Selected quad for the lemma: lord_n

Word A Word B Word C Word D Occurrence Frequency Band MI MI Band Prominent
lord_n aaron_n account_n smith_n 28 3 9.2043 4 false
View all documents for the selected quad

Text snippets containing the quad

ID Title Author Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication) STC Words Pages
A43106 Remarks upon the tryals of Edward Fitzharris, Stephen Colledge, Count Coningsmark, the Lord Russel, Collonel Sidney, Henry Cornish, and Charles Bateman as also on the Earl of Shaftsbury's grand jury, Wilmore's Homine replegiando, and the award of execution against Sir Thomas Armstrong / by John Hawles. Hawles, John, Sir, 1645-1716. 1689 (1689) Wing H1188; ESTC R10368 100,698 108

There are 3 snippets containing the selected quad. | View lemmatised text

about August that the 30th of Sept. Walcot Dined with him told him that the Lord Shaftsbury was secreted and desired to speak with him Walcot brought him to the Lord Shaftsbury who complained of the Duke of Monmouth and the Lord Russel for deserting him but there was such preparation made in London that now he was able to do it of himself and intended to do it suddenly he had above 10000 brisk Boys ready to follow him when he held up his Finger they would possess themselves of the Gates and in twenty four hours they would multiply to five times the number and would be able to possess Whitehall by beating the Guards the Lord Howard went to the Duke of Monmouth told him the Lord Shaftsbury's complaint who said the Lord Russel and he told the Lord Shaftsbury from the beginning that there was nothing to be done by them in the Country at that time the Matter of the discourse between him and the Duke of Mounmouth him and the Lord Shaftsbury and him and Walcot is too tedious to relate and as little to the purpose if the Jury had understood Matter of Law which they did not in it he takes care to shew what Confidence my Lord Shaftsbury had in him more than in the Duke of Monmouth or the Lord Russel how very Cautious he was and how Precipitate the Lord Shaftsbury was and that what he told the Duke of Monmouth the Duke told the Lord Russel and he heard the Lord Russel had been with the Lord Shaftsbury and put off the intended rising at wich the Lord Russel interrupted him and said he thought he had very hard measure there was great deal of Evidence given by hear-say only whereupon the Chief Justice said it was nothing against the Prisoner he declared it to the Jury but the Attorney General bid the Lord Howard go on in the method of time and that it was nothing against the Prisoner but the Witness was coming to it if his Lordship would have Patience he assured him so the Lord Howard went on where he left off with a story between him and Walcot of an intended Rising and of some dark Sayings let fall by Walcot and the Lord Gray importing a Design upon the Kings Person but the Lord Howard was very careful to put al off but at last it was resolved to rese on the 17th of November but the Lord Howard fearing it had been discovered because he saw a Proclamation a little before for bidding Bonefires without the Lord Mayors leave that of the 17th of November was also disappointed and the Lord Shaftsbury went away and died but considering they had gone so far that it was not sase to retreat and considering that so great an Affair as that was consisting of such infinite Particulars to be managed with so much fineness they erected a Cabal of six Persons the Duke of Monmouth Lord of Essex Lord Russel Mr. Hampden Algernon Sidney and himself about the middle of Jannary last and about that time they met at Mr. Hampdens House where it was considered whether the Insurrection should be in London or in Place distant what Countries and Towns were fittest and most disposed to Action what Arms necessary to be provided how to raise twenty five or thirty thousand Pounds and how they might so order it as to draw Scotland into a Consent with them about ten days after they met at the Lord Russe's House and then resolved to send some Persons into Scotland to the Lord Argile to invite some Persons hither to give an account of that Kingdom the Persons to be invited were Sir Jo. Cockram Lord Melvil Sir Campbill that matter was referred to Col. Sidney who told him he had sent Aaron Smith they agreed not to meet again till the return of the Messenger the Messenger was gone about a month it was six weeks or more before he returned and then his Lordship was forced to go into Essex where he had a small Concern where he staid three weeks and when he returned he was informed Sir John Cockram was come to Town and afterwards he was forced to go to the Bath where he spent five weeks and from that time to this was five weeks all which time was a Parenthesis to him And that he and the five mentioned erected themselves by mutual Agreement into that Society Atterbury swore Campbell was in his Custody then Col. Rumsey was asked whether my Lord Russel heard him when he delivered his Message to the Company and in what place of the Room the Company were who answered that when he