Ioshua King of Iuda commanded Heikias the high Priest of the second Order and the Keepers of the Doores to bring out of the Temple of the Lord all the Vessels that were made for Baal and to do any manner of things mentioned in the 23. Chapter of the second Book of Kings David assembled the Sons of Aaron and the Levites to bring the Ark of the Lord into the House prepared for it Commanding them to sanctifie themselves And David had a Linnen Garment as all the Levites had that bear the Ark And upon David was a Linnen Ephod David also blessed the People in the Name of the Lord and appointed Certain of the Levites to be Ministers before the Ark of the Lord He Likewise divided Offices to the Levites to their Preists and to their Sons Solomon set the Courses of the Pâ—iests to their Offices according to the order of David his Fathâ—r and the Levites in their Watches for to praise and Minister befoâ—e the Priests every day and the Portersby their Course at every Gate For so was the Commandment of David the Man of God Iehosaphat in the third year of his Raigne sent his Princes to teach in the Cities of Iudah and with them the Levites and Priests And after he had appointed Judges in Civil Causes over all Iudah the set in Ierusalem certaine of the Levits and of the Priests and of the Chiefest of the Famâ—lâ—â—s of Israel for the Judgement and Cause of the Lord and made Amoriath the Priest the chief over them in all matters of the Lord. Ioash Commanded the Levites the Preists and Iehoiada the Cheif Preist to gather Money of all Israel to repair the House of the Lord. Briefly Hezekias goeth furthen then all these for he repaireth the Temple of the Lord and commandeth the Levites to cleanse themselves and to sanctifie the House of the Lord. He commandeth the Preists the Sons of Aaron to offer his Sin Offerings upon the Altar of the Lord. He appointeth the Levites in the House of the Lord with Cymbals with Viols and with Harps He willed the Levites to praise the Lord with the words of David and of Asaph the Seer He set posts through all Israel and Iudah to command them to come to keep the Passover with him and to turn unto the Lord He appointed the Courses of the Priests and of the Levites by their turns every Man according to his Office Briâ—fly he commanded the People of Ierusalem to give a great part to the Priests and Levites that they might be encouraged in the Law of the Lord. Since therefore the Queens Majesty intermedleth not in Ecclesiastical Causes somuch as these Princes did or any thing more then other Kings some of her Predecessors have done Since when her Majâ—sty called a Parliament to Consult of temporal matters the Bâ—shops and Prelates of this Reâ—lme have a meeting also in their Congregation House where whatsoever they decree and order is ratified by her Highness Royall Assent and Approbation since not her Majesty but her Graces Father was the first that assumed unto himself not without just occasion the Title of Supream head and Governor in all Causes Ecclesiastical within his Majesties Realms and Dominions And Briefly since what power soever the Pope had over England was loâ—g since taken from him This sentence of Excommunication against her Majesty is neither warrantable by Law nor any sufficient cause for the King of Spaine to invade our Realme Now to the false Reports of our English Fugitives who as all other Fugitives have accustomed to do fill the King of Spains ears with many vain Fables seeking thereby to exasperate him against our Realm to extenuate the Forces thereof to the end he may think the Conquest of England to be a matter of no great difficultie They calumniate her Majesties Justice â—ccuse her Government and blame her Proceedings against Seminaries and Romish Priests sent into this Realm from Rome as out of the Trojan Horse to seâ—uce her Majesties loving Subjects and to withdraw tâ—em from thâ—ir Obedience These grievous Accusations be sufficiently answered in a little and very learned Treatise Called the Execution of Justice But the Chiefest Point which they reprehend in Her Highness Goverment is there unanswered and therefore I have thought good to reâ—ell it in this place They signifie unto the Spaniard That her Majâ—sty had before the Coming of his Invincible Navie so overcharged her Subjâ—cts with new Subsidies and unaccustomed Taxes and Impositions that they neiâ—her would be willing nor able not to defray so great charges as should be requisite and necessary to maintain an Army by Sea and an other by land This Accusation is auggravated because her Majesty hath called a Parliement almost every fourth years since she came to the Crown and in some of them hâ—th not been contâ—nted with a single Susidie but hath charged her Subjâ—cts with a double Subsidy A matter as they say never heard of in any of her Predecessors times nor then needfull when it was required For the better answering of this objâ—ction I must run over the whole Raignes of some of her Majâ—sties Predecessors thereby to make it appear that they called Parliaments and levied Subsidies as often as her Highness hath done And because it would be tedious to trouble you with many I have restrained my self unto two only namely unto Ed. 1. and Ed. the 3. The Commons granted a Subsidy unto Edward the First in the third year of his Reign and another within two years after then having no extraordinary expences until the eleventh year of his Reign which was six years after he obtained another Subsidy And when he had reigned two and twenty years the Clergy gave him the half of their goods the Inhabitants of the Cities the sixth part and the rest of the common people the tenth of all that they possessed And yet within two years after he levied of all Towns-men and Citizens the Eighth part and of the Country people the Twelfth part of their goods and because the Clergy refused to grant him a Subsidy at that time they were all excluded from his favor and protection for the recovery whereof some by themselves and others by their friends gave him the Fifth part of all that they possessed Neither did the Liberality of the Laity nor the bounty of the Clergy so free them from further Contribution but that the very next year after the King having occasion to War against Scotland the common people gave him very willingly the Ninth part of their Goods the Clergy subject unto the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Tenth and the Clergy of York Diocess the Fifth part because they were nearer to the danger and invasion of the Enemy Edward the Third had a Subsidy of his people the sixth year of his Reign and another the next year after and within four years after the Commons granted him a Fifteenth the Burgesses of Towns and Inhabitants of Cities a Tenth and
considerable advantage 98 XXIX That there was just occasion given for the intercepting the Spanish money sent into Flanders 105 XXX That the Spaniard is generally supposed to be more powerful then really he is 110 XXXI The nature and condition of the Spanish people 115 XXXII The false commendations given by divers Authors unto Spain 117 XXXIII That the King of Spain 's wars with the Low-Countries have depriv'd him of that benefit which he might have reaped if they had not been so much impoverished 123 XXXIV That it was no point of Policy in the Spanish King not to grant liberty of Conscience to his subjects in Flanders 128 XXXV That it redounded not so much to the Spanish Kings honour as he imagined to enter into a League with the Princes of Italy the Duke of Lorrain and the House of Guise against the Lutheran Princes 136 XXXVI That many Princes have been less to blame for entring into a League with the Turk then the King of Spain for his League with the Guisards 139 XXXVII That Princes oversights are never forgotten after their deaths however their vertues may 142 XXXVIII The likelyhood of the downfal of the Duke of Guise his faction 145 XXXIX That it is but uncertain trusting to the friendship of Rebels 148 XL. The French King vindicated from divers things laid to his charge 151 XLI The King of France his killing of the Duke of Guise justified 160 XLII How the Kings of France have from time to time raised the revenues of that Crown 166 XLIII The commendations of Henry the third of France from divers eminent Authors XLIV To what a vast power and authority the Popes of Rome are advanced from a small beginning with their deceits and cruelties 172 XLV VVhat losses and injuries Princes have sustained by submitting to the Pope's authority 179 XLVI Queen Elizabeth unjustly accused by the English fugitives to the King of Spain for overcharging her subjects with unaccustomed subsidies and taxes 183 XLVII The Spanish King blamed for giving too easie credit to the reports of the English fugitives 189 XLVIII Certain objections against the Queen of Englands putting the Scottish Queen to death answered 191 XLIX VVhether it be allowable for Subjects to take up Arms against or put their Princes to death 202 L Of the proceedings of divers Princes toward those that have fled unto them for succour 208 LI. That Embassadors violating the Laws of Nations or of Arms have oft-times been rigorously dealt with 210 LII That neither the death of the Scottish Queen nor any other occasion could warrant the King of Spain's invading of England 215 LIII That it is no easie matter for the King of Spain to conquer England 218 LIV. The Popes and Emperours machinations against the Lutherans make them so much the stronger 224 LV. The cruelty of Princes to their subjects proveth most commonly prejudicial to themselves 229 LVI Many motives of Rebellion and Discontent among the K. of Spain 's subjects threatning inconveniences to him the like whereof have fallen upon Princes in former ages 238 LVII That many famous and learned men have favoured wrong causes for reward or preferments sake 241 LVIII That the K. of Spain 's best friends may be easily won to for sake him or at least to stand Neutral 243 LIX Several Emperours of the House of Austria set forth according to their true qualities and conditions 249 LX. That there is as just cause to fear France if that Kingdom