opposite unto him before and hee afterwards found the good thereof when losing his Kingdome as hee did he never had recovered it had he not thus wonne upon the peoples affections which is the Prince his chiefest safeguard Publique affaires being thus accommodated he descended to what more particularly concerned himselfe which are not notwithstanding to be separated from what concernes the State Marriage from whence proceeds lawfull successours is the strength as well of Kingdomes as of private families Three marriages were propounded to him The first Marguerit sister to Iames the third King of Scotland whose advantages were the breach of the marriage with Edward sonne to Henry and thereby the undoing the chiefest hopes of the house of Lancaster That upon any new occasion of civill broyles he should either have Scotland side with him or remaine neuter He should thereby free himselfe from the daily troubles nourished by the obstinate enmity of so hardy and warlike a neighbour But understanding that she was of a sickly body and consequently not likely to beare children he would none of her The second was Isabell sister to Henry the fourth King of Castile his hopes by her were the succession of that Kingdome and by the assistance thereof the recovery of Gascony in like manner as by the assistance of Gascony given by Edward the blacke Prince King Peter father to the great grand-mother of this King Edward recovered Castile The English writers say that her being too yong as not being then above six or seven yeeres old was the cause why that match was no further proceeded in But I finde that she being married to Ferdinand and dying Queen of Castile not when she was three and fifty yeeres old and in the yeere 1506. as Edward Hall doth calculate it but in the fiftieth yeere of her age and in the yeere 1504. she must be in the yeere 1464. which was the time when this marriage was treated of thirteen yeeres old so but ten yeeres younger than Edward so as their yeeres were not unproportionate Halls calculation is grounded upon the stories of Spaine which he does not particularize in and upon an Epitaph ingraven upon this Queenes tombe in Granado which he never saw Mine upon the Spanish storie written by Lewis Myerne Turquet my father in law a most exact writer and by the Jesuit Iohn Mariana who saith she was borne the 24. of May in the yeere 1451. So as some other cause made him not choose her The third was Bona daughter to Lodowicke Duke of Savoy and sister to Charlotte Queene of France with whom she at the present was This was imbrac'd the Earle of Warwicke was sent to Lewis the eleventh to demand her of him neither could Edward put on a better resolution For his affaires in England being setled by Henry's imprisonment no feare was to be had of Scotland without aide and provocation from France which was not better to be eschewed by any meanes than this for though Charlotte bore not such sway with her husband as to governe him as shee listed yet held shee very good correspondency with him And Lewis whose onely ends were to lessen the power of the Princes and great Lords of France particularly that of his brother Charles and the two Dukes of Brittany and Burgundy laid willingly hold upon this occasion to acquit himselfe of the impornity of Margarite Queene of England who endeavoured to perswade him to a dangerous and fruitlesse warre and which was averse to his genius and designes by withdrawing him from the other to the which reason and his owne inclination bore him Moreover the Duke of Savoy having been an ancient confederate and neere allie to the Duke of Burgundy this would be a meanes to marre their intelligence for though he were his father in Law such ties amongst Princes unlesse they be knitted with new knots are subject to be loosed and broken by every daies occasioned interest For these reasons this match was agreed upon between King Lewis and the Earle of Warwicke and Monsieur de Dammartin was sent into England to strike it up with Edward But whilst Warwicke thought he had succesfully executed his Masters commands he unexpectedly heard that hee was married Edward was gone a hunting progresse towards Grafton a house belonging to Iacoline of Luxenburg sister to the Count St. Paul wife to the Lord Rivers and widdow to the Duke of Bedford who died Regent in France With her was a daughter of hers named Elizabeth widdow to Sir Iohn Gray who was slaine in the second battell at St. Albans siding with Henry so as having lost a part of her Jointure by the confiscation of her husbands goods shee desired him to conferre it againe upon her She was a woman of no extraordinary beauty but of such conditions as surpassing what was in her of beauty made her to be valued and beloved by all men The King did not onely grant her what she desired but growing in love with her became her petitioner for wanton dalliance which she resolutely denied to yeeld unto His appetite increasing by meeting with an obstacle he resolved to marry her taking therein advice of those who never counsell Princes contrary to their inclinations Yorkes Widow the Kings mother foreseeing the evils that were to ensue admonished him She bid him beware of the injury hee did his cousin the Earle of Warwicke the Dutchesse was sister to Warwickes Father whose spirit would not endure such an affront since the King of France would not believe that he was come to treat of a match but to cousen him laugh at him and pry into his state nor was it likely hee could thinke otherwise since that hee having got the Crowne by the Earles valour and the pursuit of his friends it was not likely that beeing so neere a kinne unto him and a man of so great an esteem he should offend him by doing so mis-becomming a thing without his knowledge She shewed him how that the marriage of Princes had for their ends the good of their State the alliance of such as could or doe them good or harme and portion proportionable to the charge of a wife and their own reputations That none of all these were met withall in this which was now treated of rather in laying a foundation for a peace hee should offend a great King and expose himselfe to so unjust a warre the cause whereof being blame-worthy as he should not therein finde any friends or confederates That yet if she were a maid it might admit of some excuse but being a mother of children a subject and without portion these were conditions likely to produce instead of benefit hatred and enmity abroad hatred and enmity at home danger and blame every where Edwards answer was that he doubted not but that his cousin would conforme his will to his that he was sure enough of his love that the King of France was not in a condition to hurt him having other thoughts which did
at liberty they contented themselves with such sufficient security as he gave them Thirteen men were afterwards chosen who under the King should take upon them the government of the Kingdome of the which number were the two Uncles of Yorke and Gloster and the Earle of Arundell An Oligarchy at all times dangerous in a Monarchicall government and which first instituted in the reigne of Richard was afterwards as harmfull repealed But examples are not sufficient to ground Lawes upon when the injustice of the Prince is such as it receiveth Lawes from the subject when their injustice springs from their weaknesse and when their weaknesse proves the nerves of strength and veines of justice to the people whether being arrived commanding they are blind in doing of offence whilst being commanded they were Arguseyd in receiving offences every man cries out Liberty a pleasing thing and according to nature but to bring others into servitude is a vice in nature more in reason The tyranny of the Decemviri in Rome was more insupportable then that of Tarquin and the short government of these thirteen more inexorable then all Richards reigne so as if wee consider things aright we shall finde that evils have almost alwayes had just beginnings but contrary proceedings and ends hatred envie and revenge unmasking those vices which covered by the deceitfull cloake of Common-good were beleeved to be vertues The last businesse and the onely one which gave satisfaction to the King was the assigning over to the Duke of Ireland the thirty thousand markes paid in by the Admirall Clisson for the ransome of Iohn of Brettony Count of Pointivers his son-in-sonne-in-law This Iohn together with his brother Guy was taken prisoner by Iohn Shandois in the battell of Antroy the yeare 1364. The French seconding Charles of Bloys father to the two young brethren who died in that battell and the English Iohn Montford both of them pretenders to the Dukedome of Bretanny they gave unto him this money in colour that he should goe into Ireland to take possession of such lands as the King had there given him but in effect to separate him from him barring him of all delay they prefixt unto him Easter for his departure from England This was the price at which they thought to have purchased his absence but neither did he see Ireland nor was the King likely to lose his company if Fortune did not deprive him of it This Parliament ended with the giving of one Subsidy which was alotted to Richard Earle of Arundell to be spent at sea where having done considerable actions accompanied with the Earle of Nottingham he gave to the Duke and others further occasion of hatred whereby to suppresse those vertues which in well-governed Common-wealths use to be rewarded so to incite others to the service of their Countrey by the bait of emulation and honour a dismall signe of corruption the bringer in of vice and forerunner of ruine The Parliament was no sooner ended but the King returned to London retooke the Earle of Suffolke to his former favour who as one condemned ought not to have been permitted to have seene the King nor have come where he was he anuld all that was decreed against him conniving onely at this that the office of Chancellor should remaine in the Bishop of Ely upon whom it was conferred And to the end that matters of scandall might never be wanting to the favorites and that their insolencies might witnesse to the world the supreame power they had over him he suffered the Duke of Ireland to do one act of scandall the which distasted all men The Duke amongst the chiefest of his honours married Phillep the daughter of Ingram Guisnes Lord of Consi and Isabel daughter of Edward the third cosen to the King a great and noble Lady by her owne deserts as well as birth not moved thereunto by any inciting cause but his owne pleasure he resolved to repudiate her that hee might marry one Ancerona a Bohemian a Carpenters daughter who came into England in the Queens service It is to be beleeved that he had not taken her had not Richard adhered to him and the dispensation of Vrban the sixth had not been obtained without the Regall countenance there being no lawfull cause for the putting her away although it was the easilier gotten for that the Dutches Phillep being a Frenchwoman adhered to the schisme of Clement of Avignion So that it is no wonder if the King were not generally beloved of his people since that to second the Dukes unlawfull humours hee put no valuation upon himselfe