THE LIVES OF Clemens Alexandrinus Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea Gregory Nazianzen AND Prudentius the Christian Poet Containing an Impartial Account of their LIVES and WRITINGS Together with Several Curious Observations upon Both. ALSO A Short History of Pelagianism Written Originally in French By Monsieur Le CLERC And now Translated into English LONDON Printed for Richard Baldwin at the Oxford Arms in Warwick-Lane 1696. Advertisement 'T IS thought that the following Lives will not be Vnacceptable to the Publick The Author of 'em who is well known by his Writings justly complains that those who have hitherto written the Lives of the Fathers have not done it with such an Impartiality as is required from those who write for the sake of Truth Indeed it must be confest that Panegyricks of all sorts are very Numerous and that a True and Faithful Account of the Lives and Doctrine of the Fathers is very Necessary This Author will have it that he hath distinguished himself from other Writers in his Lives of some Fathers and professes a great Sincerity This I think is more than sufficient to recommend the Reading of this Work But besides it contains several Judicious Observations and Critical Remarks upon the Lives and Opinion◠of the Fathers very useful especially to those who apply or design to apply themselves to that Study I think that the Fathers were far from being Infallible but I am none of those who despise the Study of their Writings I confess it doth not require a Dull and Narrow-Spirited Reader who may grow the worse for it But an Ingenious and Judicious one may make a good use of it as will appear by the following Lives which may also give some Light to the late Disputes concerning the Holy Trinity I shall further add That the Fathers whose Lives Monsieur Le Clerc hath written are some of the most Famous Every body knows that Clemens Alexandrinus and Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea were very Learned Men and that Gregory Nazianzen was one of the greatest Orators the Christians had in his time Eusebius having been much concern'd in the Arian Disputes it was necessary to give a large Account of those Controversies which makes the Life of that Father so much the more Curious and Vseful In short the Reader will find here the Lives of some of the most Celebrated Fathers who lived in the most famous Ages of Christianity written with great Exactness and Impartiality and they are I think sufficient to give a Notion of the Fathers I must not forget that Monsieur Le Clerc hath taken care to shew what Philosophy those Fathers did especially apply themselves to This is a very Necessary Enquiry and those that are not sensible of its Vsefulness will be easily convinced of it when they come to read the followinging Lives 'T was also thought fit to print the History of Pelagianism tho' very short together with these Lives because several Gentlemen may be desirous to have in their own Tongue an Impartial Account of that Controversie which formerly made so great a Noise in the Christian World ERRATA PAge 9. Line 9. read Hypotyposes p. 10. l. 4. of the r. of those p. 16. l. 28. r. Stoicks p. 18. l. 28. r. Invisible p. 32. l. 22. r. Writings p. 50. l. 2. r. Months p. 58. l. 4. r Paedagogue p. 64. l. 13. r. Pamphilus and so elsewhere p. 67. l. 6. r. Year of p. 72. l. 27. perhaps add is p. 73. l. 24. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 78. l. 12. for contained r. understood p. 79. l. 20. r. those p. 81. l. 1. in speaking dele in p. 84. l. 12. r. gave p. 85. l. 10. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 86. l. 2. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 105. l. 29. r. his Works p. 110. l. 7. dele a and r sport of the ibid. l. 17. r. Cordova p. 113. l. 2. r. Lucian p. 117. l. 4. r. Nicomedia p. 130. l. 4. r. Bysantium p. 133. l. 7. r. Licinius p. 135. l. 24. r. fit to p. 137. l. 19. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 142. l. 18. r. Arsenius p. 146. l. 16. r. being come to p. 151. l. 9. r. any thing else p. 161. l. 18. r. Personas ibid. l. 21. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 add signifies p. 167. l. 13. there is add in p. 173. l. 26. undeniable add Testimony p. 176. l. 31. r. Aegina p. 183. l. 3. r. patiently p. 193. l. 9. r. Individuum's p. 207. l. 24. r. used the Valentinians p. 212. l. 17. related add all p. 213. l. 17. r. breaking into p. 220. l. 28. r. seized p. 226. l. 26. r. Prosopopeïa p. 234 l. ult r. acknowledged p. 249. l. 9. r. Judgment p. 254. l. 20. Deity and is p. 265. l. 20. r. in a full p. 268. l. 24. dele 'em p. 282. l. 19. r. Prodicus p. 283. l. 25. r. such an Art p. 290. l. 17. r militiae p. 292. l. 28. r. Darkness p. 293. l. ult r. Mentem p. 295 l. 9. r. Judicature p. 301. l. 2. r. piceasque p. 304. l. 18. r. ingenuously p. 305. l. 14. r. perire p. 307. l. 23. Ninivites add were not ibid. l. 27. r. that People p. 312. l. 19. r. Cyprians p. 313. l. 17. r. foveis p. 317. l. 10. Image add was p. 321. l. 2. Nature is add of p. 321. l. 14. r. 