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A02329 The historie of Guicciardin conteining the vvarres of Italie and other partes, continued for many yeares vnder sundry kings and princes, together with the variations and accidents of the same, deuided into twenty bookes: and also the argumentes, vvith a table at large expressing the principall matters through the vvhole historie. Reduced into English by Geffray Fenton.; Historia d'Italia. English Guicciardini, Francesco, 1483-1540.; Fenton, Geoffrey, Sir, 1539?-1608. 1579 (1579) STC 12458A; ESTC S120755 1,623,689 1,210

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Protenotorie Caraccioll who hoped that for the tearmes wherin things stoode the Senate would speedily drawe to a conclusion to renew the former confederation with the same conditions and to paye to themprour fourescore thousande duckets in recompence that in tymes paste he had withdrawne his ayde leauing there wholly all demaundes to contribute hereafter with money But the accident of Millan reduced the Senate to no litle perplexitie for on the one side they stoode grieued to be the onely people in Italy that with so great daunger contended agaynst themprour seeing they were threatned by the Marquis of Pisquairo to transport the whole warre vpon their estate whereof they discerned already certayne preparations And on the other side they were not ignorant that in case thaccorde went throw themprour should with greater facilitie make himselfe absolute lorde of that Duchie which being ioyned to so many estates and so many other oportunities they sawe was the onely line to leade him to subdue them together with the residue of Italy A matter which was continually declared to them by the Bishop of Bayeux whom the Lady Regent had sent to solicite an vnion with thItalians agaynst themprour for which purpose in so great a doubt and in so daungerous apparances they made many assemblies but without any resolution for the diuersitie of opinions And albeit to accept thaccorde was a thing more conformable to their custome and maner of proceeding for that it so tooke them out of daungers present as they might hope in the tract of tymes and benefite of occasions which common weales may attend who in comparison of Princes are immortall yet it seemed to them a matter of too great importance to suffer themprour confirmed in thestate of Millan and to see the French remayne excluded from all hope of alliance in Italy Therefore after they had at laste resolued to be bounde to no thing they made this aunswere to the Protenotary Carraccioll That the forme of their actions paste gaue fayth to all the world and he himselfe being present at the conclusion of the confederation could well testifie with what great affection they had alwayes desired thamitie of themprour with whom as they contracted a consederation in a tyme when if they had harkned to the French it had bene as all the world knewe anoperacion of right great consequence so they had perseuered and would for euer continue in the same disposicion towards him Only the necessity of thinges kept them in suspence both for that they saw in Lombardie many chaunges and innouations of great importaunce and also for that they remembred that their confederacion with thEmperour together with so many mouings and stirres hapned that yeare in Italie drewe no other end or meaning then to transferre Frauncis Sforce to the Duchie of Millan as the principall fundacion of the libertie and suretie of Italie In which regard they besought his Maiestie that maintaining in that case him selfe and deducing affore all the world his bountie he would remoue and make cease so great an innouacion and establish the tranquillitie of Italie which as it was in his power to doe being nowe the starre that guided the whole firmament so for their partes he should find them alwayes disposed and prepared both with their authoritie and with their forces to follow so holy an inclinacion and honor him besides with all other sortes of office and humility whether he would extend them generally or applie them to his particular interests This aunswere albeit it conteined no hope of cōclusion yet it bred not for al that any ouerture or beginning of warre for that both the sickenesse of the Marquis of Pisquairo which aggrauated dayly in worse degrees the desire to impatronise him selfe first of the whole estate of Millan and to establish and assure that conquest together with thinclinacion of thEmperour extending to put end and resolucion to so many other affaires which he had in hande would not suffer him to giue beginning to an enterprise of so great consequence About this time the Duke of Burbon was arriued in Spaine and came to thEmperours Court the fifteene day of Nouember concerning whom it is not reasonable I omit here to touch by the way that albeit thEmperour receiued him with all honors and demonstracions of Court embrasing him with the title and grace of his brother in law yet all the Lordes and Nobles of the Court accustomed in all other things to follow thexample of their Prince abhorred him as a person infamous and called him traitor to his king suche was their hatred against him that one of them being required in thEmperours name to suffer his house to be made readie for the Duke of Burbon aunswered in the corage stowtnes of a Spaniard that as he would not deny thEmperour any thing he would demaunde of him so his Maiestie should well vnderstand that assoone as Burbon was gone out of his house he would burne it as a pallace infected with the infamie of Burbon and vnworthie afterwardes for the dwelling of men of honor The graces and honors which the thEmperour shewed to the Duke of Burbon augmented greatly the distrust of the frenchmen who somewhat by that meane but more for the returning of the Ladie Regent without effect began to haue cold hopes in thaccord notwithstanding it was continually negociated by men expresse remeining with thEmperour In respect whereof they labored as much as they could to aduance the league with the Pope wherein did concurre the perswasions and authority of the king of England and the redoubled and vehement instances of the Venetians together with this oportunitie not of the least consequence The death of the Marquis of Pisquairo who about that time which was the beginning of December made his last end happily by the iust sentence of God who would not suffer him to enioy the frute of that seede which he had sowen with so great malignity He was of the house of Abalos originally deriued from Catalignia and his predecessor came into Italie with king Alfonso of Aragon he who the first of that house made conquest of the kingdome of Naples He began to follow armes at the battell of Rauenna where being very younge he was taken prisoner And afterwards aspyring to a reputacion of a Capteine he followed all the warres which the Spanyards had in Italy Insomuch as though he had not past the age of xxxvj yeres yet for experience he was olde for inuencion suttle in councell graue in execucion resolute wise to forsee a daunger and quicke to auoid a mischiefe he bare great authoritie and credit with the infanterie of Spayne ouer whom as he had bene of long Capteine generall so both the victorie of Pauia and all other actions of merit executed by that army since certaine yeares were principally succeeded by his councel and by his vertue he was assuredly a Capteine of great vallour but one that with arte and dissimulacion knewe how to drawe fauor and grace
xxx yeres sacked cōfisked at sundry times many of the Barōs had heaped togither no smal treasor on the behalf of the king they considered that his capacitie was to green to susteine alone so heauy a burdē for the direction of warres estats the councel weake thexperiēce lesse assured of such as he beleued most in To these they added the want of mony wherof they estemed to neede a great quātity They wished that the deceits suttleties of thitaliās might be depely loked into assuring them selues that it could not be pleasing neither to others nor to Lodovvik Sforce him selfe A man confessed by all the Italians to be of litle faith that the kingdom of Naples should passe into the power of a king of Fraunce they iudged it harde to winne and lesse easie to keepe those thinges that should be wonne For that reason sayd they Levvys father to Charles a Prince in all his actions following more the truth then the apparance of thinges would neuer accept the hopes which were offered him of the matters of Italy and much lesse make reckoning of the rightes falne to him in the Realme of Naples No he saw in his iudgement that to send armies beyond the mounteynes was no other thing then to search enemies and daungers with the wast of infinite treasor and blood of the realme of Fraunce They held it necessary afore all thinges if this expedicion should proceede to reunite controuersies with the kinges borderers for that with Ferdinand king of Spayne was no want of occasions of quarrells and suspicions and with Maximilyan king of Romaines and Philip Archduke of Austrich his sonne not onely many hartburnings and ielousies but also displeasures and iniuries whose minds albeit could not be reconciled without condescending to some things hurtfull to the crowne of Fraunce yet neuertheles such reconcilements would be more by demonstracions then effects for say they if any ill accident happen to the kinges armie in Italy what accord can be so well assured which will hold them from inuading the realme of Fraunce seeing this is familiar with Princes to hold for suspected the greatnes and fortunes of their neighbours and are ouer nothing so watchfull as ouer oportunities and occasions And touching the king of England Henry the vij it was not to be dowted that the naturall hate of thenglish toward the french had not more force then the peace made with him two monthes before for that it is manifest that no one thing brought him more to the composicion then that the preparacions of the king of Romaines aūswered not the promises wherwith he had induced him to lay seege to Bollogne Of this nature were the reasōs alleaged by the great Lordes partly debated amongest them selues and partly disputed in the presence of the king The chiefest of those that iustified these arguments afore the king was one Iames Grauille Admiral of Fraunce whose greatnes albeit was somewhat diminished yet his authoritie suffered no alteracion for the auncient name and credit of his wisdom rouing liberally thorow all the realme of Fraunce But the kinges minde with a wonderful gredines was wholly inclined to the cōtrary aduise what with the greennes of his yeares aspiring nowe to xxij and by his vnstayed nature not yet experienced in th affayres of the world he was caried into a wonderfull ambicion to enlarge his imperie following an appetite of glorie founded rather vpon a light will and furie of youth then vpon maturitie of councel seeing that either by his proper nature or rather thexamples and admonishments of his parents he reapposed litle faith in his Lordes and Nobles of his realme And since he came forth of the tutorship and iurisdiction of Anne Duchesse of Burbon his sister he bare no more care to the councells of thadmirall nor to others that had bene great in the gouernment But gaue him selfe ouer to the directions of certeine men of base condicion trained vp almost alwaies in the seruice of his person of these such as had most fauour and place with him perswaded him greatly to embrace the enterprise being partly corrupted for the councells of Princes are often times mercenarie with the promises and presents of Lodovvykes Embassador by whom was not forgotten any diligence or art to draw the fauours of such as might doe most in this action They were partly pushed on by certeine hopes either to be raysed to estates in the kingdom of Naples or to obteyne of the Pope dignities and pensions in the Church The principall of all these was one Stephen de Vers borne in Languedock of base place but bredd vp of long time with the king in whose chamber he vsed to lye and by the kings creacion made Seneshall of Beucaire with this man did communicate one VVilliam Briconnet who of a marchaunt created first generall of Fraunce and after made Bishop of S. Malo had not onely the charge and administracion of the kings reuenue which the french cal superintendant of the finances but also hauing confederacie with Stephen had by his meanes a great entry into all th affayres of importance albeit he had no great insight in the pollicie and gouernment of matters of estate To the helpe of this enterprise were adioyned the perswasions of Autouell of S. Seuerin Prince of Salerne and of Vernaedin of the same familie Prince of Bysignan togither with many other Barons banished the Realme of Naples who being withdrawne many yeares before into Fraunce had continually solicited the king to that enterprise laying before his eyes the great calamitie or rather generall despaire of the whole kingdom and the factions and many followers which they promised them selues to haue in the same In this diuersitie of perswasions the deliberacion remained suspended for certein dayes others being not onely in dowt what to determine but also the kings will vauering and vncerteine for that some times inclining to his ambicion and glory and some times restrained with feares and daungers he would often be irresolute estsones turne to the contrary of that which he had afore determined But in the ende his first inclinacion togither with the cursed destinie of Italy being of more force thē any thing that could be sayd to the contrary the well gouerned and peasible councells of his Nobles were altogither reiected and communicating onely with the bishop of S. Malo and the Seneshall of Beucaire and partaking nothing with the assent priuitie of all others there was a conuencion made with Lodovvyks Embassador whose condicions albeit were holden secrete for many monthes yet this is the capitulacion and summe of them That king Charles either going in person into Italy or sending thether any armie for the conquest of Naples the Duke of Myllan was bound to giue him passage thorow his iurisdictions To send thether with his men fiue hundreth men at armes paied To suffer him to arme at Genes so many vessells as he will And to lend him before he departed
bandes of thenemie being entred and gouerning those partes of the towne wherein laye their chiefest protection In so muche as standing thus abandoned of fortune and hope they were constrayned with the losse of many of their men to retyre with speede into the castell and Cytadell and they but weakly manned were by the necessitie of the present perill yeelded to discression within a fewe howres after they beeing no lesse vnhable to repulse a violence offred then they were negligent to foresee it afore it hapned By this meane the Venetians being eftsones made Lordes of the whole labored to appease the tumult and saue the Citie whereof the greatest parte by the insolencies of the others were ranged to their deuotion nothing receyuing spoyle or harme but certayne houses and stoare places of the Ievves whiche were afore declared enemies to the name of the Venetians This accident hapned the daye of S. Marina a daye solemnly celebrated at Venice by publike decree as a firste daye of their felicitie and beginning of the restoring of their common weale The brute of this victorie dyd muche to moue the whole countrey thereaboutes whiche had found imitation in Vincensa if Constantin de Macedonia had not entred with a very small strength But as there is no worldly thing more mightie then the course of fortune so by the felicitie of this conquest the Venetians became with a present diligence maisters of the whole countrey the commons of townes and popular multitudes ioyning fauor to the felicitie that folowed thē They recouered by this meane the towne and castelles of Leguagno a place of great conueniencie to trouble the countreys of Verona Padoa and Vincensa They made attempt also to take the tower Marquisano within eight miles of Padoa a passage of singular oportunity to dissresse the countrey of Mantua but by the reskewes which the Cardinall of Este sent their enterprise was defeated It was thought that the taking of Padoa did nothing stay the French king from returning beyond the Mountes and as he was vpon his discamping he made in the towne of Biagrasse newe conuentions with the Popes Legat by the which the Pope and the king bound eche other to a mutuall protection with libertie that either of them might contract with any other Prince so farre sorth as it was not preiudiciall to the present confederation The king promised not to holde in his protection nor to accept into the same hereafter any subiect homager or dependant eyther directly or indirectly of the Churche cancelling expresly all articles of protection vntill that daye A promise not muche agreable to the honour of so great a king for that a little before he had taken into his protection the Duke of Ferrara for a consideration of thirtie thousande duckets besides it was agreed that the Pope shoulde dispose by his discression the Bishoprikes that then were voyde in all the landes of the kings obedience but for suche as shoulde fall voyde within a certayne tyme they shoulde be at the nomination of the king for whose better satisfaction the Pope sent the Bulles of Cardinalshippe to the Bishop of Alby promising to indue him with the Hatte assone as he came to Rome Immediatly vppon the conclusion of this contract the king hasted out of Italie carrying with him into Fraunce no small glory for so great a victorie gotten with so swift a course vpon the Venetians And yet he caried home by this victorie neyther the more tranquillitie of mind nor greater assurance for his affayres A matter that often hapneth that in things obteined after they haue bene long desired men finde neither that contentment nor that pleasure which they imagined before yea men might discerne matter prepared to greater daungers and innouations together with a manifest incertentie of his minde by the deliberations he had to make by reason of those accidentes newely hapned for if thinges had good successe with the king of Romains his feare was farre greater of him then of the Venetians And if the greatnes of the Venetians beganne eftsones to be readressed he muste be constrayned to dwell in continuall suspitions and expences to keepe the things he had taken from them besides he must needes contribute to Maximilian bothe in men and money for that in abandoning him he was to feare least he would knitte with the Venetians agaynst him and withall least the king Catholike would not be of the faction and happly the Pope Besides meane aydes and succors would not suffice to interteine him in amitie with Caesar to whome he must minister so liberally as by them he might obteine the victorie agaynst the Venetians and on the other side if he sent him strong and hable succors besides that it coulde not but drawe with it intollerable expences and harmes yet he confirmed his owne daungers touching the greatnes of Caesar The king waighing thestate of these difficulties stoode in the beginning in doubt touching the mutation of Padoa whether he should holde it agreable or troublesome But conferring the suretie which the depriuation of the firme land frō the Venetians might bring to him with the perplexities and daungers which he feared to suffer by the greatnes of Caesar and with hope to obtayne of him by money in regarde of his necessities the citie of Verona which he desired muche as a place of singuler oportunitie to suppresse the mouinges on the side of Germanie he iudged it at last more to his profite and suretie to haue things remayne in that estate then for that there was great apparance of a long warre betweene Caesar and the Venetians both the one and other beeing made wearie by so continuall expenses would become more weake In this nature of opinion he stoode better confirmed when he had contracted with the Pope with whom he hoped to haue a confederation well assured and resolued And yet he left vppon the limittes of Verona Monsr de Palissa with seuen hundred launces to be disposed by Caesar no lesse for the preseruation of things gotten thē to obteine that which the Venetians stil possessed And because by the commaundement of Caesar they being conueyed into Vincensa the citie of Verona was assured which was in great daunger and suspicion for the small numbers of men of warre that were within it and by that meane the Venetian armie which lay encamped before the Citadell was retyred After the kings departure this good aduenture fell also to the Venetians Their horsmen which were within Leguagna made continuall incursions ouer the whole countrey euen to the gates of Verona doing many violences and harmes of warre agaynst whom the garrison of Verona could make no great resistance being but two hundred horsmen seuen hundred footmen by reason wherof the Bishop of Trent whom Caesar had appoynted gouernour ouer it determined to plant his campe there and for the better execution he called to thaction the Marquis of Mantua who expecting the preparations that were in hande laye incamped with those bandes
the number and noblenes of subiectes for the liberall and plentifull reuenues and for the oportunitie and sufficiencie to nourish all the armies of the world caryeth more value price then many kingdomes And yet besides the amplitude and puissance of it you haue to make a greater reckoning of the commodities that may reuert to you by conquering it then of the simple accompt and valuation of it selfe for Millan and Naples being at your deuotion it followeth by congruent necessitie that the Popes as aunciently they are wont muste depende vpon thauthoritie of Emprours That all the region of Tuskane the Duke of Ferrara and the Marquis of Mantua must be your subiectes And the Venetians beeing enuironed with Lombardy and Germany stande in case to accept lawes at your hande And so not with force and armes displayed but with a glorious reputation of your name with the onely sommonce of a Herald and with the enseignes of the Empire you shall commaunde absolutely ouer all Italy Lift but vp your Maiesties minde to the consideration of Italy and you shall finde it with great right esteemed the supreme seate of all other prouinces both for the oportunitie of situation for temperature of ayre and Climate for thexcellencie of wittes inclined to all honorable enterprises for the fertilitie of all things necessary to the lyfe of man for the stately representation of so many noble Cities for the soueraigne seate of religon and for the auncient glory of thempire To which prayses as I may aptely adioyne the commoditie of imperie which it brings extending so farre in your person that if you commaunde ouer it the sounde of your name and authoritie runneth fearefull in the eares of other Princes So it can not but belong to your greatnes and to your glory to rayse your thoughtes to this which is an action more agreable to the bones of your elders seeing they are brought into counsell who for their bounty and pietie we are not to beleeue do desire any other thing then what is most conuenient and agreable to the glory of your name So that according to the counsell of the Lord Chauncellor we shall loase a matter of great price and value for a thing of righte smal conquest and yet wrapt in many vncerteinties wherein we ought to stand warned by that which was like to happen certeine moneths past Doe we not remember the great griefe that sell amongest vs when the French king laye in daunger of death which griefe proceeded of no other humor then a knowledge we had that with his life we should lose the frute we hoped for by the victory And who can now assure vs that the like accident will no more reuert vpon him yea who feareth not the relaps with more facilitie both for that the reliques of his maladie doe yet possesse him and also the hope which till now hath supported him being taken away who doubteth not but his grieued mind will heape vpon him greater fits of sorowe and discontentment the onely cause of his sicknes especially newe condicions and assurances being interposed it can not be that for their hardnes they make not the negociacion long and tedious A matter subiect to the former accident and happly to others both more great and daungerous We are not ignorant that nothing hath so long reteyned the gouernment and councell of Fraunce as an opinion they haue had of the speedy deliuery of their king In which humor of exspectacion the Nobles and Chieftaines of that Realme haue remayned peasible and conformable to the Lady Regent But when they finde the foundacions of this hope to fayle who doubteth not that the Barons of that Realme will not easily enter into mindes of despite and reuenge and with an vniuersall conformetie chaunge the coursse of the gouernment stronge is the operacion of ambicion and no lesse violent the passion and thirst after imperie and souereintie specially where is seene no meane to make resistance against so mighty mocions which I allude to the disposicion of Fraunce where if the greatnes of the kingdome get once the bridle in their hand much lesse that they will be carefull ouer the deliuerie of their king seeing of the contrary their ambicion will cary them to meinteyne an estate of libertie and aspyring to establish supremacie in them selues what will it offend them to suffer the captiuitie of their king And so in place to get Burgongnie and so many other great conquests what other thing doe we reteyne then a desperat hope both by his imprisonment and by his deliuerie But this further question may be asked of the Lord Chauncellor whether thEmprour in this resolucion ought to regard the reckoning and reputacion of his dignitie and his maiestie Then what greater infamie or what more diminucion of his honor can he receiue then to haue his clemencie forced and constrayned to pardon Frauncis Sforce he who lately being halfe dead detected of manifest rebellion and a singuler example of ingratitude not comming to humilitie nor imploring your mercy but running betwene the armes of your enemies to seeke to force you to render to him the estate which so iustly hath bene taken from him and compell you to take lawes of him who by equitie of condēnation ought to beare subiection to your imperial name It were better for your maiestie more agreable to the dignitie of thEmpire and more worthy your greatnes and puissance to laye out your selfe to a newe fortune and to referre eftsoones all thinges to hazard and daunger then in blemishing thauthoritie of the Prince soueraigne ouer all Princes and the name of thEmprour and hauing so oftentymes vanquished so mighty a king To receiue at the hands of Preestes and Marchaunts such condicions as if you had bene ouerthrowen there could not haue beene offered to you either more vniust or more vnworthy honor and dignitie are the gifts of God which by how much they are basely esteemed of those to whome they are transferred by so much more is highly offended the eternall goodnes that gaue them who will eftsoones reuoke them with no small indignation That man can not be accompted worthy of honor that declareth himselfe not hable to vse it since honor is a rewarde or effect of vertue who enhableth to honor and dignitie those persons to whom her selfe is conioyned So that moste gracious Emprour calling eftsones into consideration all these reasons both howe litle profite may resort to you by thaccorde with thItalians and by how many accidentes it maye easily slide out of your handes howe litle assurance or showe of fidelitie is in them and howe vnworthy a thing it is to leaue thestate of Millan And lastely that it is necessary for vs to soart at last to a resolution and that the imprisonment of the king profiteth vs not but in regarde of the frutes that maye be drawen of his deliuery I stande firme and conclude vppon this aduise that wee compounde rather with the king then accorde with
of footmen well disciplined of good train●ur in warre Besides albeit they coulde not make their approaches to Millan without daunger yet to draw neare it was not without hope to carie the victory for that the subburbes of Millan being not fortified but by negligence left open in many parts it semed not credible that thimperials would stand to defend so great a circuit of place Of this were discerned already many manifest tokens for that thimperials vsing smal care to reenforce their subburbes had turned all their industry to the fortificacion of the towne Insomuch that if they once abandoned the subburbs gaue place to the army to lodge there it could not be reasonable that the towne could long hold out Not so much for the wants of vittells money which afflicted their whole army as for that Prospero Colonno with the other Capteines of knowledge and iudgement had bene alwaies of this opinion that with great difficulty could the towne of Millan be kept against an army that was Lord of the subburbes both for that the Citie is verie weake in walls the houses of certeine particulars seruing for want of wall in many places as for that the subburbes haue a great aduantage cōmaundement ouer the City To these reasons lastly was added that they had the castel at deuocion But not only the estate of this direction or deliberaciō but also the absolute resolucion of the whole body of the warre depended chiefly vpon the Duke of Vrbin for that albeit he was but only Capteine ouer the Venetians yet the Ecclesiastikes to auoyde contencions had determined to referre themselues ouer to him as to the Capteine generall of the army Neuertheles notwithstanding these reasons had no power to stirre him to aduance passe further nor the vehement instanc●● ▪ which by order frō their superiors the Popes Lieutenant the Treasorer of Venice vrged with whom did concurre many other Capteines yet in the end he considered that if he made any long abode in that place without a better certeintie of the comming of the Svvizzers it would not be but to his great infamy challenge ▪ therfore after the army had rested two daies at Marignan he remoued it the third of Iune to S. Donato within fiue miles of Millan from whence he determined to passe further though more to satisfie the desire and iudgement of others then of his proper inclinacion or councells and he reserued to him selfe this order and intencion to put alwayes one day betwene the remouing of the cainpe to thend to giue time to the comming of the Svvizzers of whom a thowsand discending by Bergama were ariued at th armie and for the others according to their custome they sent euerie day messengers to enterteine thexspectacion of their comming and to signifie that their absence should not be long In this sort the fift of Iuly ▪ the army passing frō S. Martin which is out of the high way on the right hand marched on to incampe within iij. miles of Millan in a place of good strength and surety where the same day was executed some light action of warre against certeine harquebuziers of the Spanyards who were fortified within a house the day following the campe being at the same place executed some other small exploit of warre immediatly after ariued at the campe fiue hundred Svvizzers led by Caesar Gaulois heare the Capteines fell againe to councell of the maner of passing further albeit the first intention was to march directly to succor the castell of Millan whose trenches that were cut round about without were not so strong but that there was great hope to win them yet by the authoritie of the Duke of Vrbin whose aduise was at last approued of all the others not altogether for the sufficiency soundnes but partly for the priuiledge and prerogatiue of his place which caried him to expresse his opinion in councel either not to attend the answers of others or at least in their answers the Capteines durst not impugne his reasons The armies tooke the way that leadeth directly to the subburbes of Millan and he alleaged that for the making plaine of the waies which of necessity must be done by reason of the naturall impediments of the contry it would be a labor long not without daunger of some disorder to lead the armie out of the high way to the reskew of the castell Both for that they were to show themselues too neare in flanke to thenemies also it was to giue thenemy meane to make a greater resistāce because they would raūge all their forces on that side towards the castell where otherwise they should be constrained to remeine deuided for the better resistāce of thenemies not to abandon the gard of the castell drawing to the gate of Rome it would be alwaies in the power of the Capteines of the league to turne easilie on what side they would according as occasions called thē According to this councell it was resolued that the seuenth day the campe should lodge at Vnfaletto and Pillastrello which are crokings or turnings alōg the high way within shot of cannon there to take that course which occasion and proceeding of thenemies should minister Many were of opinion that thenemies whē they should see the campe so neare them would not specially in the night embrase the hazard to defend the subburbs both for that the ditches were filled vp in many places the rampartes cast downe made plaine in some places so open discouered that very hardly could they preserue their bodies which they brought to defend the place But the night before the day wherein the army was to aduance the Duke of Burbon being ariued a few daies before at Genes with six gallies bringing bills of exchaunge for an hundred thowsand duckats entred into Millan accompanied with viij hundred spanish footmen whom he had brought with him his comming in such a time of perill after so long exspectacion for succour gaue a new corage to the souldiors that so desperatly lay exposed to the daunger of their liues By his cōming being vehemently solicited by the Marquis of Guast Anth. de Leua may be easily cōprehended the affected negligence or rather cold disposicion which the french king had to the warre for where the Pope in the beginning when he interteined into his pay Andrea Dore had consulted with him with what forces preparacions thenterprise of Genes should be executed he tolde him it would be an action very easie so farre forth as it were put to execucion at the time that the warre should be begon in the Duchy of Millan that to his eight gallies should be ioyned the kinges gallies riding in the port of Marceilles or at least that they might be emploied to stop the comming of the gallies of the Duke of Burbon wherein his reason was that remeining in that sort Lord of the sea with his eight gallies the
thowsande footemen aduaunced not In the meane while the affaires of Italie proceeded coldly for the armie that was before Millan wherein was greatly diminished the numbers of such Svvizzers as were not payed lay with an idle campe without doing any other action then enterchaunge of light skirmishes according to custome But an other humor raigned in the Spaniards that lay within Carpy who forbare not to do the worst they could being secretly aduertised by their espialls taking withall the commodity to withdraw themselues vpon the lands of the Duke of Ferrara they gaue many impediments to the Corriers and other persons going to th armie In which libertie running ouer all the contrie therabouts euen vpon the confines of the Bolonnois and Mantuans they committed very many insolencies harmes but not to any others then the subiects of the Church At last the Marquis of Salussa passed the mounts with fiue hundred french launces by reason of whose comming Fabricio Maramo who battered the towne of Valence and lay incamped before it Iohn Biragno lying there in garrison retyred him selfe to Bassignan But the Marquis refused to passe further onlesse a regiment of foure thowsand footemen whom he had led out of Fraunce for that intencion were payed by the confederats by equall porcion which in the end by necessitie was consented vnto the rather for the instance and importunitie of the king who solicited it vehemently for the surety of his men at armes and to raise into greater degrees the reputacion of the Marquis In this time Synybald Fiesque made him selfe Lorde of the towne of Pontriemoli which Sforzino helde but it was eftsoones recouered with the same facilitie by the meane of the castell within Millan was great want of money since both there was none receiued from thEmperour and thinhabitantes within were so impouerished by their intollerable defrayments that skarcely could they furnish the thirtie thowsand duckats promised to the Duke of Burbon who had receiued into his pay Galeaz Biragne and Lodovvike Belioyense who till that day had alwayes followed the frenche parte The reason was for that the confederates could not accept them for the intollerable burdens of charges which they susteyned About this time Iohn Biragno got Nony During these stirres the state of the Marquis of Mantua stoode almost indifferent and common to all sides wherein he excused him selfe for that he was in the pay of the Pope and a freeholder of thEmperour And to hold still his estate of indifferencie when the end of the tearme of his pay drew neare he put him selfe of new into the pay of the Pope and the Florentins for foure yeres more with this expresse condicion that neither in his person nor with his estate he should be boūd to any thing against thEmperour And yet in the beginning of the warre he desired to go in person to the armie which being not agreeable to the Pope as hauing no confidence in his gouernment he was aunswered that in regard he was a freeholder of thEmperour he would not bring him so farre in daunger This was the estate of affaires in Lombardy at that time In Tuskane albeit the Florentins had neither armies nor armes vpon their landes and confines yet were they not without their parte of the burdens of the warre for the contribucions that were imposed vpon them for the Pope who had no money by meanes ordinarie and would not make any leauies or collections extraordinarie layed vpon their shoulders with a great impietie almost the whole waight charge of the exspences of Lombardie The Siennois also were not without their vexacion on the sea side for that Andrea Dore commaunding Talamone and Portherculo made them stand continuallie vpon their gard notwithstanding not long after Talamone was restored to the Siennois by the infidelitie of a Capteine that was appointed to keepe it Their aduersitie also was increased by the vexacion of thexiles of Sienna who hauing supportacion by the Pope molested them in the partes of Maremma Where Iohn Pavvle the sonne of Ranso de Cero who was enterteined by the Pope made him selfe Lord of Orbatella by a surprise that was made by certeine horsemen of the gate of the towne which he followed forthwith with his companies But at Rome the alteracion was great and drew after it effectes of right great consequence such as tooke not their beginning of armes open warre but were bred in the bosome of conspiracies and ambush They brought no lesse infamie slaunder to the Pope then confusion and disorder to the affaires of Lombardie where by reason of the conquest of Cremona was hoped a good issue of thenterprise of Genes and also to be hable to dispose the campe in two partes before Millan according to the plots set downe at the first for like as since the chase giuen to thEcclesiastikes before Sienna the Pope hauing no hope to do any great action vpon the familie of the Colonnoy continued his inclinacion altogether to inuade the realme of Naples with greater forces So on the other side the Colonnois and thEmperours Agentes finding by the disposicion of their owne affaires that they were hable to doe no notable matter against him and desiring to keepe him still amused to take time from him vntill the Viceroy were come out of Spaine with the nauie They sent to Rome Vespasian Colonne in whose fidelity the Pope reapposed much by whose meanes they fell to capitulat together the two and twentie of August That the Colonnois should render Auaguo with other places which they had taken That they should withdraw their power to the kingdom of Naples and enterteine no more bands of souldiors in the townes which they possessed in the dominion of the Church That they might freely serue thEmprour against al men for the defense of the kingdom of Naples and on the Popes side it was agreed that he should pardon all offences past and reuoke and abolish the bull published against the Cardinall Colonno That he should not inuade their estates nor suffer them to be endomaged by the Vrsins By reason of this reconciliacion the Pope who verie vndiscretly reapposed too much in the fidelitie of Vespasian dismissed almost all his horsemen and footemen which he had waged and those bands that remeined he dispersed them in seueral townes about Rome and from thenceforth seemed to grow cold in all things that concerned the plot of inuading the kingdom of Naples for as by the complaints and protestacions which ordinarily came from Millan and Genes to thEmperours officers resident in the realme of Naples it was discerned that those Cities woulde holde out no lenger onlesse the confederates were turned from the pursute of their enterprise with a mightie diuersion So thEmperours Capteines and officers there hauing no meane to make openly a strong warre such as was hable to administer a speedie remedie tooke an other course and disposed immediatlie all their thoughts and spirites to oppresse the Pope with ambushes
of his three sonnes who as well for his age being yet younge as also for his other qualities was not fitte for the gouernment of so heauie a charge and lesse capable to manage the affayres with that moderacion which his father was wont to vse in busines both forreyn and domesticall and knowing discreetely how to temporise betwene Princes confederate he had whilest he liued augmented greatly the condicions and facultyes both publike and priuate and at his death left vnto euery one a firme opinion that the peace of Italy was principally preserued by his meanes Peter was no sooner succeeded to thadministracion of the common weale then with a course directly contrary to the councells of his father not communicating with those auncient citisens which were wont to be called to the deliberacion of busines of importance he ioyned him selfe so straitly with Ferdinand and Alphonso perhaps by the perswacion of Virginio Vrsin his parent depending wholy vppon them that Lodovvyk Sforce had iust occasion to feare that as often as the Aragons would annoy him they should be ayded by thauthoritie of Peter de medicis with the forces of the common weale of Florence This intelligence seminary and originall of all the troubles albeit at the beginning was debated with no lesse iudgement and wisedome then the resolucion secrete and priuate yet by certeine obscure coniectures it beganne euen in the beginning to be suspected by Lodovvyk a Prince very watchfull and of right suttle vnderstanding for as it hath bene an auncient custome in Christendome to sende Embassadors to congratulate with the newe Pope as Christes vicar on earth and to offer him obedience So Lodovvyk Sforce who appropriated to him self this peculiar custome to study to shew him selfe more wise then the rest and of inuentions straunge and vnaduised to others had giuen counsell that thembassadors of the confederats should all enter Rome in one day and presenting them selues altogither in the publike consistorie afore the Pope the oration should be expressed by one of them onely in the name of them all for that by that forme and order of doing besides thencrease of their common reputation it should appeare to all Italy that there was amongest them not onely a good will and confederation but rather so great a coniunction that they seemed as one body one Prince and one inuested corporation To this he adioyned that as touching the vtilitie of this councell it was not onely expressed with the discourse of reason but iustified with a late and familiar example for that as was beleued the last Pope taking argument of the disunion of the confederates in that at seuerall seasons and with councells separate they had done him obedience he was the more ready to inuade the kingdom of Naples Ferdinand approued easily the aduise of Lodovvyk the Florentines allowed it for thauthoritie of the one and other and Peter de medicis was not against it in open councell albeit in particular the deuise was nothing agreeable to him for that being one of the elect Embassadors for that common weale hauing an intention to make his legacion glorious with proud and gorgeous demonstrations he feared that if he should make his entry into the citie and the Popes presence amongest the other Embassadors of the confederats the magnificencie of his trayne would not be seene no more then a litle candle amidd a choyse sort of greater lights This vanitie of the yong man was confirmed by the ambicious councell of Gentyll Byshop of Arze the other coembassador for Florence to him belonged the authoritie of the oration in the name of the Florentines by reason of his dignitie and profession in the studies of humanitie And seeing by this maner no lesse vnlooked for then alwayes vnaccustomed he saw him selfe depriued of thoccasion to publish his eloquence in an assemblie so honorable and solemne he complayned as if he had suffered wrong in his perpetuall reputation For this reason Peter de medicis pushed on partly by his proper vanitie and lightnes and partely by the pompe and ambicion of the other required the king of Naples albeit with this caution to keepe from Lodovvyk that he did impugne his councell to consider that that forme of legacion could not be executed in common without great confusion and therefore that he would take vpon him to perswade that thexpedicion might be separat and passe according to the examples passed The king of Naples desiring to gratifie him in his demaund but yet not without the displeasure of Lodovvyk satisfied him in theffect but not in the maner plainly declaring to Lodovvyk that he did not discondescend from the first plott and resolucion for thembassadors for other occasion then at the instance and solicitation of Peter de medicis Lodovvyk for this suddein mutacion declared more perplexitie and trouble of mind then the nature and importance of the thing could deserue and amydd his complaintes he impropriated to him selfe this degree of iniurie that to diminish his reputation they reuoked the first deuise wherof he was author and already had communicated it with the Pope and the whole court of Rome But the point wherein he felt his most trouble and trauell of mind was for that in this litle vayne accident he saw tokens argument and coniectures that Peter de medicis had secret intelligence with Ferdinand which by the euentes that followed he discouered dayly more apparantly Languilare Ceruetre and other small castells neare to Rome were in the possession of Francisquin Cibo a Genoway bastard sonne to Pope Innocent and he after the death of his father being gone to dwell at Florence perhaps vnder the fauour and societie of Peter de medicis brother to M. his wife solde immediatly after his comming thether to Virginio Vrsin by the negociation of Peter those castells for the price of forty thousand duckats A thing debated chiefly with Ferdinand who lent him most part of the money perswading him selfe that it could not but turne to his profite if the greatnes of Virginio who was his parent and in his pay should enlarge and stretch farre about the confins of Rome The king considered that the power of the Popes was an apt instrument to trouble the realme of Naples an auncient freeholder and chiefe of the church of Rome both for that it had large borders vpon thecclesiasticall territories and he had not yet forgotten what differences he and his father had with them and also he wisely foresaw that there is alwayes some occasion of newe contencions about the iurisdiction of Confins both for tributes and collacion of benefices and for regard of entercourse of barons with many other quarrels hapning many tymes amongest estates borderers and no lesse often betwene the vassall and the Lord Peramount for which reasons he held alwayes for one of the firme foundacions of his securitie that all or the greater part of the mightiest barons of the territory of Rome should depend vpon him A thing which
