That God hath witnessed his displeasure against the sharp dealings of Authority by manifold Judgments he instances in burning Ships burning London c. But first Is he sure that this Government is worse then all Governments because England suffered such great things Christ says I tell you nay but they say Yea or nothing Luke 13. 1 2. Secondly Solomon thinks a man cannot know good or evil by what happens under the Sun but these know the Government evil by these Accidents Thirdly Did that Authour's familiar that he speaks of p. 86. give him a dark notice of the Interpretation of these Providences Fourthly Do not these men turn Polypus's and servire scenae having formerly told us Afflictions were a note of God's people are they now a note of the Devil's Well let them hear the Poet's curse Careat successibus opto c. 'T is a brave thought of Lucan Victrix causa diis placuit sed victa Catoni Sure a man may justifie God without condemning poor Abel for his misery Job's Piety should not be condemned because of his Misery Let him reade Eccl. 7. 10. and he must acknowledge it a foolish Argument 2. The second Reason common to them all is that Toleration must be granted to unite us and make us strong in War For answer first A combined Interest reconciles all men of Estates so far as to prosecute a just War in defence of life and estate and to secure themselves from forein Oppression Secondly Crouching to Male-contents at home disspirits Authority and hinders forein Conquests Thirdly Advancing dissenting Sectaries is a civil War where Ring-leaders are Generals Preachers Captains Congregations Camps and words at length proceed to blows Fourthly Toleration would increase both Papists and Fanaticks and being let loose and both increasing who can assure us they will not fall on both King and Parliament sooner then on any forein adversary especially while they smell so strong of Hacket's Principles to destroy Authority to make way for the Fifth Monarchy Fifthly All sober Protestants are reconciled already in the Act of Uniformity if other mens Consciences keep them from Obedience what will keep them from Disobedience but Laws duly executed Sixthly 'T is insolent for Subjects to stand on terms of Accommodations with Sovereigns especially the meanest of Subjects with the best of Princes No language so well becomes their mouths as Submission 3. The third Reason is There is no hurt in Conventiclers P. p. 10. Non-conformers are serious and painfull men D. P. p. 87. They are like Christ P. p. 69 70. Yea Christ 's brethren P. p. 71. Therefore grant them Liberty For answer first I hold my self excused from meddling with this Argument because these mens too late crimes have proclaimed a confutation to the world already Nor am I willing to rake into so stinking a dunghill being much more delighted in Charientisms then Sarcasms Onely I take leave to vindicate my Saviour from these foul aspersions Let these Authours shew me where or when Christ murthered his even tyrannicall Superiours Against what Authority did he take arms where did he teach Christians to turn from Prayers and tears to Sword and buckler when did he preach Subjects into the field against Sovereigns upon pain of Damnation cursing Meroz for being backward to set out c. as most of these Ministers here resembled to Christ did What incouragement did Christ ever give to Factions amongst those that professed Christianity My just zeal demands a blush from that Authour for belying our Saviour and saying he was like these Sectaries Besides Conventicling against Law is a sin of it self if they sinned not in their Conventicles For 't is a transgression of the Law of God mediately of man immediately The Civil Conscience is obliged by the Civil Law as well as the Spiritual by the Divine Law Nor is this a fansying two Consciences but one distinguished by its several Objects about which 't is exercised for the Conscience is mixta persona as well as the King and must be judge in all causes If you object that if Conscience be so bound to the Laws they must be just I answer first Untill they are clearly proved otherwise praesumptio est pro authoritate imponentis Secondly They that see them unjust presume themselves to have more wit then the Authority of the Nation that made them which cannot be said without pride D. P. p. 85. says well An Act passed on a thing doubted unlawfull makes it not presently lawfull yet sure the judgment of so many grave men may be a glorious Taper to illuminate and a strong Cable to bind the scrupling Conscience Thirdly The Laws are most probably just when the generality of good men practise them who have Inspection to discern