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Damietta p. 338. l. 27. dele not p. 363. l. penult r. facultatum l. seq r. exilium p. 368. l. 1. r. nullum The Life OF Clemens Alexandrinus ALthough those that are able to read the Fathers in the Original Tongues are but few yet there are a great many who ought to have some Notions of their Lives and Writings because they are now-a-days made use of in the Controversies which divide Christians The Teachers of the Church of Rome omit nothing to make Men believe that the Fathers were of their Opinion because they believe that it is not lawful to reject a Doctrine grounded upon the Testimony of the greatest part of the Fathers When they quote a Passage which they think to be agreeable to their Notions they don't fail to say As a Holy Father said well But if One objects to them some words which they cannot well get rid of They answer That 't was only his private Opinion and reject it as an Error The greatest part of the Protestants do not lay down the Consent of the Fathers as a Principle of their Faith but as for the rest many of their Authors seldom make any other use of them when they cite 'em than the Roman Catholicks Hence it is that in the Ecclesiastical Histories of both Parties such Places as seem proper to confirm the Opinion and Practices received now-a-days
amongst us are carefully observed Whereas such things as are thought to be Defective in their Conduct and Doctrine are only mentioned by the bye They persuade themselves that the Fathers especially those of the First Centuries held all the Opinions which are lookt upon as Essential where they live and then they think themselves obliged to heap up Praises upon 'em and excuse as much as they can the Defects which are observed either in their Writings or Lives So that instead of writing their History they write without being aware of it their Panegyrick or Apology Hence it is that they who read such Books believe that the Antients were Men of vast Learning and extraordinary Holiness From whence they conclude that if they have ill treated any Body they must needs have had some great Reasons for it and that they were far either from unfaithfully relating or ill confuting the Opinions of Hereticks They think themselves obliged to imitate their manner of Reasoning and Acting without much troubling themselves whether it be agreeable to the Precepts of the Gospel or not Thus it comes to pass that we have no Histories of the First Centuries that are faithful enough and do not make such a Use of those Histories as we ought to make I am far from thinking that I can cure so inveterate a Disease nor is it the Design of this Work But at least I think my self obliged to avoid as much as I can the Way of those who give the Publick Partial Panegyricks when Sincere and Impartial Histories were expected from them I have endeavoured to practice this in The History of Pelagianism and I shall yet endeavour to do it in the Life of Clemens which I am going to write in few words TITVS FLAVIVS CLEMENS famous for his Learing towards the End of the Second Century was born at Athens according to some Authors who believe they can reconcile this Opinion with the Opinion of those who call him Alexandrinus by saying that Athens was the Place of his Birth and that he got the Sirname of Alexandrinus because of his long stay at Alexandria But his Style though florid enough is often obscure and intricate and doth not much relish the Neatness and Elegancy of the Athenian Writers However it is certain that he begun his Studies in Greece continued them in Asia and ended his days in Egypt It appears that he was not content to be instructed only by one Master but that he travelled much to hear many and so to get a more exact and full knowledge of the Christian Religion as well as to improve in Humane Learning His Masters had been Disciples of the Apostles or had conversed with some Disciples of those Holy Men as it appears by his manner of speaking of them though he doth not express himself very clearly He says * Strâ—m l. 1. p. 274. Eusebius lib. 5. c. 11. reads this place somewhat differently upon which Valesius may be consulted That his Writings composed without Art are an Image and a Picture of those lively Discourses of the Happy Men and truly worthy of Esteem whom he had the Honour to hear The one as he goes on whom I saw in Greece