grow too powerful as Spain it self 257 LXI That the Low-Countries joyned together under one Form of Government would grow very formidable 258 LXII How powerful the Switzers are grown since they have Incanton'd themselves 260 LXIII How expedient a Confederacy with the Low-Countries is in reference to a falling out either with France or Spain 261 In the Supplement I. IOhn de Soto Secretary to Don John de Austria removed and John de Escovedo put into his room p. 2 II. Antonio Perez commanded by the K. of Spain to poison Escovedo 3 III. Several questions discussed concerning Escovedo 's murther and first whether the K. commanding Escovedo to be murthered may not worthily be accounted a murtherer 4 IV. The second question whether Antonio Perez obeying the Kings command be not guilty of Escovedo 's death as well as the King 10 V. The third question whether the King being found a murtherer deserveth not to be deposed or excommunicated better then the K. of France deserved to be deprived of his life for murthering the Duke of Guise 13 VI. The fourth question whither this excommunication and deposition may be warranted by the example of other Prince 14 VII VVhether wilful perjury and breaking of Laws be punishable with deprivation in a Prince and whether subjects may lawfully resist such a Prince 17 VIII That the Nobility of Aragon have from the beginning bound their Kings strictly to the maintaining of their priviledges 22 IX That Subjects may seek remedies against such Princes as will not do them Right and Iustice. 26 X. The K. of Spain 's actions much aggravated in respect of those which the K. of France hath been charged with 27 The Table A ADrianus the Emperour's vast Armies and strength in war p. 74 Albertin Coraza made lord of Padua p. 53 Alexander the Great the pattern of a valiant Prince p. 5 Not superiour to divers of-the Roman Captains p. 232 233 Alexander King of Epirus his opinion concerning Alexander the Great 's victories p. 74 Pope Alexander the third's prastises against Frederick Barbarossa p. 177 Alonzo King of Aragon adopted by Joan Queen of Naples p. 55 Alphinus King of the Scots and Picts openly beheaded p. 214 other examples of the like nature p. 215 Cardinal Allen compared with Richard Shaw and John Petit p. 189 The ambition of the Earl of Anjou 's wife set him on to get the Kingdom of Naples p. 258 Amulius his cruelty to his Brother Numitor and his children p. 89 Anjou quitted by the King of England p. 45 Don Antonio justifieth his Title to Portugal by several arguments p. 60 Anthony Montefeltro made Duke of Urbin by the Emperour Lewis 53 Appius his severity hurtful to the Commonwealth 233 The Arch-bishop of Toledo rebelleth against the King of Aragon p. 16 and is aided by Alonzo K. of Portugal ib. Aristides the pattern of a just Magistrate 5 Armies going far from home meet with many occasions of destruction p. 70 71 Artevild Agricola and Besconius the chief Ring-leaders of the Gantois Rebels 230 231 Astyages seeketh the destruction of his Grand-child Cyrus 87 88 89 Attila the Scourge of God 5 Augustus the pattern of a fortunate King 5 The Duke of Aumale chosen head of the faction of the Guises 159 The House of Austria their Original from Hapsburgh p. 17 Their Greatness Tyrannie and Oppression p. 17 18 The continuance of their Greatness 50 The Author a voluntary Exile in the time of Queen Elizabeth p. 1 His Credit with Great men
and Experience in Forraign Affairs 3 B BAgeus his Magnanimity and Resolution p. 161 162 Lords of Bearn heretofore of great power in France 37 The Duke of Bedford refuseth to meet the Duke of Burgundy 47 Bellemarine a Saracen marrieth the Daughter of Peter King of Spain and turneth Christian 140 Bernard King of Italy cruelly used by Lewis the Meek 163 Bernardin Mendoza the Spanish Ambassadour sent away not without just cause p. 211 His practises against Queen Elizabeth p. 212 213 He is compared to Richard Shaw and John Petit 189 Blemishes of divers great Captains p. 142 143 Brennus maketh war against the Romans 210 The Britans excuse the breach of their League with the Picts 99 The Duke of Britain refuseth to restore the Earl of Richmond to Edward the fourth and Richard the third 95 The Duke of Burgundy murthered by the Dolphin of France 38 Buchanan 's opinion concerning subjects taking up Arms against their Prince 202 203 C CAesar his prodigality in his youth p. 24 His four great Competitors ibid. His cunning practises to attain his greatness 25 The King of Calecut driveth the King of Cochin out of his Realm 95 Caligula 's cruelty 231 Caius Marius the Founder of Cities 5 Cambyses being jealous of his brother Smerdis murthereth him p. 89 The pattern of a cruel Governour 5 Campobasso forsakes the Duke of Burgundy in the fight against the Prince of Lorrain 253 Duke Casimire cometh into Flanders with an Army p. 155 A peace concluded between him and the French Ibid. Catholiques of England the Spaniards chief Enemies at the Invasion of eighty eight 218 Charls the Great the son of Fortune 5 Charls the fifth his policy to keep the Kingdom of Aragon p. 68 What Forces he had in his chief wars p. 121 122 His endeavour to subvert Luther and the Protestant Princes proves fruitless p. 224 225 His Civility to them afterwards p. 226 A deep Dissembler 252 253 Charls the sixth King of France his intention to invade England p. 190 The cause of his not proceeding falfly charg'd upon the Duke of Berry ibid. He is civilly treated by Henry the fift 34 Charls the seventh dis-inherited for his disobedience to his Father 36 37 Charls the eighth King of France his claim unto the Kingdom of Naples 56 Charls Prince of Tarento crown'd King of Sicily by Pope Clement 54 Charls Earl of Flanders cruelly murthered by rebels 124 Charls Duke of Burgundy slain by the treachery of Nicholas Campobasso 253 A brief Character of the chief Princes and States of Christendom 4 A Character of the Spanish Monarchy 84 85 Cinibaldo Ordelafi obtaineth the Cities of Furli and Cesena 53 Pope Clement favoured by the French against Pope Urban 54 Clement the seventh's practises against the Emperour Henry the fourth 177 Cleomenes his trechery toward Ptolomy King of Egypt 200 The Climate not the only proof of VVits 259 260 The King of Cochin harboureth the King of Calecut 's enemies 95 A Comparison between the Duke of Guise and other great Rebels of other Countries 23 26 27 Conrade the Emperour's Law the Emperours Law concerning wicked Princes 204 248 Conradin of Suavia vanquish'd and beheaded by Charls brother to the King of France 55 Constantinople taken in the time of Frederick the third 252 Contention about the Kingdom between Alphonsus of Castile and Garcias of Navar p. 135 Between Artobarzanes and Zerxes ibid. Between John Baliol and Robert Bruce of Scotland p. 136 A contention between Alonzo de Vargas and Julio Romero 116 Conversation allow'd between men of different opinions in Religion 130 132 133 Councels chosen to rectifie the mis-government of Princes 206 207 Cruel Governours the destruction of many brave Nations p. 126 And the occasion of sundry Rebellions 127 Cruelty of the French where they have the upper hand 34 35 Cyrus his Birth and Fortune p. 87 88 89 He is stiled the Father of Common People p. 5 His humanity to Astyages and to Croesus 200 D DAgobert leaveth the Kingdom of France to his youngest son Clouis p. 39. He commandeth all those of a different Religion to depart the Kingdom within a time limitted 129 Darius his policy in revenging the injury of Oretes 161 Signior Darrennes his commendation of Henry the third of France 170 Kings Deposed in several Nations 203 204 The Diet at Auspurgh a politique pretence of Charls the fifth 253 Dionysius the pattern of a Tyrant 5 Disobedience to Parents severely punished p. 40 The Disobedience of the Spanish Souldiers 116 Dissentions and troubles easily revived in France 261 262 The Dolphiny bequeathed to Philip de Valois 50 Dunorix spared by Caesar for his brother Divitiacus his sake 162 209 E EDward the third his success in France p. 10. He taketh his advantage to invade the Scots notwithstanding the League between them p. 98 He is favoured by the common people of Flanders against Philip de Valois 261 Edward the fourth's suspition of Henry Earl of Richmond p. 68 His politique proceedings to regain the Kingdom of England 221 Queen Elizabeth of England blamed for making a League with France and the United Provinces p. 3 The most considerable Enemy of the Spaniard p. 82 83 Her Vertues and Power extolled and compared wiâ—h the mightiest Princes of former ages 85. The attempts of many against her life p. 86 Her attempts against Spain and Portugal justified p. 91 93 Her assisting of Don Antonio justified p. 94 And her protection of the Low Countries p. 102 103 Her intercepting the Spanish money going into Flanders excus'd p. 105 The English Fugitives answer'd who charge her with the raising of new Subsidies and Taxes 183 Divers Emperours have admitted Haeretiques in their Realms to preserve quietness among their subjects 133 134 Embassadors justly slain upon some occasions 210 Enemies not suppressed but augumented by Caligula's cruelty 231 England 's Title to France how it came to be neglected p. 43 45 46 47 c. It s strength and security above other Nations p. 219 The last of the Romans Conquests 220 English Armies coming into France compared by du Haillan to wild Geese resorting to the Fens in winter 83 84 Englands possessions in Forraign parts 44 Ericus King of Norway demandeth the Kingdom of Scotland in right of his daughter 198 Duke Ernestus the fittest match for the King of Spain 's daughter 257 Escovedo 's murther censured p. 3 His credit greater upon the Burse of Antwerp then the King of Spain 's 112 The Duke of Espernon rendred suspected to the French King p. 157 He discovereth the practises of the Guises 165 Eude Earl of Paris made King of France instead of Charls the Son of Lewis 42 Eumenes his stratagem to preserve his life 65 The Excommunications of the Pope invalid 171 The Expences of divers Princes and States in their Wars and Buildings and other occasions 113 F FAbius Ambustus the Roman Ambassadour the occasion of the war between Brennus and the Romans 210 Fabius Maximus the
