal of sand in the Houre-glasse My Health I thank God I find confirmed And I do not sear that Action shall impair it Because I account my ordinary course of Study and Meditation to be more painfull than most parts of Action are I ever bare a mind in some middle place that I could discharge to serve her Majesty Not as a Man born under Sol that loveth Honour Nor under Iupiter that loveth Business For the Contemplative Planet carrieth me away wholly but as a Man born under an Excellent Soveraign that deserveth the Dedication of all Mens Abilities Besides I doe not finde in my self so much Self-love but that the greater parts of my Thoughts are to deserve well if I were able of my Frends and namely of your Lordship who being the Atlas of this Commonwealth the Honour of my House and the second Founder of my poor Estate I am tyed by all duties both of a good Patriot and of an unworthy Kinsman and of an Obliged Servant to employ whatsoever I am to doe you Service Again the Meanness of my Estate doth somewhat move me For though I cannot accuse my Self that I am either prodigal or sloathfull yet my Health is not to spend nor my Course to get Lastly I confesse that I have as vast Contemplative Ends as I have moderate Civil Ends For I have taken all Knowledge to be my Province And if I could purge it of two sort of Rovers whereof the one with frivolous Disputations Confutations and Verbosities The other with blind Experiments and Auricular Traditions and Impostures hath committed so many spoils I hope I should bring in Industrious Observations grounded Conclusions and profitable Inventions and Discoveries the best State of that Province This whether it be Curiosity or Vain-glory or Nature or if one take it favourably Philanthropia is so fixed in my minde as it cannot be removed And I doe easily see that Place of any Reasonable Countenance doth bring commandement of more Wits than of a Mans own which is the Thing I greatly affect And for your Lordship perhaps you shall not finde more Strength and less Encounter in any other And if your Lordship shall finde now or at any time that I doe seek or affect any place whereunto any that is nearer unto your Lordship shall be concurrent say then that I am a most dishonest Man And if your Lordship will not carry me on I will not doe as Anaxagoras did who reduced himself with Contemplation unto voluntary poverty But this I will doe I will sell the Inheritance that I have and purchase some Lease of quick Revenew or some Office of Gain that shall be executed by Deputy and so give over all Care of Service and become some sorry Book-maker or a true Pioner in that Mine of Truth which he said lay so deep This which I have writ unto your Lordship is rather Thoughts than Words being set down without all Art Disguizing or Reservation Wherein I have done honour both to your Lordships Wisdom in judging that that will be best believed of your Lordshipâ— which is truest And to your Lordships good Nature in retaining nothing from you And even so I wish your Lordship all Happiness and to my Self Means and Occasion to be added to my faithfull desire to doe you Service From my Lodging at Grays Inne To the Lord Treasurer Burghley My singular good Lord YOur Lordships comfortable Relation of her Majesties gracious Opinion and Meaning towards me though at that time your leisure gave me not leave to shew how I was affected therewith yet upon every Representation thereof it entreth and striketh more deeply into me as both my Nature and Duty presseth me to return some Speach of Thankfulness It must be an exceeding Comfort and Encouragement to me setting forth and putting my Self in way towards her Majesties service to encounter with an Example so private and domestical of her Majesties gracious Goodness and Benignity Being made good and verified in my Father so far forth as it extendeth to his Posterity Accepting them as commended by his service during the Nonage as I may term it of their own Deserts I for my part am very well content that I take least part either of his Abilities of Minde or of his Wordly Advancement Both which he held and received the one of the Gift of God immediately the other of her Majesties Gift Yet in the loyal and earnest Affection which he bare to her Majesties Service I trust my portion shall not be with the least nor in proportion with the youngest Birth For methinks his President should be a silent charge upon his Blessing unto us all in our Degrees to follow him afar off and to dedicate unto her Majesties Service both the use and spending of our Lives True it is that I must needs acknowledge my self prepared and furnished thereunto with nothing but with a Multitude of Lacks Imperfections But calling to mind how diversely and in what particular providence God hath declared himself to tender the State of her Majesties Affairs I conceive and gather hope that those whom he hath in a manner prest for her Majesties Service by working and imprinting in
Lordships Legitimate Issue And the Publishers and Printers of them deserve to have an Action of Defamation brought against them by the State of Learning for Disgracing and Personating his Lordships Works As for this present Collection I doubt not but that it will verifie it self in the severall Parcells thereof And manifest to all understanding and unpartiall Readers who is the Authour of it By that Spirit of Perspicuity and Aptnesse and Concisenesse which runs through the whole Work And is ever an Annex of his Lordships Penne. There is required now And I have been moved by many Both from Forrein Nations and at Home who have held in Price and been Admirers of this Honourable Authours Conceits and Apprehensions That some Memorialls might be added concerning his Lordships Life Wherein I have been more Willing then sufficient to satisfie their Requests And to that End have endeavoured to contribute not my Talent but my Mite in the next following Discourse Though to give the true Value to his Lordships Worth There were more need of another Homer to be the Trumpet of Achilles Vertues WILLIAM RAWLEY THE LIFE OF THE HONOURABLE AUTHOR FRANCIS BACON the Glory of his Age and Nation The Adorner and Ornament of Learning Was born in York House or York Place in the Strand On the 22th Day of January In the Year of our Lord 1560. His Father was that Famous Counseller to Queen Elizabeth The Second Propp of the Kingdome in his Time Sir Nicholas Bacon Knight Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England A Lord of Known Prudence Sufficiency Moderation and Integrity His Mother was Ann Cook one of the Daughters of Sir Anthony Cook unto whom the Erudition of King Edward the Sixth had been committed A choyce Lady and Eminent for Piety Vertue and Learning Being exquisitely Skilled for a Woman in the Greek and Latin Tongues These being the Parents you may easily imagine what the Issue was like to be Having had whatsoever Nature or Breeding could put into Him His first and childish years were not without some Mark of Eminency At which Time he was endued with that Pregnancy and Towardness of Wit As they were Preâ—ages of that Deep and Universall Apprehension which was manifest in him afterward And caused him to be taken notice of by several Persons of Worth and Place And especially by the Queen who as I have been informed delighted much then to confer with him And to prove him with Questions unto whom he delivered Himself with that Gravity and Maturity above his years That her Majesty would often term Him The young Lord Keeper At the ordinary years of Ripeness for the university or rather something earlier He was sent by his Father to Trinity Colledge in Cambridge To be educated and bred under the Tuition of Doctor John White-Gift then Master of the Colledge Afterwards the Renowned Arch-Bishop of Canterbury A Prelate of the First Magnitude for Sanctity Learning Patience and Humility Vnder whom He was observed to have been more then an Ordinary Proficient in the severall Arts and Sciences Whilst he was commorant in the University about 16. years of Age As his Lordship hath been pleased to impart unto my Self he first fell into the Dislike of the Philosophy of Aristotle Not for the Worthlesnesse of the Authour to whom he would ever ascribe all High Attributes But for the Unfruitfulnesse of the way Being a Philosophy as his Lordship used to say onely strong for Disputations and Contentions But Barren of the Production of Works for the Benefit of the Life of Man In which Mind he continued to his Dying Day After he had passed the Circle of the Liberall Arts His Father thought fit to frame and mould him for the Arts of State And for that end sent him over into France with Sir Amyas Paulet then Employed Ambassadour Lieger into France By whom he was after a while held fit to be entrusted with some Message or Advertisement to the Queen which having performed with great Approbation he returned back into France again With Intention to continue for some years there In his absence in France his Father the Lord Keeper died Having collected as I have heard of Knowing Persons a considerable summe of Money which he had separated with Intention to have made a competent Purchase of Land for the Lively-hood of this his youngest Son who was onely unprovided for And though he was the youngest in years yet he was not the lowest in his Fathers Affection But the said Purchase being unaccomplished at his Fathers Death there came no greater share to him than his single Part and Portion of the Money dividable amongst 5. Brethren By which meanes he lived in some streits and Necessities in his younger years For as for that pleasant Scite and Mannour of Gorhambury he came not to it till many years after by the Death of his Dearest Brother Mr. Anthony Bacon A Gentleman equall to him in Heigth of Wit Though inferiour to him in the Endowments of Learning and Knowledge Vnto whom he was most nearly conjoyned in Affection They two being the sole Male Issue of a second Venter Being returned from Travaile he applyed himself to the study of the Common Law which he took upon him to be his Profession In which he obtained to great Excellency Though he made that as himself said but as an Accessary and not as his Principall study He wrote severall Tractates upon that Subject Wherein though some great Maisters of the Law did out-go him in Bulk and Particularities of Cases yet in the Science of the Groundsâ— and Mysteries of the Law he was exceeded by none In this way he was after a while sworn of the Queens Counsell Learned Extraordinary A Grace if I err not scarce known before He seated himself for the Commodity of his studies and Practise amongst the Honourable Society of Greyes Inn Of which House he was a Member where he Erected that Elegant Pile or Structure commonly known by the Name of the Lord Bacons Lodgings which he inhabited by Turns the most part of his Life some few years onely excepted unto his Dying Day In which House he carried himself with such Sweetnesse Comity and Generosity That he was much revered and loved by the Readers and Gentlemen of the House Notwithstanding that he professed the Law for his Livelyhood and Subsistence Yet his Heart and Affection was more carried after the Affaires and Places of Estate For which if the Majesty Royall then had been pleased he was most fit In his younger years he studied the Service and Fortunes as they call them of that Noble but unfortunate Earl the Earl of Esâ—ex unto whom he was in a sort a Private and free Counseller And gave him safe and Honourable Advice Till in the end the Earl inclined too much to the violent and precipitate Counsell of others his Adherents and Followers which was his Fate and Ruine His Birth and other Capacities qualified him above others of his Profession to have
Ordinary Accesses at Court And to come frequeâ—tly into the Queens Eye who would often grace him with private and free Communication Not onely about Matters of his Profession or Businesse in Law But also about the Arduous Affairs of Estate From whom she received from time to time great Satisfaction Neverthelesse though she cheered him much with the Bounty of her Countenance yet she never cheered him with the Bounty of her Hand Having never conferred upon him any Ordinary Place or Means of Honour or Profit Save onely one dry Reversion of the Registers Office in the Star-Chamber worth about 1600 l. per Annum For which he waited in Expectation either fully or near 20. years Of which his Lordship would say in Queen Elizabeths Time That it was like another Mans Ground buttalling upon his House which might mend his Prospect but it did not fill his Barn Neverthelesse in the time of King James it fell unto him Which might be imputed Not so much to her Majesties Aversenesse or Disaffection towards him As to the Arts and Policy of a Great Statesman â—hen who laboured by all Industrious and secret Means to suppresse and keep him down Lest if he had riseâ— he might have obscured his Glory But though he stood long at a stay in the Dayes of his Mistresse Queen Elizabeth Yet after the change and Comming in of his New Master King James he made a great Progresse By whom he was much comforted in Places of Trust Honour and Revenue I have seen a Letter of his Lordships to King James wherein he makes Acknowledgement That He was that Master to him that had raysed and advanced him nine times Thrice in Dignity and Sixe times in Office His Offices as I conceive were Counsell Learned Extraordinary to his Majesty as he had been to Queen Elizabeth Kings Solliciter Generall His Majesties Atturney Generall Counseller of Estate being yet but Atturney Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Lastly Lord Chanceller Which two last Places though they be the same in Auâ—hority and Power yet they differ in Patent Heigth and Favour of the Prince Since whose time none of his Successours did ever bear the Title of Lord Chanceller His Dignities were first Knight Then Baron of Verulam Lastly Viscount Saint Alban Besides other good Gifts and Bounties of the Hand which his Majesty gave him Both out of the Broad Seal And out of the Alienation Office Towards his Rising years not before he entred into a married Estate And took to Wife Alice one of the Daughters and Co-Heires of Benedict Barnham Esquire and Alderman of London with whom He received a sufficiently ample and liberall Portion in Marriage Children he had none which though they be the Means to perpetuate our Names after our Deaths yet he had other Issues to perpetuate his Name The Issues of his Brain In which he was ever happy and admired As Jupiter was in the production of Pallas Neither did the want of Children detract from his good usage of his Consort during the Intermarriage whom he prosecuted with much Conjugall Love and Respect with many Rich Gifts and Enâ—owments Besides a Roab of Honour which he invested her withall which she wore untill her Dying Day Being twenty years and more after his Death The last five years of his Life being with-drawn from Civill Affaires and from an Active Life he employed wholy in Contemplation and Studies A Thing whereof his Lordshâ—p would often speak during his Active Life As if he affected to dye in the Shadow and not in the Light which also may be found in severall Passages of his Works In which time he composed the greatest Part of his Books and Writings Both in English and Latin Which I will enumerate as near as I can in the just Order wherein they were written The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh Abecedarium Naturae or A Metaphysicall Piece which is lost Historia Ventorum Historia vitae Mortis Historia Densi Rari not yet Printed Historia Gravis Levis which is also lost A Discourse of a War with Spain A Dialogue touching an Holy War The Fable of the New Atlantis A Preface to a Digest of the Lawes of England The Beginning of the History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth De Augmentis Scientiarum Or the Advanccment of Learning put into Latin with severall Enrichments and Enlargements Counsells Civill and Morall Or his Book of Essayes likewise Enriched and enlarged The Conversion of certain Psalms into English Verse The Translation into Latin of the History of King Henry the Seventh of the Counsells Civill and Morall of the Dialogue of the Holy War of the Fable of the New Atlantis For the Benefit of other Nations His Revising of his Book De Sapientià Veterum Inquisitio de Magnete Topica Inquisitionis de Luce Lumine Both these not yet Printed Lastly Sylva Sylvarum or the Naturall History These were the â—ruits and Productions of his last five years His Lordship also designed upon the Motion and Invitation of his late Majesty To have written the Reign of King Henry the Eighth But that Work Perished in the Designationâ— meerly God not lending him Life to proceed further upon it then onely in one Mornings Work Whereof there is Extant An Ex Ungue Leonem already Printed in his Lordships Miscellany Works There is a Commemoration due As well to his Abilities and Vertues as to the Course of his Life Those Abilities which commonly goe single in other Men though of prime and Observable Parts were all conjoyned and met in Him Those are Sharpnesâ— of Wit Memory Judgement and Elocution For the Former Three his Books doe abundantly speak them which with what Sufficiency he wrote let the World judge But with what Celerity he wrote them I can best testifie But for the Fourth his Elocution I will onely set down what I heard Sir Walter Rauleigh once speak of him by way of Comparison whose Iudgement may well be trusted That the Earl of Salisbury was an excellent Speaker but no good Pen-man That the Earl of Northampton the Lord Henry Howard was an excellent Pen-man but no good Speaker But that Sir Francis Bacon was Eminent in Both. I have been enduced to think That if there were a Beame of Knowledge derived from God upon any Man in these Modern Times it was upon Him For though he was a great Reader of Books yet he had not his Knowledge from Books But from some Grounds and Notions from within Himself Which notwithstanding he vented with great Caution and Circumspection His Book of Instauratio Magna which in his own Account was the chiefest of his works was no Slight Imagination or Fancy of his Brain But a Setled and Concocted Notion The Production of many years Labour and Travell I my Self have seen at the least Twelve Coppies of the Instauration Revised year by year one after another And every year altred and amended in the Frame thereof Till
at last it came to that Modell in which it was committed to the Presse As many Living Creatures do lick their young ones till they bring them to their strength of Limms In the Composâ—ng of his Books he did rather drive at a Masculine and clear Expression than at any Finenes or Affectation of Phrases And would often ask if the Meaning were expressed plainly enough As being one that aâ—counted words to be but subservient or Ministeriall to Matter And not the Principall And if his Stile were Polite it was because he could do no otherwise Neither was he given to any Light Conceits Or Descanting upon Words But did ever purposely and industriously avoyd them For he held such Things to be but Digressions or Diversions from the Scope intended And to derogate from the Weight and Dignity of the Stile He was no Plodder upon Books Though he read much And that with great Iudgement and Rejection of Impertinences incident to many Authours For he would ever interlace a Moderate Relaxation of His Minde with his Studies As Walking Or Taking the Aire abroad in his Coach or some other befitâ—ing Recreation And yet he would loose no Time In as much as upon his First and Immediate Return he would fall to Reading again And so suffer no Moment of Time to Slip from him without some present Improvement His Meales â—ere Refections of the Eare as well as of the Stomack Like the Noctes Atticae or Convivia Deipno-Sophistarum Wherein a Man might be refreshed in his Minde and understanding no lesse then in his Body And I have known some of no mean Parts that have professed to make use of their Note-Books when they have risen from his Table In which Conversations and otherwise he was no Dashing Man As some Men are But ever a Countenancer and Fosterer of another Mans Parts Neither was he one that would appropriate the Speech wholy to Himself or delight to out-vie others But leave a Liberty to the Co-Assessours to take their Turns Wherein he would draw a Man on and allure him to speak upon such a Subject as wherein he was peculiarly Skilfull and would delight to speak And for Himself he contemned no Mans Observations But would light his Torch at every Mans Candle His Opinions and Assertions were for the most part Binding And not contradicted by any Rather like Oracles then Discourses Which may be imputed either to the well weighing of his Sentence by the Skales of Truth and Reason Or else to the Reverence and Estimation wherein he was commonly had that no Man would contest with himâ— So that there was no Argumentation or Pro and Con as they term it at his Table Or if their chanced to be any it was Carried with much Submission and Moderation I have often observed And so have other Men of great Account That if he had occasion to repeat another Mans Words after him he had an use and Faculty to dresse them in better Vestments and Apparell then they had before So that the Authour should finde his own Speech much amended And yet the Substance of it still retained As if it had been Naturall to him to use good Forms As Ovid spake of his Faculty of Versifying Et quod tentabam Scribere Versus erat When his Office called him as he was of the Kings Counsell Learned to charge any Offenders either in Criminals or Capitals He was never of an Insulting or Domineering Nature over them But alwayes tender Hearted and carrying himself decently towards the Parties Though it was his Duty to charge them home But yet as one that looked upon the Example with the Eye of Severity But upon the Person with the Eye of Pitty and Compassion And in Civill Businesse as he was Counseller of Estate he had the best way of Advising Not engaging his Master in any Precipitate or grievous Courses But in Moderate and Fair Proceedings The King whom he served giving him this Testimony That he ever dealt in Businesse Suavibus Modis Which was the way that was most according to his own Heart Neither was He in his time lesse Gracious with the Subject then with his Soveraign He was ever Acceptable to the House of Commons when He was a Member thereof Being the Kings Atturney chosen to a place in Parliament He was allowed and dispensed with to sit in the House which was not permitted to other Atturneys And as he was a good Servant to his Master Being never in 19. years Service as himself averred rebuked by the King for any Thing relating to his Majesty So he was a good Master to his Servants And rewarded their long Attendance with good Places freely when they fell into his Power Which was the Cause that so many young Gentlemen of Bloud and Quality Sought to list themselves in his Retinew And if he were abused by any of them in their Places It was onely the Errour of the Goodnesse of his Nature But the Badges of their Indiscretions and Intemperances This Lord was Religious For though the World be apt to suspect and prejudge Great Wits and Politicks to have somewhat of the Atheist Yet he was conversant with God As appeareth by severall Passages throughout the whole Current of his Writings Otherwise he should have crossed his own Principles which were That a little Philosophy maketh Men apt to forget God As attributing too much to Second Causes But Depth of Philosophy bringeth a Man back to God again Now I am sure there is no Man that will deny him or account otherwise of him but to have been a deep Philosopher And not onely so But he was able to render a Reason of the Hope which was in him Which that Writing of his of the Confession of the Faith doth abundantly testifie He repaired frequently when his Health would permit him to the Service of the Church To hear Sermons To the Administration of the Sacrament of the Blessed Body and Bloud of Christ And died in the true Faith established in the Church of England This is most true He was free from Malice which as he said Himself He never bred nor fed He was no Revenger of Injuries which if he had minded he had both Opportunity and Place High enough to have done it He was no Heaver of Men out of their Places As delighting in their Ruine and Undoing He was no Defamer of any Man to his Prince One Day when a great States-Man was newly Dead That had not been his Friend The King asked him What he thought of that Lord which was gone He answered That he would never have made his Majesties Estate better But he was sure he would have kept it from being wâ—rse Which was the worst he would say of him Which I reckon not amongst his Morall but his Christian Vertues His Fame is greater and sounds louder in Forraign Parts abroad then at home in his own Nation Thereby verifying that Divine Sentence A Prophet is not without Honour save in his own