was of the Ionick Sect. I have seen two in Calabria one of whom was a Coelo-Syrian and the other an Egyptian I met two more in the East one of whom was an Assyrian and the other with whom I conversed in Palestine was of a Jewish Extraction This latter was the first in Merit I stay'd in Egypt where he had hid himself to look for him He was as the Proverb says A true Sicilian Bee He gathered the Flowers scattered if one may so say in the Meadows of the Writings of the Prophets and Apostles by the means whereof he filled the Souls of those that heard him with a pure Knowledge Those Men having preserved the true Tradition of the Blessed Doctrine immediately after the Holy Apostles St. Peter St. James St. John and St. Paul as a Child who keeps what he hath learned of his Father Although there are Few like them have lived to our time by the Will of God to shed into our Hearts the Seed which they had received of the Apostles their Predecessors 'T is of great moment to know what Master an Author had to understand his Opinions right for then as now-a-days the Disciples did particularly stick to the Method of their Masters and explained Religion as much as they could according to the Principles of that Philosophy which they had learned of them Thus the School-men who were Peripateticks explained Divinity by Aristotle's Principles and Divinity is handled after the Cartesian way where Des-Cartes Philosophy is admitted Wherefore the Learned Men of our Age have endeavoured to guess who were those of whom Clemens speaks It appears by my Translation of the words of that Father that he had five Masters but Valesius allows him but four because he follows the Reading of Eusebius One can't positively affirm which is the best but I may say that the Interpreters who took the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a Proper Name have done it without reason 'T is not likely that Clemens who doth not tell the Names of the other whom he acknowledges for his Masters should name this Antiquity affords no Man whose Name was Ionick and that Name may denote the Sect of Philosophy to which that first Master of Clemens did especially apply himself Thales and Anaximander Philosophers of Miletus a Town of Ionia were the Heads of it Clemens Alexandrinus speaks well of those two Philosophers in his Writings Thales says he in one place * Strom. l. 1. p. 300. was a Phaenician as Leander and Herodotus say He is the only Man who seems to be conversant with the Egyptian Prophets and we do not read that any one hath been his Master c. Anaximander a Milesian and Son of Praxidamus succeeded Thales and had Anaximenes Son of Eurystratus a Milesian also for his Successor Anaxagoras of Clazomenes Son of Hegesibulus came after him he removed his Auditory from Ionia to Athens and had Archelaus Socrates 's Master for his Successor Elsewhere he says That Thales * Strom. l. 5. p. 595. being askt what God is He answered That which hath neither a Beginning nor an End And that another having askt him whether Men can hide their Actions from God How can that be answered he since they cannot so much as hide their Thoughts from him Speaking of Anaximander Archelaus and Anaxagoras Philosophers of the same Sect he says That the former hath establisht †Admen ad Gent. p. 43. the Infinite for the First Being and that the other two said that the Spirit governed the Infinite The Principles of those Philosophers may be seen more at large in Diogenes Laertius and one may easily perceive that some of them do well enough agree with those of the Jews and Christians as That whatever is upon the Earth came
it is disliked because no Body follows it at present For Example * Paed. l. 1. p. 101. Clemens believed that Angels had Bodies And it was also the Opinion of †Vid. Origeniana Huetii l. 2. c. 2 5. Origen and most of the Fathers Yet that Opinion is branded as an Error without any Reason For although the Scripture teaches us that Spirits have neither Flesh nor Bones and that Angels are Intelligences yet it says no where that they are not cloathed with Bodies There hath been no Revelation since upon that Matter nor have we found out any convincing Reason that can persuade us the contrary Notwithstanding t is commonly said that 't is an Error because the School-Men have said so I confess that the Fathers who have ascribed Bodies to the Angels have alledged no evident Reason to prove it But all that could be concluded from thence is that They affirmed a thing which They knew not no more than We. Thus we should have suspended our Judgment and affirmed nothing concerning a Subject which was equally unknown to us Such a Suspension suited not with the Dogmaticks who can hardly confess that they know not all