who would have Law to rule the City seem as if they would have God and the Laws to rule but those who would have man to rule give the command to a beast Not that he condemns Magistracy which he often much magnifies but that he would not attribute all things to men By Law is understood natural Reason divinely infused upon which is framed a certain form of living By man humane Authority Such is my will my pleasure my affection are words might become Ket's Camp and his company of Governours They would sound horribly in a Judges mouth Therefore Rinalde protests in Machiavel That he would not esteem it worth much to live in that City where men were of more power then the Lawes Bragging of our own subtleties and contrivances is nothing to the purpose to make this invalid too often we have our ends and designes in them which the Law doe's not allow and hence grows our distaste how often has the case of perpetuities been over ruled it being against God and Nature that things here should continue without change where the change is just and against reason that an estate should continue in one family to the worlds end in such manner that no owner at any time could either advance his younger issues or pay debts out of it but that those of the descendents capable never so disobedient and unnatural should take all yet as if every man might make Lawes for his own patrimony how lawlesse soever and exploded this perversnesse will not be given over although according to the rule of that Reverend Chief Justice upon this case Mens Policies are to be fitted to the Lawes not the Lawes to their Policies s Sir Hen. Hub. 134. This writhing the Lawes * Pigh controv Ratis l. 3. as the Papists deal with the Scriptures which they make a nose of wax is an impiety which Livies remembers with the neglect of the Gods next it t lib. 2 A most reverend Bishop tells a Roman Adversary as ill satisfied with our Lawes as this State which made them was with the Treasons of his Order That he is unworthy to be indured in a Commonwealth held with Lawes who departeth from them u Tort. Tort. 145. We read That is lawfull which the Law of the twelve Tables and the Iulian Law permitteth w Wel. 7. si paciscat Dr c. li. 1. D. de Just jur and in the same Civill Law we say That is lawfull which by the Laws the custome of our Ancestors and institutions is allowed Every thing we may or can doe is not lawfull x Cicero Philip. 13. in which sence Vlpian interprets that clause of the Edict Quod eius Licebit And againe that is lawfull which is permitted by the Lawes to which is opposed unlawfull and that is unlawfully done which is done against the Lawes Customes c. y de legat l. 3. Although the Romans as the Spartanes from whom they are borrowers had their Customes unwritten which was Law approved onely by use Quibus saepenumero saies a Civilian Gliscentibae perniciosissime Lacones errabant z Lexic Ju. Ciu. tit Lex Yet to the end that neither favour nor hatred might approach the tribunall nor judgement be left to the arbitrary will of man and that the Lawes might be made certain and notorious the greatest part of the Roman Lawes were written that no one as is said might doe and undoe binde and loose at his pleasure because of humane frailty all men being liers it is not safe to trust the Magistrate without a written rule as another a ibid. The Jewish Lawes of the Decalogue by Gods coÌ„mand were written the Lawes of the Athenians were written by which they are said to excell those of Sparta b ibid. The Republique commends highly the publishing the twelue Tables then as that the Magistrates were constrained to governe the Subjects following these Lawes so that Equity and arbitrarines had not any place c Bod. de la Rep. Liure fixieme Charendos chosen the Lawgiver of those of old Sybaris or new Thurium in Lucania now Bafilicata chosen so Diodorus to prescribe them the manner how to live having diligently looked over the Laws of other Nations and digested the best into one body commands in no sort to dipart from the words of the Law or from the writing à legis scripto d Biblioth Li. xii his reason is from the absurditie that private men should meddle for this he reserves to the supream power though things be amisse He speakes not more to Magistrates in his prohibition then to any others but generally nor of equity both which Bodin would seeme to prove by this place e Republ. L. sixieme And although in a Court proper a Judge of Equitie is to be allowed yet if it were allowed to all other Courts to expound the Law against the Letter perhaps meaning of the maker according to conscience as wâ— speak Equitie would as more plausible be every where cryed up like Caesars consulship the Law suspected in every case as unjust in time being lost in opinion would weare out and fall insensibly as uselesse and in all Courts there would be nothing but equity left which aequum bonum or equity is in plaine termes nothing else but absolute and arbitrary power King Francis the first of France having subdued Savoy and driven out Charles the second the Duke the new Magistrates substituted by him gave judgement according to equity and often against the Customes and Law written the Estates of