Consciences to scruple Courage to oppose if they see cause and Curiosity enough to examine them The Scruplers therefore must esteem their Notions either Inspirations from God or Demonstrations quibus non potest subesse falsum or else must judge themselves infallible otherwise 't is notorious Insolence to prefer their own opinions of a Law before the Law it self and the common judgment of man especially since Res judicata pro veritate accipitur is a necessary Rule in all Laws and surely to erre with Authority is to erre on the safer side Fourthly Admit the Law were unjust yet it binds for it binds not as just but as a Law it binds to suffering if not to doing Oaths may be Perjuries yet the Judge passes sentence upon them without scruple so that the Magistrate's Conscience is secured in the execution of the Laws upon Offenders resigning his judgment of the justice of those Laws to the Legislative power Fifthly Nor are Laws in a politick consideration such trifling things as these men fansie Petilius found a Book in Numa's grave expounding the Roman Superstitions but because by the Praetor's Oath they were found contrary to the present Establishment the Senate adjudged the Book to the flames so carefull were they to uphold the reverence of their Laws Demosth. orat in Aristog tells us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. and therefore not lightly to be contemned Du Moulin tells the ingenious Balsac though something in Laws be unjust 't is just to obey them for some States have thriven in obeying unjust Laws others in not obeying just have perished I wish these men of Aurelius the Emperour's modesty who reasonably resolves AEquius est me tot talium amicorum consilium quà m tot tales meam unius voluntatem sequi But how then shall these men answer S. Jude's description of Separatists v. 8. that they are despisers of Dominion and speak evil of Dignities 'T was once said Turpis est pars quae cum toto non convenit but now 't is the highest pitch of Piety to oppose Authority But secondly Is there no hurt in Conventicling Are they not the Trojan horses whence armed men issued forth to sack great Priam's Territories Are they not like
Darkness Christ and Belial together that is King and Parliament And the sagacious Sectaries generally conclude them to be of an Imposing spirit in regard Father Beza in his Haereticis morte mulctandis hath sentenced Hereticks to death and that Calvin took care to see Servetus safe into another world at Geneva by the light of his funerall Fire and Faggot which made poor Bellius Eleutherius and their fellows to style him virum sanguinarium a bloudy Edomite and Erastus to contrive another way for a Prynian Government Marquess Huntley Angus and Atholl will be Scottish evidence of their enmity to Toleration and no less speaks their glorious attempt for outing Bishops Root and Branch out of this Kingdom Besides they Covenant to bring the Churches of the three Kingdoms to the nighest Uniformity they can And in 1645. their Assembly gave the Parliament their Testimony against Toleration Not to omit that Rigid and Presbyterian are almost convertible terms in the vulgar Dictionary Nor indeed do some of them speak clear for a full Toleration for D. P. tells us p. 58. A Toleration not stated will break us more to pieces and doe nothing else and D. R. p. 87. pleads onely for a well-managed and limited Toleration yea he tells you p. 43. that the Non-conformers will never endure a Toleration that brings in Popery and M. I. p. 14. utterly excludes Papists from this fair Haven to sink in the Seas of Oppression Onely L. C. A. deals ingenuously and speaks out for all upbraiding the rest for consulting private Interest 'T is farther observed by many learned men That the Calvinisticall Party have ever strongly affected a Papal Dominion over mens Lives and Consciences And the Remonstrants observe in their Preface ad Antidotum That no man ever opposed that Party impunè nisi cum ei potestas opprimendi defuit like a Lion never guiltless but when his Nails are pared Which note haply caused Dr. Prideaux in his Fasciculus Controversiarum to propose that weighty Question An Suprematus Papalis vel Presbyterialis sit tolerabilior Which one of these Proctors for Liberty of Conscience justifies in English thus P. p. 63. I know no more danger in prevailing Popery then prevailing Presbyterianism as to mens Lives and Souls It seems he fansies both to be but Sampson's Foxes tied by the tails with Fire-brands to burn down the Harvest of Christ. And surely while thy cry out against Prelaticall Oppression the Lordly Bishops onely convicted and confuted Servetus the Spaniard in