Ioshua King of Iuda commanded Heikias the high Priest of the second Order and the Keepers of the Doores to bring out of the Temple of the Lord all the Vessels that were made for Baal and to do any manner of things mentioned in the 23. Chapter of the second Book of Kings David assembled the Sons of Aaron and the Levites to bring the Ark of the Lord into the House prepared for it Commanding them to sanctifie themselves And David had a Linnen Garment as all the Levites had that bear the Ark And upon David was a Linnen Ephod David also blessed the People in the Name of the Lord and appointed Certain of the Levites to be Ministers before the Ark of the Lord He Likewise divided Offices to the Levites to their Preists and to their Sons Solomon set the Courses of the Pâ—iests to their Offices according to the order of David his Fathâ—r and the Levites in their Watches for to praise and Minister befoâ—e the Priests every day and the Portersby their Course at every Gate For so was the Commandment of David the Man of God Iehosaphat in the third year of his Raigne sent his Princes to teach in the Cities of Iudah and with them the Levites and Priests And after he had appointed Judges in Civil Causes over all Iudah the set in Ierusalem certaine of the Levits and of the Priests and of the Chiefest of the Famâ—lâ—â—s of Israel for the Judgement and Cause of the Lord and made Amoriath the Priest the chief over them in all matters of the Lord. Ioash Commanded the Levites the Preists and Iehoiada the Cheif Preist to gather Money of all Israel to repair the House of the Lord. Briefly Hezekias goeth furthen then all these for he repaireth the Temple of the Lord and commandeth the Levites to cleanse themselves and to sanctifie the House of the Lord. He commandeth the Preists the Sons of Aaron to offer his Sin Offerings upon the Altar of the Lord. He appointeth the Levites in the House of the Lord with Cymbals with Viols and with Harps He willed the Levites to praise the Lord with the words of David and of Asaph the Seer He set posts through all Israel and Iudah to command them to come to keep the Passover with him and to turn unto the Lord He appointed the Courses of the Priests and of the Levites by their turns every Man according to his Office Briâ—fly he commanded the People of Ierusalem to give a great part to the Priests and Levites that they might be encouraged in the Law of the Lord. Since therefore the Queens Majesty intermedleth not in Ecclesiastical Causes somuch as these Princes did or any thing more then other Kings some of her Predecessors have done Since when her Majâ—sty called a Parliament to Consult of temporal matters the Bâ—shops and Prelates of this Reâ—lme have a meeting also in their Congregation House where whatsoever they decree and order is ratified by her Highness Royall Assent and Approbation since not her Majesty but her Graces Father was the first that assumed unto himself not without just occasion the Title of Supream head and Governor in all Causes Ecclesiastical within his Majesties Realms and Dominions And Briefly since what power soever the Pope had over England was loâ—g since taken from him This sentence of Excommunication against her Majesty is neither warrantable by Law nor any sufficient cause for the King of Spaine to invade our Realme Now to the false Reports of our English Fugitives who as all other Fugitives have accustomed to do fill the King of Spains ears with many vain Fables seeking thereby to exasperate him against our Realm to extenuate the Forces thereof to the end he may think the Conquest of England to be a matter of no great difficultie They calumniate her Majesties Justice â—ccuse her Government and blame her Proceedings against Seminaries and Romish Priests sent into this Realm from Rome as out of the Trojan Horse to seâ—uce her Majesties loving Subjects and to withdraw tâ—em from thâ—ir Obedience These grievous Accusations be sufficiently answered in a little and very learned Treatise Called the Execution of Justice But the Chiefest Point which they reprehend in Her Highness Goverment is there unanswered and therefore I have thought good to reâ—ell it in this place They signifie unto the Spaniard That her Majâ—sty had before the Coming of his Invincible Navie so overcharged her Subjâ—cts with new Subsidies and unaccustomed Taxes and Impositions that they neiâ—her would be willing nor able not to defray so great charges as should be requisite and necessary to maintain an Army by Sea and an other by land This Accusation is auggravated because her Majesty hath called a Parliement almost every fourth years since she came to the Crown and in some of them hâ—th not been contâ—nted with a single Susidie but hath charged her Subjâ—cts with a double Subsidy A matter as they say never heard of in any of her Predecessors times nor then needfull when it was required For the better answering of this objâ—ction I must run over the whole Raignes of some of her Majâ—sties Predecessors thereby to make it appear that they called Parliaments and levied Subsidies as often as her Highness hath done And because it would be tedious to trouble you with many I have restrained my self unto two only namely unto Ed. 1. and Ed. the 3. The Commons granted a Subsidy unto Edward the First in the third year of his Reign and another within two years after then having no extraordinary expences until the eleventh year of his Reign which was six years after he obtained another Subsidy And when he had reigned two and twenty years the Clergy gave him the half of their goods the