The Duke of Gloster was herewithall soundly netled neither did he cloake his anger though to declare himselfe therein was not agreeable to the rules of wisedome for an open enemy puts himselfe to too much disadvantage Easter the prefixed time for the journey into Ireland was come and gone the world was to be satisfied He delayed the time under the colour of making preparations but not able to put it off any longer he departed and together with him the King who went as hee gave out to accompany him to the Sea side Being come to Bristow they did not put to Sea but leaving it on the left hand passed forward into Wales as if the people had forgotten the journey to Ireland Trickes and devices the more scandalous and unseasonable for that they argued some strange alteration The authoritie of the governours troubled his quiet and the advantage that they had got upon Regall authority threatned his ruine they coveted to secure themselves from them for neither did the Duke intend to goe into Ireland nor the King to part with him nor the Archbishop of York to stand the shock of universall hatred nor the Earle of Suffolk to return to the censure of the Parliament nor Trisillian nor Bambre to give an account of their past actions Whereupon finding themselves in great danger they agreed that it was impossible for them to subsist without ridding them out of the way who were onely able to undoe them A wicked resolution but now necessary since they were come to that passe as nothing but extreams could worke their safety The difficulty of the businesse lay in the making away of Gloster Arundell Warwicke Nottingham and Darby eldest sonne to the Duke of Lancaster who hitherto hath not been named though the first subject of our Story They had likewise proscribed many others with whom they might not have done amisse to have temporized but all delayes were to them dangerous and treacheries framed formerly against Gloster made it impossible for them to compasse their ends by the same meanes The law was thought the safest way and the more masked the safer Many there were who had followed the King not so much out of respect and to claw the favourite as for that the aire of London under the blast of the thirteene not tempered by the propitious breath of Regality was thought pestilentiall They all seemed to make
having no sonnes adopted the sonne of his Lord Steward which he never would have done had there beene any Law Salique Dagobert the second left two sonnes behinde him and yet a Fryer was taken out of a Monastery and Crowned by the name of Chilpericus the second Charles Martellus deposed him put Dagoberts two sonnes into a Cloister and made Coltarius the fourth be Crowned who being afterwards deposed the two brothers reigned Kings one after another Pipin deposed Childericus and made himselfe King though no Prince of the bloud and come of a bastard Many other examples are passed over which happened amongst the Kings of this first race contrary to this Law in successions hereditance and last wills and Testaments In the second race Lewis the stammerer was succeeded by Lewis and Charlemaine both bastards and the latter by another Lewis whether brother or sonne to Charlemaine it is not knowne This man was succeeded by Charles the great King of Bavaria and Emperour but being deposed by the Dutch from being Emperour and by the French from being King Odone Duke of Angiers of the house of Saxony was substituted in his place Charles the simple being deposed and his sonne Lewis being together with his mother fled into England Rowland of Burgony obtained the Crowne Lastly Hughe Capet having taken the succession from Charles Duke of Lorraine second sonne to the last mentioned Lewis which fled into England having thence the name of beyond-sea Lewis brother to Lotarius and Uncle to Lewis the fifth the last King of that race leaveth it to our choice to thinke what we please of that Law No mention is made of any women in these two races because the case in their behalfe was not met withall but say the case had been found and that by reason of the rigorous practice of the Law women have not dared to pretend unto the Crowne by the same reason those who had beene excluded would not have dared to have made any such pretence if the institution of the Law had beene thus put in practice Neither would Iane daughter to Lewis Hutin have dared to pretend unto the Crowne had there been any such thing as the Law Salique But if there be any argument which proves the falshood of this Law t is the confusion of writers who neither agree in the name nor in the author nor in the place where it was made A moderne writer will not have it called the Salique but the Gallique Law The more ancient writers denominate it from the River Sala from the latin word Sal contrary to the putrifaction or from the French word Sale which is the Hall or Palace of a Prince Some make the ancient Dukes and Councellors in Germany the authors of it And some Faramond in France so as they leave us nothing of certainty whereas a fundamentall Law ought to be certaine and not imaginary in its foundation They produce some reasons to justifie this Law which no waies appertaine thereunto whereof three are the chiefest That the Crowne may be established in its owne Nation by the exclusion of strangers That Posthumes may be reverenced even in their mothers wombe and notwithstanding their infancy made Kings and that nature affects the masculine inheritance which was the cause why the Jewes permitted no succession to women The first reason would surely be good if together with its utility it were likewise just if the Law had beene made in the beginning of the Monarchy or in a time when it had not beene to any one injurious there could be nothing said against it but being sprung up in an instant never written nor spoken of before it becomes very bad not onely as false but as fained to the prejudice of naturall heires and the utility thereof proves the injustice since what is usefull and what is just if not alwaies are for the most part contraries Lawes were instituted to curbe unhonest utility which if suffered there would be no safe commerce nor living in the world The second reason is in part superfluous in part false superfluous because yonger brothers though Posthumes are preferred before their elder sisters even in those Kingdomes where women do inherit false because betweene Lewis the stammerer and Charles the simple who was his Posthume there reigned foure Kings Lewis and Charlemaine both bastards another Lewis and Charles the great which proves it not true that they are made Kings notwithstanding their infancy The third containes two points that the masculine inheritance is according to nature and that the Jewes did never at any time permit inheritance to women The one and the other false They confound nature and her institutions with fortune and the institutions of civill Laws taking nature otherwise then she ought to be taken for she ought to bee considered in her pure principall not in the accidents which doe accompany her then thus considered nature cannot were she thereunto willing exclude the female sex from inheriting since shee hath no other forme of government then what concernes the father of a family Moreover women being conceived borne and brought up as are men it was never his intent who made them equall in generation to make them inferiour in conservation which he should doe if the goods of fortune by meanes whereof we live after the introducing of civill Lawes and the municipall Lawes whereby they are differently regulated depended upon nature so as who doth exclude them doth it by vertue of these Lawes as are likewise in divers places excluded the second borne though men That the Jewes did not permit inheritance to women is likewise false read the 27. Chapter of Numbers where you will finde God said unto Moses The daughters of Zelophead spoke right and that he should give them a possession of inheritance among their fathers brethren and that he should speake unto the children of Israel saying If a man dye and have no son then ye shall cause his inheritance to passe unto his daughter and if hee have no daughter then ye shall give his inheritance unto his brethren and if he have no brethren then ye shall give his inheritance unto his fathers brethren and if his father have no brethren then ye shall give his possession unto his kinsman that is next unto him of his family Moreover Jesus Christ was the sonne of David according to the flesh by the womans side not the mans The Archbishop having with these and the like demonstrations made good the pretence to France and consequently the warre he added three examples which argue against the antiquity of this Law Pepin and Hughe Cappet to make their usurpation justifiable endeavoured to prove their descents the one from Betilda daughter to Clotarius the first the other from Lingarda daughter to Charlemaine and Saint Lewis had never peace of minde till such time as he was certified that Isabell his grandmother by the mothers side was the lawfull heire of Emendarda daughter
assaults and the number of the besieged if not more at least as many as hee hee raised the siedge whereupon the Regent was forced to goe thither himselfe with 6000. men hee fortified himselfe in a great Parke neare unto the Walls hee threw a bridge over the Marne His Canon playd where it was requisite to make breaches for an assault hee to his losse assaulted the place which was defended by Guermede Fanculdus and Reynald of Saint Iohn all brave Gentlemen Hee for all this slacked not his raine but was resolv'd to winne it if not by sword by famine on the other side Charles knowing how much it imported dispatcht away a succour of 6000. men with great store of victualls under the conduct of the Bastard of Orleans Monsieur de Rieux Marishall of France Iohn Straigle brother to Potone Stephen de Vignolles surnamed la Hira Roderigo Villandras a Spaniard Monsieur de Coulant Admirall of France and Gaucourt Governour of Daupheny these Gentlemen made a proud appearance at their first comming the Regent kept himselfe within his fortifications not suffering any one to goe forth the next day hee sent to offer them battaile they deny it and say that being drawne forth to skirmish many of the French were hurt slaine and taken prisoners amongst the which Iohn Straigle for one but that the besieged sallying forth and the English fighting with them the French set upon them behind and defeated them entring the Citie with victualls and that Bedford comming forth to hinder them the businesse was so intricate as that the one knew not the other in so much as the heat being very great it was on Saint Laurence his day many being suffocated in their armor the Regent in all hast was glad to save himselfe within his Parke that Gaucourt entring the Citie the next day and the other Captaines having made a bridge of boates over Marne they passed over into the Isle of France and tooke many Forts there so as the Duke fearing to loose Paris by reason of the peoples bad inclination raised the siedge in all hast leaving his Engines Provisions and Pavillions behind him and was pursued by the besieged who slew a great number of his men