Countrey and in his own House Concerning which I will give you a Tast onely out of a Letter â—ritten from Italy The Store-House of Refined Witts to the late Earle of Devonshire Then the Lord Candish I will expect the New Essayes of my Lord Chancellâ—r Bacon As also his History with a great deal of Desire And whatsoever else he shall compose But in Particular of his History I promise my Self a Thing perfect and Singular especially in Henry the Seventh Where he may exercise the Talent of his Divine Understanding This Lord is more and more known And his Books here more and more delighted in And those Men that have more than ordinary Knowledge in Humane Affaires esteem him one of the most capable Spirits of this Age And he is truly such Now his Fame doth not decrease with Dayes since but rather encrease Divers of his Works have been anciently and yet lately translated into other Tongues both Learned and Modern by Forraign Pens Severall Persons of Quality during his Lordships Life crossed the Seas on purpose to gain an Opportunity of Seeing him and Discoursing with himâ— whereof one carried his Lordships Picture from Head to Foot over with Him into France As a Thing which he foresaw would be much desired there That so they might enjoy the Image of his Person As well as the Images of his Brain his Books Amongst the rest Marquis Fiat A French Nobleman who came Ambassadour into England in the Beginning of Queen Mary Wife to Charlesâ— was taken with an extraordinary Desire of Seeing him For which he made way by a Friend And when he came to him being then through weaknesse confined to his Bed The Marquis saluted him with this High Expression That his Lordship had been ever to Him like the Angels of whom he had often heard And read much of them in Books But he never saw them After which they contracted an intimate Acquaintance And the Marquis did so much revere him That besides his Frequent visits They wrote Letters one to the other under the Titles and Appellations of Father and Son As for his many Salutations by Letters from Forraign Worthies devoted to Learning I forbear to mention them Because that is a Thing common to other Men of Learning or Note together with him But yet in this Matter of his Fame I speak in the Comparative onely and not in the Exclusive For his Reputation is great in his own Nation also Especially amongst those that are of a more Acute and sharper Iudgement Which I will exemplifie but with two Testimonies and no more The Former When his History of King Henry the Seventh was to come forth It was delivered to the old Lord Brooke to be perused by him who when he had dispatched it returned it to the Authour with this Eulogy Commend me to my Lord And bid him take care to get good Paper Inke For the Work is Incomparable The other shall be that of Doctor Samuel Collins late Provost of Kings Colledge in Cambridge A Man of no vulgar Wit who affirmed unto me That when he had read the Book of the Advancement of Learning He found Himself in a case to begin his Studies a new And that he had lost all the Time of his â—tudying before It hath been desired That something should be signified touching his Diet And the Regiment of his Health Of which in regard of his Universall Insight into Nature he may perhaps be to some an Example For his Diet It was rather a plentifull and liberall Diet as his Stomack would bear it then a Restrained Which he also commended in his Book of the History of Life and Death In his younger years he was much given to the Finer and Lighter sort of Meats As of Fowles and such like But afterward when he grew more Iudicious He preferred the stronger Meats such as the Shambles afforded As those Meats which bred the more firm and substantiall Juyces of the Body And lesse Dissipable upon whiâ—h he would often make his Meal Though he had other Meats upon the Table You may be sure He would not neglect that Himself which He so much extolled in his Writings And that was the Vse of Nitre Whereof he took in the Quantity of about three Grains in thin warm Broath every Morning for thirty years together next before his Death And for Physick he did indeed live Physically but not miserably For he took onely a Maceration of Rhubarb Infused into a Draught of White Wine and Beer mingled together for the Space of half an Hour Once in six or seven Dayes Immediately before his Meal whether Dinner or Supper that it might dry the Body lesse which as he said did carry away frequently the Grosser Humours of the Body And not diminish or carry away any of the Spirits As Sweating doth And this was no Grievous Thing to take As for other Physick in an ordinary way whatsoever hath been vulgarly spoken he took not His Receit for the Gout which did constantly ease him of his Pain within two Hours Is already set down in the End of the Naturall History It may seem the Moon had some Principall Place in the Figure of his Nativity For the Moon was never in her Passion or Eclipsed but he was surprized with a sudden Fit of Fainting And that though he observed not nor took any previous Knowledge of the Eclipse thereof And assoon as the Eclipse ceased he was restored to his former strength again He died on the 9th Day of Aprill in the year 1626â— In the early Morning of the Day then celebrated for our Saviours Resurrection In the 66th year of his Age At the Earle of Arundells House in High-gate near London To which Place he casually repaired about a week before God so ordaining that he should dye there Of a Gentle Feaver accidentally accompanied with a great Cold whereby the Defluxion of Rheume fell so plentifully upon his Breast that he died by Suffocation And was buried in Saint Michaels Church at Saint Albans Being the Place designed for his Buriall by his last Will and Testament Both because the Body of his Mother was interred there And because it was the onely Church then remaining within the Precincts of old Verulam Where he hath a Monument erected for him of White Marble By the Care and Gratitude of Sir Thomas Meautys Knight formerly his Lordships Secretary Afterwards Clark of the Kings Honourable Privy Counsell under two Kings Representing his full Pourtraiture in the Posture of studying with an Inscription composed by that Accomplisht Gentleman and Rare Wit Sir Henry Wotton But howsoever his Body was Mortall yet no doubt his Memory and Works will live And will in all probability last as long as the World lasteth In order to which I have endeavoured after my poor Ability to do this Honour to his Lordship by way of conducing to the same SPEECHES IN Parliament STAR-CHAMBER Kings Bench CHANCERY AND OTHER-WHERE Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON
a particular Examination of it Thirdly whether we shall content our selves with some Entry or Protestation amongst our selves And Fourthly whether we shall proceed to a Message to the King And what Thus I have told you mine Opinion I know it had been more safe and politick to have been silent But it is perhaps more honest and lovingâ— to speak The old Verse is Nam nulli tacuisse nocet nocet esse locutum But by your leave David saiâ—h Silui à bonis Dolor meus renovatus est When a Man speaketh He may be wounded by Others but if He holds his peace from Good Things he wounds Himself So I have done my part and leave it to you to do that which you shall judge to be the best The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon Knight his Majesties Atturney Generall against William Talbot a Counsellor at Law of Ireland upon an Information in the Star-Chamber Ore tenus For a writing under his Hand whereby the said William Talbot being demanded whether the Doctrine of Suarez touching Deposing and Killing of Kings Excommunicated were true or no He answered that he referred himself unto that which the Catholick Roman Church should determine thereof Ultimo die Termini Hilarij undecimo Iacobi Regis My Lords I Brought before you the first sitting of this Term the Cause of Duels But now this last sitting I shall bring before you a Cause concerning the greatest Duell which is in the Christian World The Duels and Conflicts between the lawfull Authority of Soveraign Kings which is Gods Ordinance for the comfort of Humane Society And the swelling pride and usurpation of the See of Rome in Temporalibus Tending altogether to Anarchy and Confusion Wherein if this pretence by the Pope of Rome by Cartels to make Soveraign Princes as the Banditi And to proscribe their Lives and to expose their Kingdomes to prey If these pretences I say and all Persons that submit themselves to that part of the Popes Power be not by all possible Severity repressed and punished The State of Christian Kings will be no other then the ancient Torment described by the Poets in the Hell of the Heathen A man sitting richly roabed solemnly attended delicious fare c. With a Sword hanging over his Head hanging by a small thread ready every moment to be cut down by an accursing and accursed hand Surely I had thought they had been the Prerogatives of God alone and of his secret Judgements Solvam Cingula Regum I will loosen the Girdles of Kings Or again He powreth contempt upon Princes Or I will give a King in my wrath and take him away again in my displeasure And the like but if these be the Claims of a Mortall Man certainly they are but the Mysteries of that Person which exalts himself above all that is called God Supra omne quod dicitur Deus Note it well Not above God though that in a sense be true in respect of the Authority they claim over the Scriptures But Above all that is called God That is Lawfull Kings and Magistrates But my Lords in this uel I find this Talbot that is now before you but a Coward For he hath given ground He hath gone backward and forward But in such a fashion and with such Interchange of Repenting and Relapsing as I cannot tell whether it doth extenuate or aggravate his Offence If he shall more publikely in the face of the Court fall and settle upon a right mind I shall be glad of it And he that would be against the Kings Mercy I would he might need the Kings Mercy But neverthelesse the Court will proceed by Rules of Justice The Offence wherewith I charge this Talbot Prisoner at the Bar is this in brief and in Effect That he hath maintained and maintaineth under his hand a power in the Pope for the Deposing and Murthering of Kings In what sort he doth this when I come to the proper and particular charge I will deliver it in his own words without Pressing or Straining Buâ— before I come to the particular charge of this Man I cannot proceed so coldly but I must expresse unto your Lordships the extreme and imminent Danger wherein our Dear and Dread Soveraign is And in him we all Nay and wherein all Princes of both Religions For it is a common Cause do stand at this day By the spreading and Enforcing of this furious and pernicious Opinion of the Popes Temporall Power which though the modest Sort would blanch with the Distinction of In ordine ad Spiritualia yet that is but an Elusion For he that maketh the Distinction will also make the Case This perill though it be in it self notorious yet because there is a kind of Dulness and almost a Lethargy in this Age Give me leave to set before you two Glasses Such as certainly the like never met in one Age The Glasses of France and the Glasse of England In that of France the Tragedies acted and executed in two Immediate Kings In the Glasse of England the same or more horrible attempted likewise in a Queen and King immediate But ending in a happy Deliverance In France H. 3. in the face of his Army before the walls of Paris stabbed by a wretched Iacobine Fryer H. 4. a Prince that the French do surname the Great One that had been a Saviour and Redeemer of his Country from infinite Calamities And a Restorer of that Monarchy to the ancient State and Splendour And a Prince almost Heroicall except it be in the Point of Revolt from Religion At a time when he was as it were to mount on Horse-back for the Commanding of the greatest Forces that of long time had been levied in France This King likewise stilletted by a Rascal votary which had been enchanted and conjured for the purpose In England Queen Elizabeth of blessed memory A Queen comparable and to be rankt with the greatest Kings Oftentimes attempted by like votaries Sommervile Parry Savage and others But still protected by the Watch-man that Slumbreth not Again our excellent Soveraign King Iames The Sweetness and Clemency of whose nature were enough to quench and mortifie all Malignity And a King shielded and supported by Posterity Yet this King in the Chair of Majesty his Vine and Olive Branches about him Attended by his Nobles and Third Estate in Parliament Ready in the Twinckling of an Eye As if it had been a particular Doomesday To have been brought to Ashes dispersed to the four Winds I noted the last day my Lord Chief Iustice when he spake of this Powder Treason he laboured for words Though they came from him with great Efficacy yet he truly confessed and so must all Men That that Treason is above the Charge and Report of any Words whatsoever Now my Lords I cannot let passe but in these Glasses which I spake of besides the Facts themselves and Danger to shew you two Things The one the Wayes of God Almighty which turneth the Sword of Rome
thus besides expectation It stirred up and awaked in divers of his Majesties worthy Servants and Subjects of the Clergy the Nobility the Court and others here neaâ— at hand an Affection loving and cheerfull To present the King some with Plate some with Money as a Freewill offering A Thing that God Almighty loves A Cheerfull Givâ—r what an Evill Eye doth I know not And my Lords let me speak it plainly unto you God forbid any Body should be so wretched as to think that the Obligation of Love and Duty from the Subject to the King should be Joynt and not severall No my Lords it is both The Subject petitioneth to the King in Parliament He Petitioneth likewise out of Parliament The King on the other side gives Graces to the Subjects in Parliament He gives them likewise and poureth them upon his People out of Parliament And so no doubt the Subject may give to the King in Parliament and out of Parliament It is true the Parliament is Intercursus Magnus The great Intercourse and main Current of Graces and Donatives from the King to the People from the People to the King But Parliaments are held but at certain times Whereas the Passages are alwayes open for Particulars Even as you see great Rivers have their Tides But particular Springs and Fountains run continually To proceed therefore As the Occasion which was the failing of Supply by Parliament did awake the Love and Benevolence of those that were at hand to give So it was apprehended and thought fit by my Lords of the Councell to make a proof whether the occasion and Example both would not awake those in the Country of the better sort to follow Whereupon their Lordships devised and directed Letters unto the Sheriffs and Iustices which declared what was done here above and wished that the Country might be moved especially Men of value Now My Lords I beseech you give me favour and attention to set forth and observe unto you five Points I will number them because other Men may note them And I will but touch them because they shall not be drowned or lost in discourse which I hold worthy the observation for the Honour of the State and Confusion of Slanders Whereby it will appear most evidently What care was taken that that which was then done might not have the effect no nor the shew no nor so much as the shadow of a Tax And that it was so far from breeding or bringing in any ill president or Example As contrary wise it is a Corrective that doth correct and allay the Harshness and Danger of former Examples The first is That what was done was done immediately after such a Parliament as made generall Profession to give and was interrupted by Accideâ—t So as you may truly and justly esteem it Tanquà m Posthuma Proles Parliamenti As an After Child of the Parliament And in pursuit in some small measure of the firm Intent of a Parliament past You may take it also if you will as an Advance or Provisionall Help untill a Future Parliawent Or as a Gratification simply without any Relation to a Parliament you can no wayes take it amisse The Second is That it wrought upon Example As a Thing not devised Or projected Or required No nor so much as recommended untill many that were never moved nor dealt with Ex mero motu had freely and frankly sent in their presents So that the Letters were rather like Letters of Newes what was done aâ— London then otherwise And we know Exempla ducunâ— non traâ—unt Examples they do but Lead they do not Draw nor Drive The Third is Thâ—t it was not done by Commission under the Great Seal A Thing warranted by a Multitude of Presidents both ancient and of late time as you shall hear anon And no doubt warranted by Law So that the Commissions be of that Stile and Tenour as that they be to move and not to levy But this was done by Letters of the Councell and no higher Hand or Form The Fouâ—th iâ— That these Letters had no manner of Shew of any Binding Act of State For they contaiâ—â— not any speciall Frame of Direction how the Businesse should be Mannaged But were written as upon trust Leaving the matter wholy to the Industry and Confidence of those in the Country So that it was an absque Compoto Such a form of Letter as no Man could fitly be called to accompt upon The Fift and last Point is That the whole Carriage of â—he Business had no Circumstance compulsory There was no Proportion Or Rate â—et down not so much as by way of a Wish There was no Menace of any that should deny No Reproof of any that did deny No certifying of the Names of any that had denied Indeed if Men could not content themselves to deny but that they must censure and inveigh Nor to excuse themselves but they must accuse the State that is anoâ—her Case But I say for Denying no Man was apprehended no nor noted So that I verily think that there is none so subtill a Disputer in the Controversie of Liberum Arbitrium that can with all his Distinctions fasten or carp upon the Act but that there was Free Will in it I conclude therefore My Lords that this was a True and pure Benevolence Not an Imposition called a Benevelence which the Statute speaks of As you shall hear by one of my Fellows There is a great Difference I tell you though Pilate would not see it between Rex Iudaeorum and se dâ—cens Regem Iudaeorum And there is a great difference between a Benevolence and an Exaction called a Benevolence which the Duke of Buckingham speaks of in his Oration to the Citty And defineth it to be not what the Subject of his good will would give but what the King of his good will would take But this I say was a Benevolence wherein every man had a Princes Prerogative A Negative Voyce And this word Excuse moy was a Plea peremptory And therefore I do wonder how Mr. I. S. could foul or trouble so clear a Fountain Certainly it was but his own Bitterness and unsound Humours Now to the particular Charge Amongst other Countries these Letters of the Lords came to the Iustices of D shire Who signified the Contents thereof And gave Directions and Appointments for meetings concerning the Business to severall Towns Places within that County And amongst the rest notice was given unto the Town of A The Majour of A conceiving that this Mr. I. S. being a Principall Person and a Dweller in that Town was a Man likely to give both money and good Example Dealt with him to know his mind He intending as it seems to play prizes would give no Answer to the Majour in private but would take Time The next day then being an Appointment of the Iustices to meet he takes occasion or pretends occasion to be absent because he would bring his Papers upon the Stage And
as Men misled are to be pittied For the First if a Man doth visit the foul and polluted Opinions Customesâ— or Practices of Heathenism Mahometism and Heresie he shall find they do not attain to this Height Take the Examples of damnable Memory amongst the Heathen The Proscriptions in Rome of Sylla And afterwards of the Triumvirs what were they They were but of a finite Number of Persons and those not many that were exposed unto any Mans Sword But what is that to the proscribing of a King and all that shall take his Part And what was the Reward of a Souldier that amongst them killed one of the proscribed A small piece of Money But what is now the reward of one that shall kill a King The Kingdom of Heaven The Custome among the Heathen that was most scandalized was that sometimes the Priest sacrificed Men But yet you sâ—all not read of any Priesthood that sacrificed Kings The Mahometâ—ns make it a part of their Religion to propagate their Sect by the Sword But yet still by Honourable Wars never by Villanies and secret Murthers Nâ—y I find that the Saracen Prinâ—e of whom the Name of the â—ssassins is derived which had divers Votaâ—ies at Commandement which he sent and imployed to the Killing of divers Princes in the East By one of whom Amurath the First was slain And Edward the First of England was wounâ—ed was put down and rooted out by common Consentâ— of the Mahometan Princes The Anabaptists it is true come nearest For they professe the pulling down of Magistrates And they can chaunt the Psalm To bind their Kings in Chaines and their Nobles in fetters of Iron This is the Glory of the Saints mâ—ch like the Temporall Authority that the Pope Challengeth over Princes But this is the difference That that is a Furious and Fanaticall Fury And this is a sad and solemn Mischief He imagineth Mischief as a Law A Law-like Mischief As for the Defence which they do make it doth aggravate the sin And turneth it from a Cruelty towards Man to a Blaâ—phemy towards God For to say that all this is in ordine ad spirituale And to a good End And for the salvation of Soules It is directly to make God Author of Evill And to draw him into the likenesse of the Prince of Darknesse And to say with thoseâ— that Saint Paul speaketh of Let us do Evill that good may come thereof Of whom the Apostle saith dâ—finitively That their damnatioâ— is Iust. For the Destroying of Government universally it is most evident That it is not the Case of Protestant Princes onely But of Catholick Princes likewise As the King hath excellently set forth Nay it is not the Case of Princes onely but of all Subjects and private Persons For touching Princes let History be perused what hath been the Causes of Excommunication And namely this Tumour of it the Deposing of Kings It hath not been for Heresie and Schism alone but for Collation and Investitures of Bishopricks and Benefiâ—es Intruding upon Ecclesiasticall Possessions violating of any Ecclesiasticall Person or Liberty Nay generally they maintain it that it may be for any sin So that the Difference wherein their Doctors vary That some hold That the Pope hath his Temporall power immediatly And others but in ordine ad spiritude is but a Delusion and an Abuse For all commeth to one What is there that may not be made spirituall by Consequence specially when He that giveth the Sentence may make the Case And accordingly hath the miserable Experience followed For this Murthering of Kings hath been put in practise as well against Papist Kings as Protestants Save that it hath pleased God so to guide it by his admirable providence As the Attempts upon Papist Princes have been executed And the Attempts upon Protestant Princes have failed Except that of the Prince Aurange And not that neither untill such time as he had joyned too fast with the Duke of Anjou and the Papists The rest is wanting The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Atturney Generall against M. L. S. W. and H. I. for Scandall and Traducing of the Kings Justice in the proceedings against Weston In the Star-Chamber 10. Novemb. 1615. THe Offence wherewith I shall charge the three Offenders at the Bar is a Misdemeanour of a High Nature Tending to the Defacing and Scandall of Iustice in a great Cause Capitall The particular Charge is this The King amongst many his Princely vertues is known to excell in that proper vertue of the Imperiall Throne which is Iustice. It is a Royall Vertue which doth employ the other three Cardinall Vertues in her Service Wisdome to discover and discern Nocent or Innocent Fortitude to prosecute and execute Temperance so to carry Iustice as it be not passionate in the pursuit nor confused in involving persons upon light suspicion Nor precipitate in time For this his Majesties Vertue of Iustice God hath of late raised an occasion and erected as it were a Stage or Theater much to his Honour for him to shew it and act it in the pursuit of the untimely Death of Sir Thomas Overbury And therein cleansing the Land from Bloud For my Lords if Bloud spilt Pure doth cry to Heaven in Gods Eares much more Bloud defiled with Poyson This Great Work of his Majesties Iustice the more excellent it is your Lordships will soon conclude the greater is the Offence of any that have sought to Affront it or Traduce it And therefore before I descend unto the Charge of these Offenders I will set before your Lordships the weight of that which they have sought to impeach Speaking somewhat of the generall Crime of Impoysonment And then of the particular Circumstances of this Fact upon Overbury And thirdly and chiefly of the Kings great and worthy Care and Carriage in this Business This Offence of Impoysonment is most truly figured in that Devise or Description which was made of the Nature of one of the Roman Tyrants That he was Lutum Sanguine maceratum Mire mingled or cymented with Bloud For as it is one of the highest Offencesâ— in Guiltiness So it is the Basest of all others in the Mind of the Offenders Treasons Magnum aliquid spectant They aym at great thingâ—â— But this is vile and base I tell your Lordships what I have noted That in all Gods Book both of the Old and New Testament I find Examples of all other Offences and Offendours in the world but not any one of an Impoyâ—onment or an Impoysoner I find mention of Fear of casuall Impoysonment when the Wild Vine was shred into the Pot they came complaining in a fearfull manner Maister Mors in ollâ And I find mention of Poysons of Beasts and Serpents The Poyson of Aspes is under their Lips But I find no Example in the Book of God of Impoysonment I have sometime thought of the Words in the Psalm Let their Table be made a Snare Which certainly is most True of Impoysonment For