therefore follow That there is no Superior out of France who either hath or could bestow his priviledge upon France And it appeareth by their own Histories That there hath been nothing done within the Realm whereby their Kings have been forbidden to dispose their Kingdoms by their last Wills and Testaments For Dagobert King of France in the presence of the principal Lords and Prelates of his Realm made his last Will and Testament and therein gave the Kingdom of Austrasia unto his Son Sigisbert and the Kingdom of France unto his Son Cloius Likewise Charlemain by Will and Testament divided his Kingdom betwixt his three Sons He gave unto Charles the best and greatest part of France and Germany unto Pipin Italy and Baivera and unto Lewis that part of France which confineth and bordereth upon Spain and Provence And caused this his Will to be ratified confirmed and approved by the Pope and intituled his Sons with the names of Kings It is also written by French Historiographers That Philip de Valois who contended with Edward the Third for the Crown of France ordained by his last Will and Testament that Iohn his eldest Son should succeed him in the Crown and that his second Son Philip should enjoy for his part and portion the Dukedom of Orleans and the Earldom of Valois Now these three Kings being of three Races of the French Kings Dagobert of the Merovingians Charlemain of the Charlemains and Philip de Valois although not directly yet collaterally of the Capets which are the three only Races that ever were in France and they having disposed of their Kingdoms in manner as is a foresaid it may well be presumed that others before them have or might have done the like especially since there is no Law to be shewed which forbiddeth Kings to bequeath their Kingdoms by Will and Testament The sixth and last Objection which is made against this Contract is That Charles the sixth could not lawfully dis-inherit his son who by the custome of France was lawful and apparent Heir and could not for any cause whatsoever be deprived by his Father or by any other of that right which belonged unto him by the ancient Priviledge of France In this Objection there are two things intended The one That the Kings of France cannot deprive their Sons or next Heirs for any occasion whatsoever of their Right Title and Interest to the Royal Crown and Dignity The other That the next of the blood Royal according to the Custom before mentioned must of necessity succeed and enjoy the Kingdom This Obâ—ection is in my simple opinion of greatest force because I read not in all the Histories of France that ever any King thereof but Charls the sixth did dis-inherit his Son True it is that Charles the seventh was thus dis-inherited being plagued by God for his disobedience towards his Father with a Son as undutiful and disobedient in all respects as himself was sent unto the Pope to advise him how he might dis-inherit his eldest Son who had divers times rebelled against him and bestow the Kingdom upon his second son in whom he never found any manner of disobedience but the difficulty is resolved by this reason following For if a Kingdom may be given by Will and Testament as is to be presumed that it may also be taken away from one and bestowed upon another when there is just cause given by him who layeth claim thereunto why he should be dis-inherited especially when as there is no such necessity of successive inheritance as hath hitherto been mentioned And in case it be doubtful whether a Kingdom may be taken from the right Heir and be bequeathed unto another the custom of the Country in private mens Inheritance is to be considered because most commonly such as the Law is in part such it is in the whole and for that generally the Nobility of every Realm who regard the conservation of their Honour and Dignity in their Families no less then Princes do the preservation of the Royal Authority in their Posterity do follow and imitate the manner Law and Order of their Kings touching the disposition of their Kingdoms And even as they usually dispose of their Principalities so do the other of their Baronies and inferior Estates by what Name or Title soever they be called If therefore it can be shewed that any of the chief Nobility of France have at any time dis-inherited their lawful Heirs it may justly be presumed that the Kings of France may do the like when the like occasion is offered unto them The Lords of Bearne have time out of mind been of such power and might in France that the Kings thereof have in all Ages made great account and reckoning of them And the present King of France is Lord thereof and by his Adversaries the Spaniards who will hardly vouchsafe him the name of a King of France or of Navar because they take him to be lawful King of neither of these Kingdoms is commonly called in their Writings Lord of Bearne The Earls also of Foix have beyond the memory of man been of such worth and estimation that it is written of them when they were also Lords of Bearne they cared neither for the King of Aragon nor for the Kings of Navarra for they were able upon any urgent occasion to keep more men at Arms at one time then both those Kings could make at two several Levies Both these Lordships or Seigneuries are now under the Kingdom of Navar and the principal members thereof and the Lords and lawful Owners of each of them dis-inherited their next and lawful Heirs only for ingratitude and unkindness towards them for the French Histories report that Gaston Lord of Beaâ—ne had but two Daughters the eldest of which he married unto the Earl of Armignack and the younger unto the Earl of Foix who was Nephew unto the King of Aragon It fortuned that the said Gaston had Wars with the King of Spain wherein he desired help of the Earl of Armignack who refused to succour him and the Earl of Foix holp him with such power and force that he enforced the King to very reasonable conditions of Peace in recompence of which service Gaston made the Earl of Foix his sole Heir and caused the Nobles and Gentlemen together with all other his Subjects to confirm and ratifie his Grant whereupon followed great strife and contention between the two Earls It is also written in the Chronicles of France that in the year 1391. The Earl of Foix because his Son by the consent and counsel of the King of Navar went about to have poisoned him gave his Earldom from him to the King of France who presently bestowed the same upon the Earl of Candalles Here you see two Heirs dis-inherited by their Father whose Act was generally reputed and held lawful Now you shall see the like cause in Charles the seventh and why should it
useth his wit imployeth his strength bendeth his power armeth his people directeth his Council and dedicateth all that he possesseth to the lawful or unlawful inlarging of his Territories It is he that taketh of his Father to be Ambitious that hath learned of his Ancestors to be troublesome that thinketh it a work beseeming a Prince and becoming a King to vex and molest all Kings It is he that dreameth by night studieth by day practiseth at all times how to let no time pass without a line as it was anciently said without a Stratagem a late invented policy an unknown practise and a rare and marvelous enterprise It is he that increaseth in ambition as well as in years in covetousness as well as in pride in rigour as well as in morosity Briefly it is he and I would to God that it were not he that troubleth the peaceable estate of Christendom that only vexeth the Realm of France that disquieteth Flanders and setteth friends at jarrs allies at variance and confederates at dissention insomuch that it may well be said of him Phi malus lippus totus malus ergo Philippus Now if a woman hath presumed to encounter with this man if a Queen of one Island hath undertaken to bridle a Prince of so many Nations if her sole Forces have tamed his invincible power her only counsel prevented his subtile practises her good will withstood his ill-will his mischievous practises and his ambitious desires if she alone hath hindred him to be Lord of France Ruler of Italy and Commander of all the rest of the world shall he not err that compareth Hercules with her Or can any man deem him wise that taketh her in any respect inferiour to Iulius Caesar mighty Pompey or Alexander the Great For two of these with the invincible power of the invincible Romans conquered some part of the rude and unwarlike people of the world and the third and fourth are famous not in true Histories but in old Fables for doing such exploits as are more pleasant then credible more praised then possible and much more admired then allowed for true and not miraculous But if any man shall deny her to be wise her peaceable Government giveth him the lie if her might and power shall be called in question her actions in Flanders and France testifie the fulness of her strength if her justice be not worthily commended her motherly care over the present King of Scotland while he was an infant her pitiful charity extended to as many as have had need of her help and her upright and just proceedings in as many matters forraign and domestical as have been referred to her discretion shall convince him of falshood or of malice that shall derogate ought from her innumerable multitudes of her everlasting praises I wonder when I hear the Romans boast of their Pompey the Grecians brag of their Constantine the French report wonders of their Charlemaigne and the Syrians set forth the praises of their Antiochus whom every one of these Nations baptized with the sirname of Great because their actions were somwhat extraordinary exceeding the common success of other Princes and the usual fortune of many and divers Kings for if a woman hath gone far beyond them all and that without the aid of any Allies without the help of Forrain powers and without the strength of such as should have employed their whole strength to the furtherance of her endeavours are not their praises eclipsed their honours blemished and their renown obscured They lived in an age of ignorance