Inhabitants of the Cities the sixth part and the rest of the common people the tenth of all that they possessed And yet within two years after he levied of all Towns-men and Citizens the Eighth part and of the Country people the Twelfth part of their goods and because the Clergy refused to grant him a Subsidy at that time they were all excluded from his favor and protection for the recovery whereof some by themselves and others by their friends gave him the Fifth part of all that they possessed Neither did the Liberality of the Laity nor the bounty of the Clergy so free them from further Contribution but that the very next year after the King having occasion to War against Scotland the common people gave him very willingly the Ninth part of their Goods the Clergy subject unto the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Tenth and the Clergy of York Diocess the Fifth part because they were nearer to the danger and invasion of the Enemy Edward the Third had a Subsidy of his people the sixth year of his Reign and another the next year after and within four years after the Commons granted him a Fifteenth the Burgesses of Towns and Inhabitants of Cities a Tenth and
any oversight hath made himself odious and contemptible cannot possibly avoid shame and Infamle And for so much as it becometh not any Prince to debauch and estrange the Subjects of another Prince from their obediâ—nce unto their King the Spanish King shall in his life time or after his death be reprehended for that he hath perswaded and induced the French men to rebell against their Prince and Country the which Frenchmen were wont as I shewed you long sithence to be counted and reputed the most true and loyall Subjâ—cts of the world Is it likely think you that any man will spare him when he is dead since during his life we reade in some histories that his own Sonne his French wife the Prince of Orange the Counts of Edmond and of Hâ—rne the late Duke of Alencon the Admiral of France the Prince of Condy the Queen of Navarre and the last King of France with many other Princes and Poâ—entates have been unnaturally Murthered cruelly Poysoned wrongfully done to Death and horribly Massacred by his consent and Counsell Commandement or Approbation It is common in every mans mouth that he maketh no Conscience to rid his hands of his enemies by any manner of Wickedness be it never so execrable and impious His laâ—e inâ—ent to poyson our gracious Soveraign whose life God long preserve testifieth thus much and as many as shall hear of his purpose of Dr. Lopes and his Complices cannot but esteem his worthy of everlasting Ignominy But now to declare unto you that this League cannot be of any long continuance I will use these few demonstrations First as many as have read either Ancient or Modern Histories shall easilie perceive by them that Fortune or rather the Eternal never gave unto Rebels any long Continuance of their prosperitie Next the Common People which easilie forsake the heads and chief of their Rebellion depart from them so soon as they perceive that their strength decayeth then feare jealousie suspition distrust and diffidence alwaies attend upon Rebels to dismay daunt and terrifie them And lastly these great and Archtraytors are beset with so many dâ—fficulties that it is impossible for them to attain unto their puâ—pose For if there be many that are equall in Authoritie credit and reputation the one alwais distrusteth the other And if there be but one upon whom the rest do depend he must of necessitie please him that cometh nighest unto him in Authoritie least that he make the way hard and difficult for him to worke his desire and pleasure He must content the common People satiâ—fie the Gentlemen and accommodate himself to the Nature Covetousnes and Avarice of the common Soldiers mattâ—rs of grâ—at difficultie hardness and impossibilitie because the desires of the Nobilitie People and Soldiers are most commonly contrary and tend to diverse purposes the first seeking for advancement the second for Peace and Tranquillitie and the third Coveting nothing more then the continuance of War Moreover whereas the wisest amongst them begin to consider that they have violated the Lawes offended their Kings Majestie born Armes against their Prince and Country against their neer kinsmen and their own â—amilies and that instead of one King which perhaps fleeced them they are now subject unto many Princes who fleece them more instead of ordinary charges they are now charged with new expences and unsupportable Subsidies instead of Clâ—mency Justice and Mercie they are now exposed unto Iâ—justice Crueltie and Briberie they lose by little and little thâ—ir Indignâ—tion and Fury and seek by all meanes possible to reenter into the good grace and favor of their Leige Lord and Soveraign The chiefe conspâ—â—atâ—rs therefore fearing to be forsaken and abandoned by their companions and â—ellowes in Armes in the end are constrained to submit themselves unto their Princes discretion And the common People which at their instigation was too pronâ— and readie to rebell against their Soveraign do sometimes after due consideration of the indignitie of their unnaturall disobedience become so desirous to recover the Kings favor and good likeing that to the end the way to attain thereunto may be made the more easie they kill the fiâ—st Authors of their Rebellion or els deliver them into the hands of their Prince And if ever Rebells have been left and forsaken by their partakâ—rs these Traytors of France may justly stâ—nd in great feaâ—e thereof because