and tooke many prisoners returning backe to the City rich in Armes and Horses Dupleix more then the rest is pleased to adde unto the good or bad according to his love or hatred sayes that hee rise as shamefully from before Laigni as Iohn de Luxenburg did from before Compaigne and that being valiantly assaulted by the Constable Richmont hee readily passed over the River and shut himselfe up in Paris As for Compaigne judgement may be made by what is to bee alledged how equivocall and full of malice the comparison is For the Constable no man names him but Chartier who though a Writer that lived in those dayes hath as some that live in these dayes his oppositors And if hee say that Bedford did returne to Paris hee concludes not that hee shut himselfe up there for to returne and to shut one selfe up are too much differing tearmes For what remaineth I meane not to use the authority of any of the English Authours though with all just men their authority ought to bee as much credited as what the French say I alledge Monstrelet as a neuter though by Country language and faction hee bee to bee reputed French his words are these The Duke prepared to fight with the French who came upon him and that hee might the better doe it hee sent for men out of other places that were under him Hee then sent some of his officers to signifie to the French that hee was ready to fight with them notwithstanding all their aydes if they would appoint a day for that purpose To the which they made no answere save that with the grace of God they would at their leasure and when they should best thinke fitting accomplish their enterprise And afterwards describing his retreate to Paris hee saith hee afterwards assembled his people and marched to where the Frenchmen were to offer them battle once more but their answere was as before they had done what they came for The English doe not deny that hee raysed the siege fearing least otherwise hee might lose Paris but not driven away nor in flight They say hee offered battle which the French affirme not nor will suffer others to affirme it that hee continued his siege after the enemy was gone that hee retired not for that a fictious constable made him shamefully passe over the Marne but because the reason of Warre would have him so to doe that hee went to Paris to secure himselfe thereof not to shut himselfe up that hee defied the enemy the second time that hee fayled not in the duty of a good Souldier and if hee met with evill fortune so long as it was not through cowardize which is that which Dupleix would insinuate malice it selfe hath not where withall to defame him The ill successe of Laigni was in some sort recompensed by the retaking of Valery which was not long before taken by the French the opposers were Peter de Luxenburg Count de Saint Paul the Lord Willoughby the Defendants Messieurs de Voucourt de la Torre and de Verseil But after three weekes stout defence they yeelded their horses and baggage saved the Towne soone after lost two thirds of her inhabitants by reason of a contagious pestilence caused by the corruption of the victualls they had eaten This was the last of the Count Saint Pauls actions Hee dyed neere to Blangi when having set downe his time to bee at the Chasteau de Monchas and taken order for the siege of Rembarres hee was seized upon by one of those indispositions which nature sends us when shee pretends to claime from us what wee owe her His obsequies were solemniz'd in the Metropolitan Cities of both the Kingdomes as to the Duke of Bedfords Father in Law His sonne Lewis succeeded him both in title and possessions a yong man not then above 15. yeares old who growne to riper years served for a witnesse that cunning woven with infidelity and dissimulation hath alwayes beene mortall for having forsaken England and being by Charles the eleventh created Constable he ended his life by the Hangmans hand for having beene unfaithfull to him in his service The French fayled not to doe all the mischiefe they could La Hire accompanied by many Gentlemen and by 1500. Souldiers tooke Somme and therein a great number of Prisoners by whose ransoms the Souldiers did better maintaine themselves than by their pay Hee afterwards divided them and sent part of them into the Country of Cambrey where they assayled Haspre a great concourse of people being come thither by reason of free feast They set upon it at unawares and tooke some Prisoners affording leasure for such as were of better condition to save themselves within a great and strong Tower so as having sack't the Towne burn't the Church
his comming desired him that he would rest himselfe in Sir Thomas Trenchards house till such time as they might advertise the King of his being there to which he gave way being certaine that otherwise they would not have suffered him to depart When Henry heard hereof hee sent the Earle of Arundell by way of complement unto him and to let him know that he Himselfe would presently come and visit him But Philip fearing lest if he should waite his comming his stay would be too long resolved to goe Himselfe to Henry making his Queene come at leisure after him He was met six miles from Windsor by Prince Henry and One mile from thence by the King who received him with all terms of Honour and Friendship He treated with him of the marriage of their Children and of his owne marrying with Margaret the Dowager of Savoy Philips sister he renewed all Confederacies made between them the preceding years which were Then made with him by the name of Arch-duke Philip Duke of Burgundy Now by the name of King of Spaine they had better successe for the English then had the former especially in the Fishing-busines at which the Flemmings were much offended he with much adoe obtained the person of the Earle of Suffolke who lived under the protection of Philip Henry knew so well how to perswade him by passing his Word he would not put him to Death that Philip sent for him into Flanders the one desiring to have him before the other departed and the other not to depart till he were arrived that it might be beleeved he had beene Enforced to deliver him up Assoone as the Earle was come and put in the Tower Philip departed England and was received in Spaine without any manner of Resistance Ferdinand totally quitting the Government to him but he enjoy'd it but for a while for he dyed soone after The Englishmen will have it that his death was Prognosticated by the Fall of a golden Eagle which standing upon the top of Pauls steeple was blowne downe by the same wind which drave him into Waymouth and brake downe a signe in the Church-yard wherein was a blacke Eagle Ferdinand being call'd for and entreated by the Kingdome returned to the Government thereof this Death of her Husband having so opprest the fancie of the Queen his daughter as she was never after good for any thing not without suspition that her Father did not greatly endeavour her Recovery that so he of Himselfe and without Trouble might manage the Scepter of Spaine The Earle of Suffolke being in the Tower Henry was now freed from all manner of Trouble and Molestation so as betaking himselfe to Domesticall affaires he sent Thomas Wolsey he who was Cardinall and of so great Power under Henry the eighth to Maxi milian to treat of the marriage with the fore-named Dowager of Savoy but it tooke no effect by reason of Henrye's indisposition of health which shortly ensued The marriage of Charles King of Spaine with Mary daughter to Henry stirr'd up some jealousies in Ferdinand for though He was the first that had mention'd iâ—… yet his Sonne in Law being Dead and Charles being come to the Crowne he feared he should meet with Two Competitours in the Government with Maximilian as Grand-father and Henry as Father in Law which though neither of them dreamt of yet did He feare it but This match had no better effect then had the Other the tender yeares of the young couple and the alteration of affaires in following times broke it quite off The expectation hereof neverthelesse made Henry live contented the little while he lived for having married One of his daughters to the King of Scotland and the Other to the King of Castile Duke of Burgundy he thought himselfe more safe then if his Kingdome had beene compassed about with a wall of Brasse He the mean while began to draw towards his End the Gout a disease more Troublesome then Mortall was the Fore-runner of a Distillation which falling upon his Lungs brought him into a kind of Consumption which perceiving he began to give himselfe totally to Pious Workes He set all Prisoners at Liberty who were in for Debt of not above Forty shillings hee himselfe paying the Creditours he gave Almes in greater measure then he had done formerly but though hee felt great Remorse at the daily complaints made against Empson and Dudley for their Oppressions yet did hee not seeke to Remedy them His Conscience and his Covetousnesse wrought contrary effects in him many for very slight causes were troubled in their Estates and in their Lives one died in Prison before his cause was heard another being imprisoned for denying to pay what Contrary to the Lawes he was adjudged at was not let out till Henry the eighths time and then Empson was put in his place To make good the usuall custome of promising obedience to New Popes he sent Sir Gilbert Talbot with two other Embassadours to Pope Iulius the second which he had not formerly done though he were created in November 1503. They prest much for the Canonization of Henry the sixth but could not obtaine it for the reason formerly given in the life of Edward the fourth Being dismist by the Pope they carried the Garter and Robes of that Order to Guido Vbaldo Duke of Vrbin whose Father Frederick had likewise had it This Prince sent into England to be installed for him according to the Institutions of that Order the Count Balthasar Castillion he to whom the noblest Courtiers owe so much The finishing of the Hospitall in the Savoy was one of the last of Henries actions he would not alter the name of it this fabrick having beene in former times the habitation of Peter of Savoy Unckle to Eleanor the Wife of Henry the third by whom Peter of Savoy was created Earle of Richmond but he resigned the Earledome when Savoy fell by inheritance to him The Lancastrians lived in this house and King Henry converted it into an Hospitall Besides this he built three Monasteries for the Conventuall Friers of Saint Francis order and three for the Observantines of the same order in divers places When he knew he hee must die he disposed himselfe thereunto Hee had lived almost all his time in Troubles but always with prosperous and happy successe he found the Kingdome involved in Civil wars he left it in a setled Peace his subjects who were impoverisht by the past disorders were notwitstanding his Taxations by reason of his good Government become Rich he did not only free the Crowne out of Debt but left it rich in Treasure his sonne found in Richmond house a Million and eight Hundred Thousand pound sterling so as he was thought the richest Prince in Europe He granted out a Generall Pardon and ordered by his Last Will and Testament that all such monies should bee Repay'd as had unjustly beene levied by his Officers He died at Richmond the twenty second day of Aprill in the year of our Lord 1509 and was buried by his wife in the sumptuous and stately Chapell built by Himselfe in the Abbey Church at Westminster He lived two and Fifty years and Reigned three and Twenty Years and Eight moneths The Children which he left behind him were Henry the Eighth his Heir and successor in the Crown Margaret Queen of Scotland from whom the Kings of Great Britaine doe descend and the Prince and Princesses of the Electorall house Palatine and Mary married to Lewis the twelfth King of France by whom having no issue she after his death married Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke by whom she had Henry Earle of Lincolne and two Daughters Frances and Eleanor The Earle dyed without issue in his Fathers life-time Frances was married to Henry Gray Duke of Suffolk and by him had the Lady Iane Gray who being married to Guilford Dudley sonne to the Duke of Northumberland and constrained to call her selfe Queene was beheaded in Queene Maries time she had by him moreover two Other daughters Katharine and Mary who dyed without issue Eleanor was married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland by whom she had a daughter named Margaret who was married to Henry Stanley Earle of Darby and had by him two sons Ferdinando and William both of them in succession one of the other Earles of Darby Earle William dyed this present yeare 1642. leaving his sonne Iames behind him to inherit his Honours and his Estate The End of the Second and Last volume of the Civil Wars of England betweene the two Houses of Yorke and Lancaster FINIS Richard the 2. 