maruayle howe chaunce Why the Isralites after their repentance â—o not breake the league maâ—e with the Chananites that they styll kept the league which was wickedlye made with the Chananites ouerthrew not their detestable worshippinges Temples and Idols Vndoubtedly if theyr repeÌ„tance had bene true and perfect they ought faythfully to haue amended that wherein they synned for among other thinges those ar counted the iust fruites of repentaunce I haue nothing els to answer here but that I thinke they dyd not thys bicause they wanted force God forgeueth sinnes but he doth not by by restore the good thinges taken away luckelye to fight against those nations For God to punish the transgression and violating of his law had nowe withdrawen theyr strength and audacity And although they repented yet he did not by and by restore vnto them their old strengthes For he vseth in deede straightwaye to receaue repentaunt synners into fauour but he doth not by and by restore those thinges which he by his iust iudgement hath for sinnes taken away This maye we easely see in the fal of our first Parentes For the euils therby comming vnto mankinde wer not taken away of God Yea and those commodities most quiet state whiche they had in Paradise men neuer afterwarde recouered although God hath reconciled vnto himselfe those that beleue in Christ For Dauid had woord brought him by Nathan the prophet that his sinne was forgeuen him yet he could not escape but that his sonne which was borne vnto him perished and he himselfe fel into grieuous miseries So God woorketh somtimes partly to keepe discipline and partly to make manifest vnto men how much he detesteth sinnes Againe more and more to stirre vp repentaunce and that an earnest repentaunce of wicked actes committed in suche as are renued But let vs returne vnto the history wherin certain thinges which happened vnder Iosua are more fully repeated Now saith he He had let the people go and euery man went into his inheritaunce Iosua sent away the people twice from hym to possesse the land The Israelites were twice thus sent away by Iosua First when the land of Chanaan was deuided by lottes For at that time euery Tribe went to possesse those places which fel vnto them by lot Iosua also sent away the people when he should dye For he had called together vnto him the whole multitude of the Israelites by his last sermon to admonish and exhort them Which he preached in such sorte as it is described in his booke the .24 chap. And as it is most likely we ought to vnderstande that sending away in this place to be the same which was done last Seing that it is written in the place now alledged that when the people had heard the words of Iosua renued the couenante of god they wer sent awaye and euerie one went to his owne possession After that is mencioned the deathe of Iosuah euen with as many wordes as it is now repeated Iosua when he should dye executed the office of a good prince Here let vs note that Iosua being almost at the poynt of death executeth the office of a good Prince in exhorting the people openly that with many words not to depart from the sincere religion In which thing he with a godly and holy study imitated Moyses whom he succeded who as we reade toward the end of Deut. behaued himselfe after the sawe sort Iacob also the most holye Patriarche euen now ready to dye called vnto him al his children and seriously and with great holines preached vnto them And that Princes and Kinges shoulde coÌ„modiously do the same it is prescribed vnto them in Deuter. that they should be most studious in the law of God For by that meanes were they made apt to admonish the people and to exhort them faithfully to obserue the commaundementes of the Lord. The Israelites when they wer sent away by Iosua ar sayd to haue gone to possesse the land bicause as yet ther remained very many places for euery Tribe not yet conquered Of which places when Iosua was dead and in the time of the Elders they obtained certain when as they got the victories in battailes as we haue heard froÌ„ the beginning After which victories the first transgression folowed vnto which succeded the repentaunce before mencioned But they abstained from idolatry as long as Iosua lyued and all the time of the Elders which wer equall with him and ouerlyued him who also had seene the wonderfull workes of the Lord. For at that time sound doctrine and the woord of the Lord testified by notable victories wer of great force That good Magistrate by whom the publike wealthe was then gouerned had had experience of the wonderfull power of the woord of God and therefore he continually laboured openly to inculcate vrge it vnto the people of Israel which thing could not want iust fruit ExperieÌ„ce declareth People frame them selues to the example of their princes that almost in euery age the people frame them selues to the example of their Magistrates For if the Princes be zelous both of religion and godlines their subiectes also wil embrace godlinesse and religion But coÌ„trarywise if Princes liue vngodly and dissolutely the people wil likewyse despise religion and lyue filthily Moreouer let the Magistrate as long as he is in authority chiefly haue a care to thys that the holy ministery be perfect and that it teache and administer sound doctrine and pure rites and that he suffer not supersticious or wycked opinions to bee thrust into the church But euen as he prouideth that other Artificers abuse not their sciences so let him diligently beware that the Ministers of the church do not either corrupt the godly rites or falsify the holy doctrine We see that somtimes it happeneth that the ministery in the Church is very laudable and pure But yf an vngodly and wicked Magistrate obtaine the chief rule of thinges It profiteth much to the Ecclesiasticall ministery to haue the magistrate a helper that holy ministery is easely despised of the people Wherfore it is made of lesse efficacy than it would haue bene if it myght haue had the Magistrate a furtherer of it Wherfore we must with most feruent praiers desire that seing the church hath now by the benefit of God in many places recouered godly doctrine and sincere Ministers that it would please God to geue vnto it Magistrates which may be most zelous of godlines and religion If a man should aske whether the people may be good and godly although the Magistrate and Minister of the Church be corrupt I answer that somtyme they may be as touching some as we see to happen in the Papacy where some godly and holy men are euery wher found which neuertheles lyue vnder wicked corrupt and vngodly ciuyl Magistrates and Ministers of the church Howbeit publike exercises of sound religion and godlynes can not vniuersally be had wythout them