enemy to their name greatnes for that amongest estates kingdoms the remēbrance of iniuries past kepes mens mindes from reconcilement And there is no reason to beleue that the Florentyns wil depart from the natural deuocion which they haue borne to the crowne of Fraunce seing it is but iust to owe faith seruice affection to those who gaue them their first creacion dignitie and greatnes But be it that following the common ingratitude of mortall men they would obiect them selues against you what are they against so great a power compounded vpon so warlike a nation which many tymes against the wils of all Italy hath passed the Alpes with a wonderful glory happines haue brought home many victories triūphes And in what time hath the realme of Fraunce bene euer more happy more glorious or more mighty then at this hower neither had this crowne at any tyme heretofore so cōueniēt ready meanes to establish a firme peace with all his neighbours All which oportunities if they had so generally mette togither in the daies of your father he would perhaps haue bene more ready to this selfe same expedicion And touching them of Aragon your enemies the difficulties be no lesse augmented against them then to you the oportunities be fauoring because in the same realme both the faction of Aniovv is yet mighty no lesse thintelligences of many Princes gentlemen chassed out vniustly within these few yeares besides the iniuries done at all times by Ferdinand to the Barons people yea euen to them of the party of Aragon haue bene of so bitter tast and toleracion togither with his disloyaltie so great his couetousnes so insatiable and thexamples of crueltie in him and his eldest sonne Alphonso so notorious and horrible that it is certeine that all the realme pushed forward with a iust hate against them will rise into willing commocion at the brute of your cōming so great authoritie hath as yet the remembrance of the liberalitie sinceritie humanitie and iustice which the french kinges haue vsed the onely deliberacion to make the enterprise is sufficient to make you victorious for your men at armes shall no sooner passe ouer the mounteynes nor the armie at sea no sooner be prepared in the hauen of Genes then Ferdinand and his sonne stricken with the conscience of their wickednes will take more councell to flie then to fight so shall you with great happines recouer for the posteritie of your blood a kingdom which albeit can hold no comparison with the large realme of Fraunce yet besides his riches amplitude fertility it wel merits accompt reckoning for the helpes infinite cōmodities which by it may be increased to this your imperial crowne matters which I would particulat were it not that the noble mindes of the french reach to greater end that the high excellent thoughts of so valiant and glorious a king regard not so much profits priuat or particular as they behold the vniuersal greatnes of the whole cōmon weale of christendom wherin touching this what oportunitie more greater what more ample occasions what seate of contrey more proper or cōuenient to manage warre against the enemies of our religion The sea that deuides the kingdom of Naples Grece conteines not in some part aboue lxx miles in largenes A prouince so oppressed torne in peeces with the tyrannies of the Turks that they desire nothing with more general gladnes then to see the bāners of Christians and men of warre marching for their deliuerie There is nothing more easie then to runne euen into thintralls of that nation and to batter Constantinople the soueraigne residencie of that Empire This enterprise for the maiestie nature of it doth most worthely become your person greatnes with whose high and aspiring thoughts it seemes to haue a certeine liuely affinitie And for the reason and necessitie of it it can not so iustly apperteine to any as to you bearing the surname of Most Christian a title wherin your predecessors haue flourished with no smal examples of triumph and glory they yssuing in armed maner out of this realme some times to deliuer the Church of God from thoppression of tyrannes some times to inuade the infidels recouer the holy sepulcher haue raised euen to the third heauen their names maiestie of the french kinges with these councells with these meanes with these actions with these ends became great emperour of Rome that mighty triumphant Charles of whom as you beare the name so nowe the time offereth you occasion to communicate with his glory titles But it is a time vainly spent to stand long vpon the recapitulacion of these reasons as though it were not more conuenient more agreing with the order of nature to consider how to keepe then how to get for considering the oportunitie of so many and great occasions calling you it could not but intangle your greatnes with apparant infamie dishonor to suffer any longer Ferdinand to vsurp vpon you such a kingdom which for almost ij hundreth yeares hath had continuall possession in the kings of your blood And seeing by cleare iustice all iudiciall course of lawes it apperteynes vnto you who dowtes how iustly it agreeth with your dignitie to recouer it but specially how much it concernes your piety to deliuer from the cruel tyrannie of those Catelyns those people which beare deuocion to your name doe craue by right to beare you the dutie office of subiects Thus most high glorious king is the enterprise proued iust easie necessary withall no lesse glorious holy as well for itself in particular as for that it openeth the way to other enterprises worthy of a right christian king of Fraunce whereunto not only the reasons of mē but euē the self voice of God doth call you with great manifest occasiōs assuring you afore the beginning of a most great happines fortune since no greater worldly happines can happen to no Prince thē to see his deliberacions councels bringing glory greatnes to be accōpanied with such circūstances consequēces that they concerne not only the benefit vniuersal sauetie but much more do consider thexaltation of the whole cōmunitie of christēdom This proposicion had no willing passage into the eares or hartes of the great Lordes of Fraunce but specially of such who for their nobilitie and opinion of wisedom held greatest authority They iudged that such a warre wherof he hath opened the way and entrey could not but conteyne many difficulties daungers both for the conduct of armies into a countrey straunge farre remoued from the realme of Fraunce also against enemies bearing reputaciō of valour pollicie discipline for for wisedō forecast staied discresiō Ferdinād bare a high recōmēdacion for valour conduct direction in warre his sonne Alphonso was no lesse renowmed Besides they made this coniecture that Ferdinand hauing raigned
in the spirites of frayle men an absolute fayth credit and religion for king Charles holding his first purpose was now come to Viena in D'auphine and would not suffer him selfe to be stayed from his personall expedicion into Italy neither by the iust and generall peticions of his whole realme nor with the consideracion of his vniuersall wants of money which were such as he had no meane to furnish the necessities present but by pawning for a great summe of money certeine iewells lent him by the Duke of Sauoye the Marquiss of Mountferat and other great Lordes of the Court of the summes he had gathered before of the reuenues of Fraunce and such as were lent to him by Lodovvyk he had employed a great quantitie vppon the armies at sea wherein at the beginning was reapposed a great hope of the victorie and of the residue he had made many indiscreete liberalities to diuerse persons before he went from Lyons And his Princes and noble men hauing at that tyme not so ready wayes to exact money vpon their peoples as their immoderat couetousnes hath brought them since without regard to God or men it was not easie for him to leuye new tributes so slender were the prouisions and groundes of so great a warre furie and rashnes guiding the king more then wisedom and councell But as it often hapneth in thexecucion of things new great and difficult that albeit all thinges are ordeyned and foreseene yet the reasons that may be considered in the contrary come then to appeare in thunderstanding of men when thenterprise is toward his action and beginning So the king being vppon the poynt to depart yea his soldiers marching towardes the mountes there arose a great murmure thoroughout the court some brought into consideracion the difficulties ordinarie in so great an enterprise and some disputed of the generall daungers and infidelitie of th Italians but specially there was an vniuersall ielowsie of Lodovvyk Sforce both for thaduertisement lately come from Florence and also certeyne money expected from him remeyned yet behind So that not onely such as had alwayes reproued this enterprise rose vp eftsoones to resist it with more audacitie as hapneth in those cases when councell is confirmed by the euent of thinges but euen those that had bene the principall workers as chiefly the Bishop of S. Mallo beganne so to shake that the brute comming to the eares of the king and the whole Court inclyning to murmure and confusion of opinions caused such an inclynacion in the king to passe no further that suddeinly commaundement was giuen to make staye of all the bandes and companies of souldiers by meane whereof many that were already on their way returned with willing speede to the Court following a reaport published that it was a resolucion sette downe that the camppe shoulde not passe into Italy it was then beleeued that all had turned into alteracion and chaunge if the Cardinall of S. P. ad vincla the fatall instrument both at that tyme before and after of all the miseries of Italy had not with his authoritie and vehemencie giuen a newe life to thexpedicion recomforted the heartes of the noble men and brought agayne the spirite of the king to his first determinacion he layed before him not onely the reasons that had first styrred him vppe to so glorious an enterpryse but also with a sharppe and quicke eloquence willed him to looke into thinfamie which myght ronne throughout all the worlde for so lyght a mutacion of so noble a councell he asked his maiestie for what occasion in restoring the places in the countie of Artoys he had weakened on that side the frontyers of his realme why had he with so great displeasing of his nobilitie and populars made open to the king of Spayne one of the portes of Fraunce in giuing him the countie of Rus●illon other kinges his predecessors had not wont to consent to those thinges but either to be deliuered from great and imminent perills or at least in counter chaunge of profitts more importing he made not those restitutions by any necessitie his perills were but reasonable And for frute or recompense there was no other expectation then that with a great price he had bought a present losse which would perpetually nourish greefe dishonour and infamie what newe accidents haue appeared sayth he or what straunge daungers and difficulties are disclosed since thenterprise hath bene published throughout all the world No rather the hope of the victorie is encreased the foundacions being shaken wherupon the enemie had built all the hopes of his defense for that if both the armie at sea of thAragons shamefully retyred to the port of Liuorne after they had giuen a vaine assault to Portouenere was able to attempt no further action against Genes so well defended with souldiours and a nauie more mightie then theirs And also in their armie by lande stayed in Romania by the resistance of small numbers of the french was left no courage to passe further what would be their seares when they heard by all the countreyes in Italy that the king was to passe the mountes with an armie royall townes would fall into tumultes men would draw into mutinie hauing their mindes amased how could they be stayed or conteined The Pope would not be a litle amazed when he should see from his proper pallaice the armes of the Collonoys at the gates of Rome No lesse would be thastonishment of P. de medicis who hath for his enemies his owne blud knoweth what affection the towne of Florence beareth to the name of the french is not ignorant how desirous it is to recouer the libertie which he holdes opprest That there was no impediment no difficultie no daunger to stay the furious descending of the king vpon the confins of Naples which he should no sooner approch then he should find all things disposed to flight or to rebellion he told him the feare was vayne to dowt want of money for that his artillerie should be no sooner hard thunder then thItalians with a swift liberalitie would supply him from all partes And if he should finde any resistance or defense the spoiles the booties the riches of the vanquished would suffice to nourish his armie for that Italy for many yeares hauing bene more accustomed to apparances of warre then trayned in the true experience of warres there was no strength foundacion nor power to susteyne the furie of the french In a matter debated with so long councell and prepared so neare to his action ▪ in an enterprise so possible ▪ and bringing so many profits in an expedicion so hawtie and glorious and giuen ouer so vile and infamous he aduised him to be firme and resolute for feares suspicions and ielowsies he willed him to thinke them as dreames rising vpon some superfluous humor or as shadowes to whome can be assigned no bodies he tolde him it became iustely his name and greatnes to march on with the same
goods friendes and kinred then to returne eftsoones vnder so vniust so tyrannous and so vile a gouernment beseching lastly the king with teares which he besought him to imagine to be the plentifull teares of the whole people of Pysa miserably prostrate at his feete to remember that with the same pietie with the same iustice and with the same religion and conscience he had restored them to that libertie of the which they had bene so vniustly despoyled he would eftsoones as a Prince resolut and constant defend and keepe them in the same benefit seeing the election was more honorable more godly more worthie his name greatnes to beare the name of the father and deliuerer of this citie so auncient and innocent then in redeliuering it vp into a seruitude so wretched to become the infamous minister of the robberies oppressions and tyrannies of the prowd Florentyns To these accusements aunswered with no lesse vehemencie Frauncis Soderyn Bishop of Volterre afterwards made Cardinall and at that time one of the Embassadors for Florence He showed that the title of his common weale was iuste for that they had bought Pysa in the yeare 1404. of Gabriel Maria Viscounte the lawfull Lord by whom they were no sooner put in possession of their purchasse then the Pysans redeliuered them selues by force By which occasion they were driuen to seeke to reconquer it by a long warre whose ende was no lesse prosperous then the occasion was iust and no lesse praise worthy the humanitie of the Florentyns then the victorie glorious for that hauing in their discressions to perish all the people of Pysa languishing already with hunger when they entred with their armie into the citie they brought with them a greater quantitie of vittells then of weapons And so in place to take away their liues by iust law of conquest and victorie they breathed new liues with their refreshing and vittells into bodies miserable and not worthy of life That the citie of Pysa at no time had obteyned any greatnes in the firme lande and much lesse had bene able in power to winne forreine and straunge peeces seeing they could neuer make them selues Lordes ouer Lucques A citie communicating with them in neare neighbourhed and borders but they stoode alwayes restrayned and inclosed in a strait territorie not seeking to make their fortune greater then was their vertue And for their power at sea neither hath it bene so mighty as there is left any monument of it nor of such continuance as it hath any prescription of time for that by the iust iudgement of God whom they had prouoked by many actes of prophane impietie and for a skourge of the longe ciuill discordes amongest them selues it was long time before the purchasse of the Florentyns falne from all estate and greatnes drayned of all wealth and habitants and at last reduced to such a naked weakenes that one Iacques d'Appian a simple notarie of the contrey was of power to make him selfe Lord ouer them leauing the citie and territorie as a succession to his children That the land and contrey of Pysa was of litle importance to the Florentyns except for thopportunitie of the scituacion and conueniencie of the sea seeing the reuenues that were drawne from thence were of litle consideracion the exactions being so easie and light that they exceeded very litle the necessary expenses yet the most parte were leuyed vpon marchant straungers and by the meane of the port of Lyuorne That touching trade of marchandise artes and offices the Pysans were not bownde with other lawes then did regulat all other cities subiect to the Florentyns who acknowledging to liue vnder a moderate and easie pollicie had no desire to chaunge Lordes not hauing in deede that obstinacie and pride of minde which is naturall in the Pysans nor yet infected with a disloyaltie so notorius as it is made generall and famous by the auncient prouerbe of all Tuskane And albeit since the Florentyns had gouernment in Pysa sundry of the Citisens tooke a willing banishment yet it cōcludes nothing against the Florentyns but detectes iustly their owne prowde stomackes and impacience bearing no mindes to accommodat them selues to their owne forces nor fortune And much lesse that vnder the gouernment of the Florentyns Pysa is diminished either in treasor or inhabitants seeing of the contrary they haue at a great charge recouered the hauen of Lyuorne without the which their citie would be no lesse vnprofitable then inconuenient They haue also introduced the publike studie of all sciences together with many other benefits lastly diligently continued the reparacions of the bankes the better to replenishe them with inhabitants The truth of which thinges did shine with too cleare a light then that the clowdes of false complaintes were able to ouershadow and darken it he sayd it was suffered to euery one to desire to aspire to a better fortune but withall it was an office iust in all inferior degrees to beare without grudging the ordenance sentence of their lott otherwise there woulde be confusion of all empires and gouernments if it were suffered to euery one that is subiect to aspire to libertie Lastly he told the king that to the Florentyns it was neither necessary nor any way apperteyning to their office to perswade Charles a Christian king of Fraunce what he had to doe for that being a Prince wise and iuste they dowted not that he would suffer him selfe to be caried by so vaine complaintes and slaunders that of him selfe he would remember him selfe of his promise made afore his armie was receiued into Pysa togither with his word and oth of a king published solemnly at Florence for that by how much a king is mighty and great by so much is it more meritorious glorious to him to vse his power greatnes for the preseruacion of his faith iustice The king hearing the differences thus disclosed by both thembassadors bare an inclinacion partiall to the Pysans and wished that during the warre of Naples there might be a surceassing of armes betwene the two parties or at least that the Florentyns would consent that he might hold the whole contrey assuring them that assone as the conquest of Naples were accomplished he would make perfect all his promises giuen at Florence This the Florentyns refused holding euen now for suspected all the kinges wordes and yet they forbare not with great constancie to presse him to keepe his promise wherein to make showe that he would satisfie them his intencion in deede being to haue of them before the time the lxx thowsande duckatts which they had promised him he dispatched at the same instant he departed from Rome the Cardinall of S. Mallo as Embassador to Florence making as though he sent him thether to satisfie their demaundes But in secret he charged him that nourishing them with hopes till they had made payment of the money he should leaue thinges in the same estate of which
drawing with them a suspicion of a perpetuall seruitude that loue that desire that affection where with they honored them before had now taken contrary qualitie and not onely turned into hatred conspiracie accursings against them but also in place of the malice they bare to the Aragons there was new insynuacion of compassion to Ferdinand no lesse for the generall expectacion of his vertue then for the memorie of the gracious speech which with so great sweetenes and constancie he deliuered to the Neapolytans the day of his departure The same so working that that citie and almost all the kingdom expected with no lesse desire an occasion to reappeale the Aragons then a few monethes before they had desired their destruction Nowe began to be agreeable to them the name so hatefull of Alphonso calling iust seueritie that which they had wont to note in him for crueltie interpreting to true sinceritie of mind that which wrongfully they had wont to cōster pride and fiercenes such is the nature of communalties and peoples inclined to hope more then they ought and endure lesse then is necessary alwayes thirsting after innouacions and neuer contented with the tyme present This infection chiefly goeth thorow thin habitants of Naples who of all the regions in Italy are most noted of inconstancie and desire of new thinges Before this new league was made the french king had determined to returne into Fraunce with speede moued more with a lightfancie and a vehement desire of his court then with consideracions discreete or well tempered seeing that in the kingdom of Naples remeyned vndecided many and great affayres of Princes and estates and the partes of the realme being not fully conquered his victory had not yet her iust perfection But after he knew that so many Princes were drawne into league against him he was much moued in his minde and fell to deuise with his Lordes what he were best to doe in so great an accident specially euery one assuring him that it was long since those Princes had consented in conspiracie against him Those of his councell were of aduise that he should dispatche his departure dowting that by how long he taried by so much should he giue oportunitie to the difficulties to increase seeing the Confederats woulde winne time to make greater prouisions the brute ronning already that a great leuie of Almaines should passe into Italy and that men beganne to speake much of the person of thEmprour They perswaded that the king would prouide that there might passe with diligence out of Fraunce new bandes of souldiers to the towne of Ast both to garde that citie and to keepe the Duke of Myllan in necessitie to defende his owne contrey and withall to be in readines to passe further according to the occasions and necessities of his maiesties seruices it was also determined in the same councell to labor with all diligence and corrupcion of offers to separate the Pope from the other confederats to dispose him to transferre to the kinges person the inuestiture of the realme of Naples which notwithstanding he promised absolutely at Rome yet he had denied it til that day and with declaracion that that graunt or concession should not beare preiudice to the title rightes of an other In a deliberacion so graue and amongest so many thoughtes of such importance was not lost the memorie of th affayres of Pysa for the king desiring for many regardes that in him might remeyne power to dispose of that estate and dowting least by the ayde of the confederats the people of Pysa woulde not bereaue him of the citadell he sent thether by sea together with thEmbassadors of the towne which were with him six himdreth french footemen who being arriued there conceiued the same affection which others that had bene left there had for being gouerned with desire to spoyle and pray after they had receiued money of the Pysans they went with their companies to encampe afore the towne of Libra frate where the Pysans whose Capteine was Luke Maluozze had ben in campe certeyne dayes afore vpon an aduertisement that the Florentyns had sent part of their bandes to Montpulcian and hearing of the approch of their enemies were raysed and gone the day before But returning thether eftsoones with the supply of the french men they tooke it in fewe dayes for that the Florentyne armie sent to succor it could not passe the riuer of Serele for the violence of waters neyther durst they take the other way by the walls of Lucques for the ill disposicion of that people who were much moued and fauored greatly the libertie of the Pysans These bandes with those of the french that remeyned of the conquest of Libra fratte ronne ouer the whole contrey of Pysa as enemies manifest to the Florentyns who when they complained the king gaue no other aunswere then assoone as he should come into Tuskane he would redeliuer all those places he had promised desiring them to beare with patience that litle respit But the meanes of departure were not so easie to the king as was ready his desire for that his armie was not so great as being deuided into two partes it was able to bring him into Ast without daunger and to suffice both to auoyd thimpediments of the confederats and defend the kingdom of Naples against so many exactions as are in preparing In which difficulties he was constrayned to th ende the realme should not be naked of defence to diminishe the prouicions reserued for his owne safetie and yet to keepe his person from manifest perill his necessities enforced him not to leaue in the kingdom so strong an armie as was needeful so he determined to leaue there halfe of his Svvyzzers and a parte of the frenche footemen eyght hundreth launcemen of Fraunce and about fiue hundreth men at armes of thItalians which were in his pay deuided vnder the enseignes of the Prefect of Rome the Collonnoys Anthony Sauelle Capteines who had tasted plentifully of his liberalities in the distribucion of the townes and estates of the kingdom but specially the Collonnoys for that to Fabricius he had giuen the contrey of Alba and Taille cusse possessed before by Virginio Vrsin and Prospero he had indued with the Duchie of Tracette and the citie of Fondi with many castels which belonged to the familie of Caetane and Montfortin together with many other peeces adioyning taken from the house of the Comtes To these forces he made reckoning that in all necessities he shoulde vnite the forces of those Barons who for their owne sewertie were constrayned to desire his greatnes but specially he reapposed much in the powers of the Prince of Salerne whom he had restored to thoffice of Admirall and of the Prince of Bisignian he created as Lieftenant generall ouer all the realme Gilbert de Burbon Duke of Montpensier a Capteine more esteemed for his greatnes of his house and that he did participat in the bludd royall
haue risen no small insurrections for that the losse of Nouare and the present face and consideracion of troubles towardes kindled in the Myllanoys a wonderfull inclinacion to reuolt and chaunge wherein Lodovvyk no lesse tymerous in aduersitie then insolent in prosperitie was seene with teares vnprofitable to acknowledge his cowardise for the most part is ioyned in one self subiect insolencie and tymerousnes they also that were with Galeas in whome onely consisted his defence remeyning behinde showed them selues in no place to his reskew but because the condicions and disorders of the ennemie are not alwayes knowne to the other Capteynes it hapneth often in warres that many goodly occasions are lost there being also no apparance that so suddeine a mutacion could succeede against so great a Prince seeing withall it is a principall pollicie in Princes in seasons daungerous and conspiring to make their strength at home free from feare ielowsie or suspicion The Duke of Orleans to assure the conquest of Nouare determined to haue the castell which the fift day accorded to yelde if within xxiiij howers they were not succored during which tyme Galeas de S. Seuerin had leasure to conuey his companies to Vigeneue and the Duke who the better to reconcile the minds of the people had by proclamacion called in many exactions imposed afore vpon the communaltie good respit to encrease and refurnish his armie All which notwithstanding the Duke of Orleans hauing ranged his bandes where the walls of Vigeneue offered battell to his enemies on whom fell so generall astonishment that they were vppon the poynt to abandon the towne and passe the riuer of Thesin by a bridge they had made vppon boates and other matter necessary to their succors in the passage Thennemie refusing to fight the Duke of Orleans retyred to Trecas from this time the affayres of Lodovvyk began to sayle with a better gale many supplyes of horsemen and footemen arriuing in his armie for the Venetians being content that the charge to meete the french king should be in effect to them alone consented that Lodovvyk should call backe parte of those bandes he had sent vppon the costes of Parmesan and with all they refurnished him with foure hundreth stradiots Insomuch as the meane to passe further was taken from the Duke of Orleans who making a roade with fiue hundreth horsemen euen to Vigeneue and the horsemen of thennemie encountring with them a great losse light vpon the D. of Orleans This encounter gaue courage to Galeas S. Seuerin both superior in forces and nothing inferior in fortune to present battell to the Duke at Trecas At length all the armie being assembled wherin besides thItalian souldiers was arriued a thowsand horsemen a thowsand footemen of Alemains incamped within a myle of Nouaro whether the D. of Orleans was retyred with all his regiments The newes of the reuolt of Nauaro procured the king being then at Syena to make way And therefore he auoyded all occasions that might make his departure slow or hinder his resolucion wherein being well aduertised that the Florentyns warned by the perills past and newly falne into suspicion for that Peter demedicis followed him albeit they had determined to receiue him into Florence with honors due to his greatnes yet for their more sewertie they filled their towne with men of armes and pyked bandes he drew to Pysa by the landes of the Florentyns leauing the citie on the right hand In the towne of Poggibonse met him Ieronimo Sauonarola who according to his custome vsing the name and authoritie of God to his purpose showed him vnder vehement inuectiues and gesture that he ought to restore to the Florentyns their townes ioyning to his perswasions threatnings absolute and terrible that if he obserued not that he had sworne with so great solemnitie and that vppon the holy Gospells yea almost afore the eyes and presence of God a punishment would follow equall to his infidelitie and periurie The king made him sundry aunsweres according to his inconstancie hauing as litle conscience to keepe his faith as he had regard to giue it sometymes he promised the frear to make restitucion assoone as he was come to Pysa and immediatly wresting his promise and othe he sayd he had sworne to the Pysans to protect their libertie afore he made any oth at Florence and yet he gaue hopes alwayes to their Embassadors for the restitucion of their peeces assoone as he was come to Pysa where being arriued the matter was eftsoones proponed in the kinges councell for that the preparacions vnitie and strength of the confederats about the borders of Parma increasing dayly they began to looke into the difficulties to passe thorow Lumbardye for which cause many desired the moneyes and other succors offered by the Florentyns But to these councells were contrary euen those Capteynes and gentlemen who had resisted them at Sienna They alleaged that albeit there hapned by the opposicion of the ennemie any disorder or difficultie to passe thorow Lumbardye yet it were better to haue in their power the citie of Pysa whether they might retyre then to leaue it in the handes of the Florentynes who hauing once reobteined the places they demaunded would be of no better faith then had bene the other Italyans They added that in comparison of commodities it was very conuenient for the sewertie of the kingdom of Naples to holde the port of Lyuorne for that the plot layd to alter the state of Genes succeeding well to the king wherof the hope could not be dowtefull he should be souereigne Lord almost of all the seas euen to the hauen of Naples sewer these reasons were able to doe much in the minde of the king as yet litle capable to chuse the best councell but of farre greater power were the peticions and teares of the Pysans who in great concurse of men women and children sometymes prostrate at the kinges feete and eftsoones recommending to euery one yea euen the least of his court and the souldiers with lamentable cryinges and complaintes bewayled their miseries and calamities to come the insatiable hatred of the Florentyns and the last desolacion of their contrey which should not haue cause to lament for any other thing then for that his maiestie had put them in libertie and promised to protect them in it In assurance whereof they beleuing the word of a right Christian king of Fraunce to be a word firme and resolute they had taken boldnes so much the more to prouoke the hatred of the Florentyns with these complaintes and exclamacions accompanied with the present aspect and view of their miseries they discended with such compassion into the hartes euen of the most simple men at armes the archers of the armie and many of the Svvyzzers that they went in great numbers and tumult to the king whom Salzart one of the Pensioners speaking in the name of them all they besought with instance vehement and humble that for the honor of his
comming to the fight fortune would be so equall that the french king should neither be victor nor vanquished The morning following the king departed with his armie before day without sownd of trompets to couer his discamping as much as he could And for that day he was not followed by th armie of the confederats who though they had had will to haue pursued him yet they should haue found impediments in the waters of the riuer which were so much increased by raynes that fell in the night that there was no possibilitie of passage for the day following Only at the declining of the Sunne passed ouer not without daunger the Count Caiazze with two hundred light horsemen following the trace of the french men who marched the right way towards Plaisance he gaue them the day following many alarms and impediments And yet all wearied and trauelled as they were they kept their way without disorder the villages refreshing them with plētie of vittells partly for feare to receiue hurt by them and partly by the meane of Triuulce who skouring before for the same effect with the light horsemen of th armie made perswasions to men sometimes by threates sometimes with his authoritie great in that Duchie with all sortes but more great with the famulie of the Guelffes The armie of the league which remoued the day after the discamping of the french and but litle disposed specially the prouisors of the Venetians to put them selues any more in the arbytrement of fortune came neuer so neare them as to annoy them with any litle discommoditie But being lodged the second day vpon the riuer of ●rebia a litle beyond Plaisance the Svvrzzers two hundreth launces and almost all the artillerie remeyning betwene the riuer the citie of Plaisance for the commoditie of incamping the sludds were so great by reason of the raines falling in the night that notwithstanding their extreame diligence it was impossible that either the footemen or horsemen coulde passe but at high daies and then with difficultie although the waters began to abate notwithstanding all which oportunities fauoring th armie of the league yet they neuer executed any action against the french but a farre of nor yet the Count de Caiazze who was entred within Plaisance for suspicion of reuolt or tumult which suspicion was not altogether without occasion for that it was beleeued that if the king according to the councell of Tryuulce had displaied his enseignes vnder the name of Frauncis the litle sonne of Iohn Galeas the Duchie would easily haue falne into some mutacion so plawsible was the name of him whom they held for their lawful Lord and so hatefull the remembrance of the vsurper and of speciall importance the credit and friendships of Triuulce But the king in whom was setled no other impression then to passe on would not be intangled with newe practises but followed his way with diligent and speedie marche finding great want of vittells after the first dayes trauel and in all places the sortes peeces well garded Lodovvyk hauing distributed what into Tortone vnder Iasper S. Seuerin surnamed Frecasse and what into Alexandria many horsemen with twelue hundred launceknightes which he had drawne from the campe of Nouaro After the king was passed Trebia his armie was alwayes vexed in the tayle by the Count Caiazze who had ioyned to his light horsemen siue hundreth launceknightes of the garrison of Plaisance not being able to obteine to be sent to him from the army all the residue of the light horsemen and foure hundreth men at armes for that the Venetian Commissioners warned by the perill at the battell of Ta●o would giue no consent eftsoones to hazard their forces At last the french men taking when they were neare to Alexandria their way more high towards the moūtaine where the riuer of Tanaro ronnes with shallowest water were brought without losse of men in eight remoues or soiornings of the campe afore the walls of Ast In which citie after the king was entred he dispersed his men of warre into the champion with intencion to encrease his armie and to abide in Italy vntill he had succored Nouaro And the campe of the league which had pursued him to the contrey of Tortone dispairing now to vexe him more went ioyned it selfe to the companies of Lodovvyk Sforce beseeging the sayd citie of Nouaro which euen nowe began to suffer great skarcetie of vittels for that by the Duke of Orleans nor his people had bene vsed any diligence for prouision which by reason of the fertilitie of the contrey they might haue done in great plentie and at easie rate but like men either blinded with securitie or else of litle pollecie they neuer considered of the daūgers till the meane of the remedie were past consuming without sparing all the store of vittells which they found there About this season returned to the king those Cardinals and capteines who with ill successe had bene at thenterprise of Genes for after the kinges armie by sea had taken the towne of Spetia it set vpon Rapalle and possessed it easily But there yssued out of the port of Genes a nauie of eight light gallies one carracke and two barkes of biskayes which by night put on lande seuen hundreth footemen who without any difficultie tooke the borow of Rapalle with the french garrison that were within and then accoasting the french nauie retired to the golffe after long fight they remeyned victors taking and burning all their vessells the Capteines made prisoners and the place by this victorie made more renowmed for that in they yeare before th Arragons were there defeated Neither was this aduersitie recompensed by the armie that went by land who guided by the east riuer to Valdibisague and so to the suburbs of Genes found them selues deceiued in their hopes that in Genes would rise tumults And therefore vnderstanding of the spoyle and losse of the nauie by sea they tooke way with no lesse speede then feare to the mounteyne sharpe and vneasie and from thence discended to the valley of Pozzeuere which is of the other part of the citie from whence notwithstanding their trowpes were stronge and great by the concurse of paysants and other populars whom the Duke of Sauoye had sent in their fauors they drew with the same diligence towards Pyemont In the action of this enterprise it is certeine that if they within the towne had not bene restrained from yssuing forth for dowt least the faction of Fregosa woulde make some innouacion they had wholly broken the french armie and put them to flight The horsemen also of Vitelli comen now to Chiauere vnderstanding the successe great disorder of those with whom they went to ioyne in strength retired with no lesse hast then daunger to Serezana In so much that except Spetia all the places of that riuer that had bene occupied by the banished reappealed or called againe forthwith the Genovvays as did in like sort
be Monsr D'Arban a man warlike but not experienced in the seruice of the sea This nauie being put vnder sayle and arriued as farre as they le of Poreze discouering thereabout the nauie of Ferdinand conteyning thirty sayles and two great shippes of Genoua retyred and fell forthwith into flight And being pursued vnto they le of Elba they made way in such feare to the hauen of Lyuorne with the losse of a litle shippe of Biskay that it was not in the power of the Capteine to withhold most of his men from going on shoare and against his discipline and will to ronne amayne to Pysa By reason of the retyre deffeate of this armie at sea Monsr Mountpensier with his companies pressed with want of vittells accorded to render the castell to Ferdinand hauing now endured the seege three monthes from thēce to goe to Prouence if they were not reskewed within thirty dayes This contract included sewertie of life and goodes to all such as were within the castell giuing in ostage to Ferdinand Yues D'Alegre with three others for assurance of the condicions But the shortnes of time made impossible all hope or expectacion of succors other then such as they had within the realme In which respect Monsr de Persy one of the Capteines of the king accompanied with the Svvyzzers and parte of the french launces and the Prince of Bysignian with many other Barons drewe straight to Naples Against whom Ferdinand hauing espiall of their comming sent out to Eboly the Count of Matalono with an armie for the most part confused compownded vpon bodies whom he trusted and esteemed his friendes This armie albeit was much superior in numbers and furniture yet encowntring thennemie at the lake of Pizzola which is a litle borow neare Eboly they fell into generall disorder and present fleeing without fighting In which chase was taken prisoner Venantio sonne of Iulius Varano Lord of Camaryn but being not pursued by the frenche they retyred without great losse to Nola and so to Naples The frenchmen taking courage by this felicitie followed their enterprise to succour the castells and that with so great reputacion for the victorie obteyned that Ferdinand was at poynt once againe to abandon Naples But receiuing courage by the comfortes of those of the towne who were no lesse pushed forward perhaps with the feares they had of their liues remembring their rebellion then with the friendship they bare to Ferdinand incamped at Capella And the better to let thennemies for approching the castel casting a trench from the Mount S. Hermo vntill the egge castell he furnished with artillerie and footemen all the hills vntill Capella and aboue Capella In so muche that albeit the frenchmen who being come to Nocere by the way of Salerna passing by the caue and the hill Piegrotte were guided to Chiaie neare to Naples yet all thinges hauing good defence and by the vallour of Ferdinand the artilleries thundring vppon the frenchmen but specially those that were planted vpon the hill of Pizifolcone which commaunded the egge castell where earst were the singularities and pompes so much renowmed of Lucullus they could passe no further nor approach Capella And hauing no meane to make further abode there for that nature fauoreth the place with all pleasures commodities sauing fresh waters this necessitie constrayned them to retyre sooner then they would leauing behinde at their discamping three peeces of artillerie and parte of the releeffes which they had brought to reuittell the castells They tooke their way towards Nola against whom Ferdinand opposed him selfe leauing the castell beseeged and incamped with his companies in the plaine of Palma neare to Sarny Monsr Mentpensier seeing by their departure nothing but an vtter losse priuacion of all hopes for reskewes leauing three hundreth men within the castell a number no lesse proporcioned for the vittells which nowe were short then for the seruice and defence and a garrison within the egge castell drew away with him the residue which were in all two thowsand fiue hundreth souldiers and by night embarking him selfe and companies in the vessells there he went to Salerna not without the great complaintes of Ferdinand who pretended that it was not lawfull for him during the tearme wherein he had promised to yeld to depart with such a cōpany onles he had rendred both the castells according to the contract This escape wrought many passions in Ferdinand in whom was no want of inclinacion according to the rigour of the contract to reuenge the iniurie and infidelitie of Montpensier vpon the bludd and life of the Ostages for that the castells not redeliuered at the tearme accorded he had abused the wordes of his promise with a meaning dissembled Notwithstanding extremities redoubling with time vppon those that remeyned not able any longer to keepe force against the rage of hunger within lesse then one month after he was parted they rendred the castell with condicions to haue the ostages deliuered And almost at the same time and for the same occasion they that were within the egge castell agreed to yeld the first day of the next lent if they were not reskewed before Much about this time dyed at Messina Alphonso of Aragon the glorie and fortune of whom by the which whilest he was but Duke of Calabria his name was made honorable and famous were conuerted into a great infamie infelicitie when he came to be king of Naples It was sayd that a litle before his death he made instance to his sonne to returne to Naples where the hatreds that were generall against him before time were now almost reconuerted into affections and good lykinges To whom it is supposed that Ferdinand ambicion and desire to reigne bearing more rule in him then reuerence and respect to his father answered no lesse suttelly then in skorne that he should attend and expect til he had so assured the realme that he should not eftsoones be driuen to abandon it and flee Ferdinand to enterteyne him in the friendships of the king of Spayne with a bond more straite and assured tooke to wife with dispensacion of the Pope Iane his aunt doughter to Ferdinand his grandfather and of Iane sister to the sayd king of the Spanishe In this meane while that the seege was continued with diuerse successe about the castells of Naples as hath bene set downe the seege of Nouaro also was still holden and brought to very straite and hard termes for the Duke of Myllan had there a puissant armie which the Venetians had succored with such a readines that in no enterprise within memorie haue they bene knowen to make lesse sparing of charges nor vsed more fidelitie and diligence there were in this campe of the confederats three thowsand men at armes three thowsand light horsemen a thowsand Almaines on horsbacke fiue thowsand footemen Italians But the principal strength of their armie stoode vpon the tenne thowsand launce knightes for so are the Almaine footemen called