1386. 1387. 1388. 1383. 1390. 1391. 1393. 1394. 1395 1396 1397. Henry the 4. A description of the Isle of Wight 1403 1404 1405 1406 1407 1408 1409 1410 1411 1412 1413 Henry the 5. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. and 8. 9 10 11 12 13 1416 1417 1418 1420 1421 Henry the 6. Apoc Cap 4o. 1422 1424. 1425. 1426. 1428. 1429. 1432. 1435. Philippopolis Andrenopolis Serviae Bulgaria Vallatchia Di. Bittinia in Thracia Di. Brusia in Andrinopoli Alavenente 3. Mascone Impatronato La Castellania Parteggiati Il trombetta Sangate 1424. 1438. 1442. 1433. 1445. 1446 1447. 1448. 1450. 1452. 1453. 1454. 1455. 1456. 1458. 1459. 1460. 1466. 1470 1472. 1473. 1474. 1475. 1476 1477 1478 1479 1480 1481 1482 1483 1485. 1485 1483 1486 1487 1488 1490 1491 1492 1493 1494 1495 1496 1496 1498. 1499 1501 1503 1504 1505 1506 1507 1508 1509
more really performe then did he his threats which with feare-infusing forces are of no validity They did as it were beleager him in the tower for the Thames being well guarded and they themselves making good the Citie he had no possible meanes of making an escape whereby perceiving the vanity of his owne opinion he yeelded to the advice of others necessity being the chiefe motive But it was impossible to bring them together for neither would hee come out of the Tower nor they enter for fear of the like treacheries as in a lesse proper place they had not long before had experience of at last feare found the meanes he propounded unto them to send men who might search the Tower with the which contented they sent two hundred armed men who having searched every corner received the keyes of the gates and so secured their entry Their complements were short and coole as was to be expected in a businesse of such nature They first shewed him the Letters written under his owne hand to the Duke of Ireland upbraiding him with the breach of his private promise and publique faith publiquely proclaimed but at the sight of his safe conduct for France which in the second place they shewed him he grew pale and not knowing what to say in his defence burst forth into teares That which was then resolved upon was that he would the next day cometo Westminster to take order for his past misgovernment He would have had them lodge in the Tower with him but they excused themselves upon the necessity of their being present with their men For his satisfaction Darby and Nottingham tarried there At night when hee retired to his rest those who were nearest about him wished him to consider that to goe to Westminster would be both shamefull and dangerous whilst they considered not that where honour is in question shame consists not in the eyes but in the minde which could penetrate the thickest walls and that he could not meet with greater danger by comming forth since he had already put himselfe into the hands of his most hated enemies But according to his custome imbracing the worst counsell he refused to goe to Westminster at which the Barons thinking themselves deluded they sent him word that if he would not come they would chuse a new King in his stead A more considerable shame and danger then was the quitting of the Tower and the doing of what of himselfe as King he ought unintreated to have done Yet all these errours considered there is no law which permits subjects to make so insolent a protestation Hitherto their actions had been in some sort justifiable the States necessity excused what of violence they had formerly used but to use such tearmes to a young King as ought onely to be used to an old incorrigible Tyrant they had neither law for their justification nor reason for their excuse since they were chosen Governours for the conservation not extirpation of the King and Regall Majesty but though God was pleased that his inconstancie should be punished by this affront and that like a childe he should be frighted with the noise of the rod hee was not notwithstanding pleased that they should hate that in him which they loved in themselves that they should fall from justice to severity and from a juridicall government to tyranny so as both sides having offended it is no wonder if all of them in their due times did receive alike punishment The King being by threats brought to Westminster this proposition was made unto him that in consideration of many disorders which had happened to the prejudice of his honour and the good government of the Kingdome by the infidelity of certaine traytors that were too familiarly about him to the end that more the like might not ensue hee would bee pleased that they might bee banished the Court and his presence To the which he bereaved of all acts of will especially such as tended to contradiction did much against his will give consent grieving that hee was to lose their company who hee intirely loved and esteemed his onely faithfull advisers the chiefe of these were three Prelates The Archbishop of Yorke the Bishop of Durham his Treasurer and the Bishop of Chichester his Confessor Three Barons Zouch Burnel and Beamont five Knights many Ladies and Gentlewomen To boot with their banishment they were to give in bond for their appearing at the next Parliament to answer to such things as should be alledged against them Of the three Bishops Yorke and Chichester were freed from this ingagement for they were formerly fled Many others of all conditions were imprisoned Priests Gentlemen and Lawyers of the which the most considerable were Simon Burle and Nicholas Bambre The day appointed for Parliament being come and the Judges having tane their seats they were all one onely excepted committed to prison for that in the preceding Parliament they had given their votes for the legitimacy of the election of the governours and in the Castle at Nottingham had subscribed to the Articles of Trisilian to the contradiction of what they had formerly done Those who had absented themselves were cited to appeare The Duke of Ireland the Archbishop of Yorke Earle of Suffolke and Trisilian were summoded to answer to such Articles of Treason as should bee objected unto them by Gloster Darby Arundel and Nottingham and that in case they did not appeare during the sitting of that Parliament which continued from the Purification to Pentecost they should be for ever banished and their goods confiscated Trisilian relying more upon his warinesse then a wary man ought to doe was betrayed by one of his servants and taken in a house neare the Parliament whither with confidence he had retired himselfe that he might the better discover the daily passages He had the face to deny himselfe having so transformed himselfe as he was almost not to be knowne After much mockery he was hanged Bambre who was his companion in actions was the like in fortune hee had his head strucken off with a hatchet which hee himselfe had caused be made to behead a number of people whose names were found in a list about him Many others went the same way But the death of Simon Burle was thought lesse justifiable then all the rest This Simon was nobly borne Iohn his father was Knight of the Garter and his Uncle Walter Burle was one of the first to whose charge Edward the third trusted the education of his sonne Edward with whom this Simon being brought up under his Uncle he proved so full of worth as the Prince thought hee could not commit the government of his sonne Richard to a more deserving man A choice not to be sleighted being made by such a Prince In this his charge he knew so well how to comply with Richards inclination as that when he came to the Crowne he raised him to great honour making him Knight of the Garter Chamberlaine Warden of
of the Prince and so to lose together with their wealth their reputation which in so great a losse ought to bee kept unspotted for the dignity of their profession and not to give a colour of reason to the wrong they were to receive Every one thought the Kings warlike inclination would bee the Canon which should batter them to pieces but hee not having as yet made choyce of an enemy warre with France would be of a vaste expence Scotland was neerer hand and easier to bee invaded Iames the first their King being prisoner in England they thought that his pretentions to the Crowne of France as most proportionate to the greatnesse of his minde would serve for an argument and that by perswading him to that enterprise they should stay the proposition which was to be made against them The Parliament being met the Archbishop of Canterbury a Chertosin Monke failed not in a well ordered speech opportunely to propound it his principall heads were the equity of his Majesties pretentions the honour of the King the reputation of the State and the occasions now offered of making it feasable by reason of the troubles that Kingdome was in In the first he shewed how the King was the naturall ancient heire of Normandy Angier Poictou Umena and Gascony of all which he now possessed onely a little part of Gascony That being heire to Edward the third hee was likewise heire to France otherwise the title which he thereof assumed would be unjust He declamed against the Salique Law as invented in those dayes onely to exclude England no mention being made thereof in Chronicles or other memorialls but since I cannot give you the very words the story necessary requires me to shew you the Law in a rough draught to the end that you may examine the late undertakings of Edward the third or the present ones of this Henry against that Kingdome be justifiable or no. Edward the second King of England married Isabell daughter