his owne and is readye in Gods cause valiantlye to lose his life and therfore though he be somewhat angry or vntemperate he may for al that be called iust liberal and strong A similitude of the Stoikes Moreouer the same father confuteth the similitude of the Stoikes wherin they say that he is as wel drowned in water ouer whose head the water is but an hand bredth as he which hath the water tenne or twentye cubites ouer his head This similitude saith hee is not aptly brought Wherefore wee must bring in an other more fyt to the purpose namely a similitude of light and darknes Vndoubtedly the more a man departeth from darkenes and commeth nearer to the light hee beginneth then somewhat to see Wherefore it commeth to passe that although he be couered wyth darkenes yet for al that after a sort he is somewhat partaker of the light But he which is desirous to know more of this thing let him reade ouer that .29 Epistle And these thinges haue I to this end brought to confirme that all synnes are not equal as the Stoikes iudged Let vs returne therefore to the place of Iames which I before brought The obseruation of the law is not to be receaued with an exception Hee which offendeth in one is therfore made guyltye of all bicause the obseruing of the law is not to be receaued with an exception so that we shoulde chuse vnto vs any certaine part of it to keepe and lay away and neglect an other part for a tyme as we wil and lyst our selues God hath ioyned together the commaundementes of the law And it is not our part to seperat them as we lyst Seing the coÌ„mandemeÌ„tes of the law are ioyned together it is not our part to seperate theÌ„ We must looke vpon the authority of the lawgeuer which ought to be of force as well in one commaundement as in al. This interpretation Iames hym selfe seemeth to confirme when he saith He which said Thou shalt not commit adulterye The same saith Thou shalt not kyl as though he would say God is as muche resisted in breaking one of these commaundementes as in an other But it maye be proued also by an other reason that he which synneth in one is guilty of al. For if as we should be driuen by temptation lust or occasion whereby we shoulde be styrred to any certain transgression of the law so if by the same or lyke violence we wer driuen into any other transgression we shoulde as well breake the one as the other Augustine also teacheth in the place now alledged that the senteÌ„ce of Iames is for an other cause true bicause sinne which is committed is vndoubtedly contrary vnto charity wherin the obseruation of the whole lawe dependeth In suÌ„me to this end haue I rehersed al these things to declare that sinnes which are committed are not for that cause to be diminished or extenuated bycause they are counted light for so much as the transgressions of the law ar not to be waighed onely by the waight and woorthines of their actions but rather by the strength of Gods woord and authority of the lawe of God who hath forbidden to synne The ryght obseruing of the sacramentes perteyne vnto the first table But least in this thing I should seeme to rough I am coÌ„tent that they haue some consideration euen of the acte wherin the synne is committed And surely as touching that I cannot see how to sinne against the sacramentes can be iudged a light fault when as that kinde of sinne pertaineth to the first table wherin vndoubtedly the worshipping of God is set forth Which worshipping alone kept whole and sound other thinges are easely corrected And on the contrarye that being corrupted and defiled all other thinges whatsoeuer we doo become most vnthankeful vnto God Furthermore they thinke that the fault whereof we entreate maye therefore be extenuated bicause they affirme that they slide not of minde and purpose but onely by constraint Whom if thou shouldest demaund what maner of compulsory that is which they pretende They cannot vndoubtedly geue any other answer but bicause they would not incur the losse of their goodes Aristotell Shipmen suffer wise wyth their willes not bi coÌ„straint their fame and their lyfe But these thinges make not but that the action is voluntarye For as Aristotle hath taught in his Ethikes when as shipmen in daunger do hurle their goods in to the sea to auoyde the daunger of shipwracke they are said commonly to be compelled when as in dede they willingly throw them in For they take deliberation and with knowledge they determine rather to lose their goodes than their life And as they in that worke do wisely so do our men for the loue of lyfe and body couetousnes of the goodes of this world vnwisely choose the losse of eternall life when as with a wycked dissimulation they go vnto detestable Masses Wherefore the excuse which they bring cannot be receaued as iust The Corrinthians also mought by this reason when they were reproued of Paule haue defended them selues If wee go vnto the feastes dedicated to idols we go not thether of our own affection as though we would allow such sacrifices but by iust reasons we are compelled to go thether For if we should flye from such feastes we should be couÌ„ted seditious euyl Citizens and without humanity we should lose pleasant amities and most profitable defences and also peraduenture our riches and country If thei had said these thinges to Paule would he haue heard them No trulye For he was not ignoraunt but that they might haue said so and yet for al that as it is wrytten in his Epistle he vehementlye and most sharpelye reproued them Aaron also might according to these mens opinion iustly and rightly haue defended himself in that he made a Calfe vnto the Israelites For he mought haue said I dyd it not from the hart but I was compelled so to do bicause the people except I had obeyed them would haue stoned me In dede so be answered but Moyses which knew right well that that necessitye or compulsion was not iust but came of a naughty condition or ground which neither Iustice woulde suffer to be receaued Masse is a certain toâ—eÌ„ wherby the â—â—ythful at 〈◊〉 â—en froÌ„ the superstitious nor God would by any meanes admyt therfore dyd Moyses I say sharpely reproue him They ought also to be most assured of this that the Masse is a pledge an earnest peny a token and signe whereby Papistes knowe theirs from others For whether a man geue almes or no whether he pray or not pray whether he lyue chastly or vnpurely and such like things they neglect they onely haue a regarde to this whither he come to Masse which if they perceaue that he doo by and by they count him for one of their own And againe to detest the Masse Masse is a certaine profession of popery and not to
