observ'd â—t only to put them in force again in those where they â—â—re not observ'd The King also granted that the Reform'dâ—ould â—ould not be lyable to be Sequestrators of the Ecclesiastiâ— Estates seiz'd upon for the Tithes but it was his pleasure that incase they should accept it voluntarily they â—ould be subject to the ordinary jurisdiction and should â—t pretend a removal to the Chambers The third which related to the Affairs of Dauphine which were commonly treated of apart was also answer'd the same day and among several other Articles the King particularly granted these That the Grounds given to serve for Church-yards should be freed from paying of Tailles and Rents due to the King or that incase they should Lay in the Royalty of any other Lord they should have the same discharge the said Lords being indemnifi'd at the charge of the Communities injoyning the exemption That the number of the Judges allow'd of requir'd to judge according to the Ordinances not being found in the Chamber of Grenoble the Parties might of Right and without having recourse to the King or to the great Council apply themselves to the next Chamber as it was already allow'd in Case the Judges were divided in their Opinions That the Reform'd Associate who should be taken by the Catholick Judge to assist at the Information of Criminal Causes should also be taken for Assessor with a deliberative Voice in the Judgment That the Parliament should not be allow'd to give a Pareatis nor to give a Decree in Causes depending in the Chamber against persons who publickly profess'd the Reform'd Religion That the King should create a Reform'd Secretary and a Messenger to be officiated by such persons 〈◊〉 should be nominated by the Churches of the Province with the same Sallarys and Prerogatives as others who had the same Offices That the Parties who had reason to complaâ—… of the Ordinances made by the Commissioners which thâ—… late King had deputed for the Verification of the Country Debts might appeal from their Judgment in three Months time to the Party-Chamber It appears by those Cahiers that the Chambers had daily new disputes with the Parliaments concerning their Jurisdiction and Power So that those Judges allow'd to the Reform'd to exempt them from putting their Affairs and Lives into the hands of other suspected or partial Judges for the most part only serv'd to engage them into disputes of Jurisdiction which almost distracted them The Parliaments could not accustom themselves to that dismembring of their own Jurisdiction which depriv'd them of the major part of Afâ—…rs Therefore upon the least ground they retain'd the â—…uses of the Reform'd and refus'd their appeals At Paris man pretending to have a right of sight upon a certain â—…ace the Possessors opposs'd it and after the appeal of â—…e Sentence of the first Judge the Defendants resolv'd â—…t to submit the Cause to the Chamber of the Edict The â—…use was Civil if ever any was so since the thing debate was only a little Right pretended upon the â—…ound of a Community but whereas the owners of the â—…d Ground were Monks the Parliament retain'd the Cause â—…etending that it was an Ecclesiastical Cause Another â—…an being condemn'd for some pretended Irreverence by the Inferior Judge to keep and be at the charge of a burnâ—…g Lamp in a Church was like wise refus'd the removal he desir'd under pretence that it was a Cause that was excepâ—…d So that it was sufficient in order to deprive a Reform'dâ—…f â—…f the Privilege of a removal granted by the Edict for â—…e Subaltern Judge to condemn'd him to any thing in which the Church of Rome was concern'd by this Wile â—…ey gave the Parliaments a pretence to retain the Causes of Appeal In other places the Parliaments oblig'd the Messengers who were to execute any Decrees made by the â—…hamber establish'd within their Precinct to take Letters of â—…junction as not acknowledging that the said Chambers â—…ad an Authority to cause their Judgments to be observ'd independantly from the Parliaments This was the reason for which the Chamber of Grenoble desir'd the aforesaid â—…ettlement Nevertheless the Chambers of the Edict still retain'd â—…me notwithstanding these pretences and then they were â—…s severe in their Judgments as the Parliaments The Chamber of Paris gave one that year in the Month of April upon a very singular Case A Curate in resigning â—…is Cure had retain'd a Pension upon his Revenue and in order not to be liable to the Consequences of such Agreements when sufficient precautions have not been taken to Authorise them he had caus'd his contract to be approv'd of at the Court of Rome His said Pension was constantly paid him while he was a Catholick but as soon as he had embrac'd the Reform'd Religion the Assignee would no longer pay it The said Cause was brought before the Chamber of the Edict I know not why since it was at least as much Ecclesiastical as the others I have mention'd And they declar'd the Pensionary incapable of injoying the said Revenue by reason of his change of Religion The Proselite really acted contrary to the Disipline of the Reform'd which oblig'd all those of his Character when they embrac'd the Reform'd Religion to renounce their Benefices to preserve none of the Revenues of the same directly or indirectly But the Chamber of the Edict did not judge according to the said Discipline they only consider'd the Religion of the Parties As I have heretofore observ'd that the Reform'd complain'd that the Commissioners sent into the Provinces had made their condition worse than it was in some places it will not be amiss to give another proof of it The Commisioners who had the District of Burgundy and who made the alterations I have already mention'd in the Country of Gex did a thing in the Parish of Chalemant a dependency of the Diocess of Nevers which the Reform'd were very much concern'd at by reason of the Consequence of it A Reform'd Gentleman whose Family pretended to have a right of Burial in the Parochial Church had been bury'd there The Bishop complain'd to the Commissioners about it as of a great attempt and desir'd the Corps to be remov'd in order to reconcile the Church which was profan'd by the Burial of an Heretick Genicourt Master of Requests the Catholick Commisioner caus'd the said Corps to be taken out of the Ground and to be transported to the place which was allow'd to the Reform'd for their Burials The Reform'd Commissioner was absent at that time whither it were that he had no mind to have a hand in that extraordinary proceeding or whither being one of those complaisant persons nominated by the Duke Bouillon he absented himself on purpose not to be obâ—…d to do an Act of Courage by opposing that novelty â—…l this was done with a great deal of Ceremony and great â—…rmality which only serv'd to make the more noise and give a greater lusture
to facilitate the Execution of the last Edict of Pacification The said Articles agreed on and sign'd on both sides at the said place of Nerac on the last day of the Month of February last past His Majesty has approv'd confirm'd and ratify'd the same wills and requires that they shall be put in execution according to their Form and Tenor and to that end that the Letters-Patent and all necessary Dispatches of the same shall be forthwith made and sent Done at Paris on the 14th Day of March 1519. Sign'd Henry And lower De Neufville The King's Edict about the Pacification of the Troubles containing a Confirmation Amplification and Declaration as well of the precedent Edicts made upon the same Subjecct even in the Year 1577. as of the Articles agreed on at the Conference held at Nerac publish'd at Paris in Parliament on the 26th of January 1577. HEnry by the Grace of God King of France and Poland to all those present and hereafter to come Greeting Notwithstanding that since the Agreement and publication of our Edict of pacification made in the year 1577. we have us'd our utmost endeavours for the putting of the same in execution and to oblige our Subjects to follow and observe it even so far as to put the Queen our most honour'd Lady and Mother to the trouble of repairing to the principal Provinces of our Kingdom to remedy and provide against according to her usual prudence the Difficulties and Obstacles which depriv'd our said Subjects of the benefit of our said Edict whereupon follow'd the Articles of the Conferance at Nerac between the said Lady accompany'd with some of the principal Princes of our Blood and Lords of our Privy-Council and our most Dear and most Beloved Brother the King of Navar assisted by the Deputies of our Subjects who profess the pretended Reform'd Religion Yet not having been able to our great regret to avoid the Troubles being renew'd in our Kingdom we have endeavour'd and us'd all the most proper and most agreeable means we have been able to devise to extinguish them and to deliver our said Subjects from the evils of War having to that end by our Letters Patent impow'd our most Dear and most Beloved only Brother the Duke of Anjou to cause our said Edict of pacification to be entirely executed together with the Articles of the said Conference of Nerac Who being since according to our Intention gone into our Country and Dutchy of Guyenne and there having upon the said Subject conferr'd at large with our said Brother the King of Navar and the Deputies of our said Subjects of the said pretended Reform'd Religion there conven'd and assembled The Articles annex'd to these Presents under the Counter Seal of our Chancery were there propos'd Which said Articles being sent to us by our said Brother we having examin'd and consider'd the same out of a singular desire to banish out of our Kingdom the Impieties Extortions and other Accidents occasion'd by the said Troubles to re-establish the Honour and Service of God make way for Justice and to relieve our poor people Have out of our own Inclination full Power and Authority Royal approv'd and ratify'd the said Articles The same do approve and ratifie by these Presents sign'd by our own Hand And it is our will and pleasure that the same shall be follow'd kept executed and inviolably observ'd according to their Form and Tenor in the same manner as our said Edict of pacification Therefore we command and require our Trusty and well-beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Chambers of our Accounts Courts of our Aids Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts and other our Justices and Officers to whom it may concern or their Lieutenants to cause the said Articles hereunto as aforesaid annex'd to be read publish'd register'd kept executed and inviolably observ'd in the same manner as our said Edict of Pacification and the Articles granted in the said Conference of Nerac making all those that are concern'd fully and peaceably enjoy and receive the benefit of what is contain'd therein putting a stop to all Troubles and Impediments to the contrary For such is our pleasure and to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd to these Presents Given at Blois in the Month of December in the Year of our Lord 1580. and of our Reign the 7th Sign'd Henry And upon the Fold by the King Pinart And seal'd upon Knots of Red and Green Silk with the Great Seal and Green Wax And it is also written upon the Fold of the said Letters Visa Articles propounded and set forth in the Assembly and Conference held at Flex near the City of Sainte-Foy between the Duke of Anjou the King 's only Brother by vertue of the power given unto him by his Majesty and the King of Navar assisted by the Deputies of those of the pretended Reform'd Religion he answering for all the King's Subjects of the said Religion to be presented to his Majesty to be by him if such be his pleasure granted and approv'd And in so doing to put an end to the Troubles and Disorders happen'd in this Kindom since the last Edict of Pacification made in the Month of September 1577. and the Conference held at Nerac on the last day of February 1579. and to restore the King's Subjects in Peace and Vnion under his Obedience and so to provide by a good and speedy execution that henceforward nothing may happen among them to the prejudice of the said Pacification Article I. THAT the said last Edict of Pacification and secret and particular Articles granted with the same together with the Articles of the aforesaid Conference held at Nerac shall be really and in effect observ'd and put in execution in all and every particular which shall hold and stand good not only for the things happen'd during the preceding Troubles but also for such as shall or have happen'd from the time of the said Conference until now and that all the King's Subjects of both Religions shall enjoy the benefit of the Declarations Grants Discharges and General Pardons contain'd in the said Articles Edicts and Conferences for what has been done and committed taken and rais'd on either side during the present Troubles and upon the account thereof as they should have done for what had happen'd during the precedent Troubles excepting what is expresly derogated by the present Articles II. The Articles of the said Edict concerning the re establishment of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion for the celebration of Divine Service in such places where it has been discontinu'd together with the enjoyment and gathering of the Tythes Fruits and Ecclesiastical Revenues shall be entirely executed follow'd and observ'd and those who shall transgress the same shall be rigorously punish'd III. In putting the 1st 2d and 11th Articles of the Edict in execution the King's Attorneys General shall be enjoin'd as well as their Substitutes in
so Just so Wise an Administration that You have rendered your Name no less Illustrious for your Prudence and the rest of your shining Vertues than the Greatest King in the World I mean WILLIAM III. hath made His Glorious by His Valour Conduct and the Infinite other great Qualities of his Mind and both your Sovereign Majesties are become the Delight of your Honest and Loyal Subjects the Admiration of Foreign Princes and the great Dread and Terrour of your Enemies May you Both live long that your People may be happy long and rejoyce long in you and that your Majesties may be long happy in your People having the Hearts the Esteem and Veneration of ALL your Subjects to be the Felicity and Glory of your Reign So Wishes so Prays with all imaginable Earnestness and Devotion May it please your Most Excellent Majesty Your Majesties most Humble most Faithful and most Obediently Loyal Subject COOKE To My Lords The Lords Deputy Counsellors OF THE States of Holland AND WEST-FRIEZLAND Most Noble and Puissant Lords IF I do 〈…〉 follow here the example of those Writers 〈…〉 place a study'd Panegyrick upon those â—â— whom they have made choice for tâ—…ors at the beginning of their Works t was 〈…〉 fear of ill success that hinder'd me had I had any such design nor of exposing my self to the Distaste that has been long since taken against such kind of undertakings I must confess I have no great reason to build much upon my Eloquence but I might find in the abounding Treasure of the Subject wherewith to supply the defect of my Skill and Parts and I might hope withall to please the Reader since I should have an opportunity to tell him those things which he rarely sees in writings of the like Nature 'T is a difficult thing at this day to force into such an Eulogy those bold stroakes of Wit or Rhetorick that might adorn it with any Graces of Novelty more especially most people believe that Truth very seldom appears in such Applauses But it would be an easie thing for me to do something more then usual upon the Subject which I should have in hand in regard that tho my Praises were never so transcendent they would never be look'd upon as suspected or excessive There would need no more for me then to consider YOUR NOBLE PUISSANCES as an August Body to which all the Merit of the Illustrious Members that compose it is due It would be easie for me by this means to adorn my Discourse with a thousand Ornaments not common to the World neither would any Person presume to suspect me of rearing the Glory of All together too High seeing that if we should take asunder every one of those who rae calld to those Eminent Dignities we should find in his Name in his Endowments in his Employments and his Services as many several Subjects for a just and lawful Panegyrick But I know well MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS that solid Virtue is not ambitious of these vain Oblations Only vulgar Souls are intoxicated with such perfumes They who have a Soul truly Great choose rather to be profitable to the Publick by their noble Actions then to hear either their Persons or their Conduct extolld I make no question but your NOBLE PUISSANCES deem it far more worthy of your selves to engrave your Elogies in the Hearts and Memory of the People by your Sage and Prudent Government then to read 'em in an Epistle Dedicatory Therefore not to engage my self in a labour that would be â—o way grateful to YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES I will only give you an accompt of the reasons which embolden'd me to present you this Piece which I have now transmitted to publick View I have not so good an Opinion of my self MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS to imagine that the Fruits of my Labours are Offerings that merit your Acceptance But the Nature of the Subject which I handle in this History dedicated to Your Lordships may serve to excuse the liberty which I take to lay it under the Protection of YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES and after a full Examination it may be easily acknowledg'd that in reason and justice it could have been no other where address'd It contains a Recital of the misfortunes which in France have befallen those who for these fourscore and ten Years have liv'd in that Kingdom under the Faith of the most solemn Edict that ever was published It represents what they suffer'd till the Revocation of that Law which had been so long the Buckler of their Religion and the Bulwark of their Liberty It shews several thousands of Families by Violence and Injustice reduc'd to abandon the Advantages and Delights of their Native Country and to seek on every side a Sanctuary for their Persons and Repose for their Consciences 'T is true that in all parts of Europe whereever these Persecuted Professors of the true Christian Faith have been led by Providence they have receiv'd great marks of the compassion and good will of Foreigners but in no State or Kingdom were they receiv'd with more tenderness nor cherish'd with more affection than in this The Charity of our Thrice Potent Soveraigns made hast to meet their Petitions Upon their arrival they found all manner of succour ready at hand They shar'd as I may say the Conveniencies and Riches of the Country with the Inhabitants by the free and liberal participation which they met with They no sooner breath'd the Air of these Countries but they tasted the Abundance of it They also whom the common Tempest had cast on other Shores were sensible of this Heroick Beneficence not only because it was a leading example to others but because the effects of it were not enclos'd within the limits of these Provinces If the first Honour of this extreme Bounty be due to our Soveraigns whose Zeal and Piety became â—o signal by such a Glorious Testimonial it cannot be deny'd at least MOST NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS but that the second belongs to your selves You found you distributed the Funds whence these Immense Profusions of Charity were drawn T was by the hands of YOUR MOST NOBLE PUISSANCES that so many Professors of the Christian Faith so many persons of Great Quality so many Pastors and Teachers so many ruin'd Families so many people of both Sexes which the Persecution had reduc'd to utmost Exigency have hitherto receiv'd and still receive all necessary Succour and Relief In the midst of such Prodigious Expences occasion'd by a hideous War The care which you take for the Publick does not slackn your Diligence for the Consolation of so many afflicted Innocents and your inexhaustible Charity does the same in procuring them an easie and comfortable Life which your Indefatigable Vigilance performs in suffering nothing to be wanting to the Commonwealth in her lawful designes After all this there is no question to be made most NOBLE and PUISSANT LORDS that it is no more than justice to Dedicate to your selves
Judges were equally divided But the zeal of Religion carried it against the Order of Justice and instead of following according to rule the favourablest side in criminal matters when Opinions are equally divided about them they turned over the Cause to the great Chamber where the Order in case of division was over ruled and the severest Opinions preferr'd before the most mild and equitable The perplexity into which the Court was put by the loss of the Battle at St. Quentin gave the Protestants some hopes they should be allowed a little respite and therefore they assembled with less caution than before and among other meetings they had one at Paris in St. James's street so numerous that it being impossible to escape the eyes of the people who saw them come out of the House where they met The Rabble fell upon them which caused such an uproar that the Officers of Justice were fain to come to appease it In which scuffle some of the Meeters defended themselves against the aggressours and got away and others escaped by several means but however above 100 of them were seised among which were some Maids of Honour to the Q. And that Princess her self who was nothing less than what she had a mind to appear and who desired to pass for a sober chast Lady was not unwilling to be suspected to incline to the Protestant opinions The better sort of People had a high conceit of them and thought them of unblameable Manners but the Rabble were incensed against them by most horrible calumnies for sometimes it was reported they were Jews and used to eat a Paschal Lamb at their Nightly Meetings sometimes that they eat a Pig there instead of a Lamb and sometimes that they roasted Children there and made great chear at those monstrous entertainments after which they put out the Candles and coupled together with all manner of unlawful Embraces Nay and there were some so furiously Zealous against them that they had the impudence to affirm they had participated at those infernal Devotions Several of those thus taken were burnt but the rest fortunately made use of all the shifts they could find out in Law to delay their Sentence during which time the Germans and Swissers of whom the K. at that time stood in great need interceded for them and those severities were by little and little moderated for fear of offending such necessary Friends as they The next Summer the people took a fancy to sing in the Clerks Meadow a place where all the Town used to divert themselves with walking Marot's singing Psalms that were set to very fine Musical Tunes which novelty at first was so pleasing that the next day after the K. and Q. of Navar went thither with an incredible multitude of People but the Clergy were terribly alarm'd at it and endeavoured with all their power to procure all such Assemblies to be supprest and their zeal in that was very singular because they could not endure people should sing in the open Field what they had without controul sung in their Houses several years together and at the Court it self during all which time that singing was never thought any mark of Heresie But ever since that Enterprise to these last years the singing of Psalms has always been insupportable to the Clergy and tho they never employed any serious efforts to hinder the singing of Prophane and filthy Songs which have been too rise at all times yet on the contrary they never pursued any thing with so much eagerness as their endeavours to deprive the Protestants of the Consolation of singing with freedom those holy Canticles About that time first appear'd in France that competition of those two Rival Parties that afterwards had like to have ruin'd it and which was as 't were the Fountain-head of all the other Factions One of them was that of the Princes of Lorain who took advantage by the defeat and taking of the Constable to augment their own greatness The other was that of the Constable himself and his Family who possessed most of the great Employments That Lord huddled up the Treaty of Cateau in Cambresis out of eagerness by a Peace to procure his liberty and opportunity to return to the Court to prevent the ruin of his house But the Cardinal of Lorain made use of the same Treaty to find occasions to destroy him for he had a secret Conference with Granvelle Cardinal Bp. of Arras who complain'd to him how highly persons tainted with Heresie were favoured in the Court of France and named in particular Andelot Brother to the Admiral of Chatillon and Nephew to the Constable which was an Artifice to engage the Lorain Cardinal whose Genius Granvelle very well knew in a Quarrel with the Family of those Lords in assured expectation that by the mutual opposition of those two Parties the Kingdom would be brought into great confusions which would be of considerable advantage to the House of Austria The Cardinal being a vain and busy man and who in his great designs had not always the prudence and constancy to carry them on snapt presently at the Bait thinking to find his account in the News he had heard because he knew the suspicion of Heresie was enough to Exasperate Henry II. to ruin the greatest of his Favourites And accordingly he accuses Andelot upon which the K. immediately sending for him and requiring to know the truth from his own Mouth he answered in so resolute a manner and declared his sense about the Mysteries of the Roman Church in such vigorous terms that the Historians of that time durst not repeat his Expressions At which the K. fell into such a fit of fury that he suffered his passion to transport him to commit very undecent Actions for he would have Kill'd him and in the attempt wounded the Dauphin his Son who was near him In fine Andelot was sent to Prison and depriv'd of all his places But when the K's passion was over the Constable after some difficulty found credit enough to procure his Restoration And so the Cardinal's artifice had no other effect for that time than to provoke against him the Resentment of those puissant Houses and to inform the Protestants That some of the most considerable Lords of the Kingdom were of their Opinion This then hindred not the Reformation to continue its progress for it was embraced by persons of all sorts of conditions It gain'd a great number of Church-men and Men of Learning and was well relished by the most eminent Persons in the very Parliament of Paris so that the severities there went on more heavily than ordinary tho the K. hotly pressed the Execution of his Edict of Chateau-Briant Having then sent a new Order to the Parliament commanding them exactly to observe it Some Spies inform'd him that notwithstanding that their Votes tended still towards moderation upon which he goes suddenly thither when he was
that take Heaven and Earth to witness they pay no manner of homage to Images In the mean while the Trials went on against the Prisoners most of which came off with a slight punishment But Counsellor du Bourg after he had shewn some weakness which he soon retracted by the Exhortations of the Ministers and others who writ to him or visited him was condemned to the flames as if he had been a common person They endeavour'd to blacken him by accusing him as a Complice in the assassination of the President de St. Andre who had been one of the Commissionated Judges appointed to try him But that Accusation being sufficiently refuted by the known Probity of that Venerable Senator fell of it self That President had acted in the whole Examination and Prosecution of that business more like a passionate Adversary than an equitable Judge which Du Faur one of the Prisoners charged him with very couragiously one day which cruel man hapning to be kill'd before the Trial of the Prisoners was over one Mr. Stuart a Scotch Gentleman and who pretended some Relation to the Queen but in complaisance to her Vncles was disowned by her was taken up upon suspicion for that murder to which to make weight they added several other Accusations But with all their Tricks they could not convict him by any sufficient Proofs nor extort any confession out of his Mouth no not by the torments of the Wrack which he suffer'd with such an unshaken constancy that as they were unwilling to condemn him upon imperfect Evidence so they durst not acquit him because they fear'd him Whilst the Protestants were thus outragiously handled their severe usage exasperated them both to speak and write somewhat warmly in their own defence But their Apologies had the ill luck to incense the higher Powers but so much the more against them because they maintain'd That Women Foreigners ought to be excluded from the Government and that the administration of it belong'd to the General Estates of the Kingdom and to the Princes of the Blood during the minority of Kings whom they would by no means acknowledg at age fit to govern at 14 years And about 3 years after they still brought upon themselves more mischief by reading in a Synod a Writing drawn up by a certain Author exhorting them to unite together against despotick Power Popery and Abuses in Law which they called the three plagues of human Kind from which they who live by the Corruption of Religion and Justice fail'd not to give a malicious turn to the aversion they shew'd for Arbitrary Power and to take advantage there-from to reproach and traduce them to this day as Republicans and sworn enemies to Monarchy as if not to flatter Tyranny were the same thing as to Rebel against a legal Government The power of the Guises began to grow Insupportable and there began likewise from that very time to arise between them and the Royal House of Bourbon a competition that soon after degenerated into a declared Enmity so that from that time forward those two Houses became Irreconcileable foes which was the true occasion of the attempt of Amboise tho some will needs have it pass for a pure business of Religion I shall leave that talk to others to treat more amply of that subject and to make use of the Testimony of those who assure us that Q Katharine had secretly solicited the Admiral to free her out of the hands of the Guises who had assumed all the Authority and for my own part shall only be content to assert That Religion was concern'd in it only by accident by reason that those who were deprived of their part in the Government due to them by their high Birth professed the Reformed Religion Among near 1200 unhappy persons that were destroyed upon that occasion by divers sorts of Punishments and most of which suffered all the severities of the Tortures there were but two in all whom they could force by Torments to say what they would have them all the rest unanimously maintaining that their design was only to seise the Lorrain-Princes and divest them of an Authority which they ought not to enjoy to the prejudice of the Princes of the Blood There is therefore as little reason to charge the Reformed Religion with the blame of that Enterprise supposing that according to the Rules of Policy it deserved any as to impute to the Roman Religion the conspiracies of the Catholick Princes and Lords against the Tyranny of the Marshal D'Ancre or that of the D. of Orleans against the excessive power of Cardinal Richelieu or those of the Parliaments and of the Prince of Conde against the Ministry of Cardinal Richelieu who went on in the steps of his Predecessour to oppress the publick liberty The heads and principal Members of those Conspiracies being Catholicks as those concerned in the design of Amboise were Protestants Since therefore the persons concerned in all those several Intrigues were all engaged by the same motives and the same prospects they must either be equally imputed to the Religion of their Authors and by consequence the Roman Religion must be judged so much the more Guilty in this matter than the Protestant as it has oftener stirr'd in those sorts of Commotions than the other or else it must be confessed that Religion had no share but by accident in those affairs which were purely Politick of their own Nature and that those Interests which set the Wheels of those attempts in motion were indeed properly none of Hers. But the Cruelty of the Court the principal heads of which diverted themselves with the horrible Spectacle of so many Executions and seeing the blood run down in all the streets of Amboise struck a horrour in all moderate persons And this first Essay which was follow'd by so many Massacres that stain'd the succeeding reign with so much Blood touched the Chancellour Oliver so much to the Heart that he Died with grief and L'Hopital was put in his place who in acknowledgment of that Favour always adhered to the Q's interest as his own That Princess seeing the Authority of the Guises increased by their Success in the Enterprise of Amboise would not suffer the Protestants to be prosecuted to extremity yet could not induce them by that to place any confidence in her since for all that they examined in one of their Synods a Memorial to be presented to the General Estates in which several things were made use of not at all to her advantage But however the Court kept fair for a while with the Prince of Conde tho they were well enough persuaded he was privately the chief contriver of that Enterprise and the D. of Guise by a profound Dissimulation of his Thoughts seemed to assent to his justification About the same time the name of Huguenot was introduced into the World and because it has been ever since retain'd as the distinguishing name of a Party I
their Brethren for the Court-Interest But yet still the Division was not so great as very much to weaken the Princes Party who sometime after the Queen had disowned them having called a Council of Conscience of sixty Ministers to consult whether it were lawful after that to continue the War they came to this Resolution That since those Arms were at first taken up by Order of that Princess whilst free against the Enemies of the King and the State and the Violaters of Edicts they were lawfully taken up and ought not to be laid down by any Counter-Order proceeding from her whilst under the force of hers and their common Enemies This War was very cruel in many places because there were some Commanders on each side that prosecuted it without any Mercy For Des Adrets on the Protestant side was noted for his Cruelties and Monluc on the other would spare no body Nay and Mompensier too signalised himself not a little by his Inhumanities However this difference there was between the Cruelties of the Two Parties That those of the Catholicks were a continuation of what they had exercised for near 40 years past by so many Butcherly Executions and those of the Protestants were but actions of men made desperate by so long and barbarous a persecution Which by the way deserves to be remarked against the Roman Catholick Historians who always excuse as much as they can the Excesses of their own people though never so villainous but represent the Violences of the Princes Forces much horrider than they were And indeed the Protestants found no mercy at all No Faith of Treaties was ever kept with them and not being content to destroy them by Fights and Massacres The Catholicks wherever they had power further employed against them he forms of Justice But nothing more furiously incensed the People against them than their breaking of Images and burning of Relicks in several places That likewise occasioned many bloody Edicts against them and the Parliaments would needs stretch the severity of those Acts of the Council yet to a higher pitch by their Decrees especially those of Paris Roan Dijon and Tholouse And tho the Catholick Armies were guilty of as many outrages as the others yet the Protestants bore the blame of all and were charged with the Sacriledges even of their Enemies A new Massacre of the Protestants which hapned at Sens by the Cardinal of Lorrain's fault who was Archbishop of that Town broke off the Negotiations for a Peace and the War was continued a fresh both by Arms and Writings In which the Catholicks were the first that had recourse to Foreign Aid and the Protestants imitated them by procuring assistance from Queen Elizabeth of England who seised of Havre de Grace for her security But before her Forces could joyn the Princes Army a Battle was fought near Dreux the success of which on both sides was so equal that the Duke of Guise was the only gainer by it The King of Navar died some time before of a wound he received at the Siege of Roan the Marshal de St. Andre was Killed and the Constable taken in this Battle so that the Duke had now neither superiour nor competitour at Court The Prince of Conde was likewise taken Prisoner but that hindred not his party from standing upon such high conditions that no Peace could be agreed upon The Duke afterwards laying Siege to Orleans was there Assassinated by one Poltrot which miserable wretch being taken Accused the Admiral and Beza and several others as his Instigatours to that enterprise and tho he often varied in his answers upon Examinations yet he accused the Admiral with a little more constancy than the rest However he was willingly credited in that point and the young Duke of Guise continuing ever from that time a resentment against that Lord as guilty of the Charge revenged himself nine years after upon several thousands of Innocents whose blood he mingled with the Admirals to expiate the death of his Father The Tragical Death of that great Man dampt the vain thoughts of the Cardinal of Lorrain then at Trent whither the Council had been removed the third time by a Bull of Pius IV. where the French Ambassadours had waited a good while for the coming of the Bishops of their Nation but the Cardinal came thither at last attended with some Prelates with a full Resolution to insist upon thirty four Articles of Reformation which seemed to be much desired by the Queen and especially the Restitution of the Cup and the Marriage of Priests The same accident likewise put the Court upon other Measures and disposed matters to a Peace for which an Edict was agreed upon at Amboise The Prince took advice only of the Nobility of his Party who were weary of the War and would not hearken to the Counsel of threescore and ten Ministers who would have persuaded him to abate nothing of the Edict of January The Admiral was not at all content with this proceeding But however he was forced to seem to approve of what he could not hinder and to accept an Edict much less favourable than the former and where the Distinction of Rights of Exercise by vertue of Fiefs Possession and Bailywicks was introduced The Peace was followed by an Event at which the Court of Rome was highly offended The Cardinal of Chatillon Bishop of Beauvais which is one of the most antient Peerages of the Kingdom turning to the Religion of the Admiral his Brother quitted both the Name and Habit of his Ecclesiastical Dignity and retain'd only that of Count of Beauvais The Pope thereupon cited him and depriv'd him of his Cardinals Hat But that Lord to shew how little he valued the Papal Censure immediately took up again his Cardinals Habit and wore it at all Ceremonies at which he was present and even at the Registring of the Kings Declaration upon the Subject of his Majority nay and to carry his contempt further he Married a Lady and wore his Cardinals Habit on his Wedding day The same year the Cardinal of Lorrain called a Synod at Rheims where the Cardinal of Chatillon appeared not tho he were Suffragan of Rheims as Bishop of Beauvais They who were present at it were content only to agree upon a resolution to give notice to the King that that Prelate was Excommunicated at Rome for a Heretick But that was put off till 1569. when the Parliament Declared him a Rebel and deprived him of all his Dignities turning him over to the Judgment of his Superiour as to what concern'd the Common Crime But they durst not at first explain what they meant by the term Superiour for fear of offending the Pope but in another Decree they plainly owned that by Superiour they meant his Metropolitan the Archbishop of Rheims with the Bishops his Suffragans conformably to the Liberties of the Gallican Church And in fine when this Cardinals Widow moved