to Philip the faire King of France Philip besides this his daughter Isabell left three sonnes Lewis Hutin Philip the long and Charles the faire all which reigned Kings one after another and though Lewis left a daughter named Iane and his wife with child of a sonne which soone after dyed and that Odone Duke of Burgony Uncle by the mother side to Iane did what in him lay to make her succeede unto her father yet Philip the long her Uncle who was crowned in Rheims whilst armed and the gates shut having then foure daughters did by marriage appease those Princes who did oppose him giving his eldest daughter to this Duke of Burgony together with the County of Burgony the which by her mother did belong to the said Iane and to Lewis Count of Eureux the most poteâ—… Prince of all the adversaries hee gave the same Iane and for her portion the Kingdome of Navarre the County of Brye and Shampania so as the businesse thus layed asleepe and he afterwards dying Charles succeeded him not interrupted by Iane since her giving way to her other Uncle passed as a ruled case Charles dyed leaving his wife with child Edward the third King of England who was neerest of bloud as borne of Isabell sister to these three Kings pretended to the regency in case the child the Queen went withall should live if otherwise to the Crown On the other side Philip Count of Vallois sonne to Châ—…rles who was brother to Philip the faire made the like pretence as neerest heire male alledging that the Law Salique which did exclude the women did likewise exclude such sonnes as were by them borne Whereupon the three States gathered together Philip got the regencie and the Queen Dowager bringing but a daughter the Kingdome Edward alledged in his behalfe that this law was never knowne till then and then invented to defraude him of succession no mention being made thereof in the memory of man nor by any whatsoever ancient Authentique writer That to give it a being when it had none and cause it to rise up in one night like a mushrome was likely not onely not to give it a subsistence but also to make it not to be credited That hee did not deny the succession of the male in all times past but that the succession of the female sex had not hapned to the Crowne till these present times That the relinquishment made by Iane to her owne prejudice and pursued without his consent or knowledge ought not to prejudice him nor ought it be concluded that shee having laide aside her claime to the prejudice of a third the third should likewise quit his claime to the prejudice of succession That she had yeelded by force being doubly betrayed by her Uncle that he migâ—…t usurpe the Country of Burgony and by her husband that he might make himselfe King of Navarre both of them being contented with the certainty of this gaine the hopes which they might promise unto themselves by warre being uncertaine and of lesse account That if the Law were fundamentall as they would have it beleeved to be it would not have beene violated in the two first races That in the first race the French writers made a doubt whether Morevius were the sonne of Claudian or not and that if he were not his son it is to be beleeved say they that hee was his next a kin which is as much as to conjecture the one and doubt of the other They affirme him to have succeeded not so much by vertue of the Lawes as by the free election of the States not being aware that the terme free election doth contradict the Law Salique it being impossible that there should bee any sort of election much lesse free where the Lawes doe determine an undoubted successour otherwise one of two inconveniencies would necessarily ensue either that the election should annull the Law or the Law make the election superfluous the next in bloud all others excluded being by the Law without election appointed to the Crowne That it cannot be denyed that when Childericus was driven out of the Kingdome Aegidius a Citizen of Rome was chosen King and that his sonne Siagrius after the death of Childericus who was received as King again did pretend unto the Crowne by vertue of his fathers election which he never would have done had there beene such a Law to oppugne him Clodoveus left foure sonnes of which one was a bastard they were all called Kings not onely of such proportions as was left unto them by their father but of all France whilst the Law Salique supposeth but one King and doth not admit of bastards Dagobert left the Crowne of France to Clodoveus the second his younger son and to Sigisbert his eldest sonne the Kingdome of Austracia without any manner of dispute whilest that the Law Salique aimes not so much at the exclusion of women as to the advantage the first borne sonne should have over the younger The same Sigisbert
could not bee withstood but by a field battle came forth of Paris with 10000. English and some few Norman troopes When hee was come to Brie hee writ by a Herauld to Charles that his pretensions which had caused so great mortality and mischiefe to the people being contrary to all lawes especially to the agreement made betweene Henry the fifth and Charles the sixth and the Kingdome of France hee was came out of Paris to prove them unjust that therefore if hee would chuse the place hee was ready to give him battle where ever it were Charles accepted the invitation at least seemed so to doe the Armies presented themselves in sight one of the other neare to Senlis they stayed there the space of two dayes and two nights making onely some little skirmishes each indeavouring to get the advantage over the other but the English having secured themselves behind that they might not bee surprised for Charles was by much the greater number especially in horse and the French not willing to venture upon one battle what they had wonne and what they had to winne by the devotion of sueh as dayly came over to them and the Maide councelling sometimes to fight sometimes otherwise they retreated face to face and Bedford return'd to Paris doubting the Citizens loyaltie This retreat is diversly reported by Authours this which I haue said is according to Monstrelot The English affirme that Charles retreated by night as not willing to hazard a battle nor yet willing to tarry longer for feare of incurring the name of Coward Belleforest on the other side sayes that Bedford did not passe Melune where examining the turne of the wheele hee resolved like a wise Prince not to wrestle against fortune leaving Charles Master of the field Giles brings him to Brie neare to the Towne called Motta de Nangis where hearing that the King expected him hee durst goe no further but fled away with his Army to Paris Hallian encamps him so much to the advantage as that the King was advised not to fight with him and that therefore the next day hee returned to Paris Chesnes having registred the long letter of defiance sent by Bedford to Charles addes but as such letters were fuller of bravadoes and passion then of desire to fight so the Duke of Bedford being come neare to Charles not farre from Senlis durst not give him battle but shamefully sounded a retreat which afforded the King leasure to lead his Army towards Champagnia these foure Authours are of foure severall opinions in this history The first will not have Bedford passe Melune the second brings him to Brie the one making him wise the other a Coward the third making him wise by well intrenching himselfe whereupon he was advised to retire the fourth brings him neare to Charles but arming him with Thraso's Army makes him a braggard and runne-away Dupleix confronts the two Armies with an opinion of fighting though some skirmishes onely insued wherein about 300. of both sides were slaine Hee sayes that the English intrench't themselves to much to the advantage against the French-horse that the Councell and Iane her selfe advised not to set upon them whilest they the meane while were sure not to stirre forth for feare of being fought withall that the English say Charles retired by night for feare of being inforced to fight where on the contrary side it was likelier that it was not hee who formerly forbore to fight because he went with banners displayd directly towards Paris where the English might advantagiously have given him battle all the Country thereabouts being at their command to witnesse what he sayes hee in the Margent cites Monstrelet and Chartier Monstrelet sayes they did skirmish but not that the English durst not come forth of their trenches for they could not otherwise skirmish Hee adds that they were so well intrench't as that they could not bee set upon behinde the French exceeding by much the enemy in number A particular whereof Dupleix speaketh not then if Bedford merit blame for having secur'd himselfe backewards to the great disadvantage of those that should fight with him what doth Charles deserve who with so much a greater number durst not confront him whilest unintrench'd hee stood ready to receiue him so as it was not cowardise in the one not to permit all aduantages to the adversary so not to fight because all were not permitted him was no signe of much valour in the other Monstrelet doth not say that Iane advised not to set upon the enemy but that shee was various in her opinion advising sometimes to fight sometimes not a witnesse rather that shee was any thing els then what by his owne testimony shee was reputed But I wonder at nothing more then that Dupleix should quote Chartier who writes all things contrary to what hee sayes Chartier brings the two Armies face to face within the shoote of a Culverin for one whole day together without either hedge or thorne betweene them that is any thing whereby to fortifie them or to detaine them they not having according to his account sufficient time to fortifie themselves Hee sayes Charles was the first that left the field and then Bedford Charles that very night went to Crespus and the next night to Compaignes where hee sayes hee stayed 8. dayes if Charles went first away Bedford fled not that hee departed by night is more likely by the English Histories which affirme hee did so to shun fighting then the likelyhoods affirmed by Dupleix grounded upon his fained voyage to Paris which none other writes off Chesnes and Chartier say plainely that hee went to Compaignes where if hee tarryed 8. dayes Bedford could not with advantage give him battle in a Country which was at his command and disposall as hee would have it My opinion amongst the diversity of so many which if they could bee credited should bee conformable is that the Duke if Charles had not gone his wayes would have fought though upon whatsoever disaduantage For the English covet battle at all times and in all warres as well forraine as civill they are by nature firme to their resolves as are their cockes and dogs which suddenly fall to and give not over but by death or want of breath but say this was not the reason which eggd them on to battle since that the French forces increas'd by temporising and theirs decreased Charles on the other side had no reason to fight least by an irrationall hazard hee might breake the course of his victory one battle being able to ruinate him so as holding fortune in his fist by pursuing her hee had no reason to give her occasion to forsake him by tempting her too much The Duke of Bedford seeing that the state of affaires required briske resolutions writ to his Brother desiring to use all meanes possible to send him over some Souldiers for without speedy helpe his affaires in France were in great danger These Letters came unto the King just as