regenerate and of the gift of regeneration whiche should be geuen by Christ But men that are regenerate shal be iudged euery maÌ„ according to his own desertes and not accordyng to other mens synnes And so the sonne shall not beare the iniquity of the father but the soule whiche hath sinned it shall dye But before regeneration originall sinne infecteth and destroyeth all posterityes This distinction of Augustine I disalow not but I doubt whether it be sufficiently applyed vnto the meaning of Ezechiel and Ieremy Ezechiel and Ieremy wrote both the selfe same wordes in sundry places Both those Prophetes wrote these selfe same wordes The fathers haue eateÌ„ sower grapes and the childrens teeth are set on edge when as yet the one was in Iewry and the other caried away into Babilone Whiche is a manifest argument that they spake both with one and the selfe same spirite But Augustine sayeth that the exposition of Ezechiel is to be sought for in the .31 chap. of Ieremy For there after the same wordes it is added Beholde the dayes will come and I will make a new couenaunt c. Wherfore that place is wholy to be applied vnto regeneration and therfore by these wordes of Ieremy the wordes of Ezechiel are to be interpreted of those that are regenerate In this manner that father thynketh this question is fully aunswered But when I more attentyuely doo weighe the chap. of Ezechiel I thinke that he speaketh of the punishmentes and afflictions of this lyfe For why complayned the people saying that the fathers had eaten sower grapes and the childreÌ„s teeth were set on edge Did they complaine of the payne of hell No vndoubtedly but bicause they were led away captiue into Babilone and lyued in seruitude They complayne that God semeth to deale to hardly with them bycause for as much as their fathers were idolaters yet they which had not sinned were punished For those punishementes the people lamented wherfore it was necessary that the Prophet should aunswere them of the same punishementes The soule of the father is myne and the soule of the sonne is myne The soule whiche hath sinned it shal dye These wordes therfore haue a respect vnto the punishmentes of this lyfe Although I do not deny but that it may also be transferred vnto spirituall punishmeÌ„tes Argumentum a minori ad maius but not vnles it be by an argumeÌ„t from the les to the great And that after this maner God doth not for an other mans sinne punishe with paynes which dure but for a tyme those whiche are vtterly innocent therfore much les will he punishe them with spirituall and eternall punishmentes Ierome Ierome when he interpreteth this place of Ezechiel hath the solution which Augustine also afterward followed as in his place we shall declare But the interpretations do vary bycause it is a thing obscure and the difficulty hereof ryseth bycause it can not be denyed but that God doth vexe some for other mens sakes For although C ham vncouered the filthines of his father yet the curse was transferred to Chanaan his sonne And when the Sodomites had grieuously sinned the children were also burnt together with the fathers And when Dauid had committed aduoutry God caused that the sonne whiche was borne of the aduoutry to dye Wherfore in a thing so obscure Ierome bringeth his owne interpretation but he declareth also other mens iudgementes as touchyng this question An Allegorical exposition of some First he sayth that there were very many which did vnderstand this place of the lawe That God will visite the iniquity of the fathers vpon the children vnto the third fourth generation allegorically of euery singular soule or man For there are in vs certayn naturall passions Foure degrees of sinnes impulsions and violences to euil or as other say first motions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then followeth deliberation when a man determineth with himselfe to do euill Thirdly is performed that whiche was determined Fourthly followeth boastyng of the wicked acte when he reioyseth and hath a pleasure in his sinnes So in a maner are numbred foure generatioÌ„s but God is so gentle that in the first and second generation that is in the first motions and in deliberation he sayth nothing and winketh at it but the third and fourth that is the perpetrating boasting he punisheth when a man both doth euill and gloryeth in his sinnes and will not repent Wherefore they say that God reuengeth vpoÌ„ the bowes and not vpon the rootes For maÌ„ as they thinke if he neither do euill nor boast of his euil may be saued althoughe otherwise he both lusteth and deliberateth to commit euill And in that maner they interprete Paul vnto Timothe when he sayth that the woman shal be saued by procreation of children so that they abyde in the fayth c. that is The soule shal be saued if it worke that which is good althoughe it haue euill motions and cogitations This interpretation do not I allowe first bycause it is Allegoricall The impulsioÌ„s and first motions of the minde are sinnes when as God especially in the law speaketh simply and manifestly moreouer bycause if the wordes of God should be applied vnto allegoryes they should be made vtterly vncertayne lastly bycause that whiche is sayd is not true For these impulsions and first motions are sinnes bycause both they are agaynst the law of God and also they are condemned of Christ when he sayth in the Gospell He whiche seeth a woman and lusteth after her hath committed fornication already in hys harte And he whiche is angry with his brother is worthy of iudgement For God doth not so regarde the â—ctes but that he much more hath a respect vnto the mynde Moses at the waters of contention sinned grieuously and yet if we diligently weighe that hystory we shall finde nothing that he committed euill outwardly But God saw the incredulity of his heart and tooke great vengeance of hym Wherfore those motions and deliberations of the minde are not onely sinnes but also are grieuously punished of God Wherfore let vs leaue this interpretation whiche Ierome also bringeth not as his owne But now to make the matter playne as touchyng punishmentes of this lyfe As touchyng punishementes which dure but for a tyme that no man suffreth whiche he hath not deserued no man can say he suffreth that which he deserueth not bicause no man is pure no not the childe that is but a day old there is none whiche hath not deserued eueÌ„ death why then should men say Our fathers haue eaten sowre grapes c. wheÌ„ as euery man shall beare his owne burthen either as touching this lyfe or as touchyng eternall lyfe But God doth not alwayes send these euils which dure but for a time as paynes and punishmentes God doth not alwayes send those euilles which dure but for a tyme as punishements but hath very oftentymes a respect vnto others endes as