understand derstand that the Resolutions were already formed at the Court of those things which afterwards hapned The only difficulty was to agree about the Pretences and Means to put them in Execution But at last they concluded upon one of the most detestable which was executed upon the 24th of August The Queen of Navar was poysoned before as was supposed by the Queens means who was very much suspected for the business of Poysoning The Admiral was wounded by Maurevel who was charged to kill him and they took this way as most proper to push the Reformed on to Sedition which would give a specious pretence for their Massacre or make them fall out with the Guises and so give the King opportunity to ruin either the one or the other of them But their patience was the cause of their being massacred without any pretence in the most cruel manner in the world I shall not give a particular account of this Horrible Action since all honest Historians have declared and detested it I shall add only that they are accused for having forced the King to ruin them to prevent a Conspiracy against his own Person so that after he had treacherously spilt their blood he would blacken their memory You must not be astonished if there be found some to apologize for this cowardly Cruelty since there was found those who were capable of committing it Peter Carpentier a Lawyer a Protestant Refugee at Geneva sold his Pen to his Brethren's Murderers and being made known to Bellievre whom the King had sent into Switzerland to justify this Action he received mony from him and permission to return into France and promises of great Recompence for declaiming against the memory of the dead This he doth by a bloody Letter which was printed again not long ago to justify the Cruelties of the last persecution as if the shameful perfidiousness of a Rogue of the last Age would serve for an Apology for the Injustice of this As for the Guises because they were not willing to bear the Reproach of this base treachery they constrained the King to take it upon himself and saved some of the Reformed from the hands of the Massacrers to keep themselves from the blame of so black an Infidelity The King of Navar and the Prince of Conde run a great risque of losing their lives The Prince was more difficult to be wrought on but in the end both of them gave way to the violence They took occasion for an honest pretence of des Rosiers who having been found in some Criminal Matters had redeemed his Life at the expence of his Conscience The Reasons which had made him change had the same effect upon the Princes because they were in the same fear as he Monsieur had drawn him out of trouble by his Credit and having secured him to his Interest by this benefit was willing to make use of him to bring back his Daughter and the Duke of Bouillon his Son in Law to the Roman Religion He already procur'd a Conference at Paris 6 or 7 years before between the Drs. of both Parties for the same end but it had then no effect for the Princess persevered in her former Opinions The Duke believ'd the Example and Reasons of des Rosiers would have the same force to convert Hereticks at Sedan as they had had at Paris And therefore sent Maldonat the Jesuit thither with this revolted Minister but the Jesuit obtain'd nothing and durst not let des Rosiers come to Sedan because he did not believe him as yet to be a firm Catholick The Conference which he had with the Ministers did not shake this Princess in the least and tho he publish'd a Relation of this Journey where he speaks very advantagiously of himself and makes the Ministers to argue like Children yet he brought back from thence no other fruit but the loss of his des Rosiers who having followed him to Metz fled himself 3 weeks after into Germany where he made an acknowledgment of his Faults But in France it was found more difficult to destroy the reformed party than was imagined For after so much blood spilt they stood yet upon their feet In a little time the War was kindled every where The Duke of Anjou lost his Time and Reputation before Rochel Sancerre could not be forced to surrender it self by the most cruel Famine that ever was recorded So that they thought themselves very fortunate in making peace and to find pretence for it in the Intercession of the Polanders who were come to offer the Crown of Poland to the Duke of Anjou The Edict granted the Exercise of Religion but to 3 Cities and revoked almost all the foregoing Concessions France was then divided into 3 Factions and in the Duke of Anjou's Army alone there was 4 1. that of the zealous Catholicks which was the ruling party 2. that of the New Catholicks discontented and suspicious 3. that of the Politicks sprung out of the foregoing War and without taking part in Religion formed one in the State under pretence of opposing either the Enterprises of the Court or the ambition of strangers and 4. that of the persevering reformed Religion which they suffered in the Army the better to deceive the rest and to make them believe that they would not exterminate them They had already publish'd an Edict to give this assurance to all that staid peaceably in their houses and to perswade them that the suspicious Conduct of the Admiral was the only cause of their misfortune But the Massacres either done or commanded on the same day in the most considerable Cities of the Kingdom made it known to all them that had not lost their senses how false and ridiculous a pretence this was The Princes and young Lords of those several Parties had like to have raised New Troubles during the siege of Rochel But La Noue whose wisdom they had a great deference for hindred the Effects of their head-strong resolutions But a little while after the Duke of Alenzon renewed those Intrigues to get the same Authority in Affairs which his Brother had before he was King of Poland and the Reformed and the Politicians acknowledged him for their Protector But before he could escape from the Court his Plots were discovered This cost him his Liberty as well as the King of Navar and many others and the Lives of some But all this did not hinder the War from breaking out again in many Provinces and the Protestants lost Montgomery whose Head the Queen cut off against the promise which Matignon made him of his life when he rendred himself his prisoner The Prince of Conde saved himself in a disguise in Germany and made a publick acknowledgment at Strasburg that he had been at Mass A little after the Death of Charles IX the King of Poland was called back into France and in expectation of his return the Queen made her self be
Horrible Tempest which was pouring down upon them The End of the First Book The History of the Edict of Nants The Second Book The Summary of the Second Book The change of Affairs What the Protestants had hoped for from the deceas'd King The trouble of the new King The Intreagues of the Army and the Court. The Characters and Interests of the Princes of the Blood Of the Officers of the deceased King and of both the Catholick and Reformed Nobility and their suspicions about the King's Religion The hopes of the Ministers The King 's wavering and his resolution upon the conditions proposed by the Catholicks The Reformed flatter themselves about the King's Instruction Divers affections of the Catholick Lords The dissipation of the Army The Fight at Arques The effects of the King's Promises in divers Provinces What the Protestants understood by a Protectour The reciprocal Protection between the King of Navar and the Reformed Jealousies and the foundations of them The King is angry at the Proposition of taking another Protector and the Reformed find it unjust and unseasonable A Letter from the Kings own hand upon this Subject The Forces of the King and of the League Divisions between the one and the other Party The Dispositions of the Catholicks and the Reform'd in regard to the Peace of Religion Writings upon the taking Arms for Religion The Battle of Yvry The Siege of Paris The project of Peace for the Protestants The equity of their Demands and the Passion of the Catholicks The project is approved and afterwards rejected Remonstrances upon this Subject and their effect The Bull of Gregory XIV The Edict of Mants Quarrels about the Verification of it of which the Reformed complain The third party and their Designs The propositions of the Clergy that followed the King Forein Army Viscount Turenne Marrys the Heiress of Sedan and is made Marshal of France The Pragmatick eluded by the Clergy The Arts of the Catholicks to gain the King Conferences between du Plessis and Villeroy without Fruit. Divers aims in promoting the King's Instruction The Protestants continue excluded from Imployments Rigours about their Burials The continuation of the Artifices to work upon the King's Conscience Politick Interests which tended to the same end The mutual Policy of the Catholicks and Protestants The King's Dissimulation Preparatives to his change The vain Ceremony of his Instruction The King 's pretended Conversion A Formulary which the King refuseth A Trick to content the Pope THis unexpected Murder brought a great change upon affairs and was the beginning of a long Series of troubles No body had time since the truce to take measures either for his security or advancement The Protestants thought they had lost more than others They did not doubt but the last service they had done the deceased King had touch'd his heart and that he had laid aside those miserable prejudices which caused him to have so great an aversion for ' em He had promised to change the Truce into a sound Peace so that they imagin'd they might hope from him the re-establishment of his Edict of 1577. and the revocation of all those that had been extorted from him by the Leaguers They had the same reason to believe that that Prince being sensible of the services which he had receiv'd from the K. of Navar would by little and little plain his way to the Crown But there must be time for that and chiefly to subdue the Leaguers without the destruction of whom neither Religion nor the State could be assur'd of any firm repose But the Death of Henry III. happen'd in a time when there was nothing ripe and where the succession is contested it is impossible but the State must fall into great confusions It is true the King when he died gave great marks of tenderness for the King of Navar whom he acknowledg'd for his lawful Heir and recommended him to the Lords and to the Officers of his Court and Army But for all this the new King met with a world of difficulties as soon as ever his Predecessour expired The Interests were so various between the Heads of the League and the Lords that it seem'd to be impossible to reconcile ' em Every one was willing to take the advtange of this conjuncture and to raise his own Fortunes by the publick misery They put themselves then upon Negotiating and upon making Parties and Cabals without regarding the body of the dead King and much less to revenge him which ought not to have been long deferr'd if their only design had been to find an opportunity There was scarce one Catholick that declared himself for Hen. IV. without making his Market The Marshal Biron who had a great deal of credit in the Army was so vain as to demand the Soveraignty of the County of Perigord and the King who was willing to buy this Lord at any price whatsoever consented to dismember one of the Provinces of the Realm notwithstanding the danger of the consequence but as good luck would have it because every body could not promise themselves as much there were men of Honour who lost those ambitious thoughts but the Marshal took so great an Authority over the Troops and in the Council that in a little time he made himself very uneasy to his Master The Princes of the blood gave more trouble than help to the K. The old Cardinal of Bourbon was his Rival and the Leaguers acknowledged him for K. under the name of Charles X. This old man who had neither force of Mind nor vigour of Body sufficient to bear the weight of a Crown took pleasure in the name of K and might have made some bustle perhaps had he not been in a place where he was not much to be fear'd The Cardinal of Vendome who took upon him the name of the Cardinal of Bourbon after the Death of this old man was unquiet and Ambitious and became the Idol of a third party which he formed in a little time after The Count of Soissons his Brother could not agree with Henry IV. and could more easily raise new stirs than concur to the good of the State The Prince of Conti was deaf and heavy by reason of a natural Indisposition Mompensier was the richest and fully determined to acknowledg Henry IV. but he held off upon his Religion and was for absolutely having him to be a Catholick The Officers of the old Court staid with the K. more by reason of their Interest than Inclination They could hope for no favour from the League because they had been either Counsellors Executors or partakers of those resolutions which carried Henry III. against the principal heads of that Faction And on the other hand were not without great perplexity when they thought on the ill Offices they had done the new K. while he was but K of Navar. Nor were they less afraid of the Protestants to whom they had occasioned a great
according to the stile of the Roman Church that he should make himself a Catholick in that time Thoseare 2 things which they neither distinguish in Speech nor Practice to be instructed according to them being to promise to relish their Doctrine and to engage to make Profession of it Whereas reason requires that Instruction should be only an Essay after which one should have entire Liberty to advance no further towards the Roman Religion if after such Instruction the Conscience be not fully satisfied The second condition was That the exercise of the Reformed Religion should be suspended during that time The third That the King should grant no Office to any Protestant for those 6 Months this the Catholicks desired to secure those that were in possession of them from being turn'd out The last was That they should have permission to send to the Pope to give him an account of their Reasons for submitting to the Kings obedience Altho it was very hard for the K. to buy a Crown so dear that was legally â—aln to him yet he consented to all but the 2d Article And in effect besides the shame of depriving himself of the exercise of his Religion it would have been a piece of injustice to take away from his Subjects the priviledg they enjoy'd before his coming to the Crown and 't was to be fear'd he would find them resolute and strong enough to maintain them in spite of all Prohibitions The Catholicks did not take well this denial but however to induce them to approve it he promis'd to re-establish the Catholick Religion in those places where the exercise of it was not before free The Article which concern'd the K's Instruction was not much contested by the Protestants themselves of whom he took Counsel and himself assures in a Letter which he wrote upon this Subject that the principal of those that were his followers did not disapprove his proceedings The Reason of it was because the Protestants were perswaded that if they proceeded to this instruction in a method agreeable to his Dignity and the importance of the thing they should â—ather gain than lose by it For they thought of nothing for that effect but General or National Councils or at least eminent Assemblies of the most Ecclesiasticks Reformations of Abuses sincere and serious conferences and they hoped to make the Truth of their Doctrine shine forth there so clearly that instead of losing the King they should gain many Lords who hated not their Religion but only out of ignorance of its Principles Du Plessis Mornay was pre possess'd with this Hope as well as others and it was for this Reason that two years after he agreed so easily with Villeroy upon this Article The Catholicks would have had a Declaration signed by the King for the assurance of the things which he had granted them and notwithstanding all the Complaisance he had for them they were not entirely contented Some signed the Accord with regret and others refused to sign it Vitri carried the matter further and threw himself into the League The Duke of Nevers stood in a kind of Neutrality under pretence That his Conscience would not let him joyn himself to the Enemies of the State such as he esteemed the Leaguers nor serve the King because he was not a Catholick He persisted in those Sentiments a long time and it was nothing but the King's Victories which determined him to his service In the Provinces the Governours of Places who held for the King did in a manner the same thing Some were brought others promising to obey declared without ceremony That they should do it with regret whilst the King continued an Heretick But nothing did him so much mischief as the Retreat of the Duke of Espernon who quitted the Army without discovering what Party he would take nor the true reason of his Conduct He would fain have the World believe he did it out of a pure Motive of Zeal for Religion but 't was suspected he had other considerations besides c. He fear'd perhaps that he was not in security at the New Court which did not love him because he abused the Favour which he had under the late King or whether he could not resolve to submit to the mean figure in which he must have lived had he staid since there arose already some contests about his Rank either perhaps he had no inclination for the New King nor confidence in his Friendship or whether in retiring to his Government he thought himself strong enough to Cantonnize that part and there expect what would befal the Realm and in case of dismembring it he would keep what he had Yet however in a little time after his Retreat he promised the K. to serve him in those Provinces where he governed But his Example proved of considerable consequence because the Lords and Captains retired likewise and the Troops disbanded themselves and the fine Army which would easily have brought Paris and the League to reasonable terms dispersed in a few days Some even of the Protestants with drew themselves and because their enemies made it a great Crime afterwards it is necessary to observe that the Dissipation began first by the Catholicks and for a few others quitting it that Retreat ought not to be imputed to the whole Party It is certain that the K's true Servants were as useful to him in the Provinces as in the presence of his person In effect there were many Cities which waver'd at the News of Hen. III. his Death and the Resolution taken at Paris not to receive an Heretick King upon the Throne of St. Lewis appear'd so pleasing to the Catholicks that it drew a great number into the League and 't was thought it would bring over many Cities which held out for the King And therefore the Protestants had need of some part of their Forces to bridle those that had a mind to stir and to keep their own places from being surprised in whose preservation the King had as much Interest as themselves So that they were oblig'd to disperse part of their Troops into divers places to keep as much of the Country as they could in obedience From whence it follows that if we judge equitably we must not make the Protestants guilty of a Crime where they can excuse themselves either by the Necessity of the Time or by the Example of the Catholick Nobles or because if they did go off from the King's Army it was but to serve him elsewhere In the mean time the dissipation of the King's Army made the League take Courage and they had fresh Springs for succour and the King who was in no estate to enterprise any thing being retired towards Diepe to receive the Forces which he expected from England the D. of Mayenne pursued him and reduced him to so great an extremity that he was upon the point of passing the Sea as despairing of his affairs But the Mareshal Biron hindred
excused himself upon the Parliaments being of a contrary Advice which he had consulted about it and upon that he desired the Affair should be debated in a full and solemn Company Mean while he sent the Bishops into their Diocesses The Clergy passionately desired to send to Rome to engage the King by that means into a Negotiation with the Pope the Success of which would oblige him to change his Religion or else would deprive him of the Service of the Catholicks if he refused to turn They would also have him sometimes for the same reason to write himself to the Pope for to tye the Party the more strictly The Reformed opposed both because they dispaired of their own Safety if the King should engage in any Commerce with Rome Their Reasons for to hinder him were drawn from Considerations of State and from the Kings Reputation which would be in hazard thereby what-ever Success it should meet with because that in that Juncture of Affairs he could make no Offers to the Pope but what wou'd be a prejudice to his Dignity So that for that time they had the Advantage over the Passion of the Catholicks This was the year that the Viscount of Turene being supported by the Recommendations of the Queen of England rais'd for the King a gallant Army with the Protestant Princes of Germany with whom from that time forward his Merit got him such Ties as he kept all his Life-time This Service added to so many others that he had rendred the King a long time was the Cause that he was pick'd out to be the Man to espouse the Heiress of Sedan whom it was of the King's Interest to marry to a Man of Trust by reason of the important Places she held And it was by this Marriage that this Principality entred into the House of the Tower of Auvergne in as much as the Princess who died without Issue a little while after left it by her last Will to her Husband The King for to bind more and more to his Service this Lord made him a Marshal of France tho' the Catholicks were mad to see a Reformed rais'd to so high a Dignity This new Grandeur augmented much the Credit he had already amongst Protestants and which sometimes had appeared so great as to give some Jealousie to his Master But this Army set the Catholicks very much upon thinking they fearing least the King with these new Forces should easily conquer his Enemies and afterwards forget the Promise of getting himself instructed They therefore did their utmost to hinder it's entring into France or to disperse it after it should enter there So as that they us'd all their Endeavours to divert the Fund which was kept for the payment of these Troops But du Plessis who was the Master of this Fund because it proceeded from the Alienation of the Dominion of Navarre managed the business so well that he kept the best part on 't notwithstanding the hard and severe Letters the King sent him upon that Subject There was that same year a kind of a Pragmatick drawn by form of an Interim for the distributing and administring Benefices The Reformed were satisfied with it as with a Preparative for a general Reformation The Parliaments upheld it as profitable for the good of the State The Archbishop of Bourges did accept it because he hoped to be made a Patriarch And if all the Clergy had been ruled by this new Discipline they had easily induc'd the Pope who thereby would see that he could be dispens'd with to make the King the Offers which they would fain oblige the King to make him But the Clergy chose rather not to serve the King than to disoblige the Pope and never would consent not to depend upon Rome The following Year pass'd as the former in Military Expeditions and in Negotiations that availed nothing if we except the Reformed who always lost somewhat thereby thro' the Instances of the Catholicks for what they called the King's Conversion For that they spared neither Cabals nor Artifices They attributed all the ill Successes to his Religion whereof for the most part they were themselves the Cause because they were not willing to see things ended before the King had accomplished the Catholicks Desires They ever-more represented unto him that his Religion alone was the Pretence of the League and the third Party's Obstinacy Tho' in truth it had been better for the Ring-leaders of the League to treat with Henry IV. a Hugonot than when a Catholick for to have better Conditions from him It appear'd even in time that it was not his Religion that held them seeing after that Pretence was remov'd by his turning they grew more difficult than ever and held out the War for Four years longer The Queen of England had unthinkingly said and to some Catholicks too That the King had not done well to give the Edict of Nantes in favour of the Reformed and that that was out of season This Princess's Intention was not to blame the King for doing something for those ancient Servants of his but because she did not doubt of the King's Constancy in matter of Religion she thought he could take a more convenient time for to content them than that wherein his Favours to them were neither sufficient for to reward them nor pleasing to the Catholicks who mortally hated them But the Queens Words were wrested as if they had intimated that she did not stick at Religion and that she blamed the King for preserring it to Policy Whence it was concluded that tho' the King should change his Religion he wou'd not be a whit the less in her Favour This Craft was dangerous because it took from the King one of his chiefest Reasons to persevere in his Religion next to those of his Conscience to wit the fear of offending Foreign Protestants whose Succours were so necessary for him He fear'd likewise the alienating the Hearts of his Reformed Subjects who with the rest of the same Religion made at least the two Thirds of his Army But for to cure him of his Fears they did represent what the Character of the Reformed was Men easily satisfied provided they had Liberty of Conscience given them and such as never had blotted the Names of Kings out of their Prayers at the very time that they were persecuted by them D' O. made the best he cou'd of these only Considerations and made use of them from the very first Speech that he made to the King after the Death of King Henry III. But that which most annoyed the Reformed was a joint Discourse between du Plessis and Villeroy which indeed ended without concluding any thing by reason of the Insolent Propositions of the Heads of the League yet notwithstanding it prepared things for the changing the Kings Religion which happened the following year The Heads of the League whereof Janin was the Interpreter did not intend said he to be treated
from Time and Political Prudence These reasons had a great empire over the mind of a Prince that was weary of the toilsome trade he had followed near twenty years and who saw that his labours were not as yet like to come to an end The Misery of the People that could hold out no longer was represented in order to move his Compassion By setting forth the heads of the Protestants as restless and ambitious and he was made to fear them He had cause to complain of several Catholicks that treated him after an insolent manner of whom he desired to be in a condition of making fair riddance Conspiracies were carried on against his Person that caused him to fear nay he complain'd to du Plessis that the Catholicks of his Party had plotted with the Duke of Mayenne to seâ—ze on him at Mantes He was under apprehensions least the States of the League then assembled at Paris should chuse the Cardinal of Bourbon and that the Spaniards should uphold him Most of the Courtiers were weary of this laborious Life where there was nothing but pains to be taken and as little to be gained The fair Gabrielle d' Estree the Kings Mistress shared in these Intreagues She hated not the Reformed whom she judg'd to be faithful and honest Men and even had many of them in her Service But the Protestant Lords had no great complyance for her and they never wou'd have favour'd her ambitious Designs On the contrary she was put in hopes that if the King changed Religion she shou'd have more reason to pretend to Marry him because he could get the Pope to make void his Marriage with Margaret of Valois and be at liberty to contract another whereas the Reformed Religion debarr'd him from such easie means of making that rupture And to assure the Crown to the Children that should come of this new Marriage she therefore added her reasons to those of the rest and the King who appeared more than half resolv'd upon this unworthy Marriage suffered himself thus to be overcome partly by the Prevarications of his Confidents and Ministers partly by the advices of Policy and partly by the Illusions of Love Nevertheless he dared not as yet to declare his Intention whether he was asham'd of this timorous Conduct or that he feared that the Reformed whereof some spoke of cantoning themselves and of abandoning the King if the King forsook them shou'd strike some desperate Blow This was not the language of all those that professed the Reformed Religion the greatest part of whom and even some of the most authorized preach'd Patience and Loyalty to the rest It appear'd in process of time that those who were of this Sentiment were the strongest seeing that after the Kings turning there was none that formed a Party against him and that all of them remained four years more not only in Obedience but in his Service there were therefore but a few men that used these Menaces They did not do it so much through a formal Inclination of cantoning themselves but thro' a knack of Policy for to oppose a kind of a Counterpoise to the threatnings of the Catholicks and thus to put in some measure the Kings Mind in an equal Ballance The Catholicks often renewed to the King their Threats of quitting him for another if he did not change his Religion It was therefore requisite that the Reformed should do the like fearing least that the King having nothing to fear but on one side and finding on the other complyance and gentleness should with more ease suffer himself to be conquered by the threatning Party The Mind is govern'd as the Body and when either the one or the other sinks under an effort that makes it lean on one side there must strength be put on the other for to raise it up and to restore it to its natural Scituation So that for to put a stop to the King who was dragged on the Catholicks side thro' the fear of being abandoned by them it was necessary to oppose him with the like fear from the Reformed if he quitted their Religion but there was a vast difference betwixt the conduct of the one and the other The Catholicks Threatnings were followed with sad Effects Intelligences with the Leaguers Cabals amongst themselves and voluntary Obstacles to the Kings Prosperity There was also the third Party whose Head was known and whom most of the Catholicks threatned to acknowledge for their Soveraign But the Threats of the Reformed consisted only in bare words dictated rather by Prudence than thro' an Intention of doing ill and which hindered them not from remaining Loyal Yet the King concealed his Thoughts from them upon that matter with a deep dissimulation tho' his designs was so well known to the Catholicks that the very Spaniards mistrusted it therefore they insinuated to him that they would treat with him without touching his Religion This they did for to benefit themselves with the Leaguers by the Kings steadfastness if he suffered himself to be dazled with this deceiving Proposition But in order to dissipate the Suspicions of the Reformed the King already resolved to quit their Religion testified that he was desirous to provide for their Safety Therefore he came to Tours as they desired him for to cause the Restrictions to be taken off wherewith the Edict of Nantes had been Registred He went thro' Saumur in his way thither and the Ministers having the honour to salute him upon his departure he assur'd them that he would dye in the Reformed Religion and declar'd unto them that if they heard that he was fallen into some Debauch they might believe it because he had many such like Frailties but that if the noise should spread that he was to forsake his Religion they should give no credit thereunto But when he arrived at Tours there fell out things that made it visible he had other Intentions He dared not to keep his Bed of Justice as 't was thought he would because the procuring an advantage to the Reformed being in agitation he might have given cause to the Catholicks to murmur for as much as at his first sitting in the Parliament he should have constrained that Senate to receive into the Charges those that were called Hereticks He for that reason Assembled only the Heads to whom he declared his will and ordered them to consult thereupon But this weak means advanced not Affairs and the result of this debate made it evident that the King had promised to turn Catholick He made a shew of being irritated at the Parliaments resistance and spake very angry terms to the Attorney General But it was all the satisfaction the Reformed had The Restrictions remained as they were and it appeared that the King had ingaged to do nothing for them before he had embraced the Roman Religion It seemed that if the Catholicks had consented to what the King demanded they would have drawn him out of a great perplexity and would
no more then six into his Presence But Du Plessis got the King to resolve the contrary However the Catholicks without losing courage endeavour'd to weary the Deputies at â—antes amusing the King near Fecamp and other places of Normandy â—â— give them occasion to Believe that the King shund 'em and was not willing to come to the speech of 'em and moreover they put him in some fear of the Pope who would be offended if he gave so soon and so publickly any token of affection to the Reformed But du Plessis still got the better of these Artifices the King went to Mantes saw all the Deputies heard their Complaints and Reproaches they wanting neither Strength nor Courage made them fair Promises heard President Feydeau that spoke for them received the Memorial of their Demands charged the Chancellor to examine it and made them hope he would give them satisfaction The Catholicks not being able to hinder him from seeing them endeavour'd at least to hinder his satisfying them and advised him to send them home with a promise to answer their Memorial in three Months But the Marshal de Bouillon and du Plessis shewed so many inconveniencies in that advice the suspicions so lawful that the Deputy's return would give the Churches without carrying back any thing but words so many sad Consequences of despair that such a conduct would cast the Reformed into that the King took a contrary advice And because they always alledg'd the Pope who had not as yet approv'd the King's absolution and how the Edict that would be given the Reformed would hinder his approving it they reply'd that there was no heed to be given to the Pope when their affairs were in agitation because they knew but too well that he would never be pleased that any thing should be done in their favour But to testifie that the King's Service was as dear to them before as after his change and that they were not willing their Precipitation should bring him any prejudice they did agree that the publishing of the Edict which would be granted them might be deferr'd provided the Memorial was presently examined and the Edict drawn up in order to its Publication at a less ticklish Juncture They therefore obtained that seven Catholick Commissaries should be named that what they should conclude might be the more authorized and in this very number were some of the most rigid to taâ—â—â— away all causes of murmuring if the business should be carried on without them But these Commissaries knew not where to begin whether their design was to frustrate the persuits of the Reformed and to put them off to a time that the King's Conversion should not be a new thing or that out of their zeal for Religion they were not willing to grant any thing to those that they held for Hereticks So that after several Conferences wherein time was spent the Marshal Duke de Bouillon and du Plessis were added to the Catholicks who soon agreed with them upon several Articles The chief of them were that the Edict of 1577 should be â—evived with the Interpretations given it in the Conference of Neâ—ac and Fleix that the Edicts extorted by the League to the preâ—udice of the former should be repealed That by reason of the changes caused by the disturbances of the League and the damages that the Reformed had suffered thereby a new Regulation â—hould be made by way of amends for their Losses conformably â—o which the Chancellor and Secretaries of State should govern themselves upon occasions and give the necessary advices to the â—arliaments in the Affairs that should be Transacted by them That the Catholick Religion should be re-establish'd in all places â—â—at the War had banished its Exercise from which should be perâ—rmed without Fraud and without Prejudice to the Reformed â—hat the Reformed should exercise theirs in the Cities under the â—ing's Obedience Because the War hindered them from assembling â—ith safety in the Country which however the King should orâ—â—r according to the places That when the King's Sister was at â—ourt the exercise of the Reformed Religion should be in â—â—r House and in her absence only in the Families of Lords â—â—ongst whom were reckoned namely the Duke de Bouillon a Trimouille Rohan du Plessis yet with that reservation that 〈…〉 Psalms should be sung there That it should also be in the Arâ—y whether the King was present or absent in the Quarters the Captains of the Gendarms and Camp-masters That no Oath â—ade or to be made should be a prejudice to the Article â—reed to That a Fund should be appointed for the Saâ—y of their Pastors according to the Rolls certified by the â—â—ovinces and that it should be charged upon the Provinces â—â—der the name of Madame That the Legacies and Gifts that â—â—ght be bequeath'd to the Churches and Poor should be valid â—…d that the Reformed should be admitted to sue for the Payment â—â—ereof after the ordinary ways That the Children of the Reformed should be brought up in the Religion of their Parents tho' the Fathers and Mothers of them should not order the same in their last Will. They added verbally to all these Articles that were written down that the Reformed might build and rent Colledges for the instructing their Youth The Reformed Commissaries got an Article to be inserted against the Oaths under pretence of which all the Promises that should be made might be evaded because they knew very well that the King was to take the Oath of the Order of the Holy Ghost and that at his Consecration he would be made to take another whereby he should be obliged to extirpate the Hereticks In like manner they obtain'd that the Fund appointed for the maintaining their Pastors should be charg'd upon the State under the name of Madame by reason the Catholicks look'd on it as a very grievous thing that the States of a most Christian King should be charged with the Maintenance of Heretical Ministers But when these Articles were communicated to the Deputies of the Churches they were not satisfied with them for two principal Reasons The first was That there was no care taken that Justice should be administer'd to them as well as to Catholicks whereas the Parliaments and other Judges did them great Injustices in Civil Matters and great Cruelties in Criminal ones as if the Protection of Laws and Common Right had not belong'd to them Add to this That the reviving the Edict of 1577. which seemed to provide for that did not free them from their fear 〈…〉 being deprived of its effect by the same Frauds of which they hadâ— Tryal under the Reign of Henry III. The second was that the Securities given them did not seem sufficient against the Animosities of the Catholicks os which they had a fresh example by the peevishness of the Commissaries that had treated with the Marshal de Bouillon and du Plessis It had appeared by all their former Behaviour but
at the same time bestowed upon their Enemies Divers pretences were contriv'd either to hinder them from fortifying the places they held or to perswade them that the keeping 'em was not worth while Valognes in Normandy was taken from 'em under a pretence that it signifi'd nothing to keep it because two or three useless Forts about it were ras'd Mention was made of demolishing all the places that kept Poitiers block'd up as soon as that great Town wou'd be reduc'd The Baron of Courtomer also was depriv'd of the Government of Argentan to put Medavi in his place and elsewhere many the like Subjects of Complaint were given The King to appease the Murmurings that were occasion'd by such Acts of Injustice pay'd the Reformed with the Parable of the Young Man at whose return after a shameful wasting of his Wealth his Father kill'd the fatted Calf for Joy of his Repentance But they answer'd that they ought at least to be treated as the Son that had always been faithful and to whom his Father said Son all that I have is thine That if they were resolv'd to spend the revenue of the Family in favour of a Prodigal to reclaim him it was but just at least to make him a sharer to whom it was said Son thou hast always been with me That certainly the obedient Son was not to be Sacrific'd for the return of the other nor to be despoil'd of his Rights to confer 'em on him that trampl'd under Foot the Authority of his Father Besides these general affairs there happen'd others particular in many places which were enough to weary the Patience of the most prudent and moderate The Lieutenant Civil of Paris put out an Order commanding the Reformed to bow to Crosses Images Banners and Shrines when they shou'd meet 'em in the streets This seem'd to be of consequence because it was done as 't were in the very Presence of the King who seem'd to Authorize seeing he did not hinder it An order of the Judges of Lyons drove from the City and its Jurisdiction upon pain of Death all those that shou'd not profess the Catholick Religion The Parliament of Rheims prohibited on pain of corporal Punishment the selling reading or keeping Books for the use of the Reformed Religion That of Bourdeaux had made an Act that authoriz'd the digging up of the Bodies of the Reformed which in the space of fifteen years had been buried in the Churches or Church-yards of the Catholicks The orders taken with those that had the management of the King's Exchequer for the payment of Ministers were of no effect The Courts that were promis'd for the Administration of Justice in Guyenne and Languedoc were not set up though the Passion of the Parliaments of Bourdeaux and Thoulouse against the Reformed wanted but little of Fury At Orleance the Officers already receiv'd were deposed The Parliament of Roan caus'd the Proctors and Advocates to make a publick Abjuration before they were permitted to plead or argue at the Bar And even at Tours the Parliament before it's return to Paris had caus'd a Judge Assistant of Saumur to make his Abjuration afore his Pattents could be register'd which appear'd so much the more strange that Saumur was a Town of Safety Among the Reformed Lords there were some that took no great Care of the Affairs of their Party Lesdiguieres minded no body but himself in Dauphine where he was very powerful His manners were irregular and his Life not very edifying He was covetous ambitious and debauch'd and he had join'd himself to the Reformed in his outward Profession rather because their Religion had been the raising of his Fortune then out of any real Piety There was a Proposal also of marrying his only Daughter with la Trimouille or the Marshal de Bouillon which would have very much advanc'd the Affairs of the Reformed But the Court prevented those Alliances and a little after that Lesdiguieres marry'd her to Crequi a zealous Catholick Neither was Roni less cold in the matter of Religion He was one of those wary Blades that will be always serving God on the winning side so that his Religion consisted only in Appearances and those but very superficial too There were also Governours both of the Provinces and of strong Towns whose Character was much the same who though in the main they were perswaded that their Religion was right nevertheless were so strongly engag'd with the Court that 't was not very probable they would break with Her to serve their Brethren But there were several others who laid things more to heart and who us'd all their Endeavours to prevent the Reformed from falling into any Snare upon the account of fair Promises and would not permit 'em to lose the Opportunity of securing their Persons and the Exercise of their Religion The Mareschal de Bouillon was one of these and in greatest Authority A Person of great Merit and great Ambition He had the Reputation of a good Head-peice in the Council and of a great Captain in the Field in Credit with Foreign Princes and capable to be the Head of a Party His Estate was considerable and he had Places of Strength in his Hands More especially Sedan which as he said belong'd to him by the last Will and Testament of his Wife who dy'd but a little before without Children and was a Place of great Consequence as being an Inlet for Foreign Armies into the Kingdom La Trimouille was next to him Neither had Competitorship made 'em so jealous of each other but that they aim'd both at the same Mark. Besides they were united afterwards by a more strict Alliance in regard they married two Sisters of Prince Maurice to whom the Vnited Provinces had granted part of that Power which William his Father had exercis'd until his Death La Trimouille was Young Brave Resolute Daring Courteous Generous Powerful in Poictou and drew a great Train of Nobility after him The Court accus'd him of being a Lover of Quarrels and of being Head-strong But others gave him a better Character That he was one who would listen to Reason understood it and was capable of good Counsel and look'd upon him as a Person endu'd with great Qualities happy natural Parts and one who only wanted a little Age and Experience to ripen him for a perfect Heroe The Honour he had to see the Prince of Conde his Nephew Presumptive Heir of the Crown because the King had no Legitimate Issue and was by no means to be reconcil'd to Queen Margaret de Valois his Wife somewhat lifted up Tremouille's Heart and made him look'd upon with more Respect by the Reformed who despair'd not one day to see him their Masters Governour But on the other side it render'd him suspected and odious to the Court where his Genius was dreaded Some Proceedings of his at St. John d' Angeli where the Prince of Conde was brought up were much disgusted of which I shall tell the reason in