the Country were quickly wearie of this equity they could finde no justice in it and therefore Petition the King That those Judges might no more judge according to equity which was nothing else as the reporter but to tie them to fasten them to the Lawes without any variation ny sa ny la neither here nor there a thing quite contrary to the passions saies Bodin of favourable Judges f Vbi supra The mischiefes and oppressures done by Empsâ—n and Dudley are imputed to the Statute of King Henry the seventh authorising to hear c. offences committed against poenall Statutes c. According to discretion not according to Law and Custome of England which the Lord Cooke seemes to dislike g 4. Just c. l. p. 40. yet which is the same discretion is so he thus to be described To discerne by Law what is Iustice h ibid 41. When a Jurie doubting the Law has found the speciall matter the entrie is and upon the whole matter c. They pray the discretion of the Judges or the advice and discretion of the Justices in the premisses c. The Statute 3. of King Henry the eight of Sewers allowes to make Statutes according to their owne wisedome and discretions c. which words are to be to be intended and interpreted according to Law and Justice i r. w. Kighleys c. It was
without triall justice shall not be sold nor deferred c. The observation of these Lawes was a condition of Peace which ever appeased the antient distempers and cemented what was loose and dis-joynted in the great body The Lawes toe of St. Edward are inserted into the oath of the Kings of England usually taken at their Coronations which were not onely superfluous and abundant but an impious vanity if there were no such lawes any where after the solemnity of this religious and sacred bond to be observed The manner of taking the Oath as we find is this The Archbishop asks the King VVhether he be willing to take the Oath usually taken by his Predecessors and whether the Lawes and Gustomes by the antient just and devout Kings granted to the people of England with the confirmation of his Oath he will grant and keep to the same people and especially the Lawes Customes and Liberties by the glorious King Edward to the Clergie and people granted d Ex libro regali After he is led to the high Altar where he swears to observe them c. Further so farre are some from allowing our Lawes to be Norman that they are of opinion the Normans received theirs from us as they most of their Customes being so derived as William of Rovel in his Preface to his Commentary upon the grand Customary Edward the Confessor being a long while in Normandy gave Lawes to the Normans and made the Customes of England and Normandy e D. Spel. gloss v. jurata which if it were not so nothing is lost by it nor does it make any of these truths suspitious * Sup. 55. that so few of these Lawes are come to our hands of which something is said before and of their Book-Cases or Judgments none at all There never could be any such Volumes of them heard of as are fancied besides the honest simplicity of the first ages and the strictnesse of rules spoke of writings and deeds either to pass Lands or Priviledges were not in use till King VVithred neer 700. years after our Saviour that King being so illiterate that he could not write his name as himself confesses f Concil Sax. 198 King Aelfred little lesse then two hundred years after this complaines of the ignorance then that there were scarcely any on this side Humber who could understand the ordinary common prayers or translate a piece of Latine into English but in the beginning of his reign on the South of the Thames he remembred not a man who could have done it g Ibid. 379 Epist Aelfredi ad Walsagepiscep and although this King of sacred memory if perhaps as I cannot thinke he was not the Solon and Arthitect of our Saxon English order yet a great restorer of it built gloriously upon the frame he found yet these were lesse then beginnings would likely have been where such a Prince had been the Workman he could not intend them the Danes like a fatall whirlewinde tearing up root and branch every where ruining had long before broke into the Land which two hundred yeers together they miserably harassed with whom he fought fifty six battells and as may be imagined had not leisure to performe the duties of peace but in his armes sometime hid in the poore shed of an Herdsman as the most knowing Knight a King without a Kingdome a Prince without people so that hee could not thinke of his Lawes h Concil 378. and although there was some breathing and the storm had some intermission some calmes were in the two hundred yeeres some in his reign yet such ravage and spoil had these barbarous theeves made and so universall might the Confusions and Disorders be we may conceive it would be the labour of no short peace to restore things fallen or shaken to their first condition without making any the least progression this being not to be done till the corruptions which warre licentiousnesse and carelesse negligence have bred in the parts most sound are plucked up and the weeds throwne out which must be the worke of time The proceedings too of the Saxons our Ancestors as M. Lambard in judgement was de