things and believe 't is the part of a Witty Man to Determine himself speedily upon all sorts of Questions Indeed without this 't is not possible to frame a System as compleat as it ought to be to be accounted a Learned Man And it would be a shameful thing to confess that a Thousand Questions might be askt upon every Article which could not be answered if one should say nothing but what one knows The same Principle may be applied to several other Doctrines of Clemens concerning which 't were better ingeniously to confess one's Ignorance than to condemn some Opinions about which we are in the dark Hence it is that notwithstanding those Opinions some Antients have bestowed many Encomium's upon him * Hist Eccl. l. 6. c. 13. Eusebius says That his Books are full of Useful Learning †Cat. Scrip. Eccles in Ep. ad Magnum Orat. T. 2. St. Jerom says That he hath writ very fine Works full of Learning and Eloquence which he took out of the Holy Scripture and Profane Authors And elsewhere Clemens says he Priest of the Church of Alexandria the most Learned of our Authors in my judgment wrote Eight Books of Stromata as many of Hypotyposes a Book against the Pagans and Three Volumes entituled the Paedagouge Is there any thing in his Books but what is full of Learning and taken from the bottom of Philosophy Cyril of Alexandria affirms in his VIth and VIIth Books against Julian That he was a Man of wonderful Learning who dived to the bottom of Greek Learning with such an Exactness as few before him could attain to * Haeret. Fab. l. 1. c. 6. Theodoret says That that Holy Man surpassed all others by the extent of his Learning What hath been said is sufficient to have a Notion of the Doctrine of Clemens I shall only add a word concerning the Cologne Edition 1688. Two sorts of Faults may be observed in it whereof some are Common to it with many other Editions of the Books of the Antients and the other are Particular to it As to the First one may observe That the Editions wherein there is no Distinctions and Paragraphs want a thing which seems not to be of great moment in it self but yet doth very much conduce to the understanding of an Author The Beginning of a new Section is as it were an Advertisement to the Reader who only by casting his Eye upon a Page sees how many Arguments and what Matter it contains Else the want of distinct Paragraphs doth somewhat confound the Mind and forces the Reader to be more attentive to understand what he reads and to look for a Connexion where there is none or confound two Arguments Now one should always endeavour to lessen as much as can be the Trouble of the Reader who takes Pains enough to understand the Things themselves Paragraphs produce in some respects the same effect as the Distinction of Chapters which cannot be neglected without breeding Confusion 'T is true the Antients often neglected to divide their Books or Discourses into certain Parts But if it be well consider'd the want of Order in many of their Writings was the true cause of that Neglect 'T was easier to pass from one subject to another by reason of some small Connexion that was between 'em or confusedly to write down a crowd of Thoughts than to reduce 'em into a certain Order as it would be more easie to heap up the Materials of a House than to give every one of them its due place Those who desire some Examples of Books without Order need only cast their Eyes upon Seneca or Tertullian who both said with a great deal of Enthusiasm whatever came into their Mind scarce ever having a Notion of any Order which they design'd to follow If those Authors were printed so as to divide their Reasonings by Paragraphs they might be much better understood The other Fault which those that take care of the Editions of Ancient Authors often commit is that they do not distinguish in a different Character the Quotations from the Words of the Author From whence it comes to pass that those who do not read them attentively ascribe to one Author what belongs to another This Dr. Cave hath done in his English Life of Clemens Alexandrinus which hath been very useful to me in the writing of this Clemens in the above-mention'd place concerning the Philosophy which he approves cites Socrates who in Phaedo applies to the Philosophers this Proverb which was used in the Mysteries There are many who carry the Thyrsus but few that are truly filled with the Spirit of Bacchus * P. 380. Ed. Ficin Socrates adds immediately after These as I believe are only those who applied themselves to Philosophy as they ought to do OF the Number whereof I have endeavoured to be as much as I could c. The whole Passage being in Roman Characters Dr. Cave thought that those words Of the Number whereof c. were