came in they were standing by the Fire-side but all came from thence to hear him and when my Lord Russel said Col. Rumsey was there when he came in Rumsey said no the Duke of Monmouth and Lord Russel went away together Then in behalf of my Lord Russel the Earl of Anglesey was examined who said that visiting the Earl of Bedford the Lord Howard came in and told the Earl of Bedford that his Son could not be in such a Plot or suspected of it and that he knew nothing against the Lord Russel or any body else of such a Barbarous Design and he was going on again with what the Lady Chaworth had told him but was interrupted by the Kings Council telling him as the Court would not permit them to give Hear-say in Evidence against the Prisoner so they must not permit his Lordship to give Hear-say in Evidence for the Prisoner Mr. Howard said that the Lord Howard took it upon his Honour and his Faith he knew nothing of any Person concerned in that Business and not only thought my Lord Russel unjustly suffered but he took God and Man to witness he thought my Lord Russel the worthiest man in the World. Dr. Burnet said the Lord Howard was with him and he did then as he had done before with Hands and Eyes lift up to Heaven declare he knew nothing of any Plot nor believed any and treated it with great Scorn and Contempt The Lord Cavendish testified as to the Life and Conversation of the Lord Russel and thence concluded it was not likely he should be guilty of any such matter and heard the Lord Russel speak of Rumsey as if he had an ill Opinion of him and therefore it was not likely he should trust him Dr. Tillotson spoke of his Conversation Dr. Burnet and Dr. Cox spoke of his Cenversation and of his Aversness to all Risings Dr. Cox testified that my Lord Russel said the Lord Howard was a man of luxuriant Parts but he had the luck not to be trusted by any Party The Duke of Somerset spoke of the Lord Russels Conversation The Lord Clifford Mr. Leveson Gore Mr. Spencer and Dr. Fitz-Williams spoke as to my Lord Russel's Conversation The Lord Howard being asked by the Jury what he said to the Earl of Anglesey's Evidence owned what the Earl said but he did it to out-face the matter and if he said untrue he ought
Parliament that raised the Rebellion and cut off the King's head To which the Prisoner replied That that Parliament had done nothing but what they had just cause for and that the Parliament which sate last at Westminster was of the same Opinion That he called the Prisoner Collonel in mockery who replyed Mock not I may be one in a little time Sir William Jennings swore as to the Fighting with Fitz-Gerald and the words about his bleeding For the Prisoner Hickman said he heard Haynes swear God damn him he cared not what he swore nor whom he swore against for it was his Trade to get Money by swearing Mrs. Oliver said Haynes writ a Letter in her Father's name unknown to her Father Mrs. Hall said she heard Haynes own that he was employed to put a Plot upon the Dissenting Protestants Mrs. Richards said she heard him say the same thing Whaley said Haynes stole a Silver Tankerd from him Lun said Haynes said the Parliament were a company of Rogues for not giving the King money but he would help the King to money enough out of the Phanaticks Estates Oates said Turbervile said a little before the Witnesses were sworn at the Old-baily that he was not a Witness against the Prisoner nor could give any Evidence against him And after he came from Oxford he sad he had been sworn before the Grand Jury against the Prisoner and said the Protestant Citizens had deserted him and God damn him he would not starve That John Smith said God damn him he would have Colledge's Blood. That he heard Dugdale say that he knew nothing against any Protestant in England and being taxt that he had gone against his Conscience in his Evidence he said it was long of Collonel Warcup for he could get no money else that he had given out that he had been poisoned whereas in truth it was a Clap. Blake said that Smith told him Haynes his Discovery was a Sham Plot a Meal-tub-Plot Bolron said Smith would have had him give Evidence against Sir John Brooks that Sir John should say there would be cutting of Throats at Oxford and that the Parliament-men went provided with four five six or ten men a-piece and that there was a Consult at Grantham wherein it was resolved that it was better to seize the King than to let him go whereas he knew of no such thing that he would have Balron to be a Witness against Colledge and told him what he should say lest they should disagree in their Evidence that he heard Haynes say he knew nothing of a Popish or Presbyterian Plot but if he were to be an Evidence he cared not what he swore but would swear any thing to get Money Mowbray said Smith tempted him to be a Witness against Colledge and was inquisitive to know what discourse passed between him the Lord Fairfax Sir John Hewly and Mr. Stern on the Road and said that if the Parliament would not give the King Money and stood on the Bill of Exclusion that was pretence enough to swear a design to