the Table the Daily Bread for which we pray is turned to a deadly Snare But I think rather that that was meant of the Treachery of Friends that were participant of the same Table But let us go on It is an Offence my Lords that hath the two Spurs of Offending Spes Perficiendi and Spes Celandi It is easily committed and easily concealed It is an Offence that is Tanquam Sagitta nocte volans It is the Arrow that flies by Night It discerns not whom it hits For many times the Poyson is laid for one and the other takes it As in Sanders Case where the Poysoned Apple was laid for the Mother and was taken up by the Child and killed the Child And so in that notorious case whereupon the Statute of 22º H. 8 Cap. 9º was made where the Intent being to poyson but one or two Poyson was put into a little Veâ—sell of Barm that stood in the Kitchin of the Bishop of Rochesters House Of which Barm Pottage or Gruell was made wherewith 17 of the Bishops Family were Poysoned Nay Divers of the Poor that came to the Bishops Gate and had the broken Pottage in Alms were likewise Poysoned And therefore if any Man will comfort himself or think with himself Here is great Talk of Impoysonment I hope I am safe For I have no Enemies Nor I have nothing that any Body should long for why that is all one For he may sit at Table by one for whom Poyson is prepared and have a Drench of his Cup or of his Pottage And so as the Poet saith Concidit infelix alieno vulnere He may die another Mans Death And therefore it was most gravely and judiciously and properly provided by that Statute That Impoysonment should be High Treason Because whatsoever Offence tendeth to the utter Subversion and Dissolution of Human Society is in the nature of High Treason Lastly it is an Offence that I may truly say of it Non est nostri Generis nec Sanguinis It is Thanks be to God rare in the Isle of Brittanny It is neither of our Country nor of our Church you may find it in Rome or Italy There is a Region or perhaps a Religion for it And if it should come amongst us certainly it were better living in a Wildernesse than in a Court. For the particular Fact upon Overburyâ— First for the Person of Sir Thomas Overbury I knew the Gentleman It is true his Mind was great but it moved not in any good Order yet certainly it did commonly fly at good Things And the greatest Fault that I ever heard by him was that he made his Friend his Idoll But I leave him as Sir Thomas Overbury But then take hiâ— as he was the Kings Prisoner in the Tower And then see how the Case stands In that place the State is as it were Respondent to make good the Body of a Prisoner And if any thing happen to him there it may though not in this Case yet in some others make an Aspersion and a Reflexion upon the State it self For the Person is utterly out of his own Defence His own Care and Providence can serve him nothing He is in Custody and Preservation of Law And we have a Maxime in our Law as my Lords the Iudges know that when a State is in preservation of Law nothing can destroy it or hurt it And God forbid but the like should be for the Persons of those that are in Custody of Law And therefore this was a Circumstance of great Aggravation Lastly to have a Man chaced to Death in such manner as it appears now by Matter of Record For other Privacy of the Cause I know not By Poyson after Poyson first Roseaker then Arsenick then Mercury Sublimate then Sublimate again It is a Thing would astonish Mans Nature to hear it The Poets faign that the Furies had whips and that they were corded with Poysonous Snakes And a Man would think that this were the very Case To have a Man tied to a Poast and to scourge him to Death with Snakes For so may truly be termed Diversity of â—oysons Now I will come unto that which is the Principall That is his Majesties Princely yea and as I may truly term it Sacred proceeding in this Cause Wherein I will first Speak of the Temper of his Iustice and then of the Strength thereof First it pleased my Lord Chief Iustice to let me know That which I heard with great Comfort Which was the Charge â—hat his Majesty gave to Himself first And afterwards to the Commissioners in this Case worthy certainly to be written in Letters of Gold wherein his Majesty did fore-rank and make it his prime Direction that it should be carried without touch to any that was innocent Nay more not onely without Impeachment but without Aspersion which was a most Noble and Princely Caution from his Majesty For Mens Reputations are tender Things And ought to be like Christs Coat without Seam And it was the more to be respected in this Case because it met with two great Persons A Noble Man that his Majesty had favoured and advanced And his Lady being of a Great and Honourable House Though I think it be true that the Writers say that there is no Pomgranate so fair or so sound but may have a perished Kernell Nay I see plainly that in those excelâ—lent Papers of his Majesties own Hand writing Being as so many Beams of Iustice issuing from that Vertue which doth shine in him I say I see it was so evenly carried without prejudiceâ— whither it were a true Accusation of the one part or a Practise of a false Accusation on the other As shewed plainly that his Majesties Judgement was tanquam Tabula Rasa as a clean pair of Tables And his Ear tanquam Ianua aperta As a Gate not side open but wide open to Truth as it should be by little and little discovered Nay I see plainly that at the first till further Light did break forth his Majesty was little moved with the First Tale which he vouchsafeth not so much as the Name of a Tale But calleth it a Rumour which is an Headless Tale. As for the Strength or Resolution of his Majesties Iustice I must tell your Lordships plainly I do not marvell to see Kings thunder out Iustice in Cases of Treason when they are touched Themselves And that they are Vindices Doloris Proprij But that a King should pro Amore Iustitiae onely Contrary to the Tide of his own Affection for the preservation of his People take such Careâ— of a Cause of Iustice That is rare and worthy to be celebrated far and nearâ— For I think I may truly affirm that there was never in this Kingdome nor in any other Kingdome the Bloud of a private Gentleman vindicated Cum tanto Moâ—u Regni or to say better Cum tanto Plausu Regni If it had concerned the King or Prince there could not have been Greater nor
Better Commissioners to examine it The Term â—ath been almost turned into a Iustitium or Vacancy The People themselves being more willing to be Lookers on in this Business then to follow their own There hath been no Care of Discovery omitted no Moment of Time lost And therefore I will conclude this Part with the Saying of Salomon Gloria Dei celare rem gloria Regis Scrutari rem And his Majesties Honour is much the greater for that he hath shewed to the World in this Businesse as it hath Relation to my Lord of Sommerset whose Case in no sort I do prejudge being ignorant of the Secrets of the Cause but taking him as the Law takes him hitherto for a Suspect I say the King hath to his great Honour shewed That were any Man in such a Case of Bloud as the Signet upon his Right Hand as the Scripture sayes yet would He put him off Now will I come to the particular Charge of these Gentlemen whose Qualities and Persons I respect and love For they are all my particular Friends But now I can only do this Duty of a Friend to them to make them know their Fault to the full And therefore first I will by way of Narrative declare to your Lordships the Fact with the occasion of it Then you shall have their Confessions read upon which you are to proceed Together with some Collaterall Testimonies by way of Aggravation And lastly I will note and observe to your Lordships the Materiall points which I do insist upon for their Charge And so leave them to their Answer And this I will doe very briefly for the Case is not perplexed That wretched Man Weston who was the Actor or Mechanicall Party in this Impoysonment at the first day being indicted by a very substantiall Iury of Selected Cittizens to the number of 19. who foâ—nd â—illa vera yet neverthelesse at the first stood mute But after some dayes Intermission it pleased God to cast out the Dumb Devill And that he did put himself upon his Tryall And was by a Jury also of great Value upon his Confession and other Testimonies found guilty So as 31. sufficient Iurours have passed upon him whereupon Judgement and Execution was awaâ—ded against him After this being in preparation for another World he sent for Sr. Thomas Overburies Father and falling down upon his knees with great Remorce and Compunction asked him forgivenesse Aftâ—rwards againe of his own Motion desired to have his like prayer of forgivenesseâ— recommended to his Mother who was abâ—ent And at boâ—h times out of the abundance of his Heart Confâ—ssâ—d that he was to die justly and that he was woâ—thy of Deâ—th And after again at his Execution which is a kind of sealing tâ—me of Confessions evâ—n at the point of Death Although there were Tempters about him as you shall hear by and by yet he did again confirm publickly that his Examinations weâ—e â—rue And that he had been justly and honourably dealt with Here is the Narrative which enduceth the Charge The Chaâ—ge it self is this M. L. Whose Offence stands alone single the Offence of the other two being in consort And yet all three meetingâ— in their End and Center which was to interrupt or deface this Excellent piece of Iustice M. L. I say mean while between Westons standing mute and his Tryall Takes upon him to mâ—ke a most False Odious and Libellous Relation Containing as many Untruths as Lines And sets it down in writing with his own Hand And deliveâ—s it to Mr. Henry Gibb of the Bed-chamber to be put into the Kings Hand In which writing he doth falsifie and pervert all that was done the first day at the Arraignment of Weston Turning the Pike and Point of his Imputations principally upon my Lord Chief Iustice of England Whose Name thus occurring I cannot pass by And yet I can not skill to flatter But this I will say of him and I would say as much to Ages if I should write a Story That never Mans Person and his place were better met in a Businesse then my Lord Cooke and my Lord Chief Iustice in the Cause of Overbury Now My Lords in this Offence of M. L For the particulars of these slanderous Articles I will observe them unto you when the Writings and Examinations are read For I do not love to set the Gloss before the Text. But in generalâ— I noâ—e to your Lordships First the Person of M. L. I know he is a Scottish Gentleman and thereby more ignorant of our Lawes and Formes But I cannot tell whither this doth extenuate his Fault in râ—spect of Ignorance Or aggravate it much in respect of Presumptiou That he would meddle in that that he understood not But I doubt it came not out of his Quiver Some other Mans Cunning wrought upon this Mans Boldnesse Secondly I may note unto you the Greatnesse of the Cause Wherein he being a private mean Gentleman did presume to deal M. L could not but know to what great and grave Commissioners the King had committed this Cause And that his Majesâ—y in his Wiâ—edom would expect return of all things from them to whose trust he had committed this Businesse For it is the part of Commissioners as well to report the Businesse as to mannage the Businâ—sse And then his Majesty mought have been sure to have had all thingâ— well weighed and truly informed And therefore it should have been far from M. L. to have presumed to have put fâ—rth his Hand to so high and tender a Businesse which was not to be touched but by Employed Hands Thirdly I note to your Lordships that this Infusion of a Slander into a Kings Ear is of all Formes of Libells and Slanders the worst It is true that Kingâ— may keep secret their Informations and then no Man ought to enquire after them while they are shrined in their Breast But where a King is pleased that a Man shall answer for his false Information There I say the false Information to a King â—xceeds in Offence the false Information of any other kind Being a kind since we are in matter of Poyson of Impoysonment of a Kings Ear. And thus much for the Offence of M. L. For the Offence of S. W. and H. I. which I said was in consort it was shortly this At the â—ime and Place of the Execution of Weston To â—upplant his Christian Resolution and to Scandalâ—zeâ—he â—he Iustice already past perhapâ— to cut off the thred of thâ—tâ— which is to come These Gentlemen with others came mounted on Horseback And in a Ruffling and Facing manner put themselves forward to re-examine Weston upon Questions And what Questions Directly crosse to that that had been tryed and judged For what was the point tried That Weston had poysoned Overbury What was S. W. Question Whether Weston did poyson Ovâ—rbury or no A Contradictory directly Weston answered only that he did him wrong And turning to the Sheriffe said You promised me I
should not be troubled at this time Neverthelesse He pressed him to answer saying He desired to know it that he mought pray with him I know not that S. W. is an Ecclesiastick that he should cut any Man from Communion of Prayer And yet for all this vexing of the Spirit of a poor Man now in the Gates of Death Weston neverthelesse stood constant and said I die not unworthily My Lord Chief Iustice hath my mind under my hand and he is an Honourable and just Iudge This is S. W. his Offence For H. I. he was not so much a Questionist but wrought upon the others Questions And like a kind of Confessor wished him to discharge his Conscience and to satisfie the World What World I marvaile It was sure the World at Tyburn For the World at Guild-Hall and the World at London was satisfied before Teste the Bells that rang But men have a got fashion now a dayes that two or three busie Bodies will take upon them the Name of the World And broach their own Conceits as if it were a general Opinion Well what more When they could not work upon Weston then H.I. in an Indignation turned abont his Horse when the other was turning over the Ladder And said he was sorry of such a Conclusion That was to have the State honoured or justified But others took and reported his words in another degree But that I leave seeeing it is not Confessed H. I. his Offence had another Appendix before this in time which was that at the day of the Verdict given up by the Iury He also would needs give his Verdict Saying openly that if he were of the Iury he would doubt what to do Marry he saith he cannot tell well whether he spake this before the Jury had given up the Verdict or after Wherein there is little gained For whether H. I. were a Pre-Jurour or a Post-Jurour The one was as to prejudge the Iury the other as to taint them Of the Offence of these two Gentlemen in generall your Lordships must give me leave to say that it is an Offence greater and more dangerous then is conceived I know well that as we have no Spanish Inquisitions nor Iustice in a Corner So we have no Gagging of Mens Mouths at their Death But that they may speak freely at the last Hour But then it must come from the free Motion of the Party not by Temptation of Questions The Questions that are to be asked ought to tend to furâ—her Revealing of their own or others Guiltiness But to use a Question in the Nature of a false Interrogatory to falsifie that which is Res Iudicata is intollerable For that were to erect a Court or Commission of Review at Tyburn against the Kings Bench at Westminster And besides it is a Thing vain and idle For if they anâ—swer according to the Iudgement past it adds no Credit Nor if it be contrary it derogateth nothing But yet it subjecteth the Majesty of Iustice to popular and vulgar Talk and opinion My Lords these are great and dangerous Offences For if we do not maintain Iustice Iustice will not maintain us But now your Lordships shall hear the Examinations themselves upon which I shall have occasion to note some particular Things c. The Effect of that which was spoken by the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England at the taking of his place in Chancery In performance of the Charge his Majesty had given him when he received the Seal 1617. BEfore I enter into the Business of the Court I shall take advantage of so many Honourable witnesses to publish and make known summarily what charge the Kings most excellent Majesty gave me when I received the Seal And what Orders and Resolutions my Self have taken in Conformity to that charge That the King may have the Honour of Direction And I the part of Obedience Whereby Your Lordships and the Rest of the Presence shall see the whole Time of my sitting in the Chanceryâ— which may be longer or shorter as please God and the King contrâ—cted into one Houre And this I do for three Causes First to give Account to the King of his Commandement Secondly that I may be a Guard and Custody to my self and mine own Doings That I do not swerve or recede from any Thing that I have professed in so Noble Company And thirdly that all men that have to do with the Chancery or the Seal may know what they shall expect And both set their Hearts and my Ears at rest Not moving me to any Thing against these Rules Knowing that my Answer is now turned from a Nolumus into a Non possumus It is no more I will not But I cannot After this Declaration And this I do also under three Cautions The first is that there be some Things of a more Secret and Counsell like Nature which are rather to be Acted then Published But these Things which I shall speak of to day are of a more publick Nature The second is that I will not trouble this Presence with every Particular which would be too long But select those Things which are of greatest efficacy and conduce most ad summas Rerum Leaving maâ—y other Particulars to be set down in a Publick Table According to the good Example of my last Predecessour in his Beginning And lastly that these Imperatives which I have made but to my Self and my Times be without prejudice to the Authority of the Court or Wiser Men that may succeed me And chiefly that they are wholy submitted unto the great Wisdom of my Soveraignâ— The absolutest Prinâ—e in Iudicature that hath been in the Christian World For if any of these Things which I intend to be Subordinate to his Directions shall be thought by his Majesty to be Inordinate I shall be most ready to reform them These things are but tanquam Albâ—m Praetoris For so did the Roman Praetors which have the greatest Affinity with the Iurisdiction of the Chancellor here who used to set down at their Entrance how they would use their Iurisdiction And this I shall do my Lords in verbis Masculis No flourishing or Painted Words but such as are fit to go before Deeds The Kings Charge which is my Lanthorn rested upon four Heads THe first was that I should contain the Iurisdiction of the Court within his true and due Limits without Swelling or Excesse The second that I should think the putting of the Great Seal to Letters Patents was not a Matter of Course after precedent Warrants But that I should take it to be the Maturity and Fulness of the Kings Intentions And therefore that it was one of the greatest Parts of my Trust if I saw any Scruple or Cause of stay that I should acquaint him Concluding with a Quod dubites ne feceris The third was that I should retrench all unnecessary delayes That the Subject mought find that he did enjoy that same Remedy against the Fainting of the