the sprite of the lord came vpon him but we haue alredy interpreted that it was the spirite of strength And although the sprite of the Lord was vpon him yet is it not of necessitye that he did all thinges by that spirite For we also which are Christians haue the sprite of Christ when as yet none of vs is renewed in all partes yea rather we all very oftentimes sinne Augustine addeth moreouer that although the fathers sometimes sinned yet if nothinge letteth but that god maye vse theyr sinnes to signifye those thinges whych myght instructe the people For god is so good that euer of sinnes he picketh out laudable commodities and maketh them alligorically to declare what semeth profitable vnto hym As in that Iudas played the whoremonger with his doughter in law it signified that god would couple vnto himself the church which before was an harlot so also maye it be that by this acte of Iiphtah he signified that god so loued mankinde that he would geue his onely begotten sonne vnto the death for it for he did not in vaine and without any cause suffer such a thing to be don by the fathers Although they greuously sinned yet god could vse their actions to the instruction of his people They were amased at the sacrifices of beasts neither did they as it was mete lift vp the eies of their minds vnto christ Wherfore god would by this meanes stirre vp the sluggish that they should be enduced by the humayne sacrifice of Iiphtahs daughter to thinke vpon Christ For he should geue his lyfe and be made a sacrifice for mankinde Farthermore Augustine toucheth a reason whereby he defendeth the acte of Iiphtah It may be said saith he that he was moued by the sprite of god to make a vow and led by the same spirite to performe it Wherfore he is the more worthy of prayse so far is it of the he shoulde be reproued But the cannot be gathered by the wordes of the history But that whych some saye as we haue before touched he wepte tare his garments and was excedingly sorye therefore he was not moued by the sprite of God God so requireth obedience that he withdraweth not affections this I saye doth not muche moue me For god so requireth of vs the duties of piety that yet he withdraweth not frō our minds humayne affections Christ himself when he should willingly go to dye for our sakes sayd for all that my soule is heauye euen to the death He prayed also father if it be possible let his cup go from me But Augustine intendeth to declare how Iiphtah might be defended which I also would gladly do if I had any part of the history to helpe me But that which followeth in Augustine is spoken to imitate Ambrose The error of Augustine For he writeth The error of Iiphtah hath some praise of faith which thinge as I haue before shewed can not be receaued For if it were an error then can it not be ascribed vnto the mocion of the holye ghoste Farther if it were sinne what praise of fayth can there be in it Because he feared not to render that which he had promised What if the vowe were not lawfull Can fayth be there praysed Moreouer he saith He declined not from the iudgemēt of God and he hoped that he would haue prohibited him frō killing of his daughter He would rather vtterly performe the will of god then contemne it These thinges were well spoken if he had bene assured of the wil of God But he was not assured of it yea rather god had otherwise prohibited it in his lawe Wherefore if it were an error it ought not to be praysed But if the spirit moued him then was there in it no error That which he afterward addeth is moste true and maketh on my syde Firste he sheweth that it was prohibited that a man shoulde kill his childrē both by the example of Abraham and by the law Farther why the maidens wept he bringeth the same reason that I brought namely both that the fathers should beware not to bynd themselues with such a vow and that so great an obedience of this mayden should not be put in obliuion These thinges wee haue out of Augustine by which woordes appeareth that he thoughte that this virgin was in very dede immolated and not compelled by the vowe of chastitye to liue alone Which sentence I my selfe also do altogether allow They which think otherwise haue not passing two or three authors but I haue many which are on my side and especially the auncient Rabbines whyche liued at that time wherin the Chaldey Paraphraste and the writinge of the Thalmut was made Reasons which confirme the interpretation For the Chaldey Paraph. affirmeth that the mayden was slayne Iosephus Ambrosius and Augustin are of the same opinion And we haue reasons not to be contemned First bicause there was no law in the old time that maydens should vow chastity yea rather it was a curse if a womā had died without children and baren Yea and god promised vnto the hebrewes if you obserue my law there shal be no barren woman among you Neyther is it very lykelye that holy men would by theyr vow hinder this promise Farther in all the scriptures reueled by god there remayneth no example of such a thinge Also by this interpretacion we should seeme after a sort to confirme monasticall vowes which ar playnly against the holy scriptures For Paule admonisheth that he which cannot containe should mary a wyfe I wil not speak how Iiphtah taried not for the consēt of the mayden before he vowed without whiche as I haue before shewed the vowe of Virginity could not be ratified I haue opened my mouth sayth he vnto the Lord and I cannot go backe Wherefore he vowed not the Virginitye of the mayden when as he asked not counsell of her To this also serueth the weeping of the Virgins and therewithall the weepinge of the mayden herselfe For she desired that shee mighte with her fellowes bewaile her Virginitye But if it were a vow why should she haue lamented it We vse to bewayle our sinnes not our vowes But the cause that moued the Rabbines Kimhi Ben Gerson was this because they wil eyther allowe or excuse the acte of Iiphtah But wee must not labor for that not that we would willinglye vncouer the defaultes of the fathers but because we see that thinges whiche are not well doone are not to be excused Moreouer also this doth not a litttle moue me bicause the Iewes at this day haue not this vowe of Virginity among them Wherefore al these reasons lead me to think that the daughter of Iiphtah was in very dede immolated But if it be demaunded whyther he sinned or no in doing this The question aunswered two wayes it may be aunswered two manner of wayes Firste bycause as he was a man so moughte hee seme as very many of the elders fel. Secōdly it may