another place And his vivacious and couragious manner of supporting the Hereticks afterwards render'd him still more suspected The King hated him because he thought himself despis'd by him tho' he had done him great Services And if he let fall any Word at any time that carried with it the least Aire of a Threat it was always taken in ill part because they thought him capable of doing more then threaten These two Lords communicated their Mistrusts one to another and laid before each other the King's Easiness the Tricks and Artifices of Rome the Hatred of the Reconciled Leaguers who sufficiently shewed by the Articles of their Treaties their eager desires to reduce all France to one Religion There were also a great number of Lords Governours of Places Captains and Persons in Authority who lay under the same Terrors among whom there were some who having seen the times wherein Massacre and Treachery were so rise made no question but there was a design to destroy the Reformation as soon as they could meet with a favourable opportunity The Catholicks did those who were thus Character'd the Honour to call 'em Brouillons Troublesom Restless Disturbers of the Publick Peace As if People with whom they had so often broke their Words were to blame in distrusting those whose Violation of Faith they had so often experienc'd and securing themselves against their wicked Intentions Du Plessis who made a Conscience of Religion was one of the most zealous for the Establishment of it and a great part of the Affairs that tended that way were manag'd by his Counsels But in regard he was a Person of known Probity the King still put a Confidence in him and follow'd his Advice in many things because his Enemies themselves acknowledg'd 'em to be both prudent and sincere tho' they were often utter'd with great Boldness and Liberty He it was that reunited those who were like to be divided by their own Jealousies who appeas'd those who were over-hot and furious who put a stop to those that ran too fast and found out all Expedients proper to procure the Good of the Churches yet never fail'd in his Obedience There was no body that labour'd so much as he to keep the Reformed within the Bounds of due Patience during Negotiations for Four years together at what time their Fidelity was put upon cruel Trials through the Severity Delays and Artifices of the Court before they could obtain but tolerable Conditions These various Inclinations appear'd in all the National Assemblies both Temporal and Ecclesiastical which were held for naming of Deputies and to draw up Memoirs that were to be sent to the General Assembly which was to meet at St. Foy There were some of those particular Assemblies wherein it was debated whether a Protector should be chosen within or without the Kingdom or whether there should be a Form of Government erected to stand upon their own Legs without Protection But the whole was referr'd to the General Assembly to be there consulted Those Proposals came from the Duke of Bouillon who was for conferring the Title of Protector upon the Palatine Elector or some other Prince of his House and naming under him Four or Five Lieutenants within the Kingdom setting aside the Princes of the Blood whose Interests were such that the Common Cause would suffer too much prejudice by ' em He was in hopes by this means that the Chief Authority would rest in his hands that others would permit him to exercise it with less Jealousie under a Superiour then if he enjoy'd it in his own Name But the Reformed more especially they who were call'd Consistorials were weary of Personal Protection and the Authority pretended by Protectors had caus'd 'em to murmur a long time ago against that which they called Protectoral Tyranny There could be no National Synods assembl'd since the Year 1583. But that which was held in the Month of June at Montauban a City far remote from the Court and passionately zealous for Religion and the Common Cause made amends for that long Interval of lost Time and handl'd Affairs of great Importance The first of all their Cares was to order Publick Prayers for the King's Prosperity to the end it might appear that his changing his Religion had not disingag'd 'em either from obeying or serving him And this tended yet farther to make the Passion of certain Orders of Monks more evidently strange who refus'd to pray for the King tho' he were a Catholick and Crown'd with the usual Ceremonies This Diametrical Opposition of Duty in the one and Contumaciousness in the other plainly made it apparent on which side the Law and Spirit of Peace was to be found And prudent Men might easily know where the good Subjects were when they heard those whose Religion the Prince had relinquish'd pray to God according to the usual Custom for the Success of his Arms while they whose Doctrine he had embrac'd refus'd to name him in their Supplications to Heaven But least this Mark of the Synod's Affection to the King's Prosperity should be taken for a tacit Approbation or Dissimulation of the change of his Religion the same Assembly order'd that Prayers should be said at the same time that God would vouchsafe to bring him back to the Religion which he had quitted that the Ministers who were sent to the Court should lay before him his Duty in that Particular to God and that Letters should be written to those that were usually about his Person to make him some Remonstrances After this the Synod fell for a short time upon Political Affairs the occasion being given by the Province of the Island of France The Neighbourhood of the Court had wasted a good part of that Province and either by kindness or by Favours done 'em the Reformed in those Quarters had been oblig'd to be content with the Edict of 1577. the Verification of which they afterwards most importunately su'd for This Proceeding was disown'd by the Synod as being contrary to the Resolutions taken at Mantes where they had obtain'd a Promise of a new Regulation which should enlarge that Edict and the Society gave in charge that their Complaints should be carry'd to the General Assembly at St. Foy which was conven'd the Month following The Reasons why they were not contented with that Edict were because the Force of it was eluded by so many Frauds that they could no longer be assur'd of having any Advantage by it that something was â—…ar'd off every day by the Treaties granted to the Cities of the League That the Reformed since that time having perform'd many faithful and important Services it was but just that in stead of cutting off any thing from their Priviledges they should grant â—…em new ones in recompence for their loss of Blood and Hardship â—ndergone That in short that Edict was granted at a time when they had for their Leader and Chieftane the first Prince of the Blood who was
reckon these great Mens Motions amongst such things as are qualified by the event and indeed had the King miscarried before Amiens they had been admired as Master-pieces of State-policy whereas they have been represented as so many Crimes because the good Fortune of the King did soon put him in a condition to upbraid their Authors with them Upon the whole matter since all this was an effect of some Lords private Passions and Heats which were repressed by the Patience and Tranquillity of the greatest number 't is most unjust to father upon the whole Body the attempts of some of its Members especially since that the soberest part of them proved the strongest and in a manner forced the rest to lay down their Arms. The King all this while was reduced to great Extremities having neither Money nor Troops and not knowing who to trust to almost all the Lords of his Court having had a hand in the foreign Conspiracies against him and the League-men lately reconciled to him were still suspected and Biron himself who had perswaded the King to take heart again and to besiege Amiens mistrusted these secret Enemies whom he called New Converts Besides the King's Treasurers were so absolutely out of Cash that they wanted Money even for the Charges of the King's Houshold so that curing the Siege of Amiens the King did more than once complain to Roni that he had no Cloaths suitable to his Dignity This obliged him to stoop a little below the Royal State and to beg a Subsidy from his Subjects in a manner a little too humble for a great King When he heard that the Assembly was to remove from Saumur to Vendome he ordered presently Count Schomberg and de Thou to repair thither and endeavour to bring them back to Vendome thereby to save Vick and Calignon his Commissioners the trouble of going so far Their Instructions were full with Complaints of the Assembly's Proceedings but above all of their authorising the seising of his Revenues with Menaces that he wou'd not permit them to make new Demands any more adding withal that he had rather lose with his Enemies than be slighted and disobey'd by his Subjects But the loss of Amiens made him alter his Language he wrote to the Assembly at Saumur by Monglat on the twelfth of March and his Letter contained nothing but gentle Exhortations to content themselves with his Offers or to put by their Demands to another time and besides there were many earnest Intreaties to put an end to their Session and prefer in this urgent occasion the publick good to their private interests justifying thereby the sincerity of their intentions To this was joined a Letter of Lesdiguieres to them wherein he said that he was going with all speed from the Court to his Government of Dauphine to watch the Duke of Savoy's Motions for fear he should attempt something on that side whil'st the King was busie in Picardy and likewise exhorted them not to take occasion from the loss of Amiens to multiply their Demands A little while after the King wrote also to du Plessis in a stile which expressed very lively the great perplexity he was in This faithful Servant had complained to the King of Count Schomberg's Answer to the Deputies of the Assembly it being in his judgment too cold and insignificant to pacifie their minds but severe enough to offend them Therefore the King's Answer to du Plessis was moving and quite of another strain there he vow'd that if the Reformed could but know the state of his Affairs they wou'd be sensible he could do no more for them Next he represented his present condition as a great deal worse than it was when he was but King of Navarre because he had no body to trust to and none to assist him then stooping a little below the Majesty of a King he desired him to prevail so far with the Assembly as to rest contented with his Answer lest he should be forced to make Peace with the Spaniards The Count of Schomberg being arrived at Saumur with the other Commissioners gave notice of it to the Assembly and required them to send some of their Members to him that they might hear the King's intentions but the Assembly would not treat with him by Deputies not out of any contempt to the Royal Authority or to treat with the King upon even terms as some slanderers gave out but because they thought it more safe to treat publickly than by private Deputations So they refused to depute and invited the Count to come to their Assembly that they might hear what was his Charge to them He refused a while to agree to it because of his Character of the King's Commissioner but at last he yielded to the Assembly's desire He sent Vick to them and by him they knew the King's Propositions but they did not like them and they made the Commissioners an Answer that pleased them not It was put very near into the same dress as the Commissioners Instructions were returning Compliments for Compliments and as all the Terms of the Commission that were either pithy or obliging amounted to this that the King was still resolved to grant them nothing or to put off their satisfaction so soon as the new service demanded of them was over so all their Protestations centred in this that they could desist from none of their just Demands and that they were ready to employ both their Estates and Lives for the Service of the State so soon as satisfaction should be given them Their Answer to the King was very near in the same strain for they expressed therein an extreme sorrow for the taking of Amiens and complained of the lingering of Affairs as a cause which kept the Reformed from giving his Majesty new Proofs of their affection to his Service promising for the rest that so soon as the state of their Consciences was secured they would be readieâ— than ever to give all that was dear to them for his Service but next they insinuated that they could not desist from their Demands for the sake of that publick good that was urged to them because both they and all the Reformed were fully satisfied that the security of their Religion of their Persons and Families was no less a publick good than the retaking of Amiens That the King being informed of the Assembly's Dispositions by his Commissioners and by Monglat who brought him their Answer order'd new Proposals to be made to them and slackned a little upon some points of small importance which however could not satisfie them so that he resolved to try them with a new Letter before he set out for his Enterprise upon Amiens He had formerly writ to Count Schomberg and complained of the Assembly and to affect the Hearts of the Reformed he had not forgot to make the best of a slight indisposition that he had about that time concluding he must certainly sink under the weight of his
that City in his way to Lyon had with his own Mouth commanded them to do so insomuch that Menaces were necessary to bring them to a compliance after which the Attorney General following the example of that of Paris would not suffer this word requiring but only those of not opposing to be inserted in the Decree of its verification and the Court formally declared that they did it only to obey the King 's often reiterated Orders They also complained that Decrees made even in 1585. and 1586. were still every day executed and the Reformed by vertue thereof forced to restore to Clergy-men the Incomes of their Estates taken during the League but that the Reformed were not allowed to take possession again of their own on pretence that they had not paid the King's Taxes in 1512. And then was related a special Case of Florimond de Raimond a Judge in the Parliament of Bourdeaux which runs thus He had been made Prisoner during the War and afterwards released upon ransom for which he compounded and paid down a thousand Livers but since he sued at Law those Reformed who had taken and ransomed him boasting every where that he had already got from them four thousand Crowns Farthermore they complained that every day the Parliaments gave sentence according to the Edicts of the League and that that of Rouen had accordingly declared the Buryings and Preachings of the Reformed to be Trespasses upon the Edicts whereupon two Presidents two Counsellors and the Attorney-General being sent for to Court they had the boldness to say they had judged according to the Laws because the Edicts which favoured the Reformed were revoked They promised however to forbear executing the Decree provided it should stand still upon Record but whil'st they were at Court their Brethren caused it to be proclaimed with the usual Ceremonies Besides divers Parliaments made void every day the Sentences given in those Courts of Justice which the King had suppressed though he had confirmed them all by his Edict of Suppression After these long Complaints they came to the Article of the Burials and by way of transition it was observed that the Reformed were ill used at their Births in their Lives in the Breeding of their Children and even in their Funerals Therefore they complained that in several Towns Burying places were denied them that in others they were fain to carry their Dead five Leagues off that their Funeral-assemblies were fixed at certain Hours and limited to a certain Number of Persons that in some Places the Catholicks committed great Insolences on their Graves and abused those who attended the dead Corps though the Burials were made in the Night-time nay that in certain places they were fined for it and forced to buy the security of their Marches by 20 or 30 Crowns that there were some in which the dead Bodies were digged out of the Ground either by the Command of the Bishop or by some other Authority and even those who had been buried in the Chappels of their Ancestors that the same Barbarity was used on the Bodies of Women which were left naked on the Ground and exposed to wild Beasts no enquiry being made into such a barbarous and indecent Usage That some persons who died with Marks of being of the Reformation and on that account were not suffered to be buried in Catholick Church-yards their Relations were proceeded against for laying them in the Burying-places of the Reformed The Parish-Priest of Saint Stephen of Furant had a great share in that Article wherein he was represented making false Contracts in order to exclude the Reformed out of a Burying-place purchased by them breaking the Tombs open with a Hammer ringing the Alarm-bell upon a Funeral-convoy garded by the Soldiers of the Garrison and drawing together three or four thousand Men who dispersed the Convoy and forced them to leave the Corps at the discretion of this profligate Priest digging out of the Grave a dead Body which he carried into another Man's ground who digged it out again and in fine constraining the Wife of the deceased even after she had obtained a Decree from the Judges to the contrary to bury him without the Parish-ground Even so Florimond de Raimond being one day Chair-man as ancientest Judge in the Parliament of Bourdeaux ordained the exhumation of a Child adding in his Decree that the Bodies of all the Reformed buried ten Years before in the Catholick Church-yards should be also digged out of the ground Whereupon many instances were given of dead Bodies which had been in an imminent danger of being devoured by Dogs and it appeared by all the premises that the Catholicks made no distinction either of Quality Sex or Age and treated with the same inhumanity both Gentlemen and Commoners Men Women and Children all alike All these Cruelties were exaggerated with much eagerness and it was very ingeniously observed that Burying-places were usually inclosed with Walls to hinder Beasts from ravaging them but that Men themselves were not ashamed to violate and dig up those Sacred Assyles of the dead The whole ended with a very pathetick Discourse They said that all this was but a small part of those just Complaints that might have been made by the Reformed whose Patience was much inlarged upon who had no other aim but the good of the State and who to be satisfied demanded nothing but to be secured from ruin and destruction They shew'd that the fall of the State was inseparable from that of the Reformed and then very earnestly begg'd the Catholicks compassion Addressing afterwards to the King they valued themselves for having neither Dominican Friers or Jesuits capable of attempting on his Life nor Leaguers aiming at his Crown He was told that he knew the fidelity of the Reformed and that they demanded an Edict not after the manner of the Leaguers who instead of humble Petitions for Peace had never presented but the Point of their Swords that in the space of four Years the Reformed had six several times renew'd their Petitions at Mantes at Saint Germain at Lyon at the Camp before la Fere at Monceaux and at Rouen Now upon the Reasons of State they were still put off with and upon their being told over and over that it was not yet time to grant them an Edict they cried out Still O good Lord after five and thirty Years of cruel Persecutions ten of banishment under the League eight of this King's reign and four of constant petitioning Then they declared that their being put off after the King had done with all the Leaguers gave them a great jealousie that new Proscriptions were intended to humour the Pope who they could not but know was pushing on that design with all his might and strength They stoutly maintained that the Catholicks alone were not the State but that the Reformed made a great part of it In fine they concluded with these words We beg from your Majesty an Edict whereby
fourteenth of the Edict permitting them to continue the exercise in such Places where it was publickly allowed if the Court who made it cease by its Residence continued above three Days there The seventeenth relating to the same declared That because of the present state of his Majesty's Affairs Matters concerning Religion should remain in the same condition they were in Bresse Barcelona and the Country on that side the Hills but that when they should be reduced to Obedience they should be treated like the rest of the King's Subjects notwithstanding what was mentioned thereof in the Edict The eighteenth granted Provisions gratis to those that should be put into the place of Presidents Counsellors and Deputies of Attorney and Solicitor General to serve the first Time in the Chambers Miparties The nineteenth promised gratis the Places of Judges to those Substitutes in the Parliaments of Thoulouse and Bourdeaux if it happened that Chambers were incorporated with them The twentieth declared Francis Pithou substitute to the Procurer General in the Parliament of Paris and after him assured the Charge to some of the Reformed The one and twentieth promised the Reformed two Places of Masters of Requests when they should be void by death at the rate of its Value and in the mean while two such Places should quarterly be given them who should report their Affairs The two and twentieth permitted the Deputies of the Assembly of Chattilleraud to leave ten of their Members at Saumur until the Edict was confirmed in the Parliament of Paris altho by the Edict they were commanded to depart This was to reduce the Assembly to the Number which was set up by that of S. Foy the twenty third took from these ten Deputies the Power of making any new Demands and forbad them meddling with any thing except the soliciting for the Confirmation of the Edict and sending Commissioners into the Provinces to see it executed The twenty fourth was the most important of all the King in that gave his Word and Faith for the Security of the Execution of the whole declaring that all that was contained in the Patent should be of the same Force as if it had been comprized by an Edict confirmed in the Court of Parliament Being he said those of the said Religion to comply with what was for his Interest were contented not to press him as the state of his Affairs was to put this Grant in a more authentick Form trusting in the Word and Goodness of the King that they should entirely enjoy it Upon which account he had commanded all necessary Expedition to be made Thus as the private Articles were a kind of Instruction for the Executors of the Edict wherein the King explained many things that the general Articles had left obscure and undecided so we may say also That this Parent served for a kind of a Salvo to certain Articles of the Edict that the Times would not permit to be put in more favourable Terms although the Intention of the King was not contrary to it And above all he justified the Reformed from the Reproach of having made any Advantage of the Conjuncture of Affairs in forcing him to grant them what they pleased since he declared That they were contented with the King's Word upon so many important things because the state of his Affairs would not permit him to give better Assurances The third Patent contained a distribution of three and twenty thousand Crowns to several private Persons to some for one time to others for two Years to some for four and to others again for eight Years To some by way of Gratification and to others as Arrears for past Services The Historian D'Aubigne one of those that they esteemed at Court too zealous for their Religion who thought himself ill-requited for his Services by this means extorted a moderate Sum for the Arrears of a Pension that had been some time detained from him Thus all the personal Favours that the King granted to the Reformed amounted to a very small matter by which it appeared that private Interest was not the Motive as they declared in all their Requests All the Sums amounted not to Two hundred and fifty thousand Crowns And even at the end of eight Years the whole was reduced to less than a fifth part which they gave to the Reformed in compensation for the Tenths that they were obliged to pay to the Clergy their Persecutors It seems not improper here to speak a Word or two of the Places that the Reformed had in their Keeping to the end that we may see what condition they were in as to the Strength of their Party at the time the Edict was made There were two sorts of Towns comprehended under the Name of Towns of Security one of which had neither Governour nor Garrison but defended it self Such were Rochel Montaubon Nismes and some others They had Priviledges so great that they were almost free and Rochel above the rest had had such Treaties with the Kings of France as had made them very near independent tho' indeed all was done there in the King's Name yet each Place had its Magistrates which had the sole Administration of the Government These Towns were the firmest to the Common Cause because they had two Priviledges to defend their Religion and their Liberty This kind of Independence must not be imputed to the Doctrine of the Reformed since there were Catholick Towns which had as much Liberty But the Court made Religion a pretext to destroy them first and by the means of their Ruin sound a way to oppress the rest who have all now submitted to the Yoke There were other Places who had both Garrisons and Governours some of which belonged to particular Lords who disposed of Matters therein as they pleased The rest were governed by great Men that had made themselves Masters of them during the War or else by such as the King whilst he was their Protector had placed therein to defend them Some of these were properly Places of Security others were call'd Towns or Places of Marriage because they had no Garrison of their own but were comprised under the Name of more important neighbouring Places and that their Garrison was a Detachment from those of the principal Place whereon they depended Many of these Places of Marriage were only simple Castles belonging to Protestant Gentlemen some of which had not above six or seven Men in a Garrison but they afterwards disputed them with the Reformed and pretended that these Places of Marriage were not comprehended in the number of those that the King permitted them to keep The Payment of the Soldiers without speaking of Dauphine which had its Affairs separate and contained eleven Places consisted of two States the one of which was publick and the other private because they found it necessary to conceal part of their Strength and the good Will of the King for fear of offending the Catholicks The least Sum was employed upon the
doubted but of which he had given assurances to the Synod They forbad Ministers to be the first Aggressors in Disputes of Controversie It seem'd by the Measures that were taken in this Assembly to hinder the Abuse of removing Causes to the Chambres Miparties or Chambers half Protestant half Catholics that Litigious Cavils had made their advantage of their Institution But what was most remarkable of all that there pass'd is that the Brevet for 45000 Crowns for the Payment of Ministers having been given to the Churches but three years before Roni was so little â—zact in paying his brethren that there was due to 'em the Arrears of this Sum for three years Some Months after the seperation of the Synod the King Answer'd some Papers sufficiently Large that had been presented to him of which principal Articles were that the Reformed in Dauphine were Tax'd for the places of their Churches and of their Church-yards that in many places they depriv'd their poor of the General Alms and thrust their Sick out of the Hospitals that at Bourdeaux and Xaintes the Juâ—ats and Judges would have seiz'd upon the Money that was gathered for the poor at the Church-Doors that at Rouen they refus'd the Petitions presented in the Name of a Reformed Church Body or Community that at Orleans and elsewhere they tendred to the Officers at their Admission Oaths to live in the Roman Religion That at Gâ—rgeau the King's Proctor had Depos'd his substitute for the Sole Cause of Religion That at Lions the Chevalier du Guet would by Force accompany the Attendants at Funerals anâ— exacted excessive Fees and those who kept the Hospital of the Bridge of Rhone disturb'd these Funeral Attendants as much as they were able Upon all which they had all they could desire Granted 'em to Wit most severe Prohibitions against continuing to do 'em the same Injuries Nor were their two last Articles less favourably Answer'd By one of which the King was oblig'd to preserve the Churches of the Country of Gex in the same State in which he found 'em when he United it to the Crown and the other that the Reformed might Traffick in all the Duke of Savoys Dominions without fear of being disturb'd for their Consciences The King promis'd to the Inhabitants of the Country of Gex Liberty of Conscience and the exercise of their Religion as to the Rest of his Subjects This was as much as to say that he Granted 'em the Protection of his Edicts according to which the Roman Religion ought to be Re establish'd there and that for the rest things should remain there in the same condition in which they were found Because that was properly the General Rule for Executing Edicts In Effect he re-establish'd the Mass there in some time after and he sent the Baron of Lux on purpose to make this Re-establishment But he left the Reformed Churches in Possession of those Priviledges which they enjoy'd when the Country was yielded to him He refer'd the Reformed for the other Article to the Fifty third of the particulars of the Edict where what they desir'd was intirely Granted ' em At that time there was a Great business a Foot at Rome in which they would fain have engag'd the King It concern'd the Succession of England which the Pope labour'd to have settl'd in the Hands of a Catholie There was in prospect a Prince of the House of Parma and a Church man was sent over into that Island with the Title of Arch-Priest to incline the Catholics of the Country to it The King of Spain would have gotten this Crown for himself or for a Prince of his House and there were Writings dispers'd wherein the Jesuits did Impudently maintain that it was devolv'd to him The Motive of this Intrigue was Queen Elizabeths Age who in all probability 't was thought could not live long It wasnot known how she would dispose of the Suucession But it was well known that she would never leave it to a Catholic Prince And 't was fear'd that the King of Scotland her next Heir coming to the Crown might be capable of doing a great deal of hurt to the Roman Religion if he had an Affection and Zeal for the Reformed He was yet but young and as he had hitherto liv'd under a kind of Guardianship his Genius and his Inclinations were not yet known But they alter'd their measures when they knew how to hit his Humour and they carried things so far that they made use of him himself to endeavour the reducing of England to its former Obedience to the Pope But while they expected that things should come to that the King did not Rellish the Intrigue He gave his hand to the project of reducing this Kingdom to the Catholic Religion and during the rest of his Life he was the Mediator and confident of this design But he was not willing to aggrandize his Enemies by this change The other designs which he had in his Head did not require that there should be no more Protestants in Europe Chaâ—illon the Admiral 's Grandson was taken off this year by a Cannon shot in Ostend besieged by Arch-Duke Albert Never did a young Lord give greater hopes He was born for War and among the good Qualities that are necessary to a Commander he had the knack to make himself belov'd by his Souldiers whose Hearts and Confidence he had gain'd 'T is said that he had so great a Credit in thâ— Army of the Statâ—s that Prince Maurice could not forbear being Jealous Nor was he of less Authority amongst the Reformed of France who lov'd in him Virtues equal to his Fathers and Grandfathers He was continually talking of their Actions and aspir'd to no more then to imitate ' em The most Ardent of his desires was that of being like his Grandfather at the Head of the Reformed and to fight one Battle for their Interest His Merit made him lamented by the King when he heard the News of his Death But when Courtiers who always speak of the Dead or Absent what they durst not of people in a capacity of revenging themselves had drawn to the King what Picture they pleas'd of the Ambition and the Designs of this young Lord he took for a Sign of Prosperity what immediately before he look'd upon as a Subject of Grief It was in this year too that the Dauphin came into the World His Birth gave great Joy to all true French Men who by that saw all the Seeds of War suppress'd which the several pretensions to the Succession might have produc'd But that did not hinder the Spaniards from preparing all occasions of disturbance nor prevented from time to time the spreading of a Rumour that the King having promis'd Marriage to the Marchioness of Verneuil there was a doubt whither the Succession belong'd to the Children of Mary de Medicis There were some Spanish Casuists that made it a Question whether the Dispensation was fairly obtain'd In
his Fortune laid and of the Credit he had under another Reign among the Reformed Party The King own'd him for his Kinsman by the Mothers side and 't is certain that if he had Dy'd without Children he had not had a nearer Heir to the Kingdom of Navarre This made the King without any scruple call the Mother of this Lord Aunt His Merit had already a great deal of Lustre and the King who desir'd strictly to unite himself with the Protestants had a design to Marry him to the Daughter of Charles de Sudermania Father to the Famous Gustavus This Charles was a declar'd Protestant and wrested the Crown of Sweden and Poland from Sigismund his Nephew a strong Catholic Prince and who had a design to extinguish the Reformation in his Northern Territorys This Marriage did not succeed But seeing this Young Lord had a design to Ally himself in such a manner as did not please the King and to that end cast his Eyes about on all sides â—pon Foreigners the King some Years after Marry'd him to the Daughter of his Favorite This Woman was as Bold and as Zealous for Religion as her Father was Cold and Indifferent She got a little the Ascendent over the Genius of her Husband and as she was assisted by her Mother-in-Law who was no less Zealous nor less Couragious they had no great trouble to lead the Duke to all that they desir'd a Person who of himself had a great Heart a perspicacious Wit and capable of the highest Undertakings The King therefore who had a mind to advance him and who believ'd him a proper Subject for some Foreign Alliance made him Duke and Peer this Year and he took the Oath the 7th of August But it was also about the same time that the Jesuits at last obtain'd leave to return into France Father Magio had visited the King at Lions in the Popes Name during the War of Savoy where he had obtain'd nothing but Words in general and Assurances of Good Will But the King having made a Journey this Year towards Mets of which he resolv'd to make sure of the Jesuits of Pont a Mousson waited on him at Verdun and obtain'd positive Promises for their Re-establishment The Jesuits Armand and Cotton were order'd to come to Paris in which they took care not to fail And Cotton by his Flattering Conversation by Preachments to the Palate of the Court by a profligate Hypocrisie of which he knew the Art better then any one of his Robe so possess'd himself of the Kings affection that he got immediately into the highest degree of his Favor That which is remarkable in it is That this Jesuit was not known to the King but by the Recommendation of Lesdiguieres who never did so great a piece of Service it may be to the Honest People of his Religion as he did by this means to the Jesuits Their principal Prop at Court was La Varenne who rais'd himself by his Compliances with the Kings Amorous Intreagâ—es and who had a greater share in Affairs then a great many more worthy men Nor did the Spanish Cabal spare any pains on their side But every good French-man had so great an aversion to this Re-establishment that the King met with great difficulties in it This Affair linger'd on till the Month of September e'r the Jesuits obtain'd any Edict But when it was propos'd to Register it at Paris the difficulties were renew'd and the Parlament had much ado to consent to the return of a Society which they had cast out for such good Reasons The King took occasion to make a Journey to Rouen to make this Edict pass in the Parlament of Normandy and he found but little Resistance But that of Paris did not follow the Example insomuch that the rest of the Year was spent before the Edict was verify'd They wou'd likewise have made it be believ'd that what happen'd at Gap where the Reformed held a Synod had forwarded the matter which had it not bin for that might have yet Spun out a longer time But the affront that there had been given to the Pope in making it pass for an Article of Faith that he was The Antichrist had laid a Necessity on the King to break through all obstacles that were rais'd to the Re-establishment of the Jesuits to the end that by this he might make Reparation to the Pope for the injury that was done him The Business was this The Reformed had got leave to call a National Synod in the Month of October at Gap a Town in the Dauphinate It was one of the most Celebrated that ever they held and they there Treated of great Matters But the most Important of all was the Question about The Antichrist which was there consider'd The Reformed Taught frequently that this Title belong'd to the Pope and in their Sermons and Writings apply'd to him all the Characters by which the HOLY GHOST gives a description of him to whom it belong'd The wrong that was done to du Plessis and which stuck to the Hearts of all good Men inflam'd their Spirits more then ever in that respect because that was the pretence laid hold on that he had given the Name of Antichrist to the Pope insomuch that they set themselves to speak upon this Subject more then ever and more then ever to foretel the approaching Downfal of Babylon and the overthrow of the Man of Sin by the Light of the appearance of JESUS CHRIST The Pulpits resounded nothing but this Name of Antichrist and there were likewise some Churches which the Judges disturb'd because that this Doctrine was Preach'd there But nothing made more noise then the boldness of de Ferrier Minister and Professor of Divinity in the Royal College of Nimes He set up Propositions on Posts which he publickly defended and where this Thesis That the Pope is the Antichrist was maintain'd Nor did he spare Clement VIII whose Name was clapt in all along The Parlament of Tholouse brought him to his Trial upon this matter and sought to have Arrested his Person but Ferrier who wou'd not expose himself to the Judgment of that Merciless Court provided for himself at the Chamber of Castres This was enough to stop the Proceedings of Parlament but to have yet a stronger Protection Ferrier wou'd make appear by some Proof that his Doctrine was that of the whole Party And as there were but few Ministers who did not believe and Preach and Write the same thing and for that it was evident that there were more Churches besides that of-Nimes that were Persecuted for this Doctrine he obtain'd that the matter shou'd be Debated by the Synod and his Doctrine approv'd by it The Genius of Ferrier was Compounded of Good and Bad Qualities but the Bad were most predominant which was the reason why they drew him into a precipice and never was the end of a Man so unlike the beginning He suffer'd himself to be Corrupted by the Artifices of