in a time of simplicity in a season of cowardly pusillanimity she ruleth in a world full of Machiavelists pestered with deceitful Hanibals plentiful of warlike Captains and rather over-burthened then not throughly furnished with sufficient Counsellors and yet neither the policy of the wisest nor the deceit of the craftiest not the labour of most warlike nor the wisdom of the best and most sufficient Counsellors hath ever drawn her into any small inconvenience but hitherto either wisely or happily providently or fortunately warily or worthily she hath not only prevented but escaped foreseen but overgone forecast but overcome the most secret the most subtile the most divelish and the most unnatural and inevitable practises devises attempts treasons and trecheries of her adversaries For many men and women learned and unlearned spiritual and temporal noble and ignoble courtiers and counsellors have sought her death and committed treasons against her Witness the late Queen of Scots Mrs Arding and her daughter witness Dr Storey Dr. Parrey and Dr Saunders Witness Campion Sherwin and their complices Witness the Earls of Northumberland Westmerland and Arundel Witness Babington Throgmorton Tilney and their confederates Witness the late Duke of Norfolk and Perrott both Privie Counsellors of great account wealth credit and honour both greatly loved trusted and honoured by her Majesty both bound unto her Highness for many favours dignities and advancements both briefly counselled animated encouraged and directed in their treasons by the wise Counsellors of the mightiest Prince and the greatest enemy that her Grace had in the world Their treason was plotted abroad and intended at home invented in Spain and should have been executed in England there it received a beginning here an approbation here were executioners and there counsellors here practisers and there patrons here the traytors were blinded with ambition there the abettors were transported with envie here reigned pride and there revenge briefly here the treasons ended but their malice continueth and sendeth forth daylie new Conspirators new devises and new practises Since therefore her Majesties death hath been so often intended the subversion of her State so many times purposed and the performance of both so desperately undertaken her Highness for her self and we for her Highness are greatly bound to pray to the Almighty who hath so many ways so many times and so miraculously preserved her Iulius Caesar was so fortunate that being in great danger of drowning and presuming that it was not his Creators pleasure that he should perish in the Sea when the Pilot durst not adventure to carry him for fear of the apparent and great danger which threatned his present death he boldly said to the Master of the ship Go thy ways thou carriest Caesar and Caesars Fortune and yet notwithstanding it was his fortune to be killed with Bodkins and that by his dearest friends yea in the Senate House where he thought himself as safe as in his own Palace as sure as in a Castle and as free from danger as a Prince invironed with a strong Guard Pompeius had many commendable qualities great store of friends infinite followers strange fortunes many signs of Gods blessings sundry tokens of more then ordinary and humane felicity and yet he was poysoned or done to death by his professed friends Alexander who for his Prowess was surnamed the Great for his fortune was one of the Wonders of the world and for his rare
are Christians and Catholicks he may have far better assurance and confidence then of Turks and Infidells Truly I have heard the befoâ—e mentioned French king greatly blamed for entring into League with the Tuâ—k and his honour and reputation hath been and still is so much blemished thereby that a very wise and grave Author of our time to cover his fault with some honest pretence hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a Christian Prince may be at league with the Turk The causes for which a Christian Prince may as he saith enter into League and Amity with this common Enemy of Christians are either to obtain Peace or Truce or to end a contenâ—ioâ— and quâ—rrel for any Dominion or Seigniory to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him or to entreat leave for his Subjects to trade traffick iâ—to his Countries and not to yeeld him any aid against his Enemies And the same Author addeth that the said Francis being continually assaulted by the Emperor Charles the 5th and by the king of England within his own Realm and not being able to make his party good against them and other enemâ—es who at their instigation and request did put him ofttimes in great manifest danger to lose his whole estate was counselled by his wisest Friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with Sultan Solimon who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which Charles thâ— 5th took to make himself Lord and Monarch of all the world Necessity therefore enforced Francis the first to enter into this League without the which he had been in great pâ—rill and hazard of losing his whole Kingdom For conservation whereof I read in Histories that a Predecessor of the Spanish King called Peter confederâ—ted himself with the King of Bellemarine a Sariziâ— married his Daughter and renounced his Faith and profession of a Christian. Considering therefore that necessity hath no law that Commoditie and sweetness of Rule and Governmenâ— maketh many good Christians to forget themselves and their Duties that extreame malice conceived and borne against an Enemy hath constrained many Princes to seek to be in League with their very Adversaries and that a noble and valiant heart detesteâ—h nothing more then to yeild unto his Enemies and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor No man can can justly condemne Francis the first or the Duke of Milan Now touching the Queen of England her Majesty having alwais the feare of God before her eyes and walking in his waies as much as any Prince of Christendome hath alwaies thought no better of the Turk then he deserveth as well because she hath nothing to do with him as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwixâ— her and him she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any oâ—her Prince of Europe True it is that in regard of the late Traffick which some few of her Merchants have into Turky to their great benefit and advantage her Majestiâ— hath suffered them to have their Agent there who carrieth not the nâ—me of Ambassador as the Emperors the French Kings the Spanish Kings the Venetians and other Christian Princes Ambassadors do and yet his Credit is such that either with favours or with presents wâ—ereof the Turke is very desirous and coveteous he might have broken the League of peace and Truce which is betwixt Spain and hâ—m to the Spanish Kings great hurt detriment But heâ— Majestie had â—ather that the Hâ—stories of our timâ— should mention her vertues then declare her policies and thinketh it far better that as all men of our Age commend her Beautiâ— her bountiâ— and her goodness so her after-Commers should have occasion to pâ—aise and exâ—oll her constancy and Religious affection towards God and the Common wealth of Christendome But to returne to the Spanish league with the Peeres of France I think no good Christian can think bâ—tter of them then of a Turk and I am of opinion that the League and Amâ—ty of Turkish Infidels is more to be esteâ—med then the friendship of these Leaguers more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof and more assured and firmâ— unto any one that have occasion to rely thereupon For since that these Rebels have deserved to lose their Lands and possessions have incurred the odious and detestable Crime of Treâ—son and have worthily merited the name of Traytors and Conspirators there can be no other League or Amitie with them then is with Theeves and Felons the societie and conversation with whome hath been in all Ages and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable yea by how much a Traitor is more odious and wicked then a Thief by so much his Infamy shame and dishonour is greater who asâ—ociateth himself with a Conspirator be iâ— that he conspireth against his Prince or against his Country or against both Such as a mans Companions are such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an honest man The great and large Priviledges which belong unto Princes appointed by God to rule and governe his people make me forbeare to say so much as I might say in this place and yet I may not spare to reprehend and condemne the bad Consciences of those Consciousles Councellors who have perswaded the King of Spain to forget and forgo his honour his Reputation his blood and his Parentage to joyne himself with those who may increase the number but not the Forces of his Allies I have oftentimes heard say that the end honoureth all the rest of a mans life that the elder a man is the wiser he should be that the Actions of al men that are placed in high degree and dignity are subject to the view the sight the censure and judgement of all men that a man may easily fall from the top of honor and glorie unto the bottom of shame and infamiâ— and briefly that all men with open mouth speake boldly and freely that of Princes when they are dead which they durst not muter whilest they lived I could with therefore that either the vertues of the late French King or the affinitie conjunction and parentage that was betwixt these two Crownes or the conformitie of their religion or the remembrance of the greatness and power of France might have been able to have diverted and withdrawn the mightie Monarch of Spain from the Amitie of those Traitors and Felons of France to live in peace League and Amitie with his deare and beloved Brother of France But the detestable vice of Ambition which misleadeth the greatest and wisest Princes of the world with a vaine hope of good success and prosperous fortune in all their enterprises hath turned his love into hatred and covered the spots and blemishes of true dishonor with a Cloak of false honor and repuâ—ation And