the nature of Frenchmen is such thaâ— if a man do not take present advantage of their unnatural heat and fury but suffer the same to wax cold and to relent it is very difficult and almost impossible to revive the same with the best art or counsell that may be used If therefore they shall begin to want money of which they cannoâ— chuse but stand in great need quickly because they are poor and cannot at all times and on all occasions have present supplies from their Allies or if the Parisians whose custom it hath been always to be quickly discontented and â—asily to repent themselves of their Folly depart suddenly from their League and Amitie if the King of Spain who shâ—ll have so much to do on every side that he shall hardly be able to defend his own Countries do not continually send them fresh relief of men and money If the King of France chance to be Superior to his Adversaries in number of Soldiers and of all things necessarie for the mâ—intenance of his Wars lastly if the Princes of the blood shall begin joyntly to put their helâ—ing hands to the suppressing of those Rebels I cannot see how they can possibly hold out long And although fortune should show herself so favorable unto these Traytors as that they might in process of time effect and accomplish their desires yet considering that the murderers of Princes are most commonly murdered that those who have ascended unto the royall dignity of Kings by Treason or Rebellion are thrown down againe the samâ— way which served them for a Ladder to mount and clime up thereunto that when the Vsurper shall divide the prey and spoile betwixt them â—hat have aided and assisted him they fall presently unto contentious brawlings and quarrels and briefly that of such Controversies oftentimes followeth thâ— ruin and destruction of him that held himself well assured of his new gotten kingdom It is much more to be doubted then to be hoped that whosoever shall be declared King amongst them cannot continue long in his place which is purchased by force and violence and must needs not only be subject unto the inconstancy and varietie of fortune but also unto the diversite of humors of men that are inconstant light and very ready to change and alter their opinions I could alleage infinite examples to prove all that I have said but I forbeare for brevities sake to trouble you with a superfluous and needless enumeration of such examples and let you understand that these Rebels had long since been suppressed and overthrown had not the late King
partakers of it foolish in a King and Capital in a Subject Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior Pompey was a Subject and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him Caesar a Citizen of Rome and yet he could not brooke an equall And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King was mett upon the way by the French King which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet but the Emperor as soon as they were mett would have yeilded the highest place unto the King and accepted it not without great ceremony and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men for as private men in their own houses and at their own Tables will of Curteâ—ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves so Princes when strange Kings come into their country will preferr them before themselves It is ceâ—tain that the Emperor precedeth of right all the Princes of Christendom And yet when Francis the first King of France was brought from Pavia where he was taken Prisoner into Spain at their fiâ—st meeting the Emprror and he embraced one another on horseback with their Capps in their hands and in covering their heads there passâ—d great ceremony betwixt them each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered and after that they had talked a while they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy as you have heard upon an other occasion Duke at Lyons hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France aswell because it was thought that being in an other Kings Country he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England was inferior unto the Queens Majesty and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings one of them being better then an other The other because she was her Majesties Vassall and the third because she was deposed and so no longer a Queen First for the inequality it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes The first because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France and not for Spain The second because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors and not the Kings of Spain The third because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares and Ferdinando the fift was the first and that but lately that was called the Catholick King of Spain The fourth because at the Feast of St. George in England France even in Queen Maries time was preferred before Spain The fift because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded The sixt and last because the book of ceremonies which is kept at Rome preferreth France before Spain Next to France is England as appeareth by the same book which putteth England in the second place and Spain in the third Again those Kings are best which are Crowned and by the same book it is evident that France England and Spain only have Crowned Kings Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency and one of them will be accompted better then another For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia when they met once together