Foreign Power that he was Sovereign in his Kingdoms even in Ecclesiastical Causes This Oath was the Discourse of Europe for several years and serv'd to create Divisions among the Catholicks of England of which some maintain'd it lawful and others contrary to their Consciences The Pope joyn'd with the last which was the Party of the Jesuits But there were some English Priests who neither believ'd the Pope nor Jesuits in that point and who exhorted the Catholicks to take that Oath without scruple The King himself writ in defence of his Oath and his Book had the success I have express'd elsewhere In France the Jesuits advanc'd their Affairs with a wonderful facility And tho several Cities refus'd to consent to their Establishment they notwithstanding daily obtain'd new Favours However they could not prevail to hinder the King that Year from granting the Reform'd a Boon By the Treaty of the Reduction of Paris the Exercise of their Religion was not to be allow'd them nearer than at the distance of five Leagues It had been allow'd at Ablon a place a little nearer than that Article mention'd But yet the distance was too great to permit them to go and come in a Day especially in the Winter time It was very inconvenient for such as had Children to be Christned the Reform'd at that time not allowing Baptism to be Administred out of their Assemblies They alledg'd that several Children dy'd by the way which might have been Christned had the place of their Exercise been nearer which reason was capable to move the Catholicks upon the account of their Opinion concerning the necessity of Baptism Moreover Foreigners and the Lords of the Court complain'd that it was impossible for them to pay their Duty to God and to the King in one and the same Day by reason of the great distance to which they were oblig'd to go to make their Devotions which at that time seem'd more inconvenient than ever The Dutchess of Bar's Death having depriv'd them of the Advantage of Religious Worship at Court which they had enjoy'd whilst she was a live Therefore the Reform'd desir'd to have a place nearer to remedy those inconveniences And the King being desirous to favour them of two places which they had pitch'd upon granted them one which was the Village of Charenton near the Abby of St. Maur within two short Leagues of Paris They obtain'd his Letters Patent for it bearing date the 1st of August by virtue of which they were put in Possession thereof within a few days The King by the same Letters reserv'd to himself the Cognizance of all the Oppositions and Appellations that might be form'd upon that Subject and forbid the Parliament and all other Judges to meddle with it That Affair did not pass without difficulty tho it met with none from those who were most able to oppose it viz. the Parisians who might pretend that the said Grant violated the Edict of their Reduction It was the Lord of Charenton who oppos'd it grounding the said Opposition upon that Article of the Edict which forbids the settling of the Religious Worship of the Reform'd in Mannors belonging to Catholicks against the Will of the Lords thereof but those Oppositions were shifted off by transferring them to the Council Nevertheless the Successors of the said Lord have renew'd them from time to time as if they had been concern'd at the improvement of their Mannor the Village which of it self was one of the poorest in the Kingdom being grown one of the most considerable and richest by the incredible Trade it occasion'd there every Sunday But notwithstanding all those Oppositions the Exercise of the Reform'd Religion has been continu'd there until the Revocation of the Edict The Rabble was not so easily supprest as that Lord's endeavours Soon after that new Establishment they excited a violent Sedition at St. Anthony's Gate which is the nearest to Charenton against the Reform'd at their coming back from their Temple Tho the Magistrates immediately repair'd thither it was not in their power to remedy it And the consequences might have prov'd of very ill consequence had not the King come back on purpose from Fontainbleau to Paris to give his Orders there His Presence restor'd Peace and Union into the City and confirm'd the Reform'd in the possession of the favour he had granted them About the same time the King receiv'd the Petitions which the Deputies General presented to him very favourably which were very large and very material The most considerable Articles were That the Modifications of the Edict made by divers Courts and Jurisdictions might be cut out That it might be recorded with the particular Articles in such places where it had not been done yet That the Comissioners already nominated might be oblig'd to execute the Edict in Burgundy in Dauphine and in other places where it had not been done yet That the Charges of their Journey might be allow'd them to remove all pretence of delay That the Ecclesiastical Lordships of the first Places of Bailiwicks might not be exempted That the Restriction of the second might be remov'd which had been added after the first Expedition of the Edict and that the Lands belonging to the Orders of Knighthood might not be comprehended under the Denomination of Ecclesiastical Lordships That the Poor might be receiv'd into Hospitals and share in the Publick Alms proportionably to the number of the Inhabitants and that they should not be molested upon the account of Religion or otherwise That the Reform'd Inhabitants of the places where the general Gatherings should be made might not be oblig'd to contribute towards them That in such Places where they had allow'd no Church-yards to the Reform'd they might be allow'd to bury their Dead in the Old Church-yards and that the Ecclesiasticks should not be allow'd to disturb them in the same or to take up the Corps which the Official of Anger the Bishop of Alby and the Cardinal of Sourdis were accus'd to have done to some that had been buri'd above Six some even Eighteen Years That a stop might be put to the Seditions that were excited in divers places against the Reform'd either at their coming back from Divine Service or when they held their Conferences or Synods That Officers might not be allow'd to sit in their Assemblies in that Quality as they had pretended to do it in divers Provinces That the Ministers might be allow'd to Visit the Sick and such as were Condemn'd to Dye and that the Priest and other Catholicks should not be allow'd to divert them from their Belief That they might be exempted from contributing towards the Fraternities Casting of Bells Reparation of Churches and the like conformably to the Second of the particular Articles which the constraints impos'd by the Judges and the Precipitation of the Syndies render'd of no use even forcing the Reform'd to contribute towards certain Collections made for the Capucins Jesuits and other Ecclesiasticks
an account for the same either now or hereafter and both they and the said Clarks shall be discharg'd for all the Management and Administration thereof only producing for a full discharge Acquittances from our said Aunt or from our said Brother and Cousin or from those that shall have been appointed by them for the examination and passing of the same They shall also be acquitted and discharged for all Acts of Hostility Levies Marching of Soldiers Coining Casting and Taking of Artilleries and Ammunitions either out of our Magazines or from particular persons making of Powder and Saltpeter Taking Fortifying Dismantling and Demolishing of Cities and Towns Enterprizes upon the same Burning and Demolishing of Temples and Houses Establishing of Courts of Justice Judgments and Executions by them Voyages Intelligences Treaties Negotiations and Contracts made with all Foreign Princes and Communities introducing of the said Strangers into the Cities and other parts of our Kingdom And generally For all that has been done manag'd and negotiated during and since the present first and second Troubles tho neither particularly express'd nor specified XX. And those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion shall depart and desist from all Associations they have made either at home or abroad and henceforward shall raise no Money without our Leave or list any Men neither shall they hold Congregations or Assemblies otherwise than abovesaid and without Arms all which we prohibit and forbid them on pain of being rigorously punish'd as Contemners and Infractors of our Commands and Ordinances XXI All Places Cities and Provinces shall remain and enjoy the same Privileges Immunities Liberties Franchises Jurisdictions and Seats of Justice they had before the Troubles XXII And to remove all Cause of Complaint for the future we have declar'd and do declare Those of the said Religion capable to hold and exercise all Estates Dignities and Publick Employments both Seignorial and of the Cities belonging to this Kingdom and to be admitted and receiv'd without distinction into all Councils Deliberations Assemblies Estates and Functions depending on the things abovesaid without being any ways rejected or hindred from enjoying the same immediately after the Publication of this present Edict XXIII Neither shall the said of the Pretended Reform'd Religion be overcharg'd or burthen'd with any ordinary or extraordinary Taxes more than the Catholicks and according to their Estates and Substance Moreover in consideration of the great Charges those of the said Religion take upon themselves they shall be free from all other Taxations the Cities shall impose for the Expences past but they shall contribute to all such as shall be impos'd by us as also for the future to all those of Cities like the Catholicks XXIV All Prisoners that are detain'd either by the Authority of Justice or otherwise even in the Gallies on the account of the present Troubles shall be released and put at liberty on both sides without paying any Ransom But yet the Ransoms that have been paid already shall not be re-demanded or recovered of those that have receiv'd them XXV And as to the Differences that might arise upon the account of the foresaid Sales of Lands or other Immovables Bonds or Mortgages given on the account of the said Ransoms as also for all other Disputes belonging to the case of Arms that might occur the Parties concern'd shall repair to our said most Dear and most Beloved Brother the Duke of Anjou to summon the Marshals of France and he shall decide and determine the same XXVI We Order and it is our Will and Pleasure that all those of the said Religion as well in general as in particular shall be restor'd preserv'd maintain'd and kept under our Protection and Authority into all and every their Estates Rights and Actions Honours estates Places Pensions and Dignities of what quality soever they be except the Bayliffs and Seneschals of the long Gown and their Lieutenant-Generals in the room of which others have been plac'd by us during the present War to whom Assignations shall be given to reimburse them of the true value of their said Offices out of the clearest Money of our Revenue unless they had rather be Counsellors in our Courts of Parliament within their Precinct or of the Great Council at our Choice in which case they shall only be reimburs'd of the Overplus of the Value thereof in case it fall out so as they shall also pay the Surplus if their Offices were of less Value XXVII The Moveables that shall be found in being not having been taken by way of Hostility shall be restor'd to the Owners however returning the Purchasers the Price they have been sold at by Authority of Justice or by other Commission or publick Order as well belonging to Catholicks as to those of the said Religion And for the Performance of the same the Detainers of the said Moveables shall be constrained to make immediate restitution thereof without delay all oppositions or exceptions notwithstanding and to return and restore them to the Owners for the Price they have cost them XXVIII And as for the Fruits or Revenues of the Immoveables every one shall re-enter into his house and shall reciprocally enjoy the Income of the gathering of the present year All Seizures or oppositions made to the contrary during the Troubles notwithstanding As also every one shall enjoy the Arrears of Rent that shall not have been taken by us or our Order Permission or Ordinance from us or our Justice XXIX Also the Forces and Garisons that are or shall be in Houses Places Cities and Castles belonging to our said Subjects of whatever Religion shall immediately retire out of the same after the Publication of the present Edict to leave them the free and intire Possession thereof as they enjoy'd it before their being dispossess'd XXX It is also our Will and Pleasure That our Dear and Well-beloved Cousins the Prince of Orange and Count Ludowic of Nassau his Brother shall be actually restor'd and re-establish'd into all the Lands Lordships and Jurisdictions they have in our said Kingdoms and Territories under our Obedience as also to the Principality of Orange the Rights Titles Papers Informations and Dependancies of the same taken by our Lieutenant-Generals and other Ministers by us employed to that end the which shall be to said Prince of Orange and the Count his Brother restor'd in the same condition they enjoyed them before the Troubles and shall enjoy the same henceforward according to the Letters Patent Decrees and Declarations granted by the late King Henry of most laudable Memory our most Honoured Lord and Father whom God absolve and other Kings our Predecessors as they did before the Troubles XXXI We also Will and Require That all Titles Papers Instructions and Informations that have been taken shall be restored and returned on both sides to the true owners XXXII And in order to extinguish and lay aside as much as can be the Remembrance of all Troubles and Divisions past we have declar'd and
shall chuse swear to keep and observe our said Edict shall make them guard each other charging them respectively and by publick Act to answer for the Transgressions that shall be made to the said Edict in the said City by the Inhabitants thereof respectively or else to secure and deliver up the said Transgressors into the hands of Justice XLIII And to the end that our Justices and Officers as well as all other our Subjects may be clearly and with all certainty inform'd of our Will and Intention and to remove all Doubts and Ambiguities and Cavillings that might be made in relation to the precedent Edicts We have and do declare all other Edicts Letters Declarations Modifications Restrictions and Interpretations Decrees and Registers as well secret as all other Deliberations heretofore made in our Courts of Parliament and others that might hereafter be made to the prejudice of our said present Edict concerning the case of Religion and the Troubles occasion'd in this our Kingdom to be void and of no effect To all which and the Derogatories therein contained we have by this our Edict derogated and do derogate and from this very time as for then do cancel revoke and annul them Declaring expresly That it is our Pleasure that this our said Edict should be sure firm and inviolable kept and observed by our said Justices Officers and Subjects without respecting or having the least regard to whatever might be contrary and derogating to this XLIV And for the greater assurance of the maintenance and observation we desire of this it is our Will Command and Pleasure That all Governors of our Provinces our Lieutenant-Generals Bailiffs Seneschals and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of this our Kingdom immediately upon receit of this our said Edict shall swear The same to keep and observe cause to be kept and observ'd and maintain'd every one in their Precinct as also the Mayors Sheriffs Capitouls and other Officers Annual or Temporal as well the present after the reception of the said Edict as their Successors in taking the Oath they are used to take when they are admitted into the said Places and Offices of which Oaths publick Acts shall be expedited to all such as shall require it We also require our Trusty and Well-beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament immediately upon receit of this present Edict to cease all their Proceedings and on pain of Nullity of the Acts they should pass otherwise to take the like Oath and to cause our said Edict to be Published and Registred in our said Courts according to the Form and Tenor thereof purely and plainly without any Modifications Restrictions Declaration or secret Register and without expecting any Mandamus or Order from us And our Attornies-General to require and pursue the immediate Publication thereof without any delay the which we will have perform'd in the Two Camps and Armies within six Days after the said Publication made in our Court of Parliament of Paris in order to send back the Strangers forthwith Injoyning likewise our Lieutenants-General and Governors speedily to Publish and to cause this our said Edict to be published by the Bailiffs Seneschals Mayors Sheriffs Capitouls and other ordinary Judges of the Cities of their said Government where-ever it will be necessary As also the same to keep observe and maintain every one in his Precinct in order to put a speedy stop to all Acts of Hostility and to all Impositions made or to be made upon the account of the said Troubles after the Publication of our present Edict Which from the Moment of the said Publication we declare liable to Punishment and Reparation viz. against such as shall use Arms Force and Violence in the Transgression and Infraction of this our present Edict hindering the Effect Execution or Injoyment thereof with Death without hope of Pardon or Remission And as for the other Infractions that shall not be made by way of Arms Force or Violence they shall be punish'd by other Corporal Inflictions as Banishments Amende Honourable and other Pecuniary Punishments according to the Nature and Exigency of the Offences at the Will and Pleasure of the Judges to whom we have assign'd the Cognizance thereof Ingaging their Honours and Consciences to proceed therein with all the Justice and Equality the Cause shall require without respect or exception of Persons or Religion Therefore we command the said Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Chambers of our Accounts Courts of Aids Bailifs Seneschals Provosts and other our Justices and Officers whom it may concern or their Lieutenants this our present Edict and Ordinance to cause to be Read Publish'd and Register'd in their Courts and Jurisdictions and the same to maintain keep and observe in all Points and all whom it may concern the same fully and peaceably to use and to enjoy ceasing and causing all Troubles and Hinderances thereunto contrary to cease For such is our pleasure In witness whereof we have sign'd these presents with our own hand and to the same to the end that it may be firm and lasting for ever we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd Given at St. Germain en Lays in the Month of August in the Year of our Lord 1570. and of our Reign the Tenth Sign'd Charles And beneath it by the King being in his Council Sign'd De Neufville And on the side Visa and Seal'd with the great Seal with green Wax upon Knots of red and green Silk Read Publish'd and Registred at the request and desire of the King's Attorney-General at Paris in Parliament on the 11th of August 1570. Sign'd Tu Tillet Edict of Pacification made by King Henry the 3d in order to put an end to the Troubles of his Kingdom and to make all his Subjects thenceforward live in Peace and Quietness Vnion and Concord under his Obedience Read and Publish'd in the Court of Parliament the 8th of October 1577. HEnry by the Grace of God King of France and Poland to all present and to come Greeting God who is the Searcher of the hearts of Men and sees the bottom of their thoughts shall always be Judge for us that our Intention has never been other than to Reign according to his Holy Commandments and to govern our Subjects in all uprightness and Justice approving our self a Common Father to all who has no other end but their welfare and quiet In order thereunto we have always us'd our utmost endeavours to do whatever we judg'd most proper according to the occasions and times even with a design to establish a certain Peace in this our Kingdom and to provide against the Disorders and Abuses that have crept in to the same through the License of such long Troubles and to restore it to its Pristine Dignity and Splendor To which end we did convene our Estates General in our City of Blois where several things were treated of and particularly upon matter of Religion it being propos'd by some that one of the best Remedies
was to forbid the Exercise of all Religion besides the Catholick However it has not been God Almighty's Pleasure to let us reap the fruit we desir'd thereby but as it is sometimes his pleasure to visit Kingdoms and Princes with his Rod of Rigor for the Offences and Sins of Men the Troubles were kindled a new in our Kingdom more than ever to our great Grief and Sorrow And that which troubled us more was that the Innocent that is our poor People endur'd the greatest Hardships Oppression and Injuries All which things having consider'd day and night and experience in our majority of twenty five years having convinc'd us that the Continuation of Arms and War could not afford us the advantage we have so much desir'd and endeavour'd and being fully perswaded that God Almighty will finally convert his Rigor into Mercy and that his said Visitations are salutary Admonishments to acknowledg him and to return into the right way of our Duty After having implor'd his Aid and Assistance to inspire us with means to find the most necessary and most proper Remedies for the good of our State And thereupon taken the Advice of the Queen our most Honour'd Lady and Mother of our most dearly Beloved Brother the Duke of Anjou of the Princes of our Blood and others of the Officers of our Crown and other Lords and Notable Persons of our Council We have until it please God by means of a good free and lawful General Council to reunite all our Subjects to our Catholick Church by this our present Edict perpetual and irrevocable said declared enacted and ordain'd Say declare enact and ordain what followeth I. First That the Remembrance of all things past on either side from the beginning of the Troubles happen'd in our Kingdom to this present time and upon the account of the same shall be extinguish'd and laid aside as of things that had never been Neither shall it be lawful for our Attornies-General or any other Persons publick or private at any time or on any occasion whatever to mention or make any Prosecution of the same in any Court or Jurisdiction whatever II. We forbid all our Subjects of what Condition or Quality soever to renew the Remembrance thereof to affront or provoke each other by Reproaches of what is past upon any account or pretence whatever To dispute contend quarrel abuse or offend one another by Word or Deed but to forbear and live peaceably together as Brethren Friends and Fellow-Citizens on pain for the Delinquents of being punish'd as Infractors of the Peace and Disturbers of the Publick Good III. It is our Will and Pleasure that the Catholick Religion shall be restor'd and re-establish'd in all Places and Parts of this our Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience where the Exercise thereof has been interrupted there to be freely and peaceably perform'd without the least Trouble and Molestation Forbiding most expresly all Persons of what State Quality or Condition soever on the pains abovemention'd to trouble molest or disturb the Ecclesiasticks in the Celebration of Divine Service injoyment and gathering of their Tythes Fruits and Revenues of their Benefices and all other Rights and Immunities to them appertaining And that all such who during the present and precedent Troubles have taken Possession of Churches Houses Estates and Revenues belonging to the said Ecclesiasticks and who detain and occupy the same shall yield them the entire Possession and peaceable Injoyment thereof with such Rights Liberties and Immunities as they injoy'd before their being dispossess'd of the same IV. And to remove all occasion of Contentions and Differences among our Subjects We have allow'd and do permit those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion to live and inhabit in all the Cities and Places of this our Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience without being troubl'd vex'd molested or constrain'd to do any thing against their Conscience or disturb'd in the Houses and Places where they shall think â—it to inhabit they behaving themselves according to the Contents of this our present Edict V. We have also given leave to all Lords Gentlemen and others as well actual Inhabitants as others professing the pretended Reform'd Religion possessing in our said Kingdom high Jurisdiction or full Fief de Haubert as in Normandy either in proper or Vse-Fruit in the whole or half or third part to have in such their Houses of the said High Jurisdiction or abovesaid Fiefs which they shall be oblig'd to name to our Bailifs and Seneschals every one in his Precinct for their chief Abode the Exercise of the said Religion as long as they shall be resident there and in their absence their Wives or Families which they shall answer for We also allow them the said Exercise in their other Houses of High Jurisdiction or abovesaid Fiefs of Haubert as long as they shall be present there the whole as well for themselves their Families Subjects as others who shall be desirous to go to it VI. In such Houses of Fief where those of the said Religion shall not possess the said High-Jurisdiction of Fief de Haubert they shall only be allow'd the said Exercise for their Families Yet in case any of their Friends should chance to come there to the number of Ten or any Baptism happen in haste the Company not exceeding the said number of Ten they shall not be disquieted or prosecuted for the same Provided also That the said Houses are neither scituated within Cities Towns or Villages belonging to Catholick Lords High-Justicers other than us in which the said Catholick Lords have their Houses In which case those of the said Religion shall not be allow'd to perform the said Exercise in the said Cities Towns and Villages without leave and permission of the said Lords High-Justicers and no otherwise VII We also allow those of the said Religion to perform and continue the Exercise thereof in all the Cities and Towns where it shall be publickly perform'd on the 17th day of the present Month of September However excepting such Towns as belong to Catholicks possess'd at present by those of the said Religion in which those Exercises were not perform'd before the last taking up of Arms even in the time of the former Peace VIII Moreover in every one of the Ancient Bailiwicks Seneschalships and Governments holding the Place of a Bailiwick referring directly and without mediation to the Courts of Parliament we ordain That in the Suburbs of one City there being several Cities in the Bailiwick or for want of Cities in a Town or Village the Exercise of the said Religion shall be allow'd for all comers IX Forbidding all those of the said Religion most expresly to perform any Exercise thereof either as to Ministry Regulation Discipline or publick Institution of Children and others in this our said Kingdom and Territories under our Obedience in whatever relates to Religion excepting in the places above granted and allow'd X As also to perform any Exercise of the
depriv'd of the benefit of the said Pardon and punish'd like Disturbers of the Common Peace without hope of any Favour And a Nomination shall also be made to the Executors of the Edict both in Guienne and in Lower Languedoc of the Cities Towns and Castles it will be fit to dismantle according to the Advice of the Inhabitants of the Country of both Religions and what the King shall afterwards be pleas'd to order upon the said Advice without including the Places belonging to private Lords And as for the Vpper Languedoc according as abovesaid the said Executors shall consult whether there are any Places of those that are possess'd by the Catholicks requisite and fit to be dismantled according as abovesaid to the Advice of those of the Country of both Religions and also according to what the King shall be pleas'd to order about it XXIII And for a good firm true and sincere Assurance of what is abovemention'd the said King of Navar together with the Prince of Conde and Twenty of the Principal Gentlemen of the said Pretended Reform'd Religion such as the Queen Mother shall be pleas'd to nominate together with the Deputies that are here in the Name of the Provinces that have sent them besides those who are to Command in the said Cities that are left in their hands for the said Six Months shall promise and swear upon their Faith and Honour and ingage their Estates to cause all the Garisons to march out of the said Fourteen Cities and Citadels thereof and to deliver the said Cities and Citadels without delay excuse evasion or any other pretence whatever on the abovesaid 1st days of September and October next coming into the hands of the abovesaid Commissary to leave them in the Condition specifi'd by the said Edict of Pacification as is aforesaid XXIV It has been resolv'd That in case any Attempt should be made on either side to the prejudice of the last Edict of Pacification and of all that is abovesaid The Complaint and Prosecution thereof shall be made before the King's Governours and Lieutenants-General and by way of Justice in the Courts of Parliament or Chambers Establish'd in regard of both according to the Edict And what shall be ordain'd by them shall forthwith be put in execution at farthest within a Month after it by the diligence of the King's Council in relation to the Judgements that shall intervene without using any Connivence or Dissimulation And the said Governors and Lieutenants-General are expresly order'd together with the Bailiffs and Seneschals to further give Aid and Comfort and to employ all the King's Forces for the execution of what shall have been advis'd and order'd for the reparation of the said Attempt Thus the Attempts on either side shall neither be taken or reputed as Infractions of the Edict in respect to the King and the King of Navar the General of the Catholicks and the General of those of the said Religion It being his Majesty's true and firm Intention at the request of the said King of Navar to have them immediately redress'd and the Guilty severely and exemplarily punish'd XXV And to that end the Gentlemen and Inhabitants of the Towns of both Religions shall be obliged to accompany the Governors and the King's Lieutenants-General to aid them with their Persons and Means if necessary and requir'd so to do in order forthwith to repair the said Attempts The said Governors and Lieutenants-General together with the Bailiffs and Seneschals shall be oblig'd to apply themselves about it without delay or excuse and to use their utmost Endeavours and Diligence for the Reparation of the said Attempts and to punish the Guilty according to the Pains specifi'd in the Edict Moreover it has been resolv'd That such as shall make any Attempts upon Cities Places or Castles or that shall Abet Assist or Favour them or give them Counsel or that shall commit any Attempt against and to the prejudice of the Edict and all that is abovesaid Also such as shall refuse to obey or shall oppose themselves or by others directly or indirectly the Effect and Execution of the said Edict of Pacification and of all that is abovesaid are from this moment declar'd guilty of High-Treason both they and their Posterity Infamous and for ever incapable of injoying any Honours Imployments Dignities and Successions and liable to all the Punishments inflicted by the Law against those that are guilty of High-Treason in the highest degree His Majesty declaring moreover That he will grant no Pardon for it forbidding his Secretaries to sign them and his Chancellor or Lord-Keeper to pass them And the Courts of Parliament to respect them for the future whatever express or reiterated Commands they might receive about it XXVI It has also been resolv'd That the Lords deputed for the Execution of the said Edict of Pacification together with the Secret Articles made at the time of the said last Edict of Pacification and of all that is abovesaid proceeding to the said Execution shall restore the Houses and Castles of the said King of Navar as they pass along the Seneschalships where the said Castles and Houses of the said King of Navar are Situate which shall be left without Garisons on either part and put into the Condition mention'd by the Edict of Pacification and according to the Ancient Priviledges XXVII That all that is above specifi'd and what is contain'd in the last Edict of Pacification shall be inviolably kept and observ'd on both sides under the Penalties set down in the said Edict That the Courts of Parliament and Chambers ordain'd for Justice according to this said Edict the Chambers of Accounts Courts of Aids Bailiffs Seneschals Provosts and all other Officers to whom it may concern shall cause to Register the Letters-Patent that shall be issued out for all that is abovesaid and the Contents thereof to follow keep and observe in every particular according to their Form and Tenor. And the Governours and Lietenants-General of all the Provinces of this Kingdom shall be injoyn'd in the mean time forthwith to publish every one within his District the said Letters-Patent to the end that no body may pretend to plead ignorance and the Contents of the same also inviolably to keep and observe under the Penalties specifi'd by the said last Edict of Pacification and others here above declar'd Done at Nerac on the last day of February 1579. Thus Sign'd Katherine Henry Bouchart Deputy from the Prince of Conde Biron Joyeuse Jansac Pybrac de la Mothe Fenelon Clairmont Duranti Turrenne Guitry Du Faur Chancellor to the King of Navar Scorbiac deputed by the Generality of Bourdeaux Yolet and de Vaux Deputies for Rovergue The King having seen and maturely consider'd word by word the intire Contents of these present Articles agree on in the Conference which the Queen his Mother has held at Nerac with the King of Navar and the Deputies of those of the pretended Reform'd Religion who were assembled there
the Articles of the said Conference XXXI And the King shall at the same time order the City and Castle de la Reolle to be deliver'd into the hands of the said Duke of Anjou who shall be responsible to his said Majesty for the same and shall give it in keeping to the Vice-comâ—e of Turenne who shall enter into such Obligations and make such promises as the said Duke of Anjou shall require to return and re-deliver it into his hands in order to his restoring it to his Majesty in case within two months after the said publication the Cities yielded in the said Conference seated in Guyenne should not be deliver'd by those of the said Religion in the condition mention'd by the Articles of the said Conference In respect to which Cities at present still in possession of those of the said Religion and left to them by the said Conference the said King of Navar and those of the said Religion shall promise the said Duke of Anjou who will ingage his word to the King for it to march the Garisons out of them and to restore them in the condition they ought to be by the said Edict and Conference viz. Those of the Country of Guienne within the said Two Months after the publication of the said present Articles made in those parts where the said Duke of Anjou shall be and those of Languedoc within three Months after the said publication made by the Governor or Lieutenant-General of the Province without any Delays Put-offs or Difficulties upon any account or pretence whatever And as to the Liberty and Guard of the said Cities they shall observe what is enjoin'd them by the said Article of the said Conference And they shall do the same for those that have been given them in keeping for their surety by the said Edict and they shall nominate unto his Majesty persons whose Manners Qualifications and Conditions are answerable to what is requir'd by the Edict to command in the same and they shall be oblig'd and bound to leave and to restore them in the condition mention'd by the said Edict immediately after the expiration of the remainder of the term of time that was granted them by the same according to the form and under the Penalties therein contain'd XXXII All other Cities Places Castles and Houses belonging to the King and to Ecclesiasticks Lords and Gentlemen and other his Majesty's Subjects of both Religions together with their Titles Papers Instructions and other things whatever shall be restor'd in the condition ordain'd by the Edict and Articles of the Conference into the hands of the owners thereof immediately after the said publication of the said present Articles to leave them the free enjoyment and possession thereof as they had it before their being dispossess'd on the penalties contain'd in the said Edict and Articles notwithstanding the right of propriety were disputed And shall clear the said Cities Places and Castles of all Garisons to which end the Articles of the Edict and Conference concerning the Governments and Garisons of the Forts and Castles of the Provinces Cities and Castles shall be executed according to their Form and Tenor XXXIII For the effecting of which the said Duke of Anjou has promis'd to remain into the said Country of Guyenne during the said time of two months to execute and cause the said Edict and Articles to be put in execution according to the power given unto him by his said Majesty the which shall be publish'd to that end and a Council of capable and fit persons establish'd about his person XXXIV The 48th Article of the said Edict concerning the liberty of Commerce and the abolishing of all New Tolls and Subsidies impos'd by any Authority but the King 's shall be observ'd and effected And in consideration of the Abuses and Infractions made to the Edict since the publication thereof in relation to the Salt of Pecquaiz Prohibitions shall be made to all persons of what quality or condition soever directly to hinder the Draggage of Salt of Pecquaiz to impose exact or raise any Subsidies either upon Marches upon the River Rone or elsewhere in any place or kind soever without express leave from his Majesty on pain of Death XXXV All pieces of Ordnance belonging to his Majesty that have been taken during the present and precedent Troubles shall be restor'd immediately according to the 43d of the secret Articles XXXVI The 30th Article of the said Edict concerning Prisoners and Ransoms shall be follow'd and observ'd in relation to those who have been made Prisoners since the renewing of the War and have not been yet deliver'd XXXVII The King of Navar and Prince of Conde shall effectually enjoy their Governments according to what is specifi'd by the said Edict and secret Articles XXXVIII The raising of 600000 Livers which was granted and allow'd by the said Articles shall be continu'd according to the Commissions that have been issu'd out since by vertue thereof to which his Majesty shall be intreated to add the Sums of 45000 Livers furnish'd and advanc'd by the Sieur de la Noue XXXIX The 22d 23d and 24th of the Secret Articles agreed on at Bergerac concerning the Oaths and Promises to be made by the King the Queen his Mother the Duke of Anjou his Brother the King of Navar and the Prince of Conde shall be reiterated and accomplish'd XL. The Princes of the Blood Officers of the Crown Governors and Lieutenants General Bayliffs Seneschals of the Provinces and principal Magistrates of this Kingdom shall swear and promise to cause the said Edicts and present Articles to be kept and observ'd to employ themselves and use their endeavours every one in their Station for the punishing of the Infractors XLI The Courts of Parliament in bodies shall take the same Oath which shall be reiterated at every new entry which shall be made once a year on the Festival of St. Martin at which they shall cause the said Edict to be read and republish'd XLII The Seneschals and Officers of the Seneschalships and presidial Tribunals shall also take the same Oath in a body and shall reiterate it and cause the said Edict to be read and publish'd again on every First Day of Jurisdiction after Epiphany or Twelfth Day XLIII The Provosts Majors Jurors Consuls Capitouls and Sheriffs of Cities shall take the like Oath in a publick place to which they shall summon the principal Inhabitants of both Religions and shall reiterate the same at every new Election of the said Offices XLIV All the above mention'd and all other Subjects whatever of this Kingdom of what Quality soever shall depart from and renounce all Leagues Associations Fraternities and Intelligences both within and without the Kingdom And shall swear to make none hereafter or adhere to any nor otherwise to transgress directly or indirectly the said Edict Articles and Conferences on the Penalties therein mention'd XLV All Officers Royal and others Majors Jurats Capitouls Consuls and Sheriffs
their Houses or Places where they shall Inhabit in all other things behaving themselves according to what is specifi'd in our present Edict VII We have also permitted all Lords Gentlemen and other Persons as well Inhabitants as others who make Profession of the Pretended Reform'd Religion enjoying within our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience High Jurisdiction or full Fief d'Haubert as in Normandy either in Proper in the Vse-fruit thereof in the whole or Moiety or for a third Part To have in such their Houses of the said High Jurisdiction or Fiefs abovesaid which they shall be oblig'd to nominate before to our Bailiffs and Seneschals every one within his Limits for their principal Abode the Exercise of the said Religion while they reside there and in their Absence their Wives or Families or part thereof And tho the Right of Jurisdiction or full Fief d'Haubert be in Controversy nevertheless the Exercise of the said Religion shall be allow'd there provided the abovesaid be in actual Possession of the said High Jurisdiction altho our Attorney-General be a Party We also allow them to perform the said Exercise in their other Houses of High Jurisdiction or abovesaid Fief d'Haubert while they are there present and no otherwise both for themselves their Families Subjects and others who shall desire to repair thither VIII In Houses of Fiefs where those of the said Religion shall not have the said High Jurisdiction or Fief d'Haubert they shall only be allow'd the said Exercise for their Families Nevertheless we do not mean that in case other Persons should chance to come in to the number of Thirty besides their Family either upon the account of Baptism Visitation of their Friends or otherwise they should be troubled for the same Provided also the said Houses are neither within Cities Towns or Villages belonging to Catholick Lords High-Justicers besides our self wherein the said Catholick Lords have their Mansions In which case those of the said Religion shall not be allow'd to perform their said Exercise in the said Cities Towns or Villages except by permission and leave of the said Lords High-Justicers and no otherwise IX We also permit those of the said Religion to perform and continue the Exercise thereof in all the Cities and Places under our Obedience where it was establish'd and by them publickly perform'd at sundry and divers times in the Year 1596. and in the Year 1597. until the end of August all Decrees and Judgments to the contrary notwithstanding X. The said Exercise in like manner shall be establish'd and Restor'd in all Cities and Places where it has or should have been establish'd by the Edict of Pacification made in the Year Seventy Seven Particular Articles and Conferences of Nerac and Flex Neither shall the said Establishment be obstructed in the Parts and Places within the Demean granted by the said Edict Articles and Conferences for Places of Bayliwikes or that shall be granted hereafter though they have been since alienated to Catholick Persons or hereafter shall be And yet we do not intend that the said Exercise shall be Re-establish'd in the Parts and Places of the said Demean which have been heretofore possess'd by those of the the said pretended Reform'd Religion in which it had been allow'd out of respect to their persons or upon the account of the Privileges of the Fiefs in case the said Fiefs be at present possess'd by persons of the said Catholick Apostolick Religion XI Moreover in every one of the Ancient Bayliwikes Seneschalships and Governments holding the Place of a Bayliwike having direct reference without mediation to the Courts of Parliament We ordain That in the Suburbs of a City besides those that have been granted them by the said Edict Particular Articles and Conferences And where there are no Cities in a Borough or Village the Exercise of the said pretended Reform'd Religion shall be publickly perform'd for all such as will repair thither altho the said Exercise were already establish'd in divers places of the said Bayliwikes Seneschalships and Governments excepting out of the said place of Bayliwike newly granted by the present Edict the Cities in which there are Archbishops or Bishops in which case those of the said Pretended Reform'd Religion shall be allow'd to demand and to nominate for the said Place of the said Exercise the Boroughs and Villages near the said Cities Excepted also Places and Lordships belonging to Ecclesiasticks in which we do not allow the said second Place of Bayliwike to be establish'd we having by special grace and favour excepted them Under the name of Ancient Bayliwikes we mean such as were in the Times of the late King Henry our most honour'd Lord and Father-in-law held for Bayliwikes Seneschalships and Governments having immediate reference to our said Courts XII We do not mean by this present Edict to derogate from the Edicts and Agreements heretofore made for the reducing of some Princes Lords Gentlemen and Catholick Cities under our Obedience in what relates to the Exercise of the said Religion the which Edicts and Agreements shall be maintain'd and observ'd for this respect according as shall be specify'd by the Instructions of the Commissioners that shall be appointed for the execution of this present Edict XIII We expresly forbid all those of the said Religion to perform any Exercise thereof either as to the Ministry Government Discipline or Publick Instruction of Children and others in this our Kingdom and Countries under our Obedience in what relates to Religion in any places but those that are allow'd and granted by the Edict XIV As also to perform any Exercise of the said Religion in our Court or Attendance nor likewise in our Lands and Territories beyond the Mounts nor yet in our City of Paris nor within five Leagues of the said City Nevertheless those of the said Religion who live in the said Lands and Territories beyond the Mounts and in our said City and within five Leagues round about it shall not be examin'd in their Houses nor constrain'd to do any thing in respect of their Religion against their Conscience behaving themselves in other matters according as it is specify'd in our present Edict XV. Neither shall the Publick Exercise of the said Religion be performed in the Armies unless in the Quarters of the Chief Officers who profess the same nevertheless it shall not be done in the Quarter where we lodge XVI According to the Second Article of the Conference at Nerac We give leave to those of the same Religion to build Places for the exercise thereof in the Cities and Places where it is allow'd them and those they have built heretofore shall be restor'd to them or the Ground thereof in the Condition it is at present even in those places where the said Exercise is not allow'd them unless they have been converted into other Buildings In which case the Possessors of the said Buildings shall give them other places of the same Price and Value they were