Seal and against the Consumption of the Means and estate which was speedy Iustice. Bis dat qui citò dat The fourth was that Iustice might passe with as easie charge as mought be And that those same Brambles that grow about Iustice of needlesse Charge and Expence And all manner of Exactions mought be rooted out so far as mought be These Commandements my Lords are Righteous And as I may term them Sacred And therefore to use a Sacred Form I pray God blesse the King for his great care over the Iustice of the Land And give me his poor Servant Grace and Power to observe his Precepts Now for a Beginning towards it I have set down and applied particular Orders to every one of these four Generall Heads For the Excesse or Tumour of this Court of Chancery I shall divide it into five Natures The first is when the Court doth embrace or retain Causes both in Matter and Circumstance meerly Determinable and Fit for the Common Law For my Lords the Chancery is ordained to supply the Law and not to subvert the Law Now to describe unto you or delineate what those Causes are and upon what differences that are fit for the Court were too long a Lecture But I will tell you what Remedy I have prepared I will keep the Keyes of the Court my self and I will never refer any Demurrer or Plea tending to discharge or dismisse the Court of the Cause to any Mr. of the Chancery But judge oâ— itâ— my self or at least the Mr. of the Rowles Nay further I will appoint regularly that on the Tuesday in every week which is the Day of Orders first to hear all Motions of that Nature before any other That the Subject may have his Vale at first without further attending And that the Court do not keep and accumulate a Miscellany and Confusion of Causes of all Natures The sâ—cond Point concerneth the time of the Complaint And the late Commers into the Chancery which stay till a Iudgement be passed against them at the Common Law and then complain Wherein your Lorships may have heard a great Ratâ—le and a Noyse of a Premunire and I cannot tell what But that Question the King hath setled according to the ancient presidentâ— in all times continued And this I will say that the Opinion not to relieve any Case afâ—er Iudgement would be a guilty Opinion Guilty of the Ruine and Naufrage and perishing of infinite Subjects And as the King found it well out why should a Man fly into the Chancery before he be Hurt The whole need not the Physician but the sick But My Lords the Power would be preserved but then the Practise would be moderate My Rule shall be therefore that in Case of Complaints after Iudgement except the Iudgements be upon Nihil dicit which are but Disguises of â—udgement Obtained in Contempt of a preceding Order of this Court yea and after Verdicts also I will have the Party Complainant enter into good Boâ—d to prove his Suggestion So that if he will be relieved against a Iudgement at Common Law upon Matter of Equity He shall do it Tanquam in Vinculis at his Perill The Third Point of Excesse may be the over Frequent and Facile Granting of Injunctions for the staying of the Common Lawes Or the Altering Possessions wherein these shall be my Rules I will grant no Injunction mereely upon Priority of suit That is to say Because this Court was first possessed A Thing that was well reformed in the late Lord Chancellers time but used in Chanceller Broomeleyes time Insomuch as I remember that Mr. Dalton the Councellor at Law put a Pasquill upon the Coâ—rt in Nature of a Bill For seeing it was no more but My Lord the Bill came in on Munday and the Arrest at Common Law was on Tuesday I pray the Injunction upon Priority of Suite He caused his Clâ—ent that had a Loose Debteâ— to put a Bill into the Chancery bâ—forâ— the Bond due to him was forfeited to desire an Order that he might have his Money at the Day Because he would be sure to be before the other I do not mean to make it a Matter of an Horse-Race or Poasting who shall be first in Chancery or in Courts of Law Neither will I grant an Injunction upon Matâ—er conâ—ained in the Bill only be it never so smooth and Specious But upon Matter confessed in the Defendants Answer Or Matter pregnant in Writing or of Record Or upon Contempt of the Defendant in not Appearing or not Answering or Trifling with the Court by insufficient Answering For then it may be thought the Defendant stands out upon purpose to get the start at the Common Law And so take Advantage of his own Contempt which may not be suffered As for Injunctions for possession I shall maintaine possessions as they were at the time of the Bill exhibited And for the space of a year before Except the possession were gotten by Force or by any Trick Neither will I alter Possession upon Interlocutory Orders untill a Decree Except upon Matter plainly confessed in the Defendants Answer joyned with a plain Disability and Insolvency of the Defendants to answer the Profits As for taking the Possession away in respect of Contempts I will have all the proceedings of the Court spent first and a Sequestration of the Profits before I come to an Injunction The Fourth Part of Excesse is concerning the Communicating of the Authority of the Chanceller too far And making upâ—n the matter too many Chancellors by relying too much upon Reports of the Masters of the Chancery as concludent I know my Lords the Masters of the Chancery are Reverend Men And the great Mass of Businesse of the Court cannot be sped without them And it is a Thing the Chanceller may soon fall into for his own Ease to rely too much upon them But the Course that I will take generally shall be this That I will make no Binding Order upon any report of the Masters without giving a seven nights day at the least to shew cause against the Report which nevertheless I will have done modestly with due reverence towards them And again I must utterly discontinue the Making of an Hypotheticall or Conditionall Order That if a Master of the Chancery do certifie thus that then it is Ordered without further Motion For that is a Surprise and gives no time for Contradiction The last Point of Excesse is If a Chanceller shall be so much of himself as he should neglect Assistance of Reverend Iudges in Cases of Difficulty especially if they touch upon Law or Calling them shall do it but Pro formâ tantùm and give no due respect to their Opinions Wherein my Lords preserving the Dignity and Majesty of the Court which I count rather increased then diminished by grave and due Assistance I shall never be found so Soveraign or abundant in mine own sense but I shall both desire and make true use of
makes 60 80 100. Ordâ—rs in a Cause too and fro begetting one another and like Penelopes Web doing and undoing But I mean not to purchase the Praise of Expeditive in that kind But as one that have a Feeling of my Duty and of the Case of others my Endeavour shall be to hear patiently And to cast my Order into such a mould as may soonest bring the Subject to the End of his Iourney As for such Delayes as may concern Oâ—hers the great Abuse is that if the Plaintiffe have got an Injunction to stay sutes at Common Law then he will Spin on his Cause at length But by the grace of God I will make Injunctions an hard Pillow to sleep on For if I find that he prosecutes not with effect he may hap when he is awake find not onely his Injunction dissolved but his Cause dismissed There be other particular Orders I mean to take for Non Prosecution or faint Prosecution wherewith I will not trouble you now Because Summa sequar Fastigia Rerum And so much for Mattâ—r of Expedition Now for the fouth and last Point of the Kingâ— Commandement For the cutting off of unnecessary charge of the Subject A great part of it is fulfilled in the precedent Article touching Expedition For it is the Length of Suits that doth multiply Charge chiefly But yet there are some other Remedies that conduce thereunto First therefore I shall maintain strictly and with Severity the Former Orders which I find made by my Lord Chanceller for the immoderate and needles prolixity and length of Bills and Answers and so forth As well in punishing the party as fining the Counsell whose hand I shall find at such Bills Answers c. Secondly for all the Examinations taken in the Court I do give charge unto the Examiners upon perill of their places that they do not use idle Repetitions or needless Circumstances in setting down the Depositions taken by them And I would I could help it likewise in Commissions in the Countrey But that is almost unpossible Thirdly I shall take a diligent Survey of the Ceppies in Chancery That they have their just number of Lines and without open or wastfull writing Fourthly I shall be carefull that there be no Exaction of any new Fees but according as they have been heretofore set and Tabled As for Lawyers Fees I must leave to the Conscience and Merit of the Lawyer And the Estimation and Gratitude of the Client But yet this I can do I know there have used to attend this Barr a Number of Lawyers that have not been heard sometimes scarce once or twice in a Term And that makes the Client seek to Great Counsell and Favourites as they call them A Term fitter for Kings then Iudges And that for every Order that a mean Lawyer mought dispatch and as well Therefore to help the Generality of Lawyâ—rs And therein to ease the Client I will constantly observe that every Tuesday and other Dayes of Orders after nine a Clock strucken I will hear the Bar untill 11 or half an Hour after 10 at the least And since we are upon the point whom I will hear your Lordships will give me leave to tell you a Fancy It falls out that there be three of us the Kings servants in great place that are Lawyers by Descent Mr. Atturney Son of a Iudge Mr. Solliciter likewise Son of a Iudge And my self a Chancellers Son Now because the Law roots so well in my time I will water it at the Root thus far As besides these great Ones I will hear any Iudges Sonn before a Sergeant And any Sergeants Sonn before a Reader Lastly for the better Ease of the Subjects And the Brideling of contentious Sutes I shall give better that is greater Costs where the Suggestions are not proved then hath been hitherto used There be divers other Orders for the better Reiglement of this Court And for Granting of Writs And for Granting of Benefices And other Things which I shall set down in a Table But I will deal with no oâ—her to day but such as have a proper Relation to his Majâ—sties Commandement It being my Comfort that I serve such a Master that I shall need to be but a Conduit for the conveying onely of his Goodness to his People And it is true that I do affect and aspire to make good that Saying That Optimuâ— Magistratus praestat optimae Legi which is true in his Majesty But for my self I doubt I shall not attain it But yet I have a Domesticall Example to follow My Lords I have no more to say but now I will go on to the Businesse of the Court. The Speech which was used by the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal in the Star-Chamber before the Summer Circuits the King being then in Scotland 1617. THe King by his perfect Declaration published in this place concerning Iudges and Iustices Hath made the Speech of his Chanceller accustomed before the Circuits rather of Ceremony than of use For as in his Book to his Son he hath set forth a true Character and Platform of a King So in this his Speech he hath done the like of a Iudge and Iustice Which sheweth that as his Majesty is excellently able to Govern in chief So he is likewise well seen and skilfull in the inferiour Offices and Stages of Justice and Government which is a Thing very rare in Kings Yet neverthelesse somewhat must be said to fulfill an old Observance But yet upon the Kings Grounds and very briefly For as Salomon saith in another Case In these things who is he that can come after the King First you that are the Iudges of Circuits are as it were the Planets of the Kingdome I do you no Dishonor in giving you that name And no doubt you have a great stroak in the Frame of this Government As the other have in the great Frame of the World Do therefore as they do Move alwayes and be carried with the Motion of your first Mover which is your Soveraign A popular Iudge is a Deformed Thing And Plaudite's are fitter for Players then for Magistrates Do good to the people Love them and give them Justice But let it be as the Psalm saith Nihil inde Expectantes Looking for nothing neither Praise nor Profit Yet my Meaning is not when I wish you to take heed of Popularity that you should be imperious and Strange to the Gentlemen of the Countrey You are above them in Power but your Rank is not much unequall And learn this That Power is ever of greatesâ— strength when it is civilly carried Secondly you must remember that besides your ordinary Administration of Iustice you do carry the two Glasses or Mirrours of the State For it is your Duty in these your Visitations To represent to the people the Graces and Care of the King And again upon your Return To present to the King the Distastes and Griefs of the People Mark what the King sayes in
his Book Procure reverence to the King and the Law Inform my people truly of me which we know is hard to do according to the Excellency of his Merit but yet Endeavour it How zealous I am for Religion How I desire Law may be maintained and flourish That every Court should have his Iurisdiction That every Subject should submit himselâ— to the Law And of this you have had of lâ—te no small Occasion of Notice and Remembrance by the great and strait Charge that the King haâ—h given me as Keeper of his Seal for the Governing of the Chancery without Tumour or Excesse Again è re natae you at this present ought to make the People know and consider â—he Kings Blâ—ssed Care and Pâ—ovidence in goveâ—ning this Realm in his Absence So thâ—t sitting at the Helm of another Kingdom Nâ—t without gâ—eat Affairs and Business yet he governs all things here by his Letters and Directions as punctually and perfectly as if he were present I assure you my Lords of the Counsell and I do much admire the Extention and Latitude of his Care in all Things In the High Commission he did conceive a Sinnâ—w of Government was a little shrunk He recommended the care of it He hath called for the Accounts of the last Circuit from the Judges to be transmitted unto him into Scotland Touching the Infestation of Pyrates he hath been carefull and is and hath put things in way All things that concern the Reformation or the Plantation of Ireland He hath given in them punctuall and resolute Diâ—ections All this in Absence I give but a few Instances of a publique Nature The Secrets of Counsell I may not enter into Though his Dispatches into France Spain and the Low-Countries now in his absence are also Notorious as to the outward sending So that I must conclude that his Majesty wants but more Kingdomes For I see he could suffice to all As for the other Glasse I told you of Of representing to the King the Griefs of his People without doubt it is properly your Part For the King ought to be informed of any thing amisse in the state of his Countries from the Observations and Relations of the Iudges That indeed know the Pulse of the Country Rather then from Discourse But for this Glasse thanks be to God I do hear from you all That there was never greater Peace Obedience and Contentment in the Country Though the best Governments be alwayes like the fairest Crystals wherin every little Isicle or Grain is seen which in a Fouler Stone is never perceived Now to some Particulars and not Many Of all other things I must begin as the King begins That is with the Cause of Religion And especially the Hollow Church Papist Saint Aug. hath a good Comparison of such Men affirming That â—hey are like the Roots of Nettles which themselves sting not but yet â—hey bear all the Stinging Leaves Let me know of such Roots and I will root them out of the Country Next for the Matter of Religion In the principall place I recommend both to you and the Iustices the Countenancing of Godly and Zealous Preachers I mean not Sectaries or Novellists But those which are sound and conform But yet pious and Reverend For there will be a perpetuall Defection except you keep Men in by Preaching as well as Law doth by punishing And commonly Spirituall Diseases are not Cured but by Spirituall Remedies Next let me commend unto you the Repressing as much as may be of Faction in the Countrys of which ensue infinite Inconveniences and perturbations of all good Order And Crossing of all good Service in Court or Country or wheresoever Cicero when he was Consul had devised a fine Remedy A Milde one but an effectuall and an apt one For he saith Eos qui otium perturbant reddam otiosos Those that trouble others Quiet I will give them Quiet They shall have nothing to do Nor no Authority shall be put into their Hands If I may know from you of any who are in the Country that are Heads or Hands of Faction Or Men of turbulent Spirits I shall give them Cicero's Reward as much as in me is To conclude study the Kings Book And study your selves how you profit by it And all shall be well And you the Iustices of Peace in particular Let me say this to you Never King of this Realm did you so much Honour as the King hath done you in his Speeeh By being your immediâ—te Directors And by sorting you and your seâ—vice with the Service of Ambassadours and of his nearest Attendants Nay more it seems his Majesty is willing to do the state of Iustice of Peace Honour actively also By bringing in with time the like Form of Commission into the Government of Scotland As that Glorious King Edward the third did plant this Commission here in this Kingdome And therefore you are not fit to be Coppies except you be Fair Written without Blots or Blurs or any thing unworthy your Authority And so I will trouble you no longer for this time The Speech used by Sir Francis Bacon Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England to Sir William Jones upon his calling to be Lord Chief Justice of Ireland 1617. Sir WILLIAM IONES THe Kings most Excellent Majesty being duly informed of your sufficiency every way Hath called you by his Writ now returned to the State and Degree of a Serjeant at Law But not to stay there but being so qualified to serve him as his Chief Iustice of his Kings Bench in his Realm of Ireland And therefore that which I shall say to you must be applied not to your Sâ—rjeants place which you take but in passage But to that great place where you are to settle And because I will not spend Time to the Delay of the Businesse of Causes of the Court I will lead you the short Iourney by Examples and not the Long by Precepts The Place that you shall now serve in hath been fortunate to be well served in four successions before you Do but take unto you the Constancy and integrity of Sir Robert Gardiner The Gravity Temper and Direction of Sir Iames Lea The Quicknesâ—e Industry and Dispatch of Sir Humphry Winch The Care and Affection to the Common-wealth and the Prudent and Politick Administration of Sir Iohn Denham And you shall need no other Lessons They were all Lincolns Inn Men as you are You have known them as well in their Beginnings as in their Advancement But because you are to be there not only Chief Iustice but a Counseller of Estate I will put you in mind of the great Work now in hand that you may raise your thoughtes according unto it Ireland is the last Ex Filiis Europae which hath been reclaimed from Desolation and a Desert in many parts to Population and Plantation And from Savage and Barbarous Customes to Humanity and Civility This is the Kings Work in chief It is his Garland of Heroicall Vertue
either in our Law or other Lawes that satisfieth me The naked Rule or Maxime doth not the Effect It must be made usefull by good Differences Ampliations and Limitations warranted by good Authorities And this not by Raising up of Quotations and References but by Discourse and Deducement in a Iust Tractate In this I have travelled my â—elf at the first more cursorily since with more Diligence And will go on with it if God and your Majesty will give me leave And I do assure your Majesty I am in good hope that when Sir Edward Cookes Reports and my Rules and Decisions shall come to Posterity there will be whatsoever is now thought Question who was the greater Lawyer For the Bookes of the Termes of the Law There is a poore oneâ— But I wish a Diligent one wherein should be comprised not onely the Exposition of the Termes of Law but of the Words of all auncient Records and Presidents For the Abridgements I could wish if it were possible that none mought use them but such as had read the Course First that they mought serve for Repertories to Learned Lawyers and not to make a Lawyer in hast But since that cannot be I wish there were a good Abridgement composed of the Two that are exstant and in better order So much for the Common Law Statute Law FOR the Reforming and Recompiling of the Statute Law It consisteth of Foure parts 1. The First to discharge the Bookes of those Statutes where as the Case by Alteration of time is vanished As Lombardâ— Iewes Gauls halfe Pence c. Those may neverthelesse remaine in the Libraries for Antiquities but no Reprinting of them The like of Statutes long since expired and clearly repealed For if the Repeale be doubtfull it must be so propounded to the Parliament 2. The next is to repeale all Statutes which are Sleeping and not of use but yet snaring and in Force In some of those it will perhaps be requisite to substitute some more Reasonable Law instead of them agreeable to the time In others a simple Repeale may suffice 3. The Third that the Grievousnesse of the Penalty in many Statutes be mitigated though the Ordinance stand 4. The last is the Reducing of Concurrent Statutes heaped one upon another to one clear and uniform Law Towards thiâ— there hath been already upon my motion and your Majesties Direction a great deal of good paines taken My Lord Hoâ—ert My Self Sergant Finch Mr. Hennage Finch Mr. Noye Mr. Hackwell and others Whose Labours being of a great bulk it is not fit now to trouble your Majesty with any further particularity therein Onely by this you may perceive the Worke is already advanced But because this part of the Worke which concerneth the Statute Lawes must of necessity come to Parliament And the Houses will best like that which themselves guide And the Persons that themselves imploy The way were to Imitate the president of the Commissioners for the Canon Lawes in 27. Hen. 8. and 4. Edw. 6. And the Commissioners for the Vnion of the two Realmes Primo of your Majesty And so to have the Commissioners named by both Houses but not with a precedent power to Conclude But only to prepare and propound to Paâ—liament This is the best way I conceive to accomplish this Excellent Worke of Honour to your Majesties Times and of Good to all Times Which I submit to your Majesties better Judgement A FRAGMENT OF AN ESSAY OF FAME THe Poets make Fame a Monster They describe her in Part finely and elegantly and in part gravely and sententiously They say look how many Feathers she hath so many Eyes she hath underneath So many Tongues So many Voyces She pricks up so many Ears This is a flourish There follow excellent Parables As that she gathereth strength in going That she goeth upon the ground and yet hideth her head in the Clouds That in the day time she sitteth in a Watch Tower and flyeth most by night That she mingleth Things done with things not done And that she is a Terrour to great Citties But that which passeth all the rest is They do recount that the Earth Mother of the Gyants that made War against Iupiter and were by him destroyed thereupon in an anger brought forth Fame For certain it is That Rebels figured by the Gyants and Seditious Fames and Libels are but Brothers and Sisters Masculine and Feminine But now if a Man can tame this Monster and bring her to feed at the hand and govern her and with her fly other ravening Fowle and kill themâ— it is somewhat worth But we are infected with the stile of the Poets To speak now in a sad and serious manner There is not in all the Politiques a Place lesse handled and more worthy to be handled then this of Fame We will therefore speak of these points What are false Fames And what are true Fames And how they may be best discerned How Fames may be sown and raised How they may be spread and multiplyed And how they may be checked and layed dead And other Things concâ—rning the Nature of â—ame Fame is of that force as there is scarcely any great Action wherein it hath not a great part Especiâ—lly in the War Mucianus undid Vitellius by a Fame that he scattered That Vitellius had in purpose to remove the Legions of Syria into Germany And the Legions of Germany into Syria whereupon the Legions of Syria were infinitely inflamed Iulius Câ—sar took â—ompey unprovided and layed asleep his industry and preparations by a Fame that he cunningly gave out How Caesars own Souldiers loved him not And being wearied with the Waâ—s and Laden with the spoyles of Gaul would forsake him as soon as he came into Italy Livia setled all thingsâ— for the Succession of her Son Tiberius by continuall giving out that her husband Augustus was upon Recovery and amendmeâ—t And it is an usuall thing with the Basshawes to conceale the Deaâ—h of the great Turk from the Iannizaries and men of War to save the Sacking of Constantinople and other Towns as their Manner iâ— Themistocles made Zerxes King of Persia poasr a pace out of â—râ—cia by giving out that the Graecians had a purpose to break his Bridge of Ships which he had made athwart Hellespont There be a thousand such like Examples And the more they are the lesse they need to be repeated Because a Man meeteth with them every where Therefore let all Wise Governers have as great a watch and care over Fames as they have of the Actions and Designes themselves The rest was not Finished Faults Escaped in the Printing PAg. 16. linea 4. â—or Gulcis lege Dulcis Pag. 3â— lin 34. mâ—st lege most p. 37. l. 30â— fit l. fiat p 54. l. 18. vel l. Duel p. 55. l. ult Thnnaus l. Thuanus p. 118. l. 10. deen l. been Eadem l. 23. Ordinary l. more then Ordinary p. 132. l 34. peasure l. pleasure p. 137. l. 38. ferraine l. forraine