contrey and led away almost lx thowsand head of cattell whereto Marian Sauella offering to make resistance and yssuing forth of Porcina they constrayned him to retyre with the losse of thirty men at armes This losse and shame procured Monsr Montpensier reassembling all his forces to march towardes Fogge for the recouery of the praye and honor lost where being fauored with a succor aboue his hopes or exspectation he encowntred betwene Nocere and Troye eyght hundreth launceknightes newly arriued by sea and entred into the pay of Ferdinand These launceknightes departing from Troye where they were incamped went to Fogge to ioyne with Ferdinand A iorney more vpon their owne braine and rashnes then by the kinges commaundement and altogether against the councell of Fabrice Colonne incamped likewise at Troye And albeit they saw by thextremitie of their perill and place that their fortune had left them no possibilitie of safetie either by fleing or by fighting yet they were obstinate and refused the libertie of the lawe of armes to be made prisonners but were killed euery creature of them exchaunginge their liues with a great deathe and slaughter of thennemie After this Montpensier presented him selfe before Fogge in aray of battell but Ferdinand not suffering others to goe out then light horsemen the french men went to incampe in the woode of Nicoronata where after they had remeyned two dayes with no small difficulties for vittels and hauing recouered the most part of the cattel they appeared eftsoones afore Fogge abiding there a whole night they returned the day following to S. Seuera but not with all the pray they had recouered for that in their retrait the light horsemen of Ferdinand tooke a great part from them In so much as the cattell being harried by the one and the other neither part drew any great profit of the reuenues of that tribute Not many dayes after the french men made weary with want of vittells went to Campobasso which was holden by them and tooke by force Coglionessa or Grigonessa A towne fast by where the Svvyzzers againste the will of the Capteines vsed such execucion and crueltie that albeit it brought great astonishment vpon the contrey yet it estraunged from them thaffections of many And Ferdinand laying to defende his estate aswell as he could whilest he yet exspected the Marquis of Mantua he reordeyned his bandes by the meane of sixteene thowsand duckatts which the Pope had sent him and with such other proporcions as he could leauy of him selfe About this time did ioyne with Montpensier the Svvyzzers and other footbands which were come by sea to Caietta as also on the other part the Marquis of Mantua now entred into the kingdom of Naples by the way of S. Germyn taking in his marching partly by force partely by composicion many places albeit of small importance about the beginning of Iune vnited his forces with the king at Nocere whether Caesar of Aragon led the bandes that had lyen vpon the borders of Tarenta And so by reason of the places the forces of both the factions being almost made neighbours the french more stronge in footemen and thItalians more mighty in horsemen the euent of thinges seemed very dowtfull being not possible to discerne to whether of the parties the victorie should incline In this meane while the french king made care for prouisions to reskew his people And vnderstanding of the losse of the castells of Naples and that his bands were not succored by the Florentyns neither with men nor money for that they had not restitucion of their fortresses seemed to draw to him a new spirit and awaking out of that slumber of negligence with the which he seemed to haue returned out of Fraunce he began eftsoones to turne his thoughtes to the actions of Italy wherein to be more at libertie from all thinges that might reteyne him and showing to acknowledge the benefits receiued in his daungers that he might with more cōfidēce haue recourse againe to the aydes celestial he takes a iorney in post to Tours after to Parys to satisfie to the vowes he made to S. Martyn S. Denys the day of the battell of Furnoua And returning from those places with the same diligence to Lyons he kindled more and more in those desires and thoughtes whereunto of his owne nature he was most inclined for he interpreted it as an action much to his reputacion and glorie to haue made a conquest of such a kingdom being the first of all the french kinges in whose person haue bene renewed in Italy these many worldes the memorie of the armies and victories of the french he made perswacion to him self that the difficulties which he encowntred in his return from Naples proceded more by his proper disorders then by the powers or vertue of thItalians whose name concerning the action of warre caried no reputacion with the french To his inclinacions to discēd eftsones into Italy were not a litle furthering thinticemēts of thEmbassadors of Florence of the Cardinall of S. Peter ad vincla and of Triuulce who was come to the Court for the same occasion with whom were assistant in that instance Vitellezze and Charles Vrsin together with the Count Montoire sent to his Maiestie in that negociacion by the Barons of Naples holding parte with the french as also there came to him at last by sea the Seneshall of Beaucaire by whom were declared many hopes of the victorie in case his Maiestie did not deferre to sende a sufficient succor as of the contrary to delay a releeffe so necessary were to abandon the kingdom and be giltie of the death of so many noble Capteines and souldiers To these were ioyned the fauorable perswacions of many the great Lordes of Fraunce euen such as afore had giuen councell against thenterprise of Italy they aduised the king to giue a new life to that expedicion to auoyd the dishonor that would fal vpon the crowne of Fraunce to lose by cowardisse that which they had conquered with so great felicitie and fortune but much more to preuent the spoyle of so great a part of the nobilitie as lay open to destruction in the realme of Naples Neither were these councells hindred by the emocions which the Kinge of the Spanishe made on the frontyer of Parpignian seeing the preparacions being greater in brute then in effect and the forces of that king more mighty to defend his proper realmes then meete for thinuasion of an other it was iudged sufficient to sende to Narbone and other townes vpon the frontyers of Spaine bandes of men at armes with conuenient companies of Svvyzzers So that in the presence of the councell of the kinge wherein were assembled all the Lordes and persons notable then at the Court it was determined that Tryuulce should returne to Ast with as much diligence as he could vnder the title of the kinges Lieftenant leading with him eyght hundreth launces two thowsand Svvyzzers and two thowsand Gascoyns That after
succors of Venice arriued there the bandes of Florence hauing taken the borow of Buty from thence encamped at Calcy and before they tooke it beginning for their better sewertie of vittells to build a bastillion vpon the Mount of Dolorosa the bandes of footemen that were there for the garde of the place were broken by their owne negligence by the enseignes of the Pysans And a litle after as Francisco Secco was encamped with a great trowpe of horsemen in the borow of Buty to see to the safe conuey of vittells to Hercules Bentyuole incamped with the footebandes of the Florentyns about the litle castell of the hill Verrucole he was so charged at vnwares by the footemen that came out of Pysa that by thinconueniencie of the place to apply the seruice of his horsemen he lost a great parte of them for which successes the affayres of Pysa seeming to rise increasing in fortune and that with hope of greater prosperitie for that the succors of the Venetians beganne to arriue Hercules Bentyuole lodging in the borow of Bientina hearing that Iohn Pavvle Monfrin Capteine of the Venetians was with the first part of their companies come to Vicopisan two myles from Bientina fayned to haue feare In so much that presently he raysed his companies and went into the fielde and immediatly assoone as the Venetian bandes were discouered he eftsoones retyred into Bientina But after he saw his ennemie full of boldnes and securitie he trayned him one day with great pollicie into an ambush where he put him to the worse with the losse of the most part of his companies giuing him the chasse euen to the wals of Vicopisan In which encownter the victory was not in all pointes happye for that Frauncisco Secco come to the campe that morning to ioyne with Hercules in the retyre was slayne with a shot of harquebuze After these followed the other bandes of the Venetians amongest whom were eight hundreth stradiots led by Iustynian Morosin By whose comming the Pysans being nowe farre superior Hercules Bentyuole to whome the partes of the contrey were well knowne neither willing to put him selfe in daūger nor altogether disposed to abandon the field encamped in a very stronge place betwene the borow of Pontadere and the riuer of Ere with thopportunitie of this place he restrayned much the importunitie of thennemies who in all that tyme tooke no other place or peece then the borow of Buty which yelded to their discression And as they sent out their stradiots to make pillage of the contrey there were three hundreth of them ronning vp euen to Valdere charged and broken by certeine bandes which Hercules sent after them The Florentyns were in the same seasons vexed by them of Sienna who by thoccasion of the harmes they suffered in the contrey of Pysa and at the incensing of the confederats sent to incampe afore the bastillion of the bridge of Valiane the Lord of Plombyn and Iohn Sauelle But hearing that Riuuccio de Marciano arriued with succors they retyred in great haste from before the bastillion leauing behind them one part of their artillerie by reason whereof the Florentyns seeing them selues assured on that side caused Riuuccio to turne his force to the quarter of Pysa In so much that their strength being almost equall the warre was nowe brought to the borowes about the hills But for that they were at the deuocion of the Pysans thinges fell out more to the disaduauntage of the Florentyns for that the Pysans entring by intelligence into the borow of Pont de sac stripped a whole company of men at armes and tooke prisoner Lodovvyk Marciana yet they abandoned forthwith the sayd borow for feare of the Florentyn bandes which were not farre of But the better to commaund and gouerne the hilles which were of great importance to them aswell for the vittells brought from thence to Pysa as for that they gaue impediments to the Florentyns in the traffike of the hauen of Lyuorne they fortefied the most part of those borowes amongest the which Soiana was made noble by one accident by chaunce for the campe of the Florentyns beinge marched thether with intencion to take it the same day and for that cause hauing spoyled all the passages of the riuer of Cascina and put their men at armes in battell vpon the banke to cut of the succors of thennemie It hapned that Peter Capponi a chiefe commaunder amongest the Florentyns as he was about to plant thartilleries was striken in the head by a bullet out of the towne whereof he dyed presently An end vnworthy of his vertue aswell for the ignobilitie of the place as for the litle importance of suche an enterprise By the chaunce of this accident they raysed the campe without attempting any further action Besides the Florentyns euen in those tymes were compelled to sende bandes of men into Lunigiana to the succors of the castell of Verroncole which the Marquis of Malespina held beseeged by the ayde of the Genovvays from whence he easily gaue them the chasse So that the strength of the Pysans was mighty for certeine monethes for that besides the townesmen and popular souldiers leuied of the contrey became bodies warlike by long experience the Venetians and Duke of Myllan had there many bandes of horsemen and footemen the Venetian numbers being greatest But for that afterwards the Dukes companies began to diminish because they were not payed as appertayned the Venetians vsing that defect to their aduauntage sent thether a new supply of a hundreth men at armes and six gallies loaden with prouision of vittells wherein they spared no necessary exspenses for the sewertie of that citie the same hapning in good season to winne and draw to them the affections of the Pysans who euery day more and more estraunged their mindes from the deuocion of the Duke of Myllan as neyther contented with his nigardise in thexpense and prouision of thinges necessary nor with his incerteinties and variacions expressing rather a mind neuter then affection resolut for that sometimes he would be forward in the succor of their affaires and eftsoones careles and colde leauing all to aduenture In so much as beginning almost to dowt of his will they imposed vpon him by imputacion that Iohn Bentyuole did not aduaunce to endomage the Florentyns according to the commission he had of the confederats the rather for that they knewe he had fayled him in a greate part of his payments either through his couetousnes or els that the displeasures of the Florentyns were acceptable to him but not their whole ruyne and oppression By meane of which operations he had layed of him selfe touching the state of Pysa foundacions contrary to his chiefest endes and intencions for thaduauncement whereof he onely induced the councell of the confederats to determine that Maxymylian Caesar should goe to Pysa But now returning from whence we came after it was resolued that Caesar should march to Pysa he dispatched
beginning of his raigne with forrein warres hauing first to looke with great study into the state of his owne gouernment at home which commonly to kinges newly inuested bringes many causes of new councells alteracions But the spirits of such as discoursed with iudgement vpon the trayne and euent of things nourished alwayes a secret suspicion that thafflictions that then were but defferred would with tyme redouble and rise growing to greater daungers and more generall harmes specially so great an Empire being falne vpon a king rype in age full of experience ruled in his councells resolut in action moderat in exspenses and in all things without comparison holding more of him selfe then did his predecessor and to whom withal did apperteyne as in the right of the crowne of Fraunce not onely the inheritance of the realme of Naples But also he menteyned that the Duchie of Myllan was his freehold by the succession of the Lady Valentina his grandmother who was maried by Iohn Galeas Visconte his father afore that of viccare of thEmpire he had obteyned the title of the Duke of Myllan to Lovvys Duke of Orleans brother to kinge Charles the sixt At which mariage there was added to the state of the dowrye which was the citie contrey of Ast with great summes of money an expresse condicion that as often and when so euer as the lyne masculyne of the sayde Galeas shoulde fayle the Lady Valentina should succeede to the Duchie of Myllan or she being dead her next heires and discendents which couenant albeit stronge enough of it selfe was confirmed if the frenche tradicions be true by the authoritie of the Pope th imperiall seate beinge voyd at that tyme for the Popes of Rome pretend that the administracion of thEmpire vacant belongeth to them by which meanes the blud male of Iohn Galeas determining afterwards by the death of Phillipp Maria Visconte Charles Duke of Orleans sonne to the Lady Valentina began to pretēd to the succession of the sayd dukedom But as thambicion of Princes is ready to helpe on their titles with euery apparant coler so there aspired at the same time to the sayd dukedom not only thEmprour Federyk alleaging that it was reuerted to the Empire for that the lyne nominated in thinuestiture made to Iohn Galeas by Vincislaus king of Romaines was extinct and dissolued But also Alphonso king of Aragon and Naples who was instituted heire by the Testament of Duke Phillipp And amongest the residue Frauncis Sforce with a fortune force and felicitie more fauorable then the others quarrelled the same title who to giue a better shadowe to the armies which he leuyed in that cause alleaged that his wife Blanche the onely daughter but a bastard of Phillipp had peculiar interest in that succession So that Charles Duke of Orleans who being taken prisoner at the battell of Agincourt in the warres betwene thenglish and french and remeyning restrayned in England xxv yeares was able to doe nothing by reason of his pouertie and hard fortunes to iustifie his title and much lesse could he obteyne ayde of king Lovvys the xj notwithstanding he was his nearest kinsman the reason was that the same king in the beginning of his raigne was much molested and manifestly inuaded in diuerse partes of his kingdom by the great Lordes and Barons of the same shadowing their conspiracies with a showe of publike profit But because the king saw that their intencions drew with them priuat regardes and particular interests he kept them alwayes in bridle and esteemed his estate and sewertie to consist in the embasing of the great ones of his realme but chiefly his nearest competitors And for that reason Lovvys Duke of Orleans sonne to Charles albeit he was his sonne in law could draw no fauors or succors from him the same driuing him after the death of his sayd father in law together with his impaciēce that the Lady Anne Duchesse of Burbon the kinges sister was preferred afore him to the gouernment of Charles the eyght then in minoritie to trouble Fraunce with a very slender successe and after retyred into Britain with a worse fortune for ioyning with those that were against thintencion of Charles to obteyne Brittain by marying with Anne heire of the state by the death of Frauncis her father leauing no yssue male yea aspiring secretly to the same mariage he was taken in an encownter betwene the french and the Brittons neare S. Aulbyn in that contrey from thence led prisoner into Fraunce where he remeyned two yeares In so much as fayling then of meanes and finding no succors in king Charles after he was out of prison he ioyned no further action to that enterprise but when the king left him within Ast he made him selfe Lord of Nouaro with a very litle profit But being now become king of Fraunce he held nothing of greater affection then to reconquer the Duchie of Myllan as a succession iustely apperteyning to him This desire planted in him from his youth was eftsones wonderfully increased and aduaunced by the successe he had at Nouaro and withall for that he greatly hated Lodovvyk Sforce by reason of the insolent demonstracions and behauiors which he vsed to him when he had the kings deputacion in Ast Therfore not long after the death of king Charles by resolucion set downe in his elect councel he intitled him self not only king of Fraunce and for the regard of the realme of Naples king of Ierusalem both the Cycillyes but also soueraigne Duke of Myllan And because he would make knowen to the world what was his inclinacion to the things of Italy he wrote letters full of amitie and congratulacion touching his ascending to the crowne to the Pope the Venetians and the Florentyns and withall dispatched mē of speciall credence to giue hopes of new enterprises but chiefly of his determinacion to conquer the Duchie of Myllan wherin the tyme running nourished for him many fauors and oportunities for that the death of his predecessor had innouated in the mindes of the Italians many new humors inclinacions much differing from the cogitacions purposes they had afore for the Pope whose ambicious thoughts could not be satisfied if Italy stoode in tranquillitie wished that thinges might grow to hurly burly seeking his peculiar aduauncement in the common diuision of principallities and states A desire not vnlikely to deriue from such a mind to whom all thinges were hatefull that held of equitie conscience or religion and nothing vnsauery that smelled of troubles innouacion and chaunge And the Venetians being now deliuered of the feare they had of king Charles for the wronges iniuries they had done him expressed manifestly that they had no distrust in the new king which disposicion increased dayly more and more for that Lodovvyk Sforce notwithstanding he knew that he had to doe with an ennemy more mighty and lesse plyable feding him selfe with this hope the same also beguiling Federyk of Aragon that the
horsemen to the feight they were put all to the chase notwithstanding the footemen made some head and resistance among whom many passed by the sword most of their horsemen taken prisoners with the chiefest of their leaders in so much as the Count and Commissioner for Florence saued them selues with great difficultie within S. Reale where they imposed one vppon an other as is the custom in chaunces of aduersitie the fault of the disorder hapned This iorney brought no litle affliction to the Florentyns who to readdresse with speede so great a daunger and not able to refurnish their companies with expedicion and Counte Riuucce general of their whole armie hauing lost his reputacion for that his regiment was broken determined to turne to the affayres of Pysa the Vitellies who were then in the contrey of Aretze But afore that contract was perfected they were constrayned to accord to Pavvle Vitelli the title dignitie and reputacion of Capteine genrall of their armie This ouerthrow constrained them eftsoones to demaund succors of the Duke of Myllan and that with so much the more instance by how much since the chasse they had besought the french king that to put them out of daunger with his forces and with his authoritie he would send three hundred launces into Tuskane and ratifie the reteyning of the Vitellies according to the contract made in the tyme of the late kinge Charles prouiding his porcion of their payment and also that he woulde cause the Venetians to absteyne from further vexing them of all which requestes they reaped but gracious wordes without any effect for that the king would not bring him selfe suspected with the Venetians nor make any sturre in Italy afore he put beginning to the warres of Myllan But in these necessities and estate of thinges the Duke of Myllan was neither cold nor negligent who dowting least the Venetians by the occasion of this victory would enter further into the iurisdiction of Pysa then they could be afterwards repulsed but with great difficulty made knowen to the Florentyns that he had a firme intencion to succorthem but first he would establish with them what sortes and proporcions of prouisions were necessary not onely for his defense but also to achieue the enterprise of Pysa to the which for that there was no feare of any action in the frenche kinge for that yeare were turned vniuersally the eyes of all Italy being then free from all other troubles for albeit in the territories of Rome the famulies of Colonne Vrsin had taken armes yet their wisedoms preuayled more in the quarrell then either their hatreds or their iniuries This was the substance of the quarrell The Colonnoys and Sauelles stirred vp belike for thoccupacion which Iacques Counte made of la tour Mathias had inuaded the places and territories of the Counts And of the other part the Vrsins for the affinitie and coniunction of factions tooke armes in their fauor So that many borowes and villages being vsurped both by the one and other partie they fought together at last with all their forces at the foote of Motitelle in the cōtrey of Tyuoly where after a long and braue battell the inflamed passion of the parties pushing them on no lesse then either regard of glory or consideracion of daunger of their estates the Vrsins whose armie conteyned two thowsand footemen eyght hundred horsemen were broken and put to the chase their enseignes lost and Charles Vrsin taken prisoner and of the side of the Colonnoys was hurt Anthony Sauelle a Capteine of no small reputacion who dyed of his wound not many dayes after After this successe of the battell the Pope seeming that commotions in the contrey so neare to Rome were displeasing to him made as though he woulde solicite an accord which whilest he interteyned in action not with good meaning and faith for he was disguised in all his doings the Vrsins readdressed their armie with new supplies planted a campe afore Palombare A principall towne belonging to the Sauelleis which the Colonnoys who after the victory had occupied many places of the Counts prepared to reskew But both the parties finding at lengthe the dissembled behauiors of the Pope sometymes giuing courage to the Colonnoys and eftsoones comforting the Vrsins and that he did but nourish the warre giue them medicines to weaken them both to th end he might with more facilitie oppresse them when their strengthes were consumed they came altogether to a parley without thinterposing of a third at Tyuoly where of them selues they established an accord by the which Charles Vrsin was set at liberty the places taken in the controuersie restored to their proper owners the quarrell for the Earledoms of Albe and Tailleconsse referred to tharbitracion of king Federyk to whom the Colonnoys were mercenary souldiers These stormes thus resolued into calmes and the quarrells that earst caried apparant showes of blud and murder being nowe quallified by wisedom and temperance there was not discerned in any part in Italy any tokens of warre but about the contrey of Pysa wherein albeit the Duke of Myllan had determined in the beginning not to succor the Florentyns openly but to minister to their wantes with secret aydes of money yet suffering his minde to be continually ouer ruled with passions of disdayne and enuy and not absteyning from wordes insolent and full of threats against the Venetians he determined now to declare him selfe publikely and to cut of all regardes and consideracions of thinges denying euen then passage to their bands and souldiers which marched to Pysa by the way of Parma and Pontrema put them in necessitie to passe by the Duke of Ferraraes contrey A way of farre more trauell and greater trouble he wrought so that thEmprour commaunded all those Embassadors which were resident in his Court except the Spanish to returne home reuoking them all within few dayes after except the Embassador for the Senat of Venice he sent also to the succors of the Florentyns three hundred shot with crosbow contributed to the leuying of three hundred men at armes partly vnder the Lord of Plombyn and some vnder Iohn Pavvle Baillon he lent them at sundry tymes more then three hundreth thowsand duckats and lastly made continuall offers of greater aydes if their necessities so required Besides all these he made great instance to the Pope the importunities of the Florentyns greatly inducing him to ayde them in some sort The Pope knowing how hurtfull intollerable it would be to the estate of the Church that the Venetians should preuaile to make a foundacion of Pysa promised to refurnish them with a hundred men at armes and the three gallies which were in his pay vnder Capteine Ville Marine and they to giue impediments to the prouisions of vittells that should enter Pysa by sea But afterwards being familiar to him to protract and delay he deferred with diuerse excuses to sende to them any proporcion and in the ende
of Alphonso his sonne and his Regiment And that their histories and traditions tell them without these examples that the same desire to offende the Florentyns by the meane of the erle of Vertus together with the disdaine conceiued for the respect of Montpulcian was the cause that of themselues they had assubiected to him their proper countrey These reasons albeit they were true yet not sufficient to represse the furie affectiōs of the others so that he was not without apparaunt daunger of some tumulte to be raised by his aduersaries Notwithstāding to preuent them he caused suddeinly to enter into Sienna many of his freindes thereaboutes by whom he wrought with so great courage and witte that at the same instaunt the Florentyns sent to Poggi Imperiall three hundred men at armes and a thousand footemen with whose reputation force confounding the audacitie of his aduersaries he brought to passe a truce for fiue yeres with the Florentyns who preferring a seruile feare of perilles present affore regard to dignitie and honour bounde them selues to pull downe one parte of the bridge of Valiane and to dismantle euen to the earth the bastillion which had so much molested the Siennoys they condiscended further that the Siennoys within a certeine time might builde such fortes and fortresses as they woulde betwene the shoare and channell of Chianes and the towne of Montpulcian By this accord Pandolfe rising into a stomack and greatnes more then before founde meanes soone after to kill his father in lawe who with too liberall a disposition of minde obiected him selfe against his purposes and so by the dispatch of him increasing terror in the residue he confirmed him selfe daylie more more in tyrannie By this accord the Venetians being depriued of the hope they had to diuert or torne by the waye of Sienna the Florentyns from thenterprise of Pysa and being not able to obtaine licence of the Perusins to manage the warre by their countreys They determined to vexe them on that side to Romagna hoping with the auncient fauours and factions which Peter de Medicis had there to aspire easely to thoccupacion of those places which they helde in thappenin In so much that hauing obteyned passage of the little Lorde of Faenze by the vale of Lamone with one part of their Regyment which they had in Romagna with whom Peter and Iulyan de Medicis were ioyned they occupied the borough of Maradi scituat vpon thappenin on that side which lookes towardes Romagna where was made against them no resistaunce for that Dennys of Nalde a man of the same vale interteyned by the Florentyns with three hundred footemen to defende it together with the strength of the countrey ledde thether so small a force of footemen that he durst not abide there By meanes whereof they incamped afore the Rocke of Chastillion built in a place aboue the saied borough which they hoped to carye though by no other meane yet by want of many things which they knew to be within it but specially the lacke of water and so by thopportunitie of that to haue free waye to passe into Mugelle which is a countrey neere to Florence But as it is hard to assure any thing that dependes vppon the will of an other and much lesse can the wisdome of man warrant all those things which imaginacion and coniecture doe suggèst So they founde them selues deceyued in the iudgement of those wantes which they supposed the Rocke did suffer for that the constancie and diligence of the Castell keeper supplied the slender prouisions of vittelles that were within it and the liberalitie of heauen auoyded the penurye of water rayning so much in one night as all the vessells and cesternes being full they were deliuered from that paine And in the meane while the Count Riuucci with the Lorde of Plombyn other capteines being stolne vppon the ennemie by the waye of Mugelle enforced them to the chasse hauing vndertaken this enterprise with a greater confidence in their diligence then with sufficient strength Besides the Count Caiazze sent to Cotignole by the Duke of Myllan with three hundred men at armes and a thousand footemen together with Fracasse interteyned by the same Duke who was within Furly with a hundred men at armes prepared to charge them vpon the backe The consideraciō of these daungers and to auoyde the harmes that threatned they went and ioyned with the Duke of Vrbyn then departed from the countrey of Perouse and with other Regiments of the Venetians who altogether were bestowed betwene Rauenna and Furly but with a very small hope of happie enterprise for that besides the bandes of the Florentyns there was in Romagna a strength of fiue hundred men at armes fiue hūdred crosbow shotte and a thousand footemen of the Duchie of Myllan the impediment also which Imola and Furly gaue to them being of great importaunce But in this meane while Pavvle Vitelli who after the taking of Vicopisan had remeyned there certeine dayes exspecting prouisions necessarie that were to come and continuying in one intencion to cutte of from the Pysans the commoditie and meanes of succours was gone to thenterprise of Librafatte And the easier to approch that part of the towne which was most weake and to preuent the disposicion of the ennemie to inuade his armie much troubled with artillerie and cariage he left the waye which discendes by the mounteynes to the plaine of Pysa and cutting by force of Pionners a new waye through the mounteines he tooke in his marching the same daye the bastillion of the Mont Maior which the Pysans had built vpon the toppe of the mounteine and so descended with great sewertie into the plaine of Librafatta where hauing easely the daye after brought into necessitie to yelde the bandes of footemen that had the charge of Potito and the olde castell two towers aunswering one an other verie neare Librafatta he bestowed in the second tower and in other places certeine peeces of artilleries to gouerne the towne which was well manned and garded conteyning two hundred footemen of the Venetians from these places he battered the wall both on high and belowe and from the first daye had hope to carye it But after the wall was shaken with thartillerie there fell by chaunce so great a parte of it in the night that the ruinous matter raised the rampier which was begonne there aboue foure cubits In so much as Pavvle assaying in vaine three dayes together to mount vp with ladders beganne to dout much of the successe the rather for that the armie receiued great harmes by a peece of artillerie which came from the towne by a lowe lowpe hoale But his industrie vertue was aided by the benefitte of Fortune without whose fauour great capteines are oftentimes deceiued in their enterprises for that with a great shotte out of the camppe the peece which bette them was broken and one of the best Cannonyers within the place killed the boollett passing through
least we ioyne with the french A feare which long tyme is not hable to conteyne him for who knoweth not that the king made frustrat of the hope which he hath that we wil ioyne with him will eyther attempt some other enterprise beyōd the mountes or at least ouercome with the perswacions offers of Lodovvyk by the meanes of his corruptions fauours he hath in the french court wil fall to some accord with him So that in the consideratiō and comparison of thinges necessitie to mainteyne our auncient dignitie and glory constraines vs to knit with the french king but much more are we compelled by the aspecte of the great and imminent daungers which can not bee auoyded by other meanes wherein it seemes that fortune followeth vs with a speciall fauour seeing she bringes to passe that wee are sought to by so great a king whom it is a iust office in vs to seeke and beseech with humilitie besides that hee offreth vs so great and honourable recompenses of the victorie as by those helpes and meanes this Senat may fashion great hopes and employe their conceyptes in the plott and compassing of great thinges specially the victorie being to bee gayned with so great facilitie and Lodovvyk so farre too weake to resist two powers so mightie and well vnited it is a vaine feare in my opinion to doubt that the neighbourhed of the french king when he shall haue conquered the Duchie of Millan wil be eyther suspicious or daungerous to vs for that in iudgement and forecast it may bee seene that many thinges which seeme nowe contrarie will then bee chaunged into fauours and good disposicion towardes vs seeing that suche an increase and amplitude of greatnes to the french Crowne will breede suspicion in the mindes of all the principallities of Italy and stir vp the king of Romains with the regions of Iermany to be discontented that a french king should occupie so noble a member of thempire In so much as euen those whom we feare to ioyne in vnitie with Lodovvyk to vexe vs would then desire for their proper interestes to preserue vs and bee conioyned with vs And my Lordes being great throughout the world the reputaciō of our dominions iurisdictions no lesse great the renowme of our riches and most great the opinion confirmed with so many honorable examples of our vnion and constancy to preserue our estate what meane what courage what oportunitie hath the french king to execute any invasion vpon vs vnles he haue coniunctiō with more or at the least with the king of Romains the vnitie agreement of whō seemes for many reasons so harde that it is too vayne to occupy our myndes either with the hope or feare of it Besides the peace which now he hopes to establishe with the princes his neyghbours beyond the mountes will not bee perpetuall seeing ielousie iniuries and feare of his greatnes will alwayes keepe wakyng all those that holde him in hatred or beare enuy to his glorie Lastly lookyng into the properties of the french natures we neede not doubt that they are not more ready to get and conquer then discreete to preserue and keepe yea it is annexed to their destiny to fall easely into the hatred of their subiectes by their pride and insolencies vppon which reasons I make this conclusion that after they haue got Myllan they will haue more neede to study howe to preserue it then any oportunitie at all to occupie their thoughtes with new enterprises for that a iurisdiction newly gotten fayling in order and wise gouerment doth rather weaken then make more mightie him that hath got it wherein we can not haue an example more freshe and notable then the victory of the late King Charles against whom were conuerted into extreame hatred the incredible desires and gladnes with the which hee was receyued into the kingdome of Naples So that the perils which may fall vppon vs at any tyme after the victorie of the French King are neyther so certeyne nor of such nature as for the auoyding of them wee neede to remayne in a daunger present and of great consequence And to reiect for feare of daungers to come and vncerteyne so large and conuenient a parte of the Duchie of Myllan could not but merit imputacion of pusillanimitie and faintnes of courage A thing reprochfull euen in men priuat but muche more infamous to a common weale more mightie in glorie riches and reputacion then euer was any except the Romaine state in any parte of the worlde There happen seldome so fauourable and fyt occasions which being transitorie fleeting it is an office in wisdom magnanimitie to embrase them when they be offred A wit to curious standing to long in considering of things to come is often hurtfull and reprouable for that the thinges of the world are subiect to so many and sundry accidentes that rarely doeth that come to passe which the wisdom of man seemes to haue foreseene imagined would happen and he that leaueth the benefit present for feare of the daūger to come if the peril be not certeine and neare at hande findes himselfe to haue lost oftentymes to his slaunder and displeasures occasions full of profit and glorie and all for standing in feare of daungers which afterwardes turne to nothing it is no great matter to suffer a mischiefe when wee are sure of the remedie and in this case if there bee anye mischiefe other then suche as wee may discerne before which is neuer so greeuous as when it chaunceth vppon the sodayne yet I haue borne alwayes this iudgement that that aduersitie is honourable whiche brynges with it prosperitie glory and reputation for these reasons my Lordes I wishe vs to accept the confederation against the Duke of Myllan for that it putts vs in suertie for the present protectes vs against all daungers to come breedes our credit with all other Potentates and offreth vs the possession of those great thinges which an other tyme we would be glad to get with intollerable expenses and trauels aswell for their proper importance as for that they be lynes to leade vs to high and honorable actions drawing with them a marueilous augmentation of the glory and empire of this florishing common weale This councell and four me of reasoning made no small impression in the myndes of the others who hard his reasons with iudgement fauoured his opiniō recommending much the lyuely valour of his spirit accompanied with a resolute loue to his countrey Against him stood vp and reasoned Melchior Treuisan singular for his wisdom and excellent in all graces and giftes of the mynde This hath bene alwayes touching offences and wronges a wise obseruation in countreys and common weales well gouerned to make true conference betweene the nature and estate of the iniuries and the oportunities to reuenge not that those wise men beheld altogether the propertie and manner of the wronges for that belonges to passion but withall they vsed
name of the Venetians and ielous of some greater deceipt assoone as they vnderstood the reapport of the sentence discharged their soldiours from the garde of the fortresses the gates And not suffring them any more to lodge in the citie they stoode many dayes in great variacion and doubt whether they should accept the condicions of the sentence or not On thoneside feare being the instrument of compulcion ouerruled their wills standing now abandoned of all comfort and councell And on the other side the generall hate they bare to the Florentyns made their passions redouble and kept them resolute But muche more did reteyne their inclination to constancy their desperate exspectacion to obteyne pardon for their heauy infinit transgressiōs whose qualitie they held so much the more great and intollerable by how much they had put the state of Florence to infinit expenses and harmes many times had brought into tearmes daungerous euen their proper libertie In these doubtes diuersities of myndes the Duke of Myllan councelled thē to giue place offring that he would worke so much with the Florentyns that the cōdiciōs of the sentēce should bee more in their fauors to their aduaūtages yet they to make trial if he remeined stil possessed with his aūcient couetousnes determining in this case to giue thēselues wholly to him they sent to him Embassadours But at last such are the destinies of minds drawne deuided after many thoughts variaciōs they determined rather to make trial of al extremeties thē to return vnder the yoke of the Florentyns wherunto as the Pisans had secret incitaciō to by the Genovvays Lucquoys Pādolffe Petrucci So also it was not doubted of the Florentyns but that the Duke of Myllan the truth being otherwayes had encoraged thē to that obstinat resoluciō so litle exspectacion is there of sinceritie and faithful actions in that man whom the world hath taken into opinion to be double and suttle Thus the Florentyns being out of hope to recōcile Pisa by accorde thought they had a great occasiō to vāquish force the citie And therfore causing Pavvle vitelli to returne eftsones into that coūtrey they leuied with ready diligence the prouisiōs demaunded by him But whilest that strength was assembled in preparing to action the daūgers of Lodovvyk Sforce encreased wonderfully for that his interposicion into thaccord had in no sort appaised the minds of the Venetians who for hate to the mā hope of their profit were wholly in desier to cōspire his ruine To these distresses of Lodovvyk was ioyned this further aduersitie that Maxymylian was nothing so ready to make warre on the french king as he was importunat in cōtinual demaūdes of mony of Lodovvyk yea cōtrary to his many promises he prolōged the trusse for the whole moneth of August next taking frō him at one time the hope that he had that his succors would stand him in more stead then had don his councell to diuert the warre Maxymylian also being vnited with the league of Svveaden began warre vppon the Svvyssers declared rebels of the Empire for many controuersies betwene them which warre cōtinuing on both sides in great fury with sundry accidents and fortunes on both partes Lodovvyk began to assure himselfe that in no necessitie he could hope for succours from Maxymylian vntill that warre against the Svvyssers tooke ende eyther by victorie or composicion And yet Maxymylian promising him that he would neuer accord with the french king or with the Svvyssers without comprehēding him in it Lodovvyk was stil cōstrained to refurnish thexpēses of that warre to enterteine Themperors prodigalities with new supplies of money This occasion was not vnknowen to the new king of Fraunce who cōsidering how much it imported him to haue the Pope the Venetians for him esteemed litle the persuasions of many of his councell that in regard he was newly ascended to the Crowne and his treasures very ill furnished hee might put of the warre till the yeare folowing But the king framing his hopes according to the importunities of his desire imagined a possibilitie to obteine the victory in fewe monethes And therefore casting in his coniecture that in suche a shortnes of tyme the seruice coulde not suffer great necessities of money entered into open preparacion for the warre alwayes furnishing the Svvyssers affore hande with some proporcion of money to th ende to keepe Maximilian in busines for which cause the Duke of Myllan discerning such manifest tokens of the warre laboured with a wonderfull diligence and care not to bee alone in so great daungers wherein hauing an absolute distrust in all possibilities and meanes of accord or reconciliacion with the Venetians fynding in the king of Spaine an inclinacion suspicious notwithstanding his many solicitacions a carelesse remembrance of his perils he turned his eyes to the contemplacion of other helpes and founding in one instant the willes almost of all other Potentates he sent Galeas Viscomte to Maxymylian and the Svvyssers to negociat an agreement betwene them And as aduersitie is mightie to make men search thoperacion of all councels So Lodovvyk knowing that according to the Popes desire the mariage of Charlotta with his sonne Caesar Vorgia could not well succeed for that the young Lady eyther mooued with the loue and authoritie of her house and parents or els gouerned by the persuasions of the french king in whom notwithstanding were expressed many faire apparances to the contrary refused with great constancy resolucion of mynd to make him her husband if with all he put not an end to the affaires of Federyk her father who offred to the french king yearely tribute with very large condicions Lodovvyk labouring vppon these occasions had hope to alyen and estrange him from the fauours he bare to thenterprises of Fraunce soliciting him with many importunities to draw him into cōsederaciō with him wherin he promised thassociacion of king Federyk and the Florentyns with many faire offers that aswell he as the confederates would contribute with him in a common succour against the Viccaires of the church indue him besides with a great quantitie of money to purchase some honorable estate for his sonne These offers as the Pope at the first mocion seemed to heare them with a dissembled eare so in the ende he was content to giue them leaue to vanishe and become mearely vaine for hoping to receiue by the societie and fauours of the french king benefittes and farre greater liberalities then those which hee looked to obteyne if Italy were not filled full of the forreine armies of Fraunce he consented that his sonne excluded alreadie from the maryage of Charlotte should take one of the doughters of the Lorde Albrett who for his affinitie with the bloud royall and for the greatnes of his estates and liuinges was one of the greatest in all the kingdome of Fraunce But Lodovvyk to whom appeared dayly more tokens and testimonies of the euill inclinacion