Matthew went bare-headed and tyed about the head with a green Garland because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian but have him put off his unto him which the King of Bohemia perceiving deceived his expectation by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head that when they met hee could not put it off and so the Hungarian being bare-headed saluted the Bohemian that was covered But to leave these Inequalities and to come unto the second point which being proved it must needs follow that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen uâ—â—o whom shee owed honor homage and obedience Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good caused all the Monasteriâ—s of England and Wales to bee searched to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus of William of Malmesburg of Roger of Hoveden of Henry of Huntingdâ—n and of Radolph of â—ucet that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and Câ—mberland and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms in the nine hundred and eleventh year chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Northumberland and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him swore unto him both fidelity and homage Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots and that by that victory he became King of Four kingdoms namely of England Scotland Denmarke and Norway He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland to bee held under him unto Malcolm son unto the King of Cumberland and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm and unto his two Sons who raigned one after another Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward that Alexander King of Scotland succâ—eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome with the consent of Henry the first King of England that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen and William unto King Henry the second unto Henry the third unto King Richard and unto King Iohn It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries
for considering we finde many Texts in the Holy Scripture whereby we are commanded to obey Princes to be subject unto them to honour them to pray for them since they are called Fathers and we Children they Shepherds and we their Flocks they Heads and we their Feet it is an hard Resolution and in my opinion an heavy sentence that Children should disobey their Parents a Flock to Rebel against their Shepherd or the Feet to presume to command and direct the Head This question notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult is largly discussed by George Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotes and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the Book that was lately written against the French king In these two authors you shall finde every point of this third Objection sufficiently debated You shall finde the Text alledged out of St. Paul in the behalf of Princes and other places of the Scripture learnedly answered You shall finde many examples of profane and Ecclesiastical Histories of Princes that have been done to death Briefly you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion For Buchanan argueth in such manner as I may rather commend his subtilty then his conscience And he that writeth against the French king sheweth himself too partial too malicious too injurious to Princes And Buchanan giveth too great Authority unto Subjects and the other too much power unto the Pope It cannot be denied that Princes received their first Authority from the consent of the people It is likewise certain that this Authority was given them to be used to the benefit of the people And no man will deny that Countries can subsist and stand without kings But shall every man that receiveth a benefit of another be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him Shall either a rude multitude or a few contentious Rebels judge when a King useth his Authority to the benefit of the people And because Countries have flourished and may still flourish without a king shall therefore every Country reject their king when they dislike their king It â—eemeth that Buchanan is of this opinion because he approveth the death of king Iames the third and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and Nobility of Scotland who were the principal Actors in the Rebellion against the same king and the chief Authors of his death The causes which moved those Rebels to bear Arms against their King were but two The one that he had made certain base money and called it not in again at their pleasure The other that he had advanced certain base Personages unto high places of great credit and dignity if these two faults might be amended the Rebels offered to submit themselves to their King The King yeelded not unto these motions Why The History giveth a good reason for the King They made these demands being in Arms. It seemeth that they would not entreat but inforce their King and the King thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness who presumed to War against him at home when he and his Kingdom stood in manifest danger of foreign Enemies There was amongst them namely the Duke of Albania who affected the kingdom who to further his Traiterous purposes had joyned with the King of England against his native Country and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands They considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their King to use that money and when they had taken these base persons from the King for which they seemed