the execution praiseth her Sons wisdom thanketh God that it hath pleased him to put that counsel into the Kings head and to give him grace to execute the same and now saith she my Son playeth the king indeed The Parisians are presently certified of the Dukes death there is weeping and gnashing of Teeth the Crochilers have lost their Countenance the Facâ—ious their Father the Seditious People their ambitious Patron and the Malitious Sorbonists their Religious Protector What followeth Sudden accidents must have suddain consultations new devises hasty resolutions hastie executions and the new year must begin wiâ—h new Treasons They chuse the Duke of Aumale for their Head they draw the kings picture in the durt through the streets they rob and ransack his Exchequer his Palace his Store-houses and for their last resolution they conclude that he must be no longer their king According to this conclusion after that their City was hardly beset and they had almost endured as hard a siege as the Citizens of Ierusalem they send out a desperate Jacobin Fryer as their Iudith to behead Holofernes to execute their doom and devillish sentence upon the Lords anointed and their lawfull king The Fryer goeth to the kings Camp which was at St. Clovis feigneth to have Letters of great weight to deliver unto the king he is brought to his presence kindly received for the king alwayes loved those Fryers too well and lovingly willed to declare the cause of his coming he delivereth his Letters the king readeth them seriously and the Jaobin more like a Iudas then a follower of St. Iames seeing the kings doublet loose about him aiming at a place where he might be sure to dispatch him whilest he was busied in reading the Letters thrusteth a poysoned knife into his Bowels of which wound he died within a few hours after You have heard his Tragedy his Reign and his End and what can you finde that savoureth of Heresie Was it Heretical to persecute those whom they call Hereticks before he Reigned and as long as he reigned Was it Schismatical to proscribe banish and massacre them Was it Apostatical to proclaim and make Wars against them whensoever and wheresoever the Guisards required him Was it irreligious and hypocritical for him in a Lent time when men use to be penitent for their Sins to whip themselves while the blood followeth by his own Example to induce the Cardinal of Lorrain and others his chiefest Counsellors and Courtiers to do the like Was he a despiser of God who with consent of the Popes Holiness to shew his zeal and to leave an Eternal Monument thereof did erect a new order of Knighthood of the Holy Ghost and took an Oath to live and die in defence of the Catholick Faith Was it impious and an Act not beseeming a Christian Prince to go in person and accompanied with most of the Peers of his Realm in Procession bare-headed and bare-footed If none of these things be Heresie Apostacy and contempt of God and Religion then undoubtedâ—y the late French King having done all these things was no Heretick no Apostate no Schismitick no despiser of God but a Zealous a Religious a Catholick and a most Christian Prince But the Duke of Guise his death is the matter that is most urged is the sore that most grieveth is the objection that needeth a present and large confutation He was murthered without any desert without any rightfull administration of Justice without any manner of proof that he had committed a Crime worthy of death God said unto Cain where is thy brother Abel He said unto the woman accused or Adultery Where are thy Accusers He said unto his Disciples In the mouth of two or three consisteth a Truth He said unto the Judges of the Earth Be ye wise and discreet in your judgements And why said he all these Forsooth to shew that in every Capital Cause there ought to be an Accuser divers witnesses and a Judge to give Sentence according unto Law and unto his Conscience Truly the Laws of France and the Lawes of all Nations require that a man being held guilty of any Crime be it never so odious never so horrible be called unto Judgement and be convinced by his own confession or some other pregnant and forcible proof before he can be condemned But if the crime whereof he is accused be so manifest that all the world knoweth it that he cannot deny it and hath nothing to say for his defence it is lawfull to condemn him yea to execute him without hearing his Cause especially if by giving him notice of his Arreignment you give him time and opportunity to escape without punishment The Word of God saith Thou shalt do no murther But the Laws of Nature the Laws of Nations yea the Laws of Princes say That it is better to kill then to be killed The Apostles have taught that the testimony of two or three witnesses is sufficient in any Cause but the Civil Laws require sometimes seven other times five and commonly they are contented with two and by Canonical constitutions according to the degrees of dignities of Ecclesiastical persons the testimony of seventy two of sixty four of twenty seven and of seven is oftentimes requisite and necessary God hath commanded every man to do according to his conscience but the Lawes of Princes command all Judges to give judgement according to the proofs and allegations that are made before them I may therefore boldly say that not onely the Pope unto whom the Canonists onely attribute this power and authority but also every lawfull secular Prince unto whom God hath commanded that every soul should be obedient may upon good occasion and consideration of some circumstances qualify and interpret the Lawes of God He that striketh with the sword shall perish with the sword sayeth the holy Scripture and there is no express commandment given not to suffer Malefactors to live But Humane Policy hath thought it convenient and equitable that children because they know not what they do that mad men because they are deprived of the use of Reason and Understanding that any man killeth one another by mischance because he offendeth through ignorance and not of malice And lastly that an honest man if he chance to kill a Thief by night or by day in defending his own person or goods because it is lawfull to repel force by force shall not be condemned to death although his crime in it self in strictness of Law be Capital There is nothing more certain then the commandment of God not to swear and yet it is lawfull to swear yea it is an offence not to swear if a man be commanded by a Magistrate to swear and if a truth cannot be known but by an Oath and the oath that a man hath taken must be inviolable It cannot be broken and there is no mans more odious no crime more detestable then the sin of perjury and yet a Judge that hath
For the Servant commandeth the Master the Subject his Sovereign the Inferior his Superior the Vassal his Lord and the elegible the Elector Whereat so many marvel that it was never more necessary or expedient then it is now to declare how this came to pass you shall therefore understand that there was a time when as the Emperor had power and preheminence over all the Princes of Christendom as well spirituall as temporal and as long as this power and prerogative continued so long the name of the Emperor was honored of all men his Empire was large and ample his Dominions great and excessive and his credit and authority was marvellous and incredible About or not long after this time not God but the Devil raised up a man who seeking the preferment of this world and the advancement of his See endeavoured by all means possible to attain his purpose What doth he What course taketh he What means useth he What habit putshe on He thinketh it not good to use any violence his Forces are too weak his Treasury too smal his Arms are not great and he wanteth a Lyons skin he therefore playeth the Fox accommodateth himself unto the humors of Princes counterfeiteth an extraordinary kind of Holiness and more then a common and usual kind of Zeal Sanctiâ—y and Devotion and entreateth the Emperor to make him Head of all the Churches of the World because as Rome was his Seat that commandeth the World in Secular causes so the Bishop that had his Sea at Rome was worthy to govern and rule all other Bishops in spiritual Affairs The Emperor that then was had killed his Predecessor had usurped his Empire and had need of one to tolerate and excuse his murder and to countenance and allow his Usurpation and therefore taking the Pope to be the fittest man that then lived to further his purpose yeeldeth to his demand But the other Bishops which before that time never acknowledged any Superiour refused to receive and acknowledge him for their Head who was wont to be their Equal and Companion The Bishops contradiction could not make him give over his Suit he praieth entreateth beseecheth and never leaveth to be importunate untill Phocas the Emperor granteth his Request He might have contented himself with this Grant with this favour But as covetous men the more they have the more they desire so this ambitious and proud Prelate studieth presently how to get new Dignities how to purchase new Honors wherein he findeth not only Fortune but the time favourable and friendly unto him For whenas the Empire began to decay having lost France England and Germany the Huns conquered Italy the Vandals became Lords of the greatest part of Africa and the dissolution and loss of the Empire began to be so great that the Emperors were fain to give over all the West Countries and to seaâ— themselves in the East It happened not long after that there fell out a great contention betwixt the Pope and the Emperor touching Images the one commanded them to be pulled down and the other to be raised up and he excommunicated the Emperor for withstanding his commandment And about this time or not very long after the Lumbards began to make great Wars in Italy whose Forces the Pope who was then very weak not being able to resist was forced to flie for Aid to the King of France by whom being defended from the force and violence of his Enemies were it to be revenged of the Emperor of the East or to recompence the good turn and pleasure