wherein they quarelled with the lyfe of Pavvle Vitelly condemned him were these That it proceeded of his will only that Pisa was not taken hauing good meane and oportunitie thereunto the same day that the rocke of Stampaco was forced That he only did deferre to giue the assalt That hee had many tymes giuen audience to men comming to him from Pisa and neuer communicated with the Florentyns That he had leuyed the Camp against the publike commaundement and with the like contempt had abandoned Stampace That he had drawne diuers others of the Capteines to occupie with him Cascina Vicopisan and the artileries to th ende that in payments and other condicions they might manage the Florentyns as they thought best That in the coūtrey Cas●tyn he had had secret intelligēces with the Medicis at the same time treated and almost concluded with the Venetians to serue them when the time of his paie with the Florentyns should be determined which now was almost expired That in that respect he had giuen safeconduit to the Duke of Vrbyn and to Iulyan de Medicis he was straitlie examined vppon all these pointes albeit he confessed nothing particularlie yet they cut of all further examinacions fearing least the french king now come to Myllan would vrge his deliuerie they proceeded to execute him speedely Not one of his seruantes which after his death were examyned at leasure would confesse any thing sauing that he was much discontented with the Florentyns for that they had made the Count Rinucce concurrant with him in authoritie and for the difficulties they vsed in thexpedicion of prouisions which hee demaunded and sometymes in his affaires particular not forbearing at Florence to speake ordinarily to his dishonor by which testimonies and confessions of his seruantes albeit some remeyned possessed of this opinion that hee behaued himselfe not loyallie in his charge hauing a pretence to be Lord of Pisa and to occupy some other parte of the demeyne of Florence where he enterteyned many intelligences and amities yet the most parte beleeued well of his innocencie and were persuaded that he nourished a great desire to take Pisa for the reputacion glorie that would redowne to him the principall end and respect of euery great Capteine The french king being now aryued at Myllan all the Potentates of Italy except king Federyk came to him some in person and some by Embassadors some to congratulat his victorie and some to iustefie themselues of thimputacion to bee more inclined to Lodovvyk Sforce then to him and some to seeke suertie of him hereafter of their proper estates The king receiued them all graciously and compounded with them all but diuersly according to the diuersitie of condicions and according to the greatnes of the profit which he might drawe hee tooke the Marquis of Mantua into his protection and indued him with a companie of an hundred Launces with an honorable pension and the order of S. Michaell he receiued likewise into his protection the Duke of Ferrara he and the Marquis were with his maiestie in person who pertaked not in that benefit without well paying for it with other difficulties for that euer since he rendred the Castle of Genes to Lodovvyk he hath bene esteemed to beare a mynde contrary to the french he accepted also into his grace and protection but vnder a great summe of money Iohn Bentiuole who had sent to him his sonne But of all the residue the Florentyns compounded with him most hardly and chargably for that their merits all forgotten and the harmes they had so long tyme endured during the late king in folowing the frendships of Fraūce all the court almost was against them those reasons were not accepted that not to stir vp Lodovvyk Sforce against them for the matters of Pisa had constrained them to remeyne Newters for that thimpression which the frenchmen tooke when king Charles gaue libertie to the Pisans remeyned yet firmly fixed in their affections besides that the men of warre of the Camp iudged them both by brute and experience to be men of merit valour and reputacion for seruice which drew not a litle their disposicions to beare them fauour Besides the authoritie of Tryvulce was no small impediment to the purposes of the Florentyns for that aspiring ambiciously to the Lordship of Pisa he fauored wholly their cause who desired to receiue for their Lorde eyther him or any other in whom was habilitie to defende them against the Florentyns who were generally blamed by the mouthes of the whole Court for the death of Pavvle Vitelly as to execute without occasion a Capteyne of so great merit and to whom the Crowne of Fraunce owed much in honor and friendship for that his brother was killed and he made prisoner in the frenche seruice during the warres of Naples vnder the late king Charles But in the ende the king inclining more to his proper profit thē to things vaine entred into cōposicion by the which his maiestie receiuing them into his protectiō bound himself to defend thē against all men with six hundred Laūces foure thousand footmen as also the Florentins to defend his estates in Italy with foure hūdred mē at armes three thousād footmē That the king at their requests should apply that ayde of Launces if need were a strength of artillerie for the recouering of Pisa the places occupied by them of Syena and Lucqua but not of those peeces which the Genovvays helde And that if these companies were not demaunded of him before he should be bounde when he sent an armie to the enterprise of Naples to conuert either the whole or part of it to this expedicion That the Florentyns if they recouered Pisa and not otherwayes should be bounde to minister to him for the conquest of Naples fyue hundred men at armes and fiftie thousand Duckats to defraie the payes of the Svvyssers for three moneths that they should restore to him thirtie thousand duckats which Lodovvyk Sforce had lent them rebating according to th accompt which Iohn Iacques Tryvulce shoulde make so much as they had paied or dispended for him Lastly that they should take for Capteine generall of their men of warre the Prefect of Rome brother to the Cardinall S. P. ad Vincla at whose instance it was demaunded In so goodly an occasion the ambition of the Pope slept not who soliciting earnestly to haue promise kept with him the king gaue to the Duke Valentynois comē with him out of Fraūce three hundred Launces defraied vppon the treasors of the king and guided by Yues D'alegre foure thousad Svvyssers vnder the charge of the Bailiffe of Dyō but paide of the Popes pursse which companies were for his ayde in the warre which he mēt to make vppon the Viccaires of Romagna The townes of Romagna vexed with others that are subiect to the church with sundry accidents haue bene for many yeares gouerned with a iurisdiction almost seperat from the
the people of Myllan then they expressed when hee departed The lyke disposicion was founde in other cities and communalties as in Pauya Parma declaring immediatly for Lodovvyk whose example Lody Plaisance had folowed if the bandes of the Venetians marched affore towardes the Ryuer of Adda had not bene entred Alexandria and almost all the places beyond Po being furthest from Myllan and nearest to Ast which was french stirred not determining to take aduise what they should doe vppon the issue and traine of things Lodovvyk being thus repossessed of Myllan made speedy leauies of as many Italian footmen and men at armes as he could labouring by peticion by offers and all maner of hopes all those in whom he had any reason to exspect succours in so great necessitie Therefore he aduertised Themprour by Galeas S. Seueryn of his happie beginning beseeching him to supplie him with men and artilleries And because it stood not with his fortune and also was farre from his desire to haue the Senat of Venice his enemie he gaue direction that the Cardinall Askanius should speedely sende the Bishop of Cremona to Venice to offer them the readie will and inclinacion of Lodovvyk to accept suche condicions as it pleased them to demaund But the constancy of the Senat of Venice made vaine all that labour for that they determined not to exchaunge their confederacion with the french king for the vncerteine and newly reconciled frendships of Lodovvyk The Genovvays notwithstanding the importunate solicitacions of Lodovvyk refused to returne vnder his obedience And the Florentyns would not heare his request touching the repayment of the money which he had lent them Only the Marquis of Mantua sent to him his brother with a certeine proporcion of men at armes there came to him also the Lordes of Myrandola of Carpy and Corege and the Siennoys releeued him with small summes of money succours almost contemnible in so great daungers as also did litle import the aydes of Phillipp Rosse and of the Veminesques whose fathers albeit had bene dispoiled by him of their auncient liuinges yet Phillip leauing without leaue the paye of the Venetians went thether to recouer his landes and hauing obteyned them ioyned himselfe to the army of Lodovvyk the famuly of Verma did the lyke and they both to reenter into grace by that occasion Lodovvyk ioyning diligence to his fortune and not vsing the fauour of the tyme in vayne after he had assembled a thousande fiue hundred men at armes besides the Burgonion bandes of horsemen and layed to the regiments of Svvyssers many Italian footmen he left the Cardinall before the Castle and passed ouer Thesin And obteyning by accorde the towne and Castle of Vigeneua he layde seege to Nouarre choosing that enterprise affore thexpugnacion of Mortaro either for that the frenche had made strong fortifications at Mortaro or els for that he esteemed Nouaro a towne renowmed and plentifull with all thinges to import more for the reputation substance of the warre or perhappes he imagined that the recouerie of that towne woulde breede want of vittels and so constraine the french that were within Mortaro to abandon it or at least he cast that it would hinder Yue D'alegre from entring Nouaro who was now marching from Romagna for assoone as he had receiued aduertisements from Tryvulce leauing the Duke Valentynois in the enterprise of Pesero he departed speedely with all the horsemen and the Svvyssers And vnderstanding neare to Parma the rebellion of Myllan he accorded with those of Parma and Plaisance not to offende them so that they would not hinder his passage And being come neare Tortona he entred the towne where at thinstigacion of the Guelffes of that Citie burning in desire to be reuenged of the Gebelyns who returned to the deuocion of Lodovvyk had expulsed them he put all to sacke and spoile the Guelffes crying out in vaine of his faith for that their loyaltie was no better respected but being the kings faithful seruants they were no otherwise vsed then belonged to the deseruings of his most traiterous enemies from Tortona he marched into Alexandria where he staied for that the Svvyssers of his armie either because they were not paied or for some other secret reasō left him wēt to the Duke of Myllās Camp whose strength being now greater then his enemies he prepared speedely to the battry of Nouaro to thend to cary it affore the frēch exspecting succors from the king were strong enough to encounter him in the field A matter which succeeded happely to him For that the frēch bands that were within Nouaro hauing no reason of hope or possibilitie to defende it agreed to deliuer vp the towne receiuing the promise of his faith to depart in suertie with all their goods which he kept iustly with them protecting them with safe conduite to Verceyll And albeit he was persuaded by many that the ouerthrowing of those bandes was of great importance for his victorie wherein they occupied these reasons that if it were lawfull according to thauthoritie and examples of great men to breake faith to conquer a Lordship of an other that it was more lawfull to straine both othe faith and all promises to keepe that which was his owne yet he abstained from all violacion hauing regarde to the estate of his perils fraile condicion of his fortune After he had got Nouaro he deuised how he might haue the Castle But it was beleeued that if he had aduaunced to thenterprise of Mortaro all the french bandes had fled affore him ouer Po Tryvulce and the Lorde of Ligny not agreeing well together Whilest Lodovvyk was in these expedicions following the fortune that best led him to the reconquering of his estates no lesse care and diligence occupied the frenche king who vnderstanding the rebellion of Myllan disgested it with no litle greefe and discontentment And therefore sodeine mischiefes requiring speedie remedies he dispatched with a wonderfull speede into Italy M. Trymoylle with sixe hundred Launces and sent to leauy a great regiment of Svvyssers folowing an auncient and assured experience of warre to represse with a strong force a rebellion in an estate newly conquered And lastly to th ende there might be an exact diligence in all prouisions he created the Cardinall of Amboyse his Lieftenant for Italy dispatched him immediatly to Ast In so much as all things prepared with a quick readines there was mustred in Italy for the king in the beginning of April a strength of fiftiene hūdred Laūces ten thousand Svvyssers footmen six thousand of the kings subiects vnder the leading of Trymoylle Tryvulce Ligny Which companies being drawne into one Camp at Mortaro marched to Nouarro hauing no lesse cōfidence in treason then in their forces For that the Svvysser Capteins which were with Lodovvyk had secret intelligence practise of cōspiracie with them by the meanes of their countreymen which serued in the french armie notwithstanding in the action of Nouarro they showed
the Lucquoys and the Siennoys beganne to minister openly to the Pisans both men and money And at Florence the diuisions so increased amongest the Citizens that they were not only in dishabilitie to recouer the thinges lost but also they prouided not in any sort for the disorders that were in their iurisdiction For some particular factions falling into open armes and priuate force there were done betweene them aswell in the towne as fieldes many hostilities and burninges proceeding sometymes with forreine ayde euen as if it were a warre ordeined and set To these insolent disorders they applied no order to the great reproche of their common weale In this tyme Caesar Borgia omitted no oportunitie to aduaunce his affaires And albeit the King was much discontented with the Pope for not ayding him to recouer his Duchie of Myllan the same being the cause why his maiestie had deferred to sende him bandes of men to prosecute thenterprise begun against the Viccaires of Romagnia Yet the desire he had to keepe amitie with him made him chaunge opinion for the feare he had of the descending of Thallemaines hauing no meane to establishe an accord with Themperour But much more was concurrant in that desire the authoritie of the Cardinal of Amboyse for thambiciō he had to obtein the legacion for the realme of Fraunce The Cardinall in this aspiring desire had litle remembraunce to the councell of Sainct Gregorie that he that seeketh authoritie let him consider howe he commeth to it and comming wel to it howe he ought to liue well in it and liuing well in it howe he must gouerne and gouerning wisely he must ofte call to memorie his owne infirmitie Ambicion is an humor verie vnmeete for Churchmen for that it hindreth to their humilitie and charitie and generally altereth the whole vertue of their profession It is hurtfull to raise a mynde ambicious into high authoritie for that he that is desirous of glorie is soone stirred to do things against equitie and to him that seeketh to be aboue all men it is harde to keepe alwayes equitie which is the chiefe parte of iustice The Pope eftsoones promised the King to ayde him with men and with the person of his sonne when soeuer he would aduaunce the enterprise of Naples to indue the Cardinall of Amboyse with the legacion of the realme of Fraunce for eightiene monethes which was esteemed a great matter aswell for that it was new and rare as for that it diminished muche the doinges and profites of the Court of Rome The King for his parte sent to him vnder the leading of Monsr D'alegre three hundred Launces and two thousand footmen making knowne to euerie one that what soule so euer would oppose agaynst the enterprise of the Pope he would take it to hart as if the iniurie were done to his proper person With which reputacion ioyned to his proper forces conteining six hundred men at armes and sixe thousand footemen the Duke Valentynois entred alreadie into Romagna tooke without resistance the Cities of Pesera and Rimini whose Lordes and owners fledde Afterwardes he turned his force to Faenza which had no other defence then of the people of the place For not only Iohn Bentyvolle vncle by the mother side to Astor a litle childe was made contented aswell for feare to stir vp the armes of the Pope and his sonne as to obey a commaundement he had receiued from the King The Florentyns and Duke of Ferrara doing the lyke for the same occasions But also the Venetians who were bound to defende him signified to him obseruing the request the King made to them that they had renounced the protection of him a thing which they had likewise done affore for the same occasion to Pandolfe Malateste Lord of Rimini And which more is to expresse with greater apparance that they fauoured the Pope they created at the same tyme the Duke Valentynois Gentleman of their Towne an action not accustomed to that common weale but for recompence of benefites receiued or in token of very deare straite amitie The Duke Valentynois enterteined in his Paye Dennis de Nalda Natyffe of Brisiquolle a man of great opinion in the vale of Lamona by his meanes hee tooke the Towne of Brisiquolle without daunger and with the same fortune brought vnder his commaundement almost the whole Vally He tooke the olde Citidell by force and caryed the newe Castle by accord made with the keeper He had also hope to enter into the Castle of Faenza by meane of a practise enterteyned by the sayde Dennis by the Castle keeper who was of the same Vallye had long tyme gouerned thestates of Astor But thintelligence being discouered he was made prisoner by the Faventyns who making their fortune no feare to them showed no signes of faint courage for that they were abandoned of euerie one and much lesse stood discomforted for the losse of the Valley which was of great importance But as people resolued to vanquishe their aduersities with their proper vertues They determined to passe vnder all perilles to continue their subiection to the famuly of the Manfredis vnder whose obediēce as they had liued in easie gouernment a long tyme so doubting the worst that might come by chaunge of Lordes they stood resolute in their faith and loyaltie and carefully strengthned their Citie against the present daungers From which disposition the Duke of Valentynois being not hable to turne them neither by promises nor threatninges he incamped neare the walles of their Citie betweene the Riuers of Lamona and Marsana and planted his artillerie on that side that is towardes Furly which albeit is incompassed with walles yet commonly it is called the Subburbes where the Fauentyns had erected a strong Bastillion He battered it with great furie together with that Iawme or corner that is betweene the Subburbes and the Towne the fift day he gaue the assalt But finding the resistance of the towne aboue his exspectation he sownded the retraite his souldiours bringing away many woundes and maymes and Honorius Sauella a principall man slaine in the action The Camp suffred litle rest all the residue of the dayes it remeyned there aswell by a continuall affliction of the artillerie from the Towne as also by the vallour of thinhabitantes who notwithstanding they had a verie slender strength by forreine souldiours yet they made many issues and sallies and skirmished with no lesse fortune then courage But aboue all other perplexeties albeit the moneth of Nouember was not yet finished the tyme which was more extreme then agreed with the custome and nature of that season troubled him much both for the Snowes that fell and the frosts that were intollerable greeuous impediments to the trauels of warre and also for that his lodging was naked and open to the ayre the Fauentyns affore the Camp came neare their walles hauing burned all their houses and cut downe all such wood and trees as might giue succours to their
naked of all comforte other then suche as men in miserie may hope for And therefore waighing with theyr wantes within the Castle the weakenes of the Florentyns to minister sufficient succours and in due season being come but to Quarate and durst not passe further they rendred by necessitie that which they could not holde by their vertue making only this agreement that the residue remeining in libertie the Bishop with eight others which they of Aretze would chuse shold abyde prisoners to exchaunge them for some of theyr Citizens which were prisoners at Florence The commons of Aretze dismantled the Citadell and the armie of the Florentyns fearing leaste Vitellozze and Iohn Pavvle who were farre stronger then they woulde charge them retyred to Monteuarcho leauyng to the discression of thennemyes all the places thereabout It was beleeued that this enterpryse was made without the priuitie or knowledge of the Pope and Duke Valentynois in whom was no contentment that Peter de Medicis shoulde returne to Florence for that hee was straitly allyed with Vitellozze and the Vrsins whom they had secretly determined to oppresse And yet hauing alwayes giuen them hope of the contrary they consented that Vitellozze Iohn Pavvlo and Fabio Mercinorie in theyr paye should prosecute thenterpryse Yea they did not dissemble that they were very glad of the rebellion of Aretze hoping that by those displeasures done to the Florentyns it might happen that eyther they might get some parte of their dominion or at least constrayne them for their profite to some harde condicion But the Florentyns not beleeuing but that they were the authours of the whole mischiefe were so muche the more terryfied and therefore reapposing little in the remedyes which of them selues they were hable to applie for that by the ill disposicion of the Citie they had in theyr paye but a verie small proporcion of men at armes and not hable to refurnyshe theyr power so soone as the necessitie of theyr daunger requyred They had speedie recourse to the frenche King Laying affore him not only that which they coulde challenge by his honour bynding him selfe so lately to their defence but also the apparant daunger to the Duchie of Myllan if the Pope and Duke Valentynois against whom was no little suspicion to bee the kyndlers of this commocion became Lordes ouer Tuskane They debated with him by lyuely reasons that the Pope and the Duke were mightie in armes hauing an armie compownded vppon excellent Capteynes and Souldiours of choyce and that by the declaracions they made neyther Romania nor Tuskane woulde suffice theyr infinite ambicion aspiryng to matters more ample and immoderate And lastly seeing they had offended the honour of the king by inuadyng suche as were in his protection necessetie nowe constrayned them to thynke no lesse vppon theyr owne suertie then to take from him the meane to bee reuenged of so great an iniurie These reasons moued not a litle the Kyng whō had alreadie begunne to mislyke with the insolencie and ambicion of the Pope and his sonne And consideryng that the warre was begunne in the kyngdome of Naples betweene hym and the Spanishe and the negociacion of accorde with Maxymilian broken and lastly that hee was not for many reasons to trust the Venetians he began to doubt leaste the inuasion of Tuskane supported by some secrete councell of others turned not to his great disaduauntage In which opinion hee was confirmed greatly by certeyne aduertisementes from Charles D'ambo●se the Cardinalles Nephew and Lieftenaunt to the King in all the Duchie of Myllan who suspecting suche innouacions perswaded the King to prouyde carefully for his proper daunger And therefore with a councell resolued and direction equall to the importunitie of the buisines determining to make marche into Italy with all speede his armie and to succour readily the Florentyns hee gaue charge in the meane while to the saide Lorde Charles to sende foorthwith to theyr reskewes foure hundred Launces and dispatched an Heralde in poste to commaunde not only Vitellozze Iohn Pavvle Pandolphe and the Vrsins but also the Duke Valentynois to forbeare to offende any more the Florentyns wherein him selfe made great instance to the Popes Embassadour and threatned with very sharpe words Iulian de Medicis and the Agentes of Pandolfe and Vitellozze which were in his Court. But in this tyme the Duke Valentynois who since the accident of Aretze was come out of Rome with his armie makyng semblance to take Cameryn whether he had sent before the Duke of Grauino Liuerot de Feruie with part of his bandes to make spoile and hold it beseeged but in true meaning to surprise vnder that semblance the Duchie of Vrbyn After he had resembled his armie vppon the confines of Perousa he demaunded of Guidobaldc Duke of Vrbyn money and artillerie Which was easily agreed to him for that it was neither for his suertie to refuse a Prince who had his strength so neare and also hauing a litle before compounded with the Pope touching the controuersie of a tribute he had no occasion to feare The Duke Valentynois hauing by this meane made the other lesse sufficient for his owne defence departing so deinly from Nocero marching with a diligence so well disposed as he would giue his men no leasure to reappose or bayte he arryued the same day at Cagly a towne of the Duchie The sodeinnes of whose comming and against a people vnprouided brought such a generall amaze that the Duke Frauncis Marta Rovvero prefect of Rome his Nephew had skarce leasure to finde safetie in fleeing Suche a passion is sodeine feare that it makes men runne not whether councell directes them but whether their fortune will leade them not suffring them to consider of their perill but makes them oftentimes to throw away their weapons and refuse the thing that should be their safegarde But the Duke Valentynois putting diligence to the disposicion of his fortune obteined in very few houres a victorie of all that state except the rocke of S. Leon and Manuiola to the great displeasure and feare of Pandolfe Vitellozze and the Vrsins who nowe began to discerne theyr proper perils by the harmes of an other After the conquest of the Duchie of Vrbyn the Duke Valentynois who iudged all aduētures inferior to his fortune was raised into diuers thoughts Somtymes he determined to make an end of the enterprise of Camerin and sometimes he resolued to inuade openly the Florentyns In which councell he had stand setled if the commaūdement he receiued from the french king had not brideled his ambicion hauing assured knowledge that notwithstanding the Popes trauell to alter him his maiestie had sent men at armes in fauor of the Florentyns was resolutely determined to defende them and in that inclinacion he prepared to passe in person into Italy These doubtes drawing diuers reasons with no lesse variacion touching the end of things so incombred his thoughtes that he staied within Vrbyn to consider what he had
to doe and what would be the successe of things During which time the Pope and he solicited many matters with the Florentyns hoping to bring them somewhat to condiscend to their desires And on the other side he suffred many of his soldiors to go continually to the Camp of Vitellozze Who hauing assembled an armie of eight hundred horsmen and three thousande footmen and for the better reputacion of his doinges calling his armie the Camp ecclesiasticall Had since the rendring of the Citadell of Aretze occupied Mount S. Souyn Chastillon D'aretze and the Citie of Cortono with all the other townes and borowes of Valdichiano Of the which not one of them taried an assalt both for that they sawe the succours of the Florentyns not in readines and also the tyme seruing then to gather the fruites it stood not with their habilities to lose the profit of their reuenues alleaging that in that respect they were not rebels to the Florentyns seeing Peter de Medicis was in the armie for whose restoring it was saide that enterprise was made And it is not to be doubted that if Vitellozze after the taking of Cortono had sodeinly entred the countrey Casentyn that it had not bene in his power to haue marched euen to the walles of Florence both for that the french bandes were not yet come and also the most parte of the Florentyne footemen were dispersed for that almost the townes being lost the occasion of seruice ceassed and they were returned to their houses But as it hapneth oftentymes that very small impediments hinder th execution of many high enterprises so the desire he had to winne for him selfe the borow of S. Sepulcher a place neare to Citta de Castello hindred the better councell notwithstanding to couer his couetousnes he alleaged that it was not sure to leaue behinde his backe any place that was enemie Therefore he turned towardes Angu●aro which place albeit it only had this constancie to abide till the artilleries were planted being too weake to resist so strōg an enemie yelded to discression without excepting any thing From thence he marched to the borow S. Sepulcher which he tooke by accord hauing no better habilitie of resistance then the rest and so drawing towardes Casentyn and aryuing at the village of Rassina he sent to summon the towne of Poppy of strong scituacion but wherein were very fewe souldiours But the reputacion of the french armes supplied their weaknes want of forces for that two hundred Launces arryued alreadie neare Florence vnder Captein Imbault not daring for lack of footmē to affrōt the enemie were marched to S. Iohn D'arno with intenciō to reassemble in that place all the bands Which being knowne to Vitellozze fearing least his absēce wold be incōueniēt for thē of Aretze he retired with diligēce frō Lauernia within two miles of Quaratta from thēce drawing on to declare that he feared not the enemie to assure Rhōdina with other places therabouts he incamped in a strōg place on that side to Rhondina hauing left certeine bandes of footmen for the guard of Ciuitella Gargonse which were the portes or gates by the which the Florentyn bandes might enter into the countrey These companies being also aryued two hundred Launces more vnder Capteine La Hire assembled betweene Monteuarche and Laterina with intencion that assoone as they had gathered a strength of three hundred footmen to goe incamp neare Vitellozze vppon some high hil A resolucion against his suertie and therefore neither hable to keepe that place nor leauy his Camp without great daunger he retired neare to the walles of Aretze But the frenche taking the fielde with their whole army and incamping right ouer against Quaratta he was driuen to retire within Aratzo Where albeit he had sayde to many that he would performe a notable defence in the same Citie yet new accidents hapning he was constrained to turne to new thoughtes For Iohn Pavvle Baillon was come to Perouse with his regiment fearing by that that was done to the Duke of vrbyn least he should fall into daunger of the lyke oppression By reason of which examples and no lesse for that which hapned in Camaryn Vitellozze Pandolfe Petrucci and the Vrsins fell into great confusion of mynde For in the very tyme that the Duke Valentynois commoned of accord with Iules de Varana Lorde of Cameryn he surprised the Citie by suttle meanes and hauing Iules in his power with two of his sonnes he caused them to be strangled with the same inhumanitie which he vsed against others But that which most amazed Vitellozze was that the french king already come to Ast sent Lovvys Trymouille into Tuskan with two hundred Launces and great strength of artilleries Who marching to Parma exspected there three thousand Svvyssers which the king sent for the recouery of Aretze at the charges of the Florentyns The King being greatly kindled against the Pope had an intencion to despoile the Duke Valentynois of Romania with other estates occupied by him and for that effect had sent for all those that either feared his power or had bene offended by him whom he assured that he would execute that intencion in person and protested publikely with great affection that it was an enterprise no lesse full of pietie and deuocion then if the action were dressed against the Turkes He laide also his plot at that tyme to chase out of Sienna Pandolfe Petrucci for that he had sent money to Lodovvyk Sforce when he returned to Myllan and alwayes had made open profession to be imperiall But the Pope and Duke Valentynois knowing that they were not hable to resist so great a storme and rage of anger of the french king had recourse to their suttleties and wel experienced craftes with the which they forged excuses that the actions agaynst Aretze were done by Vitellozze without their knowledge and that there authoritie sufficed not to restrame him and much lesse to keepe from ayding him the Vrsins and I. P. Baillon who albeit were in his paie yet they were ouerruled with the regard to their proper interests And the better to bring the minde of the king to moderation Duke Valentynois sent to tell Vitellozze that if he restored not Aretze and the other places of the Florentyns he would come with his whole armie and compel him to render that which he had vniustly gotten Which sommonce ioyned to the cōsideratiō of the present estate of the affaires bred no litle astonishment in the minde of Vitellozze fearing least as hapneth for the most part that the strongest being reconciled the indignation of the king would turne against him which was the weaker in strength and farre inferior in all other meanes And therefore to auoyde his perill so apparant he called into Aretze the Capteine Imbault contrary notwithstanding to the willes of the Florentyns who desired that the townes lost might be redeliuered freely in the fielde who compoūded that Vitellozze departing immediatly with al
vertue and expedition of the confederates had bene equall to the oportunities that were offred But whilest they stoode in exspectation one of an other eyther for that the regimentes of men agreed vppon at the dyot were not yet readie or els that the practises of accorde helde them in suspence Thoccasion which at the beginnyng shoane with a fauourable lyght towardes them was vanyshed and turned into a cloude For that the Frenche King had giuen direction to Monsr Chaumont to sende foure hundred Launces to the Duke Valentynois and to aduaunce besides all his other meanes to readresse and reduce his affaires to reputation Which being knowne to the confederates and they not a little confused and amazed with it euery one beganne to looke to his proper buysines In which respect the Cardinall Vrsin continued the practises he had begunne with the Pope and Anthony de Venafra sent by Pand. Petrucci went to Ymola to solicit with Valentynois With whom lykewise treated Iohn Bentyuolle hauing at the same tyme sent an Embassadour to the Pope and made to bee restored the things that were robbed at Doccio These practises were norished with a wonderfull art by the Duke Valentynois who iudging that Pavvle Vrsin would be a good meane to dispose the residue he made as though he reapposed great confidence in him in which affection he sent for him to come to Ymola and for his suertie the Cardinall Borgia went to the landes of the Vrsins The Duke Valentynois vsed very gracious wordes of Court to Pavvle wherin to giue a better shadow to the treason he intended he complained not so much of him and the residue who hauing serued him long with so great fidelitie were of late estranged from him for some vain suspitions as of his owne indiscression being him selfe the very occasion of their iust iealousies and the only instrument of that distrust that hath bene norished betweene them But he hoped that this cōtencion and alienation of affection growing by no other occasion would turne it selfe into an other habyt and in place of grudge and ill will would breede betwene them and him a perpetual dissoluble friendship since amongst vertuous men recōcilement hath this propertie to knit with greater suertie of faith constancie the hartes that haue liued in separatiō For him self as he referred them to cōsider how farre it was from their power to oppresse him seeing the french king was so well determined to support his greatnes So on thotherside being made wiser by thexperiēce of harms past he cōfessed franckly that all his felicities reputaciō proceeded of their councelles vertue And therfore desiring much to return to that auncient communiō of faith which had bene so familiar betweene them he was readie for his parte not only to assure them in what sort they would but also to make them Iudges so that there were regard had to his dignitie of the quarels that were betweene him the Bullonnois To these wordes apperteining generally to them all he added perticular demonstrations of the great confidence he had in Pavvle whom he filled so full of hopes and peculiar promises that his art and suttletie carying showes of innocencie and true meaning he betraied the simplicitie of Pavvle who beleeued that wordes so vehemently pronounced could not draw with them intentions dissembled A thing easie to the Duke by the propertie of his nature and no lesse familiar by the quicknes and custome of his wit but most readie by the forwardnes of his passion which nourished nothing with more sweete delight then the deuise that might betray the lyues of them to whom hee offred his faith But whilest these thinges were in solicitation the people of Cameryn called home againe Iohn Maria de Varaua sonne of the late Lorde of Camerin who was in Quilea And Vitellozze with the great complaint of Valentynois and Pavvle Vrsin tooke the Rocke of Fossambrona In so muche as the Castle of Vrbyn being lykewise loste with the fortresses of Cagly and Agobia there remained no more to him in that state but Sainct Agatha hauyng also loste all the countrey of Fano And yet notwithstandyng Pavvle continuing the practyse begunne after he had gone many times from Ymola to Bollonia to establishe some forme to the affaires of the Bentyuolies who were his parentes for his daughter was maried to Hermes the sonne of Iohn he cōtracted with Valentynois in this sort But with this relation that the contract shold bee approued by the Cardinall Vrsin by whose aduise all the residue were gouerned That all olde hates and grudges shoulde bee defaced together with the memorie of all iniuries paste That the auncient payes shoulde bee confirmed to the confederates with further obligation to goe as souldiours to Duke Valentynois to the recouering of the Duchie of Vrbyn and other estates which were rebelled But for their suertie they shoulde not bee bounde to serue in person otherwayes then one at a tyme nor the Cardinall Vrsin to remeyne in the Court of Rome That touchyng the matters of Bollonia there shoulde bee made a compromise in the personnes of the Duke Cardinall Vrsin and Pandolfe Petrucci With this conclusion Pavvle Vrsin assuring him selfe euery day more and more of the good intencion of Valentynois went to finde the residue to induce them to ratifie tharticles But Bentyuole holding it neither honorable assured nor reasonable that tharbitration of his affaires should bee passed ouer to an other sent the Pronotarie his sonne to Ymola and receiuing ostages from Valentynois he made an accord with him and the Pope whereunto they condiscended so muche the more easely by how much they considered that the french king comming better to consider either what an infamie it would be to him or how much it would import him that the Citie of Bolonia were in their deuotion wold alter his first deliberation and not suffer them to obteine it These were the conditions of thaccord That there should bee a perpetuall confederation betweene the Duke Valentynois on the one parte and the Bentyuoles with the communaltie of Bollonia on the other parte That the Duke should haue of the Bollonoys appointment of an hundred men at armes for eight yeares which should bee conuerted into the paye of twelue thousand duckats by yeare That the Bollonois should be bound to serue him with a hundred men at armes and a hundred Crosbowshot on horsebacke only for the yeare to come That the french king and the Florentyns should promise obseruation for both the one and other parties That for the better assurance of the peace the Bishops sister of Luna who was Nephew to the Pope should bee maried to the sonne of Annyball Bentyuole But for all these Valentynois ceassed not to solicit the comming of the frenche bandes and the three thousand Svvyssers which he had taken into his paye vnder shadow that he would employ them not for the confederates but for the recouery of the Duchie of Vrbyn and Cameryn for
this answer commaunding them the same day to departe his Court he turned immediatly all his wittes to the preparations of the warre wherein taking occasion vppon the greatnes of the wrongs that had bene done hee determined to aduaunce farre greater prouisions both by land and sea then had bene done in any tymes affore by any of the kings of Fraunce So importunate is the passion of reuenge in the mindes of mortall men who notwithstanding finde oftentimes more securitie to dissemble iniuries then to reuenge them In so much as he determined to sende two mightie armies to the realme of Naples the one by sea and the other by land And least in the meane while Caietto and the Castles of Naples were lost he prepared to succour them with diligence by sea aswell with new supplies of men of warre as with all other necessarie thinges And to giue impediment that there went no succours out of Spaine which had bene the cause of all the disorders he resolued to inuade the kingdom of Spaine with two armies by lande addressing one to the countrey of Rossillion which adioyneth to the sea Mediterraney and the other to Fontearaby with the other places assisting vppon the Occean sea And also at the same time to assaile with an armie by sea the coastes of Catelognia and Valencia But whilest the French were diligent in preparing for these expedicions Consaluo deuising how he might haue the Castles of Naples planted his artillerie against new Castle at the foote of the hill Saint Martyn From thence on a place somewhat raised he beat the wall of the Citadell whose situation being towards the sayd mounteine was made strong with auncient walles their foundations being almost vnder the earth At the same tyme also Peter of Nauarro cast a myne to ouerthrowe the walles of the Citadell battring also the new Castle walles and the Towre of S. Vincent which Consaluo had wonne a fewe daies before Newcastle had a forme building after an other fashion then it is at this day for that now the Citadell being taken away there beginneth a newe circuit of walles where were the walles of the same and that stretcheth along the place of the Castle vntil the sea This circuit begun by Federyke by him raised euen to the wast being made of verie strong matter of walling wel foūded is very hard to be vndermined for that it is subiect to coūtermynes on all sides and also the water runneth almost vppō the vppermost part of the ground Consaluo had a determinatiō that assoone as he had taken the Citadell and comming neare the valte of the Castle wal he would destroy it with new mines But either by the naturall rashnes or by the ill fortune of the french men a greater occasion was offred to him the aduersities of the French making all thinges happie to their enemies For after Peter of Nauarro had put fyre to the myne which he had perfected the furie of the powder blewe open the wall of the Citadell and at the same instant the Spanish bandes of footemen standing readie arenged in battell exspecting thoperation of the fyerworke made entryes on many sides partly by those places of the wall that were broken and partly vsing the seruice of eskaling ladders they commaunded the wall in sundrie other places not hurt by the myne their fortune making those things easie which by experience reason seemed not without manifest peril On the other side the french issuing out of the Castle of intenciō not to suffer them to remeine within the Citadel charged them but with a successe farre inferior to their vertue for that being immediatly ouerlaied with multitudes of the Spanish as they retyred towardes the Rampier the Spanyards entred pellmell with them and running with the same fortune euen vp to the way that goeth to the gate they so redoubled the feares of the Frēch mē alredy appalled by the dispaire of their own estate that standing in condition vtterly abandoned in lesse then half an houre they rendred the Castle with their goods liues to discressiō the Count of Montoire remeining prisoner with many other Lordes This cōquest was so much the more agreeable to the Spanyards lesse for the purpose of the frēch by how much there arriued from Genes the daie folowing for their succours an armie by sea of six great ships with many smaller vessels fraighted with vittels weapō munitiōs a regiment of two thousand footmen At the discouery of this Nauy the Spanish army at sea riding then in the port of Naples retired into Yschia whether the French Nauie pursued them vnderstāding the new Castle was lost But the Spanish Nauie hauing sunke before them certeine Barkes to th end they were not compelled to fight after they had bestowed certeine bollnes of shot one against an other more for pleasure then preiudice they brake of the one going to Caietta and the other being reassured by the departure of thenemie retyred to the mole of Naples Fortune doing more for their safetie then their owne vertue After the taking of new Castle Consaluo fell to deuise by what meanes he might haue the residue of the realme and therfore without tarying for tharmy that was in Calabria which laie there to conquer the vale of Ariana to take away all impedimēts to passe further he sent Prosper Colonne into Abruzza And leauing Peter of Nauarro affore the Egg Castle he marched with the residue of th armie towardes Caietta in the taking wherof he supposed did consist the summe of the warre for that both the hopes and the dispaires of the French men depended wholly vppon the defence or losse of that Citie strong by the oportunitie of the sea and by the conueniencie and greatnes of his port verie fitte to receiue the armies that should be sent from Genes to Prouance Touching the French men they did not only hold Caietta but also besides the places thereaboutes which were in their power they commaunded in Abruzza Aquilea the rocke of Euandra with many other places Besides the Lord Levvys D'ars hauing reassembled many trowpes of horsmen and footemē being fortesied with the Prince of Melfa within Venousa did great harmes to the countrie thereabout Lastly Ronssano Matalona with many other strong peeces apperteining to the Barons of the faction of Aniovv helde out constantly at the deuocion of the french king their vallour notwithstanding being insufficiēt to resist their aduersities In this meane while Peter of Nauarro made certein cloase or couered Barks with the which approching in more suertie the walles of the Egg Castle he cast a mine on that side which prospects Pizifalcona without the knowledge or priuitie of thē within assone as he had intāgled it with the fire he blew into the aire in great fury one part of the wall together with the bodyes of men that stoode vppon it With the which both for the action terrible and the newnes of the deuise straunge the