to rebel and had hanged them contrary to all Law and Equity they laid not down their Weapons but followed the poor King and so followed him that at length they flew him And why My Author giveth this reason Because they knew that they had so highly offended him that they feared that if they should have spared him as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done he would have been revenged of them This murther the States of Scotland saith Buchanan allowed and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same But what States are these Those saith my Author that had born Arms against him and for whose sake he was murthered And they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death But what will some man of Buchanans opinion say unto me Shall Princes do what they list and no man censure them Are they not subject unto the Laws May they not be called to an accompt Shall the people from whence they derive their Authority have no manner of authority over them And hath it not been always held very dangerous in a State to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him Truly I allow not that liberty unto Princes that their pleasure shall stand always for a Law I limit their Wills unto Reason I tie their commandments unto the Word of God I fasten their Decrees unto the Laws of Nature unto Equity and unto the Weal of the people And if these things be not regarded I take their Laws to be unlawful their Commandmenâ—s unjust their Decrees â—â—ique I know that good Princes are so far from nor subjecting themselves unto their Laws that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their Laws And if any of them by negligence or wilfulness by folly or ignorance by malice or forgetfulness begin to contemn their Laws I think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked but not utterly rejected be in a mannerly sort checked but not violently condemned be gently admonished but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished Is there no way but down with them depose them kill them Must we cry against the Lords annointed with the Jews as they did against Christ Crucifige Crucifige and not rather learn by the Jews that the common people is no competent Judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence I am not such a stranger in the course of Histories but that I know that some Princes have been deposed for their insufficiency as in France Theodorick and Chilperick others for their negligence as again in France Lewis sirnamed Do nothing some for poysoning the next Heir of the Crown as Martina Empress of Constantinople others for perjury and not keeping promise with their Enemies as Iustinian the Son of Constantine the Fourth some for not tendring the Weal and publick Welfare of their Subjects as Richard King of England others for murthering them which reprehended their vices as Boleslaus King of Polonia some for usurping things not belonging unto their Crown as Sumberlanus King of Bohemia others for their extream rigor and cruelty as Sigismond King of Hungary some for their childrens Adultery as Tarquine King of Rome others for Tyranny as Archilaus Son to Herod some for unreasonable
to harbour their Ships their Ships that needed both harbour and reparations Was there any friend either within the Country or nigh unto the Country would bestow a little fresh water upon them for lack whereof many of their people died Was there ever a Priâ—ce or Potentate that would suffer them to repair either broken wind-shaken or Sea beaten Ships within his Dominion Brieflâ— was there any man that would furnâ—sh them with Masts Saâ—ls Cables and other things nâ—cessary for want whereof most of their Navy perished I will tell you a thing which may be strange to others but no news to you and yet worthy to be told because it is meet that it should be known unto all men When the report was certain in England that the Spanish Fleet and Forces were at hand instead of lamentatâ—ons weepings out-cries which things in time of sudden accidents are common and even used amongst valiant people the Queens Majesties ears were filled with Prayers Petitions and Motions sometimes of one Shire sometimes of another most humbly beseeching her Highness to give the Spaniards liberty to land with their Forces and them leave to encounter with them alone I my self do marvel and I think as many as shall hear it will marvel thereat that in men of one and the same Religion there should be divers opinions and different Judgements in matters concerning the advancement of their Religion Yet I know and you shall understand that the English Catholicks which are out of England and those that live within the same Realm were not all of one opinion of one minde when the Spaniards were coming for England for the one sort wished them all manner of happiness and prosperity and the other prayed to God not to prosper their journey much less their Attempt and besought the Queens Majesty to place them in the foremost Range and Ranck against the Spaniards and where they might endanger themselves most and do her Highness most service not because they were weary of their lives but for that they thought it most honorable to die in the defence of their Country and that God would never forsake them in so just a cause This may serve to shew that the Spaniards had and may have very small hope to finde any manner of aid within England And yet to clear this point the better may it please you to remember that when the report of the Spaniards coming began to be certain all those which we call Papists and