S. Paul's Church and so dismissed him to Divine Justice but the Geneva Discipline found Fire and faggot for him as soon as he came thither Which made Montfort draw Calvin's Picture not in a Gown and Cassock robes of Peace but in a Helmet Back and Breast belted and armed like a man of War So little doth Patience rule those sacred breasts when they have the Over-rule Which farther shews these zealous observers of Truth are but Time-servers while their Principles warp with their Condition But alas the Devil would turn Monk when he was sick and low A Scottish stomack is not so great that it scorns to ask for mercy Mr. Love's Submission and Mr. Jenkins's Petition both shew the Elephantiasis like the Gout never troubles them but when they are rich and great The Rump-Act of Aug. 1650. for Liberty of tender Consciences was against the Presbyterians Conscience and Preaching too and pronounced a great Sin in those daies yet now these Consciences can tack about and plead for that they once condemned why may they not tack a little farther to a compliance with the Laws under which they live If their Bread be wholesome being mixed in the Episcopal Batch why may they not without danger of poisoning eat all of the ancient and national Baking unless they will have something granted to make the world believe there was some colour for the late Rebellion which yet one of them confesses to be nothing and that Cause stark naught Prop. p. 45. though soon after to wit p. 65. as if he had offended his weak brethren he licks that Confession up again with a flat Contradiction averring the great Causes of it But to return what would these men have First and in general the establishment of the Protestant Religion in its full latitude as D. R. p. 3 c. onely L. C. A. seems to be more equal to all Religions and thinks p. 52. a limited Toleration pleaded for infers no more then that none are to be indulged but such as are punctually of their own belief and persuasion Yea so general is M. I. p. 10. that he would have no distinction used but that of Protestant and Papist in this Kingdom But what need this trouble 1. Is any other Religion established in this Kingdom then Reformed Christianity in D. R. p. 3. his sense or any thing settled beside the Protestant Religion True it is Accommodation or Toleration may settle something else but the present Establishment doth not For the settled Doctrine I think none will question it and for the Rites and Ceremonies none other are required but such as were settled by Law in the time of King Edward the Sixth as is positively expressed in the Rubrick before the Common Prayer and we think 't was not Popery he settled Indeed 't is true Imposition it self is look'd upon by some of these Pleaders for Liberty as Popish for M. I. tells us p. 12. That he that is for Imposition is a Protestant by mistake and will find himself at home in his Principles no-where but at Rome Now if this be justified then was Calvin a Papist who in his known Epistle to the Protector of England advises for the confining of desultory wits and brain-sick people in this Kingdom that one Form of Doctrine and Order should be drawn up to which every Parish-Priest should declare his full consent yea be bound by an Oath to follow inviolably Then was Luther a Papist who every-where pleads for a Form of Doctrine and Discipline to be established and imposed against the wild Sectaries of that Age. Melanchthon in his Church-Policy is so earnest for these Impositions that he thinks if these Church-Ordinances be taken away the Church it self is in danger And little less is confessed by D. R. p. 23. A Settlement must have all things needfull to Faith a good Life and godly Order who therefore pleads for a limited Toleration p. 8. Yet he would not take it well if you say he is at home onely at Rome And D. P. p. 16. grants the Church power to impose Ceremonies and thinks himself bound to submit to the Churche's judgement what Ceremonies are most convenient p. 17. yet esteems himself a Protestant 'T is well if that Synod Act. 15. can clear themselves from this Gentleman's imputation of Popery for offering to impose burthens upon the Church of Antioch in things indifferent verse the 28. A Principle equally imbraced by Protestants and Papists is very unreasonably called