Countreys I have seeâ—… the relicks of that Victory If my memory deceive me not there is upon the brink of the Lake a Chappel neer unto which lies a great heap of dead mens bones but there having perished in the Battel Eighteen thousand and as some will have it Two and twenty thousand methought those bones though very many were not answerable to so great a number Here I was like wise told and the place was shewed me where Charles on horseback swam over the Lake and where one of his Footmen fastning himself to his Masters horses tail assoon as he came â—…n shore was by Charles slain for having endangered his drowning since 't was sufficient for a horse to swim so far with an armed man upon his back without the dragging another at his tail But I meet not with this relation in any History He retired himself to Rivieres upon the confines of Burgundy where he lived secretly six weeks in which time the Duke of Lorrein being come to the Siege of Nanci the Town was surrendered to him two days before Charles came thither from whom they had demanded succour and expected his coming till the last minute The Duke of Lorrein who found himself weak would not contest with him but leaving him to besiege the Town again retired himself for aid to the Switzers from whom he had forthwith what he desired for King Lewis paid to him Fourty thousand Franks for this end and many French came Voluntiers to him with this Army he came to S. Nicholas Two Leagues distant from Nanci in the coldest Winter-season that had been known many yeers before Charles his Army was in a very bad condition and became yet worse when the Count de Campo Basso a Neopolitan and of the Aniovin-Faction and therefore banished that Kingdom had relinquished him having had intelligence long before with the Duke of Lorrein but when he would with his men have come over the Switzers abhorring the assotiation of a Traytor would not admit of him Charles seeing his affairs brought to so bad an exigent contrary to his custom listned after the opinion of others he was advised not to fight since his men were few and no ways valiant he not having upon a true Muster Twelve hundred good men they advised him to retire to Pont-Mousson since the Duke of Lorrein being onely able to victual the Town for a small time and the Switzers being likely to depart for want of pay he might with a better choice of men return thither the next Spring A most excellent counsel had he embraced it but he would fight The Conflict was short a handful of men wearied with a Siege disheartned by former Defeats and by the present unadvisednesse the readier now again to be defeated many of them were cut in pieces many fled away and but few of them were saved the Duke endeavoured to save himself but was slain in his flight wounded twice by the Pike and once by the Halberd he was rifled and left naked not known by any one save some-while after by a Page of his by certain private marks for it was impossible to know him by his face The circumstances of this Defeat are at large set down by Commines and the French Writers to whom I refer my self I may perchance touch upon something again in its proper place whilst returning for the present to our Story we shall meet with a Tragicall adventure no lesse strange nor compassionate then what we have but now heard The Duke of Clarence second brother to King Edward a Prince of greater spirit then did become a brother and a subject ended his days in the Tower leaving it to dispute whether his death were occasioned through his own default or through the Malice of his enemies for though he were condemned by ordinary course of Justice yet was there not any one full fault found in him so as it was thought there was nothing of Justice in it more then the name and that Malice was indeed that which took away his life Three things were of most consideration in this affair The Kings Suspition The Queens Hatred and Suspition and His own Fault which was not sufficient to have condemned him had it not been for the former Two His having rebelled made Confederacie with the Earl of Warwick and contracted Alliance with him to bereave his brother of the Kingdom were faults which though they were old and freely forgotten 't was feared that his old inclinations laid aside more in respect of his own concernment then out of reason or love to his brother might be reassumed by him and he thereunto provoked by pretence of the Agreement made at Paris that he should succeed unto the Crown if Henry the sixth his Heirs should fail as already they had done This consideration wounded the Queen to the very soul she thought that if her husband should die before her her children should not succeed to their father she was confirmed in this opinion by a Prophecie I know not how divulged That G should be the first letter of his name that should succeed Edward and the Duke of Clarence his name being George 't was thought he should be the Butcherer of Edwards sons which Gloucester afterwards proved to be With such like equivocations doth the devil delude our simplicity if it be granted that he knows any thing of what is to come To these were other reasons added which made the former the more suspected his having pretended to marry Mary the onely daughter to the late Duke of Burgundy and indeed he had written to that effect to the Dowager Dutchesse who was mother-in-mother-in-law to the said Mary but the Queen crossed him therein and did what in her lay to have her married to her brother the Earl Rivers so as their distastes and the Kings jealousies were augmented But the imputations which gave some colour to the justification of this his death were That he caused a rumour to be raised among the people that Thomas Burdet was unjustly put to death That the King used Necromancy and Poyson to bring such as he hated to their ends That Edward was a Bastard and not begotten by the Duke of York That he had procured many to swear obedience to him and his Heirs not reserving the due obedience he ought unto his Brother and That he had pretended to the Crown by vertue of the Contract made with Henry the sixth These Accusations being brought into the Parliament and by the Parliament judged guilty thereof he was condemned to die and chose as the easiest death to be drowned in a Butt of Malmsey But howsoever 't was generally thought that the malice of his enemies the Queens and her kinreds fears and the Kings jealousie were the causes of his so miserable end of the which Edward did afterwards repent insomuch as when he pardoned the life of any at the importunacie of some one or other he was wont to say O my unfortunate brother that
apprehends nothing but that he should escape his hands Shee affirmed for a truth that she never had any thought of sending him elsewhere not but that she would willingly have done it had she knowne any place of more safety but for that she thought no place could be so secure as the Sanctuary having never heard of any so diabolicall a Tyrant as thought it lawfull to violate it That children were not capable thereof in respect of their want of Will or Fault was an opinion as erroneous as Hellish Innocents being thereby denied the benefit granted to Theeves and Murtherers Did he deny the Danger and pretend it to be Fained She prayd God the Event might not manifest it which should it do all remedies would come too late and be of no use That for what concerned shame it belongeth to those who unjustly do it not to those who undeservedly suffer it To affirme that since Princes do not disport themselves but with children of their Owne Condition and Blood it was requisite the King should have his Brother and that if he should be denied he had cause enough to take him away by Force was a simple reason to allow of Sacriledge who ever saw that young Princes did not more willingly play with their Inferiours then with their Equalls since they seldome or never meete with their Equalls and if ever but for a short time If children nobly borne and others too oftentimes were not admitted to disport themselves with Princes and that Princes should never play but with such as were every way their Equalls Few or None of them would know what belongs to play Comming then to the causes of violating Sanctuaries shee said they were most False For let all be granted that could be alleadged as want of Yeares to Demand it and will to Desire it together with their contraries to wit the faculty of Choyce and Will to Leave it there was no cause why he should be tane from thence against Her will For being by Nature and the Laws voyd of election hee was subject to his Mothers arbitrement whereupon nothing wherewith shee was trusted being to be taken from her under the Priviledge of Sanctuary much lesse her Sonne which was the only cause of her flying thither That if this was not sufficient it might suffice that she was his Guardian The Laws of England allow unto the Mothers the Guardianship of such as hold nothing by Knights service so as having demanded Sanctuary for her selfe she had done it likewise for her Ward which being by the Laws committed to Her charge was not to be taken from her for he not being able to demand it for Himselfe it was Her duty to demand it for him since the Laws deliver over the care of the Person before the oversight of goods goods serving for the use of the person and therefore administred unto by Guardians she could alleadge examples enough of this but her Own example might serve the turne This was not the first time she had taken Sanctuary when the King her Husband was banisht and driven out of the Country she being great with childe had recourse to Sanctuary and was there brought to bed of the now King who was There safe she wisht it might please God his Royall Palace might prove as free from danger to him now that he did Reigne as was that place then although an Enemy King did Reigne who might have made use of such suppositions as Now were made use of but did not so as being warranted by the Lawes of the Land which together with the Lawes of Nature gave unto her the oversight of her children and by the Divine Law which did priviledge Sanctuaries and the Sanctuary her Sonne she was resolved since the Eldest was out of her power to keep the Younger for if the unckle had Both of them and both of them should chance to miscarry he might the easilier pretend unto the Crown notwithstanding his Neeces were between him and home the which afforded her just occasion of Feare for since the Lawes inhibite the Guardianship of a Ward to such as are Next Heires though but to a small Revenew how much more when a Kingdome is the inheritance The Cardinall perceiving her to wax Hot and likely to say more then he would have her answered Hee was not come to argue with her that he demanded the Duke of Yorke from her whom if shee would deliver up to him and the rest of the Lords that were there present he