seize the King at Oxford Everard said Smith told him he knew of no Presbyterian or Protestant Plot and said Justice Warcup would have perswaded him to swear against some Lords a Presbyterian Plot but he knew of none he said Haynes told him it was necessity and hard pay drove him to speak any thing against the Protestants and being questioned how his Testimony agreed with what he formerly said answered he would not say much to excuse himself his Wife was reduced to that Necessity that she begged at Rouse's door and meer necessity drove him to it and self preservation for the was brought in Guilty when he was taken up and was obliged to do something to save his Life and that it was a Judgment upon the King or People the Irish-mens swearing against them was justly fallen on them for outing the Irish of their Estates Parkhurst and Symons said they had seen at Colledge his House his Arms about the latter end of November Tates said Dugdale bespoke a Pistol of him for Colledge which he promised to give Colledge And upon Discourse sometimes after the Oxford Parliament Tates said Colledge was a very honest man and stood up for the good of the King and Government Tes said Dugdale I believe he does and I know nothing to the coutrary Deacon and Whitaker said they knew Colledge was bred a Protostant and went to Church and never to a Conventicle that they knew of and thought him an honest man. Neal Rimington Janner and Norris to the same purpose and Norris that Smith in company where was Speech that the Parliament-mens being agreed to go to Oxford said he hoped they would be well provided to go if they did go El. Hunt said a Porter in her Master's absence brought the Prints taken in Colledge's house eight weeks before and said Dugdale told her after her Master was in Prison he did not believe Colledge had any more hand in any Conspiracy against his Majesty than the Child unborn and he had as lieve have given an hundred pounds he had never spoke what he had and that he had nothing to say against her Master which would touch his Life Having summed up all the material part of the Evidence in the order it was given for or against the Prisoner let us see whether upon the whole an honest understanding Jury could with a good Conscience have given the Verdict the then Jury did or whether an upright Court could with a good Conscience have declared they were well satisfied in the Verdict given as all the four Judges in that case did though the Chief Justice North only spoke the works And though it is too late to Advantage the deceased yet it will do right to the Memory of the man to whose dexterous management on his Tryal many now alive owe the continuance of their lives to this Day it was not their Innocence protected the Lord Fairfax Sir John Brooks and many others before mentioined and many not named in the Tryal but Colledge's baffling that Crew of Witnesses and so plainly detecting their falsehood that the Kings Counsel never durst play them at any other person but the Earl of Shaftsbury as shall be shewn and failing there they were paid off and vanisht and never did more harm visibly what under-hand Practices they might be hereafter guilty of I know not Who could believe any one of those four Witnesses Dugdale Haynes Turbervile and Smith if it were for no other reason than the improbability of the thing that as Colledge said was it probable he should trust things of that nature with Papists who had broke their Faith with their own Party who could lay greater Obligations of secresie upon them than he was able to do That he a Protestant should trust people who had been employed to cut Protestants Throats And neither of them ever discovered any of the things they swore till after the Oxford Parliament though
business he was four or five times between Christman and March with the Earl and the Captain that the Captain told him he was to Command Fifty Men to be the Earls Guard at Oxon and would have had him to be One That if the King did not Consent to several Acts of Parliament and other things they were to Purge the Guards and Court of several Persons and tho' the Captain told him that first yet afterwards he heard the Earl say the same things particularly about a week or ten days before the Parliament sate at Oxon he gave some Intimation of this to Walter Banes and then Writ it down and sent it to the Counsel Sealed in a Cover Turbervile swore that the Lord Shaftsbury said about February there was but little good to be done with the King as long as his Guards were about him Smith testified a great deal of discourse between him and the Lord Shaftsbury of something said Reflecting on the King and that he should say that if the King should offer any violence to the Parliament at Oxford he would meet with a strong Opposition for that the Gentlemen who came out of the Country came well provided with Horse and Arms to Oppose and that they might Lawfully do it if he offered and Violence to them whilst they sate Haynes swore that the Earl said if the King did not give Haynes his Pardon he and others would raise the Kingdom against him