the Jesuites Order the very nurseries of Rebellion Are they not the seed-plot of damnable Doctrines Do they not slay the Souls of men with the Sword of the Spirit Is not verbum Domini amongst them as Bishop Laud observed but verbum diaboli Do they not poison the streams of the Sanctuary Yea doth not their very Advocate confess P. p. 57. that in them they speak against the Government and revile the Rulers of the people But this with him may deserve a blessing And thirdly Doth not their best Champion L. C. A. p. 48. judge that they ought to be compelled to Church to hear Sermons So that by their own confession the Magistrate may be bold to execute his Laws to that purpose Yea and doth not D. P. p. 20. declare they may lawfully be punished for disturbing the Ecclesiasticall order to the disquieting of the State 4. Their fourth Reason is They must have a Toleration because many thousaends P. p. 75. great numbers M. I. p. 9. the Non-conformers out-balance Conformers D. R. p. 28. and D. P. p. 57. I doubt these men are drunk with their opinion and see double or treble They swagger as if the Town were their own May they not be troubled with the Athenian Thrasylaus conceit that all they see is their own But first Themselves in their harangues amongst their feminine troups call themselves a despised little Flock Secondly The late Army alwaies held the spirit of this Nation to use their Cant an imposing spirit and therefore one Major Creed resolved in one of their Junto's to draw his Sword against a free Parliament as the common enemy to that Army-darling Liberty of Conscience Thirdly The most part of them are the Riffe-raffe of the Nation yet I say upon my conscience that I believe not above a seventh part of the people are inclined to Liberty of Conscience Fourthly If their Patron may be a witness in the Case L. C. A. p. 21. says The greatest part of men desire a visible Judge to save them the pains of tedious Enquiries Fifthly They have often tried and never could chuse a Parliament for that purpose which is a convincing evidence that they are not the major Vote Sixthly They carry great animosities against each other Seventhly The argument is a poling argument where Sententiae numerantur non ponderantur says Plin. l. 2. ep 12. Eighthly Is it prudent to forbear the Cure because the Leprosie is spread all over the body A great Politician indeed advises Vir sapiens nunquam direxit brachia contra Torrentem but sure that advice is more Christian Tu nè cede malis c. Faction is a fire kindled in City and Country and P. p. 37. tells us the way to quench it is to let it alone thus also counsells M. I. p. 5. and D. P. p. 6. Well the Rump did so did that quench or rather increase it much more that is a convincing Experiment Errour is a Gangraene and will spread if permitted When these flouds break out they must be banked up Ninthly Neutrality loses both parts as Hen. 4. of France found to his sorrow He that hath no Enemy hath no Friend How should any think himself obliged for that favour that is given to all Bats are most despised because a middle between birds and beasts Tenthly Be the Sectaries never so many yet if Christians they must not disturb the Government Tertull found Christians to fill the Armies Markets Senate Courts and all yet they never opposed the then-persecuting Emperours To conclude I ever took King in Parliament to be the Strength as well as most capacious Interest of the Nation So that to affrighten them with numbers is a Bug-bear a threat to the Government and deserves correction 5. You must tolerate men for force will doe nothing upon Christians P. p. 13. Restraint makes Bedlams p. 30. A mere Command makes Disobedience p. 25. Violence unites them p. 38. Indulgence onely makes them throw off Errours p. 53. Conscience can't be touched L. C. A. p. 10. Force doth no good p. 29. Sword can't hinder Opinions M. I. p. 18 20. Force is an odious Superintendency over Consciences For answer first God appointed the Sword to be a terrour to evil-doers Rom. 13. 3. and I do not think these Authours can prove his Institutions frivolous or useless If the Sword can doe nothing S. Paul is mistaken who thought it would terrifie wicked men I hope notwithstanding their discourse they will avoid sin for fear of Hell Secondly That setting a Law forces Disobedience is an Objection that flies in the face of God as well as of the Parliament for God hath set a royal Law to mankind which he would never have done if the mere setting a Law forces Disobedience Thirdly Say that it did yet the Law may be holy just and good Rom. 7. 