present He sawe he was not hable in one tyme to susteine the hatred of the Colonnois and Vrsins and fearing least they should ioyne in conspiracie against him he resolued to reappose rather in those whom he had offended only in their goods then to trust to the behauiour of such as he had greeued both in their goods and persons And in that minde he procured readie reconcilement with the Colonnois and such of the Vale as folowed that faction he inuited them to returne eftsoones to their estates and made restitution of the Castles which Alexander with great expenses had fortefied and enlarged the alteration and feare of the tyme compelling him to doe more then any regarde to honour equitie conscience or religion All which notwithstanding sufficed not neither for his suertie nor to keepe the towne of Rome in peace wherein all thinges were full of suspicions and tumultes for that both Prosper Colonno was entred and all that faction had taken armes And also Fabio Vrsin comming euen to the houses of the famylie of Mont Iordan had with a great multitude of his partakers set a fire certeine marchands shoppes and the houses of many Spanish Courtiers a nation generally enuyed by the memorie of thinsolencies which they had done during the Popedom of Alexander Besides Fabio thirsting after the bloud of Valentynois made great leauies of forreine souldiours and solicited Bartlemevv Aluiano being then in the paie of the Venetians to ioyne with him and his house in the reuenge of so many wrongs as he had don them thinking it but iust to raise violence against him whose furie had not spared to persecute them and their friendes with all sortes of oppression and ruines The subburbes and meadowes so swarmed with the men of warre of Valentynois that the Cardinals seeing no reason of suertie to assemble at the Bishops Pallaice drewe together at the couent of the Church of Minerua at which place contrary to the auncient custome they began but farre later thē they were wont to doe the funerall of Alexander The trouble and mutinie of the tyme present not only deferring the celebration of the obsequies but also somewhat derogating the ceremonie detecting in those last actions the abhominable and infamous lyfe of him in whose regard they were done It was much feared least Consaluo would come to Rome specially for that Prosper Colonno had left at Marina a certeine number of Spanish soldiours and for the reconciliation of Valentynois with the Colonnois it was beleeued that he had an intention to folow the Spanish faction But greater were the feares of the comming of the french armie which had marched slowly till that day for that in the publike councelles of the Svvyzzers being not a litle amazed for the ill fortune of the French in the realme of Naples it was doubted affore the contract that the king could not make leauie of their men and all the Capteynes and footemen chosen together had refused for the same occasion the same being the cause that they were not so readie and that they made long aboade by the wayes But in respect of the Popes death the armie which was gouerned by the Marquis of Mantua with title of the kings Lieftenant and by the Baily of Caen Monsr de Sandricourt in whom except the name remeyned as much power as in the General for that Trimouille remeined sicke at Parma Was come without tarying for the Svvyzzers to the territories of Sienna with intencion to goe to Rome according to the direction of the king who also had commaunded the Nauie which was at Caietta to make saile to Ostia to giue impediment to Consaluo for going to Rome with his armie to compel the Cardinals to chuse a Pope at his deuotiō Notwithstanding the frēch armie remeined certeyne dayes betweene Boncouent and Viterbe for that the marchands making difficultie for the trobled tyme that was at Rome to accept the billes of exchaunge that were sent out of Fraunce the Svvyzzers now comē into the coūtrey of Sienna refused to march further if they were not paied In this tyme the tumultes were no lesse in the territorie of Rome with many other places through the estate of the Church and the landes of Valentynois for that the Vrsins and all the Romish Barons restored them selues to their estates The familie of Vitelli were returned to Cittade Castello Iohn Pavvle Baillon vnder hope of a certeine intelligence had assailed Perousa In which action albeit he was put to the chase by his enemies and constrained to go his way yet being refurnished with new bands and open succours of the Florentyns he entred the towne in a braue and resolute assalt not without the slaughter of his enemies and some losse of his owne companie The towne of Plombyn also tooke armes which albeit they of Sienna laboured to vsurp and occupie yet the auncient Lorde returned thether by the fauour of the Florentyns The Duke of Vrbyn the Lordes of Pesere of Camerin and Sini Gale did the lyke in theyr estates Only Romagnia notwithstanding they were not without suspicion of the Venetians who leauyed great bandes of men at Rauenna remeyned quiet and inclined to the deuotion of Valentynois knowing by experience howe much it was more tollerable and better for the weale of the countrey to serue one only and mightie Lord then to haue in euerie towne Lords perticular who neither for their weaknes could defende them nor for their pouertie were able to doe them good but rather when they founde their reuenues insufficient to enterteine them they would be constrained to oppresse them They considered also that for the authoritie and greatnes of the Valentynois and for the good iustice he ministred amongst them their countrey was not vexed with so many mutinies and tumults of factions as it was wont to bee bringing ordinarie slaughters to their friendes and cohabitants Besides they drew into consideration the benefites that he had done for many together with the great friendshippes he had gotten by enterteining and giuing paie to suche as had bene trained in armes by distributing offices to men able and sufficient and also by soliciting his father on the behalfe of Prelates and Church men touching the collation of benefices and spirituall dignities Out of these respectes they tooke occasion of firmnes that neither thexamples of others that reuolted nor the memorie of their auncient Lordes could not estraunge them from Valentynois Who albeit he stood oppressed with many difficulties lesse exspectation of habilitie in a state so pluckt and broken yet was he laboured vnto both by the French and Spanish with many offers and promises importunatly solicited to bee on their side For that besides the oportunitie of his forces and men of warre they hoped by this meane to winne the voyces of the Spanish Cardinals in the election to bee made But the Duke looking wisely into the state of his affaires tooke councel of the inclination of the time and refused to
whole or parte when the waye shall be made open in Italie and the hope of pray and spoyle layde afore them And we haue well seene what feare he hath alwayes had of the discending of the Almains and the king of Romains howe poore and disordered soeuer he be who if he were in Italie it were not reasonable to thinke that he should haue with him any other thing then a warre full of perils and aduersities and a peace yll assured and yet dearely bought It maye be he thirsteth to recouer Cremona and happly all the other townes but there is no conformitie or likelyhood that he will embrace a great daunger to get a thing whose value is lesse then thaduenture No it is more credible that he will proceede in this case rather with discretion then rashnes seeing by the consideration of the errors heretofore imposed vpon that king we shall finde that they proceeded of no other infirmitie then of his great desire to make his enterprises with suretie wherein I referre you to his examples in the actions of Naples and Cremona being induced to make partition of that kingdome and to deliuer to vs the citie of Cremona for no other reason then to make more easie the victorie of those warres so that it is more credible that euen at this present he will rather follow his custome and wise counsels then be caried with aduises sodayne and rashe seeing withall he remaineth not altogether depriued of hope to accomplishe his expectations with the fauor of an other tyme in more suretie and with better occasion whiche is a thing whiche mortall men are wont to promise to them selues easily therror beeing lesse to promise a chaunge and reuolution of worldly affayres then to perswade that they are alwayes firme and stable neyther doth that much amaze me which is sayde those two kings haue treated so often amongest them selues for that it is a custome with the Princes of our time to entertaine one an other artificially with vayne hopes and dissembled practises which for that in so many yeeres they haue brought foorth no effect it can not be that they were other then fayre showes fictions and shadowes of things or els nourished in themselues suche difficulties as they coulde not be resolued the very nature of th affayres resisting to take away the distrustes that are betwene them without whiche fundation they haue no meane to come to that coniunction So that I can not feare that for the couetousnesse of our townes the Frenche king wyll throwe himselfe headlong into so indiscrete a deliberation and muche lesse will he attempt an action so casuall for any suspition he hath of vs for that besides the great knowledge and experience he hath of our intentions hauing no want of perswasions and occasions to leaue his alliance the same reasons by the which we are assured of him will enterchaungeably holde him assured of vs for nothing can be more preiudiciall to vs then the king of Romains to haue anye estate in Italie no lesse for thauthoritie of thempire ouer whose amplification and greatnes we ought alwayes to stande fearefull and ielouse then for the ambition of the house of Austria pretending interest to many of our townes but moste of all for the neighborhoode of Germanie whose innundations can not but be too perillous for vs and our dominion we bearing withall a brute to haue all our counsells rype and measured and to erre more in beeing too harde and slowe then to proceede with too much rashnes and credulitie I denie not but things maye fall out contrarie to thopinion of men for that worldly actions oftentimes drawe with them effects straunge and farre aboue thexpectations and wisdomes of mortall men and therefore who coulde set downe any warrant or suretie were not of the least merite or commendation but since that can not be done without entring into moste huge daungers and difficulties we muste consider that oftentimes vayne feares are no lesse hurtfull then too great confidence and credulitie if we enter confederation with the king of Romains agaynst the Frenche king the warre muste necessarily be begon and continued with our moneys which we must also aduaunce to furnish all his prodigalities and disorders otherwise he will eyther accorde with the enemie or retyre into Germanie leauing vpon our shoulders the whole burden and perill of the quarrell we muste susteine a warre agaynst a moste mightie king of Fraunce Duke of Millan Lorde of Genes a prince enuironed with many regimentes of men at armes no lesse mightie in artileries and prouisions and at the brute of whose payes and money will draw to him from all nations infinite bands of footemen Besides what hope of good successe can be nourished in this enterprise seeing we can not but feare that in all those of Italie which eyther pretende agaynst vs or that we holde any thing of theirs or at least stande ielouse ouer our greatnes will not be a disposition to drawe into conspiracie agaynst vs but especially the Pope to whom besides his disdaynes towards vs the power of the Emperour in Italie will neuer be acceptable for a naturall hatred that hath alwayes bene betwene the Church and thempire the same making the Popes to haue no lesse feare of themperours in things temporall then they haue of the Turkes in matters spirituall And this coniunction happly may be more dangerous to vs then the vnion which we feare betweene the king of Romaines and the French king for that where is societie of many princes which pretend to be equall there commonly do kindle suspitions and debates by which oftentimes it hapneth that those enterprises which haue bene begon with no small reputation slyde easily into many difficulties and lastly into dissolution and ruine neither ought wee to make this a last consideration that albeit the French king haue enterteined certeine practises contrarie to thalliance which we haue with him yet we haue seene no effectes by the which we may say he hath delte vniustly with vs and therefore to leauie warre agaynst him would be no other thing then to merite imputation of infidelitie and faythbreaking on the contrarie whereof this Senate ought to buylde his principall fundation aswell for the honor as profite of the affaires which we haue euery day to manage with other princes Neither can it be profitable to vs to nourish and continually augment this opinion to seeke to oppresse dayly all our neighbours and to aspire to the whole monarchie of Italie I woulde in God we had in times past proceeded more considerately for almoste all the suspitions that at this present are heaped agaynst vs haue no other beginning then that heretofore we haue too muche offended them and it will not be beleeued that feare draweth vs to a newe warre agaynst the French king our auncient confederate but rather that we are caried with certayne ambicious and couetous inclinations ioyning with vs the king of Romains to winne vpon him one parte of
the Popes forces gaue small obedience to this commaundement he complayned that he shoulde be constrayned not to reape the fruite which grewe to him in his proper house with small labour and to be driuen to buye of an other for the vsage of his peoples the ware whereof he had enough to replenishe forreine countreis alleaging withall that that ought not to be enforced for an example which the Venetians had made him consent vnto more by compulsion of armes then by condition of iustice Whiche reasons little auayled to content the Pope who eftsones sent to protest to him vnder great paynes and accursings to discontinue that worke suche were the thoughtes and actions of the Pope inclined altogether to rayse vp and support the Venetians But on the other side Caesar and the French king thirsted not a little after their embacement with desire to diminishe their authoritie and greatnes And beeing muche discontented with the demonstrations which the Pope expressed on their behalfe they drew into a more strayte alliance and intelligence one with an other concluding to inuade the Venetians that sommer with huge forces for the better aduauncing of which expedition the contracte bare that the Frenche king for his parte shoulde sende Monsr Chaumont with a strong armie wherevnto should be ioyned the Launceknightes that lay at Verona And Caesar for his parte should make entrie into the countrey of Friul with those leauyes of men and munitions which he hoped to obteine of thempire in the dyet of Auspurge and hauing accomplished that action he was to proceede to other enterprises according to the estate of occasions and tyme They solicited the Pope to ioyne with them according to the bonde of the league of Cambray holding it but iuste to sommon him to performe that which he had so willingly promised But he who was no lesse discontented with that motion then hauing a capacitie searching aboue the witte of other men made aunswere that he was no more bound to that confederation which hath had already his perfection seeing it had bene in the power of Caesar to haue first Treuisa and afterwards a satisfaction recompence in money Caesar likewise solicited to haue succours from the king Catholike both by vertue of the same capitulations of Cambray and also vnder couenantes and promises made particularly with him at suche time as he consented to him the gouernment of Castillo But this solicitation as it bare a forme of request to ayde him rather with money then with men so the king of Aragon whom it imported muche not to disfurnishe him selfe of the thing whereof he had moste neede aunswere that he would sende him foure hundred launces A strength of little profite for Caesar for that aswell in the Frenche armie as in his owne campe the seruice on horsebacke was plentifully furnished About this time the Citie of Verona liued in great afflictions vnder the souldiours that garded it who for that they were not payed drewe into secret conspiracie with certayne Venetian bandes by whom they thought to worke some trayterous stratageme for which purpose the Venetians issuing out of S. Boniface approched the Citie by night to skale the Castell of S. Peter and as they were entred S. Georges gate whylest they taried to fasten their ladders together for that being single they sufficed not to reach to the height of the wall eyther they were heard by the warders of the castell of S. Felix or in their feare they seemed to heare a brute of armed men And as in matter of enterprise imagination abuseth muche so whether they feared their owne shadowes or whether they doubted that to be in deede which was but a vision in their timerous fantasies they sodenly retyred leauing behinde them their ladders as testimonies of their feare and intention leauing to thenemie to doubt muche of their vallour that in so fayre an oportunitie forsooke the felicitie that their fortune had prepared The armie retyred forthwith to S. Boniface and at Verona the conspiracie comming to detection many were passed ouer to iustice and punishment though some found fauour more by clemencie then their proper innocencie In this season the Pope expressed certayne inclinations to be eftsones reunited with the french king not of goodwill but for feare for that Maximilian sommoned him with braue messages to lende him two hundred thousande duckets threatning that otherwise he would ioyne with the French king agaynst him An other reason of his feare was a brute that was spread that in the Dyet of Auspurge it was agreed to minister to him a strong succor and also the peace had bene newely established betweene the kings of Englande and Fraunce and published with great solemnitie By reason of these feares he began to trayte with great diligence with Albert de Carpy whom till that day he had interteined with wordes and hopes generall vsing in all his actions of negociation more art then true meaning and lesse fidelitie then fayre resemblaunce But besides the mutabilitie of his owne nature the variation of occasions made him not dwell long in that resolution both for that the Parliament of Auspurge without the forces and aydes of which there was no great reckoning to be made of the threates of Caesar not aunswering exspectation determined for him no other succours then a supply of three hundred thousande Florins of Rhein whereof his prodigalities had already made great wastes And also the king of England signified that he had setdowne an article in the peace expressing that it should be no peace as often as the French king should offend the state of the Churche In regard of these things the Pope reentred into new stomack and returning eftsones to his former thoughts he began to heape new cōplaintes agaynst the Duke of Ferrara who he sayd that since it was suffred to the subiects of the Church to sayle and traffike frankly through the gulfe of Venice had imposed newe tributes vppon the goods which were brought to Venice by the riuer of Pau A taxation which the Pope alleaged that the vassall coulde not leauie according to the interpretation of the lawes without licence of the Lorde paramount and withall it was a thing that brought great preiudice to the people of Bolognia who were his subjects for which consideration he made instance that they might be deposed threatning that otherwise he would bring warre vpon him Wherin to giue him a greater feare he caused to marche his bands of men of warre into the countrey of Bolognia and into Romagnia These things troubled not a little the mind of the French king beeing loath on the one side to fall at oddes with the Pope and on the other side he felt him selfe touched in honor and conscience to leaue abandoned the Duke of Ferrara to whose protection he had bound himselfe by receiuing thirtie thousande duckets No lesse was he moued with the regarde of his proper profite for that duke Alfonso depending wholy vpon him and fleeing so
of Vincensa an example to all others of the clemencie of thAlmain empire Call to your honorable memories the pitie and magnanimitie of your renowmed elders who beeing victorious in Italie preserued the Cities that were vnited and confederate many of them choosing those seates for their proper dwellings and from thence to the singuler glorie of thAlmain race are discended so many noble houses in Italie as Gonsaguo Catraro and Escalo who sometimes were our Lordes Let Vincensa serue at one time for example both that the Venetians ayded and supported by vs in our lesser daungers haue cowardly and dishonorably left it abandoned in the greatest perills and necessitie of defence that euer coulde happen and on the other side that the Almains in whom was some reason to distresse vs haue ioyned remission to our offences and both frankely and gloriously preserued vs whome by due iustice they might haue put to punishment The punishment of one onely is not crueltie but the calamities of many That Prince that lookes stricktly vppon the offences of his people cannot be called mercifull but rigorous and hauing an example in the dealing of God with sinners if he looke straitely vpon offendors who can abyde it We appeale also to you oh inuincible Lorde Chaumont to take vs into your protection looke backe to thexample of your king whose clemencie was greater to them of Millan and Genovvay drawne into reuolte without necessitie then was their faulte which was both voluntarie and vaine but after they had found his clemencie greater then their transgression and that his pardon preuayling aboue their offences he had reclaymed them by so great a benefite as to gyue them lyfe he coulde neuer after finde any fault in their fidelitie and seruice Seueritie keepes men in obedience but it is by compulsion which is seruile but clemencie winneth the heart and affection whiche confirmeth the suretie of the Prince Oh Prince of Hanavv if the preseruation of Vincensa turne nothing to the profite of Caesar at the least it will bring him glorie remayning as a perpetuall example of his benignitie If he destroy it it can serue him to no vse and the seueritie whiche he vseth to vs will be greeuous to all Italie Clemencie will make acceptable to all men the name of Caesar and as in actions of warre and managing of an armie he is knowne to haue great affinitie with the auncient Caesar so in beeing easie to pardon where he hath power to punishe his clemencie will make him equall with Caesar in all those vertues which haue made his name perpetuall to all posterities Vincensa that flourishing and auncient Citie and heretofore the seate of nobilitie lyeth nowe prostrate at your feete she exspecteth from you eyther her preseruation or destruction her lyfe or death take pitie of so many innocent persons so many vnfortunate women and so many guiltles children who in that lamentable night full of folly and error medled with nothing and nowe with plaintes and waylings exspect your deliberation To pardon many for th offence of one is thoffice of a pitifull prince but to punish many for the fault of one can not but holde of tyrannie Consider that what is done by force and necessitie bringes with it a sufficient reason of excuse In which regarde we kisse your knees and aswell with the repentance of thoffendours as with the innocencie of the guiltles and lastly with the humilitie and submission of this whole afflicted state we beseche you pronounce at last that reuiuing voyce of mercie and clemencie through the whiche our wretched Citie comming to receiue a new life shall call you alwayes her right worthy preseruer and patron Suche is the obstinacie of a mynde once iustly iniuried that neither the pitifull phrase of this Oration nor the sorrowfull aspect of the speaker lying prostrate at his feete and muche lesse the compassion of so wretched a Citie coulde moderate the mynde of the Prince of Hanavv whose felicitie making him insolent and hys authoritie cruell he coulde not so muche commaunde ouer his passions as to make his words lesse cruell then his deedes making by the mouth of a Doctor this rigorous and vncomfortable aunswere Thinke not that eyther the power of your perswasions or other respect of your dissembled sorrowes can suffice to wipe out of memorie the faultes you haue committed agaynst the maiestie of the name of Caesar without any regarde to his greatnesse or dignitie and lesse respect to the honor wherein you were receiued by him you haue by common councell consent of the whole citie called into your towne the Venetian armie who forcing the suburbes with great difficultie distrusted to take it and beganne to go away you called them in agaynst the will of the Prince that represented the person of Caesar you constrayned that prince to retyre into the Castel in the furie of your rebellion haue sacked the artilleries and munitions of Caesar you haue torne in peeces his pauillions displayed in honor of his victories in so many warres and triumphes These insolencies were not done by the souldiours of the Venetians but the people of Vincensa haue defyled their loyaltie discouering their violent thirste after the blood of thAlmains It was not long of you that the Venetian armie tooke not Verona whiche they had done if knowing thoccasion they had followed the victorie This happned not by the counsayle or perswasion of Fracasso who abused by your slaunders hath expressed clearely hys innocencie it was an effect of your wicked mindes it moued by a poysoned impression of hatred which without cause you beare to the Almain name your offences are so haynous as there is no place lefte for pardon or merite the despite of the iniurie you haue done maketh double the desyre of reuenge it was not your errours that made you offende but your wicked inclinations and therefore to vse clemencie to you woulde bee both hurtefull and infamous for that you woulde returne to your vomite vppon euery occasion And the harmes you haue receiued haue not bene for a punishment and skourge of your faults but for that you would obstinately perseuer in rebellion And nowe that the Venetians haue abandoned you you haue no other remedie to defende you but to implore the pitie of Caesar whom you haue betrayed The Prince was determined not to heare you following thintention and commission of Caesar and yet he hath not denied you audience satisfying the will of the Lord Chaumont but he will not chaunge the sentence which since the first daye of your rebellion hath remayned fixed in the minde of Caesar he will not receyue you otherwise then to discression for your goodes your honours and your lyues And hope not that he will do that to showe you the more clemencie but the better to make you serue for example of punishment to such as accursedly breake their faith to their soueraigne Prince The seueritie of this aunswere dyd not a little amaze the aggreeued people
with that that should be reasonable But if the Pope would proue obstinat refuse to consent to their request that then they should prosecute the councel And for that cause Caesar should assemble the Prelats of Germany as the french king had done the Clergy of Fraunce to th ende to proceede further as they should after be aduised Assoone as these capitulacions were published the Bishop of Gurce receiuing many honors rich gratificacions of the king returned to his Prince And the kinge with whome the fiue Cardinalls that were parties to the calling of a councell had presently contracted that neyther he without them nor they without his consent shoulde capitulat any thing with the Pope expressed with vehement demonstracion in wordes the forward desire he had to discende into Italy in person leading such a power as shoulde be able for longe tyme afterwards to assure his affayres And to th ende that affore his marching they fell into no aduersitie or declinacion he sent to Chaumont to minister speedy succours to the Duke of Ferrara and at the same instant he added eight hundred launceknightes to the companie of two hundred launces which he had asfore sent to the Duke vnder the leading of the Lord of Chastillon On the other side the Popes armie after they had made with great delayes necessary prouisions and left Mar. Anth. Colonno for the gard of Modona with an hundred men at armes foure hundred light horsemen and two thowsand fiue hundred footemen went and incamped before Concorda which they forced the same day thartillery was planted And taking immediatly afterwards the castell by composicion they approched neare to Mirandola it drew now towards the ende of September happly the season of that yeare was much more sharpe then ordinarily it had wont to be In which respects and that the towne was strong being also beleued that the french would not leaue a place so conuenient the Capteines began to distrust of the victorie not hauing regard to the felicity of the Pope which made all things fal out well to him but iudged according to experience and pollicie which in matters of enterprise ought principally to guide men of warre Neuertheles the Pope promising to him selfe so assuredly the victorie of the whole warre that sending Cardinall Sinagale a new Legat into th armie for the discord that was betwene the Duke of Vrbyn and the Cardinall of Pauya he charged him in the presence of many that aboue all thinges when the armie should enter into Ferrara they should looke to the keeping of that citie The fourth day after the armie approached neare Mirandola the artillerie began to execute notwithstanding with no lesse trauell then discommoditie aswel for regard of the present season as for want of vittels which came very sparingly from Modona The reason of this restraint of vittells grew by thimpediments that the frenche gaue who hauing bestowed fifty launces within Guastallo as many within Corregia and two hundred and fifty in Carpy and hauing withall cast downe al the bridges occupied all the passages by the which reliefe might come from Mātua they kept the armie no lesse distressed with want of foode then the hardnes of the season hindred their other actions But as necessity is mighty to make men resolute so their extremitie stirred them vppe to a deuise that diminished their skarceties for that deliuering out a false brute that th armie would come and assayle Carpy such as were within being fearefull for that they were not furnished with artillerie did presently dislodge from thence leauing the place abandoned nor by compulsion but by feare About the ende of this yeare there fell vpon the person of the Pope some imputacion and infamie as though it was conspired by his priuitie and consenting that by the meane of Cardinall de Medicis there was practise with Marke Anth. Colonno and certeine younge gentlemen of Florence to kill Pe. Soderin Gonfalonier by whose working it was supposed that the Florentyns followed the french faction This suspicion was aggrauated by this coniecture that the Pope notwithstanding he labored by all his meanes and authoritie to winne that common weale yet he was neuer able to bring that to passe by practise by pollicie nor by compulsion which they refused for want of affection opinion and liking Besides a litle before at the french kings request and to the Popes discontentment they were broken of from the truce with the people of Syenna although they had refused to moue armes vntill six monethes after A thing which the king desired to hold the people in seare And lastly they had sent to the king two hundred men at armes for the gard of the Duchy of Myllan A matter demaunded by the king by vertue of their confederacion not so much for thimportance and necessitie of such a succor as for desire to make them enemies with the Pope In this estate of affayres did ende the yeare a thowsand fiue hundred and ten But the beginning of the new yeare was made notable by a matter not exspected according to the time present nor neuer read of in anye the actions or examples of ages past The Pope was ielous that there was not vsed that diligence in the seruice of Mirandola that was eyther necessary to such an enterprise or able to satisfie his desire wherein taking occasion of their slowe proceedings he interpreted to the ignorance and infidelitie of his Capteines but chiefly to his Nephewe that which reasonably proceeded of many difficulties for these respects together with his ambicion which helde him altogether subiected he determined to goe thether and aduaunce thinges by his presence preferring thimportunitie and violence of his minde affore all other regardes he considered not howe daungerous and vnworthye it was for the maiestie of suche a degree that a Pope of Rome shoulde in person leade armies against townes of Christians And much lesse was he carefull of the opinion and iudgement that the worlde woulde make of him to giue an apparant cooller and almost a manifest iustificacion to those factions as were in practise to call a councell and stirre vppe Princes agaynst him making their suggestion that his gouernment was hurtfull to the Churche and his vices infamous and incorrigible Suche speeches ranne thorow the Court suche coniectures were made some marueled at his furye some blamed his intemperance some feared the thinge they durst not vtter And euery one comparing his actions with the importance of his place and calling ▪ accused his indiscrecion wherein the Venetian Embassadors were no lesse forward then the residue The Cardinalls besought him with great instance his fauorits made reasons to perswade but durst not displease him And his whole Court obiected against the vnworthines of the iorney but his obstinat resolucion made vaine all their labours and deuises his singuler passion was inuincible against all reason in which disposicion he parted from Bolognia the second of Ianuarie accompanied with three Cardinalls
difficulties for the defence of Modona returned vpon him agayne he left the disputation of words consented to haue it set downe in writing that Modona should be restored to Caesar of whose iurisdiction it was And as Vitfruch thembassadour of Caesar resident with the Pope had receiued the possession of it and that he might remayne there in suretie by the authoritie of Caesar he dismissed Mark. Anth. Colonno with the other bands with whom he had kept it afore in the name of the Church aduertising Monsr Chaumont that Modona was no more the Popes but was iustly reuerted to the iurisdiction of Caesar This was not beleeued of Chaumont who still continued to worke the Cardinal of Este to put in execution the conspiracie and intelligence whiche he interteyned with that Citie In so muche that according to direction the Frenche bandes which Chaumont had left in garrison within Rubiero were made out one night but notwithstanding they marched with as litle brute as they coulde within a myle of Modona they returned the same night to Rubiero either for that the order of their faction within was not correspondent or els the Frenchmen had preuented their time and were come to soone Neuerthelesse they gaue no place to this yll successe but made an other ●ally out of Rubiero to come to Modona falling notwithstanding into the same impedimentes they did before aggrauated nowe by the deapth and rage of the waters to passe the ryuer of Sekchie whiche runneth before Rubiero At laste Vitfruch became suspicious and committing to imprisonment certayne of the Citie vpon whom he imposed an intelligence with the cardinall of Este he obteined of the Pope that Marke Anth. Colonno should eftsones returne thither with the garrison that was there before A matter whiche had not stayed Monsr Chaumont beeing nowe come to Carpy to marche and encampe before it if the qualitie and season of the time had not taken from him the drawing of his artillerie along the way betwene Ruolo and Carpy A way not more then ten miles from thence but euen the worst of all the ways in Lombardie notwithstanding their ouerflowing with waters and marishe natures Besides all this Chaumont was euery day more and more aduertised that Modona was redeliuered to Caesar simply and absolutely which made him make this couenant with Vitfruch not to offende Modona nor his territories receiuing reciprocally his promise that in the actions betwene the Pope and his king he should not fauour the one nor the other partie But suche is the destinie and ende of all fleshe that all men borne in humaine nature muste in their time appoynted resigne to the earth the life they had of the earth it happned not many dayes after that Chaumont fell into a greeuous maladie and beeing carried to Correge ended his life within fiftene dayes expressing deuoutly somewhat affore his death how greatly he was repented and remorsed of the vexations he had done to the Church and besought the Pope by a publike instrument to giue him pardon and absolution which being graunted whilest he yet lyued coulde not come to his knowledge by reason of the sodennes of his death He was a Captayne that in his life bare great authoritie in Italie both by the singular credite of the Cardinall Amboyse and also for that he managed almost absolutely the Duchie of Millan and all the armies of the king But touching his habilitie or vallour it was farre inferiour to so great a burden the greatnes of his place carrying him into suche singularitie of minde and weening that not knowing of him selfe the arte and order of warre he would not giue fayth to suche as were hable to instruct him by whiche it happned that after the death of his vncle his insufficiencie beeing no more supported by countenance and fauour he fell in his latter dayes almoste into the disdayne of the souldiours notwithstanding he suffred in them wonderfull insolencies and licencious behauiours to stoppe them from yll reapporting him to the king In so muche as Triuulce a captayne trayned in auncient discipline woulde oftentimes protest by othe that he would neuer go more into the Frenche armies vnlesse the king marched in person or at least him selfe commaunded as cheefe Neuerthelesse the king was determined affore to sende for his successor Monsr Longeuille discended of the bloud royall but a bastarde borne and not so muche esteemed for his vertue as for his discending and ryches By the death of Chaumont Iohn Ia. Triuulce remayned gouernour of th armie by the prerogatiue that he was one of the foure Mareshalls of Fraunce to whom the generall beeing dead the rule of th armie apperteineth by the statutes of Fraunce vntill the king do otherwise dispose of it And albeit not knowing how long he shoulde be continued in that gouernment he durste not attempt any matter of consequence yet he returned with th armie to Sermidi to go to the succors of Geniuola afore the which the Pope had not onely sent his bands that were in Romagnia but also had procured the Venetian fleete to approche at the same instant which came thither with thirtene light gallies and many other vesselles of meaner burden But he had no necessitie to passe further for whilest the landemen incamped about it with very litle obedience and order there was discouered vpon a sudden the Duke of Ferrara and the Lorde of Chastillon with the Frenche souldiours that were ledde out of Ferrara in greater numbers then were thenemies and marching along the brinke of the ryuer of Pavv and beeing come vp as farre as the ryuer of Santerno they cast the bridge which they had brought with them and in one moment charged and confused thenemies who by reason of their disorder beeing not hable to make resistance fell into one generall and voluntarie fleeing sauing three hundred Spanishe footemen whiche garded thartillerie In which confusion they loste their ensignes and artilleries many chieftaynes of the horsemen finding more safetie in the fortune and swiftnes of their horses then in their proper valours By reason of this aduersitie the Venetian fleete to auoide the daunger that threatned hoysed sayle into the winde and so retyred into the ryuer of Pavv The affayres of the warres had these diuers proceedings not expressing any assured token to iudge what would be the issue of it The thoughts also of Princes were no lesse diuerse and no lesse incertayne specially the cogitations of Caesar who contrarie to all exspectation determined to sende the Bishop of Gurce to Mantua to negociate a peace It is set downe before that by the working of the Bishop of Gurce it was resolued betwene Caesar and the French king to make strong warre vppon the Venetians in the spring time and withall to call a councell if the Pope consented not to the obseruation of the league of Cambray To this Caesar bearing a very vehement inclination had since the returning of the Bishop of Gurce sent to all his prelates of his
dayes after arryued there the Bishoppe of Paris the Frenche kinge who to be more neare the solicitations of peace and the better to furnishe his prouisions for the warre was nowe come to Lyon perswading him selfe that the Pope woulde also sende thither and ioyne frankly in the action But suche was his obstinacie agaynst the deuoute willes of all these great Princes that he made greate instance to haue the Bishop of Gurce to come to him not so much that he thought it aunswered thexspectation of his dignitie Pontificall as for that he hoped that in loading him with honours ceremonies and promises ioyned to the efficacie and authoritie of his presence he might raunge him and make him conformable to his wyll beeing nowe more estraunged then euer from peace and agreement wherein to make the labour more easie and the successe agreable to hys desyre he solicited Hierome Vich whiche was of Valence and Embassadour resident for the king Catholike to goe on hys behalfe to the Bishop of Gurce The Bishoppe of Gurce refused not to condiscende to the Popes wyll but he obiected that it were good he woulde firste take order for that that was to be done afterwardes assuring that the difficulties woulde bee more easilye dissolued and decyded if the negociation were firste managed at Mantua with intention to goe afterwardes to the Pope with matters well debated and almoste resolued He alleaged that this course he was bounde to take no lesse for the necessitie then for the facilitie of thinges For as it coulde not bee conuenient for him to leaue alone the Bishoppe of Paris whome the Frenche king had sent to Mantua at the instance of Caesar so there was no hope he shoulde debate in th affayres of his king and no lesse inconuenient to require him to goe with him to the Pope seeing that neyther it aunswered his commission nor the dignitie of his king to goe to the house of thennemie affore their controuersies were accorded or at least very neare to bee resolued Of the contrarie the two Embassadors of Aragon declared that the whole hope of peace making depended vppon the agreement and composing of the affayres of Ferrara for that they beeing determined and no more cause remayning to the Pope to sustayne the Venetians they shoulde bee constrayned to yeelde to peace with suche lawes and conditions as Caesar woulde That the Pope pretended that the sea Apostolike had great and strong rightes ouer the citie of Ferrara and did esteeme Alfonso to haue vsed towards him a great ingratitude and had done him many vnworthy iniuries That to abate and qualifie the rigor of his minde whiche was nowe full of displeasure it was more conuenient that the subiect or vassall shoulde implore the clemencie of his Lorde then to come and dispute of his iustice For which reasons they perswaded that it was not only comely and honest but also conuenient and necessarie to go to him in which iuste humilitie and submission they doubted not but he woulde diminishe a great parte of his rigour They thought it not profitable that that diligence that industrie that authoritie whiche was to be imployed to dispose the Pope to peace shoulde be consumed in perswasions tending to endes doubtfull Lastely they added with very sweete wordes that neither could matters haue their full disputation nor the quarrells sufficiently searched into vnlesse all the parties were together in full assistance And that within Mantua was onely but one parte for that Caesar the French king and the king Catholike were in suche vnitie of leagues parentages and amities that in this action they were to be reputed as brethren thinterestes of euery particular beeing common to them all What by these perswasions and other respectes more speciall and priuate the Bishoppe of Gurce suffered him selfe to bee wonne to goe thither with intention that the Bishoppe of Paris shoulde exspect at Parma what woulde be the successe of his voyage During these actions the Pope notwithstanding all solicitation made apperteining to the peace had not yet altered his thoughtes from the warre interteyning the one with showes dissembled and embrasing the other with desires burning and importunat He supposed to surprise of newe the bastillion of Geniuola recommending the charge of that enterprise to Iohn Vitelli But aswell for the small and slowe paymentes that were made the numbers of footemen were farre inferiour to thappoyntment as also that all the countrey thereaboutes stoode ouerflowed bothe by the plentie of raynes that fell and by the cutting of the rysinges of the ryuer of Pavv there was nothing aduaunced Besides Alfonso d'Este was the stronger by water who with an armie of Gallies and Brigantins so charged the Venetian fleete neare S. Albert that what with the furie of that encounter and with the feare of an other fleete of lesser vesselles which they discerned sayling from Comaccho they retyred to the porte of Rauenna with the losse of two fustes two barbottes and more then fourtie smaller vesselles This accident disappoynted the Popes hope to take the Bastyllion and therefore he returned those companies to the campe whiche lodged at Finalo very muche weakened of the strength of footemen for that the paye was so small About this tyme the Pope created eyght Cardinalles partely to allure to him the myndes of Princes and partly to arme him agaynst the threatnings of the Councell Suche as he created were prelates learned and experienced and as they bare in the Court of Rome a greate authoritie so they were personages of speciall election suche as he reapposed moste suretie in Of the number of this creation was the Archbyshoppe of Yorke Embassadour for the kinge of Englande and the Byshoppe of Syon the one beeing a man of importaunce to stirre vppe the Svvizzers and the other beeing gracious with hys king whom he hoped to kindle agaynst the Frenchmen And to drawe on the Bishop of Gurce as it were with an earnest penny certayne of the same dignitie and with that hope to make him the more tractable to his desyre he reserued to him selfe with the consent of the Consistorie a power to name an other suche a one as he had fashioned already in his mynde After he vnderstoode that the Bishop of Gurce had consented to come to him he determined to receyue him with great honour wherein to expresse more office then thestate of a Bishop of Gurce coulde chalenge and lesse respect then apperteined to so supreme a dignitie as a high Bishop of Rome he went from Rauenna to Bolognia to th ende to ioyne the magnificence of the place to the residue of the honours he pretended There he receiued him with pompes and ceremonies equall to the estate and dignitie of any king the glory of his demonstrations and showes giuing great detection of his dissembled minde The Bishop also for his parte expressed no lesse pompe and magnificence for that discending into Italie with the title of Caesars liefetenant he came accompanied with a very great