plane and without solennity enough to cleare this though the Saxon Lawes then were enough for the Commonwealth yet they had no great extent whatsoever unto S. Edward gathered out of the Lawes of those who followed this King and saw more quiet dayes or out of the whole body of the Saxon Lawes could not reach farre but not out of any defect in the Law it selfe then the cause why the law runs in a larger channell and spreads into more veines now is not any artifice or injust dealing of those who practice it but the improvement of estates by good husbandry much traffique whence contracts are more frequent As Sir John Davies there is more Luxury and excesse in the world more force deceit and oppression more covetousnesse and malice breach of peace and trust which as they gather strength and multiply so must the laws there is a necessity that as these mischiefs increase there should be supplements of laws to meet with them Mr. Daniel observes of the Assize of Clarendon long after the Saxons that it consisted as it does of very few points and that the multitude of actions which followed in succeeding times grew out of new transgressions c. When the Romans were little better then shepheards and herdsmen it is said a few Ivory tables contained their laws after they came to be Lords of the world thousands of Books were writ of the Romans Civil Law Albericus Gentilis justly reprehends Ludovicus Vives who maintained as he that all things might be finished by a few laws as the same Mr. Lambard speaking of the Law of England positive or written Law neither is nor can be made such a perfect rule as that a man may thereby truly squâ—e out justice in al cases which may happen for written lawes must needs be made in generality and grounded upon that which happeneth for the most part because no wisdome of man can foresee every thing in particularity which experience and time doth beget i Archeior 76 77. There is a curse of peace the highest prosperity has its dangers there can be no safety in it the rich man is more infirm more unsound then the poore pride and malicious contention are diseases he is seldom free from it is well said of wicked men and their injustice there is need of many laws to bridle them of many Officers to execute of many lawyers to interpret those laws We know all laws come not in by heaps but as time corrupts things and new wrongs and offences are discovered by the same degrees Thus the Sumptuary laws amongst the Romans came in the Fabian of Plagiaries the Julian of publike or private force de ambitu and the rest all our Statute laws which are remedying So must it be and so it has been in all Commonwealths of
present infallibility To keep on the old course of passing from the matter to the persons there is yet another quarrel of this kind which I wil speak to in a few words There is one fling at the Officers at the ministers of the Law and Courts If there be any imperfection any negligence omission or mistakes in the execution of things as it is but an huge folly to conceive men so full of faithfulnesse and vigilancy but there may be I see not why this should be a blemish to the Law unlesse it may be thought to favour murder or theft because they are done Lawes can but forbid and punish offences if the vices or faults of men must asperse sciences professions and orders and be an argument to demolish there wil not any where be either science profession or order left and long agone had this been heretofore allowed there had been none of these left to demolish The Writs of the Law Writs of which I shal next speak are said by those who are for the Becselenisme of the British antiquity to precede the Normannes the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is used by Zonaras for an Epitome or concise writing a writing which conteines the sum of any matter it may goe amongst the Graecobarbara l D. Spelnt verbo Breve from the Empire it came to the Church Those of Rome a long while have had their Apostolicall Writs In the Lawes of King Henry the first amongst the publique offences for which men were amerced to the King after breach of the peace which leads the order follows the contempt of his Writs m Ll H. 1 c. 13. where they are first heard of These Writs at the first were but the Kings letters the Monkc of St. Albanes makes them the same In the controversie betwixt William the Chamberlaine and Gilbert of Cymmay concerning the Church of Luiton A certain Writ of the King meaning Hen. the 2. saies he was brought as a praecept to the men of Luiton to recognise the truth of the right of the Church c n Vit. Abb. 67. Another place has attached according to the law of the Landby the Kings Writ o ibid. 143 elsewhere they are called Letters the Letters of the King and of the Chiefe Justice are set downe in this Historian p ibid. 75. who againe in the Majority of King Henry the third saies It was provided of the commune Counsell of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops that the Lord the King should have his Seale and his Letters should run q Addit ad Paris 151. In the Chapters of the pleas of the Crown in the time of Rich. 1. recited by Hoveden an Historian somewhat more antient then the other is said And of all recognisances of all pleas summoned before the Justices by the Kings Writ or of his Chiefe Justice or from the chiefe Court of the King r Hoved. 