our Adversaries term Catholicks at least the better sort of them were conveyed to several houses far distant the one from the other and there kept not like Prisoners but like Gentlemen of their calling and all the Nobility was commanded to repair to the Court of which commandment their followed two commodities The one That the Catholicks being under safe custody there was no man of account to sollicite the Subjects to Rebellion the other that if any small or great number had been disposed to rebell there was not any man of worth to be their Head And it hath seldom been seen that Rebels ever durst adventure to shew their evil inclination or adventuring had at any time good success without having some man of special accompt and authority for their head But Ireland and Scotland may be thought to favour the Spanish King and undoubtedly he hath been made beleeve that in either of those Realms he shall finde faithful friends and such as will adventure their lives to do him service Truly Ireland hath been a long time subject to the Crown of England but always divided into two Factions the one of civil and discreet people the other of wilde and savage men the first sort true and faithful Subjects unto their Soveraign and the other prone and ready to spurn against their Superiors but not able to do any great hurt no more then the Banditti of Italy which may rob a house spoil a little Village and set fire on a Castle and run away by the light when they have done and yet to be sure that no great annoyance should come from Ireland to England the best part of the Nobility of the Country was likewise called to the Court the strongest Holds were committed to the custody of faithful keepers and to hold them in better obedience there was sent over such a Lord Deputy as was well acquainted with their Customs practised in the Country and very well beloved of the people As for Scotland although the Kings thereof have always been for these many hundred years in firm league and amity with the Kings of France and of late years have had some occasion of extraordinary great love and friendship with the house of Guise the House that hath been as you have heard the onely upholder and maintaâ—ner of the Spanish Fact on in France yet because the present King of Scotland hath been nourished up from his infancy in the same Religion which the Queen of England professeth and for that he is bound unto her Highness for divers favors and courtesies shewed unto him in the time of his distress and necessity he is very well affected unto the State of England and desireth nothing more then the welfare of that Country the health and safety of the Queens Majesty and the reign and overthrow of all her Enemies which desire he signified unto her Majesty at such time as she thought she stood in need of his help offering to come in person to aid her Grace against the Spainards wiâ—h the greatest power he was able to make The Venetians brag of the strength of their City because it is distant five miles from any land and defended by a little natural Bank from the violence of the Sea How may England therefore boast of her strength since she is severed above thirty miles at the least from any other Nation not by a little Bank but by a great Sea especially if â—reland and Scotland be under her subjection and in League with her and also if the Maritine forces of the United Provinces be always ready to joyn with her against all her enemies It is not the happy success of one Battel nor the mighty or innumâ—rable forces of one Aâ—my that must or 〈◊〉 subdue England but he that will undertake to conquer our Realm must first overthrow our invincible Navy and then encounter with our strengths by Land and not obtain one onely but many Victories against them a matter in my simple conceit almost impossible especially for the King of Spain For besides that Fortune is seldom or never so constant or prodigal of her favours that she vouchsafeth unto any man any long continuance of desired happiness this impossibility will easily appear unto him that shall call to remembrance what hath been already said touching the Forces of England and Spain But the Romans first then the Danes next VVilliam the Conqueror Lastly Divers English Princes pretending right unto the Crown of England have with very small difficulty and with
the maintenance of their Errors and Heresies to profess a contrary Religion unto his especially when he is able to suppress them and their Patrons This supposed Ability emboldeneth the Spaniard and his confidence must be shewn to be as foolish as other of his vain hopes of his rash conceits First therefore I will make it appear that he is not able to enforce any general alteration in Religion Then that though he could yet he should not compell his Subjects by force and violence to change and alter their opinions There is nothing as I have said more common then to judge of things to come by things that are past and to conjecture what a Prince can do by that which his Predecessors did and were able to do before him And therefore to clear this question it shall not be amiss to consider what the Spanâ—sh kings Fathâ—r did and was able to do during the long time of his Reign against Luther and his followers and if it shall appear that he with all his might his Friends his Allies could not suppress the Princes Protestants at their first beginning and when neither the number nor the power was so great as it is now It must needs follow as a necessary consequent that the Spaniard with all his Adherents shall never be able to enforce a general