And to make his approch to Bolognia on that side below there was no other hope sauing that happly thennemies might remoue for feare least he assayled Romagnia in which might be offered some occasion eyther to him to fight or to the people of Bolognia to make some tumult Neuertheles in the ende after he had resolued to make tryall if eyther the vniuersal disposicion of the citie or the particuler intelligences of the Bentyuoleis would stand him in any steede he led the army the vauntgard guided by Theodore Tryuulce the mayne battell by him selfe and the rearegard by Gaston de Foix to encampe at the bridge of Laine which is a place vpon the high way fiue myles from Bolognia and bearing a perpetuall renowme for the memorie of thenterviewe of Lepidus Mark. Antho. and Octauius who by the testimonie of histories vnder the name of Tryumuirat established in that place the tyrannie of Rome together with that proscripcion which can neuer be blamed and detested enough The Pope was not at this time at Bolognia but since the departure of the Bishop of Gurce beeing perplexed in varietie of thoughts and councells sometymes courage and sometimes feare bearing dominion in him assoone as he heard Tryuulce began to march notwithstanding the spanish launces were gone he went from Bolognia to th armie to th end by his presence to encourage the Capteines to giue battell to thennemies to the which he coulde neuer dispose them either by his letters or labor of his Embassadors he departed with intencion to lodge the first day at Cente but he was compelled to lodge within the towne of Pieua for that a thowsand of his footemen which were entred within Cente refused to depart till they were satisfied of their payes whereupon being eyther made angry with this contempt or happly looking more deepely into the present daunger he altered his resolucion returning eftsoones to Bolognia where his feares so redoubled vpon him by thapproching of Tryuulce that being determined to goe to Rauenna he sent for the Magistrates to whom he occupied these perswasions That by the benefit of the sea Apostolike and by his meane and labor they had shaked of a yoke of most greeuous tyrannie and had obteyned libertie with many exemptions besides many graces both publike and priuat which they had receiued and were to receiue of him in particuler by which meane in place where before they were holden oppressed with most hard seruitude and so embased and troden downe by tyrants that in other partes of Italy there was no reputacion of them now they were raysed into honor riches their citie replenished with all sortes of trades and marchandises and some of them established in right worthy and high dignities In so much as now their fortune being chaunged they bare an vniuersall reputacion in euery place they stoode free of themselues absolute Lords of Bolognia and the whole territorie the offices and honors being in their handes and the publike reuenues of their citie in their free distribucion onely the Church hath but the name keepeth there for signe of superioritie a Legat or gouerner who muche lesse that without them can deliberat of any matter of importance seeing that for such causes as are referred to his arbitracion he communicateth ordinarily with them subiecting him selfe to their aduise and wills That if for these benefits and prosperities there remeyned in them any desire to defend their propper libertie they shoulde receiue of him no worse succour comfort and protection then he would minister to the citie of Rome standing in the like necessitie That though thimportance of the present affayres constreyned him to goe to Rome yet he neyther did nor would forget to prouide for the sewertie and sauetie of Bolognia That for that regard he had giuen direction that the Venetian bandes which lay on the other side Pavv with Andrevv Gritti and to that ende cast the bridge at Sermydy should come to ioyne with th armie That albeit his prouisions were very able and sufficient to defende them yet he coulde not rest contented nor satisfied if withall he left them not deliuered from the troubles of the warre In which respect to driue the french men into necessitie to defend their owne things there were already leauyed x. thowsand Svvyzzers to discend vpon the Duchie of Myllan And for their better prouision and expedicion he had sent twenty thowsand duckats to Venice the Venetians preparing the like summe Neuerthelesse if they had rather returne vnder the seruitude of the Bentyuoleis then to enioy the sweetnes of the libertie of the Church he desired them to expresse frankely what mindes they bare for that he would make him selfe conformable to their likings onely he tolde them that if they had any resolucion to defend them selues the time now was very conuenient not onely to expresse their vertue but also to make bownd to them for euer the sea Apostolike himselfe and all the succession of Popes that shoulde come after him To this forme of perswasion pronownced according to his custom with more feruencie then eloquence after they had debated amongest them selues in councell the President of the gouernment made aunswer in the name of the whole not forgetting with wordes of great boasting to magnifie their faith their thankfulnes to benefits and their perpetuall infinit deuocion to his holines and name That they were not ignorant of the happy estate wherein they stoode and how much since thexpulsing of Tyrants their wealth had bene augmented together with the worship of their citie That where before their liues and hauiors were miserably subiected to the commaundement of others now by the benefit of peace and tranquillitie they liue in sewertie their liues without feare and their goods without perill of execucion their persons pertaking in the gouernment in the reuenues That there was not one amongest them who had not particularly receiued of him many graces and honors That they sawe renewed in their citie the dignitie of Cardinallship and many of their Citizens furnished with the principall offices of the Court of Rome In recompense of which singuler benefits they bare mindes disposed to consume all their goods to weare and wast their proper liues and to put in peril the honor and sauetie of their wife children rather then to fall any ioate from the deuocion of the sea Apostolike Therefore they desired him to depart no lesse happie then glad nourishing neither feare nor ielousie touching the things of Bolognia for that he should sooner heare that al the channell should swimme with the blood of the people of Bolognia then that city should call vpon other name or obey other Lord then Pope Iulio The man that aspireth is credulous in all thinges that are conformable to his hope yea sometymes his ambicion makes him beleeue contrary to reason or wisedom These words protested more in glory then with good meaning gaue to the Pope a greater hope then was conuenient And leauing there
Venetian companies and the bandes of Rassotte which lay vppon the hill aboue S. Luke hauing but very late knowledge of the fleeing of the Duke of Vrbyn sought their saueties by the wayes of the mounteines by the which notwithstanding they receiued great harmes they got at last into Romagnia In this victorie wonne without fighting were taken fiueteene peeces of great artillerie and many of lesser sort belonging both to the Pope and to the Venetians certeine men at armes of the Church spoyled and stripped together with an hundred and fifty of the Venetians and almost all the footemen of both the one and the other armie dispersed There remeyned prisoners Vrsin de Mugnano Iulia Manfron with many other Capteines of meane condicion within Bolognia there was not a man slaine nor any violence done eyther to the Nobles or to the Commons only there were made prisoners the Bishop of Cluso together with many other Prelats Secretories and officers which were about the Cardinall and remeyned still in his pallaice for that he had kept from them his departing The same night the day following the people fell vpon an image of brasse being the Popes picture which they trayled along the market place in great skorne and mockerie vsing no more reuerence to the Image then they bare affection to the person that it represented the cause of this insolencie was referred either to the souldiours of Bentyuoley who could not be gouerned or else to the humor of the people who bearing a nature vnthankefull and desirous of new things and no lesse weary with the trauells and harmes of the warre bare hatred to the name and memorie of him that had bene the cause of the libertie and felicitie of their contrey The day after which was the xxij of Maye Triuulce stayed in his lodging and the day following leauing Bolognia behind him he drew to the riuer of Adice and afterward stayed at the borow of S. Peter which is a frontyer vpon the territories of Bolognia exspecting before he marched further what would be thintencion of the french king whether he would execute any further action vpon the state of the Pope or else contenting him selfe to haue reassured Ferrara and taken from the Church the citie of Bolognia which he had gotten by his meanes he would establish there the course of his victorie By reason of this temporising although Sassatella the Popes Capteine and who hauing chassed oute of Ymola the faction Gibeline commaunded that citie as chiefe of the Guelffes made him secret offers to put into his handes the citie of Ymola yet he refused to accept it till he had the kings aunswer There rested onely the Citadell of Bolognia wherein was the Bishop of Vitelli A Citadell large and stronge but manned and furnished according to the custom of the fortresses of the church conteining but a very slender strength of footemen very small prouision of vittells and almost no municions at all Whilest it was holden beseeged Vitfruch being certefied of the successe of Bolognia was come from Modona by night to perswade the Bishop with great promisses and offers to deliuer it to Caesar But the Bishop hauing the fift day compownded with them of Bolognia that the liues and goods of such as were within should be saued and receiued obligacion that within a time certeine they should pay him three thowsand duckats deliuered it vp into their handes And they were no sooner possessed of it then they ronne by heapes to dismantle and reuerse it the Bentyuoleis stirring them to thaction not so much to winne fauor with the citizens as for feare lest the french king would with hold it some of his Capteines being already of a councell to demaunde it But Tryuulce would neuer giue his consent for that he thought it would be a thing contrary to the kinges profit to giue occasion to thinke that he had desire to make him selfe Lord of Bolognia By the occasion of this victorie the Duke of Ferrara recouered besides Cento and Pieua Cotignuola Lugo and the other townes of Romagnia expulsing at the same time Albert Pie who possessed them in common with him It was reasonable that the Pope shoulde receiue greate discontentments for the losse of Bolognia not onely for that the citie of most importance through the whole state Ecclesiastike next to Rome was taken from him wherein he suffered priuacion of that glory which he had gottē in conquering it which was no lesse great towards men then most principall and great in his owne conceite but also for feare lest the same fortune and felicitie which in that action had made his enemie happy would not eftsoones allure him to pursue his victorie further such be the variacions of mindes possessed with dowtes and feare and such the mocions and suggestions of a conscience troubled and infected he knew if the armie should prosecute the course of their victorie there was in him no abilitie of resistance And seeking to remoue all occasions that might prouoke them to passe further he solicited that the remeinders of the Venetian souldiours already reuoked by the Senat should embarke at the port of Cesena and for the same cause he sent to haue restored to him the xx thowsand duckats which remeyned yet in Venice being sent thether affore to stirre vp the Svvyzzers Moreouer he gaue order that the Cardinall of Nantes A Britton by nation should as it were of him self solicit Tryuulce to peace perswading that the time was then conuenient to worke it But the Cardinall made aunswere that it was not conuenient to proceede in that generalitie but rather to come expressely to perticularities he told him that when the king desired peace he did offer the condicions and that it was now no lesse necessary for the Pope to doe the like the estate of the affayres so requiring and his present fortune nothing impugning The Pope vsed this maner of proceeding more to auoid the present daunger then for any desire he had to haue peace striuing in him at one time feare obstinacie hatred and disdaine And with these passions was concurrant at the same tyme an other accident that hapned redoubling in him his sorowes and making him suspect and feare further There were brought to him many accusacions against the Cardinall of Pauia some charged him with infidelitie some imposed vpon him cowardise and some blamed him of negligence euery one thinking to make his fault the greater by the varietie of their imputacions he came to Rauenna to make his owne iustificacion and sent to the Pope to signifie his comming and to haue assignacion for audience to whom the Pope whose gladnes for his comming was nothing inferior to the affection he bare him made aunswer that he should come to dine with him But as he was going to the Popes pallaice being accompanied with Guido Vaine the gard of his horsemen The Duke of Vrbyn both for an auncient hatred he bare him and also for a suspicion that the reuolt of
to threaten or prouoke them where of the contrary it could not be but profitable to deale with them with affabilitie and demonstracion to admit their excuses for that proceeding in such maner either there would be obteyned of them with time and occasion thinges which then could not be hoped for or at least for bearing to constraine them by feare of newe resolucions they might be so interteyned that they should doe no hurt in times of daunger and perill And in case of victorie and preuailing it would rest in the power of the confederats to giue to the Florentyns such forme of gouernment as they should thinke most expedient The matter that in this action diminished thauthoritie of Pandolffo was the knowledge that was had that he desired for his profit perticuler that a warre of that consequence should not begin in Tuskane by meane of which the whole bodie partes of the contrey would suffer indifferent destruction eyther by tharmies of thennemie or by the incursions of friendes But what by the efficacie of his reasons set out so as they resisted all obiections and by thauthoritie of the man in whome was no small opinion for matters of councell it was easily determined not to assaile the Florentyns This councell was the better approued by a contencion that a fewe dayes after began to kindle betweene the Florentyns and the Cardinalls It is set downe before that the presence of the Cardinalls was not at the first actes of the councell for they taried at the borow of S. Donyn eyther to exspect the Prelats that were to come out of Fraunce or to be accompanied with those which Caesar had promised to send or happly lingring for other occasions And being departed from thence by sondry wayes the brute ranne that the two spanish Cardinalls who had taken the way of Bolognia would be reconciled to the Pope being knowne to solicit continually to that end the Embassador of the king of Aragon which lay resident with the Pope That opinion seemed so much the more credible by how much they had obteyned of the Florentyns vnder publike faith and promisse that they might remeine in sewertie within Florence But by that tyme they were come vpon the contrey of Mugello they turned suddeinly towards Lucqua eyther to ioyne with the others or perhaps their intencion had bene alwayes so or els as touching the Cardinall S. Cross his auncient ambicion preuayled more then his newe feare or lastly receyuing aduertisements in that place that they were depriued of the dignitie and cappe of Cardinalls they dispayred to fall to any accorde with the Pope About this tyme the three french Cardinalls S. Mallo Albert and Bayeux passed the Appenyn by the waye of Pontresmo together with the Prelats of Fraunce After whome and at their request marched out of Lombardye three hundred frenche launces commaunded by Odet Foix Lorde of Lautrich he was appoynted garde of the councell by the Cardinalls eyther to th ende that the councell accompanied with the armes of the french king should continue with more authoritie or els which was more likely to haue power to suppresse who soeuer durst ryse agaynst the obedience of their decrees But so soone as the Florentyns came to the discouerie of that resolucion which had bene conceyled from them vntill the bandes began to marche they determined not to receyue into a citie of so greate importance such a number of soldiours both considering the ill disposicion of the Pysans and that the last rebellion hapned King Charles being present and suffering it and also the inclinacion which the french soldiours bare to the towne of Pysa In tymes of perill wise men feare all thinges and doe holde it necessary to their sewertie to interteyne a suspicion of thinges which in common foresight and coniecture they haue no reason to doubt for the Florentyns fearing that besides the daungerous accidents that might happen by thinsolency of men of warre doubted also that the soldiours of the french king entring into Pysa it fell not out perhaps such was the secret desire of the king that he sought to make Tuskane the seat of his warres In these feares they signified at thinstant to the french king that it was harde to harbour so many people for the straitnes and sterrilitie of the contrey very vnable to prouide for the norriture of so many people 's as came from all partes to the councell They alleaged also that the place was not necessary for the sauetie of the Cardinals to whom might be offered some violence either by straungers or by the proper inhabitants their multitudes and numbers exceeding farre the pollicie garde that they had assigned to contein them To the Cardinal of S. Mallovv by whose direction the french men were gouerned in all thinges they sent word that they were determined to admit no soldiours into Pisa who by the returne of his aunswers seeming to consent be contented gaue order on the other side that the bands should aduaunce marche seuerally and without making any semblance perswading him self that being approched neare to Pisa they would enter either by force or by sutletie or at least for feare that the Florentyns durst not doe such an iniurie to the french king as to let them But the king hauing clearely aunswered that they should not marche thether at all the Florentyns dispatched Frauncis Vittoryo to the Cardinall of S. Mallo with an embassage equall to his hawtines and pride he told him from the state of Florence that if the Cardinalls entred vppon their landes armed and with bandes of soldiours they would not onely not admit them into Pysa but also would holde them for ennemies and pursue them for such And would also doe the like if the men of warre passed the Appenin towardes Tuskane for that they were to presume that they passed not for other purpose then to steale secretly into Pysa or to execute some other stratageame This message wrought so with the Cardinall that he resolued the bandes should eftsoones returne agayne beyonde th Appenyn the Florentyns consenting that besides the persons of the Lordes of Lavvtrech and Chastyllion he might reteyne with him an hundred and fiftie Archers All the Cardinalls were together at Lucqua which citie for suffering that assemblie and presence the Pope pronownced to be falne into thinterdiction And leauing there very sicke the Cardinall of Cossensa who not long after sawe there the laste daye of his mortall life the other foure went to Pysa where they were receyued by the Magistrates with colde shewes and by the Commons was expressed no great reuerence both for that their comming was displeasing to the Florentyns and the cause of that councell not well receiued nor approued by the nations of Christendom for notwithstanding the title and pretence to reforme the Churche was both very honest and greatly profitable and also no lesse necessarye then agreeable to all the regions of Christendom yet it was discerned of wise men
had with them seuen fielde peeces and many harquebushes a crocke caried by horses and some reasonable prouision of vittells Their comming seemed to be so muche the more daungerous by howemuche the inhabitantes of Millan began to be weary of the Frenche iurisdiction the same growing both by certayne newe insolencies and disorders in the Frenche souldiours more then of custome and also by the coueronsnesse of the king who would not suffer to be made any newe leauyes or prouision of footmen Besides the men at armes that at that tyme were in Italie which in true computation exceeded not a thousande and three hundred launces together with the two hundred gentlemen were not all hable to make resistance to the Svvizzers both for that parte of them were gone to the garde of Verona and Bressa and also Monsr de Foix had newly sent two hundred launces to Bolognia to withstande the comming of the Cardinall of Medicis and M. Anth. Colonno to Faenza where albeit they had no footemen as yet leauyed yet both to represse the deuisions that were in Bolognia and also for that at that time the Castlekeeper of the rocke of Sassilon a borowe of the mountayne of Bolognia had voluntarily put it into the Legates handes it was thought necessarie to sende a garrison thither From Varesa the Svvizzers sent a trompet to defye the kinges liefetenant who hauing asyet but a slender strength of men at armes and no more then two thousande footemen whereof he was not yet resolued to make newe leauies for feare to displease the king was nowe come to Assaron a place about xiij miles from Millan he had no intention to feight with them but to accoaste them and cut of their vittells in which action onely rested his hope to lette and stay them seeing there was not betweene Varesa and Millan neither ryuers harde to passe nor any place of defence From Varesa the Svvizzers marched to Galera where they mustred their armie whiche conteined ten thousande hable bodies Monsr de Foix who followed Iohn Ia. Triuulce put him selfe within Leguano which is about iiij miles from Galera By reason wherof they of Millan hauing more feare then assurance and yet their perill asyet lesse then their suspicion waged bands of footemen at their proper charges for the garde of their towne Also Theoder Triuulce caused to fortifie the bastillions and as though the armie would haue retyred within Millan he caused to cast squares and Cariers within and about the rampiers that enuironed the suburbes the more easily to manage horses Neuertheles Monsr de Foix accompanied with fiue hundred launces and the two hundred Gentlemen of the kings presented himselfe before Galera with great store of artilleries which assoone as the Svvizzers were aware of they issued out in order of battell and retired eftsones within the towne refusing to feight in a place open vnlesse their numbers were greater During these actions and in a small respite of time their numbers increased in which respect determining no more to refuse the feight they marched to Busty where was a garrison of an hundred launces who saued them selues with much a do loasing their baggage and part of their horses At last the Frenchmen who retyred alway by the like measure and distaunce that tht Svvizzers aduaunced were returned and lodged within the suburbes of Millan but there was no suretie that they would stay and stande to defence for that sometimes they affirmed and sometimes denied furnishing with great diligence the Castells with vittayles The Svvizzers afterwardes marched within two miles of the suburbes but the vniuersal feare that was had of them before began now to diminish much both for that the bandes of mē at armes that were reuoked began to arriue continually at Millan and besides they mustred many footemen exspecting also from time to time Captaine Molard with his regiment of Gascon footemen and Captaine Iacob with hys launceknightes the one directed to come from Verona and the other from Carpy About this time also were surprised certayne letters written by the Svvizzers to their Lordes whom they aduertised that the Frenchemen gaue them no great impedimentes And that albeit they had as yet receiued no newes from the Pope and lesse intelligence what the Venetian armie did whereof they marueyled yet they forbare not to marche and aduaunce continually according to the orders of the resolution They were by this time xvj thousande in number and turned towardes Moncia which they assayed not to take but bearing more towards the ryuer of Adda they kept the Frenchmen in feare that they woulde aduenture to passe ouer By reason whereof they caste a bridge at Cassan to hinder their passage vsing therein thopportunitie of the towne and the bridge In this meane while a capteine of the Svvizzers hauing first obteined safeconduit came to Millan and demaunded a monethes paye for all the footemen which offred to returne into their countrey But being departed without any effect of his message for that their offers were farre inferiour to his asking he returned the day following with greater demaundes and albeit there were made to him greater offers then the day before yet assoone as he was returned to his armie he sent backe immediatly a trompet to signifie to them that they woulde no more harken to accorde The day following contrarie to thexspectation of euery one they retired towards Coma and so returned into their countreys leauing to iudge whether they were discended to assayle the Duchie of Millan or to passe into some other place and also for what cause beeing as yet constrayned by no euident necessitie they returned so sodenly and if they were affore determined so to do why they did not accept the money that was offred them seeing withall them selues made the demaundes What so euer the cause was this is certayne that as they retyred there came two postes from the Pope and the Venetians who if they had arriued somewhat sooner it is likely the armie of the Svvizzers had not returned And it is not to be doubted that if at the same time that the Svvizzers entred the Duchie of Millan the Spaniardes had bene neare to Bolognia the affayres of the French who were not hable to make resistance in so many places had forthwith falne into manyfest ruine and perdition The French king finding nowe by experience the perill which he could not foresee afore by reason sent to Monsr de Foix before he knewe of the breaking vp of the Svvizzers that he should not spare neither labour money nor diligence to make agreement with them And not doubting of any other violent assault the Svvizzers beeing compounded withall he gaue present direction to all the men at armes that he had in Fraunce except two hundred launces which he reserued for Pikardy to passe the Mountes sending besides a new strength of Gascon footemen and commaunded Monsr de Foix to furnishe his armie with footemen of Italians and launceknightes And because the succors of the
of places of most importance hoping that by temporising so great a multitude and number of Svvyzzers would at last disperse and breake Wherein they were gouerned with this reason that the Pope no lesse cold to furnish the exspenses then hoat to further the warre was very slow in sending their payes being no more able to aduaunce the wages of so great a number The french men bestowed within Bressia two thowsand footemen an hundred fifty launces and an hundred men at armes of the Florentyns To Crema they sent fifty launces and a thowsand footemen And in Bergama they put a thowsand footemen and an hundred men at armes of the Florentyns The residue of th armie which conteyned six hundred launces two thowsand footemen french foure thowsand launceknightes was retyred to Pontuiqua A place very stronge by the benefit of his situacion and no lesse conuenient to succour Myllan Cremona Bressia and Bergama and there they hoped to be able to susteine thennemies But the day after came letters and commaundements from Caesar to the Almain footemen to depart immediatly from the pay of the french king And they being subiects of the contrey of Tyroll obeyed the letters the same day they receyued them as not to be disobedient to their natural Lord By reason of their departure no lesse suddeine and vnlooked for then most preiudiciall to the french affayres Palissa and his Capteines lost all hope to be able any longer to defend the Duchie of Myllan And in that passion of feare and dispaire they retyred in great haste from Pontuique to Pisqueton by whose departure they of Cremona being left abandoned gaue them selues vp to the armie of the confederats which was at hande binding them selues to paye to the Svvyzzers xl thowsand duckats But as amongest such varieties of nations nourishing not few differences of ambicion desire and opinion there was no certeintie in whose name the money should be receyued so after some disputacion the Venetians making great instance that it might be deliuered to them it was at last receiued the french men notwithstanding holding as yet the castell in the name of the league and of Maxymylian sonne to Lodovvyk Sforce on whose behalfe the Pope and the Svvyzzers pretended the conquest of the Duchie of Myllan At the same tyme the citie of Bergama fell into the power of the confederats the meane was this After Monsr Palissa had called backe the companies that were there to ioyne them to th armie certeine of the banished crewes who entred assoone as the other companies were departed procured them to reuolt it beeing no hard matter to alter a multitude that hath no heade to hold them from Pisqueton Monsr Palissa passed the riuer of Adda where the three hundred launces appoynted for the defence of Bolognia came to him hauing reuoked them to him for the greatnes of the perill There he hoped to be able to giue impediment to thennemie to passe ouer the riuer if the strength of footemen that were appoynted to be leauyed had come But it was in vayne for him to thinke vpon those things for that neyther was there present money to wage so many footemen neither could the generall of Normandye binding for securitie the kings demaine raise it by any deuise credit being wholly lost in so great daungers â–ª And therefore hauing remeyned therefoure dayes assoone as he saw thennemies approch the riuer three myles below Pisqueton he retyred to S. Ange to goe the day following to Pauia And so their daunger redoubling and no exspectacion of succours in a state so desperat both the hope to defend Myllan being taken away the contrey already drawing fast into tumult Ioh. Iacq Tryuulce the generall of Normandie Anth. Maria Paluoisin Gale as Visconte with many other gentlemen and all the kinges seruauntes and officers went from Myllan sought their sauetie in Piemont Not many dayes affore the Cardinalls fearing no lesse the people then thennemies were fled notwithstanding to showe that vallour in decrees which they durst not expresse in other actions they had at that tyme almost suspended the Pope from all administracion spirituall and temporall of the Church A degree to depriue him of the place which he helde These tumultes were much helping to the sauetie of the Cardinall Medicis whom it seemed God reserued to a greater happines for as they were leading him into Fraunce and the morning that he entred the barke at the passage of Pavv which is right ouer against Bassignany called in histories Angusta Bacienorum certeine paisants of the village beginning to murmure one Reignold de Lallo chiese of the conspiracie accompanied with certeine of the Cardinalls fauorits lodging there all night assembled a number and tooke him from the french men that garded him They whom other aduersities had made fearefull of all accidents hearing a noyse of a tumult which they durst not abide to suppresse were more carefull to flee then to fight losing their prisoner by cowardisse whome they had wonne in the daunger of a battel Palissa being entred into Pauia determined to stay there sending for Tryuulce and the generall to come to him thether Whereupon Tryuulce by thaduise of the general and principalls of the french side laied affore him the vanity of the councell and how vnpossible it was to abide so great a ruine the armie being vnmanned with footemen That the shortnes of the time suffered not to wage new companies And much lesse to drawe any but from places farre remoued and with great difficulties Lastly that though all these impediments were not yet there was no money to pay them all their reputacion being lost their friendes full of astonishment and the people puffed vp with incredible hatreds for the immoderat insolencies which the soldiours had vsed so long time Tryuulce applying this councell to the present necessitie of thinges wente and caused to caste a bridge where the riuer is straightest and furthest of from Valence towards Ast by the commoditie of which he ment to passe his companies ouer Pavv But by this the armie of the confederats to the which after the french men were retyred from Adda the citie of Lody was rendred together with the castell discamping from S. Ange was come neare to Pauia where the Venetian Capteines euen at the first arriuall began to batter the castell one part of the Svvyzzers to passe the riuer that ioyneth to the citie with boates The french men fearing they shoulde finde impediments to passe the stone bridge which is vppon the riuer of Tesin by the which onely they might saue them selues wonne the other bridge to be able to yssue out of Pauia But affore the rearegard was come forth wherein to susteine the horsemen certein footemen of the launceknightes which were not yssued out with the others were bestowed the last of all with whom the Svvyzzers yssuing out of the new gate and of the castell which was now abandoned went skirmishing all along Pauia and the bridge
from the Queene yet he styrred vp to make warre the king of Englande to whom he had transferred by publike decree of the councel of Latran the name of Christianissimo whereof there was already a Bul written and in it likewise was conteyned the priuation of the dignitie and name of the king of Fraunce giuing his kingdome to who coulde occupie it In these conceptions no lesse straunge for their varietie then great for the importance they drewe and perhaps in other thoughtes more secret and singuler for in a minde so fierce and terrible all sortes of imaginations howe great and vayne so euer they be are not incredible after the continuation of his sicknesse for many dayes he declined towardes death And feeling the ende of his mortalitie to hasten on and the same to preuent th execution of his high thoughts he caused to cal together the consistorie which albeit he could not assist in person by reason of his disease yet by the authoritie of it he caused to be confirmed the Bull which he had published before against suche as by symonie would climbe to the Popedome He declared that thelection of his successor apperteined to the colledge of Cardinalls and not to the councell And that the Cardinals schismatikes could haue no presence or communitie there to whom he protested there to pardon the iniuries they had done him and prayed to God to forgiue them the wrongs they had done to his Churche After this he besought the Colledge of Cardinalls that in his fauor and for his sake they woulde graunt to the Duke of Vrbin his Nephew the Citie of Pezera in patronage or vicarage alleaging the consideration that by meane of the duke it had bene recouered to the Church after the death of Iohn Sforce In no other matter he expressed no priuate or particular affection In so muche as Madame Felice his daughter ioyning with her the petitions of many others beseeching him with great importunitie to create Cardinall Guido de Montfalcon being her brother by the mothers side he aunswered roundly that he was not worthy of that degree He made not his affections conformable to their desires In that laste action of lyfe he showed no partialitie in worldly causes his present debilitie coulde diminishe nothing of his auncient resolution but expressed in all things the same constancie and seueritie together with that iudgement and force of minde whiche he had before his sicknesse In whiche firme estate disposition of spirite he receiued deuoutly the offices of the church and the xxj day of February he ended his course of these mortal and present paines He was a prince of incredible constancie and courage but so full of furie and vnruled conceptions that the reuerence that was borne to the Churche the discorde of princes and the condition of times did more to staye him from his ruine then eyther his moderation or his discression Worthy no doubt of great glory if eyther he had bene a Prince secular or if that care and intention which he had to rayse the Churche into temporall greatnesse by the meane of warre had bene employed to exalte it by the mediation of peace in matters spirituall Neuerthelesse he was lamented aboue all his predecessors and no lesse esteemed of those who hauing eyther loste the true consideration of things or at least ignorant howe to distinguishe and peaze them rightly iudged it an office more duely apperteining to Popes to increase the iurisdiction of the sea Apostolike by armes and blood of Christians then by good example of life and due curing and correction of corrupt maners to trauell for the sauing of those soules for whom they glory so much that Iesus Christ hath named them his Vicars in earth The Viceroy of Naples who was marched with his Spanishe armie towards Plaisanca constrayned that Citie to returne vnder the gouernment of the Dukes of Millan on whom it depended by auncient tenure They of Parma did the like hauing the same feare of the Spanishe souldiours beeing followed in all places with more terror then loue On the other side the Duke of Ferrara after he had in great spede recouered the townes of Romagnia drewe neare to Reggia but finding no stirre nor tumult within the towne he durst not abyde there for feare of the Spanishe armie which laye dispearsed betweene Plaisanca and Reggia Touching thestate of the Churche there appeared no other stirre nor mouing and the Citie of Rome nor the Colledge of Cardinalls felt none of those difficulties which they had felte in the death of the two laste Popes So that the obsequies and funeralls beeing ended according to thaccustomed maner xxiiij Cardinalls entred peasibly into the Conclaue hauing graunted afore that the Marquis of Mantuaes sonne whom Pope Iulio kept with him for ostage shoulde be made free and acquited of his fayth and promise with libertie to returne to his father The first matter that was debated in the Conclaue was with straite articles to moderate thauthoritie of the Pope to come which they sayde the laste Pope had vsed too immoderately And yet as amongest men some haue not the heart to oppose agaynst a prince and great Lorde and some desire to enter into his grace and lyking so within small time after they dissolued and cancelled of themselues the articles which they had made with so great aduise and to so good purpose The seuenth day they choosed Pope without any discorde of consent the Cardinal of Medicis who tooke vpon him the name of Leo the tenth He bare but xxxvij yeres of age which albeit was so muche the more marueilous and wonderfull by howmuche the election was contrarie to custome yet the yong Cardinalls were the principall causers of it by their industrie hauing long time affore secretly agreed amongest themselues to create the first Pope of their number The moste partes and nations of Christendome reioyced muche at this election euery one enterteining an assured exspectation of his vertues aswell by the present and greene memorie of the vallour of his late father as for an vniuersall reputation that went of his owne inclinations and liberalities To this estimation also was ioyned a generall opinion of his continencie and life not attaynted together with a gladsome hope that by thexample of his father he would be a furtherer of learning and beare fauor to wittes disposed to studie and knowledge To these hopes was muche helping the maner of thelection beeing made in his person sincerely and without symonie or suspicion of other corruption And it seemed that God began to approue and confirme his seate for that the fourth day after his election came into his power the Cardinalls of S. Crosse and S. Seuerin who assone as they heard of the death of Pope Iulio went by sea to Rome accompanied with thembassador of the French king In their passage they stroke into the hauen of Lyuorno where vnderstanding that the Cardinall of Medicis was chosen Pope they tooke lande the one hauing
humor of hate and in the other no lesse resolute the desire of glory There might haue bene seene for nowe the sunne began to showe the estate and diuersitie of the feight sometimes one side to yeelde sometimes the other oftentimes that part to seeme to preuayle which earst was thought to haue the worst on one side and in one time the one battell to swaigh and the other to aduaunce some to exspect aduauntage some to lose no oportunitie one parte to inuade furiously and an other parte to resiste hardly all things on all partes full of dead bodies wounded men and of blood sometimes the capteines would valiauntly enter into thoffice of souldiours bothe striking their enemies and defending them selues and sometimes they woulde discretly manage the place of capteines encouraging prouiding succoring releuing and commaunding there was nothing lesse feared then death nor any thing more abhorred then feare the greatnes of the perill made both sides more resolute then any other thing On the other side the trowpes of men at armes stoode firme without doing any seruice for neither the authoritie the perswasions the commaundementes thexclamations the threatnings nor the example of Triuulco and Trimouillo could do any thing to moue the horsemen whose mindes were already made tymerous Neither the consideration of their owne perill whiche their cowardise made the greater nor the calamities of their fellowes which were redoubled by the feare they showed could once drawe them to the charge They seemed to stande and abide the daunger which by sighting they might haue auoyded It sufficed the Svvizzers to keepe them impaled in their rankes and to let them from ministring succours to the footemen Suche was the calamitie of that feight that those found moste certentie of perill who ventured furthest for their safetie and on such whose feare was greater then their vallour fortune threwe moste fauour and securitie At laste in so great a hardinesse and vallour of such as fought the vertue of the Svvizzers caryed the battell who hauing wonne thartilleries turned them vppon their enemies whom they put to flight aswell by that meane as by their incredible vertue To the flying of the footemen was ioyned the breaking and running away of the men at armes who in that seruice shewed no vertue nor did any thing worthy of merite or prayse onely the lorde Robert la Marche caryed with a vehement affection of a father entred the battell of the Svvizzers with a squadron of horsemen to reskew Florango and Iames his sonnes capteines of Almain footemen who lying sore wounded on the earth his vallour to the great wonder of the Svvizzers drewe them on liue out of that daunger The battell continued about two howres bothe parties receiuing no small discomfiture There was slayne of the Svvizzers about fiueteene hundred bodies of which number was that Capteine Motyn that was the first mouer of that glorious councell his deathes wounde was by a thrust of a pyke thorow the throate But farre greater was the slaughter of thennemies of whome some say were left dead ten thowsand carkasses The most part of the launceknights died in fighting and the greatest execucion and slaughter on the french and Gascon footemen was in fleeing Almost all the horsemen went away in sauetie the chasse being so swlft that the Svvyzzers were not able to followe them if the Svvyzzers had had horsemen they had made their calamitie equall with the footemen their feare beeing greater and their disorder nothing inferior All the baggage and stuffe became a pray to the Victors with xxij peeces of great artillerie and all the horses assigned for the seruice of the same The same day the Svvyzzers returned into Nouarro almost triumphantly but with such reputacion and renowme thorow out the world that what with the consideracion of the magnanimitie of their enterprise the euident reiecting and despising of death the resolucion they showed in the fight the happy and honorable victorie of the same there were some that durst preferre this action almost affore all the enterprises worthy of memorie which we read set downe vpon the Greekes and Romains The french men fled into Pyedomont from whence Tryuulco lost time to cry after them their feare being swifter in fleeing then his force able to follow them Vpon the reaport of this victorie Myllan with all the other places that were declared for the french humbled them selues and sent to demaund pardon which accordingly was graunted to them vppon bondes and condicions to disbursse a great porcion of money Thin habitants of Myllan were taxed at two hundred thousand duckats and euery particular of the others rated according to his behauior The whole taxacion was giuen to the Svvyzzers to whom ought iustly to be transferred aswell the gaine as the glorie of the victorie gotte with their vallour and with their blud And as men whole felicitie made them to accompt it to good equitie to draw all the frute they could they entred afterwards into the Marquisdom of Montferrat and Pyedmont contreyes which they charged to haue receiued the french armie There partly by pillage and partly by raunsoming the poore peoples they raysed a great gaine forbearing notwithstanding to touche either the life or honor of persons The Spanyards also were not altogether depriued of the profits of the victorie for that Ianus lastly chassed out of Genes and Octauian Fregoso both which aspyred to be Duke being retyred to the Viceroy after the battell the Viceroy preferring Octauian for whom the Pope did what he could in regard of their auncient amity and withall receiuing his promise to paye him l. thowsand duckatts when he should be possessed of Genes he deliuered him three thowsand footemen vnder the Marquis of Pisquiero and for his owne part went with the residue of th armie to Chiesteggio making semblance to passe further if neede required As the Marquis and Octauian drewe neare to Genes the brethren of the famulie of Adorno knowing their owne weakenes abandoned the towne without any triall of resistance And immediatly entred Octauian and was created duke of that citie which in the course of a yere had for gouernors the french men Ianus Fregoso the Adorney and Octauian Bartlemevv Aluiano hearing of the ouerthrowe giuen to the french armie and fearing least he should be also put to the chasse by the Spanyards retyred with speede to Pontvvicquo leauing in the way for losing of time certeine peeces of artillerie whose inconueniencie and slownes of cariage might haue bene an impediment to the expedicion of his marching from thence he sent Ranso de Cere vnto Crema And after he had abandoned Bressia he wente to Tomba neare to Adice neuer reaposing in any place longer then the necessitie to refreshe his men and horses did constraine him The reason of his abandoning Bressia disposing Ransa de Cere in Crema was for that he held it a matter very vnprofitable to diminishe th armie wherein were remeining six hundred men at armes a thowsand light