Clemens's whereas they are Socrates's as may be seen in Plato and even by reading the rest of the Page wherein Clemens cites ' em If the whole Passage had been printed in Italick Letters Dr. Cave would not have mistaken it Which ought not to seem strange to those who know that to write the Life of an Author collected out of several places so many things must be heeded all at once that 't is a hard matter not to confound one's self Besides by distinguishing the Matters by Paragraphs and Quotations by different Characters those who have read an Author may more easily find out again such places as they want which is no small Advantage As to the Edition of Cologne there are Three Index's the first of the Places cited by Clemens the second of the Contents and a
appear'd remote in upholding the Arguments which seem'd to him weak and in giving Praises to such who seem'd to speak well Eusebius of Caesarea long held out against the Use which they * Socrat. l. 1. c. 8. Theod. l. 1. c. 12. would make of the word Consubstantial He offer'd another Confession of Faith wherein it was omitted and wherein he call'd the Son barely God born of God Light of Light Life of Life Only Son First-born of all Creatures Begotten of his Father before all Worlds The Emperor approv'd this Confession of Faith and exhorted the Fathers of the Synod to follow it in adding thereto only the word Consubstantial Afterwards the Confession was read which had been drawn up with this Word the Terms of which have been already recited Anathema's were join'd thereto against those who should use on this Occasion other Terms than those of the Holy Scripture which must be understood with an Exception of those which the Council thought fit to Consecrate This Proposition was particularly condemn'd That the Son existed not before he was begotten Eusebius and others requested That the Terms of the Symbol and Anathema's might be explained 1. It was said That the word Begotten and not Made was used because this last word expresses the Production of Creatures to which the Son has no likeness being of a Substance far more excellent than they begotten by the Father in an incomprehensible manner 2. As for the word Consubstantial it is proper to the Son not in the sence wherein it is taken when we speak of Bodies or Mortal Animals the Son being Consubstantial with the Father neither by a Division of the Divine Substance of which he possesses a part nor by any change of this same Substance The meaning of which is only this That the Son has no Resemblance with the Creatures which he has made but that he is in all things like to his Father by whom he has been begotten or That he is not of another Hypostasis or Substance but of that of the Father 3. Those were condemn'd who said That the Son was not before he was born seeing that he existed before his Corporal Birth and even before his Divine Generation according to Constantine's Argument * These words of Eusebius's Letter are not to be found but in Theodorit Socrates having retrenched them For before said he that he was actually Begotten he was in Power in his Father in a manner Unbegotten the Father having been always Father as he is always King and Saviour and all things in Power being eternally in the same Condition It will perhaps seem that this is pure Arianism and that this is to deny the Eternity of the Son But we must observe that in the style of that time to Exist before the World and to be Eternal is the same thing seeing that to prove his Eternity this Passage is cited * Vid. Ep. Alexandri Ep. Al. supra laudatam In the Beginning was the Word And it sufficed to shew that he was Begotten before there was any Time So that we must not reject these words as Supposititions meerly for this reason And it is so ordinary to find hard Expressions in those who attempt to explain in any sort this incomprehensible Mystery that if one might hence judge of them one would be apt to declare them all Hereticks which is to say to anathemamize the greatest part of the Ancients Besides this †* De. Deret Nicaen Tom. 1. pag. 251. St. Athanasius who openly treats Eusebius as an Arian makes allusion to one part of this Passage and draws thence a Consequence which Eusebius without doubt would not have owned which is That the Arians believed that the Divinity of Jesus Christ did not exist before his Corporal Birth After these Explications Eusebius subscribed as he himself testifies in the Letter above recited ‖ Athanas ibid. although he had refused it the day before The long and formal Opposition which he had made against the word Consubstantial caused it to be suspected that there was want of Sincerity in this Subscription In fine Arius and his Party were