would pawne his owne Body and Soule for the Dukes safety if shee would not do this he would be gon seeing her fixt in her beliefe that all others her selfe excepted wanted either Wit or Loyalty Wit by her thinking them such fooles as not perceiving the Protectours intentions they should suffer themselves to be abused Loyalty for that if they were conscious of any such intention in him they should be very wicked to serve him as a meanes whereby to effect so great a Treason These words did much perplex the Queen weighing with her selfe the diverse hazards she ran whether she Delivered him or did not deliver him By Delivering him she considered the Danger he together with his brother was to run in Not delivering him two things presented themselves unto her minde the one Force that assoon as the Cardinall should be gon the Protectour would come in person and take him away she wanted Time to provide for this Many things were required in sending of him elsewhere none of all which were likely to succeed she not having thought thereof before she knew not whether to send him she had not appointed people to conduct him she had not time enough to keep the secret undiscover'd and him unintercepted The other she might be Deceived in her suspicions whowsoever it would be more disadvantageous to her to suffer him be taken from her by Force then willingly to surrender him she did not doubt the Cardinalls good intentions not yet Theirs that were with him She was sure they were not corrupted but not sure but that they might be deceived Her appearing to believe in them would Oblige them So as taking the little Duke by the hand she said she was not so ill advised as to mistrust their Fidelity or Wisdome she would give a testimony of it being sure she should not be deceived unlesse they should through the malice of others be deceived the which if it should so happen her Sorrow would be render'd incapable of Comfort the Kingdomes Ruine remediles and she should have just cause to complaine of Them That not withstanding whatsoever objection she was sure she might keep her son in the Sanctuary free from all violence but as she doubted not but that her blood was so hated by some as if they thought they had any share therein they would open their veines and let it out so was she most certain the thirst of Government knew no kindred for if brothers had not been spared much lesse
Spring which issuing from its undefiled Fountaine would not onely water with his favours such as had deserved well of His House but would make them bud forth by the opulency of his rewards That Hee was sorry Hee could not fully expresse Himselfe upon this occasion since the Dutchesse of Yorkes reputation was therein concerned as well Mother to the Protectour whom hee feared to offend as to King Edward but necessity had enforced him to say more then willingly Hee would have done He referr'd himselfe therein to what the Preacher had said the preceding Sabbath day at Pauls Crosse whose integrity was not to be contradicted hee being a Messenger of the Word of God so wise intelligent and indowed with so much worth as it would not suffer him to say any thing especially upon such an occasion and in such a place which was not certaine truth that great was the efficacy of truth which had opened his Mouth formerly shut up by the way of circumspection that Hee had fully layd open the claime which the Protectour Duke of Gloucester had to the Crowne since Edwards Children being illegitimate as the issue of an unlawfull Marriage the Kingdome fell to him the which being maturely considered and therewithall the Valour and Worth of so gallant a Prince the Nobility and Commons especially them of the Northerne parts being resolved not to be governed by Bastards they had resolved humbly to Petition Him that He would vouchsafe to take upon Him the Government of the Kingdome which by Nature and by the Lawes belonged unto Him For his part he knew not whether he would Accept of it or no for being free from all manner of Ambition and sufficiently acquainted with the troubles of Government he was affraid he would refuse it Howsoever the necessity of the Kingdome being great King Edwards Children not onely excluded by the Lawes but very Young hee hoped that the threats of the holy Scripture Woe be to the Kingdome whose King is a Child would move him to condescend to the generall supplication of the State which needing a Prince of mature age who might be Wise and of Experience would never cease to call upon him till they were heard in what they desired That he had taken upon him the charge of delivering the Petition but considering it might be the more graciously accepted if the Citizens of London would joyne with him therein hee was come to intreat them that weighing the Publique good and their owne particular advantage they would be the first that might doe it and that their forwardnesse herein would make him more favour the City then all the preceding Princes had done His Speech being ended and expecting when the people applauding his discourse should cry up Richard King he was amazed to finde the contrary he found he was abused in his hopes of the Lord Majors having prepared them for it so as drawing neere unto the Major he asked him what might be the reason of the peoples so great Reservednesse and silence who not knowing what to say answered hee thought his Grace was not well understood whereupon believing that that might be the cause of their silence and that his eloquence might yet prevaile with them he in a lowder tone and in other words repeated all he had said before whereat all that heard him marvelled for he could not have spoken better though he had penned it and gotten it without Booke But for all this the people altered not their silence He then would have had the Recorder of London to repeat once more what he had said wherein he desired to be excused as being but lately entered upon the Office and not having as yet had any occasion to speake unto the people but the truth was he did not like the businesse thinking it to be unjust Yet notwithstanding the Major urging him and alleaging that the Dukes too eloquent and Court-like Speech was not well understood he unwillingly obeyed interposing ever and anon this Parenthesis He saies to the end they might not believe his Vote went with it But the people still more deafe then formerly the Duke said unto the Major He never met with so obstinate a silence and preparing to speake a third time he said He was come hither to perswade them to concurre in a businesse wherein peradventure their assistance would not be requisite for the Nobility and Commons of the other Provinces would doe it without them but that he bearing a particular affection to that Noble City did not desire it should be done without them but rather would have them have the first part therein Hee desired them to say whether in conformity with the rest of the Kingdome they would name the most Noble Prince Richard Duke of Gloucester at the present Protectour of the Kingdome for their King To the which though no man answered yet was not the silence so great as before for one whispering in anothers eare a noise was heard much like the noise of a Hive of Bees but in the lower end of the Hall where were many servants and shop-boyes who in the crowde were gotten in they began to cry aloud the Dukes servants being the Ring-leaders Long live King Richard throwing their Hats up but the Citizens turning about to see what the matter might be continued their former silence The Duke wisely making use of this disorder and being seconded by the Major said Hee was much overjoyed to heare that with so much conformity and without one Negative voice they had desired this Noble Prince for their King hee would acquaint him with it so as it should redound to their advantage He wished them to be ready for the next morning he would present him with their supplication to the end that the Pròtectour might be perswaded to accept of the Kingdome so much desired by Them and by the Kingdome Which being said he went away few or none appearing well pleased The next morning the Major assembled all the Aldermen and chiefe of the Common-Counsell of the City into Pauls Church from whence they went to Baynards Castle the place where the Kings of England had formerly kept their Courts where the Protectour now lay and where according to appoinment made came the Duke of Buckingham accompanied with a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen who sent word to the Protectour that a great many men of great account were ready there to waite upon his Grace in a businesse of great importance The Protectour seemed unwilling to come downe the staires and give them admittance as if the businesse had been New unto him feyning as though their unexpected comming the cause not knowne why had made him somewhat jealous Buckingham by this His refusall strongly argued the Protectours integrity as being farre from imagining what the businesse now in hand was Hee sent him word againe that the businesse was not to be imparted to any save Himselfe securing him in so humble and submissive a way as was sufficient to have
that hee might leave no enemies behind him But seeing himselfe reduced to such termes as he was not to hope for safety but by victory it being impossible for him to Retreate and that Sir Walter Herbert and Rice ap Thomas drawing neere him to hinder his passage hee could not without more helpe make any long resistance he wrote to his Mother to his Father in Law and his Father in Lawes brother and to Sir Gilbert Talbot That being come upon Their Advice into England it was Their Aydes that must sustaine him for he having but a Few people with him if hee were Once defeated hee was defeated for Ever That the Countrey hee was to passe over was of a great Length That reason required hee should passe the Severne at Shrewsbury to come to London That they should thinke how to succour him in Time otherwise their succours would be too Late for Him and Ruinous for Themselves That their communication being necessary for his Counsels they should come Suddenly least Delay might marre All That Temporizing was the Ruine of Designes That if Dissimulation had been requisite till Now it was now no more So but Harmefull for that thereby those who yet had courage would be disheartned This dispatch being sent away by a faithfull servant he resolved to fight with whoever should oppose him it was the onely way to worke his ends Regality was not to be had but by Regall valour Hee tooke his way towards Shrewsbury and in his march met with Rice ap Thomas who with a considerable number of Welshmen swore Fealty to him the Earle having two daies before promised to make him President of Wales as soone as hee should be King which accordingly hee did Being come to Shrewsbury hee met with an answer from his Mother and the Others according to his desire From thence hee past on to Newport where Sir Gilbert Talbot with two thousand men came to meet him as likewise did Sir William Stanley at Stafford where hee made some stay to refresh his people Sir William after he had a long time consulted with the Earle returned to his Troopes which being defrayed by his brother were