companyon Then the Philistians came vp and burnt her and her father wyth fyre 7 And Samson said vnto them If ye had done these thinges but I wyl be auenged of you and then I wyl cease This woord Lampades they haue translated firebrandes which are easelye set on fire Samson bounde the tayles of the Foxes two and twoo together wyth a strong knot and in the middest he bound a fyrebrande When the Foxes coulde not agree together in their course for the one drew this way and the other that way so that they could not hide themselues in their holes but the flame by stirring and moouing was more and more kindled they ran into the standing com And at that time was the wheate haruest and the wheate partlye reaped and partly grewe still Wherefore the Foxes running thorowe the corne dyd them very great hurt For they lost both their straw and their corne with their vineyardes and Oliues Why Samson did chuse foxes The coÌ„sideration of Samsons pollecy was this He chose a Foxe to this enterprise rather then any other beast bicause it is a craftye and subtil beast and goeth by crooked and bye passages But Samson goeth the right way to woorke otherwise he mought easelier haue bound Dogges together but he rather vsed Foxes for the cause before alledged as Dauid Kimhi affirmeth Neither would he to euery Foxe alone binde a firebrande partly bicause they would haue drawen the firebrands along the ground and so might easely haue put them out and partly bicause they would soone haue gotten them into theyr holes But wheÌ„ two and two wer by the tayles ioyned together the one drew one way the other an other way by that mocion was the fire the more kindled Origene and when they ranne into the corne they did very great hurt Origene vpon Cantica Canticorum in his .iiii. Homely as he is euery where ful of Allegories referreth al this thing also to an Allegory although he plainely confesseth that it is hard to apply an Allegorye vnto this History But I as I haue often in other places so do I also in this place omit Allegories But if a man aske how Samson got so manye Foxes he must vnderstande that as there are sundry regions so are there also in them manyfolde and sundry increase of thinges In some place there are manye horses and those fayre In some place there is great aboundaunce of Cattell In Englande there is great plentye of Conies and so is there in the Ilandes called Baleares In those Regions a man maye easelye in one daye and in a lytle grounde take three or foure hundreth Conies Siria aboundeth in Foxes which to some peraduenture myght seeme incredyble And so is it sayd that there is a very great aboundaunce of Foxes in Siria and specially in the borders of Iewry Wherefore Salamon in hys Canticles sayth Take Foxes for vs which destroye the vyneyardes Wherefore there was so great number of them that they also destroyed the vineyardes for they delight most of all in ripe grapes Yea and Dauid saith of the vngodlye They shall bee partes of Foxes that is their pray so that their karkases shall be deuoured of them And out of the .4 chap. of Nehemias is gathered that the number of them was so great that they could in a maner ouerturne the walles of the city And Samson tooke them either by his own industry or by the helpe of his friendes He sent the Foxes and destroied their corne Hereby we may gather that in iust war it is lawful to vse burninges and spoilinges to endomage their enemies The Philistians sayd who hath done this They seeke for the authour and they doo not onely fynde him but also they vnderstand the cause why he dyd it and they take vengeaunce of hys father in lawe and his wyfe that was maryed vnto an other If ye had done these thynges These are the woordes of a man that is angry and therefore cut of wherefore we must vnderstand if ye had done these thinges at the beginning when my wyfe was first taken from mee I had bene pacified But ye haue done it to late therefore I wyll yet be auenged of you For that which ye haue done ye haue not done for loue to iustice and honesty but for feare of a greater hurt If iustice had moued them they woulde at the fyrste haue punished them But they followe the common nature of men which are with no other thing more touched then by the feelyng of present euyls which we may perceaue not onely here Men are morâ— moued by â—â—râ— then bâ— anye other meanes but also in the historye whyche is found in the latter booke of Samuel Absolon had long lyued in exile Ioab obtained of the kyng that he might returne Wherefore he returned but hee was not admitted vnto the kynges syght And when Ioab woulde not wyllinglye come vnto him Absolon commaunded hys seruauntes to burne the corne of Ioab Wherefore Ioab beyng mooued with this iniurye came vnto hym at the last So also the Philistians being in a manner compelled Whi somtimes the syn oâ— a priuate man is the cause of the destruction of a whole citye or kingdome doo reuenge the iniury of Samson This also is to be noted that often times a whole City or kingdome is punished for the synne of one man or of one famely And that sawe the Poetes when they wrote that onelye the aduoultrye of Paris ouerthrewe the kingdome of Troy And vndoubtedly when a publike wealth eyther wynketh at or defendeth or punisheth not the synne of a priuate man God counteth it all one as if they had all synned together If they haue good lawes and doo followe them in punishyng wycked actes God wyll not for their sakes punyshe them all Hereby also we may see that the sentence of Salomon is most true wherein he sayth That which the vngodly feareth shall happen vnto him The maâ—den feared least her fathers house should be burnt Why the vngodlye call 〈◊〉 those euylls or which they be a feard of and she by that waye moste of all brought burning by which shee thoughte to auoyde it But why happeneth iâ— that the vngodlye doo fall into that which they feare Bicause when they fearâ— euyll thinges they go about to auoyde them by euyll meanes and not by good Iosephs brethren feared least he should be preferred before them when they saw that his father loued him so well And that they might auoyde his promocion they sold him into Egipt But by that meanes chiefly it came to passe that Ioseph was made ruler ouer them The Iewes feared least if Christ should go forward as he began the Romanes woulde come and take awaye their nacion and place And to turne awaye that they gaue vnto Iudas a price and crucified Christ whereby they the sooner threwe them selues headlong into those euyls which they feared The mayden was burned with al her fathers famely By