anathematized and all their Books condemned and particularly a Poem which Arius had entituled Thalia Most of the Arian Bishops subscribed after Eusebius his Example to this Confession of Faith and the Anathema's after the Explication above-mentioned Yet there were some of 'em who refused at first to sign * Socr. l. 1. c. 1. the principal of which were Eusebius of Nicomedia Theognis of Nice Maris of Calcedon Theonas of Marmarica and Secondus of Ptolemais They were immediately Excommunicated by the Council and were to be sent afterwards as well as Arius into Exile by Constantine The Council wrote a Circular Letter †Ib. Socr. l. 1. c. 9. to the Churches of Egypt denoting to 'em in what sort they had carried themselves in the business of Arius and what had been ordered touching Melece the Schismatical Bishop and the Observation of Easter Constantine wrote also to the Church of Alexandria to assure it that after a full and mature Examination Arius had been condemned by the common Consent He greatly vaunted of the Moderation and Learning of the Bishops making no mention of their Quarrels according to the Custom observed in Publick Acts and such like Occasions where every thing is supprest which may give an ill Opinion of the Decrees of these kinds of Assemblies In another Letter directed to the Bishops and Churches he enjoins the Name of Porphyrus to be given to Arius and his Followers to be called Porphyrians This Porphyry was a famous Platonist who had written against the Christian Religion and whose Books Constantine had caus'd to be burnt Lucas Holstenius has written his Life which is to be found at the end of the Book Of the Abstinence of Animals Constantine design'd to declare hereby Arius an Enemy to the Christian Religion and not in any manner reproach him with being a Platonist touching the Trinity seeing Constantine did not disapprove as we have seen the Sentiments of Plato It 's true the Arians have been upbraided with their too great application to the reading of this Philosopher and other Heathen Authors Revera de Platonis Aristophanis says * Advers Lucif T. 2. p. 142. Ed. Gryph St. Jerom in episcopatum allegentur Quotus enim quisque est qui non apprime in his eruditus sit Accedit ad hoc quod Ariana hoeresis magis cum sapientia seculi facit argumentationum rivos de Aristotelis fontibus mutuatur Thus the Orthodox and Hereticks equally approved the Sentiments of Plato each of them apparently explaining them according to his Hypothesis Constantine further ordered in the same Letter to burn all Arius's Books to the end that not only his pernicious Doctrine be destroyed but that there remain no monument of it to Posterity He likewise declared That if any one concealed any of his Books and did not bring
it concerning the Discipline which I shall not mention the Business of Gregory and Maximus was debated in it and they made a Creed Maximus's †Conc. C.P. c. 4. Ordination and all those which he might have conferred were judged Null and then ‖ Carm. de Vit. p. 14. they declared Gregory Bishop of Constantinople though he endeavoured to be excused from it They made him promise he would stay in it because he persuaded himself that being in that Station he could more easily reconcile the different Parties which divided Christianity Indeed it was said against Gregory's Promotion that having been Bishop of Sasime and Nazianzum he could not be transferred to Constantinople without breaking the Fifteenth Canon of the Council of Nice which is Formal thereupon But Meletius Bishop of * Theodor. l. 5. c. 8. Antioch replied to that That the Design of that Canon was to bridle Pride and Ambition which had no share in that Business Besides it seems that that Canon was not observed in the East since †Carm. de Vit. sua p. 29. Gregory calls what they opposed to him Laws dead long since Furthermore he had exercised no Episcopal Function at Sasime and as to Nazianzum he had been only his Father's Coadjutor That Business being over they came to treat of the chief Subject for which they were met viz. Macedonius's Opinion who had been Bishop of Gonstantinople and believed that the Holy Spirit is but a Creature though all the Disciples of that Bishop agreed not about the Nature of that Divine Person as may be seen from a Passage of Gregory which I have quoted The Nicene Creed was presently confirmed in the Council and 't was thought fit ‖ Vid. Conc. Chalced. Act. 2. to make some Additions to it especially to what concerns the Holy Spirit That Addition is exprest in these words I believe in the Holy Ghost the Lord and Giver of Life who proceedeth from the Father who with the Father and the Son together is worshipped and glorified and who spake by the Prophets The