12. the Chain may be Gold though the Dog break his teeth on it Fourthly If they believe Indulgence will destroy the Sectaries why do they deny Liberty to the Papists Do they desire to make the Papists more obstinate by Persecution or will they use those weapons against them that they confess can't work upon Conscience will they unite them closer by acts of violence or are they so unmercifull as to deny the Papists the gentle means of recovery from their Errours or will Restraint onely cure Papists and Liberty Sectaries If Liberty would diminish numbers why must not the Papists be this way diminished At this Peep-hole one may see these men plead what they do not believe Fifthly If force will doe nothing how comes one of them to say the King of Japan rooted Christianity out of his Country by violence Sixthly But 't is too certain that force upon Conscience will doe much The ingenious Authour of the Inconveniences of Toleration gives two sad instances of it in Love and Jenkins But to avoid envy we will instance in S. Peter who abjured his Lord through fear of a Crucifixion And if force was so prevalent on so great a Saint what may it be on this giddy Rout whose tongue is their hardiest part Seventhly To feed the humour with Liberty can never be the way to cure it Eighthly The Heathen observed that Anaxagoras being fined five Talents and banished for asserting the Sun to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a globe of fire none ever affirmed it after Tully observes in his Nat. deor l. 1. that when the Philosophers saw Protagoras punished for saying De Diis neque ut sint neque ut non sint habeo dicere they were all for the future tardiores ad sententiam suam profitendam quippe cum poenam nec dubitatio effugere potuisset And who knows not but the death of Socrates laid the foundation of the Academicks and Scepticks So that none dar'd positively to assert the unity of the Godhead for a long time after Christ says in tribulation many will fall from the Truth and think we will none fall from their Errours Should
5. In respect of the Consequences of such a change the sharpest Eye-fight being not able to reach the end of such an attempt It will well become a sober Parliament constituted of the most substantial and honest Gentry to leave the Church in such a Constitution as she had in the most flourishing times of our former Princes leaving it to Rumpers and others of the like audacious Consciences to bring in Sacrilege Confusion Errours Schisms Blasphemies Civil wars c. and so to entail Tortures to their Consciences Stains on their Reputations Curses on their Families and Consumptions on their Estates Which God avert 3. The Parliament will find all Salvo's to make way for an Accommodation utterly pernicious 1. Because they accuse the Laws as too rigid 2. Salvo's oblige none to obey but Quicunque vult 3. The disobedient seem equally innocent with the obedient and more consciencious 4. They permit a Party against the Laws and proclaim variety of judgments 5. Changing men from compliance with the Law to the benefit of a Salvo will be called Conversion in a little time by scrupling Preachers 6. All Salvo's are virtual Repeals of a Law 4. 'T is certainly necessary thatx the Parliament stand fast to the Government of the Nation according to their own Explications 1. Because without them men had some pretences to justifie a Civil War which was a strong temptation to the raising of it 2. Because if a Prince cannot wrong nor can he right his Subjects if he could doe no hurt he could doe no good 3. Because Rebells find alwaies hands too strong for the best Laws and just Princes generally find the Laws too weak to protect them especially in this Island where old Gildas long since observed the people were fortes ad Bella civilia Yea he adds Si quis Principum mitior veritati aliquatenus propior videretur in hunc quasi Britanniae subversorem omnium odia teláque sine respectu torquebantur I groan when I reade it yet our late Times have most emphatically Englished it 4. 'T is certain what Odium they can receive from Male-contents they have received already being judged by so freely declaring the Law Propugnators of Laws Religion Settlement the Prince's Rights and People's Interests and thereby of the Loyall Party for which the Factious are their implacable enemies 5. Because the Parties that would be gratified are true enemies to all Government The dispute being not what Government but what Governours with them They could no more endure the Long Parliament with their Aristocracie nor the Rump with their Oligarchie nor the Protector with his Olivarchie then their lawfull Prince with his regular Monarchie In a word what they are in Church they are in State alwaies Reforming but never Reformed 5. The late vote of the Honourable House of Commons for putting penall Laws in execution is most just 1. Because every Magistrate ought to punish injuries done to God as well as those done to men 2. To distinguish the good Subject from the Rebell 3. To take away temptations from others to grow Factious 4. To draw the