then be But both we our selues and al ours doinges I say sayinges thoughtes and counsels are due vnto god Wherfore our merites do vtterly perish Moreouer those workes whereby wee should merite ought to be of our selues which cannot be affirmed for as muche as it is god which worketh in vs both to wil to perform that not as we wil but according to his good wil. Augustine Wherfore Augustine was accustomed very wel to say that God which crowneth his giftes in vs. And in his .100 Epistle ad Sixtū Presbiterum Paul saith he when he had sayd The rewarde of synne is death dyd not straightway adde contrarily The rewarde of righteousnes is euerlasting lyfe But Grace sayth he is eternal life for that is not rendred to our merites but is geuen freely He might in deede haue wrytten after the same manner if he woulde For the holye Scripture sometimes so speaketh But for that he was a defender of grace hee woulde not geue occasion vnto his enemyes to impugne it Farther our woorkes how holye so euer they appeare are neuerthelesse vnpure and imperfect Wherefore they are woorthye rather of punishment then that they should deserue any good And wythout doubt they should be punished were not the redempcion and iustification whyche wee haue by Christ our Lorde There ought also to be some anallogy or proporcion betwene merites and rewardes whereof there is none betwene our workes and eternall lyfe For as Paul saith The sufferinges of this time are not woorthy of the glory to come which shal be reuealed in vs. This is to be added that in the holye scriptures is no where found the name of merite Some in deede are wont to bring the .xvi. chap. of Ecclesiasticus and there they say it is written All mercy shal make place vnto euery one according to the merites of his workes But they which obiect this thing let him looke vpon the Greeke text wherin it is thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is in latine Deus omni misericordiae faciet locum quisque iuxta opera sua inueniet Which in englyshe signifieth God wil make place vnto al mercy and euery man shall finde according vnto hys woorkes But in these woordes there is no mencion made of merite onely this is wrytten that whose woorkes are good they shall be in good case but yet their woorkes are not sayde to bee merites or causes of rewarde I wyll not speake howe that booke is not in the Canon bycause Paule and the Gospels vse the same forme of speaking But of that whyche is wrytten vnto the Hebrewes by suche Sacrifices God is well pleased I haue before spoken nowe wyth one woorde onely will I briefly touche the thing This woorde of deseruing is not founde in the Greeke In Greeke is read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by whyche woorde is onely signified that the good woorkes of the faythfull are gratefull and acceptable vnto God Of the woorde reward But as touching this woorde rewarde which some bicause they do not well vnderstand it do take for merite we must deuide it two maner of wayes For that is sometymes called a rewarde whiche is geuen freelye but yet is promysed by adding of some worke wherby men should be styrred vp to doo well So eternal life may be called a reward not that we deserue the same by our woorkes but bicause by a certain order appointed of God it followeth our good workes But somtimes a reward is that which is due vnto good dedes Whither eternal lyfe may be called a reward is rendred vnto them of duty After this maner eternal life cannot be called the reward of our workes Wherfore Paul to the Romanes saith Abraham beleued God it was imputed vnto him for righteousnes But vnto him which woorketh reward is not imputed according to grace but according to debt Wherefore eternal lyfe for as muche as it is not of ryght dewe cannot be a reward if the woorde be taken in that signification But when they thus reason there is a reward geuen ergo there is a merite The argument is not firme A genere ad species bicause in affirming we may not discend from the general woorde to the species Neyther doth he rightly conclude whych sayth It is a liuing creature ergo it is a man This generall word reward hath two species therfore this argument is not firme if we saye It is a reward Ergo it is plaine that it must be geuen of dewty This saying also of Ieremy is to be added Cursed be euery one that putteth his hope in man and calleth flesh his strength But all our thinges whatsoeuer they be are not without flesh Wherfore it is not lawful for vs to put confidence in them Ierome And Ierome writing vpon that place hath very well brought in manye thinges whereby may be vnderstanded that in our workes there is no regard of merite Yea and the Papists also themselues which ar the patrones of merites are sometimes compelled to confesse that our merites are nothing at all For on the 2. Sonday in the Aduēt thus they pray Be pacefied O god with the prayers of our humility and wher helpe of merites do want succor vs with the aydes of of thy mercy The fathers whē in theyr writings they oftentimes inculcate this word of meriting do by it signify nothinge els then to get to obteine and to atteine to And as manye of them as haue written purelye the same haue detested the consideration of merites whereof the papistes so much bost Wherfore the Israelites were not heard thoroughe the merite of their teares or prayers but bycause by fayth in Christ to come they obteyned forgeuenes of sins and so by his merite onely they returned into fauor againe with god They offred sacrifice What profite the sacrifices of the law had Although I haue before largely spoken of the sacrifices in the olde time yet I thinke it good here also briefly to touch what profite was of them in the old law When men are vexed with calamityes they beginne to think vpon theyr sin they loke vpon the law wher whē they behold the wrath of god kindled for sinne they are in hart deiected in which perturbatiō there remaineth no remedy but to get them vnto Christ which is the summe and end of all sacrifices Him did the fathers which wer godly embrase by faith but in the sacrifices as often as the sacrifice was slaine so often the death of Christe was after a sorte set before the eyes of those that stoode by by whose death the synnes of the world should be taken away The sacramēts of the olders ours at al one but differ in outward Simboles signes Wherfore they had after this manner a communion amonge themselues in Christ which by sundry notes and signes dayly signified to the people in the old time wherhēce they by fayth receaued vnto their saluacion both his death and the fruite