well secret as other Deliberations heretofore by us or by the Kings our Predecessors made in our Courts of Parliament or elsewhere relating to the case of the said Religion and the troubles happen'd in our said Kingdom to be null and of no effect to all which and the Derogatories therein contain'd we have by this our Edict derogated and do derogate from this time forward as well as for that time do cancel revoke and annul them Declaring expresly that we will have this our Edict to be firm and inviolable kept and observ'd as well by our said Justicers Officers as by other Subjects without any regard to any thing that might be contrary or derogating to it XCII And for the better assurance of the maintenance and observance we desire to have thereof we will and ordain and it is our pleasure that all the Governors and Lieutenants General of our Provinces Bayliffs Seneschals and other Judges in ordinary of the Cities of this our Kingdom immediately after the receipts of this our Edict shall swear to have it kept and observ'd every one in their several Precincts as also the Mayors Sheriffs Capitouls Consuls and Jurats of Cities annual and perpetual enjoining also our said Bayliffs Seneschals or their Lieutenants and other Judges to make the principal Inhabitants of the said Cities of both Religions swear to observe and maintain the same immediately after the publication thereof Putting all those of the Cities under our protection and under the guard of one another charging them respectively and by publick Acts to answer at the Civil Law for the transgressions that shall be made of this our said Edicts in the said Cities by the Inhabitants thereof or to represent and deliver the said Infractors into the hands of Justice We command our Trusty and Well Beloved the Persons holding our Courts of Parliament Chambers of Accounts and Courts of Aids immediately upon receipt of the present Edict to put a stop to all their proceedings on pain of nullity of all the Acts they should pass and to take the Oath abovemention'd and this our Edict to publish and register in our said Courts according to the form and tenor thereof exactly as it is without any Modification Restrictions secret Registers or Declarations and without expecting any farther order or command from us and our Attorneys General to require and prosecute the said immediate Publication thereof We also order our said persons holding our said Courts of Parliament Chambers of our Accounts and Courts of Aids Bayliffs Seneschals Provosts and others our Justicers and Officers to whom it may belong and to their Lieutenants to cause this our present Edict and Ordinance to be read publish'd and register'd in their Courts and Jurisdictions and the same to maintain keep and observe in every particular and to make all such whom it may concern enjoy and use the benefit thereof putting a stop to all Troubles and Hinderances thereunto contrary For such is our pleasure For witness whereof we have sign'd these Presents with our own hand and to the same in order to its being firm and lasting for ever we have caus'd our Seal to be affix'd Given at Nantes in the Month of April in the Year of our Lord 1598. and of our Reign the Ninth Sign'd Henry And underneath By the King being in his Council Forget And on the side Visa And seal'd with the Great Seal of Green Wax upon Knots of Red and Green Silk Read publish'd and register'd heard with the approbation of the King's Attorney General at Paris in Parliament on the 25th of February 1599. Sign'd Voysin Read publish'd and register'd in the Chamber of Accounts hear'd and approv'd by the King's-Attorney General on the last day of March 1599. Sign'd De la Fontaine Read publish'd and registred heard and approv'd by the King's Attorny General at Paris in the Court of Aids the 30th of April 1599. Sign'd Bernard Particular Articles extracted from the General ones that have been granted by the King to those of the Pretended Reform'd Religion the which His Majesty would not have comprehended into the said General Articles nor in the Edict that has been made and drawn upon the same given at Nantes in the Month of April last and yet nevertherless His Majesty has granted that they shall be fully accomplish'd and observ'd in the same manner as the Contents of the said Edict To which end they shall be Registred in his Courts of Parliament and elsewhere where it shall be necessary and all necessary Declarations and Letters Patent to that end shall be forthwith expedited I. THe 6th Article of the said Edict about Liberty of Conscience and leave for all his Majesties Subjects to live and inhabit in this Kingdom and Countries under his Obedience shall remain in force and shall be observ'd according to the Form and Tenor thereof Even for Ministers and Teachers and all others that are or shall turn of the said Religion whether actual Inhabitants or others behaving themselves in all other things conformably to what is specifi'd by the said Edict II. Those of the said Religion shall not be oblig'd to contribute towards the Reparations and Building of Churches Chappels Parsonages nor towards the buying of Sacerdotal Ornaments Lights Casting of Bells Holy Bread Rights of Fraternity and other like things unless oblig'd thereunto by Foundations Gifts or other Dispositions made by them or their Predecessors 3. Neither shall they be oblig'd to hang and adorn the Front of their Houses on Festival-days on which it is order'd but only to suffer them to be hung and adorn'd by the Authority of the Magistrates without contributing any thing towards it IV. Neither shall those of the said Religion be oblig'd to receive Exhortations being Sick or near Death either by Condemnation of Justice or otherwise from any but those of the said Religion and their Ministers shall be allow'd to Visit and Comfort them without any disturbance And as for such as shall be condemn'd by Justice it shall also be lawful for the said Ministers to visit and prepare them for Death without making Publick Prayers unless in such Places as are allow'd by the said Edict for the said Publick Exercise V. It shall be lawful for those of the said Religion to perform the Publick Exercise thereof at Pimpoul and for Diepe in the Suburb du Paulet and the said Places of Pimpoul and du Paulet shall be ordain'd for Places of Baliwicks The said Exercise shall be continued at Sancerre as it is at present The said free and publick Exercise shall also be re-establish'd in the City of Montagnac in Languedoc VI. In respect to the Article which relates to Bailiwicks it has been declar'd and granted as followeth First For the Establishing of the Exercise of the said Religion in the two Places granted in every Baliwick Seneschalship and Government those of the said Religion shall nominate Two Cities in the Suburbs of which the said Exercise shall be establish'd by the
Commissioners that shall be deputed by his Majesty for the Execution of the Edict And in case the said Commissioners should not approve of them those of the said Religion shall nominate two or three Towns or Villages in the Neighbourhood of the said Cities for every one of them out of which the said Commissioners shall chuse one And if through Hostility Contagion or any other lawful Impediment it cannot be continued in the said Places others shall be allow'd while the said Impediment shall continue Secondly That only two Cities shall be provided in the Government of Piccardy into the Suburbs of which those of the said Religion shall be allow'd the Exercise thereof for all the Bailiwicks Seneschalships and Governments depending of the same and where it shall not be thought fit to establish it in the said Cities they shall be allow'd two convenient Towns or Villages Thirdly By reason of the great Extent of the Seneschalship of Provence and Bailiwicks of Viennois his Majesty does grant a third Place in each of the said Bailiwicks and Seneschalships the Choice and Nomination of which shall be made as abovesaid there to establish the Exercise of the said Religion besides the other Places in which it is already establish'd VII What has been granted by the said Article for the Exercise of the said Religion in Bailiwicks shall also serve for the Territories which did belong to the Late Queen Mother-in-Law to his Majesty and for the Bailiwick of Beaujolois VIII Besides the Two Places granted for the Exercise of the said Religion by the Particular Articles of the year 1577. in the Isles of Marrennes and Oleron two more shall be allow'd them for the convenience of the said Inhabitants viz. one for all the Isles of Marennes and another for the Isle of Oleron IX The Letters Patent granted by his Majesty for the Exercise of the said Religion in the City of Mentz shall remain in full Force and Virtue X. It is his Majesty's Will and Pleasure That the 27th Article of his Edict relating to the Admission of those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion into Offices and Dignities shall be observ'd and maintain'd according to its Form and Tenor the Edicts and Agreements heretofore made for the Reduction of some Princes Lords Gentlemen and Catholick Cities notwithstanding the which shall not be in force to the prejudice of those of the said Religion only in what relates to the Exercise thereof And the said Exercise shall be regulated according as it is specified by the following Articles according to which shall be drawn the Instructions of the Commissioners that shall be deputed by his Majesty for the Execution of his Edict according as it is ordain'd by the same XI According to the Edict made by his Majesty for the Reduction of the Duke of Guise the Exercise of the said pretended Reform'd Religion shall neither be allow'd nor establish'd in the Cities and Suburbs of Rheims Rocroy St Disier Guise Joinville Fimes and Moncornet in the Ardennes XII Neither shall it be allow'd in the other Placs adjacent to the said Cities and Places forbidden by the Edict of the year 1577. XIII And to remove the Ambiguity that might arise upon the word Adjacent his Majesty declares that he means the Places that are within the Circuit of a League of the said Cities being the Precinct or Liberties thereof in which places the Exercise of the said Religion shall not be allow'd unless it were permitted by the Edict of 1577. XIV And forasmuch as by the same the said Exercise was allow'd generally in the Fiefs possess'd by those of the said Religion without any exception of the said Leagues Circuit his Majesty declares That the said allowance shall remain in force even for Fiefs within the said Circuit possessed by those of the said Religion as it is specify'd by his Edict given at Nantes XV. Likewise according to the Edict made for the Reduction of the Marshal de la Chartres in each of the Bailiwicks of Orleans and Bourges shall only be ordain'd one Place of Bailiwick for the Exercise of the said Religion the which however may be continu'd in such places where the Continuation thereof is allow'd by the said Edict of Nantes XVI The Concession of Preaching in Fiefs shall also extend to the said Bailiwicks in the manner specifi'd by the said Edict of Nantes XVII The Edict made for the Reduction of the Marshal of Bois-Dauphin shall also be observ'd and the said Exercise shall not be allow'd in the Cities Suburbs and Places brought over by him to his Majesty's Service and as for the Circuit or Liberties thereof the Edict of 77. shall be observ'd there even in the Houses of Fiefs according as it is specify'd by the Edict of Nantes XVIII No Exercise of the said Religion shall be allow'd in the City Suburbs and Castle of Morlais according to the Edicts made for the Reduction of the said City and the Edict of 77. shall be observ'd for the Precinct thereof according to the Edict of Nantes XIX In Consequence of the Edict for the Reduction of Quinpercorantin no Exercise of the said Religion shall be allow'd in all the Bishoprick of Cornouaille XX. Also according to the Edict made for the Reduction of Beauvais the Exercise of the said Religion shall not be allow'd in the said City of Beauvais nor within three Leagues round about it Nevertheless the establishing thereof shall be allow'd in the remainder of the Extent of the Bailiwick in the Places allow'd of by the Edict of 77. Even in Houses of Fiefs according to the Edict of Nantes XXI And whereas the Edict made for the Reduction of the late Admiral de Villars is only Provisional and until the King 's farther Pleasure It is his Majesty's Will and Pleasure the said Edict notwithstanding that his Edict of Nantes shall remain in force for the Cities and Jurisdictions reduced to his Majesty's Obedience by the said Admiral as well as for the other parts of his Kingdom XXII By the Edict made for the Reduction of the Duke of Joyeuse the Exercise of the said Religion shall not be allowed in the City or Suburbs of Thoulouse nor within four Leagues about it nor nearer than the Cities of Villemur Carmain and the Isle of Jourdan XXIII Neither shall it be restored into the Cities of Alet Fiat Auriac and Montâ—squiou Nevertheless in case any of the said Religion in the said City should be desirous to have a place for the Exercise thereof the Commissioners that shall be deputed by his Majesty for the Execution of his Edict shall assign them for every one of the said Cities a convenient Place and of easie Access within a League of the said Cities XXIV It shall be lawful to establish the said Exercise according as it is specified by the said Edict of Nantes within the Jurisdiction of the Court of Parliament of Thoulouse excepted always in such Bayliwicks Seneschalships and other Precincts of
Charges And the said Re-imbursement being made or the said Barbier refusing or delaying to receive it his Majesty forbids the said Barbier as also the said Bernard after the signification of this present Article any more to exercise the said Offices on pein of the Crime of Falsity and sends the said Grimoult to the injoyment of the said Offices and Rights thereunto belonging And in so doing the Processes which were depending between the said Grimoult Barbier and Bernard in his Majesty's Privy Council shall remain determin'd and lye dormant his said Majesty forbidding the Parliaments and all others to take cognizance thereof and the said Parties to make any prosecutions for the same Moreover his said Majesty has taken upon himself to reimburse the said Bernard of the Sum of a thousand Crowns paid for the said Office and 60 Crowns for the Mark of Gold and Charges Having to that end already order'd a good and sufficient assignation the recovery of which shall be made at the Suit and Charge of the said Grimoult LIII His said Majesty shall write to his Ambassadors to obtain for all his Subjects even for those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion that they may not be disturb'd as to their Consciences nor subject to the Inquisition going or coming sojourning and trading throughout all Foreign Countries in Alliance and Confederacy with this Crown provided they do not offend the Civil Government of the Countreys where they shall be LIV. His Majesty forbids any prosecution for the gathering and receiving of the Impositions that have been levy'd at Royan by virtue of the Contract made with the Sieur de Candelay and others made in continuation of the same making the said Contract valid and approving it for the time it has been in force in the whole extent of it until the 8th of May next coming LV. The Excesses committed against Armand Courtiers in the City of Millant in the Year 1587. and John Reines and Peter Seigneuret together with the Proceedings made among them by the Consuls of the said Millant shall remain abolish'd and shall lye dormant by the Benefice of the Edict and it shall not be lawful for their Widows and Heirs nor his Majesty's Attornies-General their Substitutes or other Persons whatever to mention the same or to make any inquiry or prosecution about it Notwithstanding and without regard to the Decree given in the Chamber of Castres on the 10th of March last the which shall remain null and without effect together with all Proceedings and Informations made on either side LVI All Prosecutions Proceedings Sentences Judgments and Decrees given either against the late Sieur de La Noue or against his Son Odet de la Noue since their detention and imprisonment in Flanders happen'd in the Month of May 1580. and November 1584. and during their continual Occupation in the Wars and Service of his Majesty shall remain anihilated and nullify'd and whatever has follow'd in consequence thereof And the said De la Noue shall be admitted to make their defence and shall be restor'd to the same condition they were in before the said Judgments and Decrees without their being oblig'd to refund Costs nor to consign the Fines in case they had incurr'd any neither shall it be allow'd to alledge Non-suits or Prescription against them during the said time Done by the King being in his Council at Nantes the 2d of May 1598. Sign'd Henry And lower Forget And Seal'd with the Great Seal of Yellow Wax HEnry by the Grace of God King of France and Navar To our Trusty and Well-beloved the Persons holding our Court of Parliament at Paris Greeting In the Month of April last past we caused our Letters of Edict to be expedited for the establishment of a good Order and Repose among our Catholick Subjects and those of the said pretended Reform'd Religion And we have moreover granted to those of the said Religion certain secret and particular Articles which we will have to be of equal force and vertue and to be observ'd and accomplish'd in the same manner as our said Edict To this end We will and most expresly order and command you by these Presents To cause the said Articles sign'd by our hand join'd hereunto under the Counter-seal of our Chancery to be register'd in the Registers of our said Court and the Contents thereof to keep maintain and observe from point to point like unto our said Edict Ceasing and cauâ—ing all Troubles and Impediments thereunto contrary to cease For such is our Pleasure Given at Nantes the 2d day of May in the Year of Our Lord 1598. And of our Reign the Ninth Sign'd by the King Forget And seal'd upon single Labels of Yellow Wax Brief granted by Henry the Great to his Subjects of the Pretended Reform'd Religion on the 30th of April 1589. THis present 3d of April 1598. The King being at Nantes and being willing to gratify his Subjects of the Pretended Reform'd Religion and to help them to supply many great Expences they are oblig'd to undergo has ordain'd That for the future to begin from the first day of this present month shall be put into the hands of Mr. de Vierse commission'd by his Majesty to that end by the Treasurers of his Exchequer every one in his year Rescriptions to the Sum of 45000 Crowns to be imploy'd in certain secret Affairs relating to them which his Majesty does neither think fit to specify or declare The which Sum of 45000 Crowns shall be assign'd upon the general Receipts as followeth viz. Paris 6000 Crowns Roan 6000 Crowns Caen 3000 Crowns Orleans 4000 Crowns Tours 4000 Crowns Poitiers 8000 Crowns Limoges 6000 Crowns Bordeaux 8000 Crowns The whole together amounting to the aforesaid Sum of 45000 Crowns payable at the four Quarters of the said Year out of the first and clearest Money of the said General Receipts out of which nothing shall be retrench'd or put of upon any account whatever For which Sum of 45000 Crowns he shall cause Acquittances to be deliver'd into the hands of the Treasurer of his Exchequer for his discharge in giving the said Rescriptions intire for the said Sum of 45000 Crowns upon the said Generalities at the beginning of every year And where for the convenience of the abovesaid it shall be requir'd to cause part of the said Assignations to be paid in particular Receipts establish'd The Treasurers-General of France and Receivers-General of the said Generalities shall be order'd to do it in deduction of the said Rescriptions of the said Treasurers of the Exchequer the which shall be afterwards deliver'd by the said Sieur de Vierse to such as shall be nominated by those of the said Religion at the beginning of the year for the receipt and laying out of the Money to be receiv'd by virtue thereof of which they shall be oblig'd to bring a particular account to the said Sieur de Vierse at the end of the year with the Acquittance of the Parties to inform his
Letters-Patent to be drawn by which it is declared That the Temple heretofore built in the said City by the Inhabitants thereof shall be restored unto them to make use of the Materials and to dispose of them as they shall think fit but they shall not be allowed to preach in it nor perform any Exercise of their Religion Nevertheless a convenient Place shall be provided for them within the Enclosure of the said City where they shall be allowed to perform the said Exercise publickly without any necessity of expressing it by his Edict His Majesty also grants that notwithstanding the Prohibition made of the Exercise of the said Religion at the Court and Dependence thereof the Dukes Peers of France Officers of the Crown Marquesses Counts Governors and Lieutenants General Marshals de Camp and Captains of his said Majesty's Guards who shall be in his Attendance shall not be molested for what they shall do within their Houses provided it be only for their own particular Families their Doors being shut without singing of Psalms with a loud Voice or doing any thing that might discover it to be a Publick Exercise of the said Religion and in case his said Majesty shall remain above three Days in any Town or Place where the said Exercise is allowed the said time being expired the said Exercise shall be continued as before his arrival His said Majesty also declares That by reason of the present State of his Affairs he has not been able at present to include the Countries on the other side of the Mounts Bresse and Barcelona in the Permission by him granted for the Exercise of the said Pretended Reformed Religion Nevertheless his Majesty promises That when his said Countries shall be reduced under his Obedience he will use his Subjects inhabiting in the same in relation to Religion and other Points granted by his Edict like his other Subjects notwithstanding what is contained in the said Edicts and in the mean time they shall be maintained in the same condition they are in at present His Majesty also grants That those of the Pretended Reformed Religion that are to be provided with Offices of Presidents and Counsellors created to serve in the Chambers ordained a-new by his Edict shall be invested with the said Offices Gratis and without paying any Fees for the first time upon the Roll that shall be presented to his Majesty by the Deputies of the Assembly of Chatelleraud as also the Substitutes of the Attornies and Advocates General erected by the said Edict in the Chamber of Bordeaux And in case of an Incorporation of the said Chamber of Bordeaux and that of Thoulouse into the said Parliaments the said Substitutes shall be provided with Counsellors places in the same also Gratis His Majesty will also bestow on Monsieur Francis Pitou the Office of Substitute to the Attorney General in the Court of Parliament of Paris and to that end a new Erection shall be made of the said Office and after the Decease of the said Poitou it shall be given to a Person of the said Pretended Reformed Religion And in case of Vacation by Death of two Offices of Masters of Request of the King's Hostel his Majesty shall bestow them on Persons of the said Pretended Reformed Religion such as his Majesty shall judge fit and capable for the good of his Service they paying the usual Price of the Sale of the said Offices And in the mean time two Masters of Request shall be appointed in every Quarter to make report of the Petitions of those of the said Religion Moreover his Majesty permits the Deputies of the said Religion assembled in the said City of Chatelleraud to remain in a body to the number of Ten in the City of Saumur to prosecute the Execution of his Edict until his said Edict is verified in his Court of Parliament of Paris notwithstanding their being injoyn'd by the said Edicts to separate immediately Yet nevertheless without their being allowed to make any new Demands in the name of the said Assembly or to meddle with any thing besides the said Execution Deputation and dispatch of the Commissionaries who shall be ordained to that end And his Majesty has given them his Faith and Word for all that is above-written by this present Breef which he has been pleased to Sign with his own Hand and to have it Counter-sign'd by Us his Secretaries of State Willing the said Breef to be of the same Force and Value to them as if the Contents thereof were included in an Edict verified in his Courts of Parliament those of the said Religion being satisfied out of consideration for the good of his Service and the State of his Affairs not to press him to put this Ordinance in any other more Authentick Form being so Confident of his Majesty's Word and Goodness that they assure themselves that he will make them enjoy the same fully Having to that end ordered all necessary Expeditions and Dispatches for the Execution of what is above-written to be forthwith expedited Thus Sign'd Henry And lower Forget The End of the first Volume Books now in the Press and going to it Printed for John Dunton at the Raven in the Poultrey ☞ THe second Volume of the History of the Famous Edict of Nantes containing an account of all the Persecutions c. that have been in France since its first publication to this present time faithfully extracted from the publick and private Memoirs that could possibly be procured Printed first by the Authority of the States of Holland and West-Frezeland and now Translated into English with Her Majesties Royal Privilege ☞ The Genuine Remains of that Learned Prelate Dr. Thomas Barlow late Lord Bishop of Lincoln containing various Points Theological Philosophical Historical c. in Letters to several Persons of Honour and Quality To which is added the Resolution of many abstruse Points in Divinity with great Variety of other Subjects written by his Lordship and published by Sir Peter Pet Knight ☞ Mr. William Leybourn's New Mathematical Tractates in Folio Intituled Pleasure with Profit lately proposed by way of Subscription having met with good Encouragement are now put to several Presses and will be ready to be delivered to Subscribers the next Term In this Work will be inserted above what was first proposed a New System of Algebra according to the last Improvements and Discoveries that have been made in that Art As also several great Curiosities in Cryptography Horometria c. which Additions will inhance each Book to 16 s. in Quires to those that do not Subscribe and those that do are desired to send in their first Payment viz. 6 s. before the 26th instant after which no Subscriptions will be taken in Lately Published ☞ LIturgia Tigurina Or the Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other Ecclesiastical Rites and Ceremonies usually practised and solemnly performed in all the Churches and Chappels of the City and Canton of Zurick in Switzerland and
Noble and worthy of a true Hero He lov'd his Subjects and Domestick quiet His love of quiet made him angry when ever he was possess'd with the thoughts that any body design'd to disturb it But his love to his Sujects extinguish'd that Fire as soon as he reflected on the necessity that oblig'd the Reformd to provide for their safety Those that have collected the words which his anger inspir'd him with while his Mind was possess'd with some suspicion ought at the same time to have observ'd that those little flashes were the effect of his Temper the heat of which often dictated words to him which he should have been very sorry any body should have drawn Consequences from His Menial Servants were never surpriz'd at them because they daily found that he was easily appeas'd again without being courted to it and that he often made the first steps of reconciliation towards those that had given him a pretence of anger particularly when they were Friends he had a good opinion of His temper was very different towards the Enemies of the State Without exclaiming against them in words tho he was sometimes guilty of it even when Prudence requir'd the contrary he persisted in the desire and design of bringing them to Reason This shows that he was not naturally inclin'd to refuse the Reform'd such lawful means as were necessary for their safety Only he did not design to leave the Cities of surety perpetually in their Power Neither had they any thoughts of keeping them for ever Perhaps some Lords might have particular designs upon that Subject but the Reform'd in general only insisted upon the keeping of them upon the account that the King being mortal as well as other men he might chance to Dye at a time when the Minority of his Successor might create great Troubles to them So that if they could have kept them untill the Danger of a Minority had been past they would more easily have been inclin'd to restore them to the King since they would have been no longer necessary to them But the very Word of Minority was sufficient to frighten them and their fear was not so ill grounded as to be esteem'd unworthy of Persons of Wit and Courage The weakness of Francis the II. and the Minority of Charles the IX had been so fatal to them by the Authority Catherin de Medicis had thereby Vsurp'd to the prejudice of the Princes of the Blood which she exercis'd in a very odious manner That they had a great deal of Reason to dread falling again into the same misfortunes under the Regency of a Princes of the same Name and during the Minority or Weakness of a New King whose Capacity was not known Thus it is apparent that the Reform'd that fear being excepted saw themselves in a state of Peace and Prosperity the perfect settlement of which was the only thing they could desire in order to be happy and had the King liv'd but twelve years longer That time would have been sufficient to remove part of their scruples They would have seen a Dauphin of twenty years of Age capable to Reign himself bred up to all the Maxims and Designs of the King his Father accustom'd to see two Religions among the French Thy would have seen the Edict confirm'd by Possession civil and intestin Peace foster'd by custom between those of different Religions the Catholicks dispos'd by degrees to see them injoy certain liberties in a word the prejudices that had excited so many animosities and Wars against the Reform'd dissipated by habit and repose which would have allay'd the Passions and heart-burnings on all sides But all was alter'd of a sudden by the Kings unexpected Death and that fatal Catastrophe hapning at a a time when the ancient Difidencies and Jealousies were not absolutely stifled added new ones So that we shall now behold the Reform'd entering under that new Reign in a doubtful condition which having held them long in Cruel agitations and incertainties threw them at last into a deplorable Ruin Partly as when a Ship toss'd by the Winds and Billows which drive it against the Rocks having nothing but the courage and skill of her Mariners to defend her against that violence finally sinks on a sudden notwithstanding their resistance and industry by the redoubling of the Storm Therefore we may consider them in this part of the History as well as in the first in three different conditions The first was a preparative to their approaching ruin which all the circumstances of Affairs gave them presages of The History relates the reasons they had to be afraid the divisions of the State and Court and the secret machinations by which their Oppression was contriving by degrees The second was an open declaration of a design to destroy them which proceeded already from the project to the Execution by the speediest tho the most odious means Fraud and Violence The History shews us in this point their Disunion Weakness and Decay The third was a state of Constraint and Seruiâ—ude in which the Oppress'd durst not complain and found themselves reduc'd by their Weakness to look upon it as a favour That they were only cavill'd with instead of being totally ex irpated by Fire and Sword The History also acquaints us how that from the time of their being disarm'd and reduc'd to the mercy of their Enemies if any stop was put to their final destruction it was only in regard that the then state of Affairs both at home and abroad did not permit them to reduce so many thousands of People to the utmost extremity who were able to defend their Lives Thus the Reform'd return'd by degrees into the same condition in which their Fathers had been formerly when they were expos'd to Racks and other Outrages In the first Part of this Work we behold them passing from Oppression to War and from War to Quiet and Prosperity In the second Part we find the Scene alter'd again they fall a new from Prosperity into the Miseries of War and finally from War into an Oppression which Policy only hinder'd their Enemies from pushing to extremity Their Enemies have not been wanting to accuse them of having abus'd that degree of Happiness and Power in which they were at the King's Death and of having occasion'd their own Ruin by Factions and continual Enterprises But nothing can be grosser or more unjust than that Imposture It is true that they endeavour'd to secure themselves when they beheld their good Prince in the Grave The jealousies they had entertain'd before that fatal accident which had been combated by the kindness he often express'd to them reviv'd a new when the reason they had to lay them aside was remov d by his Death and they found themselves reduc'd at that time to that doubtful floating condition which they had endeavour'd to prevent while they could rely on the favour of an equitable Prince Those things seem'd to them more considerable and pressing when they
the Books that should treat about the Reform'd Doctrine He observ'd at the end of those Articles that the Catholicks would have no reason to wonder at their making new demands since it was a thing that had been done by every body since the Kings Death That the Catholicks of Bearn and the Jesuits had done the same That the Reform'd having lost their main Security by the Death of a King who could protect them against Violent Councils were excusable in taking new precautions That nevertheless those they desir'd were for the most part relateing to the Concessions of that Prince In the next place he propos'd to desire that the Places that had been allowed for the Exercise of their Religion for certain Towns in places that were too distant should be remov'd nearer to the end that they might be the better secured against the Insolence of the People by the facility of making their application to the Magistrates That the Article relating to Church-Yards which expos'd them to so many Barbarities should be reform'd their Corps being often taken out of the Grave again long after their Interment That such Preachers and Confessors as taught that those who hold any Communication with the Reform'd serve and assist them are Damn'd might be punish'd as Seditious Persons and infractors of the Edicts That two places of Masters of Request might be given to the Reform'd the first time Gratis and a Notary's Place in every Royal Tribunal or at least in every place of Surety paying a moderate Fine for the same That the Jesuits should not be allowed to reside in the places of Surety That some Towns might be allow'd to them at an easie rate in such Provinces where they had none and where there was a great number of Reform'd That they might be allow'd to hold a General Assembly every other Year That the Deputys General two in number nominated by the Assembly might reside at Court at the King's Charge That the Provincial Deputies might apply themselves to the General without being oblig'd to make their application to the Governours and Lieutenants General of the Provinces The Provincial Assemblies having partly followed du Plessis Memoirs in their Instructions the Deputies repair'd from all Parts to Saumur where they met to the number of Seventy Persons among which there were Thirty out of the Body of the Nobility including those that had been desir'd to assist at the said Assembly without an express Deputation as the Dukes of Bouillon of Sully and several others The Dukes of Rohan and of Soubise were there as Deputies for the Province of Brittain The Count of Panjas and la Force for the lower Guyenne Chattillon Grand-Son to the Admiral for the lower Languedock The Marquiss of Servieres for the upper Guyenne Lesdigueres had sent Bellujon thither to manage his Interests and whereas he was not as yet certain whither he could confide in the Court he was willing to remain in the Union of the rest of the Reform'd Rochel which held the Rank of a Province had four Deputies there and the Principality of Bearn had as many but there was something very singular in relation to that Princpality which kept at a distance upon the account of their Priviledges As there had been a necessity to make a particular Edict to regulate the Reform'd Religion there they pretended that the Edict of Nantes was not made for them For which reason they joyn'd with the other Provinces rather as a Confederate Province than as a Member of the same Body lest in case the Union were strickter that which might happen to those that were regulated by the Edict of Nantes would extend to them and prejudice their particular Priviledges The Court had carefully manag'd that overture of division even â—n Henry the Fourth's time and since his Death they look'd upon it as an occasion to begin the ruine of the Party because they might allege to the rest of the Reform'd while they oppressed their Brethren of Bearn that whereas that Province was not a Member of their Body and did not live under the same Laws they had no reason to complain of the alterations that were design'd there The sequel will show â—ow the Court made use of that Expedient to overwhelm the Reform'd who had been amus'd by the illusion of a Royal Promise But now it will suffice to say that the Council would not allow the Complaints of that Province to be incerted in the General Cahier and that they were oblig'd to make a particular Petition There were also 20 Ministers deputed in the said Assembly â—nd 16 Elders and whereas this had a resemblance to the States General which the Reform'd seemed to imitate by these three different orders of Deputies that Consideration and several others as trivial and as vain were us'd to persuade the Queen and particularly the King a Prince who was jealous of his Authority even in his tenderest Years tho in his riper years he never had the power to preserve it that it was a kind of Republick and State within the State which the Reform'd design'd to erect to maintain themselves Moreover it was observ'd in that Assembly that the Deputies of some Provinces had sign'd their Credentials themselves and had sign'd them alone whither it were that fear had hindered the Heads of the Provincial Assemblys from putting their names to it or whither Division had already produc'd that effect in the Provinces adjacent to the Court or finaly whither not having been able or not having dar'd to form Particular Assemblies they had been forc'd to an unusual way of proceeding to make that Deputation However the Assembly having heard their reasons laid aside Forms and acknowledged them lawful Deputies of their Provinces But there happen'd a misfortune at the very Overture of the Assembly which neither time nor the urgency of Affairs could ever repair The Marshal de Bouillon had often declared to divers persons and had told du Plessis by the Dutchess de la Trimouille his Sister-in-Law That in order to avoid Discord and Jealousie it was necessary not to give the Presidentship to a Lord of the greatest Quality This seem'd to proceed from a very good intention by reason that he being the most likely person to obtain that honour upon the account of his Age of his Experience and of his Qualility he seem'd to renounce to an acquir'd Right for fear of creating jealousies among those who had not near his Merit or Quality He never seem'd to alter his sentiment untill his first advice had been approv'd of by all those who appear'd in the Assembly Du Plessis had had time enough to communicate it to all the Deputies because the Marshal came to Saumur a day after all the rest They had so much consideration for him that they deferr'd the Overture of the Assembly till his arrival Without doubt they did very well to express that respect for him since he affected on so