potentia reducatur in Actum I know well that for me to beat my Brains about these things they be Majora quam pro Fortuna But yet they be Minora quam pro Studio as Voluntate For as I doe yet bear an extreme Zeal to the Memory of my old Mistris Queen Elizabeth To whom I was rather bound for her Trust than her Favour So I must acknowledge my Self more bound to your Majesty both for Trust and Favour whereof I will never deceive the one as I can never deserve the other And so in all humbleness kissing your Majesties sacred hands I remain A Letter to the Lord Chancellor touching the History of Britaine It may please your good Lordship SOme late Act of his Majesty referred to some former Speech which I have heard from your Lordship bred in me a great Desire And the strength of Desire a Boldness to make an humble Proposition to your Lordship Such as in me can be no better than a Wish But if your Lordship should apprehend it it may take some good and worthy Effect The Act I speak of is the Order given by his Majesty for the Erection of a Tomb or Monument for our late Soveraign Queen Elizabeth Wherein I may note much but onely this at this time that as her Majesty did alwayes right to his Majesties Hopes So his Highness doth in all things Right to her Memory A very just and Princely Reâ—tribution But from this Occasion by a very easie Ascent I passed further being put in minde by this Representative of her Person of the more true and more vive Representation which is of â—er Life and Government For as Statues and Pictures are dumb Histories so Histories are speaking Pictures wherein if my Affection be not too great or my Reading too small I am of this Opinion That if Plutarch were alive to write Lives by Parallels it would trouble him for Vertue and Fortune both to finde for her a Parallel amongst Women And though she was of the Passive Sexe yet her Government was so Active as in my simple Opinion it made more Impression upon the several States of Europe than it received from thence But I confess unto your Lordship I could not stay there but went a little further into the Consideration of the Times which have passed since King Henry the 8th wherein I find the strangest Variety that in so little Number of Successions of any Hereditary Monarchy hath ever been known The Reign of a Child The offer of an Vsurpation though it were but as a Diary Ague The Reign of a Lady married to a Foreiner And the Reign of a Lady Solitary and Unmarried So that as it commeth to pass in Massive Bodies That they have certain Trepidations and Waverings before they fix and settle So it seemeth that by the Providence of God this Monarchy before it was to settle in his Majesty and his Generations In which I hope it is now established for ever Hath had these Prelusive changes in these Barren Princes Neither could I contain my Self here As it is easier to multiply than to stay a Wish But calling to Remembrance the Unworthiness of the History of England in the main continuance thereof And the Partiality and Obliquity of that of Scotland in the latest and largest Offer that I have seen I conceived it would be Honour for his Majesty and a work very memorable if this Island of Great Britain as it is now joyned in Monarchy for the Ages to come so it were joyned in History for the Times past And that one Just and compleat History were compiled of both Nations And if any Man think it may refresh the Memory of former Discords he may satisfy himself with the Verse Olim haec meminisse juvabit For the Case being now altered it is Matter of Comfort and Gratulation to remember former Troubles Thus much if it may please your Lordship is in the Optative Mood It is time that I did Look a litle into the Potential wherein the Hope which I conceived was grounded upon 3. Observations The First the Nature of these Times which flourish in Learning both of Art and Language which giveth Hope not onely that it may be done but that it may be well done Secondly I doe see that which all the World see 's in his Majesty both a wonderfull Judgement in Learning and a singular Affection towards Learning And works which are of the Mind and not of the Hand For there cannot be the like Honour sought in building of Galleries and Planting of Elmes along high-wayes and the outward Ornaments wherein France now is busie Things rather of Magnificence than of Magnanimity As there is in the Vniting of States Pacifying of Controversies Nourishing and Augmenting of Learning and Arts and the particular Actions appertaining unto these Of which kind Cicero judged truly when he said to Caesar Quantum Operibus tuis detrahet Vetustas tantum addet laudibus And lastly I call to minde that your Lordship at some times had been pleased to express unto me a great desire that something of this Nature should be performed Answerable indeed to your other noble and worthy Courses and Actions Joyning and adding unto the great Services towards his Majesty which have in small Compass of Time been put upon your Lordship other great Deservings both of the Church and Commonwealth and Particulars So as the Opinion of so great and wise a Man doth seem to me a good Warrant both of the Possibility and Worth of this Matter But all this while I assure my Self I cannot be mistaken by your Lordship as if I sought an Oâ—fice or Employment for my Self For no Man knowes better than your Lordship that if there were in me any Faculty thereunto yet neither my Course of Life nor Profession would permit it But because there be so many good Painters both for Hand and Colours it needeth but Encouragement and Instructions to give Life unto it So in all Humbleness I conclude my presenting unto your Lordship of this Wish which if it perish it is but a loss of that which is not And so craving pardon that I have taken so much time from your Lordship I remain A Letter to the King upon the sending unto him a Beginning of an History of his Majesties Times It may please your Majesty HEaring that you are at leisure to peruse Stories a desire took me to make an Experiment what I could doe in your Majesties times which being but a Leaf or two I pray your pardon if I send it for your Recreation Considering that Love must creep where it cannot goe But to this I add these Petitions First that if your Majesty doe dislike any thing you would conceive I can amend it upon your least beck Next that if I have not spoken of your Majesty Encomiastically your Majesty would be pleased only to ascribe it to the Law of an History which doth not cluttâ—r together praises upon the first mention of a Name
but rather disperseth and weaveth them through the whole Narrative And as for the Proper place of Commemoration which is in the Period of Life I pray God I may never live to write it Tâ—irdly that the reason why I presumed to think of this Oblation was because whatsoever my Disability be yet I shall have that Advantage which almost no Writer of History hath had In that I shall write of Times not onely since I could Remember but since I could observe And lastly that it is onely for your Majesties Reading A Letter to the Earl of Salisbury upon sending of him one of his Books of Advancement of Learning IT may please your good Lordship I present your Lordship with a Work of my vacant time which if it had been more the Work had been better It appertaineth to your Lordship besides my particular respects in some Propriety In regard you are a great Governer in a Province of Learning And that which is more you have added to your Place Affection towards Learning And to your Affection Judgement Of which the last I could be content were for the time less that you might the less exquisitely Censure that which I offer unto you But sure I am the Argument is good if it had lighted upon a good Author But I shall content my self to awake better Spirits Like a Bell-ringer which is first up to call others to Church So with my humble Desire of your Lordships good Acceptation I remain A Letter to the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst upon the like Argument MAy it please your good Lordship I have finish'd a Work touching the Advancement or Setting forward of Learning which I have dedicated to his Majesty the most learned of a Soveraign or Temporal Prince that Time hath known And upon reaâ—on not unlike I humbly present one of the Books to your Lordship Not onely as a Chanceller of an Vniversity but as one that was excellently bred in all Learning which I have ever noted to shine in all your Speeches and Behaviours And therefore your Lordship will yield a gracious Aspect to your first Love And take pleasure in the Adorning of that wherewith your self are so much adorned And so humbly desiring your favourable Acceptation therof with Signification of humble Duty I remain A Letter of the like Argument to the LORD CHANCELLER MAy it please your good Lordship I humbly present your Lordship with a Work wherein as you have much Commandement over the Authour So your Lordship hath also great Interest in thâ— Argument For to speak without Flattery few have like use of Learning or like Judgement in Learning as I have observed in your Lordship And again your Lordship hath been a great Planter of Learning Not onely in those places in the Church which have been in your own Gift But also in your Commendatory Vote no man hath more constantly held Detur Digniori And therefore both your Lordship is beholding to Learning and Learning beholding to you Which maketh me presume with good Assurance that your Lordship will accept well of these my Labours The rather because your Lordship in private Speech hath often begun to me in expressing your Admiration of his Majesties learning to whom I have dedicated this Workâ— And whose Vertue and Perfection in that kinde did chiefly move me to a Work of this Nature And so with Signification of my most humble Duty and Affection to your Lordship I remain A Letter of like Argument to the Earl of Northampton with request to Present the Book to his Majesty It may please your good Lordship HAving finished a Work touching the Advancement of Learning and dedicated the same to his Sacred Majesty whom I dare avouch if the Records of Time err not to be the learnedest King that hath reigned I was desirous in a kinde of Congruity to present it by the learnedest Counsellor in this Kingdom To the end that so good an Argument lighting upon so bad an Author might receive some Reputation by the Hands into which and by which it should be delivered And therefore I make it my humble Sâ—tâ— to your Lordship to present this mean but well meant Writing to his Majesty and with it my humble and zealous Duty And also my like humble request of Pardon if I have too often taken his name in Vain Not onely in the Dedication but in the Voucher of the Authority of his Speeches and Writings And so I remain A Letter of Request to Dr. Playfer to Translate the Book of Advancement of Learning into Latine Mr. Dr. Playfer A Great Desire will take a small Occasion to hope and put in Trial that which is desired It pleased you a good while since to express unto me the good Liking which you conceived of my Book of the Advancement of Learning and that more Significantly as it seem'd to me than out of Curtesie or Civil Respect My Self as I then took Contentment in your Approbation thereof So I should esteem and acknowledge not onely my Contentment encreased but my Labours aduanced if I might obtain your help in that nature which I desire Wherein before I set down in plain Terms my request unto you I will open my Self what it was which I chiefly sought and propounded to my Self in that Work That you may perceive that which I now desire to be pursuant thereupon If I doe not much erre For any Judgement that a Man maketh of his own Doings had need be spoken with a Si nunquam fallit Imago I have this Opinion that if I had sought mine own Commendation it had been a much fitter Course â—or me to have done as Gardeners used to doe by taking their Seed and Slipps and rearing them first into Plants and so uttering them in Pots whâ—n they are in Flower and in their best State But for as much as my End was Merit of the State of Learning to my Power and not Glory And because my purpose was rather to Excite other Mens Wits than to magnify mine own I was desirous to prevent the uncertainness of mine own Life Times by uttering rather Seeds than Plants Nay and further as the Proverb is by sowing with the Basket rather than with the Hand Wherefore since I have only taken upon me to ring a Bell to call other wits together which is the meanest Office it cannot but be consonant to my Desire to have that Bell heard as farr as can be And since they are but Sparks which can work but upon Matter prepared I have the more reason to wish that those Sparks may fly abroad That they may the better find and light upon those Minds and Spirits which are apt to be kindled And therefore the Privateness of the Language considered wherein it is written excluding so many Readers As on the other side the Obscurity of the Argument in many parts of it excludeth many others I must accompt it a Second Birth of that Work if it might be translated into Latine without manifest
Solliciter should be made your Majesties Serjeant and I Solliciter For so it was thought best to sort with both our Gifts and Faculties for the good of your Service And of this Resolution both Court and Country took knowledge Neither was this any Invention on Project of mine own but moved from my Lords I think first from my Lord Chanceller whereupon resting your Majesty well knoweth I never opened my Mouth for the Greater Place Though I am sure I had 2. Circumstances that Mr. Atturney that now is could not allege The one Nine years Service of the Crown The other the being Cousin Germain to the Lord of Salisbury whom your Majesty esteemeth and trusteth so much But for the less Place I conceive it was meant me But after that Mr. Atturney Hobert was placed I heard no more of my Preferment but it seemed to me at a stopp to my great Disgrace aud Discouragement For gracious Soveraign if still when the Waters are stirr'd another shall be put in before me your Majesty had need work a Miracle or else I shall be still a â—ame Man to doe your Service And therefore my most humble sute to your Majesty is That this which seemed to me intended may speedily be perâ—ormed And I hope my former Service shall be but as Beginnings to better when I am better strengthened For sure I am no Mans Heart is fuller I say not but many may have greater Hearts but I say not fuller of Love and Duty toâ—wards your Majesty and your Children As I hope Time will manifest against Envy and Detraction if any be To conclude I most humbly crave pardon for my boldness and rest A Letter to the Earl of Salisbury of Curtesy upon a New-years Tide It may please your good Lordship HAving no Gift to present you with in any degree proportionable to my minde I desire nevertheless to take the Advantage of a Ceremony to express my Self to your Lordship it being the first time I could make the like Acknowledgement when I stood out of the person of a Suter wherefore I most humbly pray your Lordship to think of me thaâ— now it hath pleased you by many Effectual and great Benefits to add the Assurance and Comfort of your Love and Favour to that prâ—cedent Disposition which was in me to admire your Vertue and Merit I doe esteem whatsoever I have or may have in this World but as Trash in comparison of having the Honour and Happiness â—o be a near and well accepted Kinsman to so rare and worthy a Counseller Governâ—â— and Patriot For having been a studious if not a Curious Observer of Antiquittes of Vertue as of late Pieces I forbear to say to your Lordship what I find and conceive But to any other I would think to make my Self beleeved But not to be tedious in that which may have the shew of a Complement I can but wish your Lordship many happy years Many more than your Father had Even so many more as we may need you more So I remain A Letter of Thanks to the King upon Mr. Atturney's Sickness It may please your most excellent Majesty I Doe understand by some of my good Friends to my great comfort that your Majesty hath in minde your Majesties Royal Promise which to me is Anchora Spei touching the Atturney's place I hope Mr. Atturney shall doe well I thank God I wish no Mans Death Nor much mine own Life more than to doe your Majesty Service For I account my Life the Accident and my Duty the Substance But this I will be â—old to say If it please Godâ— that ever I serve your Majesty in the Atturney's place I have known an Atturney Cooke and an Atturney Hoberâ— Both worthy Men and farâ— above my Self But if I should not find a Middle way between their two Dispositions and Carriages I should not satisfy my Self But these things are farr or near as it shall please God Mean while I most humbly pray your Majesty to accept my Sacrifice of Thanksgiving for your Gracious Favour God preserve your Majâ—styâ— I ever remain A Letter to the King of Sute to succeed in the Aâ—turney's Place It may please your Majesty YOur great and Princely Favours towards me in Advancing me to Place And that which is to me of no less comfort your Majesties benign and gracious Acceptation from time to time of my poor Services much above the Merit and Valew of them Hath almost brought me to an Opinion that I may sooner perchance be wanting to my Self in not asking Than finde your Majesties Goodness wanting to me in any my reasonable and modest desires And therefore perceiving how at this time Preferments of Law fly about mine Ears To some above me and to some below me I did conceive your Majesty may think it rather a Kinde of Dulness or want of Faith than Modesty if I should not come with my Pitcher to Iacobs Well as others doe VVherein I shall propound to your Majesty that which tendeth not so much to the Raising of my Fortune as to the setling of my Minde Being sometimes assailed with this Cogitation That by reason of my Slowness to see and apprehend suddain Occasions Keeping on one plain Course of painfull Service I may in fine Dierum be in danger to be neglected and forgotten And if that should be then were it much better for me now while I stand in your Majesties good Opinion though unworthy and have some little Reputation in the VVorld to give over the Course I am in and to make proof to doe you some Honour by my Pen either by writing some faithfull Narrative of your Happy though not untraduced Times Or by recompiling your Laws which I perceive your Majesty laboureth with And hath in your Head as Iupiter had Pallas Or some other the like work For without some Endeavour to doe you Honour I would not live Than to spend my Wits and Time in this laborious place wherein I now serve If it shall be deprived of those outward Ornaments which it was wont to have in respect of an Assured Succession to some Place of more Dignity and Rest which seemeth now to be an Hope altogether Casual if not wholly intercepted VVherefore not to hold your Majesty long my humble Sute to you is that than the which I think I cannot well goe lower which is that I may obtain your Royal promise to succeed if I live into the Atturneys place whensoever it shall be void It being but the Natural and â—mmediate Step and Rise which the Place I now hold hath ever in sort made claim to and almost never failed of In this Sute I make no Friends to youâ— Majesty but rely upon no other Motive but your Grace Nor any other Assurance but your Word whereof I had good Experience when I came to the Solliciteâ—s Place That it was like to the Two great Lights which in their Motions are never Retro râ—dâ— So with my best Prayers for your Majesties
Happiness I rest A Letter to Sir George Carey in France upon sending him his Writing In Felicem Memoriam Elizabethae My very good Lord BEing asked the Question by this Bearer an old Servant of my Brother Anthony Bacons whether I would command him any thing into France And being at better leisure than I would in regard of Sickness I began to remember that neither your Business nor mine though great and continual can be upon an an exact account any just Occasion why so much good will as hath passed between us should be so much discontinued as hath been And therefore because one must begin I thought to provoke your Remembrance of me by a Letter And thinking to fit it with somewhat besides Salutations it came to my Minde that this last Summer Vacation by occasion of a Factious Book that endeavoured to verefy Misera â—emina The Addition of the Popes Bull upon Queen Elizabeth I did write a few Lines in her Memorial which I thought you would be pleased to read both for the Argument And because you were wont to bear Affection to my Penn. Verum ut aliud ex alio if it came handsomly to pass I would be glad the President de Thou who hath written an History as you know of that Fame and Diligence saw it Chiefly because I know not whether it may not serve him for some use in his Story wherein I would be glad he did right to the Truth and to the Memory of that Lady as I perceive by that he hath already written he is well enclined to doe I would be glad also it were some Occasion such as Absence may permit of some Acquaintance or mutual Noticeâ— between us For though he hath many wayes the precedence chiefly in worth yet this is common to us both that we serve our Soâ—eraigns in places of Law eminent And not our Selves onely but our Fathers did so before us And lastly that both of us love Learning and Liberal Sciences which was ever a Bond of Friendship in the greatest Distance of Places But of this I make no further Request than your Occasions and Respects to me unknown may further or limit My Principal Purpose being to salute you and to send you this Token Whereunto I will add my very kinde Commendations to my Lady And so commit you both to Gods Holy Protection A Letter to my Lord Mayour upon a Proceeding in a Private Cause MY very good Lord I did little expect when I left your Lordship last that there would have been a Proceeding against Mr. Barnard to his Overthrow Wherein I must confess my Self to be in a sort Accessary Because he relying upon me for Counsel I advised that Course which he followed Wherein now I begin to question my self whether in preserving my Respects unto your Lordship and the Rest I have not failed in the Duty of my Profession towards my Client For certainly if the words had been hainous and spoken in a malicious fashion and in some publick place and well proved And not a Prattle in a Tavern caught hold of by one who as I hear is a detected Sycophant Standish I mean yet I know not what could have been done more than to impose upon him a grievous Fine And to require the Levying of the same And to Take away his means of Life by his Disfranchisement And to commit him to a Defamed Prison during Christmass In Honour whereof the Prisoners in other Courts doe commonly of grace obtain some Enlargement This Rigor of Proceeding to tell your Lordship and the rest as my good Friends my Opinion plainly tendeth not to strengthen Authority which is best supported by Love and Fear intermixed But rather to make People discontented and Servile especially when such Punishment is inflicted for words not by Rule of Law but by a Iurisdiction of Discretion which would evermore be moderately used And I pray God whereas Mr. Recorder when I was with you did well and wisely put you in mind of the Admonitions you often received from my Lords that you should bridle unruly Tongues That those kind of Speeches and Rumours whereunto those Admonitions doe referr which are concerning the State and Honour thereof doe not pass too licentiously in the City unpunished while these Words which concern your particular are so straightly enquired into and punished with such Extremiy But these Things your own wisdom first or last will best represent unto you My writing unto you at this time is to the end that howsoever I doe take it somewhat unkindly that my Mediation prevailed no more yet I might preserve that further Respect that I am willing to use unto such a State in delivering my Opinion unto you freely before I would be of Counsel or move any thing that should cross your Proceedings which notwithstanding in case my Client can receive no Relief at your hands I must and will doe Continuing nevertheless in other Things my wonted good Affection to your Selves and your Occasions A Letter to my Lord Treasurer Salisbury upon a New-years Tide It may please your good Lordship I Would Entreat the New year to answâ—r for the Old in my humble Thanks to your Lordship Both for many your Favours and chiefly that upon the Occasion of Mr. Atturneys Infirmity I found your Lordship even as I could wish This doth encrease a desire in me to express my Thankfull minde to your Lordship Hoping that though I finde Age and Decayes grow upon me yet I may have a Flash or two of Spirit left to doe you Service And I doe protest before God without Complement or any light Vanity of Minde that if I knew in what Course of Life to doe you best Service I would take it and make my Thoughts which now fly to many Pieces to be reduced to that Center But all this is no more than I am which is not much But yet the Entire of him that is c. A Letter to his Majesty concerning Peachams Cause January 21. 1614. It may please your Excellent Majesty IT grieveth me exceedingly that your Majesty should be so much troubled with this Matter of Peacham whose Raging Devil seemeth to be turn'd into a Dumb Devil But although we are driven to make our way through Questions which I wish were otherwise yet I hope well the End will be good But then every Man must put too his Helping Hand For else I must say to your Majesty in this and the like Cases as St. Paul said to the Centurion when some of the Mariners had an Eye to the Cock-boat Except these stay in the Ship ye cannot be safe I finde in my Lords great and worthy Care of the Business And for my part I hold my Opinion and am strengthned in it by some Records that I have found God preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to the King touching Peachams Cause January 27. 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty THis Day