Council did also Anathematize the Opinions of Sabellius Marcellus Photinus Eunomius Apollinaris and Macedonius but I shall not enlarge upon those Errors because they have no essential relation with the Life of Gregory For the same reason I shall omit what concerns the Discipline All things went quietly enough with respect to Gregory till there arose a Storm which deprived him of the Episcopal See of Constantinople when he least expected it The Spirit of Vengeance of a Party which he opposed was the cause of that Disturbance which Gregory who was not courageous enough to sustain the shock of his Adversaries could not get himself rid of but by running away There happen'd some time before a mischievous Schism in the Church of Antioch where there were Two Orthodox Bishops at the same time Meletius being dead at Constantinople before the Council was ended 't was proposed to give him a Successor Thereupon Gregory proposed an Expedient to put an end to that Schism viz. That Paulinus who was the other Orthodox Bishop * Carm. de Vit. p. 25. and had been Ordained by Lucifer of Cagliari should govern alone the Church of Antioch during the rest of his life and afterwards those of Melelius's Party being reunited with those of Paulinus's should chuse a Bishop by common Votes Lest it should be thought he had some Interest in favouring Paulinus and that he designed to make a Party he offered the Counsel to leave the Episcopal Throne of Constantinople on which he was just setled But the Ambitious Men and Incendiaries as Gregory calls 'em who began to move to give a Successor to Meletius would not hearken to that Proposal * Ib. p. 27. A company of Young Men fell a crying like Mag-pies and made so great a Noise that they drew in even the Old Bishops who should have resisted them and brought to a second Examination the Business of Gregory which was just before ended Gregory describes admirably well their Ambition Ignorance and their other Defects in the Poem he made concerning his Life One had better read it in the Author himself than here In the mean time the People having heard that Gregory began to be weary of the Council and was talking of retiring fell a crying that they would not take their Pastor from them and desired him that he would not leave his Flock Thereupon Timothy Bishop of Alexandria who had succeeded Peter and was of a violent and quarrelsom Temper arrived with several Egyptian Bishops The old Grudge they bore Gregory on the account of Maximus the Cynick had inflam'd them to such a degree against our Bishop that the first thing they did was to complain that they had broke the Canons by transferring Gregory from one Bishoprick to another This caused a great stir in the Council and on that occasion Gregory made his Oration concerning Peace which is the Fourteenth wherein he describes at large the Advantages of Concord and the Mischiefs which arise from Divisions He severely censures the Inconstancy of the Bishops who had other Thoughts of him without any reason and suffered themselves to be imposed upon by the Calumnies of his Adversaries He says that the ill Reports which are commonly spread against Moderate Men ought to be despised Lastly One may easily perceive by all that he says that 't is not only in our time that Men have cover'd their most shameful Passions with the specious Name of Zeal for the Purity of the Faith Wherefore Gregory says * Ib. p 29. that he told 'em That they should not trouble themselves so much with what concerned him but that they should endeavour to be re-united That 't was time for 'em to expose themselves no longer to be laught at as Wild Men and such as have learned nothing but Quarrelling That provided they would agree he would willingly be the Jonas who should make the Storm to cease That he had accepted of the Episcopal See against his will and willingly parted with it and that his Body weakened with Old Age obliged him to 't But because notwithstanding they charged him with Ambition still he made a Discourse which is his Twenty seventh Oration whereby he protests that he had accepted the Bishoprick of Constantinople against his will and appeals to all the People for it He says * Ortt. 27. p. 465. he doth not know whether he ought to call the See of Constantinople the Throne of a Tyrant or a Bishop He complains of his Enemies Evil-speaking and the Envy they bore him †Pag. 466. because of his Eloquence and Learning in the Sciences of the Pagans That perhaps raised the Envy of some but the Station he was in raised without doubt the Envy of many more He might have made use of all his Rhetorick at Sasime without being put to any trouble upon that account Having declared a Full Council that he desired to leave the