236. 13.1 Let eueri soul be subiect 262 b 13.1 Powers ar ordained of God 260. b. 1. Corinth 2.15 He that is spirituall discerneth all thinges 262. 6.1 Dare anye of you hauyng a cause agaynst an other 256. b 6.13 14 The body is not for fornication 229. b 7.5 Defraud not one another except it be for a time 94. 7.11 If the womā depart let her remain vnmaried or let her bee reconciled 222. b 7.14 Els were your chyldrē vncleane but now ar they holy 182 7.15 If the vnfaithful depart 86 7.37 He dothe well c. that wyll kepe his virgin 46. 8.4 We know that an Idol is nothing in the world 69. b 10.24 Non quae sua sunt quaerētes Such as seeke not their owne 38. b 10.27 If anye that is an infidell byd you c. 44. b. 45. b 11.5 Euery woman that prayeth or prophecieth barcheaded 93 13.2 If I had al fayth 130 13.12 We shal see him face to face 121. 14.34 Let your women keepe silence c. 93 15.44 It is raysed a spiritual body 211 Galath 1.8 Though we or an angel from heauen c. 262 1.15 c. When it pleased God to reueale his sonne in me c. I communicated not with fleshe and bloud c. 265 3.19 It was ordayned by angels in the hand c. 120 Ephes 5.18 Be not dronke with wyne c. but speake in psalmes c. and songes 103 Philip. 4.8 Whatsoeuer things are honest 250 Collossi 3.16 Let the woorde of Christe abounde in you c. in psalmes c. 103 1. Thes 5.22 Ab omni specie ma la abstinete Refrain from al apparance of ill 18. b 1. Timo. 2.1 Supplications praiers intercessions and geuynge of thankes 44 2.11 I permit not a woman to teache c. 93 3.3 No striker 146. b 4.8 Bodely exercise profits lytle but. c. 140. 279 Titus 1.7 No striker 146. b 2.3 Women should be teachers of honest thinges c. 93 Hebru 7.2 Abraham payed tenthes c. 261 13.4 Hooremongers and adulterers God wyl iudge 254. b 13.16 To do good and to distribute c. 251. b Iacob 1.13 God tempteth no mā 79. b 2.10 Who so keepeth the whole law c. 53 1. Peter 4.17 Iudgement begin at the house of God 234. b Apocal. 19.10 22.8 9. I fell downe to woorshpp before the feete c. 69. b ¶ The common places contayned in this booke OF prediction or treasō 36. b Of Masse 41 Of teares 62 Of Sacrifice 63. b Of Idolatrye 68 Of a league 73. b Of truth and of a lye 87 Of dissimulacion 89. b ¶ Whether it be lawfull to lye to preserue the lyfe of oure neighbours 90 ¶ Whether it be lawfull for subiectes to rise against their princes 90 ¶ Whether it bee lawfull for the godly to haue peace with the vngodly 99 Of musicke and songes 102 Of visions or in what sorte and how much God may be knowen of men 118 Of myracles 126 Of Dreames 134. b Of the affections of enuye and emulacion 141. b Of mercy 142 Of a good intent 132 Of Matrimonye and hauing of Concubines 153. b Of ambition 157. b Of murther of Parentes or kinsfolkes called paracidium 158 Of a fable and apollogy 159 Of wyne and dronkennes 161. b Of murther 165. b ¶ How synne dependeth of God 166. b ¶ Whether we cā resist the grace of God or no. 167. b ¶ How God sayth that hee wyll not geue that which he wil giue and contrarily 174. b Of bastards and children vnlawfully borne 177. b ☞ Whether the sonne shal beare the iniquity of the father 178. b Of thinges which were taken by the right of workes 186 Of prescription 188 Of custome 189 Of the vow of Iiphtah 192 Of sedicion 197 Of the vow of the Nazarits 201 Of Sacrifice 206 Of the vision of Angels 208 ☞ Whether it be lawful for children to mary without the consent of their parentes 214 Of playes 218 Of hooredome fornication 129 Of the head of the church 241 Of Securitye 246. b Of the reconciliation of the husbande and the wyfe after that adultry hath ben cōmitted 247 Of a Magistrate 255 Of merites 272 Of fasting 274 Of Rapte 283 Of daunses 286 FINIS ⧠Faultes escaped in the printing desiring thee gentle Reader to correct the same in thy booke before thou beginnest to read this worke which shal helpe thee much in the vnderstanding of those places The order of which correction here vnder thou maiest see The letters a. and. b. which stand by the numbers signify the sides of euery leafe a. signifieng the first syde and b. the second syde Leafe Lyne Faultes Corrected 2. a 3 iudged and iudged 3. b 50 he Greeke the Greke 4. a 20 not reuenge reuenge 7. a 6 holy hylly 10. a 23 region religion 11. a 9 contamined contaminated 11. a 20 This is my This is in my 22. a 48 to vnprofita not vnprofitable 25. a 24 word wordes 25. b 20 wayling wayting 31. b 5 their maters their own mat 31. b 8 greuous suffer greuous 31. b 30 least left 32. a 34 the wel valle the valleys 35. a 2 helpe for the helpe from the 38. b 38 deceaued receaued 39. a 22 ceaseth not to ceaseth to be 40. a 13 signes synnes 43. b 28 saluation salutacion 47. b 47 stranger stronger 48. a 1 that none that to none 49. a 1 obey admoni obey their admo 52. b 25 contemne continue 53. a 10 workers workes 57. a 39 misery mistery 60. a 18 by colour by no colour 61. a 18 weyed weeded 62. a 9 offer offered 62. a 29 sacrifice sacrificer 62. b 33 nation motion 63. b 20 set setteth 63. b 48 sayth fayth 64. a 1 participacion particion 65. b 36 sawe same 68. b 21 there they 73. b 7 angry angry anger anger 77. b 14 doubt double 81. b 18 is maruayle is no maruayle 84. b 16 nothing one thyng 86. b 50 other vnderstād othe vnderstand 87. a 49 not any not least any 92. b 27 do desperate and desperate 96. b 1 by an ordinarye by no ordinary 100. a 22 decreased digressed 100. a 23 the knight the Kenite 100. b 49 Leuites Kenites 106. a 17 xl C. men xl M. men 111. b 25 decrees .23 q. 5. cha dixerit aliquis decrees causa 23. q. 5. dicat aliquis .28 d. 1 120. a 53 word world 122. b 1◠litle title 124. a 17 inuiolated violated 132. a 42 13500. men 135000. men 134. b 1 Recubites Recutites 144. a 32 mention mantion 192. b 51 dryuen drawne 201. b 4 eare heare 203. b 52 preserue obserue 223. a 15 doubting doubling 227. a 20 ententes euentes 228. b 14 pronounces prouinces 230. a 32 Sickenes Sadnes 247. a 16 Cain Cham 269. b 14 leuened leuelled 285. a 14 cōmunicate excommunicate ¶ The commentarie of Master Peter Martyr vpon the Booke of Iudges THere be some whiche deuide the holy scriptures into