not farre of The next day hee came to Litchfield where being come by Night hee lay in the Field and the next day was by the Townesmen received into the City as their Prince The Lord Stanley had been there two daies before with his Souldiers and was gone from thence to make way for the Earle and that he might not be seene in his company he was cautelous in what he did by reason of his Sonne who was left Hostage with Richard and who otherwise would have lost his life Richard who at this time was at Nottingham knew of the Earles arrivall but with such a relation of his inconsiderable forces as he made no Account of him He thought he was come onely with those who had fled to him from England and that his Forces consisted meerly of Banisht men who growne desperate betooke themselves to their last refuge as for others he perswaded himselfe there would not be any one that durst declare himselfe for him so as the rashnesse of a desperate man was not worthy his trouble hee thought it would be beneath Him to take Notice of him and that Sir Walter Herbert and Rice ap Thomas were sufficient of Themselves either to beate him or to make him ignominiously surrender himselfe But afterwards well weighing the Consequences hee was of another minde his affaires appeared to be in a condition not to be trusted to Other mens directions by reason of his being so generally Hated and the wicked meanes used in his usurping of the Crowne He therefore thought it not safe for him to confide in Others and having a Scrutiny of such as were most Interressed in the preservation of his Person and Dignity from out the not many he chose Iohn Duke of Norfolke the Earle of Northumberland and the Earle of Survey giving them Commission to gather together the best and most trusty of such as did depend upon them and come unto him and he gave order to Robert Brackenbury Lieutenant of the Tower that he should raise all the force hee could and bring along with him as his companions in Armes Sir Thomas Bourcher and Sir Walter Hungerford not for that hee expected any service from them but that being jealous of them he feared lest they might conspire against him All these his foresights did not satisfie him when hee understood the Earle had past the Severne He then began to mistrust his affaires and to complaine of those who had promised to defend the passage Now it was that he saw his businesse was not to be trusted to any Third party and growing to distrust all men he went himselfe in Person in the head of his Army to give him battell executing Himselfe the duty of a Sergeant Major He came by night to Leicester upon a white Steede environed by his Guards and great number of Foot with a staring and threatning Countenance answerable to the speeches hee uttered against such as forsaking Him had denied him to be their King or who by abandoning him Hereafter were to doe so The Earle hearing of his approach encamped himselfe neere to Tamworth where in the mid-way hee was met by Sir Thomas Bourcher and Sir Walter Hungerford who fearing Richard had privately stolne from Brackenburies forces The like from Other parts did divers personages of good condition who it may be would have proved his Enemies had not their Hatred to Richard moved them to take part with Him Yet this Concourse of people wherewith hee ought to have been comforted freed him not from the much melancholy caused by the Lord Stanley who kept farre from him and in a posture as it appeared rather to be Doubted of then Hoped in As hee rode thus pensively in the Reare of his Troopes hee was so transported with sad thoughts that hee was not aware how hee was left behind with not above twenty Horse with him the Army being passed on and having encamped it selfe whilst hee through the Obscurity of the Night had lost the Tract thereof He wandred up and downe a good while hoping to meet with some of them or to heare their noise but neither Finding nor Hearing any thing of them hee got into a little Village fearing lest hee might be knowne taken and carried to the Enemy and not daring to aske the Inhabitants any questions hee continued in these feares till the Breake of Day whilst his campe was more troubled then Hee not dreaming that hee had Lost his Way but fearing some strange Misfortune had befalne him 'T was his good lucke not to meet with any enemy but when hee was come to his Army hee did not tell them that hee had lost his way through Musing or Carelesnesse but that he stayed purposely behinde to Speake with some hee had received advantageous advices From hence he went to finde out the Stanleys who
he should destroy the Nest which was in Ireland seeing that Lambert first and then Perkin had been so affectionately received there It behoved him to settle his authority there in such manner as it should be undoubted he made choice of Two to serve him in Two several Offices the Prior of Langton with title of Commissioner that he might look to the Civil Government of the Kingdom making him Chancellor and Edward Poynings who was to have charge of the Militia giving him a great many Souldiers with Commission to be Marshal and Lieutenant to which the Deputy which was the Earl of Kildare was subordinate The Prior met with no difficulty the Laws being his Arms and the peaceful people the matter of his jurisdiction but Poynings who was to deal with Stubborn men and Rebels had not the like fortune for Ireland being full of Woods Boggs and Desert places the happinesse of the poor people consisting in Idlenesse in somuch as the ground is there for the most part unbroken up he was to make War just as men do Hunt for those whose consciences and courages mis-gave them retiring themselves into places inaccessible for strangers and unknown unto them he spent much time there to small purpose killing some few and taking some few prisoners which made not much for the main enterprise so as being angry with those who having no intention to withstand him had no cause to fear him he lay'd the fault upon the Earl of Kildare as if he had succour'd them underhand He sent him prisoner into England without any other Proof against him save his Own Suspition and the Earl did so fully justifie himself as that he was declared Innocent and re-established in his former Government But if Poynings had no successe with those which stood out against him yet was his fortune such with the rest as he perswaded them to accept of all Ordinances made in England till that day which in former times were not of power in that Kingdom This Declaration was and is called Poynings his Law Ireland therefore is governed by the same Laws as is England for so many as were made till the Tenth yeer of Henry but such as have been made since are not admitted of there The Conspiracy thus unsuccessefully ended did not so quell Perkin's spirit but that he thought the affections of those of his Party were rather Oppressed then quite Dead and that a new spirit would so revive them as Henry should not be so fortunate in suppressing them as he had been Thus flattering himself he assembled together certain Troops of men of desperate fortunes who either for Debts or other misdemeanours durst not shew their heads and embarking them he came to Anchor before Sandwitch landing some of his men to learn news and to discover how the people in those parts were affected giving out that he had great Forces which were coming in a Fleet after him The King at this time was gone his Progresse and was now with his Mother in her house at Latham whom he went to visit and that by his coming thither the world might know that the death of Sir William Stanley had not made his father-in-law think the worse of him here he heard of Perkin's arrival whereby he received this advantage that he having so behaved himself as his People esteemed him to be a politick Prince they thought nothing befel him which he did not foresee and that his retiring himself into the Northern parts was one of his cunning fetches for knowing he had left the South-parts free from danger he intended to allure Perkin to land that so he might be sure not to escape But whatever the matter was at the first news he resolved to return and was not well pleased at the Second which informed him that he was gone again for he perceived this trouble would continue longer then he imagined The cause of Perkin's departure was this the Kentish-men had well observed the condition of those whom he had landed and that there were but few English amongst them and those few of no worth nor consideration wherefore they took counsel with the Chief of the Shire concerning their taking Arms the which being agreed upon they shewed a part of their men upon the Sea shore to invite him to land and scatter'd the rest abroad some here some there as if they were ready to run away but Perkin perceiving their drift budged not a foot wherefore the Kentishmen gave upon them that were on the shore slew some of them took other some very few of them getting back to their Ships At this time died Cecilie Nevil Dutchesse of York who born to be unfortunate outdid the miseries of her daughter-in-daughter-in-law Queen Elizabeth who was very unhappie she bare to her husband Richard Plantagenet Duke of York Eight sons and Four daughters all her Sons died during her life Four of them died natural deaths while they were Young of whom we make no mention in our Genealogie because our History speaks not of them of the Other Four the Three Last came to a violent end and the First died not well for King Edward died in the strength of youth consumed by disorder Edmund Earl of Richmond was together with his Father slain at the Battel at Wakefield George Duke of Clarence was put to death in the Tower by his brother and Richard the Third was slain at Bosworth-field She had been the lesse to be pitied had the Funerals of her family ended in her Husband and Sons but they extended themselves to her Grand-children male all which she out-lived save Edward Earl of Warwick son to the Duke of Clarence who being shut up in the Tower was not to expect any other death then Violent but to share therein with the rest as he did so as being made unhappie by so many miseries any One of which had been able to have made her so fortune would yet render her fuller of calamity by making her lose her Honour her own Son declaring her to be an Adultresse thereby to make himself King and though there were no true colour for it yet was the stain true wherewithal she was asperst by a Basilisk that issued out of her own bowels which was a misery above all other miseries and of all wounds the most sensible Perkin being retired to Flanders if he should tarry there he must needs be discover'd for an Impostour and the Dutchesse of Burgundy should she detain him there must be known to be fomentresse of the Forgery so as it behoved him to be gone from thence and her to send him away to go on with the work which they had both so unluckily begun This resolution was befriended by the distaste which Maximilian and his son Philip took at Henry for taking the Commerce of England from their States and by the like distaste taken by Charles King of France for his having entred into league against him concerning his affairs in Italy But Perkin's missing of