to continue with him thamity begon with his predecessor the iniuries he had receiued frō the king Catholik being yet fresh in memory There came at the same tyme an embassage frō the duke of Austrich wherof the lord of Nausan was chief in this embassage for the regard of th erle of Flaūders wherof the kings of Fraūce are soueraignes were discerned demonstrations of great submission in acknowledging of superiority Both the one the other of these embassages had a ready happy expedition for touching the king of England the confederation betwene him the late king was cōfirmed vnder the same conditions so long as either of thē should liue reseruing a respite of iij. yeres for the Skottish king to enter in it And for tharchduke many differences ceassed which many men supposed would haue giuē great impediments to the action of the peace But the archduke being now in full maiority newly taken vpon him the gouernment of his estates was drawne to the peace for many causes first for thinstance of the peoples of Flaunders who would in no wise haue warre with the realme of Fraunce Secondly for a desire he had to be assured of such impediments as might be opposed against him by the French in the succession of the realme of Spayne when the death of his grandfather should happen And lastly for that he thought it to great a daunger to dwell without any league of amitie in the middest of the powers of England and Fraunce being conioyned together And on the other side the king desired greatly to take awaye all occasions that might restrayne him to be gouerned by thauthoritie counsell of his grandfather eyther by the fathers or mothers side So that at last there was enacted betwene them in the towne of Paris a perpetuall peace confederation reseruing facultie to Caesar the king Catholike without whose authorities tharchduke contracted to take their place in this peace within three monethes In this capitulation was promised thaccomplishment of the mariage betwene the Archduke and Lady Renee daughter to king Lovvis solicited so many times before and that the king should endue the mariage of Lady Renee with six hundred thousande crownes and the duchy of Berry in perpetuitie aswell for her children as for her This dowry in respect of her insufficient age at that time should be assigned to her assone as she should come to the age of ix yeres vnder this condition notwithstāding that she should renounce al rights of inheritance either by the father or mother namely such as might apperteine to her of the duchy of Millan Britaine That the king should be bounde to ayde the archduke with men ships to go to the kingdome of Spayne after the death of the king Catholike At the request of the king the duke of Gueldres was also named and as some write besides the matters afore rehearsed it was agreed that in bothe their names ioyntly embassadors should be sent to the king of Aragon to require him to publish tharchduke prince of the realmes of Spayne such is the title of him to whom the succession apperteineth That he would render the kingdome of Nauarre absteine from the defence of the duchie of Millan Here it is not to be doubted that both these two Princes making this confederation looked not more to the present cōmoditie that appeared then to thobseruatiō of the same in time to come for what fundation could be layde vpon the mariage that was promised the Lady Renee bearing as yet scarcely foure yeres And how could it please the Frenche king that that damsell should be the wife of tharchduke who her eldest sister being the kings wife had her action prepared vpō the duchy of Britaine for that the Britons desiring once to haue a particular duke at such time as Anne their Duchesse maryed the seconde time agreed that the dukedome should apperteine to the youngest of the children and discendantes of her if the eldest were preferred to the Crowne of Fraunce In like sort the French king treated with the king Catholike to prolong the truce made with his predecessor but to leaue out this condition not to molest the duchie of Millan during the truce he hoped he should afterwards compounde easily with Caesar By which reason he kept in suspence the Venetians who offred to renewe the league made with his predecessor wishing that he were in his liberty to accord with Caesar agaynst them But the king Catholike notwithstanding he stoode still possessed of his desire not to haue warre in the frontiers of Spayne considering how great suspicion the prolongation of the truce might giue to the Svvizzers which mighte also be the cause that the Pope who till then had bene in doubt might turne to the french amity refused at last to prolong the truce but vnder the same conditions it had bene renued with the last king So that the Pope shut out of that hope and lesse exspecting to contract with Caesar agaynst the will and councelles of that king reconfirmed with the Senate of Venice the league in the same fourme it had bene made with his predecessor Nowe there remayned the Pope and the Svvizzers Touching the Svvizzers he required that they woulde admitte his Embassadors but they refused to giue them saffe conduit vsing the same rudenes they had done before And for the Pope vpon whose will depended wholly the Florentyns herequired no other thing of him then that he would kepe him out of all bond to th end that when by the trayne of affaires he should be councelled to resolue it might be in his power to make choice of the better perswading him that he should neuer finde in any either for his owne perticular or for the aduauncement of his house a greater amitie A more assured faith or more honorable condicions After the king had layd these foundacions for his affayres he beganne with great care to leauie prouisions of money and to encrease the bandes of his men at armes to the number of foure thowsand he published that he made those preparacions not of intencion to make warre for that yeare but onely to make head against the Svvyzzers who threatned him to inuade Burgondy or Dauphine if he would not accomplish the couenants made at Dyon in the name of the late king Many beleeued him in the semblāces he made the rather for thexample of the kings of Fraunce who haue alwaies forborne to intangle the first yeare of their raigne with newe warres But that coniecture caried not such impression in the mindes of Caesar and the king of Aragon to whome the kinges youth was suspected and the facilitie he had more then other kinges to commaund all the forces of the kingdom of Fraunce and the loue of his people opening a way and readines to all that he would desire Besides they were not ignorant of the great preparacions that king Lovvys had left the same making demonstracion that seeing he was assured
reskew to the Castell of Millan notwithstanding they had abandoned the vallies and the townes of Bellinzone Lugarno but not the Castles Neuerthelesse the king obteined the Castell of Lugarno in corrupting the capteine with six thousande crownes onely the Grisons would not abandon Chiauanna At laste the Bishop of Tricaro laying afore him the daunger least the king would inuade Parma and Plaisanca and sende men of warre into Tuskane and making great terror of the harmes that the Svvizzers had receyued at the battell of Marignan the Pope was content to ratifie the peace albeit vnder this moderation that neyther he nor his Agentes should be bound to giue vp into the kings handes Parma and Plaisanca but by leauing them voyde of men and officers to giue libertie to the king to enter vppon them That the Pope shoulde not be bounde to leauie his people from Verona for that he woulde not commit suche a propertie of iniurie agaynst Caesar and yet he promised to do it vpon the next conuenient occasion Lastely that the Florentins should be holden absolued of the protended breaking of the league The accorde bare also that the king shoulde not take vpon him the protection of any vassall or subiect of thestate of the Church and that not onely he should not hinder the Pope as their supreme lorde to procede agaynst them with correction but also he should be bounde to minister ayde to him in that action when necessitie required Moreouer it was debated that the Pope and the French king should haue an enterview together in some place conuenient A matter offred by the king particularly but desired indifferently by them both The king sought it the better to establish that amity to assure thestates of such his friends as he had in Italie and lastly for that he hoped with his presence and offring great aduauncementes to the Popes brother nephew to winne of him his consent to inuade the realme of Naples A matter which was one of his greatest desires The Pope wished this enteruiew to th end that with that office and obseruance very proper to winne grace amitie with euery one to enterteine the king whilest he stoode in so great fortune and prosperitie Manye thought not well of this deliberation as an action vnworthy of the maiestie of a Pope and that it more apperteined to the king desiring to haue conference with him to go seeke him and do reuerence to him at Rome but the Pope gaue it out that he was so muche the more ready to condiscende to this meeting by how much he was desirous to induce the king not to molest the realme of Naples during the life of the king Catholik who to the iudgement of man could not liue long for that it was more then a yere since he was yll disposed In this meane while Peter of Nauarre was labouring to cary the Castel of Millan and hauing wonne a mordring house vpon the castell ditche whiche on the flanke side had his prospect vpon the gate of Coma and afterwards approching nearer the ditch and the castell wall by the helpe of pauisses and engines of wood be began to worke a myne within the sayd ditche And when he had remoued the defences he began to labor more mynes taking away with the helpe of his engines a great paue or space of the wall on the flanke of the Castell and applyed his hookes and Rammes to make it fall at the same instaunt that he put fyre to hys mynes Matters which albeit in cōmon iudgement seemed not sufficient to cary the castell but with great difficultie long time that there was good intelligence that the Svvizzers by the resolucion of Zurich prepared to succour it yet a practise being begon betwene Iohn Gonsago the duke of Millans capteine which was within the castel the Duke of Burbon his parent Ierome Morono with two other Svvizzer Capteines interposing also in the action the resolucion was concluded the fourth day of October not without a wonderfull maruell of all men Ierome Morono was specially blamed for this conclusion for that either through feare which was naturall in him or for want of faith which was neuer imputed to him he had vsed his authority to perswade the Duke to agreement Neuerthelesse he excused him selfe vppon certeine controuersies and mutinies hapned betwene the footmen of the Svvizzers and the Italians Tharticles of thaccord were that Maximilian Sforce should immediatly giue vp into the hands of the french king the castells of Millan and Cremona That he should depose him selfe of all rights interests which he had in that estate That he should receiue of the king a certeine proporcion of money to pay his dets That he should go into Fraunce where the king should indue him with a yearely pension of thirtie thowsande duckats or procure him to be made Cardinall with the same reuenue That the king should pardon Galeas Viscont with certeine other gentlemen of that Duchie who had followed the seruice of Maximilian That he should distribute amongst the Svvizzers that were within the castel six thousand crownes That he should confirme to Iohn Gonzago the goods that he held in thestate of Millan by the gift of the Duke and enlarge his liuing with some yearely pension That he should in like sorte ratifie to Morono as well the goods that apperteined to him in property as others that he had of the Dukes gift together with the offices he exercised and should make him Maister of requests of the court of Fraunce vpon the publicacion of this accord Maximilian surnamed the More according to the name of his father departed out of the castell and went into Fraunce he sayed it was a sweete aduersity that brought with it prosperitie for that by that exchaunge of fortune he was drawne out of the seruitude of the Svvizzers the ill dealings of Caesar and the deceits of the Spanyards In this alteracion also men seemed more to allowe of the working of fortune that she had so speedily deposed him from such a degree then that affore she had exalted a man who for his incapacity inconstant thoughts and most fowle maners of life was vnworthy of all greatnes Affore the castell of Millan was restored there were sent to the king as Embassadors from Venice these foure of the most principal and honorable of the Senate Antho Grimani Dominike Treuisan George Cornaro Andrevv Gritti Their comming was to congratulat with the king of his victorie and to beseech him by the vertue of the capitulacions of the league to ayde them to recouer their townes An enterprise wherein they had no other impediments then the forces of Caesar the Popes regiments that were within Verona vnder the charge of Marke Antho. Colonno for the Viceroy after he was gone from of the marches of Plaisanca and had reposed some fewe dayes vpon the frontiers of Modona exspecting the Popes ratification to thaccord with the french king he withdrew with all
THE ARGVMENT OF THE THIRTENTH BOOKE The Duke of Vrbin makes an enterprise to recouer his estate out of the hands of Pope Leo the french king makes a league with the Pope The conspiracie of Cardinall Petrucci against the Pope is discouered Charles king of Spaine is chosen Emperour Martine Luther wryteth against the Pope The Pope puts Iohn Pawle Baillon to death THE THIRTEENTH BOOKE OF THE historie and discourse of Guicciardin FOrasmuch as all armes and hostilities were now surceassed betwene Caesar and the Venetians and in the french king all occasiōs restrained to make warre against Caesar or the king Catholike it seemed that to the regions of Italie afflicted with so many calamities and trauells of warre was now appointed a time of rest and tranquillitie wherein these were the reasons that the Svvizzers a mighty instrument to any that sought to innouate and trouble things seemed now reclaimed to their auncient amity with the french king and yet bare no mindes estraunged from other Princes that in thaccord made at Noyon was declared such a hope that to establish a greater alliance betwene the two kings there was working to draw them to an enteruiew at Cambray whether were gone to that end Monsr de Cheures the great Maister of Fraunce and Robertet Lastly there was expressed no lesse readines on the parte of Caesar who besides the rendring of Verona sent two Embassadors to the frenche king to solemnise and confirme the peace so that it was a iudgement accompanied with his iust cause reasons that by the benefit of peace concord betwene so mightie Princes would be dissolued the seedes of all quarrels and disagreements in Italie But as there is no certainty in the councells of mortall men so is there lesse exspectacion of their worldly euentes for men and their doings standing subiect to the law of nature and destiny haue no other libertie then to deeme and debate and to God alone is referred all power of disposicion and execucion since he is able to gouerne and commaund all things by the same power wherewith he hath created them of nothing Insomuch as in this action of Italie either for thinfelicity or destinie of the countrey or for that the vniuersall iurisdiction was deuided into so many seueral principalities and states it was almost impossible that it should suffer any dispensacion of miseries by reason of the diuersity of wills and interests of such as had it in hand for searcely were layd aside armes and hostility betwene Caesar and the Venetians yea the Citie of Verona not yet resigned when were disclosed tokens and beginnings of new tumults And of these was the breeder and conspirator Franciscomaria who had practised and drawne to his faction such bands of Spanishe footemen as had serued both within Verona and affore Verona he perswaded them to follow him to the reconquering of his estates out of the which the Pope had expulsed him the same sommer A matter wherein he found small difficulties for that to souldiours forreiners and marcenary accustomed in the time of warres to sacke townes and to make pray and spoyle of contreys there was nothing more contrary then peace whereunto they saw all the affayres inclinacions of Italy disposed at that instant There drew to him about fiue thowsand spanish footemen whereof was chiefe one Maldonato A man of the same nation and of long experience in many warres And to this regiment was ioyned a strength of eight hundred light horsemen led by Federyk Bossolo Gaiozo a Spanyard Succhar a Burgonion Andrevv Bue Constantyn Boccalo Albanoesies al Capteines of name marke especially estemed for their knowledge in warres Amongest them he that bare the greatest reputacion whether it were for the noblenes of his house or for the honorable degrees in warre which he had borne from his youth was Federyk Gonsagno Lord of Bossolo who happly was one of the greatest parties to perswade this enterprise being no lesse moued by an ambicion to make greater his merits prayses by newe warres concurring also thamity which he had with Francisco Maria then through an auncient setled hatred which he bare to Lavvrence de Medicis chiefly for that at such time as was transferred to Lavvrence the charge of all the armies of the Church the Florentyns by reason of the sicknes of Iulian his Vncle he had denied to make him Capteine generall of the footemen an estate which Iulian had assigned to him affore This army standing only vpon bodies numbers was lame in all other proporcions prouisions for they had neither resort of money assistance of artilleries nor any strengh of municions except their horses and armor they wanted all furnitures accustomed to followe armies Onely they bare estimation more by their vertue then through any other abilitie or meanes to susteine the warre They departed to go to the state of Vrbyn the same day that the citie of Verona was giuen vppe to the Venetians A matter which troubled not a litle the Pope after he had receiued aduertisement for he considered the qualitie of tharmy which was to be feared both for the hatred of the Capteines vertue reputacion of the spanish footemen And he was not ignorant with what inclinacion the peoples of that Duchie fauored Francisco Maria hauing long liued vnder the easie gouernment of the house of Montfeltro the affection whereof they had transferred to him as to one that had bene trained nourished in that Duchie bred of a sister of the Duke Guido Besides it greeued him not a litle that he was to menteine warre against an armie which hauing nothing to lose could leaue no reward to his victory And marching onely vpon desire of pray and pillage drew with them a miserable exspectacion of profit bringing nothing to the warre but what they hoped to get by the chaunce and fortune of the warre he doubted also least the sweete desire of gayne which for the most parte carieth marcenory souldiours to the fight would draw such others to ioyne to their faction as by the meane of the peace were vtterly excluded from action But the matter that moste troubled his minde was a fearefull suspicion that the French king did communicat in this conspiracie for bothe he knewe that the king was displeased with the warre made against Francisco Maria and was no lesse touched in his conscience with the consideracion of causes that he had giuen him to be ill contented of him he knewe also he had not obserued the confederacion made after the conquest of Myllan at the tyme when Caesar discended into Lombardye he considered that after he was returned to Rome he sent him a bul touching the collacion of benefices in the Realme of Fraunce and Myllan muche different from the conuencion made at Bolognia which for the shortnesse of the time was not then subsigned This Bull the king would not accept both for that it bare contradiction agaynst the agreement and also
Cente defended by the Bollonois was retyred to Finalo at such time as the Svvizzers arriued yet he stoode afrayde least he would attempt some violent action vpon Modona being made naked of the garrison And the Bishop of Pistoia so wauered and was troubled for the instant requestes which Guicciardin made to him and for the perswasions of Vitelli who for his owne interest stirred him vp to passe into Romagnia with the Svvizzers to th ende to stop the passage of the duke of Vrbin That what for that he was irresolute what through his naturall slownes he did neither the one nor the other of those matters both for that Parma defended her selfe in Romagnia no impediment was giuen to the Duke of Vrbin because the Svvizzers would not march for wāt of their payes Which duke of Vrbin and with him Malatesta and Horace of the famulie of the Baillons passed the one to recouer his estates lost the other to returne to Perousa hauing assembled at Ferrara 200. men at armes 300. light horsemen and 3000. footemen An armie which willingly followed them partly for friendship and partly for hope of spoyle for neither of the frenchmen nor Venetians they could obteine no other fauor then a permission to who soeuer had takē their pay to folow thē that the Venetians were contented that Malatesta Horace should depart out of their pay Thus they went from Ferrara to Lugo all along Pavv and finding no impediments in the estate of the Church they drew neare to the Duchie of Vrbin where the duke being called in by the peoples recouered presently his whole estate except certaine peeces holden by the Florentins and so turning towards Pesero he tooke the towne with the same facilitie and within fewe dayes after the castell he ioyned diligence to his good fortune and hauing chased out of Camerin Iohn Maria de Varana the auncient lord who for his greater dignitie and illustracion had obteined of Pope Leo the title of Duke he bestowed within it Sigismund a gentleman of the same famulie by whome was pretended a better right in the same estate And yet the Duke who was withdrawne within Aquila kept still the Castell And so after thexpedicion of these matters he turned with Malatesta and Horace Baillon to Perousa of which place the Florentins had taken the defence not so muche of their owne counsell as following the will of Cardinall de Medicis wherein he was pushed on eyther by a kinde of hatred that he nourished agaynst the Duke of Vrbin and the Baillons or by thimpediment of their neighborhood which he thought might put in daunger the authority he had in Florence or lastly for that aspiring to the Popedome he sought to cary the reputacion that he alone was the defendor of the Churche during the sea vacant the College of Cardinals hauing no care to defende any part of the ecclesiastike dominion neither in Lombardie in Tuskane nor else where The same proceding partly by the diuision of the Cardinalls being no lesse full of ciuill factions then wholly drowned in deepe ambicion to climbe to the Popedome And partely for that it coulde not be founde neither in the treasorie Pontificall nor in the Castell S. Angelo that the late Pope had lefte any prouision of money for suche were his prodigalities that he had not onely consumed the moneyes whiche his predecessor had left him with an incredible quantitie of treasor which he had leauyed of the creacion of newe officers with a yearely diminucion of fortie thousande duckets of reuenue But also he had left the sea charged with huge debtes and layde to pawne all the precious Iewelles of the holye treasorie Vppon whiche occasion was published this subtill speeche that other prelacies ended with the death of Popes but the pontificacie of Leo was to continue many yeares after Onely tharchbishop Vrsin was sent by the Colledge to Perousa to accorde an vnitie and reconcilement with the Baillons but that deuise was no lesse vayne then the labour fruitlesse for that the man was suspected to Gentill for thalliance he had with the sonnes of Iohn Pavvle and also for the condicions that were offred bearing no suretie for him In so muche as towardes the laste daye of the yeare the Duke of Vrbin Malatesta and Horace Baillons with Camilla Vrsin who being followed of certayne voluntaries was newly vnited with them went to Pont. S. Iohn and from thence running vp to other places thereaboutes they dyd great domages aswell by night as by daye to the Citie of Perousa where ouer and besides fiue hundred footemen whiche Gentill had leauyed the Florentines had sent thither two thousande footemen and an hundred light horsemen vnder Guido Vaino and 120. men at armes and an hundred light horsemen vnder Vitelli. This time was quiet in the duchie of Millan no other thing beeing done by eyther of the parties then certayne roades and pillages And the better to execute those domages vppon places holden by the Church those bandes of Frenche men which were remaining in Cremona being 2000. footemen had set vp a bridge vpon Pavv by thoportunity wherof passing oftentimes vpō the territories of Plaisanca Parma they did harmes to the whole contry And notwithstanding Prospero by thincitacion of other capteins did publish that he would take Trezzo had already sent thither artilleries yet he forbare to put the deuise to execution alleaging that it was not conuenient that the armie should be restrained to any one place to thend to be the more hable to succor thestates of the Churche if the Frenche shoulde begin to execute any action vppon them But it seemed his thoughtes were farre different from his wordes for that when he was tolde that the Frenche campe was planted before Parma muche lesse that he made any signe to succour it seeing he sayde it was more conuenient to exspect the euent and issue yea that whiche more is at suche tyme as Plaisanca remayned disfurnished of garrison for that the Svvizzers of the Cantons of Zurich according to the sommonce of their Lordes were gone awaye in haste Prospero dyd what he coulde to lette the Marquis of Mantua for going from Millan with his bandes and he beeing put within Plaisanca susteyned that Citie to his great prayse with the footebandes of his estates not sparing oftentymes to releeue their necessities with money Amidde so many daungers and variacions there was no prouision for thelection of the newe Pope a matter which was deferred to the great preiudice of thestate ecclesiastike both to giue time to the absent Cardinals to resort to Rome and also for that the Cardinall of Yurea going from Thurin to Rome was deteined in Millan by commaundement from Prospero Colonno to th ende he should not assist the assemblie in the conclaue for that he was a fauorer of the French Vppon whose restrayning the College set down a decree that so many dayes would they tary to enter the conclaue howe many the Cardinall Yurea
then by councell Thus was he chosen with the voyces of all the Cardinalls and had his creacion perfected the same morning wherein this was to be wondred at that euen those that had elected him could giue no reason why amidde so many troubles and daungers in thestate Ecclesiastike they had raised to the soueraigne sea a straunger a forrener and of long absence out of the contrie and wherein were helping no respects of fauor no consideracion of former merits nor any conuersacion had with any of the other Cardinalls yea they scarcely knew his name he had neuer bene in Italie and had no hope nor cogitacion to see it of which strauagant maner of dealing being not hable to excuse them selues by any reason they attributed all to the working of the holy Ghost who is wont so they alleaged to inspire the hartes of the Cardinalls in thelecting of Popes he receiued newes of his election in the towne of Victoria in Biskay and would not haue imposed vpon him any other name then his owne which he caused to be published vnder Adrian the sixt Vpon the mutacion of Perousa after the bands of souldiours had lingred certeine dayes to marche not without some litle preiudice to their other busines they went to th ende to leauie money of their frendes from Perousa and Tody where Camylla Vrsin had restored the exiles The Duke of Vrbin with the residue leauing Malatesta in Perousa marched in great diligence towardes Sienna hauing with them Lactance Petrucci whom Pope Leo had depriued of the Bishoprike of Sienna for that thEmperours officers had stayed Bourgeso and Fabio the sonnes of Pandolffo Petrucci from going from Naples Those that gouerned in Siena had no other hopes thē in the succors of the Florentins that by intelligence which they had with Cardinall de Medicis At whose instance his faction ruling for him in his absence thestate of Florence vnderstanding that the Duke of Vrbin was gon from Perousa dispatched presently to Sienna Guido Vaino with an hundred light horsemen prouision of money to ioyne with them certeine bandes of footemen which they of Sienna had leauied But the principall fundacion was vppon the forces appointed many dayes before for when they were aduertised of the first mouing of the Duke of Vrbin and the Baillons and withall hauing feare of Tuskane they had solicited to wage the Svvizzers of the Canton of Berne who being in number almost a thowsand were remeining within Bologna with the Bishop of Pistoya making no reckoning of the commaundementes sent to them by their Lordes to returne into Svvizzerlande This practise albeit it drew a longer time then was needefull by many difficulties obiected by the Bishop of Pistoy yet at last it was put in execucion not without great expenses besides the leauying of foure hundred Almaine footemen who were ioyned in Bolognia with the Svvizzers They had also called out of Lombardy Iohn de Medicis and with those forces arriuing in time they made no dout to assure the affaires of Sienna which were now reduced to verie ill tearmes both for that the greatest parte of the people enuyed the present gouernment and also for an auncient hatred against the Florentyns they could hardly endure that their bands of souldiours should enter into Sienna But the matter that redoubled the daunger present was the absence of Cardinal Petrucci in whose place notwithstanding his Nephew Frauncis did what he could to susteine thinges though his authoritie was not equall to the Cardinall for this cause being carefull either to auoid or to prolong the daunger present wherein the principalls and chiefetaines were concurrant They had dispatched Embassadors to the Duke of Vrbin assoone as he was entred vpon the territories of Syenna who notwithstanding required in the beginning a chaunge of the state and thirty thowsand duckats yet afterwards his demaunds were reduced to a moderation Insomuch as it was to be feared greatly that there would grow betwene the Duke and the Siennoys some composicion either by the consent and priuitie of the gouernors or by the mocion of the people against their wills Neuerthelesse as the bands of the Florentyns entred continually within Sienna together with a brute ronning that Iohn de Medicis approched with the Svvyzzers so such as impugned the accord and the solicitacion of the same tooke so much the more courage to hinder it from conclusion So that the Duke being drawne neare to the walls with his armie which conteyned but seuen thowsand footemen the most parte leauied at randome he eftsoones left thenterprise of Sienna to retyre into his estate the hopes of thaccord diminishing the Svvyzzers being come within a dayes iorney The same companies that succored Sienna turned towards Perousa And the Florentyns tooke occasion to execute spedely the thing which they desired being therunto also solicited by the colleage of Cardinalls vnder whose name and authoritie the state of the Church was gouerned in the absence of the Pope and by that reason the Cardinall Cortona who from the time of Pope Leo was Legat of the citie of Perousa was personally in th armie But since the creacion of the Pope there was in the colleage no greater vnitie or resolucion then had bene before in the conclaue but the variacions were more apparant their controuersies not lesse violent for they had set downe an order that euery moneth the affaires should be gouerned by three Cardinalls bearing the title of Priours whose office was to conuocate and assemble the residue and dispatch causes of which the first three that were newly entred began to oppose against the Cardinall Medicis who was immediatly returned to Florence after thelection of the Pope and cryed out that the bandes of the Florentyns should doe no harmes nor domage to the lands of the Church These bands hauing already sacked the towne of Pasignian refusing to lodge them and afterwards being bestowed within Olma three miles from Perousa vnder an assured hope almost to cary that citie they had held small reckoning of those commaundements had not ben the knowledge they had of the vanitie of their hopes for the famulie of the Baillons had made to enter Perousa many bands of souldiours and bare besides a greater authoritie with the people then Gentill who followed the armie In which regardeno lesse dispairing of the victorie then hauing proued in vaine to cary it by composicion they retyred somewhat aboue the borders of Perousa as though they would not oppose against the will of the colleage They entred into the contry of Montfeltro which except Saint Leo and the rocke of Maiuola was wholly returned vnder thobedience of the Duke of Vrbin And after they had recouered it with more facilitie then losse armes were deposed on that side as it were by a peasible conuencion both for that the Duke was not sufficiently mighty to continue the warres with the Florentyns nor they had not cause to hold him in warre neither for their owne profit nor to
that confederate that is slowe not of will but by impedimentes giues to his companion no iust cause to complayne nor any honest cooller to depart from his confederacion We ought in this case to iudge of the French king as in matters of amitie good men vse to measure friendship that he that maketh a promise albeit he performe late yet he breakes not the law of promise for that although he disappoynteth yet he fayleth not It is a great vnthankfulnes when we forget what we haue receiued of our friends and when they are slowe to performe but small things we are ready to rayse great complayntes agaynst them But touching this deliberacion if we looke well into thestate of our affayres we shall finde that if common honestie ioyned with the dignitie of our Senate call vs to it no lesse are we iustely prouoked by the regarde of our profite and proper safetie it is easie to be discerned from howe many daungers from how many suspicions and from how many afflictions we shal be deliuered if the French king recouer thestate of Millan and wise men with the same facilitie may finde out into what tranquility into what assurance and into what freedome of estate our affayres will fall for many yeres if he preuayle in that action wherin he hath cōcurring with his forces reason conscience and equitie Of this we are warned by thexamples of the yeres before for at suche time as the king that nowe is went about to recouer it it came to passe that we who affore with many daungers very great exspences were skarce hable to desende Padoa and Treuisa were made hable by his occasion to reconquer Bressia and Verona yea so long as he enioyed that Duchie in quietnes we possessed in peace and suretie all our dominious and iurisdictions and what else was of our imperie or our obedience Which are examples that muche more ought to moue vs then the auncient memorie of the league of Cambray for that the kings of Fraunce haue learned by experience that which they could neuer cōprehend by reason how preiudiciall it hath bene to them to depart out of our alliance A matter which without all comparison they may best discerne in the time present wherin this king hath for his aduersary competitor an emperour a prince whose amplitude of kingdomes and whose redoubted power will keepe him in necessitie to esteeme dearly our alliance But of the contrary who seeth not into what daungerous tearmes our affayres will be reduced when the French king shall finde him selfe merely excluded out of the enterprises of Italie for who can let themperour to appropriate to him selfe or to his brother the Duchie of Millan of the whiche he woulde neuer to this daye transferre thinuestiture to Frauncis Sforce And if he haue power to do so what is he that can assure his will who can staye the streame driuen by so violent a winde yea since the Duchie of Millan is so apte a ladder to lifte him to the Empire of all Italie who will take vpon him to promise that in themperour iustice and conscience will beare more swaigh then ambicion and couetousnes inclinacions naturall to all great Princes If any man take any suretie by the moderacion and temperance of his officers which he hath in Italie let him be aunswered that the moste of them are Spaniardes a nation vnfaythfull rauishing and aboue all others moste insatiable So that if themperour or his brother Ferdinand make Millan their owne and possesse it in what degree shall remayne our estate being enuironed by them bothe on the confines of Italie and Germanie what suretie what succours what exspectacion of remedie amidde so many daungers The kingdome of Naples is in his possession the Pope with all the other Potentates of Italie are at his deuocion and all our friendes being made naked of money and forces there remaynes to vs no hope of ayde or comfort and lesse possibilitie to finde fauour where fortune and so great diuision of minds contende agaynst vs But if the French king were lorde of the duchie of Millan then should things stande so euenly balanced betweene two so great Princes that who so euer stoode in feare of the power of the one of them shoulde finde peace and suretie by the might of the other for that bothe pollicie and their proper ambicion would make them iealouse one of an others greatnes yea the only feare of his comming assureth all his neighbours for that by it the Imperialles are restrayned from entring into armes or to intangle them selues with any enterprise By whiche reason is made more ridiculous then terrible the vanitie of their threatninges to turne th armie agaynst vs if we confederate with themperour as though it were an easie enterprise to moue warre agaynst the state of Venice and as thoughe there were present suretie of the victorie and lastely as thoughe that were the onely meane and remedie to keepe the Frenche king from passing and not rather the cause of the contrarie for who doubteth that beeing prouoked by them we would propound to the king by necessitie such conditions that though he bare no inclination to them yet they would induce him to passe The same hapned in the tyme of king Levvis when the iniuries and treasons that were done vnto vs by that nation enforced vs so to incense and stirre vp that king when of his prisoner I became your Embassadour that euen when he stoode in the greatest feare to be mightily inuaded in his kingdome of Fraunce euen then did he dispatch a strong armie into Italie though with very yll successe Let vs not beleeue that if thimperialls thought the waye to drawe vs to their amitie or to assure themselues of the Frenche king were to sette vppon vs that they had tyll this daye deferred th execution Perhappes their Capteines haue no desire to enriche themselues with the profites and spoyles of warre perhaps they haue had no necessitie in disburdening those countreys that were friendes to them to drawe money from them to nourishe th armie in the countrey of an other No rather they haue well founde oute that by reason of our power it is too harde a matter to force vs And muche lesse standes it with them hauing a continuall feare of the descending of the Frenche to intangle them selues with an other warre nor to giue occasion to a state so mightie in men money and opinion to allure with the greatnesse of offers the Frenche kinge to marche So longe as they are holden in these suspicions and in these doubtes they will not intrude for them selues vppon the Duchie of Myllan neither will they seeke to offende vs but with vaine threatninges Where if we assure them of that feare they will haue in their power to doe both the one and other And if they doe it as it is likely they will where is our remedie where are become our hopes our councells and our exspectacions yea of whome maye we complayne more
reckoning of their own saueties In which astonishmēt they set before their eyes all those daungers which either doubt or dispaire could stirre vp Their feare would not let them hope for the thinges that reasonably might comfort them And whatsoeuer their amazed minds suspected the same did they feare would assuredly happen vnto thē Lastly when they saw them selues disarmed on all sides And thEmprours forces most mighty in the field without impediment of ennemies they could not but giue a greuous sentēce against their own estate condicion And in this cōfusion they could not be so much assured cōforted by the opiniō which many had of the good intēcion of thEmprour of his honorable inclinacion to peace of his vertuous minde not to vsurpe thestates of others as their passions were redoubled by the consideracion of their great daungers most manifest to the eye and no lesse fearefull to their mindes in which lay suppressed all that resolucion and constancie which reasonable men should expresse chiefly in times of aduersities They doubted least thEmperour pushed on either by ambicion naturall almost to all earthlie Princes or by insolencie which commonly accompanieth victories or caried by the importunate couetousnes of those that gouerned his affaires in Italie or lastly set on by the vniuersall perswasions of his councell and court They doubted I say least in these vehement respectes and in an occasion so sufficient to sette an edge vppon the dullest spirite that was he woulde not dispose his thoughtes to make him selfe absolute Lorde ouer all Italie Wherein they were not ignorant howe easie it is to euerie great Prince but muche more to an Emperour of Rome to iustefie his enterprises with titles appearing comelie and resonable This feare and astonishment did not onely occupie those potentates that were of meane force and authoritie but also euen the Pope and the Venetians were no lesse trauelled then the others The Venetians beganne to call into remorse and conscience the faulte they had committed against thEmperour without iust cause in not following the capitulacions of the confederacion And also the memorie of auncient hatreds and iniuries betwene them and the house of Austrich together with the greate warres they had had not many yeares before with his grandfather Maximilian By which they feared would be reuiued in thestates which they possessed in the firme land the name and memorie of the rightes of thEmpire which were almost buried and forgotten as also they cast this coniecture that whosoeuer had any purpose to make him selfe great in Italie would haue his first recourse to lay plottes to embase and pul downe their too much puisance and greatnes And for the Pope his passion was this that except the maiestie of the Popedom which euen in the times of the auncient reuerence that the worlde bare to the sea Apostolike was oftentimes ill assured of the greatnes of thEmperours he was in all other regardes very easie to be endomaged as being disarmed of forces depriued of money the Church in an vniuersall weakenesse for want of strong townes the mindes of the people not vnited nor sirme in deuocion to their Prince all the free holdes and dependaunces of the Church full of diuisions and factions the one parte being Guelffes and the other parte Gebelins and the Gebelins by an auncient and naturall impression inclined to the name of thEmperours and lastlie the Citie of Rome more then all other places defiled and weakened with these seedes and rootes of diuisions The Pope also called into care and reckoning the estate of Florence which depending vppon him and being the verie peculiar and auncient greatnesse of his house it was happily no lesse deare to his harte then the estate of the Church and assuredlie no lesse easie to be innouated and chaunged for as that Citie since the passage of king Charles hauing chassed out the familie of Medicis and vnder the name of libertie was diuolued to a gouernment popular for eighteene yeres space stoode so ill contented with the returne of the Medicis that there were very few to whom in deede was agreable their puisance greatnes so also the Pope feared vehemently least to so mighty occasions were not added a forward will and desire to offende that state Wherein also he had reason to doubt that that same desire and enuy was not lesse not so much for the regard of ambicion in the most mightie from which who is least puisant is neuer wholly assured as for feare that for many reasons his name in that time were not odious to thEmperour And albeit he made discourses in him selfe how much both in the life of Pope Leo and afterwardes since he was Cardinall he had trauelled for the greatnesse of thEmperour so farre foorth as Pope Leo and he with their greate exspenses and daungers had opened him the waye in Italie to so greate a puissance and that for his owne particular since his election to the Popedome he had giuen money to his Capteynes and made the Florentins to contribute during the Admiralls being in Italie without reuoking from his armie the regimentes of the Church and the bandes of Florence yet either in consideracion of his office wherein he is a father and pastour indifferent betwene Princes Christian and rather the author of peace then the nourrisher of warres or else for that he had begon verie lately to suspect and feare suche a greatnesse he was retyred and so giuen ouer to runne the same fortune that neither he woulde renew the confederacion made by his predecessor for the defense of Italie neither ayde him with money when the yeare before the Duke of Burbon entred with his armie into Prouence And albeit these matters had not giuen to thEmprours Capteines any iust cause to complaine seeing he was not as yet bounde by the league of Adrian to be concurrant against the frenchemen in the warres of Italie Yet they were beginninges to make him not esteemed the same man with thEmperour but diminished muche of the faith that till that day they had in him as men who caried onely either by their appetites or by necessitie thought them selues offended if to their particular enterprises dressed to occupie Fraunce others did not as it were lay to their handes according to thexamples before of others begon vnder title to assure Italie against the power of the frenche The complaintes and displeasures beganne to discouer them selues at such times as the french king passed the mountes to recouer the Duchie of Myllan for albeit the Pope according to the complaint he made afterwardes to thEmperour by a letter which he wrote to him had secretly distributed certeine quantities of money to the frenchmen at their returne from Marseilles yet afterwardes he had no straite familiarity or intelligence with them but assone as the king had made a conquest of the Citie of Millan he entred into capitulacions with him taking his reason vppon the good euent and traine of his affaires Of which he excused