constantly affected As may well appear by my sundry Labours from time to time in the same For I hold it a worthy character of your Majesties Reign and Times Insomuch as though your Majesty mought have at this time as is spoken a great Annual Benefit for the Quitting of it yet I shall never be the Man that should wish your Majesty to deprive your Self of that Beatitude Beatius est dare quam accipere In this cause But to sacrifice your profit though as your Majesties State is it be precious to you to so great a Good of your Kingdom Although this Project is not without a Profit immediate unto you by the encreasing of Customes upon the materials of Dyes But here is the Case The New Company by this Patent and Privy Seal are to have two Things wholly diverse from the first Intention Or rather Ex Diametro opposite unto the same which nevertheless they must of necessity have or else the Work is overthrown So as I may call them Mala Necessaria but yet withall Temporarie For as Men make Warr to have Peace so these Merchants must have license for Whites to the end to banish Whites And they must have license to use Teyntours to the end to banish Teyntours This is therefore that I say your Majesty upon these two points may justly and with honour and with preservation of your first Intention inviolate demand Profit in thâ— Interim as long as these unnatural points continue and then to cease For your Majesty may be pleased to observe that they are to have all the Old Companies Profit by the Trade of Whites They are again to have upon the proportion of Cloathes which they shall vent died and dressed the Flemmings profit upon the Teyntour Now then I say As it had been too good Husbandry for a King to have taken profit of them if the Project could have been effected at once as was voiced So on the other side it might be perchance too little Husbandry and Providence to take nothing of them for that which is meerly lucrative to them in the mean time Nay I say further this will greatly conduce and be a kinde of Security to the End desired For I alwayes feared and doe yet fear that when Men by condition Merchants though never so honest have gotten into their Hands the Trade of Whites and the Dispensation to Teyntour wherein they shall reap profit for that which they never sowed But have gotten themselves Certainties in respect of the States hopes They are like enough to sleep upon this as upon a Pillow And to make no haste to goe on with the rest And though it may be said that that is a thing will easily appear to the State yet no doubt means may be devised and found to draw the Business in length So that I conclude that if your Majesty take a profit of them in the Interim considering you refuse profit from the Old Company it will be both Spurr and Bridle to them to make them Pace aright to your Majesties End This in all humbleness according to my vowed Care and Fidelity being no Mans Man but your Majesties I present leave and submit to your Majesties better Judgement And I could wish your Majesty would speak with Sir Thomas Lake in it who besides his good Habit which he hath in business beareth methinks an indifferent Hand in this particular And if it please your Majesty it may proceed as from your Self and not as a Motion or Observation of mine Your Majesty need not in this to be streightned in time As if this must be demanded or treated before you sign their Bill For I foreseeing this and foreseeing that many things mought fall out which I could not foresee have handled it so as with their good Contentment there is a Power of Revocation inserted into their Patent And so commending your Majesty to Gods blessed and precious Custody I rest Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers touching Ropers place January 22. 1615. SIR Sending to the King upon Occasion I would not fail to salute you by my Letter which that it may be more than two lines I add this for News That as I was sitting by my Lord Chief Iustice upon the Commission for the Indicting of the Great Person One of the Iudges asked Him whether Roper were dead He said He for his part knew not Another of the Iudges answered It should concern you my Lord to know it Whereupon he turned his Speech to me aud said No Mr. Atturney I will not wrastle now in my latter times My Lord said I you speak like a wise Man Well saith he they have had no luck with it that have had it I said again Those dayes be past Here you have the Dialogue to make you merry But in sadness I was glad to perceive he meant not to contest I can but honour and love you and rest Your assured Friend and Servant A Letter to the King advising how to break off with the New Company February 3. 1615. It may please your excellent Majesty I Spake yesternight long with my Lord Cooke And for the Rege inconsulâ—o I conceive by him it will be An ampliùs deliberandum censeo as I thought at first so as for the present your Majesty shall not need to renew your Commandement of Stay I spake with him also about some Propositions concerning your Majesties casual Revenew wherein I found him to consent with me fully Assuming nevertheless that he had thought of them before But it is one Thing to have the Vapour of a Thought Another to digest Business aright He on his part imparted to me diverse Things of great weight concerning the Reparatâ—on of your Majesties Means and Finances which I heard gladly Insomuch as he perceiving the same I think was the readier to open himself to me in one Circumstance which he did much inculcate I concurr fully with him that they are to be held secret For I never saw but that Business is like a Child which is framed invisibly in the Wombe And if it come forth too soon it will be abortive I know in most of them the Prosecution must rest much upon my Self But I that had the Power to prevail in the Farmers Case of the French Wines without the help of my Lord Cooke shall be better able to goe through these with his help the ground being no less just And this I shall ever add of mine own that I shall ever respect your Majesties Honour no less than your Profit And shall also take care according to my pensive manner that that which is good for the present have not in it hidden Seeds of future Inconveniences The Matter of the New Company was referred to me by the Lords of the Privâ— Council wherein after some private Speech with Sir Lionel Cranfield I made that Report which I held most agreeable to Truth and your Maiesties Service If this New
Company break it must either be put upon the Patent or upon the Order made by themselves For the Patent I satisfied the Board that there was no Title in it which was not either Verbatim in the Patent of the Old Company Or by special warrant from the Table inserted My Lord Cooke with much respect to me acknowledged but disliked the Old Patent it self and disclaimed his being at the Table when the Additions were allowed But in my Opinion howsoever my Lord Cooke to magnify his Science in Law draweth every thing though sometimes unproperly and unseasonably to that kinde of Question it is not convenient to break the Business upon those Points For considering they were but Clauses that were in the former Patents and in many other Patents of Companies And that the Additions likewise passed the Allowance of the Table it will be but clamoured and perhaps conceived that to quarrel them now is but an Occasion taken And that the Times are changed rather than the Matter But that which preserveth entire your Majesties Honour and the Constancy of your Proceedings is to put the Breach upon their Orders For this Light I gave in my Report which the Table readily apprehended and much approved That if the Table reject their Orders as unlawfull and unjust it doth free you from their Contract For whosoever contracteth or undertaketh any thing is alwayes understood to perform it by lawfull means So as they have plainly abused the State if that which they have undertaken be either impossible or unjust I am bold to present this Consideration to that excellent Faculty of your Majesties Judgement because I think it importeth that future Good which may grow to your Majesty in the close of this Business That the Falling ofâ— be without all Exception God have you in his precious Custody Your Majesties most humble and bounden Subject and Servant A Letter to the King touching the Lord Chancellers Sickness Feb. 9. 1615. It may please your most excellent Majesty I Am glad to understand by Mr. Murray that your Majesty accepteth well of my poor Endeavours in opening unto you the passages of your Service That Business may come the less crude and the more prepared to your Royal Iudgement the perfection whereof as I cannot expect they should satisfy in every particular so I hope through my Assiduity there will result a good Total My Lord Chancellers Sickness falleth out durâ— Tempore I have alwaies known him a wise Man and of just Elevation for Monarchy But your Majesties service must not be Mortal And if you leese him as your Majesty hath now of late purchased many Hearts by depressing the Wicked So God doth minister unto you a Counterpart to doe the like by raising the Honest. God evermore preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble Subject and bounden Servant A Letter to the King of my Lord Chancellers Amendment and the Difference begun between the Chancery and Kings Bench Feb. 15. 1615. It may please your excellent Majesty I Doe find God be thanked a sensible Amendment in my Lord Chanceller I was with him yesterday in private conference about half an Hour And this day again at such time as he did seal which he endured well almost the space of an Hour though the Vapour of Wax be offensive to him He is free from a Feaver Perfect in his powers of Memory and Speech And not hollow in his Voice nor Look He hath no panting or labouring Respiration Neither are his Coughs dry or weak But whosoever thinketh his Disease is but Melancholy he maketh no true Judgement of it For it is plainly a formed and deep Cough with a Pectoral surcharge So that at times he doth almost Animam agere I forbear to advertise your Majesty of the Care I took to have Commissions in readiness because Mr. Secretary Lake hath let me understand he signifyed as much to your Majesty But I hope there shall be no use for them at this time And as I am glad to advertise your Majesty of the Amendment of your Chancellers Person So I am sorry to accompany it with an Advertisement of the Sickness of your Chancery Court though by the Grace of God that Cure will be much easier than the other It is true I did lately write to your Majesty that for the Matter of the Habeas Corpora which was the third Matter in Law you had given me in charge I did think the Communion in Service between my Lord Chanceller and my Lord Chief Iustice in the great Business of Examination would so joyn them as they would not square at this time But pardon me I humbly pray your Majesty if I have too Reasonable Thoughts And yet that which happened the last day of the Term concerning certain Indictments in the Nature of Premunire preferred into the Kings Bench but not sound Is not so much as is voiced abroad though I must say it is omni tempore Nimium et hoc tempoâ—e Alienum And therefore I beseech your Maâ—esty not to give any Beleeving Ear to Reports but to receive the Truth from me that am your Atturney General and ought to stand indifferent for Iurisdictions of all Courts which Account I cannot give your Majesty now because I was then absentâ— And some are now absent which are properly and authentically to inform me touching that which passed Neither let this any wayes disjoynt your other Business For there is a time for all things And this very Accideâ—t may be turned to Good Not that I am of Opinion that that same Cunning Maxim of Separa Impera which sometimes holdeth in Persons can well take place in Iurisdictions But because some good Occasion by this Excess may be taken to settle that which would have been more dangerous if it had gone out by little and little God ever preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble Subject and most bounden Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers touching the Difference between the Court of Chancery and the Kings Bench. Febr. 19. 1615. SIR I received this Morning from you two Letters by the same Bearer The one written before the other after his Majesty had received my last In this Difference between the two Courts of Chancery and Kings Bench For so I had rather take it for this Time than between the Perâ—ons of my Lord Chanceller and my Lord Chief Iustice I marvail not if Rumour get way of true Relation For I know Fame hath swift wings Specially that which hath black Feathers But within these two dayes For sooner I cannot be ready I will write unto his Majesty both the Narrative truly and my Opinion sincerely Taâ—ing much comfort that I serve such a King as hath Gods Property in discerning truly of Mens Hearts I purpose to speak with my Lord Chanceller this day And so to exhibite that Cordial of his Majesties Grace As I hope that other Accident will rather rouze and raise his Spirit than deject him or encline him to
Circuit and my Lord Chancellers Infirmity with Hope of Recovery And although this pâ—otraction of Time may breed some doubt of Mutability yet I have lately learned out of an excellent Letter of a certain King That the Sun sheweth sometimes watry to our Eyes but when the Cloud is gone the Sun is as before God ever preserve your Majestie Your Majesties most humble Subject and bounden Servant A Letter to the King of Advice upon the Breach of the New Company Febr 25. 1615. It may please your most excellent Majesty YOur Privy Council have wisely and truly discerned of the Orders and Demands of the New Company that they are unlawfull and unjust And themselves have now acknowledged the Work impossible without them by their Petition in Writing now registred in the Council-Book So as this Conclusion of their own making is become peremptory and final to themselves And the Impossibility confessed the Practice and Abuse reserved to the Judgement the State shall make of it This Breach then of this great Contract is wholly on their part which could not have been if your Majesty had broken upon the Patent For the Patent was your Maiesties Act The Orders are their Act And in the former Case they had not been liable to further Question now they are There rest two Things to be considered The one if they like Proteus when he is hard held shall yet again vary their shape And shall quit their Orders convinced of Injustice and lay their Imposition onely upon the Trade of Whites whether your Majesty shall further expect The other if your Majestie dissolve them upon this Breach on their part what is further to be done for the setting of the Trade again in joynt and for your own Honour and profit In both which points I will not presume to give Opinion but onely to break the Business for your Majestiâ—s better Judgement For the first I am sorry the Occasion was given by my Lord Cookes Speech at this time of the Commitment of some of them That they should seek Omnem movere lapidem to help themselves Better it had been if as my Lord Penton said to me that Morning very judiciously and with a great Deal of Foresight That for that time they should have had a Bridge made for tâ—em to be gone But my Lord Cooke floweth according to his own Tides and not according to the Tides of Business The thingâ— which my Lord Cook said was good and too little but at this time it was too much But that is past Howsoever if they should goe back and seek again to entertain your Majesty with new Orders or Offers as is said to be intended your Majesty hath ready two Answers of Repulse if it please your Majesty to use them The one that this is now the Fourth time that they have mainly broken with your Majesty and contradicted themselves First they undertook to dye and dress all the Cloaâ—hes of the Realm Soon after they wound themselves into the Trade of Whites and came down to the proportion contracted Secondly they ought to have performed that Contract according to their Subscription pro ratâ without any of these Orders and Impositions Soon after they deserted their Subscription and had recourse to these Devices of Orders Thirdly if by Order and not by Subscription yet their Orders should have laid it upon the Whites which is an Unlawfull and Prohibited Trade Nevertheless they would have brought in lawfull and setled Trades full Manufactures Merchandize of all Natures Poll-Money or Brotherhood-Money and I cannot tell what And now lastly it seemeth they would goe Back to lay it upon the Whites And therefore whether you Majesty will any more rest and build this great Wheel of your Kingdom upon these broken and brittle Pinns and try Experiments further upon the Health and Body of your State I leave to your Princely Iudgement The other Answer of Repulse is a kinde of Apposing them what they will doe after the three years contracted for Which is a point hitherto not much stirred though Sir Lionell Cranfield hath ever beaten upon it in his Speech with me For after the three years they are not tyed otherwayes than as Trade shall give Encouragement Of which Encouragement your Majesty hath a bitter Tast. And if they should hold on according to the third years Proportion and not rise on by further gradation your Majesty hath not your End No I fear and have long feared that this Feeding of the Foreiner may be dangerous For as we may think to hold up our Cloathing by Vent of Whites till we can dye and dresse So they I mean the Dutch will think to hold up their Manufacture of Dying and Dressing upon our Whites till they can cloath So as your Majesty hath the greatest reason in the World to make the New Company to come in and strengthen that part of their Contract And they refusing as it is confidently beleeved they will to make their Default more visible to all Men. For the second main part of your Majesties Consultation That is what shall be done supposing an absolute Breach I have had some Speech with Mr. Secretary Lake and likewise with Sir Lionell Cranfield And as I conceive tâ—ere may be three wayes taken into consideration The first is that the Old Company be restored who no doubt are in Appetite and as I finde by Sir Lionell Cranfield not unprepared And that the Licences The one that of 30000 Cloathes which was the old Licence The other that of my Lord of Cumberlands which is without stint my Lord of Cumberland receiving Satisfaction be compounded into one entire Licence without stint And then that they amongst themselves take order for that profit which hath been offered to your Majesty This is a plain and known way wherein your Majesty is not an Actour onely it hath â—his that the Work of Dying and Dressing Cloathes which hath been so much glorifyed seemeth to be wholly relinquished if you leave there The second is that there be a free Trade of Cloath with this Difference That the Dyed and dressed pay no Custome and the Whites double Custom it being a Merchandize prohibited and onely licentiate This continueth in life and â—ame the â—ork desired and will have a popular Applause But I doe confess I did ever think that Trading in Companies is most agreeable to the English Nature which wantetâ— that same general Vein of a Republick which runneth in the Dutch And sâ—rveth to them instead of a Company And thâ—refore I dare not advise to adventure this great Trade of the Kingdom which hath been so long under Government in a free or loose Trade The Third is a Compounded Way of both which is To goe on with the Trade of Whites by the Old Company restored And that your Majesties Profit be raised by Order amongst Themselves Rather than by double Custom wherein you must be the Actour And that nevertheless there be added a Privilege to the same
Company to carry out Cloathes Dyed and Dressed Custom-free Which will still continue as a glorious Beam of your Majesties Royal Design I hope and Wish at least that this which I have written may be of some use to your Majesty to settle by the Advice of the Lords about you this great Business At the least it is the Effect of my Care and poor Ability which if in me be any it is given me to no other end but faithfully to serve your Majesty God ever preserve you Your Majesties most humble Subject and bounden Servant Another Letter to Sir George Villiers touching a Motion to swear him Counseller February 27. 1615. SIR I humbly pray you not to think me over-hasty or much in Appetite if I put you in Remembrance of my Motion of strengthening me with the Oath and Trust of a Privy Counseller Not for mine own strength For as to that I thank God I am armed within but for the Strength of my Service The Times I submit to you who knoweth them best But sure I am there were never Times which did more require a Kings Atturneâ— to be well armed and as I said once to you to wear a Gauntlet and not a Glove The Arraignments when they proceed The Contention between the Chancery and Benchâ— The great Cause of the Rege inconsulto which is so precious to the Kings Prerogative Diverse other Services that concern the Kings Revenew and the Repair of his Estate Besides it pleaseth his Majesty to accept well of my Relations touching his Business which may seem a kind of Interloping as the Merchants call it for one that is no Counseller But I leave all unto you thinking my Self infinitely bounden unto you for your great Favours The Beams whereof I see plainly reflect upon me even from others So that now I have no greater Ambition than this That as the King sheweth Himself to you the best Master so I mought be found your best Servant In which Wish and Vow I shall ever rest Most devoted and affectionate to obey your Commands A Letter to the King upon some Inclination of his Majesty to him for the Chancellers Place April 1. 1616. It may please your most excellent Majesty THe last day when it pleased your Majesty to express your Self towards me farr above that I can deserve or could expect I was surprized by the Princes comming in I most humbly pray your Majesty to accept these few Lines of Acknowledgement I never had great Thought for my Self further than to maintain those great Thoughts which I confess I have for your Service I know what Honour is And I know what the Times are But I thank God with me my Service is the Principal And it is farr from me under Honourable Pretences to cover base Desires which I account then to be when Men referr too much to Themselves especially serving such a King I am afraid of Nothing but that the Master of the Horse your Excellent Servant and I shall fall out who shall hold your Stirrop best But were you Mounted and Seated without Difficulties and Distastes in your Business as I desire and hope to see you I should ex animo desire to spend the Decline of my years in my Studies Wherein also I should not forget to doe him Honour who besides his Active and Politique Vertues is the best Penn of Kings Much more the best Subject of a Penn. God ever preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble Subject And more and more obliged Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers touching his Swearing Counseller May 30. 1616. SIR The time is as I should think now or never â—or his Majesty to finish his good Meaning towards me If it please him to consider what is past and what is to come If I would tender my Profit and oblige Men unto me by my Place and Practice I could have more profit than I could devise And could oblige all the World and offend none which is a brave Condition for a Mans Private But my Heart is not on these Tâ—ings Yet on the other side I would be sorry that worthless Persons should make a Note that I get Nothing but Pains and Enemies And a little Popular Reputation which followeth me whether I will or no. If any thing be to be done for your self I should take infinite Contentment that my Honour might wait upon yours But I would be loath it should wait upon any Man 's else If you would put your strength to this Business it is done And that done many Things more will begin God keep you ever I rest Your true and devoted Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers upon the Choice his Majesty gave him whether he would be sworn Counseller or have Assurance to succeed the Chanceller Iune 3. 1616. SIR The King giveth me a noble choice And you are the Man my Heart ever told me you were Ambition would draw me to the latter part of the Choice But in respect of my hearty wishes that my Lord Chanceller may live long And the small Hopes I have that I shall live long my Self And above all because I see his Majesties Service daily and instantly bleedeth Towards which I perswade my Self vainly perhaps but yet in mine own thoughts firmly and constantly that I shall give when I am of the Table some effectual Furtherance as a poor Thred of the Labyrinth which hath no other Vertue but an united Continuance without Interruption or Distraction I doe accept of the former to be Counseller for the present and to give over pleading at Barr Let the other Matter rest upon my Proof and his Majesties Pleasure and the Accidents of Time For to speak plainly I would be loath that my Lord Chanceller to whom I owe most after the King and your Self should be locked to his Successour for any Advancement or Gracing of me So I ever remain Your true and most devoted and obliged Servant To his very Honourable good Friend Sir George Villiers Master of the Horse to his Majesty and of the most Noble Order of the Garter Iune 12. 1616. SIR I send his Majesty a Draught of the Act of Counsel concerning the Iudges Letter penned as near as I could to his Majesties Instructions received in your presence I then told his Majesty my Memory was not able to keep way with his And therefore his Majesty will pardon me for any Omissions or Errours And be pleased to supply and reform the same I am preparing some other Materials for his Majesties excellent Hand concerning Business that is comming on For since his Majesty hath renewed my Heart within me methinks I should double my endeavours God ever preserve and prosper you I rest Your most devoted and bounden Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers for the Restoring of Doctor Burgis to preach Iune 12. 1616. SIR I doe think you may doe your self Honour and that which is more doe a good Work if you will assist and perfect a Motion