which the Frenchmen had done him in debasing the pride of the Lumbards or to make the way to encrease his own power and magnificence more ready and easie considering the weakness of the Eastern Emperor whose power began daily to decrease and diminish through the continual and cruel Wars which were between him and the Turk he presumed to declare the King of France which was then Charls the Great for rightful Emperor And so he which at the beginning was poor aud needy feared not to deprive him of the Emperial Diadem unto whom God commanded all humane creatures should be obedient and to chuse the Roman Emperor whose election belonged in former times to the people or the Soldiers of Rome But what were the fruits what the effects of this choyce Forsooth a division of the Empire the which of one was made two a dangerous contention and long Wars the beginning and end whereof was most lamentable For the Empire having continued a long time in the Race of Charls the Great the Princes and Peâ—rs of Italy began to grieve and grudg thereat Insomuch that entring into League and Confederacy together they chose Berengarius Emperor and aided and animated him to make Wars against the lawful Emperor who was then Lewis the Third This Lewis being hated of his own Subjects for his great Pride and Tyranny Othon Duke of Saxony went into Italy with a great Army and there subdued Berengarius and received of the Pope the Emperial Crown for his guerdon and recompence Lewis the right and lawful Emperor being then alive The Pope that then was being Gregory the Fifth and this Othon whom he had made Emperor were both Germans and naturally hated all French men And therefore began to devise with themselves how they might take away all possibility for ever from the French-men to recover the Empire The Pope shewing himself herein wiser then the Emperor inventeth these means He thought it convenient for the better countenance of the Emperor that he should be assisted and alwayes accompanied with certain grave and wise Personages as well for learning as for honour and therefore he ordained that seven Princes of Germany should have full power and authority to chuse the Emperor whereunto the Emperor consented most willingly as well in regard of the hatred which he bore unto France as for that there were like to rise quarrels and debates betwixt the Germans themselves touching the Election What doth the Pope when he hath gained this high point Seeketh he not for something more Thought he that it was sufficient honour for his Pontifical Seat that three of the seven Electors of the Emperor were Bishops and all of them sworn to be obedient unto him in all things Approved he alwayes their Election Beareth he any respect or honour unto them that were chosen by the same Elector He meaneth no such thing For he setteth them at naught seeketh to discredit them and is not ashamed to command them to swear that they shall alwayes defend keep and maintain the goods of the Church and the Popes and also their Dignities their Priviledges their Laws and their Decrees by vertue of which Oath he restraineth their Wills abridgeth their Power and enforceth them to be at his devotion True it is that the Emperors Frederick the third and second and Henry the fourth not vouchsafing to brook their Bravadoes their Threats and their Outrages opposed themselves against
sent presently Ambassadors unto Rome to pacifie the Pope by making his kingdom Tributary unto him and by promising to hold the same of him to take him for his Superior and to bee obedient unto all his commandements The good old man presently changeth his mind pacifieth his own wrath and of a deadly foe becometh the Kings great friend insomuch that he revoketh whatsoever was before decreed excommunicateth the King of France for robbing the Patrimony of the holy Church and commandeth the English Subjects to return presently unto the dutifull obedience which they owe unto their King Is there any Man so ignorant within this Realme that hath not oftentimes heard how many times the later Popes of Rome have sent not only secular Men but Seminary Priests into England to murther our gracious Soveraign There are some Widowes and Orphans within this Kingdom who lament even at this day the death of their husbands and of their Parents which have lost their lives because they would have deprived our mercifull Queen of her life at the Popes instance and instigation It were to be wished that poor France had not lately felt the great miseries which follow after the Popes heavie indignation It should not have lost within the space of 15 years 14 hundred thousâ—nd men not Strangers but naturall French men it should not have lost in so small a time above 142950. French Gentlemen it should not have lost in so unhapy a time their late King the first King that ever was murthered by his owne Subjects in France it should not complaine that the Father had killed the son the child hâ—s parent the brother the seed of his mothers Wombe and the kinsman the next of his owne kin briefly it should not be pestred and plagued with such unnatural Subjects as delight in the slaughter of their owne Country men as comment and approve of the wicked horrible and most odious and detestable Murther of their owne Leige Lord and Soverraigne Now seeing that either the Approbation of murther as in the Emperor Phocas or the Allowance of unlawfull usurpations as in Charles the great or the Toleration of wicked Rebellions as in Henry the son against the Emperor Henry the Father or the maintenance of wrong Titles as in King Pipin of France or the practise of subtile and devillish devices as in the before mentioned Popes hath caused the Advancement of Popes It must needs follow that they have not lawfully attained unto the Authoritie which they now challenge But to omit all that might here be conveniently spoken against the Succession of Popes against their Authoritie their Pride their abuses and the Iniuries offered unto all Nations that either voluntarily or forcibly have lived under their obedience To leave to tell you how many Catholick Princes they have excommunicated as Hereticks how many Seditions Tumults and Wars have been raised in the world by them and in the defence of their causes To leave to declare unro you how â—thany religious Princes and Kings have nothing esteemed their excommunications how many had good occasion to commend and bless them briefly to avoide that prolixitie which could not be avoided if I should enter into this discourse I will onely signifie unto you the great Wrongs losses and Indignities which our Realme alone hath received by receiving the Pope and his Authoritie for of a brief declaration hereof will follow this great benefit that when it shall appeare as it may appeare unto as many as will vouchsafe to reade the before named Marsilius Pativius that their Authoritie is usurped and that by receiving and acknowledging the same our Realm fele many inconveniences and many Miseries from which it is now freed no man should think her Majestie to be Lawfully excommunicated whome the Pope hath anathematized for not reverening him and his Authoritie whom her Predeâ—effors long since rejected There was a time when as our Kings blinded with the same zeale and affection which now possessâ—th the hearts of those Princes which are wholie devoted unto the Popes holiness honored him as those Princes now do then there was no Realme comparable to ours neither for number nor for beautie of religious houses There was no Country that yeilded greater Obedience unto the Sea of Rome no people that was more readie to receive and entertaine the Popes Legats to honor and reverence them and to fulfill and accomplish whatsoever they required at our hands This great zeale and obedience of ours whereas it should have purchased us especiall favors for he that loveth most ought to be required with most love procured us in time great hatred for no Nation had the like injuries offered unto them as were proffered unto us Whence this hatred proceeded I shall not need to relate our Hâ—storiâ—s ease me of that labour and paine and the manifold Abuses which are suffered will manifestly prove the same There is nothing that derogateth more from the Majesty of a King then to be ruled by Forrein Laws nor any thing that grieveth or offendeth Subjects so much as to be drawen from home into remote and far distint places to prosecute their Right and Suits in Law The first is odious because it disgraceth the Country whose Prince endureth that Jndignitie and the last is grievous because it is both troublesome and chargeable In the time of our Superstitions and foolish zeale unto the Sea of Rome Thomas Archbishop of Cant. was slaine in his Cathedrall Church by William Tracey Reynold Ursin Hugh Marvell and Richard Britton who thinking it noâ— convenient that a proud Prelate should prefer the Popes Commandment before our Kings Authoritie and being grievously offended with the great Indignities that were offered unto our King and his kingdom for his superstitious and contentious Bishops sake came out of Normandie of purpose to end by his death those troubles and vexations from which they thought that our Realme could not be freed so long as he lived The King whenâ—this Murther was committed in England was in Normandy where hearing the News thereof he greatly lamented his death Clothed himself in Sack-Cloth confessed himself unto Almighty God and protested before his divine Majestie that he neither was guilâ—ie or privie to the Archbishops death unless he might be held for guilâ—ie which had just occasion not to love him over well besides Henry the second for he was then King having for this Bishops sake tasted somewhat of the bitter fruits of the Popes Indignation and fearing that when his death should be known at Rome he should incurr his further displeasure sent presently certain Ambassadors unto Rome to excuse him and to signifie his Innocency unto the Pope but his Holiness would not admit them unto his sight untill that certaine of his Cardinals told him that they had express commission from their King to signifie unto his Holiness that he would stand to the Popes and his Cardinals Iudgment and undergo what Penance soever it should please him and them to