that Haynes gave the Earl an exact Account of Transactions since King Charles the First 's coming to the Crown and that the Earl said the Duke of Buckingham had as much Right to the Crown as any Stewart in England John Macnamarra said the Earl said the King was Popishly Affected and took the same Methods his Father did which brought his Fathers Head to the Block and they would bring his thither and this was said in the presence of Ivey and he thought of his Brother and said the King deserved to be deposed as much as King Richard the Second Dennis Macnamarra likewise testified the last words and that it was the latter end of March or beginning of April Ivey said the Earl said if the King denyed Haynes a Pardon they would rise upon him and force him to give one and that they design'd to depose him and set up another in his stead Bernard Dennis said he had a great deal of discourse with the Earl who bid him speak to his Friends in Ireland for they intended to have England under a Commonwealth and Extirpate the King and his Family Then the Court told the Jury the Indictment was grounded on the Statute of King Charles the Second but they ought to consider of that Statute as also the 25th of Edward the Third The question is whether the Grand Jury ought to have found the Bill on this Evidence first it ought to be considered what the Duty of a Grand Jury is and I think it is not what the Chief Justice said to consider only whether there be probable ground for the King to call the Person Accused to an Account much less do I think that the reason of the finding of a Bill by the Grand Jury was for the Honour of the King or Decency of the Matter least Persons Accused should be called to an Account by the King where there is no kind of Suspition of the Crime Committed by them as the Court said which last Matter was never assigned as a Reason of finding a Bill by the Grand Jury before but I take the Reason of a Grand Jury to be this that no Man for a Capital Matter shall ever be questioned by the King unless a Grand Jury take it on their Oaths that they believe the Matter of the accusation is true I do put an Emphasis on the words questioned by the King. It is true it is generally said That the business of a Grand-Jury in capital Matters is in favorem vitae but that taken simply is not true for then what reason can be assigned why a Man shall be Arraigned on an Appeal of Murder Robbery or the like which touches his Life as much as an Indictment of those Crimes without having the Matter of the Appeal first found to be true by a Grand Jury but the true reason of a Grand Jury is the vast inequality of the Plaintiff and Defendant which in an Indictment is always between the King and his Subjects and that doth not hold in an Appeal which is always between Subject and Subject and therefore the Law in an Indictment hath given a Privilege to the Defendant which it hath done in no other Prosecution of purpose if it were possible to make them equal in the Prosecutions and Defence that equal Justice may be done between both It considers the Judges Witnesses and Jury are more likely to be influenc'd by the King than the Defendant the Judges as having been made by him and as it is in his Power to turn them out punish to prefer or reward them higher and though there are not just Causes for them to strain the Law yet they are such Causes which in all Ages have taken place and probably always will this was the reason of running Prerogative so high in their Judgment of High Treason before the Stat. of Ed. III. That no Man as that Statute says knew what was not High Treason This was the reason of expounding that Statute oftentimes between the making of it and the making the Statute of Queen Mary that People was at as great a Loss till the last Statute as they were before the making of the first and even since the Statute of Queen Mary the Exposition on the Statute of Ed. III. hath been so extravagant and various that People are at this day as much at a Loss to know what is not High Treason as they were before the Statue of Ed. 3. norwas it or is it possible that the great Power of enriching honouring rewarding and punishing lodged in the King but that it always had and yet must have an influence on the Witnesses and Jury and therefore it is that the Law hath ordered that at the King's Proscution no Man shall be criminally questioned unless a Grand Jury upon their own Knowledg or upon the Evidence given them shall give a Verdict that they really believe the Accusation is true Iown of late days They have said the Duty of the Grand Jury is to find whether the Accusation is probable but that saying is warranted by no positive Law or antient Authority and therefore the Duty of the Grand Jury must be founded in the Oath administred to them which is as strict as the Oath administred to the Petit Jury and to say Truth the Verdict of the Petit Jury takes credit from the Verdict of the Grand Jury which is not only the reason of the difference in the Names of the two Juries but is likewise the reason why an Attaint for a false Verdict doth not lye