holde men in suspence with diuerse hopes and going on still wynning of tyme to agree to thinuestiture and in apparaunce graunt a commission so agreable to all Italy to make tetyre hys armie thoughe on the other side he had giuen directions to his Capteynes not to stirre nor remoue yea there were some that had this opinion that he had intelligence from the Marquis of the practises enterteyned with Moron and therefore he sente out suche a Commission not to be obeyed but to gette some iustification and with his hopes to keepe lulled asleepe the myndes of men vntill he sawe apte tyme to aduaunce and execute his purposes In whiche diuersitie of humors and opinions albeit it was very harde to sounde oute the simple trueth seeing withall it was not knowen whether Lopus Vtrado was dispatched at the same tyme that aryued at the Court Iohn Baptista Castaldo sente by the Marquis to aduertise themperour of the negociation Yet considering by many accidentes and euentes sithence what course themperour hath taken it is without doubt that it is lesse fallible to holde for true the better and the more easie interpretation But in this meane while the Marquis omitted no oportunitie wherein occasion was giuen to enterteine Moron and the others with the same hopes deferring notwithstanding with many excuses th execution of thinges Wherein he tooke one occasion of the sicknes of the Duke of Millan which increased on him by such daungerous degrees that euery one helde almost for certayne that it would leade him to his last time for all the Capteines pretending that in case of the Dukes death the estate of that Duchie should returne to themperour as soueraigne lorde in chiefe it was not only not conuenient for him to retyre his army but also it was necessary to call in a newe strength of two thousande Launceknightes and prepare a greater number to be in readinesse So that the souldiours for their numbers and vallours beeing puissant in the Duchie of Millan there was no meane eyther to dissolue them or at least to offende them He gaue also hope to execute the counsells of the conspiracie assoone as there was apte concurrancie of tyme and meane in exspectation whereof he sayde he proceeded with a great respecte to the Pope and for gratification of him he leauyed frō of the estates of the Church his garrisons of men of warre who gaue him occasion of right great complayntes But about this time almost all things were chaunged by a newe accident which hapned in Spayne for the french king falling sick in the castell of Madrill and hauing in vayne desired the presence of themperour was caried by his discontentment and melancoly into such extremitie daunger of his life that the Phisitions appoynted for his cure tolde themperour that they stoode desperat of his recouerie if himselfe in person came not to comforte him with some hope of his deliuerie Themperour obeying more compassion then the reason of thinges was not curious to condiscende to performe so good an office And as he prepared to visite him accordingly his high Chauncellor seeking to turne him from the iorney tolde him with many strong reasons that he could not go to him in honor but with intention to deliuer him presently and without any couenant Otherwise as it would be a humanity not royall but marcenory so it woulde disclose a desire to recouer him not moued of charitie but pushed on by his proper interest as not to loase by his death thoccasion of the profite hoped for by the victorie A counsell assuredly bothe graue and honorable touching the man that gaue it and no lesse worthy to be followed by so great a prince as themprour and yet being more caried by the reasons of others he tooke post to go to him But for the daunger of the king being almost at the extremitie the visitation was short yet for the time accompanied with gracious words full of hope that he would deliuer him immediatly vpon his returning to health In so much that whether it was by the cōfort that he breathed into him in the sicknes of captiuity the promise of liberty excedes all medicines or by the benefite of hys youth whiche with the fauour of nature was stronger then the maladie he began after this visitation to resume so good disposition that within fewe dayes he was out of daunger notwithstanding he could not recouer his former health but with very slowe time And nowe neither the difficulties that were shewed on themperours side nor the hopes whiche were giuen by thItalians nor any other nature of impedimentes whatso euer coulde staye the voyage of the Lady Alanson into Spayne for that as nothing was more harde or heauy to the French men then to leaue off the practises and negociations of accorde begonne with those that had power to restore their king so nothing was more easie to themperour then feeding the Frenche wyth hopes to drawe their myndes from taking armes and by that meane so to keepe thItalians in suspence as not to dare to enter into newe deliberations And in that cunning manner sometymes vsing delayes and sometymes pressing forwarde th affayres he thought to keepe the myndes of all men confused and intangled The Lady Alanson was receyued by themperour with very gracious demonstrations and hopes but theffectes fell oute bothe harde and heauy for when she ministred speeche to him for the mariage of hys sister the widdowe with the king he made aunswere that it was a matter which could not be done without the consent of the Duke of Burbon The other particularities were debated by deputies of both partes wherein as the Emprour insisted obstinately to haue the Duchy of Burgonguy restored as apperteining to him so the French refused to consent vnlesse he woulde accept it for dowrie or else to referre it to the sentence of the law and iustice to decide the true title And albeit they could easily haue condiscended to the residue yet for that they were so farre off for the demaund of Burgonguy the Lady Alanson returned at laste into Fraunce without winning any other grace then a fauour to see the king her brother who growing more and more into distrust of his deliuery desyred her at her departing to admonishe his mother and all the counsayle from him to looke carefully to the profite of the Crowne of Fraunce without hauing any consideration of him as if he lyued not But notwithstanding the departing of the Ladye Alanson the solicitations for the kings deliuerie did not ceasse for that there remayned behinde the President of Paris and the Bishops of Ambrum and Tarbe who had tyll then followed the negociation but with very litle hope since themprour would not harken to any cōdition if first Burgonguy were not rendred which the king could not be brought to restore but in a last necessitie About this time the Cardinall Saluatio the Popes Legate aryued at the Courte where being receyued of themperour with
science and insight in all the affayres of the worlde yet when it came to poyntes of resolution and execution that propertie of gifte was not correspondent to him selfe for that it was not onely hindred by a certayne tymerousnes of spirite which was not little in him together with a desyre of nygardnesse and sparing an humor hurtfull in a minde raysed to high things but also he was followed with a certayne irresolution perplexitie which was so naturall in him that for the most parte it kept him conteined in suspence and doubt euen when he was at poynte to establish things which he had aforetime with great foresight considered measured and almost resolued by which it happned that aswell in his deliberations as in thexecucion of his councells euery trisling regard rising of new in his conceite and euerie light impediment that appeared seemed sufficient to lead him into the same confusion wherein he was affore he deliberated being alwayes perswaded that after he had consulted that councell was the best which he had reiected for in that case calling only into reckoning representacion those reasons which he had not estemed before he forbare to reduce into discourse the argumentes which had moued him to make suche election which being conformed and compared with the contraries would haue made weaker the force and strength of the others neither did he take experience by the memorie of his naturall timerousnes to beware to slide into the passion and humor of vaine feare In which disposicion intangled and maner of dealing confused he suffered him selfe oftentimes to be transported and gouerned by his officers in which case he seemed rather caried the 〈…〉 counselled by them Of whom these bore most authoritie with him Nicolas Scombergh a Germain and Mathievv Gibert a Genovvay the one almoste reuerenced and seared of the Pope and the other loued and fauored with a singular affection Scombergh was a disciple of Ierome Sauonarola and of the order of freare preachers whilest he studied the lawes but afterwards leauing his religion and profession he reteyned onely the habit the name and followed the vocacion of secular affaires Gibert had bene bestowed verie young in the function of religion but afterwards he left that vocacion by the priuitie of his father and notwithstanding he was not borne in lawefull mariage yet he disclaimed both the habit and the name of his profession They two were of one society and agreement together whilest he was Cardinal and also in the beginning and entrie to his Popedom bearing such a hande on him as they gouerned his thoughtes and drewe his will to their wayes but as amongest mortall men there can be no perfect concord where is no conformitie of condicions so beginning afterwardes to disagree eyther through ambicion or by the diuersitie of their natures they brought ruine vpon him whom they had before supported and ledde his affaires into great cōfusion for freare Nicolas either for that he was a Germain of nation which catied him to fauor immoderatly thaffaires of his contrie or for some other regard mouing bore great affection to the name of thEmperour by which occasion concurring also his obstinacie in his opinions which oftentimes were different from others the Pope stoode many wayes suspicious that he preferred more the profit of an other then was studious ouer the aduauncementes of his affaires And touching the other both by nature and all other respects of office he was verie deuoute to the person of the Pope whom he acknowledged alone for his Lord and maister and simply caried very careful studious impressions ouer his affaires And albeit in the time of Leo he had bene a great ennemie to the Frenche and fauored highly the affaires of thEmperour yet after the death of that Pope he was conuerted into an other humor and habit Thus these two principal ministers of the Pope being in manifest discord bewene them felues neither proceeded in his affaires with soundnes of councell nor for the honor of his person with reuerence and regards agreable by which diuision euery one knowing howe irresolute and weake the Pope was of his owne condicion he was made contemnible skorned to the world by those men who ought with better modestie to haue couered his imperfections Insomuche as being priuie to his owne weakenes and by the property of his nature alwayes irresolute he knewe not what course to take in a deliberacion so slipperie and full of difficulties seeing that those to whom it apperteined to stay and resolue him were the men that caried him into greatest confusion so daungerous is it for Princes to haue faction and diuision in their councells which of all others haue the greatest facilitie to leade their persons and estates into perill of ruine and subuersion Neuerthelesse at the last more by necessitie to deliberate something then by resolution or firme iudgement and standing chiefly in these tearmes that to deliberate nothing was in a kinde to deliberate he inclined to go through with the league and in companie of the residue to beginne the warre agaynst themprour Wherein they fell to accorde and drew the capitulations into particulars wanting no other thing then to giue his full perfection at such time as he receyued newes that the Commandador Erraro whom themprour sent to him was ariued at Rome He was thought to be sent in diligence with some good and gracious dispatche In which respect the Pope determined to attende his comming which droue thembassadors to complayne whom he had assured to passe the same day the confederation The cause of his comming was that themprour after he had sent such a commission to the Marquis of Pisquaro to reteine at the least in his power to impatronize himselfe vpon the state of Millan and fearing least by that occasion there were not incensed some newe stirres in Italy dyd begin to debate more straytly and sincerely of thaccorde with the Legat Salutatio so that there passed betwene them one capitulation reseruing neuerthelesse the condition of the ratification by the Pope wherein bothe he was satisfied touching the restitution of Reggia and Rubiera and also the defence and conferuation of the Duke of Millan was comprehended in it Matters which the Pope did principally desire Moreouer it was expresly set downe that if the Duke should dye themprour neyther should reteine that dukedome nor giue it to tharchduke his brother but should inucst it in the Duke of Burbon which the Pope very vndiscretly by the setting on of tharchbishop of Capua had accorded vnto together with George of Aus̄tria brother to themperour Maximilian at suche tyme as the lyfe of Frauncis Sforce was almoste holden desperate Assone as the capitulation was made the Legate not tarying for Pope Clement to giue it perfection eyther could not or would not refuse to present themprour with the writte of dispensation for his mariage so muche desired Which for that it was made before onely with mention of stoppe and impediment to the
humor of some Princes to be caried rather with consideracions of profit then with care of honestie Nowe after thEmperours mariage was consummated at Seuille in Spayne the commaundator Erraro arriued at the Court with the breuiat of tharticle concerning Frauncis Sforce which article the Pope had deduced at large in his fauor So that thEmperour being also assured that the Legat Saluiatio had no commission to conclude any thing but according to that article and his whole councell thinking it necessary to stoppe and hinder the league that was in hande and no lesse daungerous to haue to doe at one time with so greate a number of ennemies He sawe him selfe reduced to these tearmes either to content the Pope and the Venetians by restoring Frauncis Sforce to the Duchie of Millan or else to compounde with the Frenche king Who for his parte after long arguing and disputacion for the countrey of Burgongnie and finding that without the price of it he coulde not hope for his deliuerie by thEmperour offered to render it with all thappurtenaunces and dependancies and to renownce all titles and rightes which he had to the kingdome of Naples and Duchie of Millan and to assure the obseruacion of his promise by the ostage of two of his sonnes The disputacions were greate vppon the election of the one or the other waye wherein the Viceroy insisted more vehementlie then euer both for that he had the conduct of the Frenche king into Spayne and had nourrished him with many braue hopes of his deliuerie vnder easie conditions His authoritie was great with thEmperour and his reputacion nothing inferiour both for that thEmperour reapposed muche in his fidelitie and trusted him because he knewe he loued him But there opposed against him Mercurio Gattinaro a man of base discending in the contrie of Piedmont and by his vertue raised to the place of high Chauncellor to thEmprour for his experiēce credit had managed of long time all the affaires of the Court of most importaunce One day thEmperour sitting really in councell to resolue absolutely the matters that had bene discoursed so many monethes these two were also present of whom the Chaunceller tooke occasion to reason in this forte I haue alwayes feared least our too great greedinesse concurring with the immoderate ends we aspire vnto would not be the cause that of so singular and honorable a victory we reaped in the ende neither glory nor profit But I coulde neuer be induced by anye argument or reason that by your victorie oh gracious Emperour eyther your estate or your reputacion shoulde fall into daunger A matter whiche nowe appeareth manifestly since there is question to conclude an accorde by the which all the regions of Italie shall be reduced to a condicion desperate which can not but bring infamy to your name the french king deliuered vp to his liberty but vnder so vnequall condicions that he will continue a greater enemy to you then before though not of will which happily he may restraine and temper yet by necessitie which is alwaies a mighty mocion to moue men to reuenge for my parte I coulde wish with as great show of affectiō as others that at one time by one meane your Maiesty might recouer Bourgongny also establish fundacions of your imperie in Italie But vaine is the wit that aspireth to hold the thing which the hand is not hable to gripe and in the property of worldly things there is nothing more full of errour then that ambicion which goeth on working in the humor of wening only lookes not backe to order and reason which are the assured lines that laye out the infallible successe of euery mortall action I haue alwaies seene that that Prince who sodainly hath embrased many thinges hath gone on with perill to effect nothing for that all those things are put to aduenture that are guided by will not by reason That fire that is mightily kindled hath much a do to be quenched but when vpon one fire riseth many flames whose propertie is to flie with the winde into many places it can not be that the burning wil not be great yea oftentimes extended to the consuming of him that first kindled it I see no reason to induce vs to thinke that the french king being deliuered wil obserue the articles of so great importance since he is not ignorant that in making you Lord of Burgangny he layeth open such a gappe to lead you into the bowells of Fraunce that it will be alwayes in your election to runne vp euen to the gates of Paris And he knoweth well enough that when he hath once put into your hande the power to vex Fraunce in so many places he hath left to him selfe no possibility to make resistance against you doth not he know all the world see that to consent that you goe to Rome with an armie is no other thing then to giue you a raine with whose bridle you may checke all Italie authoritie to dispose according to your liking of thestate spirituall and temporall of the Church and by that meane your puisance being redoubled you shall for alwayes after neuer want money nor forces to offend him And who doubteth that of this greatnes he maketh this conclusion that he shall be constrained to accept all suche lawes as it shall please you to impose vpon him Is it then reasonable to beleue that he will obserue an accorde by the which he is made your slaue and you his Lorde Where is feruitude hatefull if not in the minde whome nature hath borne to soueraintie And howe can it bee thought that he will liue vnder the yoke of subiection whose ambicion coulde not hitherunto be conteyned within the large limites of Fraunce But be it that in the king will be founde no want of conscience to obferue the condicions of the contract yet he may be ouercaried by a naturall compassion by the complaintes and lamentacions of his kingdome and by the perswasions of the king of Englande accompanied with thincitacion of all Italie It may bee that by the lawe of amitie that is betweene you two he will reappose confidence in you or at least looke into the power you are of But was there euer two Princes betwene whome haue bene greater causes of hatred and contencion There is not onely betweene you a reciprocall ielousie of greatnes A matter apt to stirre vppe one brother agaynst an other but also your common emulacion is pushed on by many auncient and great quarrells begonne in the tymes of your fathers and great grandfathers many long warres betweene those two houses many peaces and accordes not obserued many harmes done and many iniuries receyued There is no quarrell more mortall then that which taketh his nurriture in tract and prescripcion of tyme nor any hatred so daungerous as that which lyeth smothered like fire couered with hoate ymbers by whome the heate is preserued to a greater power of burning To the mind
Capteynes and by his armye Abowt this tyme the Cardinalls that were in Italy made a mocion that aswell they as the other Cardinalls beyonde the Mountes might assemble together at Auignion to take councell in so troublesom a tyme what coursse to holde for the stabilitie of the Church But because they woulde not all at one tyme raunge them selues vnder the power of so mightye Princes they refused to goe thether though with diuerse excuses By whose example also the Cardinall Saluiatio Legat in the Frenche Court beeing required by the Pope to goe to thEmprour to helpe his affayres at the comming of Don Hugo who according to the capitulacion was to go vp to thEmprour refused to accomplish that legacion as though it had beene a matter hurtfull to deliuer vppe to the power of thEmprour at one tyme so many Cardinalls Onely he sent by one of his seruaunts of credit thinstructions he had receyued from Rome to thAuditor of the chamber resident with thEmprour to th ende he might negociat with him who brought from him very gracious wordes but such as promised a diuerse and vncerteine resolucion And albeit thEmprour could haue desired that the Pope had beene ledde into Spayne yet for that it was a matter full of infamye and greatly tending to incense the king of England And withall for that all the Potentates and prouinces of Spayne and principally the Prelats and Lordes detested not a litle that an Emprour of Rome Protector and Aduocat of the Church should with so great indignitie to all Christendom holde in prison the man in whome was represented the person of Iesus Christ in earth In those regardes he made gracious aunswers to all thEmbassadors which occupied his presence there At whose instance also to goe thorowe with a peace he sayde he was content to referre the action of it to the king of England which was accepted by them And seeming to confirme this good inclinacion with corespondencye of effects he dispatched into Italy the thirde daye of August the generall of the Graye Frears and foure dayes after him Veri de Miglian enhabling both the one and other with commissions sufficient to the Viceroy for the deliuery of the Pope and restitucion of all such townes and castells as had bene taken from him he consented also for the better releeuing of the Pope that his Nuncio should send him a certeine summe of money exacted vppon the collection of his Realmes who in their Courts and parlyaments had refused to contribute money to thEmprour In this time about the ende of Iuly the Cardinall of Yorke passed the sea to Callyce with twelue hundred horse The French king who had great desire to receyue him with all showes of honor sent to meete him at his landing the Cardinal of Lorraine and went afterwardes in personne to Amyens where the Cardinall of Yorke made his entrey the daye after with very greate pompe Wherein one thinge that muche augmented his glorye and reputacion was the treasor he had brought with him amownting to three hundred thowsande crownes bothe to furnishe thexspenses occurringe and to imparte it with the Frenche Kinge by waye of loane if neede were They debated betwene them aswel of matters apperteyning to the peace as of occasions tending to nourish the warre Wherein albeit the ends and intencions of the French king were different from the purposes of the king of England for that to haue his children restored he cared not to leaue abandoned to manifest praye both the Pope and all the state of Italy yet what by the authoritie of the king of England and necessitie of his owne affayres he was driuen to promisse to make no accord with thEmprour without the deliuery of the Pope And therefore thEmprour hauing sent to the king of England the articles of the peace aunswer was made to him by both the kings that they woulde accept the peace vnder condicions of restitucion of the children of Fraunce receyuing for raunsom of them two millions of duckats within a certeine tyme and deliuerye of the Popes person with the state Ecclesiastike together with the conseruacion of all the gouernments and estates of Italy as they were at that present and lastly vnder condicion of an vniuersall and generall peace And bicause the mariage of the French king with the Emprours sister should still continue there was set downe a speciall couenant that thEmprour accepting these articles the Daughter of the king of England should be maryed to the Duke of Orleans But in case the peace succeeded not the king him selfe should take her to wife After these articles were sent they refused to giue safe conduit to a man whome the Emprour required to send into Fraunce aunswering that they had done enough to send him the articles of their resolucion Which being not accepted by thEmprour the peace and confederacion betweene the two kings was sworne and published solemnly the eyght day of August They determined to employ all their forces in the warre of Italy hauing for their principall obiect the deliuerye of the Pope And touching the manner to proceede in that warre they reapposed them selues vppon Monsr Lavvtrech to whome according to the confidence they had in him they gaue absolute power and before he tooke his leaue to depart with his expedicion they suffered him to obteyne of the French king all his demaundes for that the king ment in that warre to set vppe his last rest The Cardinall of Yorke would also that the knight Casalo shoulde goe to the campe on the behalfe of his king and that the thirty thowsande duckats which were his monthly contribucion should be deliuered to him to th ende to be assured if the nūber of Almaines were compleate Thus after the resolucions and directions of the warre were established the Cardinall of Yorke returned and at his departure he dispatched the pronotorye Gambaro to the Pope to induce him to make him his Viccaire generall in England in Fraunce and in Germanye so longe as he was in prison Whereunto though the French king seemed by demonstracions to consent yet secretly and in effect he did impugne so great an ambicion In this meane whyle there passed but very fewe actions and exploytes of warre in Italy thexspectacion of the comming of Lavvtrech being very great The reason was that as the Imperiall armye full of disorder and disobedience to their Capteynes and no lesse chargeable to their friendes and townes that were rendred made no greate mouing and gaue no feare at all to their enemyes so the footebandes of Spanyardes and Italyans fleeing from the infection of the plague laye dispearsed and wandring abowt the confynes of Rome And the Prince of Orenge with an hundred and fiftye horsemen was gonne vppe to Syenna aswell to eschewe the daunger of the plague as to keepe that citie in the deuocion of thEmperour And for the better conteyning the Citie in fidelitie and order he had sent thyther before certeyne bandes of footemen the rather for that
was negligent garde in Pauya in which towne was Peter Lungeno with foure hundred horsemen and a thowsand footmen Venetians and Hannibal Pissynard Captaine of Cremona with three hundred footmen which he had ledde thyther to mainteyne in the deuotion of the Duke all the countrey beyonde Pavv he drewe to him a companie of souldiers of confidence and choyse whom he led thyther one night when was least dout of any action hauing with no lesse fortune then celeritie skaled the towne by ladders in three places he tooke it by assault before the souldiers heard the alarme in this exployt he made prisoners Peter Lungeno and one of the sonnes of Ianus Fregoso From thence he followed his victorie to Biagrassa where the garrison and townesmen rendred vp the place to him after they had endured some execucion of the Cannon so preparing to goe to Arona Federike Boromes compounded with him bynding himselfe to followe thEmperours faction About this time the Duke of Brundsvvyke being issued out of Trente had passed the tenth day of May the riuer of Adice with an armie of x. thousand footmen vj. hūdred horsmen wel armed many of thē being gentlemen This army being repulsed frō Chiusa discended vpon the territories of Verona And albeit for that it was knowē long time before that he would come there was a resolution set downe that Monsr saint Pol should go before to meete him yet making no greater speede in this expedicion then in others the launceknights were in Italy before saint Pol could be in order to marche And as to omitte occasions is to breede impediment and difficulties so comming on with his marche with so slowe a foote he was driuen afterwardes to abide many daies in Ast both to reassemble and mooster his companies and to obey the difficultie of vittells of which a greate darth and skarcety raigned in all the partes of Italy but chiefly in the quarters of Lombardie And there was not to be hoped for a more great and more ready succour for the generall affaires then of the Senat of Venice who albeit had assured that their armie should take the fielde with xij thowsand footemen yet the Duke of Vrbyn being within Verona disposed himselfe to no other enterprise then to defend the townes of most importance of their estate By which omission the Launceknights who were discended vpon the lake of Garda had Pisquiero by accord and successiuelie Riuolto and Lunaro In so much as being vnder that propertie of fortune made Lords almost of the whole lake they drew contribucions of money from many places committing to fire and sworde such as had no meane to satisfie them with raunsom Antho. Adorno who was ariued in this armie perswaded them to goe vp towardes Genes ▪ but both for their necessity and want of money and for other impediments and difficulties and also for their desire to haue conference with Antho. de Leua issued out of Myllan to that ende they marched slowly along the contrey of Bressia whether went to meete them Andre de Burgos and captaine George By whose meanes it was feared the Duke of Ferrara who in so great a feare of others made no preparacion enterteined some secret intelligence or practise After this the Launceknights marched vp towardes Adda to ioine with Antho de Leua who being passed the riuer of Adda the ix of Iune with an armie of six thowsand footemen and sixtene greate peeces of artilleries and being incamped neare those companies that were within three miles of Bergama in which citie and also in Bressia and Verona the Duke of Vrbyn had distributed his bandes of soldiers he perswaded them for an extreame desire he had to reconquer Loda to embrase the recouerie of thestate of Myllan before they passed to Naples By whose perswasions they incamped the xx of May before that citie out of which issued the Duke of Myllan who retyring to Bressia left for the defense of the towne Iohn Pavvle his bastard brother with a garrison of three thowsand footemen And after the artilleries had plaied which being planted in two seuerall places did greate execucion Antho. de Leua to whom the first assalt apparteined brought his bandes of Spaniards neare the place where the ruine was greatest There they fought breauelie for the space of three howers but at last the vertue of thItalians defendāts being nothing inferior to the vallour of the Spaniards assailants they were repulsed by the same vertue which ledde them first to the fight So that reiecting all hope to carie it by assalt they reduced all their confidence to the fauor and working of famine The rather for that the haruest being not yet made there was within Loda so greate wante of vittells that the share and distribution of breade ronning equally betwene the soldiors and the inhabitantes the towne of necessitie was either to perishe vnder the rage of famine or the townesmen to issue out to the great perill of their liues But the plage began now to be warme amongest the Launceknights and the armie withall suffring no small afflictions for want of vittells they began to breake vp and many returned into their contreis by the waies of the Svvizzers and Grisons An action which bred no great care in the Duke of Brundsvvike their captaine who hauing conceiued greate hopes in Germanie for thexample of the regiment which George Fronspergh ledde he found by proofe and triall the matters of Italy to befarre more intricat and hard then he imagined And his money falling short much lesse that he could leade them to the kingdom of Naples seeing it was impossible for him to conteine them before Loda Neither was he releued with any comfort by Antho. de Leua who rather tooke awaie all his hope of remedie that waie filling him with continuall complaintes of the pouertie and wantes of Myllan For after he had lost all hope to recouer Loda he deuised all the waies he coulde to giue them occasion to breake vp and goe awaie fearing least they would establish their abiding in the Duchie of Myllan and by that meane would intrude themselues to be competitor with him in the gouernment and share with him in the spoile ▪ And he forgatte not in this time of temporising to giue order both to thresh out the corne thorow all thestate of Myllan and to carie and laie vp all their haruest within the towne of Myllan At last the xiij of Iulie as they were going to giue a newe assalt to Loda the Launceknightes in their discontentments fell into mutinie in which rage a thowsand of them went their waie to Coma and the others that remained retired in greate disorder thartilleries from before Loda But feating least they woulde returne into Germanie the Marquis of Guast whom Andre Dore lette goe for twelue daies vppon his faith came to Myllan to perswade Br●ndsvvike not to suffer his souldiours to returne into Germanie Neuerthelesse the soldiers whose rudenes could not be reclaimed
borow Saint Martyn which is within fiue miles of Millan the Venetians assuring that their campe conteined xij thowsand footemen Monsr Saint Pols viij thowsand to whom was to be ioyned the bands of footemen of the Duke of Millan By this direction Monsr Saint Pol passed the riuer of Thesin and finding the towne of Biagrassa abandoned he caried the castell by accord And so incamping at Gazzano about eight miles from Millan he conferred of newe with the Duke of Vrbyn at Binasquo the third of Iune In which place they were credibly certefied that the Venetians had not in their campe the one halfe of xij thowsand footemen according to the capitulacions of the contract A matter which for that Monsr Saint Pol complained greatly vpon it was set downe that Millan should be approched with one camp onely on that side of Lazzaretto notwithstanding the protestacion of Count Guido who alleaged that Antho. de Leua at whose deuocion remeined only Millan Coma was wont to say that Millan could not be forced but with two camps But not many daies after those opinions councels being chaunged the Chieftaines of both the armies being assembled within Loda The Dukes of Millan Vrbin notwithstanding they solicited before to haue the campe go to Myllan were flatly against thexpedicion of Genes yet they were now of a contrary aduise the Duke of Vrbin alleaging many reasons to iustifie that newe councell But principally he insisted vppon this that seing thEmprour made preparacion to passe into Italy for whose conduit Andre Dore was departed from Genes with his gallies the eight of Iune And withall seing in Germany there was intencion to send newe companies of launceknights into Italy vnder Capteine Felix he stood indifferent in his reason experience could not finde out whether it were better to take Millan or not to take it These were the reasons he inferred But it was beleued that for an opiniō he had of the succeding of the peace which was negociated in Flaunders he had signified to the Senat of Venice that it was a matter vnprofitable to put them selues in exspenses for the recouerie of Myllan The summe conclusion of his councell was that the regiments of the Venetians shoulde tarye at Cassiana the companies of the Duke of Myllan to keepe within Pauya and Monsr Saint Pol to lye at Biagrassa And they by the seruice of their horsemen to stoppe that there entred no releeffe of vittels into Myllan where it was supposed they would within short time fall into want of foode for that a very small porcion of the contry was conuerted to tillage and sowing This opinion could not be altered in him by any reasons or inducements of Monsr Saint Pol neither did he approue the abiding of him and his army at Biagrassa alleaging that to pyne hunger Myllan it was enough that the Venetian regiments remeyned at Moncio and the bands of the Duke of Myllan at Pauya at Vegeuena he sayd also that the king pressed him that in case he went not vp to incampe before Myllan then to execut thenterprise of Genes which he had in intencion to attempt with a great celerity hoping that in the absence of Andre Dore Caesar Fregosa to whom the French king had made a graunt to be gouernor not his father would reduce that state to alteracion with a very small strength of footemen But these proceedings and expedicions together with an informacion how much was diminished in footemen the armye of the confederats did so assure Antho ▪ de Leua of all daungers for Myllan that he sent out Torniello with a very slender strength of horsemen and three hundred footemen to recouer Nouaro obseruing the oportunitie whilest the French and Venetians were wandring betweene the ryuer of Thesin and Myllan he made his entrye by the castell which was holden for thImperialls by which commoditie he recouered Nouaro and afterwards sallyed out with his forces to pyll the contrey and get vittells But this conquest was not without his contrary accidents for that as the Capteine of Nouaro was yssued out of the castell and walked into the towne two souldiours of the Duke of Myllan and three inhabitants of Nouaro that were prisoners in the castel fell vppon the Capteine and slue him with the ayde of certeine others that wrought at the castell And in the same fortune making prisoners certeine Spanish footemen their vallour made them Lordes of the place hoping after so great an aduenture to be succoured by their frendes They tooke the reason of their hope vppon this that the Duke of Millan as soone as he vnderstoode that Torniello was gone out hauing a feare and iealouzie of Nouaro had dispatched into those quarters his brother Iohn Pavvle with a good strength of horsemen and footemen and he in that expedicion was alreadie gone vp and ariued at Vegeuena But Torniello was no sooner aduertised of the accident of the castell then he returned with speede to Nouaro where what with threates which priuaileth muche where the hope is lesse then the peril what with preparacions to giue thassault which can not but make timerous such as haue no remedy in their daunger he so astonished the said souldiours of the Duke of Millan that compounding only for the safety of their persons they rendred the castel without caring for the liues of the inhabitants of Nouaro by whose vallour they executed thexployt of the castell It was determined to vex Millan as much as might be with the forces of the Venetians regiments of the Duke of Millan notwithstanding the Duke of Millan alleaged that because he would be more neare the lands of the Venetians he would not abide at Moncio but at Cass●ano and Monsr Saint Pol who lay incamped at the Abbay of Bibaldono determined to returne beyond the riuer of Pavv to draw towards Genes According to which resoluciō he marched vp to lodge at Landriano which is xij miles from Millan betwene the waies of Loda and Pauia And minding the day following which was the xxj of Iune to incāpe at Lardiragno vpon the way of Pauia he sent before his artilleries his cariage the auantgard and departed him selfe somewhat later with the battell and the rearegard But when Antho. de Leua was aduertised by his espialls where he made his abiding and how the auauntgard was gone before he issued out of Millan with his souldiours all couered for their vppermost garments with white shirts And because of long tyme his body had beene reduced to debilitie by dolors and griefes he caused his owne person to be armed in a chaire which foure men bare And by that time he was comen within two myles of Landriano without sownd of drom he vnderstoode by his espialls that Saint Pol was not yet departed from Landriano So that ioyning celeritie to the fauors which the tyme and occasion offred he hastned his march charged vppon them before they were aware of his comming The first
from Lucquay both pioners and certaine peeces of artilleries he caused to cast a rampart to the ende to make it profitable to giue an assault to the bastillion of saint Myniato But on the other side to hinder the vse and seruice of it were planted in the garden of saint Miniato foure Cannons vpon a caualier The townes of Collo and saint Gimignano rendred immediatly to the Prince they were places of importance to make easie and safe the resort of vittels that came from Sienna The xxix day the Prince planted vpon the bastillion of Giramont foure Cannons to beate the steeple of saint Myniato for that a saker which the defendants of the towne had mounted there played with great hurt vpon the armie Two of those cannons were broken and reduced not seruiceable within fewe houres to recompence which default the day folowing an other cannon being brought to the place after they had executed in vaine about an hundred and fiftie shotte of bollette and yet coulde not dismount the saker they forbare to shoote anye more where so litle good was done by their laboure By whiche resistaunce and other difficulties and impediments concurryng euerye one interpretyng it to a harde matter to carie Florence speciallie with one onelye armie the actions and exploytes afterwardes beganne to proceede slowlye and rather in manner of skirmishes then in forme of assaulte The seconde of Nouember was perfourmed a great skirmishe against the bastillion of Saint George another vppon the bastillion of Saint Nicholas and a thirde vppon the waye that goeth to Rome The fourth daye was planted vppon Giramont a culuerine right against the pallace of the Lordes whiche set open the gates at the first shotte But at this time the horsemen that were within Florence ranne vp to Valdipeso and made pray of an hundred horse most part horses of seruice And in the same fortune certayne horsemen and harquebuziers of the Florentines issuing out of Pontadero tooke three score horse betweene the cabans and the tower of Saint Romain By this time the Pope was arriued at Bolognia after whom thEmperour folowed according to the ceremonie and custome of great Princes for that when two Princes are to enterviewe and meete together the tradicion beareth that he that representeth the greatest dignitie shall come first to the place appointed seeing it is both iudged and taken for a great signe of reuerence that he that is inferior shall showe office and go to the other And there being receiued of the Pope with great showes and testimonies of honour and lodged in the same pallace with him ioyning one to the other it seemed by the demonstracions of office and familiaritie passing betweene them that they had alwayes liued in an indissoluble league of amitie and good will There the Emperour receiued aduertisements which cleared him of all suspicion of inuasion by the Turkes whose armie together with the person of their Lorde and Prince being presented before Vyenna wherein was a great garrison of Launceknightes they had not onely giuen in vaine many assaultes to the place but also hadde bene so repulsed with so great a staughter that with the small confidence they had to carie it and what with the want of great artilleries to batter it what by the compulsion of the time which in that region is very sharpe being in the moneth of October They brake vp and went their wayes not retyring to anye other place neare vnto it but tooke the way of Constantinople which is a marche of three monethes So that thEmperour being cleared and assured of that suspicion whiche before hadde not onely made him inclined notwithstanding the conquest of Pauia to accorde with the Duke of Millan but also had induced him to deale with the Pope to thinke vpon a meane to compounde with the Florentines to the ende that being eased and dispatched of the affaires of Italie he might passe with all his forces into Almany to the succours of Vyenna and his brother According to which perswasion as the Pope and he began to debate vpon the affaires of Italie So the thing that most concerned the Pope and lay nearest his hart was the enterprise against the Florentins whereunto also thEmperour seemed to beare a manifest inclinacion aswel to satisfie the Pope touching the matter of capitulation at Barsellona as also for that the citie of Florence being alwayes caryed with a deuocion to the crowne of Fraunce it could not be but the embasing of his greatnesse was very agreeable to them Therefore when the Florentins had chosen foure embassadours to goe to the Pope at Bolognia and making also peticion to speake to the Emperour he woulde neuer giue them audience but one time and that when it pleased the Pope from whome also he drewe the substaunce of the aunswere he made them Thus they concluded to continue the enterprise and because it fell out more hard and entangled then the Pope exspected there was a determinacion to employ in this action all the bands and companies of souldiers that were in Lombardy in case there hapned occasion of accord with the Venetians Frauncis Sforce which companies as they were to be payd by the Emperour so also the Pope was to contribute monthly to the Prince of Orenge who was gone vpto Bolognia to solicite those matters three score thousande Duckats to th end that where themperour found the burden too heauy to beare out so great exspenses he might be shared to defray all those regiments that were alreadie about Florence After this was brought in question and conference the other interest of the Pope which was cōcerning the matters of Modena Reggia wherein the Pope to auoide the note of obstinacie and selfewill making show to continue in the same inclinacion he had professed many times before that as if the interest of thoses two townes only were brought into questiō he would make no difficultie to dispose of them according to the will of themprour So neuerthelesse he protested that in case of alienacion of Modena and Reggia Parma Plaisanca would so remaine seperat and cutte of from thestate ecclesiastike that in consequence they would seame to be more then halfe aliened Themperour aunswered him that it was a regard and consideracion both iust and reasonable But for his part he could do no more then vse his authoritie whilest his forces were occupied in the enterprise of Florence Neuerthelesse in secrete he could haue wished that with the good satisfaction of the Pope those townes had remained to the Duke of Ferrara with whom in his waie to Bolognia he had had conference giuen him great hope and comfort to worke with the Pope what he could for the benefite of his affaires so much had that Duke by his good industrie and working made insinuacion into themperours grace and fauour and also made such impressions of compassion in the mindes of those that gouerned him most that he wanted not in his court the operacions of