Factious to Repentance by momentany affliction for the saving of their Souls 5. To bank up the floud of Errours from overflowing an Island aliquid semper audire volente nihil certi stebiliter retinente as Gildas observes of us and Bede confirms Hist. Eccl. l. 1. c. 8. in the self-same words An Itch after new Factions being as natural to us as after the new Fashions of the French a bad new way being in all Ages more welcome to us then the good old way 6. If the Law given be neglected the Law-giver can't be respected 7. A dormant Law serves onely to increase transgression both in them that swear to execute the Laws and in them that disobey 8. By this means a Constable or Church-warden in a Parish may void the best-contrived Sanctions of Parliament 9. If it be not possible to execute a Law the Contrivers wanted wisedome if not lawfull they wanted Justice 10. If former Laws be voided by neglect of Execution future Laws will not be fear'd which tends to dissolve all Government 6. 'T is humbly proposed to consideration whether the Church-wardens Tax for repair of Churches ought not to be levied as the Over-seers of the Poor is by Justices Warrant yea and Vicarage-Tiths be declared positive in favour of Vicars who have commonly the greatest work and least wages and made to be sued for at Common Law 1. Because Sectaries stand willingly excommunicate and are tempted so to doe by saving their money 2. The heavy sentence of Excommunication is unproportionable to the detaining a Groat 3. An Act may be so drawn as not to be Derogative but Accumulative to Church-Franchises leaving the Plaintifi to take what way he pleases 4. It would prevent a thousand clamours against Spiritual Courts for too frequent Presentments buying of Time Excommunicating for Trifles c. 5. If all Irregularities were punished with Penalties and onely Crimes with Excommunication it would remove a great deal of offence especially if Excommunication be executed with that Conscience and Gravity a Censure of Christ ought to be and by those hands in which Christ left it I know that Contumacie as the learned D. Hammond Power of Keys hath proved is the onely sin that Excommunication punishes but 't is pity to buoy men up into that stubborn Posture for every Trifle since men may guesse from the equality of punishment that the Church embraces that Stoicall conceit that Omnia peccata sunt equalia Lastly That Liberty may be yet more confined I humbly beg that common Swearing and common Travelling on the Lord's Day may be stopp'd by Parliamentary Authority lest their general practice should make them in mens opinions degenerate from Crimes to Vertues I would that our Scruplers had set their stomachs against these Vices and we should soon have been Brethren Now to turn the Tables a little I become a Petitioner for Liberty of Conscience to wit That it may be lawfull for Priest and People without fear of Bailiffs or common Arrests to repair to and retire from their Parish-Churches upon Sundays lest while your Acts command attendance on Divine Service and Arrests forbid them they be forced upon transgressions NOw Sir by this you may see my sense of these Authours and their Designs and what I imagine to be more wholesome Counsell If you wonder at my style as too biting for my temper I alledge that the spirit of Meekness can be but of little use against a Party that want Modesty Besides the nature of this Case is such that the discovery of these mens Crimes is a confutation of their Cause And our Saviour though meek and lowly found a whip for the Temple-beasts never using bitterer expressions then to the Saint-like Hypocrites Wolves in Sheeps cloathing are double-skinn'd and must not be whipp'd with a Nosegay They cry with the Donatists Nos soli homines caeteri canes sues proclaim each other godly and serious men so that to have smothered the truth had been to conspire with the Devil to their Damnation Upon these Reasons I stand at the Bar of your candid Censure for my Severity rejoycing that your Honour will be concerned in the Interest of Christ's Church and not like the Gallio's of our Age care for none of these things What now remains for me but to lay down my Pen and take up my Prayers That God would grant England to speak the same things and think the same things and doe the same things and that at length all Animosities laid aside we may all with one heart and one mouth glorifie the God of our Fathers so that maugre all opposition England may again appear a Nation at unity within it self Which shall be the daily prayer and endeavour of Dated from my Study Apr. 15. 1668. Your Honour 's most humble Servant Abraham Philotheus FINIS