Kings illness which stopt him by the way going from Paris to give orders about the defence of the Coasts of his Kingdom against the Descent threatned by the English prov'd exactly according to the Prediction of the said Astrologer and that of another fit of Sickness which the said Prince had at Lyons some years after it prov'd no less exact So that the Queen had as much Faith in his Predictions as if they had been so many Oracles This Credulity ruin'd all her affairs and the same thing happen'd to her which commonly happens to all those who are Govern'd by the like Maxims that is she could neither obtain the advantages that were promis'd to her by the Stars nor avoid the misfortues she was threatned with At least we may find by the comparing of the Lives of those two Queens that the one was much happier than the other Catherin who had so often expos'd the State within an Inch or two of Ruin to retain the pleasure of Commanding nevertheless maintain'd â—…er Credit almost to the last moment of her Life But Mary soon lost her Authority and received a Cruel Punishment for her Intreagues towards the latter end of her Days The first found all her Council in her own head and wanted no body to guide or direct her The last was too much govern'd by her Passions and her Confidents Nevertheless the Author I am speaking of enlarg'd very much upon her praise and represented her as a Princess that had never had an equal That was the Stile of those daies and sordid flatteries became so much in vogue that even those who banish'd her from the Government rais'd her up to the Skies by their Elogy's She had wherewithal to comfort her self even in her Exile if she took any delight â—â— Panegyricks the only good her Enemies allow'd her The Author concluded with upbraiding the Reform'd for â—…e haughtiness he found in their behaviour He accus'd â—…em of demanding favours in the same tone as Spaniardsâ—…sk â—…sk for Alms That is with a drawn Sword and haugâ—…y Air as if they had requir'd the payment of a just â—…ebt and he would persuade them that they had no just â—…retence either of fear or jealousy It would have been easie to have made a more judicious distribution of the Reform'd by dividing them into three viz. The Lords of eminent Quality who made use of the others for their particular ends The Persons of Integrity who were sencible that no good could be expected from a Council govern'd by the Jesuits and who for that reason endeavour'd by all lawful means to secure themselves against Perfidious Implacable Enemies and the Timerous who were either naturally weak and indifferent or softned and made tractable by the Artifices of the Court The first and last occasion'd all the Evil Those made use of the Zeal of the second to make themselves considerable at Court and these abandon'd the others as soon as the Court offer'd them a shaddow of quiet I will observe in this place before I proceed any farther the Cause of those Writings against the Assembly No means were omitted to oreate jealousies in the Catholicks about it as soon as the Reform'd had obtain'd leave to hold it It was reported that they design'd to make excessive demands and to take up Arms to compel the Court to grant them The Memoirs sent into the Provinces to serve as a project for the Instructions of the Deputies which the particular Assemblies did send into the General of which the Court had an account by their Pensionaries did not a little contribute towards the confirmation of those common reports The demands which some of the Provincial Assemblies added to those of the said Memoirs likewise contributed considerably towards it Those who had seen the Assembly of Milhau recall'd it to mind upon this They said that of five things that had been propos'd in it there only remain'd two unobtain'd viz. Two Places of surety in every Province in which the Reform'd had none and that the Tithes of the Reform'd might be imploy'd for the payment of their Ministers They magnified the Consequences of the Union the Assembly was to swear saying that thereby the Reform'd would oblige themselves to maintain each other in all the Governments and in all the Offices the late King had given them even in all the Places they held besides those that were set down in the Breef of the Places of Surety And whereas it was not likely that the Court would comply with all those things they concluded that the Reform'd were going to take measures in order to make a War But that which is most to be wonder'd at is that there were some among the Reform'd who seconded those extravagant reports The Marshal of Bouillon was one of them and some accus'd him of having told some Catholick Citizens and others at his going from Saumur the Assembly being broke up that they had a Peace at last but that it had been obtain'd with a great deal of pain and trouble Nevertheless all the rest of the Assembly protested that they had never mention'd the least thing tending to a War during the whole Session This reproach was made to the said Lord with a great deal of sharpness by the Dukes of Rohan and of â—ully who fell out publickly with him It is very likely that he had no other design in spreading this report but to perâ—…ade the Queen that he had done her great Services and that he was of great use to her to keep the Reform'd within the bounds of their duty However this made deep impressions upon the People and notwithstanding the â—rotestation of Sixty Persons who affirm'd that the Assembly had not had the least thoughts of War the Court at that â—…ery time alledg'd the said pretended design of a Civil War as a Crime against the Reform'd and did since renew â—…e said accusation against them as if it had been plainly â—…erify'd The ancient Enemies of the Reform'd who did at that â—…ery time take all their measures in order to destroy them â—…conded that report as much as in them lay and they made â—eople take such extraordinary Precautions in divers plaâ—…es against this Chimerical War that they created real susâ—…icions in the Reform'd who could not imagine the reason of those panick fears Whether the Court really enter'd into those fears or whether they seem'd to credit them out of policy in order to remove Persons from thence which were troublesome to them they took that pretence to send the Duke d' Epernon to his Governments and the Prince of Conde into Guyenne Moreover they cunningly caus'd it to be reported that the Prinee would go through St. John d' Angeli in order to bury the Prince his Father who by reason of the Law-Suits in which his Widdow had been involv'd upon the account of his Death had not as yet receiv'd the last Duties That City was one of the most considerable of those
apperance the Queen had the satisfactiâ—… she desir'd and the Duke in reallity The old Mayor â—…s continued for some days after which a new order â—…s sent allowing the Inhabitants to proceed to the Eleâ—…on of another This procur'd the liberty of those perâ—…s the Court had a little inconsiderately imprisoned â—…t the evil was not cur'd by that Remedy The Duke de â—…han refused to go out of St. John to let la Rochebeaucour command there in his absence and he had a great mâ—… while he was seconded by the Zealous of the Province to rid himself of that man in whom he could not conside So that there happened new disputes which kept the Jealousies on foot and which renew'd the threatningâ— of a War Indeavours were us'd to involve du Plessis in the same insinuating to him that the Queen sending Force towards St. John might improve that occasion to take Saumur from him That advice might equally proceed either from those who were desirous of a War and who were â—â— hopes to ingage all the Provinces into it incase they â—oâ—â—â— oblige du Plessis to take suretys as being full of Jealousie for himself or from those who being acquainted with the jalousies of the Marshal de Bouillon did not question but â—â— would improve all occasions to humble du Plessis by taâ—… from him a place of the consequence of Saumur It was no haâ—… matter to incline the Queen to do him that injury either because he had taken the part of the Zealous in the lâ—â—â— Assembly or because the Book he had lately published 〈…〉 incens'd the Catholicks against him The Nuncio us'd â—â— utmost endeavours in order thereunto and he was secondâ— by the Marshal de Bouillon who represented du Plessis as â— Man without whose advice the Duke de Rohan did nothing Nevertheless Du Plessis being perswaded that the Court was not in a condition to attack the whole Party by main force and consequently that they would not venture to take Saumur from him by open War refus'd to follow the Council of those who advised him to fortifie the said City aâ—… his Garrison and even when he saw the Forces of Boisdaâ—… lodged almost under the very Walls of Saumur he perâ—… in his design only to arm himself with Innocence He obtained what he desired thereby The Court discovered thâ—… he had no thoughts of War since he had slipt so fair â—â— occasion to declare it and that far from taking the advantage of it as another would have done had he been â—â— his room he had not so much as express'd the least â—…tion of being attack'd in Forms The Queen caus'd Boisdauphin to retire and made use of du Plessis council â—ut an end to those Troubles â—n the mean time the differences between the Duke of â—…an and de la Rochebeaucour daily grew worse and more â—…siderable The Duke being resolv'd to turn him out â—…ny rate and the Queen on the contrary thinking her 〈…〉 oblig'd to maintain him in his Post as a man she â—…ld confide in and whom the Duke designed to turn 〈…〉 only because he had too great a dependency on the â—…râ— Insomuch that she still returned to threatning from â—…e to time and that the Duke took measures to preâ—…t the effect thereof It prov'd no hard task so to do â—…reason that the Publick Protection la Rochebeaucour reâ—…ed from the Queen made him to be suspected and â—…eas several people were of opinion that the King's Authority was nowise concern'd in that dispute they conâ—…ed naturally that the Queen had secret reasons to take 〈…〉 part of a Subaltern so highly against his Superior Ofâ—… For which reason the Province of Saintonge easily â—…er'd themselves to be persuaded that the generality was concern'd in that Affair and that their Surety was violaâ—… by the attempt that was made upon the best place â—â—in their Precinct Therefore they made use of the Arâ—…e that had been drawn at Saumur which Authorised 〈…〉 Province that should be attack'd to assemble Depuâ—… out of the Councils of the five adjacent Provinces to â—…berate about such remedies as should be most proper â—…e apply'd to the Evil it was threatned with Those â—…d of Assemblies were commonly call'd the Circle â—…er because that name was taken from the form of 〈…〉 Government in Germany divided into Provinces that 〈…〉 call'd Circles or because the Province that was attack'd â—…ven'd those that surrounded it They invited Rochelâ—…ch â—…ch made a Province a part the Lower Guyenne Poitou â—…oâ— Bretagne to send two Deputies a piece at Rochel on 〈…〉 20th of September out of their Council to consult about 〈…〉 Affairs of Saintonge and of St. John d'Angely The Court was acquainted with it and in order to hinder tâ—… of Rochel to receive the said Assembly into their City 〈…〉 to suffer them to do any thing which might prove of consequence they took precautions which increas'd the Eâ—… and which had like to carry things to the utmost extremities But before we relate them it will not be amiss to 〈…〉 down in this place that the Commissioners of the Natioâ—… Synod of Privas for the Reconciliation of the Lords 〈…〉 were divided at Saumur apply'd themselves about the Commission as soon as they arriv'd at Paris They 〈…〉 great difficulties at first by reason that the Marshal de Bouillon and de Lesdiguieres refus'd to harken to it but upâ—… such conditions as would not have been approv'd of by 〈…〉 rest But finally they agreed upon the substance and foâ—… a Writing which was sign'd by those two Lords and â— Chatillon Whether it were that the Marshall de Bouillon had already a prospect of other Intrigues with the discontented Princes for the success of which it was neceâ—… the Reform'd should be united or whither he thought 〈…〉 had done enough to be reveng'd of the refusal of 〈…〉 Presidentship at Saumur or finally whether it were 〈…〉 he had a mind to show that he had a respect for a Synod which represented all the Churches He enter'd again 〈…〉 to the Union of the Churches and tho it seem'd not 〈…〉 material for the affairs of St. John d'Angely yet it bâ—… the Queens measures She could no longer pretend to 〈…〉 those two Lords along with her against the Duke of Râ—… since they were reconcil'd to him and had sign'd Treaty of Reconciliation and Concord The Commâ—…oners deputed two among them viz. Rouvray one of 〈…〉 Deputies General and Durand one of the Ministers of â—…ris to carry the Writing which those three Lords 〈…〉 sign'd into the Provinces to be sign'd by the rest du Pâ—… was easily prevail'd upon to sign it but when they câ—… to the Duke de Rohan at St. John d'Angely they found 〈…〉 harder task and had not du Plessis gone to him on pâ—… â—… about it he would hardly have done it The five â—…vinces were sent for the appointed day was at hand 〈…〉 it was to be fear'd that incase the
would of necessity follow his Inspirations and Orders and would serve for Spies to give him a faithful Account of all Transactions there Moreover in Order to put the Assembly in a place where they might have no more Liberty than they had at Grenoble the Court Resolv'd to remove them from Nimes and Order'd Frere to transfer them to Montpellier This seem'd to be done for the Interest and Honour of the King to the End that the Assembly which was only Lawful by his Permission might seem to receive from him the appointment of the place where they might continue their Deliberations But the secret Motive of the Council was that Montpellier was at the disposal of a Lord from whom the Court expected as great services as from Lesdiguieres It was Chatillon Grand Son to the Famous Admiral That Consideration and his own Merit had acquir'd him a great deal of Credit among the Reform'd He was of a Mild Temper and was an Enemy to Troubles and Confusion but he had not the Zeal of his Grand-Father for the Reform'd Religion in which his only Son was so ill Educated that he did not â—arry for his Father's Death to turn Catholic Moreover he was Ambitious and the Court knowing his Foible on that side flatter'd him with the hopes of a Marshal's Staff which was given him some years after as a Recompence for his having abandon'd the Affairs of the Reform'd So that he was a Man like Lesdiguieres in two Respects First in holding a great Rank among the Reform'd and Secondly in being accessible to Hopes and Rewards The Reform'd still confided in him as they made it appear several years after it by Intrusting him with their Affairs in the Circle of the Lower Languedoc There had been an Example not long before how much he was lik'd on both sides The Government of Aiguemortes having been taken from Rambures the Reform'd had made great Complaints about it and the Court not being inclin'd to restore it to him whatever Promises they had made about it by Reason that they were desirous to maintain Berticheres in that Post whom the Churches were not pleas'd with they were oblig'd to agree upon a third Person to keep the Place until the Case were decided Chatillon was propos'd The Court accepted of him and the Reform'd agreed to it But soon after that in Order to put a stop to the Jealousies which the Enterprises of the Court upon divers places belonging to the Reform'd might Create in them Rambures gain'd his Cause and was Restor'd The Assembly had not as yet laid aside the Confidence the Reform'd had repos'd in Chatillon till then but they had already a general diffidence of the Fidelity of those Eminent Persons who only know how to Obey Sovereigns and who never joyn with their Inferiors unless it be to Command them who never unite the Interests of their Party to those of their Fortunes and who look upon the Services of the People and the Recompences of Kings as things that are equally due to them They had Learnt at Saumur that the Reform'd Lords were capable of promoting their private Interest at the Cost of others and that the common Cause may become the sport of their Ambition and of their Intrigues Those diffidencies were increas'd at Grenohle from whence the Assembly departed very much dissatisfy'd at the Behaviour of Lesdiguieres Therefore they refus'd to put themselves in the Power of another who might put them to the same hardships and so remain'd at Nimes pretending that they were afraid of displeasing Lesdiguieres by putting themselves at the Discretion of Chatillon as if they design'd to show that they confided more in the one than in the other However those two Lords us'd all their endeavours to hinder the Assembly from joyning with the Prince of Conde And as they had Creatures among them they delay'd the Conclusion of the Treaty a long while The Prince of Conde tempted them both to joyn with him and sent some Gentlemen to them with Reasons and Offers to perswade them But it was to no purpose because they expected greater and more speedy advantages from the Court than they could possibly expect in following the Prince who had not manag'd his Affairs well and who seem'd almost reduc'd to the necessity of submitting to the Mercy of the Court. But an unexpected Accident broke all their Measures and made them lose the Fruit of their Intrigues and Pains in the Assembly The Duke of Candale Eldest Son to the Duke d'Espernon being dissatisfy'd with his Father from whom he had endeavour'd to take the City and Castle of Angouleme threw himself into the Party of the Reform'd and Embrac'd their Religion publickly at Rochel They receiv'd him with great Demonstrations of Joy and of greater hopes for the future They gain'd one of the most considerable Houses in France by it The Example of it might prove Fortunate and invite other Persons of Quality to do the same So that they omitted nothing to express their Respect and Esteem for him The Assembly of Nimes paid him great Honour and made him General of the Cevennes and gave him so great an Authority over them at the very first that he broke through all the Oppositions of Chatillon and Lesdiguieres and made them Resolve to declare themselves in favour of the Prince But that was all the Good or Ill he did while he was Reform'd The Duke his Father was not Tractable in point of Religion He had begun to hate the Reform'd from the time of his being in favour with Henry the III. It seem'd to be one of the Proprieties of their Religion to be expos'd to the hatred of Favourites perhaps because they were not so willing as others to bend their Knees before those Idols which the Gapricio of Princes or of Fortune Rais'd above them and that they complain'd highly of the profusions that Ruin'd the State to Inrich those Objects of an unruly Favour I will say nothing in this place of the Cardinal de Tournon under Francis the I. Of the Constable of Montmorency under Henry the II. and under his Children of the Duke of Guise Father and Son under the same Kings and under Henry the III. But at least the Dukes of Joyeuse and of Epernon Favourites to that last King had ever express'd an invincible Aversion towards them And under Lewis the XIII the Marshal d'Ancre and the Constable de Luines show'd the same Passion to destroy them But besides this General Reason of Hatred against the Reform'd he had another which was Personal because they suspected his having had a Hand iu the Death of Henry the IV. Some look'd upon him as an Accomplice to the Conspiracy which succeeded so fatally against the Person of that Prince And those who spoke with most Modesty about it made no scruple of saying that sitting next to the King he might easily have warded the second Stab that was given him had be been so pleas'd
the same Powers who had now had a new Meeting there under pretence of the Exchange of the Princesses created no small Jealousies in them A Queen of the same Name the like Conjuncture of Affairs a strict Alliance with a Crown that was an Enemy to their Religion gave them cause to fear that something was concluded there against them according to the Bloody Maxims which the Duke of Alva had then inspir'd to the Council of France It is reported that the Reformed Ministers being prejudic'd by those Suspicions Preach'd in sundry places that Persecution was at hand The Catholicks on their side express'd their Zeal a little too much and spoke publickly of a War of Religion as if it had been resolv'd upon The Sermons of the Jesuits were particularly Animated by the same Spirit that is observ'd in their private Conversations and divers marks appear'd in sundry places of the Notions they inspir'd their Penitents with at their Confessions And yet it is most certain that Religion was not the real Motive of that War It was a pure Affair of â—tate into which none but the Lords on the side of the Reform'd did ingage with a small number of their Creatures â—he People several intire Provinces and almost all the Cities â—emain'd within the bounds of their Allegiance So that the â—eclaration spoke the Truth upon this Subject in saying that â—he greatest number of them remain'd Peaceful and Loyal But the King's return to Bourdeaux after the exchange of â—he Princesses and the Declaration of the Assembly of Nimes â—â— favour of the Prince of Condé were attended with very â—â—l Consequences Although the number of the Reform'dâ—here â—here was very inconsiderable compar'd to the Catholicks and â—â—oreover most of them Merchants whose Genius and Proâ—ession is not inclin'd to War the Sheriffs thought fit to disarm â—hem after the King's Departure This Precaution only serâ—ed to fling them into a strange Consternation and Despair They fancy'd that the Catholicks had a design to be rid of them â—y a Massacre and that their Arms were only taken from them â—o dispatch them the sooner The Reform'd had already been â—s'd ill in several parts of the Province but particularly at â—as a' Agenois where they had been accus'd of favouring the â—esigns of the Duke of Rohan and to have held Intelligence with Cilonges one of his Captains in order to deliver up the Place to him From whence they concluded that the Reform'd being every where suspected of holding a correspondence with the Prince of Condé according to the Resolution of their Assemâ—ly their Enemies would make use of that pretence to exert a thousand Violences against them And that it was not safe for them to remain without Arms at the Mercy of so Mutinous and so Seditious a People as those of Bourdeaux were Therefore the Consistory being assembled at Begle the usual place in which they perform'd the publick Service of their Religion about a League distant from the City resolv'd to discontinue the said Exercise for fear of exposing the whole Church to a Massacre which would be easily executed they being all Assembled together The Service of the said Church was perform'd at that time by two Forreigners Cameron and Primrose Learned Men full of Zeal and of great Credit who seconded the Resolution of the Consistory But there were two Advocates of the Parliament among the Elders call'd Saint-Angel and Auvergnat who oppos'd it and us'd their utmost Endeavours to hinder it Nevertheless the Authority of the Ministers prevail'd Whereupon the said Advocates whither out of fear of losing their Practice in case they should consent to a Resolution which show'd a diffidence of the sincerity of the Court or whether they held any secret Intelligence there or lastly whither they design'd to distinguish and set a value upon themselves by some extraordinary proceeding accus'd the Consistory before the Parliament and represented the said discontinuation of the Exercise of their Religion as a very odious Enterprize tending to fill the Minds of People with Allarms and Jealousies as also very injurious to the Magistracy that had taken the Reform'd under their Protection and had promis'd them a Guard for the safety of their Assemblies The truth is thâ—â— the said Resolution struck a Terror every where And the People supposing that the Consistory had powerful Reasons â—â— fix upon that Expedient look'd upon this proceeding as a â—â—gâ— that they did not confide in the Protection promis'd by the last Declaration And that there was no relying on that Phantasm of the Publick Faith so often violated The Parliament receiv'd the Deposition of the two Advocates and on the 5th of January of the following Year they made a Decree Commanding the Reform'd to continue the said Exercise as they were wont to do at the usual place â—â— pain of being Punish'd as Criminals of leze Majesty But they did not think it safe to Obey since that being depriv'd of Arms to defend themselves they would be expos'd to the Mercy of Friends and Foes both at the place of their Worship and by the way They did not think the Guards that were promis'd them sufficient to defend them against the Troops that serv'd the Prince or those that were in Arms for the King or the Seditions that the Indiscreet Zeal of the Catholicks might excite against them But then they were afraid of exposing their Ministers to the Indignation of the Parliament by their Disobedience Therefore they thought fit to remove them from the City to secure them and accordingly they did send the one to Tonneins and the other to Royan So that the said Reform'd of Bourdeaux having no longer any Ministers to perform Divine Service had a lawful pretence by their absence to discontinue the same and to keep at home But after the Peace was made the Church having recall'd their Ministers and reassum'd their former Exercises of Religion the Consistory Assembled as they us'd to do and the first thing they did was to call the two Advocates to an Account for what they had done in that Affair Saint-Angel was more obstinate and passionate than the other who hearken'd to Reason and at last submitted to the Censures of the Consistory â—t the Request of his Friends So that all the Indignation of â—hat Assembly fell upon Saint-Angel who would never submit But before he was abandon'd by his Companion the Consistory cited them both to appear before them according â—o the forms prescrib'd by their Discipline Saint-Angel had â—lledg'd in order to excuse his opposing of the two Ministers â—hat the Discontinuation of the Publick Exercise of their Reâ—igion would prejudice the Right granted by the Edicts to which the Church would seem to renounce by interrupting â—he course of the Assemblies But when he found himself â—ress'd by those that brought the Citation of the Consistory to â—im he concluded that they would laugh at his Pretence in â—ase he should appear and that
with Equivocal Councils and Irresolutions Lesdiguieres form'd a Party separated from the rest and though all the Corruption of his Heart was not known the Reform'd were sensible that Interest was the chief Article of his Religion Chatillion had as much if not more Ambition than Piety and was as much ingag'd to the Court by the first as to Religion by the second La Trimouille was so young that it was not possible to judge what might be expected from him The Letters written by the Assembly of Rochel to the said Lords had produc'd no great effect and had neither been able to unite them among themselves nor yet to awaken them in favour of the Common Cause The Duke of Rohan Soubise his Brother and La Force were the only Persons who seem'd resolv'd to undertake every thing Moreover Affairs abroad afforded no prospect to hope that the Protestants would assist the Churches of France The House of Austria taking the advantage of the Troubles of the Kingdom began to execute their Projects in Germany and assuming the pretence of Religion in order to hinder the Catholck Princes from opposing them oppress'd the Protestants publickly Bohemia was full of Troubles and the ill success of the Arms which the People had taken up for the preservation of their Liberties made them lose in a short time both their Political Liberty and that of their Consciences These Confusions held all the Princes of the same Communion in suspence expecting the Event to see what measures they should take Prince Maurice was imploy'd in the Vnited Provinces and the Arminians afforded him too much business to permit him to ingage in the Affairs of France The King of England plaid the Theologian And while on one side he suffer'd People to give the Pope great hopes in his Name to restore his three Kingdoms to the Roman Communion he disturb'd all the North with Disputes which made him pass for a Zealous Protestant So that considering the present State of Europe it was impossible to expect a happy Issue of the Resistance of Bearn The King's Forces not being imploy'd elsewhere might all be sent that way and subdue the Country before the rest of the Reform'd had taken their final Resolutions Moderate Councils only serv'd to break their Measures and occasion'd great loss of time They prevail'd with those who only wanted a pretence not to meddle with any thing to forsake the Party of the others And the time which would have been necessary to put themselves in a posture of defence being consum'd in useless disputes when the King was ready to go into Bearn to force them to obey he found no body ready to resist him Too much consideration commonly ruines the Affairs of the People A little boldness is better in those Cases than slow considerate Proceedings Particularly when we are to deal with Enemies who esteem themselves to be above all Laws and who lay aside the Maxims of Integrity and Justice by reason that they know no other Rules of it but their Will That Prudence which sticks scrupulously to the Maxims of Probity is for the most part Unfortunate The Enemy takes the advantage of the Niceness of the Consciences of those he attacks and while they were deliberating about the Right of Resistance they afforded him time to prevent them Towards the end of the Year the Bearnois publish'd an Apology compos'd by Lescun with the advice and approbation of the Assembly of Orthez to whom it was Dedicated That piece was written at different times as may easily be discover'd by the management of it The Stile is not of a piece The Arguments are distinct and not well follow'd It is full of Allusions to Holy Writ and other Authors But yet it is good and solid and the Rights of Bearn were asserted in it with vigour enough to give a pretence to Charge the Author with a Crime of State for his boldness particularly because he speaks vehemently against Arbitrary Power altho' the respect due to the King be Religiously observ'd in it The Events of any consideration were noted in it by Years and by Days The Establishment of the Reformation in Bearn The Ancient Rights of the Country The Examples drawn out of the Old For which show that even in the beginning of the Thirteenth Century the People did not Swear Allegiance to their Soveraign till the Sovereign had Sworn to the Barons and to all the Court that he would be a faithful Lord to them that he would Govern them justly and that he would do them no prejudice The said Oath was renew'd in 1585 by the late King in imitation of his Predecessors The Author prov'd at large in it that the Laws only receiv'd their Force by and never could be alter'd without the Authority of the Prince and the consent of the Estates but more by the one without the other To prove which he brought several Examples He recited the alteration which was made in Bearn under Queen Jane and the Vengeance which Mongommery exerted against those who had oblig'd that Princess to fly by their Conspiracies A Vengeance which even Moluâ— one of the most cruel Persecutors of the Reform'd look'd upon as sent from Heaven by reason that the said Count reduc'd all that Country in three Days time and took all the Leaders of the Rebellion Prisoners After that Lescun related the said Expedition and all that pass'd upon the account of the Forfeiture and Seizure of the Ecclesiastical Lands until the Month of October of the said Year He observ'd the Falsity of what had been advanc'd by the Bishops who in order to be heard at Court pretended to be Authoriz'd by the Catholicks of Bearn and to be seconded by the Catholicks told them that the King had order'd the aforesaid Reversion or Restoration of his own accord from whence they concluded that it would be imprudent to refuse an advantage which offer'd it self Those good Prelates â—â— which one was of very obscure Birth as being Son of a Man who had been a Cobler Butcher and had kept a Caâ—aret those Prelates I say who made so much noise whenever the Reform'd took up Arms to defend themselves made â—o difficulty of taking them up to attack They made Assemblies Fortify'd their Houses gave Military Employments kept Guards as in time of open War and those Officers of Episcopal Creation never went abroad without being attended by Armed Men. In the next place he did refute the Bishop of Macon's Speech which I have mention'd before And he made this particular Remark upon it That this Prelate had taken his Exordium out of the same Subject from which that of a certain Libel â—ad been taken call'd The English Catholick written against Henryâ—… â—… So that the one began with the same Arguments in order to Exasperate the King against his Subjects as the other had done to make the Subjects rise against their King He approv'd the Book Printed at London
concerning the Rights of Bearn and he added divers Reflexions to it upon the Violation of Promises and upon the omission of the usual Formalities in the Decree of Restoration This among others was of great Consequence Dâ— Vaiâ— had assisted at the Judgment by virtue of his quality of Lord Keeper though being a Bishop he ought not to sit in the Council when the Affairs of the Reform'd were treated there according to the Answer made to the fourth Article of the Cahier of Loudun in which the King declar'd expresly that the Ecclesiasticks should withdraw whenever those Affairs were treated of there He observ'd the Unjust Precipitation of that Decree made after having return'd all the Writings and Productions to the Parties â—s if they had design'd to give it over notwithstanding which â—t had been judg'd without any new Adjournment given to the Parties concern'd And to the end they might not say that they had examin'd all the said Writings before the returning of them he gives a List of several other Acts which he design'd to joyn to the first Productions He observ'd that the Reimplacement promis'd by the King might be evaded by the Capricio of a Treasurer whereupon he cited the Example of the Country of Gex and of Bearn it self where the like Promises had prov'd ineffectual That the Demesne of Bearn was unalienable That the attribution of a perpetual Usufructuary was a real Alienation and consequently that the Reimplacement would only serve to render the Reform'd the more odious as injoying such an Income by a Title contrary to the Rights of the Country That without touching Regulations so often confirm'd the King might have given the Reimplacement to the Bishops who would have injoy'd it without fear of being depriv'd of it again whereas the Churches being oblig'd to accept it they might get it revok'd when they pleas'd That the King might think it a burthen to his Conscience at some time or other to see his Revenues imploy'd for the maintenance of the Reform'd Churches since it would not permit him then to suffer the Ecclesiastical Lands to serve for that use and that it was to be fear'd that the same Conscience would oblige him to take the Places of Surety from the Reform'd He also argued about the dispute of the Tithes maintaining that they are not due as a ground Rent but as a Religious Duty which cannot be paid by the Earth but by Persons and concluded that the Reform'd could not pay them to the Clergy with a safe Conscience In the next place he prov'd a Prescription of 40 Years and answer'd the two Exceptions of the Clergy viz. That it had been interrupted by the Protestations the Clergy had enter'd against it from time to time and that there can be no Prescription against the Roman Church unless of a hundred Years He reply'd to the first that as often as the Clergy had renew'd their Contestation they had been cast And to the second that in Bearn that Right is of â—â— force against the Old Law nor in France against Royal Ordinances He did not forget that in all the Writings that were made against Bearn absolute Power was sounded high and that they were not asham'd to publish that the pretentions of Bearn were good in time of old while they had a particular Lord but that belonging now to a King of France the Case was alter'd That is to say That the King 's Right was only force which according to the Opinion of the most Equitable â—n France is only a Right among Barbarians Whereas the Apology was only grounded on the Laws of the State very different from the particular Will of the Prince which may â—ary according to time while the others are constant and unvariable He upbraided the Jesuits with their Parricides and their Doctrine concerning the Authority of Kings and return'd the Catholicks some of the Darts they us'd to Lance against the Reform'd call'd the King Abraham the Roman Church and the King of Spain Hagar and Ishmael and the Reform'd and their Church Isaac and Sarah complaining that Agar and â—hmael would turn out Isaac and the true Children of the House unknown to Abraham And finally he protested in the Name of the Reform'd that not being the Agressors they would not be responsible for the Evils that might insue if being attackt they should be forced to make a Lawful defence He implor'd the assistance of all those that were of the same Belief and of all those that lov'd the good of the State lest those should expose themselves to the reproach made to Meroâ— by the Israelites Jâ—g 5. v. 23. of not being come to the assistance of the Lord and these to the Curtesie of the Cyclop He pretended this recourse to be founded on Right and Examples He tax'd the Favourite by the by of injoying Imployments which were only due to Princes of the Blood And he insinuated that the King had been the greatest gainer by the Treaty of Loudun and the Assembly which met at Rochel at the time of the Fall of the Marshal d' Ancre While Affairs were in this State in Bearn the Queen Mother was tyr'd with Blois where she was under Confinement as in an honourable kind of Prison Luines who had a mind to know her Secrets put a thousand unworthy Tricks upon her and Fool'd her and the Duke of Rohan pretending to come to an Accommodation with that Princess in order to discover those in whom she repos'd a Confidence He even made use of the Treachery of Arnoux the Jesuit who under pretence of Confession discover'd whatever she had upon her heart which he acquainted the Favourite with who improv'd it to his own advantage The Jesuit after so base a piece of Treachery disdain'd to excuse it and thought it sufficient in order to cover the Infamy of so base an Action to say that he had begg'd God's Pardon for it The Queen being Exasperated by the Treatment she receiv'd resolv'd to make her Escape She apply'd her self at first to the Marshal de Bouillon whose Ability she was acquainted with and who had a considerable City in which he might have afforded her a Retreat But he refus'd to engage in so great an Undertaking He only advis'd the Queen to apply her self to the Duke d' Epernon who was at Mets at that time very much disatisfy'd with the Court. The said Duke accepted her Proposals immediately and having taken the Queen in a place where he had appointed to meet her he carry'd her safe to Angouleme Luines was stun'd with that Blow which he did not expect He was sensible that he had disoblig'd all the Kingdom His prodigious Fortune created a Jealousie in all the Grandees and the People oppress'd by a thousand Vexations imputed it all as it is usual to the Avarice and Ambition of the Favourite Therefore he thought it better to stop the progress of the evil by Negotiations than to let