begun and that upon a good Ground both of Submission and Conformity for the restoring of Doctor Burgis to Preach And I wish likewise that if Graies Inn should think good after he is free from the State to chuse him for their Preacher his Majesty should not be against it For certainly we should watch him well if he should flye forth So as he cannot be placed in a more safe Auditory This may seem a Trifle buâ— I doe assure you I doe scarce know a particular wherein you may open more honest Mouthes to speak Honour of you than this And I doe extremely desire there may be a full Cry from all sorts of People especially the best to speak and to trumpet out your Commendations â— pray you take it to Heart and doe somewhat in it I rest Your devoted and Bounden Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers of Advice concerning Ireland From Gorhambury to Windsore Iuly 5. 1616. SIR Because I am uncertain whether his Majesty will put to a point some Resolutions touching Ireland now at Windsore I thought it my duty to attend his Majesty by my Letter and thereby to supply my Absence For the Renewing of some former Commissions for Ireland And the Framing of a new Commission for the Wards and the Alienation which appertain properly to me as his Majesties Atturney and have been accordingly referred by the Lords I will undertake that they are prepared with a greater care and better applications to his Majesties Service in that Kingdom than heretofore they have been And therefore of that I say no more And for the Instructions of the new Deputy they have been set down by the two Secretaries and read to the Board And being things of an ordinary nature I doe not see but they may pass But there have been three Propositions and Counsels which have been stirred which seem to me of very great Importance wherein I think my Self bound to deliver to his Majesty my Advice and Opinion if they should now come in Question The first is touching the Recusant Magistrates of the Towns of Ireland and the Commonalties themselves their Electours what shall be done Which Consultation ariseth from the late Advertisements of the two Lords Iustices upon the Instance of the two Towns Limrick and Kilkenny In which Advertisements they represent the Danger only without giving any Light for the Remedy Ratner warily â—or â—â—â—mselves than agreeable to their Duties and places In this point I humbly pray his Majesty to remember that the Refusal is not of the Oath of Allegiance which is not enacted in Ireland but of the Oath of Supremacy which cutteth deep into Matter of Conscience Also that his Majesty will out of the deptâ— of his Excellent Wisdom and Providence think and as it were calculate with himself Whether Time will make more for the Cause of Religion in Ireland and be still more and more propitious Or whether Deferring Remedies will not make the Case more difficult For if Time give his Majesty Advantage what needeth precipitation to extreme Remedies But if Time will make the case more desperate then his Majesty cannot begin too soon Now in my Opinion Time will open and facilitate Things for Reformation of Religion there And not shut up or lock out the same For first the Plantations going on and being principally of Protestants cannot but mate the other party in Time Also his Majesties Care in placing good Bishops and good Divines In amplifying the Colledge there And in looking to the Education of Wards and such like As they are the most Natural Means so are they like to be the most effectual and happy for the Weeding out of Popery without using the Temporal Sword So that I think I may truly conclude that the Ripeness of Time is not yet come Tâ—erefore my Advice is in all Humbleness that this hazardous Course of Proceeding to tender the Oathâ— to the Magistrates of Towns proceed not but dye by degrees And yet to preserve the Autâ—ority and Reputation of the former Council I would have somewhat done which is that there be a proceeding to Seizuâ—e of Liberties But not by any Act of Power but by Quo Warranto or Scire facias which is a Legal Course Anâ— will be the Work of three or four Termes By which time the Matter will somewhat cool But I would not in any case that the Proceedings should be with both Towns which stand now in contempt but with one of them onely choosing that which shall be thought most fit For if his Majesty proceed with both then all the Towns that are in the like case will think it a common Cause And that it is but their Case too day and their own too morrow But if his Majesty proceed but with one the Apprehension and Terrour will not be so strong For they will think it may be their Case to be spared as well as prosecuted And this is the best Advice that I can give to his Majesty in this Streight And of this Opinion sâ—emed my Lord Chanceller to be The Second Proposition is this It may be his Majesty will be moved to reduce the Number of his Council of Ireland which is now almost Fifty to Twenty or the like Number In respect that the Greatness of the Number doth both embase the Authority of the Council and divulge the Business Nevertheless I hold this Proposition to be rather specious and solemn than needfull at this time For certainly it will fill the State full of Discontentment which in a Growing and unsetled Estate ought not to be This I could wish that his Majesty would appoint a select Number of Counsellours there which might deal in the Improvement of his Revenew Being a Thing not fit to pass through too many Hands And the said selected Number should have dayes of Sitting by themselves At which the rest of the Council should not be present which being once setled then other principal Business of State may be handled at those Sittings and so the rest begin to be disused and yet retain their Countenance without Murmur or Disgrace The Third Proposition as it is moved seemeth to be pretty if it can keep promise For it is thus That a Means may be found to re-enforce his Majesties Army by 500 or a 1000 Men And that without any Penny Encrease of Charge And the Means should be that there should be a Commandement of a Local Removing and transferring some Companies from one Province to another whereupon it is supposed that many that are planted in House and Lands will rather leese their Entertainment than remove And thereby new Men may have their Pay and yet the old be mingled in the Country for the Strength therâ—of In this Proposition two things may be feared The one Discontent of those that shall be put off The other that the Companies shall be stuffed with Novices and Tyrones instead of Veterani I wish therefore that this Proposition be well debated ere it be admitted
Thus having performed that which Duty binds me to I commend you to Gods best preservation Your most devoted and bounden Servant A Letter from the Kings Atturney General to the Master of the Horse upon the sending of his Bill for Viscount August 5. 1616. SIR I send you the Bill â—or his Majestiâ—s Signature reformed according to his Majesties Amendments both in the two places which I assure you were both altered with great Judgement And in the Third place which his Majesty termed a Question onely But he is an idle Body that thinks his Majesty asks an idle Question And therefore his Majesties Questions are to be answered by Taking away the Cause of the Question and not by Replying For the Name his Majesties Will is a Law in those things And to speak Truth it is a well-sounding and Noble Name both here and abroad And being your proper Name I will take it for a good Sign that you shall give Honour to your Dignity and not your Dignity to you Therefore I have made it Viscount Villiers And for your Baronry I will keep it for an Earldom For though the other had been more orderly yet that is as usual and both alike good in Law For Ropers place I would have it by all means dispatched And therefore I marvail it lingreth It were no good manners to take the Business out of my Lord Treasurers hands And therefore I purpose to write to his Lordship if I hear not from him first by Mr. Deckom But if I hear of any Delay you will give me leave especially since the King named me to deal with Sir Iohn Roper my Self For neither I nor my Lord Treasurer can deserve any great thanks of you in this Business considering the King hath spoken to Sir Iohn Roper and he hath promised And besides the thing it self is so reasonable as it ought to be as soon done as said I am now gotten into the Countrey to my House where I have some little Liberty to think of that I would think of and not of that which other Men Hourly break my Head withall as it was at London Upon this you may conclude that most of my Thoughts are of his Majesty And then you cannot be farr off God ever keep you and prosper you I rest alwayes Your true and most devoted Servant A Letter to Sir George Villiers upon the Sending his Patent of Viscount Villiers to be Signed August 12. 1616. SIR I have sent you now your Patent of Creation of Lord Blechley of Blechly and of Viscount Villiers Blechley is your own And I liked the sound of the Name better than Whaddon But the Name will be hid for you will be called Viscount Villiers I have put them both in a Patent after the manner of the Patent of Arms where Baronries are joyned But the chief Reason was because I would avoid double Prefaces which had not been fit Nevertheless Ceremony of Roabing and otherwise must be double And now because I am in the Country I will send you some of my Country Fruits which with me are good Meditations which when I am in the Citty are choaked with Business After that the King shall have watred your new Dignities with his Bounty of the Lands which he intends you And that some other things concerning your means which are now likewise in Intention shall be setled upon you I doe not see but you may think your private Fortunes established And therefore it is now time that you should refer your Actions chiefly to the Good of your Soveraign and your Country It is the life of an Oxe or a Beast alwaies to eat and never to exercise But Men are born especially Christian Men not to cramm in their Fortunes but to exercise their Vertues And yet the other have been the unworthy and â—ometimes the unlucky humour of great Persons in our Times Neither will your further Fortune be the further off For assure your self that Fortune is of a womans Nature that will sooner follow you by slighting than by too much Wooing And in this Dedication of your Self to the Publick I recommend unto you principally that which I think was never done since I was born And which not done hath bred almost a Wilderness and Solitude in the Kings Service which is that you countenance and encourage and advance able and vertuous Men in all Kindes Degrees and Professions For in the time of some late great Counsellours when they bare the Sway able Men were by design and of purpose suppressed And though now since Choice goeth better both in Church and Commonwealâ—h yet Money and Turn-Serving and Cunning Canvises and Importunity prevail too much And in places of Moment rather make Able and Honest Men yours than advance those that are otherwise because they are yours As for Cunning and Corrupt Men you must I know sometimes use them but keep them at a distance And let it appear that you make use of them rather than that they lead you Above all depend wholly next to God upon the King And be ruled as hitherto you have been by his Instructions For that 's best for your Self For the Kings Care and Thoughts concerning you are according to the Thoughts of a great King whereas your Thoughts coâ—cerning your Self are and ought to be according to the Thoughts of a Modest Man But let me not weary you The Summe is that you think Goodness the best part of Greatness And that you remember whence your Rising comes and make return accordingly God ever keep you A Letter to the King touching Sir George Villiers Patent for Baron of Blechley and Viscount Villiers August 12. 1616. It may please your most excellent Majesty I Have sent Sir George Villiers Patent drawn again containing also a Baronry The Name Blechley which is his own And to my Thinking soundeth better than Whaddon I have included both in one Patent to avoid a double Preface and as hath been used in the Patents of Earls of like nature Nevertheless the Ceremony of Roabing and otherwise is to be double as is also used in like case of Earls It resteth that I express unto your Majesty my great Joy in your Honouring and Advancing this Gentleman whom to describe not with Colours but with true Lines I may say this Your Majesty certainly hath found out and chosen a safe Nature a capable Man and honest Will Generous and Noble Affections and a Courage well lodged And one that I know loveth your Majesty unfeignedly And admireth you as much as is in a Man to admire his Sâ—veraign upon Earth Onely your Majesties School wherein he hath already so well profited as in this Entrance upon the Stage being the Time of greatest Danger he hath not committed any manifest Errour will add Perfection to your Majesties comfort and the great Contentment of your People God ever preserve and prosper your Majesty I rest in all Humbleness Your Majesties most bounden and most devoted Subject and Servant A Letter
farther Her Majesty had by set speech more than once assured me of her Intention to call me to her service which I could not understand but of the place I had been named to And now whether Invidus Homo hoc fecit Or whether my Matter must be an Appendix to my Lo of Essex suâ—e Or whether her Majesty pretending to prove my Ability meaneth but to take advantage of some Errours which like enough at one time or other I may commit Or what it is But her Majesty is not ready to dispatch it And what though the Mr. of the Rowles and my Lo of Essex and your self and others think my case without doubt yet in the mean time I have a hard condition to stand so that whatsoever service I do to her Majesty it shall be thought to be but servitium viscatum lime-twiggs and Fetches to place my self And so I shall have Envy not Thanks This is a Course to quench all good spirits and to Corrupt every Mans Nature which will I fear much hurt her Majesties Service in the end I have been like a piâ—ce of Stuff bespoken in the shopp And if her Majesty will not take me it may be the selling by parcels will be more gainfull For to be as I told you like a Child following a Bird which when he is nearest flyeth away and lighteth a little before and then the Child after it again and so in Infinitum I am weary of it As also of wearying my good Friends Of whom Neverthelesse I hope in one course or other gratefully to deserve And so not forgetting your Businesse I leave to trouble you with this idle Letter being but Iusta Moderata Querimonia For indeed I do confesse primus Amor will not easily be cast off And thus again I commâ—nd me to you To the Lord Treasurer Burghley Most Honourable and my very good Lord. I Know I may commit an Errour in writing this Letter both in a time of great and weighty Businesse As also when my self am not induced thereto by any new particular occasion And therefore your Lordship may impute to me either Levity or Ignorance wâ—at appertaineth to good respâ—cts and forwardnesse of Dâ—aling Especially to an Honourable Peâ—son in whom there is such concurrence of Magnitudo Honoris Oneris As it is hard to say whether is the greater But I answer my self first that I have ever noted it as a part of your Lordships exceâ—â—ent Wisedome Parvis componere Magna That you do not exclude inferiour matters of Accesse amongst the Care of great And for my self I thought it would better manifest what I desire to expresse if I did write out of a deep and settled consideration of mine own Duty rather than upon the spurre of a particular Occasion And therefore my singular good Lord Ex abundantia cordis I must acknowledge how greatly and diversly your Loodship hath vouchsafed to tye me unto you by Many your Benefits The Reversion of the Office which your Lordship Onely procured unto me and carried through great and vehement Opposition though it yet bear no fruit yet it is one of the fairest Flowers of my poor Estate your Lordships constant and serious Endeavours to have me Solliciter your late honourable Wishes for the place of the Wards Together with your Lordships Attempt to give me way by the Remove of Mr. Solliciter Tâ—ey be Matters of singular obligation Besides many other favours as well by your Lordships Graunts from your Self as by your Commendation to others which I have had for my help And may justly perswade my Self out of the few Denials I have received that fewer mought have been if mine own Industry and good happ had been answerable to your Lordships Goodness But on the other side I most humbly pray your Lordships pardon if I speak it The time is yet to come that your Lordship did ever use or command or employ me in my profession in any Services or Occasions of your Lordships own or such as are near unto your Lordship which hath made me fear somâ—times that your Lordship doth more â—onourably affect me than throughly discern of my most humble and dutifull Affection to your Lordship again Which if it were not in me I knew not whether I were unnaturall unthankfull or unwise This causeth me most humbly to pray your Lordship And I know mine own case too well to speak it as weening I can do your Lordship serviâ—e but as willing to do it To believe that your Lordship is upon just Title a principall Owner and proprietary of that I cannot call Talent but Mitâ— that God hath given me which I ever do and shall devote to your service And in like humble manner I pray your Lordship to pardon mine Errours and not to impute unto me the Errours of any other which I know also themselves have by this time left and forethought But to conceive of me to be a Man that daily profitteth in Duty It is true I do in part comfort my self supposing that it is my Weaknesse and insufâ—iciency that moveth your Lordship who hath so generall a command to use others more able But lâ—t it be as it is For Duty onely and Homage I will boldly undertake that Nature and true Thankfulnesse shall never give place to a politick dependance Lastly I most humbly desire your Lordship to continue unto me the good favour and countenance and Encouragement in the Course of my poor Travails whereof I have had some taste and experience For the which I yield your Lordship my very humble good thanks And so again craving your Honours pardon for so long a Letter carrying so empty an offer of so unpuissant a service But yet a true and unfeigned signification of an honest and vowed duty I cease commending your Lordship to the preservation of the Divine Majesty To my Lord of Essex Most Honourable and my Singular good Lord I Cannot but importune your Lordship with thanks for your Lordships remembring my name to my Lord Keeper which being done in such an Article of time could not but be exceedingly enriched both in demonstration and effect which I did well discern by the manner of expressing thereof by his Lordship again to me This accumulating of your Lordships Favours upon me hitherto worketh onely this effect That it raiseth my mind to aspire to be found worthy of them And likewise to merit and serve you for them But whether I shall be able to pay my vowes or no I must leave that to God who hath them in deposito Whom also I most instantly beseech to give you fruit of your actions beyond that your Heart can propound Nam Deus major est corde Even to the Environing of his Benedictions I recommend your Lordship To Sir Thomas Lucy SIR There was no Newes better welcom to me this long time than that of the good Success of my Kinsman wherein if he be happy he cannot be happy alone it consisting of two parts And