for considering we finde many Texts in the Holy Scripture whereby we are commanded to obey Princes to be subject unto them to honour them to pray for them since they are called Fathers and we Children they Shepherds and we their Flocks they Heads and we their Feet it is an hard Resolution and in my opinion an heavy sentence that Children should disobey their Parents a Flock to Rebel against their Shepherd or the Feet to presume to command and direct the Head This question notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult is largly discussed by George Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotes and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the Book that was lately written against the French king In these two authors you shall finde every point of this third Objection sufficiently debated You shall finde the Text alledged out of St. Paul in the behalf of Princes and other places of the Scripture learnedly answered You shall finde many examples of profane and Ecclesiastical Histories of Princes that have been done to death Briefly you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion For Buchanan argueth in such manner as I may rather commend his subtilty then his conscience And he that writeth against the French king sheweth himself too partial too malicious too injurious to Princes And Buchanan giveth too great Authority unto Subjects and the other too much power unto the Pope It cannot be denied that Princes received their first Authority from the consent of the people It is likewise certain that this Authority was given them to be used to the benefit of the people And no man will deny that Countries can subsist and stand without kings But shall every man that receiveth a benefit of another be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him Shall either a rude multitude or a few contentious Rebels judge when a King useth his Authority to the benefit of the people And because Countries have flourished and may still flourish without a king shall therefore every Country reject their king when they dislike their king It â—eemeth that Buchanan is of this opinion because he approveth the death of king Iames the third and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and Nobility of Scotland who were the principal Actors in the Rebellion against the same king and the chief Authors of his death The causes which moved those Rebels to bear Arms against their King were but two The one that he had made certain base money and called it not in again at their pleasure The other that he had advanced certain base Personages unto high places of great credit and dignity if these two faults might be amended the Rebels offered to submit themselves to their King The King yeelded not unto these motions Why The History giveth a good reason for the King They made these demands being in Arms. It seemeth that they would not entreat but inforce their King and the King thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness who presumed to War against him at home when he and his Kingdom stood in manifest danger of foreign Enemies There was amongst them namely the Duke of Albania who affected the kingdom who to further his Traiterous purposes had joyned with the King of England against his native Country and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands They considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their King to use that money and when they had taken these base persons from the King for which they seemed to rebel and had hanged them contrary to all Law and Equity they laid not down their Weapons but followed the poor King and so followed him that at length they flew him And why My Author giveth this reason Because they knew that they had so highly offended him that they feared that if they should have spared him as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done he would have been revenged of them This murther the States of Scotland saith Buchanan allowed and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same But what States are these Those saith my Author that had born Arms against him and for whose sake he was murthered And they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death But what will some man of Buchanans opinion say unto me Shall Princes do what they list and no man censure them Are they not subject unto the Laws May they not be called to an accompt Shall the people from whence they derive their Authority have no manner of authority over them And hath it not been always held very dangerous in a State to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him Truly I allow not that liberty unto Princes that their pleasure shall stand always for a Law I limit their Wills unto Reason I tie their commandments unto the Word of God I fasten their Decrees unto the Laws of Nature unto Equity and unto the Weal of the people And if these things be not regarded I take their Laws to be unlawful their Commandmenâ—s unjust their Decrees â—â—ique I know that good Princes are so far from nor subjecting themselves unto their Laws that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their Laws And if any of them by negligence or wilfulness by folly or ignorance by malice or forgetfulness begin to contemn their Laws I think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked but not utterly rejected be in a mannerly sort checked but not violently condemned be gently admonished but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished Is there no way but down with them depose them kill them Must we cry against the Lords annointed with the Jews as they did against Christ Crucifige Crucifige and not rather learn by the Jews that the common people is no competent Judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence I am not such a stranger in the course of Histories but that I know that some Princes have been deposed for their insufficiency as in France Theodorick and Chilperick others for their negligence as again in France Lewis sirnamed Do nothing some for poysoning the next Heir of the Crown as Martina Empress of Constantinople others for perjury and not keeping promise with their Enemies as Iustinian the Son of Constantine the Fourth some for not tendring the Weal and publick Welfare of their Subjects as Richard King of England others for murthering them which reprehended their vices as Boleslaus King of Polonia some for usurping things not belonging unto their Crown as Sumberlanus King of Bohemia others for their extream rigor and cruelty as Sigismond King of Hungary some for their childrens Adultery as Tarquine King of Rome others for Tyranny as Archilaus Son to Herod some for unreasonable
living a long time as a banished man in Brittany with the Duke thereof could never be sent into his Country unto Edward the fourth or Richard the third although both of them knowing that that they could not Reign in security so long as he lived had requested him very earnestly of the Duke And the last of them ruled still in great fear but in Peace and Quietness untill that Isabella wife of Edward the fourth and Margaret the said Henries Mother by the help of a Physitian came to conferre together and in the end they concluded of this agreement that they would cause her Son the said Henry to return into England and to possess the Crown thereof with the help of his aid and their friends if he would take to wife the daughter of Edward the fourth Henry being certified hereof and also given to undeastand that Richard Thomas a man trained up in arms all the dayes of his life and Sir Iohn Savage would adventure their lives for him and that the Lord Bray had provided great sums of money to pay his Souldiers withal easily obtained of the king of France a small Army of 2000 men with which arriving in Wales and joyning with the Forces of the said Thomas he went towards London and upon his way daily received greater strength even of the Souldiers of king Richard his Enemy who by reason of the great cruelty and â—yranny which he used was forsaken of his own Friends and his Souldiers detesting his proud and cruel Government fought so in his behalf that they seemed more desirous he should lose then win the Field which fell out according to their desire By these Examples and others like unto these you may perceive that never any man had any good success against England who had not both a just cause to invade the same and a strong faction within the Realm And by that which hath been spoken you may understand that the Spaniard wanteth both the one and the other Here might I conveniently if I had not sufficiently declared the strength of England to make the difficulty and impossibility of the Spaniards purpose more apparent enter into a large discourse of the Forces thereof but let that suffice that hath been spoken And yet I may not forget to let you and as many as doubt of our strength understand that we have been and I know not why we should not still be so strong and fortunate that when the French were so many in the Field against us that they thought the very Boyes and Lacques in their Camp were able to subdue our Army and when the Scots thinking that because our king was in France with fourscore thousand English we had none but Priests and women left at home to encounter with them entred with main force into our Country and with assured hope and confidence to conquer the same we neither fearing the multitudes of the French nor being danted or terrified with the Scots suddain and advantagious Invasion subdued both Nations and took both their kings prisoners in the Field But our Englishmen cannot live with a little Bread and a Cup of Wine as the Spaniards can do they are not accustomed to endure cold to lie abroad in the Field to stand up to the knees in dirt and water to watch nights and dayes and briefly to take other such pains and travels as are incident unto wars To pleasure our Adversaries let us grant this to be so although the the contrary indeed is most true who amongst the