alteration and change in Religion At what time Martin Luther began first to discover the Abuses Errors and Heresies of Papistry Pope Leo the tenth of that name thinking it convenient to withstand an Evil at the beginning thereof and knowing that if Luther were suffered great danger and many inconveniences would follow thereof he Excommunicated his person condemned his opinions and intreated the Emperor Charles the fifth to ratifie his condemnation in a general Assembly held in Germany and to command all his Subjects to take him prisoner wheresoever they should finde him But what was the end and issue of this rigorous Sentence Did the Almighty suffer it to be put it in execution No but he so crossed the Pope and the Emperor therein that neither their Counsel not their condemnation took effect About twenty three years after this sentence was published and although that the Advancement of Luthers Doctrine depended onely upon his life and that it was a matter of no great diffiâ—ulty to supplant him and to suppress his discipline yet it pleased God meaning to shew thereby that it lieth not in mans power to Prevent much less to Cross his resolute intent and purpose not to permit any manner of prejudice to grow unto the Reformed Religion by the same Excommunication For he presently troubled the Emperor and busied him with a sudden and unexpected occasion of wars which gave unto the Protestants sufficient time and opportunity to strengthen themselves against their Enemies Not long after the Emperor to subvert Luther and all that followed him entred into League with Francis the first King of France and they agreed not onely to imploy all their own Forces but also to implore the aid and assistance of the Pope and of all others of his profession against the Princes Protestants This undoubtedly was a great conspiracy not onely intended but also very like to be executed by two mighty Princes had not the Almighty hindred the accomplishment of their designes and purposes by breaking the bond of their League and Amity and by sending a suddain occasion of Wars betwixt them But as after Rain there follows fair weather so after those Wars succeeded a friendly Peace in the Articles whereof the Emperour and the said Francis covenanted that they should joyntly and with all the Forces they could possibly make War against the Protestants and use the Popes Cruciadoes in these Wars even as Christian Princes were and are wont to do when they wage War against the Turk Besides the Emperor made a Proclamation that all Lutherans should either convince and prove their Doctrine to be answerable unto the Word of God or else leave and forsake the same within the space of five moneths And the Pope at the Emperors Coronation gave him great charge to see the same Proclamamation duely executed The Protestants had never greater occasion to be afraid then they had at that time when the Emperor was so bent and so many Princes joyned with him against them But whether it were because the Protestants during the time of the War betwixt the Emperor and the King of France grew so strong that their Enemies feared them or because the Lord of Hosts who never fâ—ileth his people had undertaken to protect them or because that the true and holy Religion of the immortal God increaseth daily notwithstanding the Threats and Menaces of mortal men this alliance and confederacy availed Caesar nothing at all but it pleased God so to abate his pride and humble him that when he purposed most of all to hurt and annoy the Protestantâ— he was constrained to crave their Aid against the Turk who with a mighty and terrible Army invaded Austria and had undoubtedly endangered the Emperor had not the Princes of our Religion assisted him and God so disposed his heart that to make the Protestants more willing to help he most willâ—ngly and of himself without any manner of intercession and intreaty so mitigated the rigor and extremity of his former Proclamation that through his lenity and sufferance our Religion began to receive great increase For as Dogs although they bark and bite one another yet as soon as they see and discover the Wolf they agree presently And as when fire taketh hold of an house of which the Master and Family are at variance they forget their private contentions their hatred and their quarrels and run with one consent and mind together to extinguish the fire And as in a great Tempest the Master and Mariners of a Ship who before the Tempest were at mortall feud amongst themselves become friends and endeavor by all means possible to save their Ship least they all perish together with their Ship So the Protestants seeing there was no Wolfe more cruel no fire more terrible no Tempest more dangerous then the Turk submitted themselves with all humility unto the Emperor and aided him with all their power against the Turk In regard of which his Majesty used them most courteously and yeelded much more unto them then they hoped to obtain of him And because his Highness found a rare Loyalty a strange constancy and a marvellous affection in them he vouchsafed to afford them all kind of courtesie until that after that he returned from Tunis where he had got a notable Victory the Catholick Princes bearing themselves bold in regard of that fortunate and happy Success began to brave contemn and despise the Protestants and to threaten them that the Emperor should not keep the Peace of Norimberge nor of Ratisbone Of which insolency the Princes Protestants complained unto his Majesty who answered them most lovingly and assured them that he desired to