I would perform this Respect For I contemn Mendacia Famae as it walkes among Inferiours Though I neglect it not as it may have entrance into some Eare. For your Lordships Love rooted upon good opinion I esteem it highly because I have tasted of the Fruits of it And we both have tasted of the best waters in my accompt to knit minds together There is shaped a Tale in Londons Forge that beateth apace at this time That I should deliver opinion to the Queeâ— in my Lord of Essex cause First that it was premunire And now last that it was High Treason And this opinion to be in opposition and Encounter of the Lord chief Iustices Opinion and the Atturney Generalls My Lord I thank God my wit serveth me not to deliver any Opinion to the Qeen which my Stomach serveth me not to maintain One and the same Conscience of Duty guiding me and fortifying me But the untruth oâ— this Fable God and my Soveraign can witnesse And there I leave it Knowing no more Remedy against lies than others doe against libells The Root no question of it is partly some light-headed Envy at my Accesses to her Majesty Which being begun and continued since my childhood as long as her Majesty shall think me worthy of them I scorn those that shall think the contrary And another Reason is the Aspersion of this Tale And the Envy thereof upon some greatâ—r Man in regard of my Nearnesse And therefore my Lord I pray you answâ—r for me to any person that you think worthy your own Reply and my defence For my Lord of Essex I am not servile to him having regard to my â—uperiours Duty I have been much bound unto him And on the other side I have spent more time and more thoughts about his well-doing than I ever did about mine own I pray God you his Friends amongst you be in the right Nulla Remedia tam faciunt dolorem quam quae sunt salutaria For my part I have deserved better than to have my Name objected to Envy or my Life to a Ruffians violence But I have the privy Coat of a good Conscience I am sure these Courses and Bruits hurt my Lord more than all So having written to your Lordship I desire exceedingly to be preferred in your good Opinion and Love And so leave you to Gods Goodnesse The Earl of Essex Letter to the Councill at his Embarquing for Spain Iune 1596. My very good Lords HAving taken order for all things that belong to our Land-Forces And staying onely till the Shipps be ready to take in our Souldiers I am come aboard as well to draw other Men by my example to leave the shore As to have time and leasure to ask account of my self what other duty I have to do besides the Governing of those Troups And the using of them to good purpose In which Meditation as I first study to please my most gracious Soveraign as well as to serve her So my next care is to leave your Lordships well satisfied of my passed Carriage since I was nominated to this Service And apt to make favourable Construction of what I shall do hereafter In my past Carriage I will neither plead Merit nor Excuse Imperfections For whatsoever I shall be able to do I know is lesse than I owe And besides my Faults my very Faith and Zeal which are the best things in me do make me commit Errours But I would fain approve the Matter it self of undertaking this service to have been good howsoever my former have been erroneous Or at least my Intent and Ends unblameable though my Judgement were faulty Your Lordships know it hath been the Wisedome of all Times rather to attempt and do something in another Countrey than to attend an Enemy and be in danger much in our own And if this Rule among the Ancients was generally held true it might be better allowed of us in particular cases where a State little in Territory not extraordinarily rich and defended onely with it self shall have to doe with another State that hath Many and ample Dominions the Treasure of the Indies and all the Mercenaries of Christendome to serve it For we have as the Athenians had with the auncient usurping Philip Praelium Facile Bellum Difficile Therefore it is our Disadvantage to draw the Warr into Length And if any Man in this Kingdom should be allowed to perswade to prevention he might be one that saw the Spaniard at home apprehend an Invasion with greater Terrour than he makes it abroad And that was a Witness how an Handfull of Men neither armed victualled nor ordered as they should be landed marched and had done what they listed if either the Ships had come up or they had had any provisions to make a Hole in a Wall or to break open a Gate But though the Counsel be good for some States and for ours at some times yet the Opportunities ought to be watched and it must appear that this it is which is now taken The Opportunity for such Service I take to be when either the Enemy May receive the most hurt Or when he is likeliest to attempt against us if he be not empeached The Hurt that our Estate should seek to doe him is To intercept his Treasure whereby we shall cut his Sinnews and make Warr upon him with his own Money And to beat or at least discontinew him from the Sea whereby her Majesty shall be both secured from his Invasions and become Mistris of the Sea which is the Greatness that the Queen of an Island should most aspire unto In matter of Profit we may this Journey most hurt him and benefit our Selves Since he hath as is agreed on by all Men more Caracks to come home now than ever any year before Besides many good Advantages which will be offered if we command the Coast. And to give him a Blow and discountenance him by Sea now is the Time when he hath declared his Ambition to command the Seas And yet so divided his Fleets Some appointed to be set out and yet scant in readiness others upon point of Comming home and not fit to defend themselves if either they be met at Sea or found in Harbour And all so dispersed in several places as if at any time we might doe good that way it is now And whether he will make Warr upon us if we let him alone Let his Sollicitations Offers and Gifts to the Rebells of Ireland His besieging and winning of Calais and those parts of France that front upon us And his strengthening himself by Sea by so many means Let these things I say tell us So as if we will at any time allow the Counsel of prevention to be reasonable we must now confess it to be opportune But whatsoever the Counsel were I am not to be charged with it For as I was not the Contriver nor Offerer of the Project so if I had refused to joyn with him that did
the case with this Plainness and Liberty represented to youâ— will finde out better Expedients and Remedies I wish a Cure applied to every of the five former Impressions which I will take not in order but as I think they are of weight For the removing the Impression of your Nature to be Opiniastre and not Rulable First and above all things I wish that all Matters past which cannot be revoked your Lordship would turn altogether upon Insatisfaction and not upon your Nature or proper Disposition This String you cannot upon every apt occasion harp upon too much Next whereas I have noted you to fly and avoid in some respect justly the Resemblance or Imitation of my Lord of Leicester and my Lord Chanceller Hatton yet I am perswaded howsoever I wish your Lordship as distant as you are from them in Points of Favour Integrity Magnanimity and Merit That it will doe you much good between the Queen and you to allege them as oft as you finde occasion for Authours and Patterns For I doe not know a readier mean to make her Majesty think you are in your right way Thirdly when at any time your Lordship upon occasion happen in Speeches to doe her Majesty right for there is no such Matter as Flattery amongst you all I fear you handle it Magis in speciem adornatis verbis quam ut sentire videaris So that a Man may read Formality in your Countenance Whereas your Lordship should doe it familiarly Et oratione fidà Fourthly your Lordship should never be without some Particulars afoot which you should seem to pursue with Earnestness and Affection And then let them fall upon taking Knowledge of her Majesties Opposition and Dislike Of which the weightiest Sort may be if your Lordship offer to labour in the behalf of some that you favour for some of the Places now voyd Chusing such a Subject as you think hâ—r Majesty is like to oppose unto And if you will say that this is Conjunctum cum alienâ Injurià I will not answer Haec non aliter constabunt But I say Commendation from so good a Mouth doth not hurt a Man though you prevail not A less weighty Sort of Particulars may be the Pretence of some Iourneys which at her Majesties request your Lordship mought relinquish As if you would pretend a Iourney to see your Living and Estate towards Wales or the like For as for great Forein Iourneys of Employment and Service it standeth not with your Gravity to play or Stratageme with them And the lightest sort of particulars which yet are not to be neglected are in your Habits Apparel Wearings Gestures and the like The Impression of greatest prejudice next is that of a Militar Dependance VVherein I cannot sufficiently wonder at your Lordships course That you say the Warrs are your Occupation And goe on in that course Whereas if I mought have advised your Lordship you should have left that Person at Plimmouth More than when in Counsell or in commending fit persons for service for Warrs it had been in season And here my Lord I pray mistake me not I am not to play now the Part of a Gown-man that would frame you best to mine own turn I know what I owe you I am infinitely glad of this last Iourney now it is past The rather because you may make so Honourable a full Point for a time You have Property good enough in that Greatness There is none can of many years ascend near you in competition Besides the Disposing of the Places and Affairs both concerning the Warrs you encreasing in other Greatness will of themselves flow to you which will preserve that Dependance in full measure It is a Thing that of all Things I would have you retain the Times considered And the Necessity of the Service for other reason I know none But I say Keep it in Substance but abolish it in shewes to the Queen For her Maiesty loveth Peace Next she loveth not Charge Thirdly that kinde of Dependance maketh a Suspected Greatness Therefore Quod instat agamus Let that be a sleeping Honour a while And cure the Queens mind in that point Therefore again whereas I heard your Lordships designing to your self the Earl Marshals place or the place of Master of the Ordnance I did not in my mind so well like of either Because of their Affinity with a Martiall Greatnesse But of the Places now void in my Judgement and discretion I would name you to the place of Lord Privy Seal For first it is the Third Person of the great Officers of the Crown Next it hath a kind of Super-Intendence over the Secretary It hath also an Affinity with the Court of Wards in regard of the Fees from the Liveries And it is a fine Honour quiet place and worth a Thousand pounds by year And my Lord Admiralls Father had it who was a Martiall Man And it fits a Favourite to carry her Majesties Image in Seal who beareth it best expressed in Heart But my chief Reason is that which I first alleged to divert her Majesty from this Impression of a Martiall Greatnesse In concurrence whereof If your Lordship shall remit any thing of your former diligence at the Starr-chamber If you shall continue such Intelligences as are worth the cherishing If you shall pretend to be as Bookish and Contemplative as ever you were All these Courses have both their Advantages and uses in themselves otherwise and serve exceeding aptly to this purpose Whereunto I add one Expedient more stronger than all the rest And for mine own confident Opinion void of any prejudice or danger of Diminution of your Greatnesse And that is the Bringing in of some Martiall Man to be of the Councill Dealing directly with her Majesty in it as for her Service and your better assistance Chusing neverthelesse some Person that may be known not to come in against you by any former Division I judge the fittest to be my Lord Mount-joy or my Lord Willoughby And if your Lordship see deeplier into it than I do that you would not have it done in effect Yet in my Opinion you may serve your turn by the pretence of it and stay it neverthelesse The Third Impression is of a Popular Reputation which because it is a Thing good in it self being obtained as your Lordship obtaineth it that is Bonis artibus And besides Well governed is one of the best Flowers of your Greatnesse both present and to come It would be handled tenderly The onely way is to quench it Verbis and not Rebus And therefore to take all Occasions to the Queen to speak against Popularity and Popular Courses vehemently And to taxe it in all others But neverthelesse to go on in your Honourable Common-wealth Courses as you do And therefore I will not advise you to cure this by dealing in Monopolies or any Oppressions Onely if in Parliament your Lordship be forward for Treasure in respect of the Warrs it becommeth your
Person well And if her Majesty object Popularity to you at any time I would say to her A Parliament will shew that And so feed her with Expectation The Fourth Impression of the Inequality between your Estate of Meanes and your Greatnesse of Respects is not to be neglected For believe it my Lâ—rd that till her Majesty find you carefull of your Estate she will not onely think you more like to continue chargeable to her but also have a Conceit that you have higher Imaginations The Remedies are First to professe it in all speeches to her Next in such Sutes wherein both Honour Gift and Profit may be taken to communicate freely with her Majesty by way of enducing her to grant that it will be this Benefit to you Lastly to be plain with your Lordship For the Gentlemen are such as I am beholding to Nothing can make the Queen or the World think so much that you are come to a provident Care of your Estate as the Altering of some of your Officers Who though they be as true to you as One Hand to the Other Yet Opinio Veritate major But if in respect of the Bonds they may be entred into for your Lordship you cannot so well dismisse your self of them this cannot be done but with Time For the Fifth and Last which is of the Advantage of a Favourite As severed from the rest it cannot hurt So joyned with them it maketh her Majesty more fearfull and shadowy as not knowing her own strength The onely Remedy to this is To give way to some other Favourite as in particular you shall find her Majesty enclined So as the Subject hath no ill nor dangerous Aspect towards your self For otherwise whosoever shall tell me that you may not have singular use of a Favourite at your Devotion I will say he understandeth not the Queens Affection nor your Lordships Condition And so I rest October 4. 1596. To Sir Robert Cecil Sir I Forbear not to put in Paper as much as I thought to have spoken to your Honour too day if I could have stayed Knowing that if your Honour should make other use of it than is due to good meaning And then I am perswaded you will Yet to persons of Judgement and that know me otherwise it will rather appear as it is a precise Honesty and this same Suum cuique tribuere than any Hollownesse to any It is my luck still to be a kinn to such Things as I neither like in nature nor would willingly meet with im my Course But yet cannot avoid without shew of base Timorousnesse or else of unkind or suspicious strangenesse Some Hiatus in the Copy And I am of one Spirit still I ever liked the Galenists that deal with good Compositions And not the Paracelsians that deal with these fine Separations And in Musick I ever loved easie Ayers that goe full all the parts together And not these strange points of Accord and Diseord This I write not I assure your Honour officiously Except it be according to Tullies Offices that is Honestly and Morally For though I thank God I account upon the proceeding in the Queens Service or not proceeding both ways And therefore neither mean to fawn not retire yet I naturally desire good opinion with any Person which for Fortune or Spirit is to be regarded Much more with a Secretary of the Queens and a Cousin Germain And one with whom I have ever thought my Self to have some sympathy of Nature though Accidents have not suffered it to appear Thus not doubting of your Honourable Interpretation and usage of that I have written I commend you to the Divine preservation From Grayes Inn. To my Lord of Essex It may please your good Lordship I Pray God her Majesties weighing be not like the weight of a Ballance Gravia deorsum Levia sursum But I am as far from being altered in Devotion towards Her as I am from Distrust that she will be altered in opinion towards me when she knoweth me better For my Self I have lost some Opinion some Time and some Means This is my Account But then for Opinion it is a Blast that goeth and commeth For Time it is true it goeth and commeth not But yet I have learned that it may be redeemed For Means I value that most And the rather because I am purposed not to follow the Practice of the Law If her Majestie command me in any particular I shall be ready to do her willing Service And my Reason is onely because it drinketh too much Time which I have dedicated to better purposes But even for that point of Estate and Means I partly lean to Thales Opinion That a Philosopher may be rich if he will Thus your Lordship seeth how I comfort my Self To the Encrease whereof I would fain please my Self to beleeve that to be true which my Lord Treasurer writeth Which is that it is more than a Philosopher morally can disgest But without any such high Conceit I esteem it like the pulling out of an Aking Tooth which I remember when I was a Child and had little Philosophy I was glad of when it was done For your Lordship I doe think my Self more beholding to you than to any Man And I say I reckon my Self as a Common Not Popular but Common And as much as is lawfull to be enclosed of a Common So much your Lordship shall be sure to have Your Lordships to obey your Honourable Commands more setled than ever To my Lord of Essex My singular good Lord YOur Lordships so Honourable minding my poor Fortune the last year in the very Entrance into that great Action which is a time of less leisure And in so liberal an Allowance of your Care as to write three Letters to stirr me up Friends in your absence Doth after a sorâ— warrant me not to object to my Self your present Quantity of affairs whereby to silence my Self from Petition of the like Favour I brake with your Lordship my self at the Tower And I take it my Brother hath since renewed the same Motion Touching a Fortune I was in thought to attempt in Genere Oeconomico In Genere Politico certain Cross Winds have blown contrary My Sute to your Lordship is for your several Letters to be left with me dormant to the Gentlewoman and either of her Parents Wherein I doe not doubt but as the Beams of your Favour have often dissolved the Coldness of my Fortune So in this Argument your Lordship will doe the like with your Penn. My Desire is also that your Lordship would vouchsafe uâ—to me as out of your care a general Letter to my Lord Keeper for his Lordships holding me from you recommended Both in the Course of my Practice and in the Course of my Employment in her Majesties Service Wherein if your Lordship shall in any Antithesis or Relation affirm that his Lordship shall have no less Fruit of me than of any other whom he may cherish I hope your
therefore that the Treason was as De praesenti But I that foresee that if that Course should be held when it commeth to a publick day to disseminate to the Vulgar an Opinion that your Majesties Case is all one as if you were de Facto particularly and exprâ—sâ—y Excommunicate it would but encrease the danger of your Person with those that are Desperate Papists And that it is needless Commended my Lords Diligence but withall put it by And fell upon the other Course which is the true way That is that whosoever shall affirm in Diem or sub Conditione that your Majesty may be destroyed is a Traytor de praesenti For that he maketh you but Tennant for Life at the will of another And I put the Duke of Buckinghams Case who said That if the King caused him to be arrested of Treason he would stab him And the Case of the Imposturess Elizabeth Barton that said That if King Henry the 8. took not his Wife again Katharine Dowager he should be no longer King And the like It may be these particulars are not worth the Relating But because I find nothing in the World so important to your Service as to have you throughly inâ—ormed the Ability of your Direction considered it maketâ— me thus to doe Most humbly praying your Majesty to admonish me if I be over-troublesom For Peacham the rest of my Fellowes are ready to make their Report to your Majesty at such time and in such manner as your Majâ—sty shall require it My Self yesterday took my Lord Cooke aside after the rest were gone and told him all the rest were ready and I was now to require his Lordships Opinion according to my Commission He said I should have it And repeated that twice or thrice as thinking he had gone too farr in that kinde of Negative to deliver any Opiâ—ion apart before And said he would tell it me within a very short time though he were not that instant ready I have tossed this Business in omnes partes whereof I will give your Majesty knowledge when time serveth God preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to the King about a Certificate of my Lord Cooke Feb. 14. 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty I Send your Majesty enclosed my Lord Cookes Answers I will not call them Rescripts Much less Oracles They are of his own hand and offered to me as they are in writing though I am glad of it for mine own Discharge I thought it my duty as soon as I received them instantly to send them to your Majesty And forbear for the present to speak further of them I for my part though this Muscovia Weather be a little too hard for my Constitution was ready to have waited upon your Majesty this day all respects set aside But my Lord Treasurer in respect of the season and much other Business was willing to save me I will only conclude touching these Papers with a Text Divided I can not say Oportet isthaec fieri But I may say Finis autem nondum God preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to the King touching Matter of his Revenew and Profit April 25. 1615. It may please your Majesty I May remember what Tacitus saith by occasion that Tiberius was often and long absent from Rome In Vrbe et parvâ et magnâ Negotia Imperatorem simul premunt But saith He In recessu dimissis rebus minoris momenti summae rerum magnâ—rum magis agitantur This maketh me think it shall be no Incivility to trouble your Majesty with business during your aboad from London Knowingâ— that your Majesties Meditations are the principal wheel of your Estate And being warranted from a former Commandement which I received from you I doe now onely send your Majesty these Papers enclosed because I doe greatly desire so farr forth to preserve my credit with you as thus That whereas lately perhaps out of too much Desire which induceth too much beleef I was bold to say that I thought it as easie for your Majesty to come out of Want as to goe forth of your Gallery your Majesty would not take me for a Dreamer or a Projectour I send your Majesty therefore some Grounds of my Hopes And for that Paper which I have gathered of Increasments sperate I beseech you to give me leave to think that if any of the particulars doe fail it will be rather for want of workmanship in those that shall deal in them than want of Materials in the Things themselves The other Paper hath many Discarding Cards And I send it chiefly that your Majesty may be the less surprized by Projectors who pretend sometimesâ— great Discoveries and Inventions in Things that have been propounded and perhaps after a better fashion long since God Almighty preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to the King reporting the Day of Hearing of I. S. his Cause in the Starre-Chamber 29 April 1615. It may please your excellent Majesty I. S. his Day is past and well past I hold it to be Ianus Bifrons It hath a good Aspect to that which is past And to the Future And doth both â—atisfie and prepare All did well My Lord Chief Iustice delivered the Law for the Benevolence strongly I would he had done it timely Mr. Chanceller of the Exchequer spake finely somewhat after the manner of my late Lord Privy Seal Not all out so sharply but as elegantly Sir Thomas Lake who is also new in that Court did very well familiarly and Counseller-like My Lord of Pembroke who is likewise a stranger there did extraordinarily well and became himself well and had an evident Applause I meant well also And because my Information was the Ground having spoken out of a few Heads which I had gathered For I seldom doe more I set down as soon as I came home cursorily a Frame of that I had said Though I perswade my self I spake it with more life I have sent it to Mr. Murray sealed If your Majesty have so much idle time to look upon it it may give some light of the Dayes work But I most humbly pray your Majesty to pardon the Errours God preserve you ever Your Majesties most humble Subject and devoted Servant A Letter to the King concerning the New Company August 12. 1615. It may please your most excellent Majesty YOâ—r Maâ—esty shall shortly receive the Bill for the Incorporation of the New Company together with a Bill for the Privy Seal being a Dependancy thereof For this Morning I subscribed and doâ—keâ—â—ed them both I think it therefore now time to repreâ—sent to your Majesties high wisdom that which I conceive and have had long in my minde concerning your Majesties service and honourable profit in this Business This Project which hath proceeded from a worthy Service of the Lord Treasurer I have from the beginning