744. v. 549 in another place the Writs of King John then Earle of Moreton are said to be taken with his Messenger containing his commands his Mandates by the Major of London who delivers them to the Arch. Bishop c. who calling before him c. the Barons showed them the Letters of Earle John and their tenour s id 735. s 30. A Writ with us is a rule of Law which briefly tells a thing t Bract. l. 3. c. 12.15.413 which in a few words delivers the intention of him who brings it some vary according to the diversity of the Cases Facts and Plaints There are as many formes of them as there are kindes of actions they ought not to containe either falsenesse or errour No man is bound to answer without a Writ u Fleta l. 2. c. 12. l. 6 c. 35 36. Brit. c. 84. The Civill Law makes this necessary it makes citation parcel of the Law of Nature w C. de unoquoq F. de re indiciar c. c. 1. The Writs as Doctor Cowell containe a summary and succinct repetition of the fact which brings forth the actions x Instit Ju. Angl. l. 4. tit 6. well may the Lord Cooke tell us they are so artificially and briefly compiled as there is nothing in them redundant or wanting y Inst 73. and Sir Thomas Smith Secretary of State and Privie Councellor to Queen Elizabeth said It was not possible perspicuously to comprebend so much matter in fewer words Concerning the execution of Writs the direction returnes and processe c. upon them he who would see what a strict care the Law takes that things be done justly speedily and without deceit must search into particular cases which it would be too tedious here to tarry upon Pleadings In the next it will not be impertinent to consider something of the Pleadings in the Actions of the Common Law which whoso shall well consider he shall not finde them so horrible as some imagine them nor the formes so intricate and dangerous as they are misconceived Pleas must not be confused and misordered First the Jurisdiction of the Court must be pleaded to then the person c. Every Plea is to be direct not by way of argument c. and to betriable pertinent to the pleader it ought to have its proper conclusion Things apparent need not be averred surplusage if not contrary to the matter hurts not It must not containe multiplicity of matter to the same thing there must be certainty and truth in Counts c. the replication must not depart from the Count nor the reioinder from the Bar c. The Count must agree with the Writ if time order and forme were not observed in these things the Judge and the Jury would be intangled invincibly and Suites would be endlesse If we look on the Libels in the Civill Law and the Declarations of the Common Law on the defences of the one and the barres of the other on the judgements of them both we shall finde nothing in those of the last too narrow nothing which can be left out The example of the action of injuries and of the action upon the ease which are the same are compared by M. Fulbeck z Paral. 10 Dial. 67. I will say no more of the Libell and Declaration but this That the first exceeds the last very much neare a third part in length things quite differing in nature enough to encumber the understanding being brought in I will onely compare yet not at large the defence of this action of Injuries of a lesse bulke then the Libell and the barre in the action of the Case after a tedious recitall of that which makes little of the malice c. of the actor after a long prayer to be absolved and that the accuser may bee condemned in charges stretched neare to the length of twenty lines where the Latin runs as in all Lawes it must rather in a legall then an eloquent stile The defence speaks thus Inprimis igitur dicit
admirable not at all the more unhappy for it I know no reason why the same words should be thought unhandsome in our law and elegant and beautiful in another and as laws which is noted if all the hast imaginable were made for a change could not in our daies arrive at that fulnesse and excellency to comprehend and redresse thousands of those wrongs which now we finde remedies for The decemviri imployed about the Tables thought they could have comprised all accidents they fell short in their account all the bookes in the world saies Bodin cannot comprehend every case which may happen for after all the additions possible it wil be found that perfection of lawes must be the labour of ages and that experience is the best and onely happy Lawgiver So would there be the same length of time required for the new termes Time is followed at the heeles by corruption and ere our descendents shall make up what we shall leave imperfect if our change be not disliked and changed by them they that shall invent the last terms perhaps without some key or other wil not be able to understand the first The length and change of time will make the next as obscure as these if we look upon our own language and not so far back as Robert of Gloucester and others of the most ancient English writers if Sir Geofry Chaucer and John of Lidgate be compared who calls him master