all occasion of Civil Wars as so many Rocks against which he might loose himself Thus the Assembly obey'd being persuaded by Lesdiguieres by Chatillon and by Du Plessis to whom the other two had given the same Assurances that as soon as they broke off Satisfaction would be given them about the Affair of Leitoure the keeping of the Places of Surety and the Reception of the two Councellors that in the next Place the King would hear the Remonstrances of those of Bearn and that in case all that were not performed in seven Months time they should not only have Leave granted them to Assemble again but that it should be Lawful for them to do it without a new Permission This is the Snare in which Credulity made them fall which they would not have done had not Lesdiguieres and the others persuaded them not to insist to have the said Assurance in Writing lest the Court might pretend afterwards never to have made any such Promise Finally They nominated six Persons to the King who chose Favas and Chalas out of the said Nomination to exert the General Deputation and soon after the Assembly's having received Notice of the said Election they broke up The King seem'd very well pleas'd with their Obedience and express'd it in very obliging Words Moreover he added something to it which might have been call'd Effective had not a Project been form'd at the same time to render it ineffectual which was to add a Year to the Brief that had been promis'd for the keeping of the Places of Surety which were thereby left in the same Condition in which they were for five Years longer But the Court might easily allow them a longer time yet without any Hazard since they had already prepar'd Means to re-take them The Court had a great deal of Reason to rejoyce at the Breaking up of the Assembly Great Intrigues were forming there against the Greatness of the Favorite The Queen had a violent Desire to return thither The Bishop of Lucon who was not come back to her to Confine himself to the Castle of Anger 's was very sollicitous for her to return there But the main thing was to come there strong enough to reduce the Prince of Conde and the Favorite to her Pleasure She easily form'd a great Party by reason that all the Lords being displeas'd with Luines whom they despiâ—'d thought it more Honorable for them to obey the Widow of Henry the Great and the King's Mother than a Man whom Fortune had rais'd in one Night whose Avarice and Ambition had no Bounds The Duke of Rohan was one of those that engag'd furthest into the Queen's Interests Though the Favorite was Ally'd to him they were not Friends Their Genius was too different to Sympathise Luines had us'd the Duke of Rohan barbarously while the Queen was Confâ—â—'d at Blois That Duke had propos'd a Reconciliation between them and alledging to him that he would find more Support in her than in the Prince of Câ—nde he had advis'd 〈…〉 to leave the said Prince in Prison and to recall the Queen to Court Luines who was unwilling to suffer any Persons there of more Authority than himself did not set that Prince at Liberty and seem'd to hearken to the Duke's Proposition but it was only in order thereby to penetrate into the Queen's Secrets to discover her Confidents and Friends to draw Advances from her which discovered somewhat too plainly her Passion to return to Court He made use of it to ruine the Creatures of that Princess and to make the King jealous that in case she should come back to Court she would soon resume her former Authority there This Prince being Jealous and Credulous fancy'd strait that she had great Designs against him and that perhaps she aspir'd to Deprive him of the Government This was the Thing he was most sensible to though at the Bottom it ought to have been indifferent to him since another was to Reign in his Name whither it were his Mother or his Favorites But the Duke de Luines proceeded farther in his Wickedness He insinuated into the King that the Queen might attempt against his very Life in order to make the Crown fall to the Duke of Orleance in case she could not otherwise secure the Authority to her self In order there unto he taught him all the Mysteries of the Government of Catherine de Medicis and he insinuated to him that the Death of Charlis the Ninth had not been occasion'd as it was reported by an Effort which had broken a Vein within his Stomach but because he had declared too openly that he design'd to Reign himself and to Resume the Authority which that Princess had kept too long Some Lords belonging to the Court having accidentally put the King upon that Subject were surpriz'd to find him so well acquainted with the Particulars of that History It was easie thereby to judge that he had been taught it in order to make him fear what a Princess of the same House and of an equal Ambition and as full of Courage was capable to undertake to Reign Therefore the Duke of Rohan who was already ill with the Favorite seeing moreover that the Prince of Conde was at Liberty against whom he had given such a disobliging Council and to whom he had written in a pretty insulting manner during his Confinement took absolutely the Queens Part and us'd his utmost Endeavors to engage the Assembly of Loudun in her Interests He fail'd but little of succeeding in it and had not the Court found the Way to dissolve it by the Illusion of the fair Promises I have mentioned it was very likely that he would have perform'd it He was one of those who were against their breaking up and he promis'd the Queen that he would have Credit enough to hinder it But the Advice of others being prefer'd to his he notwithstanding was one of those that insisted most on the Sureties that were fittcst to be taken once to find some good Effect of the Promises of the Court. So that he only Consented upon the positive assurances which Lesdiguiere and Chatillon gave upon the Word of the Prince of Conde and of the Duke de Luines that the King would allow the Deputies to assemble again at Rochel in case the Things promised were not put in Execution at the appointed time He represented that Consideration to the Queen and endeavour'd to persuade her that whereas the Court no longer kept their Words of late the Assembly would not fail to repair to Rochel at a time when the Designs of that Princess being ready to succeed the Reform'd would fully resolve to joyn with her That the new Fraud of the Favorite would give them just Reasons to do it and that their present Obedience would only serve to show that it was against their Will they were oblig'd to proceed to Extremities The Court was not ignorant of his Proceedings with the Queen
of the Prince of Conde's Advice march'd with speed into Normandy with such Forces as were ready near his Person and while the Remainder of his Forces were assembling he Subdu'd that Province without any Resistance Prudent Governor of the Castle of Caer was the only Person who seem'd to have a mind to defend himself but he did it only to be intreated and in few days he deliver'd bp the Place to the King As soon as all things were quieted on that side the King's Forces march'd towards Anger 's where the Queen found her self on a sudden as it were Invested unprovided and surpriz'd not knowing what to resolve upon Therefore a Peace was propos'd every body endeavouring by that Negotiation to gain time and to find Means to deceive the contrary Party But the King's Forces having accidentally and perhaps unwillingly defeated the Queen's at Pont de Cé the Treaty was broke off and that Princess was oblig'd to accept such Conditions as were offer'd her that is to submit at the Discretion of an Enemy who was not near so Powerful as herself her Friends were forc'd to lay down their Arms and all she could obtain for them was a General Pardon The King finding himself Arm'd thus without any Enemies to oppose him and having moreover gather'd the remains of the Forces the Queen's Friends had been oblig'd to disband in Guyenne he resolv'd all of a sudden to make use of them in order to force Bearn to obey which was not ready to oppose him He march'd towards Bourdeaux with speed without declaring his Design The Reform'd either not being jealous of it or wanting a Pretence to take up Arms by reason that the six Months in which the Court had promis'd to satisfie them were not as yet expir'd did nothing to put a stop to that Expedition La Force being surpriz'd by that unexpected Journey and having made no use of his Time could neither put himself in a Posture of Presence nor get any Assistance out of the adjacent Provinces which were astonish'd at the Sight of a Royal Army Therefore he came to the King at Bourdeaux to persuade him to after his Resolutions by Remonstrances He added Promises to oblige the Bearnois to obey provided no Violence were us'd But whether the Court did not trust him or whether the Clergy expected more from the King's Presence than from the Good-Will of the People the King continu'd his March La Force met him again at Grenade and brought him formal Proofs of the Obedience of the Estates He renew'd his Remonstrances he represented to the King what Dangers he was going to expose his Person to in a Country in which the Roads are very dangerous and Troublesome where there is nothing but Heath and Mountains and where Torrents and Floods are continually met with and where the Passages being difficult at all times were much more difficult yet at the beginning of Winter But all prov'd ineffectual The King refus'd their Submissions and his Reasons could not move him Therefore he was forc'd to go back without having obtain'd any thing The Memoirs of that Time accuse him of having neither known how to obey nor yet to defend himself and it is most certain that in all that Affair the Reform'd did nothing but by halves they dreaded the Rreproach of being Aggressors so much and of renewing the Civil Wars without a Lawful Cause that since the time the Catholicks had begun to trouble them by a thousand Disputes they had not been able to fix upon a certain Resolution ever ready to satisfie themselves with Words when the Court gave them good ones and to feed themselves with Hopes whenever they were flatter'd with the specious Name of Royal Faith Several among them were sensible that the Court had form'd the Design to destroy them and that they only troubled them by a thousand small Vexations sometimes harder to bear than great Injustices in order to incline them to a Rising which having no apparent Cause might give them a reasonable Pretence to oppress them But that very Consideration prevail'd with them not to take Arms in order to frustrate the Designs of their Enemies by their Patience So that this Disposition of Honest Men afforded those who were Corrupted by Pension or Promises from the Court a fair Field to make them neglect the Expedients and loose the Opportunities to defend themselves For which reason their very Enemies have reproach'd them that considering they were People who had acquir'd the Reputation of great Politicians by the Success of their Affairs during several years notwithstanding all the Forces and Artifices that had been oppos'd against them they did not know how to improve their Advantages and that they suffer'd with too much Blindness and without seeking out a Remedy the Preparations of their Ruin which were making before their Eyes The King continu'd his March as far as Preignac and there receiv'd the Remonstrances which du Faur and de Marca Councellors at Pau came to make to him in the Name of the Soveraign Council to obtain an Audience for the Churches according as he had been pleas'd to prescribe it himself But it prov'd ineffectual and he answer'd them that since they had not been able to oblige the Bearn is to obey him he was going to do it himself He perform'd it accordingly and he made his Entry at Pau on the 15th of October Two days after it he came to Navarreins a strong Place which might have sustain'd a long Siege had the Governor been pleas'd to defend it But de Salles who was a very ancient Gentleman being desirous to obey caus'd the Garison to march out to receive the King with more Respect and the Inhabitants following his Example repair'd to their Arms only to give a greater Air of Triumph to the Entry of their Soveraign The only Reward de Salle receiv'd for that Submission was the Loss of his Government without any Recompence for it and that he saw the Survivorship thereof taken away from a Nephew of his to whom it had been granted and the Baron de Poyane a Catholick was put in his Room with a Garison of the same Religion The King came back to Pau after it where he had summon'd the Estates of the Country and as if his Council had design'd to Instruct him how to make a Jest of his Faith and Word they allow'd him to take the usual Oath to the Estates before he receiv'd that of his Subjects but he began to violate it the same day It is remarkable that during the Course of that Expedition the King only advis'd with three Persons viz. the Duke de Luines du Vair Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and the Jesuit Arnoux his Confessor The very same day on which he swore to observe the Laws of the Country grounded upon the Consent of his Predecessors and of the Estates he gave the Presidentship of that Assembly to the Bishops and Abbots
Resentment about it After this Poyane exerted great Cruelties against the Inhabitants of the City and though the Conspiracy was only attested or confessed by suborned Persons and that all those who were executed about it constantly deny'd their having any Knowledge of an Enterprise upon that Place so many were put to Death under the Notion of Conspirators that it might rather be call'd a Massacre than an Example of Justice The King being persuaded that whatever was set down in the Bishops Verbal Reports was infallibly-true justify'd what Poyane had done and refus'd to hear the Complaints presented to him by the Reform'd Moreover those that scap'd that Butchery were depriv'd of the Liberty of exercising their Religion and the Minister was turn'd out of the Town and was forbidden ever to return thither to perform his Functions Books were written on both sides upon that Subject It is thought that the King's Confessor writ the Book Intitled The King in Bearn in which all the Transactions there are represented just and lawful and especially as a true Triumph of the Catholick Church The Reform'd oppos'd The Tragical History of the Desolation of Bearn to the said Book by the bare Recital of which relating the Circumstances of Time Persons and Places it was plainly demonstrated to all equitable Persons that there is no Impudence a Jesuit is not capable of While the King was Marching towards Bearn the Reform'd Assembled a National Synod on the first of October in the Town of Alets Great Complaints were made in it of the Injustices that were done to the Reform'd throughout the Kingdom Several Churches were mention'd there in which the Exercise of their Religion was interrupted They consider'd the Affair of Privas of Leitoure and of Sancerre They complain'd that at Severac at Guides at Vaux in Provence at Serverettes and at Langres they receiv'd molestations which amounted even to Violent Persecution Puimirol had been burnt during the Troubles and the Temple of Montignac had been Demolish'd But one of the Greatest Affairs that was examin'd there was that of some Ministers who being deputed to the Assembly of Loudun had the boldness to Preach their private sentiments there against the Resolutions of the Assembly There were several of them in the Lower Languedoc who were ingag'd in the Interests of the Court by a small Pension and who occasion'd a thousand disorders in the Political Assemblies of the Province by reason that the Deputies that form'd them being Nominated by the Churches there were too many Ministers Even such as could not get the Nomination of some Churches obtain'd the deputations of some great Lord in Order to be admitted in them The Synod being desirous to remedy a thing which had already been attended with ill Consequences forbad the Ministers to accept deputations to the Court oâ—… to great Lords or from them And Order'd that for the Future the Deputies for the Assemblies should be chosen rather by the Laity than by the Churches As that Regulation exceeded the bounds of Discipline the Synod added that the first General Assembly should be desir'd to approve it and whatever else might free the Churches of Political Affairs Du Moulin Chauve Chamier and Rivet who were Nam'd by the preceding Synod to assist in the Name of the Churches of France to that which the United Provinces were Assembling at Dordrecht in 1618. about the affair of the Remonstrators in which all the Reform'd part of Europe sent Deputies gave an Account of the Reasons that had hinder'd them from performing their Commission Chamber and Chauve were gone in Order thereunto But they receiv'd an Order from the King at Geneva not to proceed â—…ther That Prince had been frighted with the Correâ—…ondencies that might be form'd under the pretence of â—…at Journey between the Reform'd of France and those of â—…ther Countries As the Catholicks fill'd his Mind with whatever could render them Odious to him they made him â—…ar Leagues against him Republican Maxims which would â—…e taught them in those Countries in which the People had 〈◊〉 aversion for Monarchy For which reasons he hinder'd Communication which they perswaded him was very â—…gerous And yet he had been sollicited by his Allies to â—…ow some Ministers of his Kingdom to assist at the said â—…od Moreover he had sollicited the States General himâ—…lf to allow the said Synod a full Liberty But he was â—…sily prevail'd upon to do any thing when any Body perâ—…aded him that his Authority was concern'd Besides Barâ—… Pensionary of Holland was accus'd of having Writâ—… secretly in France to hinder the sending of any Body â—…r The deputed Ministers went away without Leave 〈◊〉 fear of a denial preserring to excuse a thing done â—…er than to expose themselves to be deny'd the undertaâ—…ng it But that precaution prov'd ineffectual and the â—…'s Orders stopt them by the way The Synod of Alets or being able to do any thing better nor to express the Marks of the Uniformity of their Doctrine with that of Foreign Churches and of the Synod of Dordrecht any â—…heâ— way subâ—câ—b'd their decisions The Affair of Bearn caus'd great agitations in that Assembly there were so many Members of it Corrupted by the Court that they had the Credit for a long while to 〈◊〉 the Complaints and Remonstrances of the Depuâ—…es of that Province who renew'd them four times in three days without being able to obtain a Deputation to the Court on their behalf All manner of Artifices were 〈◊〉 in practise to perswade the World that the report of the King's Journey was false False Letters were Writen to â—…vers Persons to acquaint them that those Affairs were accommodated They said that the Synod had no right to meddle with that Affair which was not Ecclesiastical that the King would refuse to hear the Deputies of an Assembly which exceeded the Bounds of their Power in an affair of that Consequence That the Principality of Bearn only desir'd to be United to the Churches of France for their own Interest and would be ready to separate themselves from it again as soon as they had serv'd their own turn at their Cost Moreover that in case the King were minded to oblige Bearn to Obey he would no wise matter the Intercession of the Churches since every thing submitted to his Arms and to his Presence The Deputies of Bearn made a great deal of noise at that refusal to assist them they cry'd that the Churches of France betray'd them Curs'd the day of their Union and made strange Imprecations against those that forsook them so shamefully The People of Alâ—â—â— being inform'd of these disputes took the part of the Bearnois and Murmur'd highly against the Synod They fail'd but little of coming to a Sedition This Accident made the Court Cabal slacken a little in spite of which finally after Ten or Twelve days disputes they resolv'd to Write and send Deputies to the King to beg his Leave to hold a General Assembly
upon his Guard put Succors into the City and forc'd the Vice Comte to abandon it He â—â—mplain'd of that Violence to the Duke Mommorencyâ—…ernor â—…ernor of the Province and to Farre the Intendant who 〈◊〉 Britaut Master of Request along with him endeavoâ—… to reconcile the Lord and the Subjects But their endeavours prov'd ineffectual by reason that after the unexpected Hostilities of the Vice-Count the Inhabitants would no longer confide in him and refus'd to come to an Accommodation with him unless they had very good Sureties That Affair remain'd undecided until the Dukes return who was at a great distance from the Province at that time He took the Vice-Count's part and drew near the City with 7 or 8000 Men. It would have been very easie to oppose it had Chatillon whom the Reform'd had entrusted with the Government of the Circle undertaken it But he did no wise oppose the Duke who was his Friend and his Kinsman at the approach of whom Brison quitted the City tho he had near 2000 Men to defend it besides the Inhabitants Mommorency was receiv'd in the Place and put one of his Followers and a Garrison of 50 Men into the Castle until the King had order'd otherwise about it So that that Affair took the Form of a Process among private Persons The Reform'd pretended that the said Place having been in their Hands at the time of the Edict It was to be Esteem'd a Place of Surety since it was included in the General Terms of the Briefs which allow'd them the keeping of all the Places they were in Possession of at that time The Vice-Count on the contrary maintain'd that as the said Place did belong to a Private Person of the Reform'd Religion it had lost that Quality by falling into the Hands of a Catholick Lord. In the mean time the Garrison committed a thousand Violences and even during the Session of the Synod of Alets the Souldiers cut an Old Man over the Head and forc'd another Inhabitant whom they pursu'd on purpose to abuse him to fling himself into a Precipice to avoid falling into their Hands And yet they had the Impudence to Complain that the Inhabitants abus'd them and to send for Commissioners to redress their Wrongs But the Commissioners finding that the said Complaints were ill grounded went away again without doing any thing And as they did the Inhabitants no harm by reason that they found them Innocent neither did they do them Justice for the Violences the Souldiers were guilty of A particular Assembly was held at Anduse upon the Account of those Troubles But they did not redress the hardships that distressed City suffer'd by reason that Chatillon who alone had the Power to do it did nothing to defend them That Affair was in this Condition when it was brought before the Synod of Alets which only succour'd Privas by Recommendation and with the Sum of 200 Crowns The Truth is that they order'd a Collection in the Province to help them to defray the Charges of the War They Wrote to Chatillon to intreat him to awaken his Zeal in favour of that important Place Those Letters produc'd some Effect Chatillon seem'd to recover out of his Lethargy Brison Besieg'd it a New and forc'd the Garrison of the Castle to March out of it upon Terms But Chatillon having had an Enterview with Mommorency the Zeal of that Lord slacken'd all of a sudden which made the Storm we have mention'd elsewhere to fall upon that poor City The same Synod before their breaking up us'd their utmost endeavours for the preservation of the Church of Gâ—gâ—… which was daily plagu'd by the Bishop of Mompelier who had sent for Marion there on purpose a Minister who was lately turn'd Roman Catholick in order to draw in others to embrace the same Communion by his Sollicitations and Example They also took Measures to hinder the Bishop of Vsez from coming to live at St. Ambrois where he was capable of doing the Reform'd more harm than at Vsez it self by reason that they had more Power there then he both by their Number and by the Protection of the Lord thereof who being at odds with the Bishop was glad to maintain the Reform'd against him But those little Remedies apply'd to great Evils prov'd inconsiderable to Cure them It is impossible to imagine how much those that manag'd the design of destroying the Reform'd Exclaim'd against the Assembly of Anduse which seem'd to be Summon'd for the defence of Privas and against the Synod of Alets notwithstanding the Court Cabal had all along been predominant in it The most Violent Invectives and the blackest Colours wherewith it is possible to describe the Worst of Rebellions fall short of those wherewith the Conduct of those Assemblies was aspir'd And yet all that could be said of them with Justice is that whatever past there were only unprofitable Marks of the Affliction of a Wretched People who found themselves betray'd by their own brethren without daring to punish the Traytors and who found themselves sinking without daring to Complain or to defend themselves because there were Persons among them who stil'd their Complaints Insolence and their Defence Rebellion The rest of the Kingdom was not more at rest and I will give an account in this Place of what past in an Assembly of the Provinces of Orleans and of Berry in order to show that there were Transactions in all Parts which foretold the approaching decay of the Reform'd The said Assembly was held in the Month of July at Gergeau It was compos'd of the Deputies of 28 Churches and Fortify'd besides by the Deputies of the Adjacent Provinces by those of the Provincial Council and by those that did assist at the last General Assembly Chatillon and Sully who had Lands in that district did not fail to Write to them to give them assurances of their Affection for the common good The main design of that Assembly was to hear the Deputies that had assisted at Loudun who were to give an Account of what past there They brought some propositions which the General Assembly had referr'd to the Provincial Assemblies to be Examin'd by them and to be inserted in the Instructions of the Deputies that should be sent by them into the next General Assembly There were two among the rest which tended to prevent the Corruption of the Deputies The first was whither when a Church desir'd that the Votes should be taken by Provinces the opposition of another could hinder it The second was whither the Deputies upon pretence of New Cases which had not been foreseen when their Instructions were made could deviate from their said Instructions Those two Propositions had been suggested by those who held a Correspondence with the Court They became useless when the Votes were given by Provinces by reason that their Colleagues not being corrupted like them might carry Affairs by the Plurality of Voices They were
Lord Keeper of the Great Seal and the Jesuit Confessor to the King seconded it with all their Might Jeanin and the other old Ministers who were not heartily inclin'd for a War oppos'd it and thought that it would be proper to talk of a Peace on the contrary in threatning a War and in the mean time to prepare for the last in case the Reform'd should refuse the first on Conditions worthy of the King The Duke de Luines joyn'd with the last but for other Reasons He saw no Money ready for the War he had rather apply the Finances to his own and to his Friends Advantage than to a doubtful Enterprise He was at a Loss to whom he should trust the Command of the Armies He was not secure of the Foreigners He had no body to whom he could confide the Provinces he should leave behind him in marching with the King towards the Southern Provinces In fine the Number of the Reform'd Lords made him dread Diversions where-ever they had any Authority But he was so happy that all those Difficulties were level'd He gain'd most of the Great ones Chatillon was bought with the Promise of a Marshal's Staff The Marshal de Bouillon remain'd long Newter Lesdiguieres fool'd himself and many others follow'd his Example He met with no Oppositions from Abroad The King under pretence of a Journey into Picardy secur'd himself on the side of the Netherlands and Spain freely granted him all the Assurances he could desire being far from putting any Obstacles to a War they desired passionately Cadenet Brother to the Favourite who was created Duke de Chaunes easily prevail'd with the King of England who thought himself oblig'd to lose all the Opportunities which a good Politician would have improv'd to make himself Arbitrator of Europe when there was a Necessity to succor Subjects against their Prince in order thereunto The Vnited Provinces were not in a Condition to Break with France It is true that as that Crown had had some hand in the Divisions of that State and seem'd to favour the Party of Barnevelt they had also given some Discontents to the Prince of Orange But those petty Subjects of Complaint did yield to greater Interests The Terror of the Prosperities of the House of Austria did not permit the States to fall out with an Allie so necsseary as Lewis the Thirteenth The Court sow'd the utmost Divisions among the Reform'd They endeavor'd to revoke the Power of those who were deputed to the Assembly They endeavor'd to make the other Cities jealous of Rochel either as designing to promote their own Advanvage at their Cost or as designing to become the Center of their Union and to ingross all the Authority Though all the Reform'd were not susceptible of those Diffidences yet there were always some who suffered themselves to be caught in the Snare of those false Impressions Notwithstanding the Court gave ear to all the Propositions of the Mediators with as much Application as if they had had a sincere desire of Peace People were strangely surpriz'd to find in the middle of those Negotiations when the Court thought that they had taken sufficient Measures to succeed in their Enterprize that the King repair'd to Fontainebleau from whence he writ to the Duke de Bouillon and to Du Plessis and some others that the Obstinacy of the Assembly was the Occasion of his Journey and that it oblig'd him to repair to Tours and perhaps farther if it were necessary to be near at hand to give his Orders He mix'd with this Advice Assurances of his good Intentions in favor of those that should remain within the Bounds of their Duty The next day after his Arrival he revers'd the Priviledge of Elections and removed the Offices for the Receits of his Revenues out of the Cities held by the Reform'd by an express Declaration and transfer'd them to Catholick Cities under pretence of hindering the Reform'd from seizing upon the Royal Treasure But he restor'd that of Saumur by a Brief to satisfie du Plessis for whom a far greater Affront was preparing This Edict might reasonably pass for a Declaration of War but it did not open the Eyes of those who were inclineable to a Peace and they continu'd their Mediation some with Sincerity and others to please the Court which was desirous to amuse the Reform'd by those Appearances So that Conferences were held still in which all things seem'd to tend to an Accommodation The Constable seem'd to open his Mind freely to the Deputies and to consent to a Peace upon tolerable Conditions For which reason the Agents and Mediators left Paris with Pavas to repair to Rochel by divers ways and upon different Days in order severally to dispose the Assembly to receive the Conditions they brought them But without tarrying longer than the next day after Favas's Departure a Council was held in the King's Presence in which a Settlement was drawn of Forty thousand Foot and Eight thousand Horse to be distributed in the Provinces according as it should be necessary The Government of Bearn was given to Themines in the same Council La Force was depriv'd of all his Places the Survivorship of them was taken from his Son the Marquess de Mompouillan who created Jealousies in the Favorites and in the Jesuits by his great Accomplishments and by the Share he had in the King's Favour and he was order'd to retire from the Court That Prince permitted those who govern'd him to dispose of his Inclinations as they did of his Finances and of his Authority and always approv'd the Reasons that were alledg'd to him no longer to love what he had most lov'd The Pretence us'd for that Disgrace was That Peoples Minds began to be heated again in Bearn and that the Affairs there seem'd to be upon the Point of a new Revolution La Force was inrag'd that instead of making him some Reparation for the Affront he had receiv'd from Poyane who had taken Arms not only without his Leave but without his Knowledge the Court had sent him an Order by Saludie to lay down his Arms approving the Actions of Poyane The Marquess de la Force press'd his Father to resent that Affront and look'd upon the Proceeding of the Court as a bloody Injury to oblige an old Governor of Province an ancient Officer of the King's Houshold to disarm before the Governor of a Town who ought at least to have honour'd him as a Superior and to communicate his Designs to him though he were excus'd from receiving Orders from him Moreover it was too sensible an Affront from the Court to La Force to send Orders to an inferior Officer without acquainting him with it Therefore the Bearnois being already as uneasie at the Alterations that had been made among them as they were fatal to their Liberties the Discontents and Intrigues of their Governor soon dispos'd them to improve the Occasion The Earnestness the General Assembly express'd for their
waited for the effect of the King of England's Promis'd Intercession for demolishing Fort Lewis or whether they were desirous to see what would be the issue of the Confusions at Court they went but slowly on with dismantling their Fortifications more especially the Fort oâ— Tadon which was one of their best and strongest Bulwarkâ— Lesdiguieres discontented with the Court fomented new Troubles in the Dauphinate Brison by his Counsels maintain'd him self in Poussin a paltry place from which however they could not get him out but by giving him a Recompence of 4000 Crowns And Montauban Son of the Marquiss of Gouverâ—â— got almost as much to lay down Arms. Thus all things being in a manner peaceable and quiet the Reformed were permitted to assemble a National Synod at Castres which sate down the 15th of September and the Court sent this Augustus Galand for their Commissioner in pursuance oâ— the Declaration 1623. the revocation of which they could not obtain All they could get was a Decree which upon the complaint of the Delays and Difficulties they met with in the nomination of Commissioners by the Governors and of the long time before the Commissioners came to the Synods imported thus much That the Governors or others to whom they should apply themselves having notice of the Place and Day of the Synod's sitting a Month before should be bound to nominate Commissioners and those that were nominated should be bound to be there at the place and upon the day appointed or within three days after at farthest which if they fail'd to do the Deputies had leave to assemble without 'em they behaving themselves in other things according to the Edicts This same Galand had already been present at the last Assembly held at Charenton and the Figure he made at Court would not permit him to quit his Interest or to swerve from her Orders and Maxims He was entrusted with a Letter from the King to the Synod Commission to be present there and Instructions in writing how to carry himself The Letter imported leave to hold the Synod whose Deliberations were thereby also confin'd to affairs of Church-Discipline only Moreover it was in the nature of Predential for the Commissioner and lastly it contain'd asstances of the King's good-will and his observance of the edicts provided that the Reformed continu'd in their obedience The Commission was plain and downright but it mention'd an express Injunction to be careful of seeing the Edicts observ'd and chiefly that of 1623. and to hinder the keeping â—f any Conventicles at Castres without his leave His Instructions were more ample and contain'd six principal Articles â—he first renew'd the promises of the King's good-will while â—aithful Obedience was paid him The second exhorted the Reâ—â—med to live in Concord with the Catholics and not to have â—â—y other then sentiments of Equity and Justice for 'em which the King promis'd to see done on the Catholics part The third exhorted a Renunciation of all Associations Unions and Intelligences either abroad or at home any other then with the King and the Commissioner was to declare that the King â—ever had the least thought of disannulling the Edicts which â—e prov'd because the King had confirm'd 'em after he came to â—ears of majority that he had renew'd his Alliances with Foreign Protestants that he had augmented the Gratuities which the King his Father had given to the Ministers that he had made use of Protestant Lords in sundry great Affairs and for that in the Insurrections of the Reformed he had bin always enclin'd to mercy so soon as they were ready to submit The fourth was of a singular nature to oblige the Ministers to inform against one another themselves and to brand one another upon their own judgments so that Galand was to exhort em to inform against those Ministers who had held intelligence with the Spiniards without taking notice in reference to it of any Amnesties of what was past He was in that respect to draw a Declaration from the Synod conformable to what had past in the Provincial Synod of Upper Guyenne held at Realmont and to testify that the aim of that Inquisition was not to punish the guilty but to hinder those that were faithful from being comprehended in the Crimes of others The fifth admonish'd the Commissioner not to let the Synod meddle with any thing but barely Discipline And the last took from the Ministers the liberty of going out of the Kingdom or setling themselves in any other places without permission and from the Synods â—â— power of sending any to Foreign Princes and Sovereigns â—â—aâ— should desire 'em either for a time or for a constancy For ' twaâ— the King's pleasure that Demands of that nature should be sent to him and the reason of that new restraint was said to be because that the Duties of Obedience were not to be alter'd by â— mixture of the Manners and Customs of Foreign Countries This Commission of Galands was ill resented by the Synod and Chauve then Moderator told him very roundly That a Man zealous for his Religion ought not to have charg'd himself with Instructions of such a nature which only tended to over reach and dishonour his Brethren After which Remonstrance he return'd an Answer to all the Articles with as much Resolution as Prudence But for the better understanding of his Answer it is necessary here to explain what the Synod of Realmâ—â—â— was and what had bin there done upon the occasion of Foreigâ— Intelligences The Duke of Rohan being sollicited by the Spaniards was enter'd into Treaty with 'em and had sent Campreâ—â—â— into Spain for more positive assurances of the Succor that was offer'd Not that it was the design either of the Spanish Court or the Duke of Rohan to stick to the Treaty but both expected to make this benefit of it that it might be a means to bring the Cardinal to better terms The Duke was in hopes thereby to obtain a more advantageous Peace and Spain willing to shew that if the French went on with the War in Italy that she had a way to revenge herself by continuing the Civil War in France as long as she pleas'd Moreover being afraid â—est the Reformed should agree to an Accommodation she made â—…em a shew of large Succors to render 'em more stiff and to engage 'em to stand upon such Demands as would not be granted â—…em so that the Treaty was concluded by Campredon with conâ—iderable Promises But while he return'd laden with the Articles of the Treaty Peace was made both with the Reformed â—nd with Spain the Treaty having no other effect but only â—hat it put the sooner conclusion to both Wars Campredon at his return was seiz'd upon and carri'd a Prisoner to Tholouse and there prosecuted for his life In the mean time the Edict of â—arch being sent to the President Masuyer to be register'd one would have thought that Campredon should have enjoy'd the benefit
stifl'd and extinguish'd so many Fires kindl'd to reform and punish 'em and 〈…〉 set up in their room Lights more pure and innocent to illuminate their Consciences and Understandings But for all this â—…ir Beginning he fail'd not to accuse the Reformed of three â—â—ings extremely odious The first was for openly violating â—â—e Edicts the second was for ceasing to pray to God for the â—…ing in their Psalms and the third for prophaning and blaspheming the Sacred Things The great Proof of the first Accusation was drawn from the Act of the National Synod in the Year 1631 wherein it was declar'd That the Lutherans might be admitted to the Communion to intermarry and present Children to Baptism Which he pretended was contrary to the Edicts because it tended to the introducing of a new Religion into France as if by that Act of Fraternal Communion the Synod had ever pretended to associate the Lutherans in the same liberty of teaching their Opinions and publicly exercising their Religion as the Reformed haâ— obtain'd by the Edicts Which nevertheless was so far from thâ— intention of the Synod that in the Act of the Union itself 〈…〉 was expresly requir'd That such Lutherans as should be made choice of for Godfathers should promise to teach 'em no other Doctrines then those about which there was no dispute How ever the Bishop hung fast upon the Apology for that Reunion which Daillé had publish'd about two years after the Synod broke up That same Minister had taken for the foundation 〈…〉 his Justifications the difference of Errors of which there were some that were not so heinous as others and among whiâ—â— as there are some that are intolerable that brake all communion between the Orthodox and the Erroneous so there anâ— others that may be born withal as no way tending to such 〈…〉 Rupture He alledg'd for an Example of the latter the Opinion of the Greeks about the proceeding of the Holy Ghose which he did not believe to be of that consequence as to authorize a Schism He endeavour'd also to settle general Rules to judge what those Errors are that break communion by reason of their extreme distance from the Truth This was a very prudent Apology and the Author's Principles were manag'd with so much discretion that it was impossible for any person to be offended at 'em unless blinded either by his Passion or hiâ— Ignorance The same Daillé publish'd the next year a little Treatise which he entitl'd Faith grounded upon Scripture which destroying the Authority of Tradition when the Dispute lay about Articles of Faith prov'd exactly the Doctrine oâ—… â—…e Reformed and gave light to the Rules which he had proâ—…'d for the discerning of Errors The Bishop attacqued these two Books with extraordinary â—â—olence He could not endure that Daillé should think the â—â—nathema pronounc'd against the Greeks too severe only for an 〈…〉 considerable deviation from the Doctrine of the Latins â—…uching the proceeding of the Holy Ghost and so insisting upon that Indulgence and some other Principles that Dailléâ—â—d â—â—d maintain'd he accus'd him of teaching either in express â—…erms or by Consequences necessarily drawn from his Doctrine â—…at all Heresies would admit of a Dispute except eight of the most important I know not how the Episcopal Charity 〈…〉 that Prelat could accommodate the usual Maxims which â—…each up Union and detest Schism in such vigorous Terms â—…ith this Complaint of a horrid Attempt of a Minister that â—…t no more then eight Reasons of Division among the Chriâ—…ans as if the grand Interest of public Edification and â—…iversal ought not to make all good men wish that â—…ere had bin less then eight Reasons of Divorce if they â—…uld have bin reduc'd to a lesser number without doing â—…jury to the Truth But the Bishop's aim was to indicate that this was to teach an Indifferency in Religion â—â—nâ—rary to the Edict and that according to Daillés Principles no Man was bound to quit his Sect to embrace a better opinion The second Accusation was still more malicious And the â—…etence which the Bishop took for it was the Alteration made 〈…〉 the 20th Verse of the 20th Psalm which is the 19th according to the Latin and begins with these words Lord save the â—â—ing and in the French Paraphrase of the Reformed thus â—…he Lord hear thy Prayer 'T is true that this last Verse had â—…rmerly bin paraphras'd after this manner Be pleas'd O Lord 〈…〉 defend us and preserve the King Be pleas'd to hear our Prayers when we cry unto thee But the Reformed having made â—everal Alterations in Marot's Paraphrase when they â—â—ppli'd it to the Public Use of their Devotions because his expressions were a little too harsh too roving and somewhat toâ—… slight and having made these Alterations at several times anâ—… upon several occasions it happen'd that this Couplet of the Psalm was corrected among others as having bin translated by the Poet after a manner more conformable to the Vulgar theâ—… to the Hebrew Original Thereupon this Paraphrase was inserted instead of the former Be pleas'd O Lord to defend 〈…〉 and cause the King to hear our Petitions Encounter all our Fears I make no question but that when this Correction was made the Reformed had a design to have a formal Prayer extracted from the Words of the Holy Ghost to desire of God who governs the hearts of Kings that he would encline hiâ— to be favourable to their Suits Upon that score theâ—… found this New Paraphrase more suitable to their Occasâ—…ons as being in their Opinion more conformable to the Hebrew then the former But certainly he must see with the Eyes of a very Irregular Passion who sees any thing in the Alteration with which a Sovereign Prince could be justly anâ— deservedly offended Nevertheless the Bishop found as he thought two Groâ—… Errors in this Correction The one was That the Sense was corrupted And the other was That the Reformed had put themselves in the King's room and that they had assum'd the Prayer to themselves which the Holy Ghost haâ— dictated in his behalf This was branded as a piece of Insolence and an Attempt which abolishing the Prayer that ought to be offer'd for the Preservation of the King ravish'd from him as much as in 'em lay the Honour Fear and Tribute that was due to him So that the Bishop would fain have prov'd from thence That had it bin as much in the power of the Reformed to deprive the King of all the Prerogatives of his Crown as it was to alter the words of the Psalm they would never have scrupl'd to have done it And this Accusation was aggravated with all the Tours the Dresses and Enamellings of a Quaint Wit that Propense Malice and Black Malignity could infuse into a Quick Imagination Nevertheless there is one Reflection to be made upon the Transports of this Outragious Bishop sufficient to â—…scover the Injustice of 'em that this Alteration had bin