bravest Spaniards or the greatest Souldiers in the World would willingly go to the wars if he should alwayes be subject unto these or the like incommodities And yet who would not rather endure and suffer them patiently then live in servitude or thâ—aldom or yeeld unto his mortal Enemies All Histories are full of examples of base and faint-hearted people the which having been compelled to fight for their lives because there was no other way to save or redeem the same have behaved themselves most manfully and have enforced their Enemies to yeeld unto reasonable Conditions of Peace which sometimes would not hearken unto any agreement and have constrained them to become humble Sutors who would not once vouchfaâ—e to hear their humble Petitions and truly extream perils and irresistible necessities have such force and vertue that oftentimes they put both heart and Courage into them which by nature are neither hearty nor couragious Considering therefore that our men shall fight at home and the Spaniard abroad that we will be as valiant to defend our selves as they can be couragious to offend us that when they have soiled us by Sea they must fight afresh with us by Land they being weary and we fresh they weak and we strong they lame and diseased and we whole and in perfect health Briefly they far from home and we at home for our wives for our houses for our children and for our goods Is it not likely that we should fight with greater courage with better success then they Considering again the England is fertile and replenished with all things necessary for mans sustentation That her Majesties Councellors are wise and provident her people rich and full of money her Subjects loving and well affected to her Highness and their Country Can there be any thing wanting that shall be needfull for the maintenance of a convenient Army Considering thirdly that if any want shall fall out their cause being general as the maintenance of the Spaniards Religion is universal and common to all his Confederates is it not to be thought that the Princes Protestants will supply those wants and fight for England as well and as willingly as the Papists will for Spain Considering fourthly that when Charles the fifth a Prince as I have said of greater power and of better experience then the Spanish king warred with the Protestants of Germany not onely the Princes of the Reformed Religion but also the French which hated their Religion aided and assisted them Can it be supposed that England should not finde the like aid and assistance Briefly Considering that the Spaniard cannot land his Army in any place in England where he shall not finde at the least ten thousand men to finde him work until a greater power come what hope can he then have to Land without Resistance to proceed without a Battel to fight without loss and to lose without extream confusion Our Armies therefore being equal to his and our hope more assured then his no wise or Politick man will doubt but that our success is likely to be far better then his and therefore his hope and expectation vain his purpose and intention ridiculous as well in regard of his course taken therein as of his possibility to attain thereunto But it behooveth a king to bridle and correct his Rebellious subjects and it is the part of a Protector of the Catholicks not to permit his own subjects or any other aiding or assisting them in
it was not Religion but private quarrels that caused a division in his Kingdom and this division was as you have heard and shall hear maintained and nourished by the Spaniard For when the troubles began first in France the princes of Vendosme and Conde being displeased with the greatness of the House of Guise drew into their faction and side the Houses of Montmorency and Chastilian that they might be the better able with their help to prevent and withstand the encrease and advancement of the late Duke of Guise his Father and Uncle who had usurped and gotten into their hands all the authority credit and power of the Kingdom during the minority of Francis the second their Nephew afterwards the same Duke of Guise and the Constable fall into variance for no other cause but for that the first was jealour of the other both of them being in great favour and credit with Henry the third Four principal causes encreased and nourished the contention between these two princes The first was the office of great Master of France which the King gave unto the Duke of Guise when he made the Duke of Montmorency Constable of France who was great Master before and had a promise of the King that the office should have been reserved for his son The second occasion of their discontentment was the Earldom of Dampmartin which both of them had bought of sundry persons pretending right thereunto and when they had sued for the same a long time in Law the Constable obtained the suit The third cause of their discontentment was because the one of them seeking by all means possible to discredit and disgrace the other the Constable procured the Duke of Guise to be sent into Italy that he might in his absence possess the King wholly and alone and when he was there he could not do any thing worth his labour or worthy of commendation because the Constable either fore-slowed or hindred his business But the Duke of Guise being returned out of Italy and finding that the Constable was taken prisoner at St Laurence to be revenged of the indignities offered whilst he was in Italy procured that the Constable was held a long time in prison and used all the policies that he could devise to delay and defer his deliverance the which delays occasioned his Nephews of Chastilian to crave aid and assistance of the late King of Navarra and the Prince of Conde his brother who had married his Neece The fourth and last cause of their strife and difference was the competency between the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Iamvile for the office and charge of Colonel of the light Horsemen of France This debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time debate and emulation being begun and having continued a long time in this manner it hapned that the first Author thereof being dead the Duke of Guise prevailed too much in the French Court the which the Lords of Chastilian perceiving to their great sorrow and discontentment left the Court and in returning from thence were it in earnest or in policy began to favour the Lutherans of France who at that time began to preach in cellars and in houses secretly and became their friends more to defend themselves from the House of Guise then to seek and procure any alteration or change of Religion until that the King himself at the instigation and instance of the Duke of Iamvile took Monsieur de Andeles at Cressy and sent him prisoner to Molin and imprisoned the Videan of Chatres and many others These imprisonments and years of further mischiefs caused the friends and followers of the Constables to prepare with great silence and secrecy a mighty Army in Germany with which he purposed to make an horrible execution of the House of Guise under a colour to free the King from that bondage wherein the late Dukes of Guise and Aumale held him of which followed the great execution of Amboise the rigorous commandment that was given to the King of Navarra and the imprisonment of the Prince of Conde at the assembly of States held at Orleans and many other accidents which had continued with far greater cruelty then was used against the Houses of the Constable and of Chastilian had not the sudden death of the young King prevented the bloody intentions of the House of Guise The unexpected death of the young King perplexed and dejected the House of Guise much and surely they had been reduced unto extream desperation had not the Spanish King revived their hope and put them in great comfort who until he saw them in great extremity stood in doubt which part to favour most and kindled the fire of dissention on both sides to the end it might at the length burn and consume France in such manner as it did of late years It was the Spanish King that when the King of Navarra was made Governour of Charls the ninth and the Constable restored to his ancient Honour and Dignity supported the Duke of Guise and gave him such counsel that he both won the King of Navarra and the Constable to favour him and his enterprises against their own Brothers and Nephews and took the young King and his Mother at Fountain-bleau and carried them to Melind The Queen-mother grieved with this captivity of the King and her self was sain to entreat the Prince of Conde and the Lords of Chastilian to help to set him and her at liberty And then the said Prince and Lords not being able to resist of themselves so mighty enemies as the Guisards were especially being aided with the power and authority Royal became protestants in good earnest and declaring themselves Protectors and Heads of the Huguenots craved their assistance wherewith they seized upon many Cities of France not making any mention of their Religion but pretending to free the King and his Mother from that captivity wherein the House of Guise held them It was the King of Spain who when the Duke of Guise was slain at Orleans by Poltrot practised with the Cardinal his Brother to entertain and maintain the divisions in France not to subvert the Lutherans but to weaken the Kingdom wherein the Cardinal proceeded so cunningly that he drew the Queen-mother from the Prince of Conde and the Chastilians by whom she was set at liberty by perswading that the Prince of Burbone the Constable and the Chastilians sought her utter ruine and subversion and would never leave until they had sent her into Italy unto her friends there for which she conceived so great displeasure and indignation against them that she caused the one brother to be killed at the Battel of Iarvack and the other at the Massacre of Paris it is thought that if the Montmorencies had been there at the same time they had drunk of the same cup. Thus you see that the troubles of France grew not for Religion but for competency and emulation that was betwixt the House of Guise