and betwixt whom there are not many yeeres it may be seen how quickly it altered as since the raigne of King Henry the eight we know it has sufficiently changed again It was the observation of the illustrious Viscount that books writ in modern Tongues could not be long lived he expresses it in the term for bankrupts cito decocturos they would quickly break which was the reason why he caused that most excellent piece his Augmentation of Sciences to be translated into Latine c. So that I cannot yet finde why the antiquity of our termes should be a cause of change It is ridiculous to think otherwise The Lawyer must speak the words of the Law nor can the proces and forms of the bar be expressed in neat and fine language Cicero l. 1. de Orat. Orat. pro Caetin Gell. l. 20. c. 10. de voc ab ex jure manuÌ„ consertum Cicero himselfe is observed in matters of Law to speak like a Lawyer ordinarily using the terms Ennius does the same in those Pellitur e medio sapientia vi geritur res Spernitur orator bonus horridus miles amatur c. Nou ex jure manum consertum sed mage ferro Rem repetunt regnumque petunt vadunt solida vi * l. 16. c. 10. And in this Proletarius publicitus scutoque feroque c. And as no other Law can gain any thing of ours in reason as little can they gain of us in phrase if the stile be compared with the purity of the speech they are written in the stile of the Imperial laws with the purer Latin This I wil illustrate only with the designe to make it cleare that this homelinesse of ancient habit is not a rude fashion taken up alone by our Law I wil observe somewhat of the Civil Law out of the professors of it that we may see our Lawes onely have not been censured are not onely subject to censure Perinus in Justinians life runnes in a long invective against Tribonian as he is called the architect of the Pandects and of the whole Law whom out of Suidas he calls wicked impious a contemner of Religion far from Christianity a deceiver and fraudulent perswading the Emperour that he should be assumed like Enoch corrupt basely covetous so that the law lost much in the infamy of so wicked and pestilent an author Where he speaks of the Laws he saies Tribonian and his fellowes were like cruell Chiriergions who cut to the quicke and which he cites Budaeus for That they have left the Pandects rather curtailed then compendious fearing out of superstition dregs and things obsolete they have heaped up matter out of the drier volumes and drawn that which wil not quench any mans thirst So that as he goes on in the framing the Pandects you would rather think they slept then that they digested any thing rightly and compendiously Justinian in the Proem to his Institutions supposes an huge confusion before callâ— this a desperate worke and walking in the middest of the deep The body of it then was confused of infinite extent sayes the Glosse The Code sayes Sis Th. Ridlye a Civilian is a barbarous Thracian phrase latinised such as never any mean Latinist spake for themethod it is rude unskilfull where it departeth from the Digests yet the knowledge of it is more expedient then the knowledge of the Digests because it determineth neteers in daily use of life f View of the Civil and Eccles law The Digest is said to differ but little from the best Romane speech but what it has in words it wants in substance as the same Knight the learning of it stands in discussing subtile questions and enumeration of opinions in which there is more wit then profit Againe this Digest or Pandect as an old Glosse strangely a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 totum * c. Pandectarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doctrina which is said to be drawn out of 150000. or as others 300000. verses of the old Law indigested and abolished needed exposition and amendment The Compilers were not so quicksighted but that sundry antinomies as this Knight and Budaeus or contrary laws past them they were too subtily Writ and needed explaining besides in the Digest every case falling out in common use of life was not decided for it is enough that Lawes look upon that which is likely most often to happen nor as our Knight was it possible every moment new matter fals out for which former Lawes made no provision which was the reason why the Code was set forth and why the Athenticks or Novelles followed Being the Princes resolution of doubts confusedâ—y put out as the Civilians abroad confesse g V. Lex Ju. Civ ve bo Novellae The Feudes as the same knight were drawn partly out of the Civil Law partly out of the Customes of Millain but without either form or order h Ib. View 69. before the Cornelian Law of Jurisdiction of the Praetors they were wont led away wich covetousnesse or ambition out of favour or spight variously to give judgement Changing and altering the laws they had set forth in writing The Cornelian law commanded i Dio. Cuss l. 36. 1 That in the entry to their office They should publish what law they would use and observe it I will not say there is any such incertainty now yet where there are so many Doctors interpreting the Text so many Comments such multituddes again interpreting them without a miracle there cannot but be