of the Particular Articles granted together with their Edict of Nantes as they were drawn up and dispatched in the Year 98. restoring the Retrenchments that were made at the Verification  III. To cause the said Edict and Private Articles to be verifi'd and register'd according to the Form above mention'd in all the Parliaments Courts of Aid Chambers of Accompts and other Soveraign Courts of the Kingdom to the end they may be afterwards register'd in all Bailiwicks and Seneschalships As to what shall be found not to have been executed tho' set down in the Edict of Nantes verifi'd in the Soveraign Courts Commissioners shall be Named by his Majesty to see that the said Execution be better perform'd the one a Catholick the other of the said Religion and in Case the said Execution be left to the Bailiffs and Seneschals or their Lieutenants they shall take an Associate of the same Religion according to the Answer given to the Writing answer'd in August 1602. IV. That for the Execution thereof when it shall be necessary and requir'd by the said Religion that two Commissioners be appointed by his Majesty out of every Province the one a Catholick the other to be nominated by those of the Province if those of the Religion think it not more Convenient to leave the Execution of it to the Bailiffs and Seneschals or their Deputies Who according to the Answer return'd to the second Article of the Writing answer'd in August 1602. shall be bound to take an Associate of the same Religion who shall be nominated by those of the said Religion within the said Bailiwicks and Seneschalships Nothing may be alter'd in the VIIth Article of the Edict of Nantes which it is his Majesties Meaning and Pleasure shall be observ'd V. That according to the VIIth Article of the Edict which permits all Lords of High Jurisdiction to settle the Exercise of the said Religion within the extent of their High Jurisdictions it shall be lawful for the Communities of the said Churches to establish the said exercise within the Fiefs and High Jurisdictions that belong to 'em or which they may hereafter purchase The IX and X. Article of the Edict shall be upheld and observ'd VI. That the said Exercise may be continu'd according to the IX and X. Articles of the Edict in all Places where it was in the Years 77. and 97. in such Manner as it was then observ'd even by the Authority inherent in the Jurisdiction tho' the Lord of the Mannor may have afterwards chang'd his Religion or that the Lordship may be fallen into the Possession of a Catholick thô an Ecclesiastick and that it may be restor'd where it has been taken away for those Reasons The Commissioners who shall be sent into the Provinces shall have Instructions to inform themselves whether the Exercises of the said Religion had been settl'd in the said Places for so many Years and why they were not restor'd that such course may be taken as shall be according to Reason VII And for as much as by Vertue of the X. Article the said Service ought to be restor'd in Reols Port Sainte Marie Lauserte Sainte Basville and others of the same Nature where it was settl'd in September 1577. and for that because of the long Discontinuance and other Inconveniences it would be a difficult thing to restore it without some danger of a Sedition therefore that his Majesty would be pleas'd instead of those Places to grant 'em others to be appointed by the Synods and Colloquies of the Province for the removal of their exercise thither The King cannot allow the Petitioners to take any other Title upon 'em then that which was giv'n 'em by the Edicts Therefore his Majesty Orders that in all Publick Acts they shall use the Terms exprest in the Edict of Nantes as is set down in the Answer given to the II. Article of the Writing answer'd April 8. 1609. VIII That they of the said Religion may not be constrain'd in any Acts either Publick or Private by Writing or otherwise to stile themselves of the pretended Reformed Religion The Deceased King having declar'd by his Letters Patents dated July 5. 1604. that the said Ministers should not be comprehended in Taxes or other Impositions upon their moveable Goods their Pensions and Salaries but only for their proper Estates 'T is his Majesties Pleasure that they enjoy the Contents of the said Letters Patents and strictly forbids all Assessors of Parishes to rate 'em upon those Accompts and in respect of their proper Goods not to surcharge 'em as they will answer for it in their own proper Persons of which the Elu's shall take Care under the same Penalties IX That the Ministers of the said Religion may enjoy as to the Imposition of Taxes Loans Aids Duties upon Salt and all other Subsidies as well ordinary as extraordinary the same Exemption which the Ecclesiasticks of the Kingdom enjoy The XVI Article shall be observ'd and Orders are given to that Purpose to the Commissioners deputed to see that they of the said Religion enjoy the Benefit of it by certifying the Loss of the Deeds and Possessions which they held in those Places X. That by the XV. Article of the Edict all the Towns and Places belonging to the Communities of those of the said Religion as also those for the Interrment of their Dead may be restor'd ' em And where they cannot by Authentick Titles justifie their Propriety to 'em that the only Proof of having formerly enjoy'd 'em may suffice for their being restor'd to the Possession of 'em in regard the said Deeds were lost during and by Reason of the Troubles The XVII Article of the said Edict shall be exactly observ'd and in pursuance of it all Preachers Readers and others who speak in publick are injoyn'd not to use any Words or Discourses tending to excite the People to Sedition and Animosities one against the other but to Curb and Behave themselves modestly and to say nothing but what tends to the Instruction and Edification of their Hearers and to preserve the publick Repose and Tranquility under the Penalties mentioned in the Edict XI That his Majesty would be pleased according to the XVII Article of the Edict to inflict exemplary Punishment upon Preachers Confessors and other Ecclesiasticks who move the People to Sedition Blaming and Forbidding all Society Acquaintance and Communication with those of the said Religion forbidding people to employ assist serve 'em or nurse their little Children by teaching that all who frequent their Company are damn'd And where such Preachers and Confessors shall absent themselves before they can be impleaded that the Bishops Curates and others their Superiours by whom they were introduc'd may be responsable for 'em Enjoyning the Advocates General and their Substitutes to be assisting upon pain of being answerable for it in their own Names and Persons and upon Penalty of being depriv'd of their Offices The XX. Article of the Edct shall it observ'd And
and Quiet the Benefit of the Edicts made in their behalf In which number far the greater are comprehended those who have more Power and Authority to be assisting in upholding the Publick Tranquillity We have said and declar'd and once more do say and declaâ—e by these Presents by way of Explanation of what is contain'd in our said Letters Patents of April last that we are very well satisfi'd and contented with our Subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion in General And upon that Consideration we have altogether buried in Oblivion the Offences which the said particular Persons might have committed contrary and to the prejudice of our Edicts Nor will we that any thing be imputed to 'em nor that upon this occasion any Blame or Blemish be fasten'd upon 'em for the Future provided they continue hence forward within the Bounds of their Duty Obedience and Fidelity toward us and prove as exact observers of the Laws Edicts and Ordinances made to the end that all our Subjects may live in Peace Repose and Amity one with another So we Will and Command that you cause these Presents to be Read Publish'd and Register'd in your Registers that our said Subjects of the said Religion may fully peaceably and without any Molestation or Impeachment enjoy the Benefit of the Contents For such is our Will and Pleasure Given at Paris July 11. 1612. and the third of our Reign Sign'd Lewis By the King the Queen Regent his Mother being present De Lomenie And Seal'd with Yellow Wax upon a single Label Register'd after being heard and upon the Motion of the Kings Advocate General At Paris in Parlament August 8. 1612. A Declaration of the King and Confirmation of the Edict of Nantes given at Paris December 15. 1612. and verifi'd January 2. 16â—3 LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. The extream desire we have had ever since our coming to the Crown for which we continually implore the Blessing of God and for which the Queen Regent our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother has always most sedulously labour'd has been to take care to maintain and preserve all our Subjects in Peace Tranquillity and Repose and in good Friendship Union and Concord one with another as being the Principal Foundation of the welfare of this Kingdom To this purpose from the Time that it pleas'd God to visit us with the fatal Accident that befel us through the Death of the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father of glorious Memory we resolv'd to imitate and follow the same Methods which he took to attain the same ends and having observ'd that after he had by his Valour restor'd this Kingdom to its Ancient Splendour he with a great deal of care Labour and Prudence and for a Foundation of an assur'd Repose and an entire Reconciliation between all his Subjects as also to remove from those who profess'd the pretended Reformed Religion all occasion of Fear and Distrust for the Liberty of their Persons Consciences Honour and Families made and ordain'd what is compriz'd in his Edict giv'n at Nantes in April 1598. by the Observation of which and of the Secret Articles he had happily rul'd and govern'd his People in Peace till his Decease therefore one of our first Actions which we were willing to do in this Kingdom has been to set forth our Letters of Declaration of the 22. of May 1610. containing a Confirmation of the said Edict and of the Secret Articles Regulations and Decrees set forth by way of Explanation and for the putting the same in Execution which we sent at the same instant to all our Parlaments to be there verifi'd and sometime after we resolv'd to send into all the Provinces of our Kingdom some of the Principal Members of our Council and other Persons well qualifi'd chosen by our selves as well Catholicks as of the pretended Reformed Religion to cement and corroborate the Establishment and Execution of the said Edict and favours granted in pursuance of it having ever since continu'd to give that Assistance toward it that could be expected from our Care and Authority But it has so fallen out that our good Intentions have not had that successful Effect that we could have desir'd among all our Subjects Some of whom and of those of the pretended Reformed Religion through Suspitions too lightly conceiv'd of adverse Occurrences are enter'd into Jealousies and Mistrusts one of another Whence it has follow'd that they have begun to double their Guards make Provision of Arms Levy Souldiers hold Assemblies and Councils and to do other things quite contrary to the Tenour and Observation of the said Edict To which however we are willing to believe 'em to have been induc'd by some â—ears which they have conceiv'd of themselves and upon â—â—lâ—e Suspitions and Pretences thô rot out of any ill Will or bad Intentions Having always found the Generality of those of the Reformed Religion extreamly well affected to the good of our Service and firm and constant in that reverence Fidelity and Respect which they owe to us But in regard this Mischief may draw after it dangerous Consequences we thought it necessary to provide against it to re-establish the good Friendship Correspondence and Society which ought to be alike among all our said Subjects for the maintaining of their common Repose which cannot be done more assuredly then by an exact Observation of the said Edict Secret Articles Briefs and other Acts made in pursuance of it As also by giving new Assurances to all our said Subjects of the said pretended Reformed Religion of our good Intentions in their behalf and of our Intentions to preserve maintain protect 'em and cause 'em to enjoy all the Favours and Concessions which have been decreed 'em as well by the Edict as since that time as they did in the Life-time of the Deceased King till his Death For these Reasons and others Us moving after we had caus'd this Matter to be debated in Council where was the Queen Regent with the Princes of our Blood and other Princes several Officers of the Crown and Principal Counsellours of our Council with the Advice of them we have said and declar'd and we say and declare and it is our Will and Pleasure that the abovesaid Edict of Names together with our Declaration of the 22. of May 1610. with the Private Articles Regulations Decrees and other Letters set forth in pursuance of them either by way of Explanation or for the better Execution of the same may be read de novo and publish'd in all our Courts of Parlament and Seats of Judicature under their Jurisdiction having to that end and as much as need requires confirm'd 'em as we do again Confirm 'em by these presents Sign'd with our hand We Will and Ordain that the whole may be fulfill'd and inviolably observ'd without any Breach oâ— Infringement whatsoever in any manner whatever Also for as much as the Breaches which have been
made by some of our Subjects have proceeded rather from Suspitions and Distrusts too slightly listen'd to then from any want of Affection Fidelity or Allegiance which they have all along made apparent upon all occasions that have offer'd themselves Hoping also that for the Time to come they will keep themselves within the bounds of Duty under the Observation of the Edicts and Ordinances therefore we Will and it is our Meaning and our Pleasure that all Decrees Procedures Acts and other Letters that have been granted and set forth against 'em as well in general as particular upon any occasion whatever shall be null and void as if they had never been extant so that upon occasion and in pursuance thereof they shall not either in general or particular inour any Blame danger or dammage nor be disturb'd or prosecuted for the Future And to this purpose we impose Silence upon all our Advocates General their Substitutes and all others as we also expresly forbid all our said Subjects in Conformity to the 77. and 82. Articles of the Edict to hold any Communications of Assemblies to settle or hold Provicinal Councils or to make any Levies Provisions of Arms or Musters of Souldiers or to commit any other Acts directly or indirectly contrary to our Edicts and Declarations upon pain of Disobedience and of being punish'd as disturbers of the Publick Peace To this purpose we command our Beloved and Faithful Counsellours holding our Court of Parlament and Chambers of the Edict settl'd within the Kingdom that the abovemention'd Edict the Edict of Pacification Secret Articles Brevets Declarations and other Letters Patents to them sent in pursuance of the same be â—orâ—nwith read and publish'd in the usual Places and that the Contents thereof be inviolably fulfill'd and observ'd ceasing and causing to surcease all Troubles and Impeachments to the contrary We further enjoyn our said Atturney Generals to be aiding and assisting thereto and if any Infringements happen after this to prosecute the Authors with Severity to the end that Examples of Punishment may deterr others For such is our Will and Pleasure In Witness whereof we have caus'd our Seal to be affixed to these Presents Given at Paris December 15. 1612. and the thirteenth of our Reign Sign'd Lewis And upon the Folding of the Paper By the King being in Council the Queen Regent his Mother present De Lomenie Extract out of the Registers of Parlament This day the Court the Grand-Chambers the Parlamental Court of Criminal Causes having seen the Letters Patents in form of Charters of the 15th of December last concerning the Observation of the Edict of Names and other Letters and Articles in pursuance of it the Conclusions of the Advocate General and the Matter brought into debate have Decreed that the said Letters be Read and Publish'd upon the Hearing and Motion of the Kings Advocate General and Copies sent to the Bailiwicks and Seneschalships to be there Read and Publish'd Done in Parlament January 2. 1613. Sign'd Guyet A Declaration of the Kings Majority containing a Confirmation of the Edicts of Pacification and Prohibitions of Duels Dated at Paris October 1. 1614. Verifi'd the second of the said Month and Year LEWIS by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr To all c. It having pleas'd God to bless our Reign with so many Favours and Successes and to bring the course of our Years to the Age of Majority to which we have now attain'd as we have at all times all the Reason in the World to commend and be thankful for the happy Adminstration of our Kingdom during our Minority under the Regency and Prudent Conduct of the Queen our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother we are willing to seek all ways possible and agreeable to the Duty of a most Christian Prince jealous of Gods Glory and who desires to maintain the Publick Peace and Tranquility for the welfare repose and ease of his Subjects whether in causing an exact Observation of the Good and Holy Laws made by the Kings our Predecessors of most praise worthy Memory or by new Laws which we shall deem proper to make as occasion offers and upon such Advice as may be given in the next Assembly of the States General of our Kingdom which we shall cause to be summon'd for the attaining of which and to the end that all our Subjects may live in Peace Union and Right Understanding in the fear of God Obedience of his Commands and Observation of our Ordinances so that the publick repose and tranquility which we desire to preserve among 'em may not be interrupted or violated We have with the Advice and Counsel of our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother the Princes of our Blood other Princes and Lords principal Officers of our Crown and most remarkable Persons of our Council said declar'd and ordain'd and we say declare and ordain and it is our Will and Pleasure in Conformity to what we have already formerly ordain'd That the Edict of the Deceased King our thrice Honoured Lord and Father given at Nantes in April 1598. in favour of those of the pretended Reformed Religion in all the Heads and Articles of it together with all the other Articles to them granted and Regulations made Decrees given either by way of Explanation or for the Execution of the said Edict or in pursuance of it may be fulfill'd and inviolably kept and observ'd as has been ordain'd and perform'd by our said Deceased Lord and Father and that the Infringers may be severely punish'd as disturbers of the Publick Repose And the more to secure the Publick Peace and Tranquility under our Authority and Obedience we prohibit all our said Subjects from holding any particular and private Intelligences Leagues or Associations as well within as without our Kingdom nor without our Permission to send to any Forreign Princes whether Friends or Enemies upon any occasion whatever And we enjoin all our Officers to look carefully after it and to be assisting as need shall require upon pain of being responsible and of being punish'd for their Negligence with the same Severity as the Disobedience of the Offenders We also forbid all our said Subjects of what Estate Condition or Quality soever who receive Estates Pay or Pensions from us not to take accept or receive any Estate Pay or Pension from any Prince or Lord whatever nor to follow be present with or accompany any other then our selves upon pain of being depriv'd of the said Salaries Estates and Pensions And for as much as for want of due Execution of the Edict made by the Deceased King our Lord and Father concerning Duels Combats and Encounters and afterwards by our selves and for that they have not been obey'd by several of our Subjects in Contempt of our Authority great Disorders and Confusions have from thence arose which greatly offend God and may provoke him to send the Scourges of his Wrath among us and upon our Kingdom if we should not provide against so
without our leave or the Orders of our Admiral in contempt of our Laws and the secret Practises and Correspondencies held with Forreigners To all which we have been much troubl'd to give Credit considering the good and favourable usage our said Subjects of the Pretended Reformed receiv'd And when we understood that the Sieur de Soubise we the Head of his Faction he who has tri'd the Force of our Authority and the softness of our Clemency upon several occasions this was the reason that we were willing to wink at his first Practises and Proceedings in hopes that by our Patience we might reduce him to his Duty But our goodness and forbearance having augmented the Audaciousness of the said Soubise we understand that within these few days he has put to Sea with some Vessels having Souldiers aboard that he has robb'd our Merchants Ships made attempts upon some of our Islands and principal Places and upon the Vessels that were in the Roads and Harbours belonging to 'em and in these Actions committed several Enormities Violences and Acts of Hostility against our Subjects Now in regard that all these Enterprizes and Attempts of the said Soubise discover to our great sorrow an evident and manifest Rebellion against our Authority and a design lay'd betwixt him and some particular Adherents to disturb the general Peace and Tranquility of the Kingdom without any lawful reason or cause on the other side we are extreamly well satisfy'd to understand from our dear and well beloved Cousin the Duke of Tremouille and the Sieurs de la Force and Chatillon and other Persons of Quality as also from the General Deputies of our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion refiding near our Person as also by the Deputies of the Pretended Relion at Charenton and those of our Cities of Rockele Nimes Vsez as also to see by an Act in writing which the said general Deputies have presented us with express injuctions from our dear and well-beloved Inhabitants of our City of Moniaban how much they renounce and disown his Actions as unworthy of that Fidelity and Affection which true French-men owe their Soveraign considering they can tend to nothing else but the subversion of this State and their own Ruin Whereupon being desirous to make known what our good Intentions are the Protection which we are willing to grant to the Faithful and Obedient and the Rigor which we intend to use toward Rebels if they persevere in their Contumacy We make known that for these Causes and other weighty Considerations us thereunto moving with the Advice of the Queen c. and of our certain knowledge full Power and Royal Authority we have said and declar'd and say and declare by these Presents Sign'd with our hand and it is our Will and Pleasure that all our Subjects of the Pretended Reformed Religion who shall continue in that Fidelity and Obedience which they owe us without adhering to any Factions and Conspiracies against the Kingdom shall fully and Peaceably enjoy in freedom and safety the Exercise of their Religion together with all the Favours to them granted by the Edicts and Declarations made in their Favour as well by the Deceased King c. as by our selves which we resolve to have inviolably kept and observ'd according to their Form and Tenour putting all our said Subjects together with their Goods and Families under our special Protection and Favour And as for the said Soubise and others who are enter'd into open Rebellion against us having attempted to disturb the Tranqaility of our Kingdom we have hereby declar'd and declare all those that shall adhere to and Favour him directly or indirectly of what Quality or condition soever they be and who shall hold Intelligence Association or Corespondence with 'em both disobedient and Guilty of High Treason As also we declare the Inhabitants of our Cities that shall Countenance or adhere to the Rebellion and Disobedience of the above nam'd or shall give 'em any Harbour Retreat or Quarter among 'em or shall suffer 'em or assist 'em in any sort or manner whatever guilty of the same Crimes and to have forfeited all their Rights Franchises Immunities and Priviledges granted either by the King our Predecessors or by our selves And for that our Intention is always to prefer Clemency before the Rigour of Justice and to afford 'em the Means and Leisure to acknowledge their Faults before they althogether plunge themselves in Faction and revolt we say and declare that if within one Month from the day of the publication of these presents in Parlament the said Soubise or any others who have been guilty of the Actions above express'd shall return to their Duty lay down their Arms disband their Souldiers which they have muster'd together and submit themseves entirely to the Obedience which they owe us we have and shall from this present Time and for the Future forgiven pardon'd and obliterated forgive pardon and obliterate by these Presents all Acts and attempts which they may have made or design'd in this last Insurrection and taking of Arms contrary to our Authority and Service without any enquiries or prosecutions either now or hereafter in any sort or manner whatever as having pardon'd and restor'd 'em to their former Condition and to all Honours Priviledges and Immunities which were granted 'em by Us or our Predecessors under the Exact Observation of our Edicts But if after that time expir'd they persist in their Rebellion and Disobedience our Pleasure is that they be proceeded against with all the Rigour of our Laws by Imprisonment of their Persons Seizure of their Estates demolishing their Houses and other usual Courses in such Cases and that they lose the Benefit of our Edicts and Appeals to the Chambers So we command c. In Testimony c Given at Paris January 25. 1625 and fifteenth of our Reign Sign'd LEWIS And Below by the King De Lomenie Read Publish'd and Register'd c. At Paris in Parlament February 18. 1625. Du Tillet A Writing giv'n by the English Embassadours to the Deputies of the Churches to make the King of Great Britain Guarranty of the Peace in 1626. WE Henry Rich Baron of Kensington Earl of Holland Captain of the King of Great Brittan's Guards Knight of the Order of the Garter and one of his Majesties Privy Council And Dudley Charlton Knight one of his Majesties Privy Council and Vice Chamberlain of the Houshold To all c. Whereas the Sieurs de-Mommartin and de Maniald General Deputies of the Reformed Churches of France and other Particular Deputies from the Dukes of Soubise and Rohan as also others from several Cities and Provinces which joyn'd in Arms with the said Lords have made a Peace with the most Christian King by our Advice and Intercessions agreed and consented to by the King their Soveraign and for that the said Deputies have releas'd many things which they thought of great Moment for their security and altogether Conformable to their Edicts and
their Coach cross the street where the procession was to pass upon Corpus Christi day The Bishop of Poitiers turn'd Informer but the Crime which they had endeavour'd to aggravate by long Proceedings and severe Informations produc'd no more then a Decree of the 10th of May in the Chamber of the Edict which condemn'd the Parties accus'd to pay the Bishops charges and summon'd 'em to the Chamber there to receive an admonition to behave themselves more modestly according to the Edicts A Proctors Servant Maid in Poitiers was accus'd of having utter'd several Blasphemies in the Abby of Montierneaf against the Images of the Virgin and the Saints That is to say that the silly Maid had inconsiderately asserted that they were Idols She was convicted of Contumacy because she had avoided Imprisonment by Flight And upon that sentenc'd to undergo the Amende Honourable to have her Tongue bor'd and to perpetual Banishment out of the Province of Poitâ—â— which Sentence was excuted upon her in Effigie The Bishop of Mompellier and Valence were Conservators of the Priviledges of the Universities of both those Cites The Bishop of Valence after several Decrees and a long Suit between him and the Members of the University came to an agreement with 'em in pursuance of which he drew up Regulations of which the chiefest was to exclude the Reformed from all Dignities The Purport of those Statutes was that high Mass should be said every Sunday at which the Rectors Doctors Regents Scholars Undergraduates and Strangers admitted into the Society should be present that the Bishop who is also Chancellor of the University should preside at all the Acts That the Vice-Chancellor and Rector should be Priests or at least Clerks and that they should take their Oaths Bare headed and upon their Knees Books also had their share of Catholick Severity For diâ— Moulin had publish'd a small Piece entituled The Capuchin Wherein he ridicul'd that Institution which dazl'd the Catholicks with such an outside of Zeal Thereupon with great Fervency they prosecuted the Condemnation of this Book And the Chamber of Castres being divided upon this Occasion that Division was determin'd upon the third of April and the Book was condemn'd to be burnt The Parlament of Bourdeaux also order'd the same Execution the 3d. of May. This very Book was also burnt at Poitiers the 12th of December by order of the Seneschal together with another Book entituled The Capuchins Journal I have already told ye that the Prince of Conde purchas'd Sancerre and that he had suppress'd the Exercise in that Place But his Zeal stop'd not at so small a thing He caus'd a Decree of Council to be set forth which forbid Burials in the Day time all manner of Funeral Pomp the Exposing of the Bodies before the Doors of their Houses Nor to misuse the Catholicks in word or deed nor any of the New Converts nor those who had a desire to change their Profession under the penalty of corporal Punishment It was fruther ordain'd that no Souldiers should be quarter'd in Catholick Houses till the Reformed had had their â—all share and that the charges of such Quarter and all other Municipal Expences should be levy'd upon the Reformed That the Taxes should be rated by three Catholicks and one Reformed but that they should be collected by three Reformed and one Catholick that the Reformed Assessor and Collectors should be chosen by the Reformed and the Catholick by the Catholicks So that every thing was so order'd that the Catholicks who were not the tenth part of the Inhabitants were the Masters of the Rest and might at their Discretion command the Estates and Liberties of others And 't is thought that some Personal Resentments transported the Duke to these unjust Revenges But the Cardinal's Death and the crazy Condition of the King caus'd a kind of Cessation of all manner of Business the whole Government being intent upon the Change that was like to happen so suddenly in the Kingdom For which reason the Reformed had a little Breathing time For I find but one Peremptory Decree of the Privy Council of the 3d. of March in Confirmation of another obtain'd by the Bishop of Luson upon a Petition the 20th of the Preceding May which sentenc'd Gagemont according to his own voluntary Offers to make his Excuses to the Vicar of St. Hilaire de Melle to consign sifty Franks into the Bishops Hands and pay him the Costs and Charges of the Suit for not alighting nor putting off his hat upon his Meeting the Sâ—crament Fuzil Curate of St. Berthelemi at Paris being retir'd to Geneva in 1614 was there married His Children after his death went into France to sue for the Payment of a Sum of Money due to their Father for the Sale of an Inheritance six years before his Retirement But their Kindred by the Fathers side refusing to acknowledge 'em for lawful Heirs tho' born in Wedlock and in a Country where it was lawful for Priests to marry the Advocate General undertook the cause of the Kindred and in the Chamber of the Edict upon the 25th of February obtain'd a Sentence that the Children as Bastards in France could not have the Benefit of Succession The fifth of March a Decree was issu'd out at Bourdeaux against the Priviledges of the Party-Chamber A certain Recollect of the Mission of Bergerac went to Visit at Sigoules the Lady of Moulard pretending he had bin sent for by her Order being at that time sick In the nick of time in comes Belloi the Minister of the Place and opposes the Monks Design Upon which the Monk complain'd that Violence had bin offer'd him and obtain'd a Capias against the Minister who apply'd himself to the Party Chamber Now this was a cause purely within the verge of that Chamber But the Advocate General interpos'd and caus'd the Parlament to send for the Cause who gave him leave to pursue the Execution of the Decree But the Kings death which happen'd in May prevented him from any farther improving his powerful Zeal against the Reformed But to shew that he was still the same to his last Gasp he could not dye till he had exhorted with his own trembling Lips the Marshals La Force and Chastillon to turn Catholicks However he had the not Pleasure to see extinguish'd the Party which he had brought low For Providence reserv'd that satisfaction for Lewis XIVth who succeeded him The End of the Second Volume A COLLECTION OF EDICTS DECLARATIONS AND Other PIECES Serving for Proofs of the Second Part of the History of the EDICT of NANTES A Declaration of the King upon the Edict of Pacification given at Paris May 22. 1610. and verified the third of June the same Year LEwis by the Grace of God King of France and Navarr to all to whom these Present Letters shall come Greeting Since the unfortunate and detestable Assassination of our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father last Deceased whom God Absolve the Queen Regent our
thrice honour'd Lady and Mother tho' continually with Tears in her Eyes and Grief in her Heart nevertheless has not forborn with incessant Labour and with great Magnanimity and Prudence to prevent that fatal Accident from doing any Prejudice to our Person and Dignity or to our Kingdom or Subjects holding her self bound to this Duty not only by the natural Affection which she bears us but also because of her having been declar'd Regent and under that Character being entrusted with the Care and Administration of the Affairs of the Kingdom by the Votes and Suffrages of the Princes of the Blood and the rest of the Princes Prelates Peers Principal Officers of the Crown and Members of our Parlament Assembl'd therein we keeping there our Throne of Justice wherein her Pains prov'd so successful and the Affection of our Subjects who were then about us as also of the Inhabitants of our good City of Paris was so great and sincere toward us that we can desire nothing more from their Obedience and Fidelity nor from the good and prudent Conduct of the Queen Regent our aforesaid thrice honour'd Lady and Mother Being also inform'd by Intelligence that comes to us every day that in all other Places and Parts of our Kingdom all our Subjects as well Catholicks as of the pretended Reformed Religion of all Qualities make it their Business out of a laudable Emulation to outvye each other in readiness to Obedience in Actions and Behaviour which give some Testimony of their Fidelity and Duty for which we have great occasion to bless God and to hope that as he has been pleas'd to preserve this Kingdom from imminent Dangers so as to make it flourish for so many Ages so he will take into his Protection our youthful Years and grant us leisure to grow up in Piety and Vertue to the end we may one day employ the Grandeur to which he has rais'd us to his Honour and Glory Which with all our Hearts we implore him to vouchsafe us and to inspire us always with Councils requisite and necessary for the well governing our Subjects in his Fear and causing them to live in Peace Union and Amity one with another as being the true Foundation upon which next after God depends the Safety and Preservation of the Kingdom Experience having taught the Kings our Predecessors that the Fury and Violence of Arms had been always not only of no effect to reduce their Subjects who were gone astray into the Bosom of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Church but rather extreamly prejudicial which was the Reason that being swaid by more happy Councils they had recourse to Mildness in granting them the Exercise of the pretended Reformed Religion of which they made Profession By whose Example led the Deceased King our thrice Honour'd Lord and Father made the Edict of Nantes for the Reconciling of all his Subjects together The Observation of which Edict together with the Regulations made in consequence of it settled such an assured repose among 'em as has lasted ever since without Interruption By means of which although that Edict be perpetual and irrevocable and consequently has no need of being confirm'd by a New Declaration nevertheless to the end our Subjects may be assur'd of our good Will and that our Intention and pleasure is inviolably to observe that Edict made for the good and repose of our Subjects as well Catholicks as of the pretended Reformed Religion Therefore we Declare That this Affair having been debated in our Presence by the Queen Regent our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother we have by the Advice of Her the Princes of our Blood other Princes Dukes Peers Officers of our Crown and several eminent Persons of our Council said and ordain'd say and ordain and it is our Will and Pleasure That the said Edict of Nantes in all the Points and Articles of it together with the rest of the Articles to them granted and the Regulations made and Decrees set forth upon the Interpretation or Execution of the said Edict and in consequence of it shall be inviolably upheld and observ'd and the infringers shall be severely punish'd as Disturbers of the Publick Tranquillity To which Effect we enjoyn all our Officers to be sedulously assisting under the Penalty of being responsible and being punish'd for their Negligence with the same Rigour as the Disobedience of those that shall offer to Violate it In like manner we command our Beloved and Trusty People holding our Court of Parlament in Paris that these Presents may be Read Publish'd and Register'd and the Contents thereof to keep maintain and observe Point by Point according to their Form and Tenour without suffering or permitting any Breach thereof in any manner whatever In Testimony whereof we have caused our Seals to be affix'd to these Presents Given at Paris May 22. in the Year of Grace 1610. and of our Reign the First Louis And upon the Folding of the Paper By the King the Queen Regent being Present De Lominie Seal'd with the great Seal of the said Lord upon a double Label Also written upon the side of the said Folding Read Publish'd and Register'd heard by and Consenting and Requesting the Kings Advocate General And Order'd that compar'd Copies shall be sent to the Bayliwicks and Seneschalships to be there also Read Publish'd and Register'd with all speed by the Advocate General 's Substitutes who are enjoyn'd to Certifie the Court of their doing it this Month. At Paris in Parliament June 3. 1610. Signed Tillet A General Regulation drawn up in the Assembly General of the Reformed Churches of France held at Saumur by the Kings Permission in the Year 1611. IN every Province there shall be a Council established to Consult about the Affairs of the Church within the Province Which Councils shall be continu'd and chang'd every two Years either all or in part at the Discretion of the Provincial Assembly Which Assembly shall choose out of the Gentlemen Pastors and third Estate Persons well known to all the Province for their Piety Probity Capacity and Experience the number of those that are to be employ'd out of every one of the said Ranks or Degrees being to remain at the Discretion of the Provinces The Council shall Name the Place and the Persons to whom Advices shall be directed whether General Deputies or of the Province When a General Assembly is to be call'd the Council shall give notice to all the Churches either one by one or by way of Colloquies according to the Method observ'd in every one of the Provinces to Assemble at a certain day and send thither their Deputies either by the Appointment of Churches or Colloquies To which purpose the Elders of each Consistory shall be careful to give notice to all the Principal Members of their Churches to meet upon a certain Sunday at Sermon at the Conclusion of which the Ministers shall give notice to the House-keepers to stay in Order to Consult about Affairs of the