by an other reason Romaine lawes forbad the mariage of the brothers daughter the incestuous mariages were forbidden by the light of nature seing that they were earnestly forbidden by the Romane lawes which were counted among the excellentest honestest lawes these by name wherby any man should marrye his niepce by the brother Although Claudius Caesar whē he would marry his brothers daughter Agrippina caused the fyrst law to be abrogated and to be decreed that euery man might haue his brothers daughter to wife But there was neuer a one at Rome except it were one or two which would follow his example And the Romaines obserued the first law which was most honest The Romaine lawes in prohibiting mariages had certaine lawes not mentioned by God Neuerthelesse we muste vnderstand the diuerse persons were prohibited by the lawes of the Romanes of whom the law of god hath made no mention and yet their prohibition was not without a reason Wherfore the Citizens of Rome were bound to obserue thē although by the light of nature they could see no cause why they should so doe which lawes were wont to be called a peculiar kinde of lawes bicause it semeth to be priuate for certain places I will make the thing more plaine by examples The tutor might not marry his pupill The Romaines would not as it is written in Codice that matrimonies shoulde be contracted betwene the tutor and pupill committed to his charge Bycause they saw that this would easely come therby that that tutor which had consumed his pupils goodes least he should be compelled after his tutorship to render accompt of those goods might sollicite the mayden to mariage which being obtained he should be free from geuing accompt of her goods This surely was a good law but yet it was not perfectly obserued Cicero otherwise a graue man Cicero was euill spoken of for the same cause for being farre in other mens debt when he had forsakē his wife Terence he maried his pupill of whose goods affayres he had charge ouer as a tutor The Romanes deceeed also A prisident myght not marry a wife of hys prouince that no president of any prouince should take to wife eyther to himselfe or to any of hys any out of the same prouince wherein he gouerned For they knew right wel that it might so happen that the Pretor Proconsul or President in a prouince cleauing to his families and kynsfolke cōming to him by his wife might make new tumultes and at length be alienated from the publique wealth They saw also a great daunger to hang theron least he should not be iuste and seuere in geuing iudgement bycause he woulde gratifie his kinsfolke more than others Lastly mariages shoulde not haue remayned at libertie in prouinces bicause Magistrates might in a manner compel thē of the prouince to contracte matrimonies either with thēselues Felix had a Iew to hys wife or with their frendes We see also this most honest law violated For Faelix which gouerned Iewrye vnder Nero as it is writtē in the xxiiii chap. of the actes of the Apostles had Drusilla a Iewe to wife But what nede I rehearse that these lawes of a small weyght were not obserued whē as that people had shaken of euen those lawes which we called morall and are knowen by the law of nature Cicero The monstrug lust of Sassia Cicero declareth in his oratiō for Cluentius the one Sassia a most wicked womā was so prouoked with filthy lust that she instigated her sonne in law Aurius Melinus to whō she had before maried her daughter to repudiate his wife wherby he shuld marry her self in stead of her daughter which thīg at the lēgth she got him to do And whē the dede was coūted ful of dishonesty yet was it not punished by the lawes neither do we rede that the matrimonye whiche Cicero cōtendeth to be cōtracted by no good grounds by no authors altogether vnluckely was dissolued by the power cōmaūdemēt of the magistrates Wherfore hereof cōmeth a good reasō also why god would againe inculcate by a law those things whiche by the light of nature were iudged honest For the bonds barres windowes of nature were brokē by the impotent lust of mē therfore it was necessary they should be boūd with an other bond For the Israelites were no more shamefast in keping of natural honestye than were the Romaines Neither is this to be left out the god had certaine proper things in his law whiche may be called peculiar thinges for all men were not bound vnto thē by the lawe of nature but the Hebrues onely For he woulde not haue them to contracte matrimony with the Chananites Hamorrites Iebusites c. And other people seme not to haue bene bounde to the law neither should we at this day if there were such nations still Matrimonyes ought not to be contracted in cōtrary religiō Augustine be letted but that we might ioyne our selues in matrimony with them Although the cause of the law ought at this day to be holden which cause is the matrimonies shoulde not be contracted with them which be of a contrary religion For it is not conuenient that the Godlye should be ioyned with the vngodly I know that Augustine writeth concerning vnlawfull mariages to Pollentius in the second booke and of the Sermon of the Lord vpon the Mountaine that there is not a place in the new Testament wherin by expresse words matrimonies with infidels are prohibited But of this matter I will not write much at this present seing that I haue largely entreated of it in the Epistle to the Corinthians This will I saye more ouer that a good man ought in contracting of matrimonyes to follow chiefly that which is honest and not lightly to depart frō cōmendable orders vsuall customes which are not agaynst the word of god And if there happen peraduenture any doubt let him not thinke it much to aske coūcell of his magistrate otherwise he shal rashly put both himselfe his wife and his children to daunger For if he be maryed in any of the degrees prohibited by the peculiar law he shal not then be counted a husband but a whoremonger and his wife a harlot their childrē bastardes Howbeit the magistrate although concerning matrimonie he maye forbid certaine other contractes besides those which God hath forbidden yet can he not neither ought he to remit any of those which God hath commaunded whiche he hath prohibited by his law yea he must most diligently see that he burthē not the people to much The pope hath grieuously sinned concerning these lawes or without an earnest cause as we see the Pope hath done who hath two wayes sinned in this thing fyrst in that he durst vsurpe the office of making of lawes in a common wealth which vndoubtedly pertaineth not vnto him Secondly bicause in his lawes he followed not the word of god but with out
the mariage of his cousin Germaine or of his sisters daughter or of his brothers daughter or of his wiues daughter lastly of al whose mariage is forbidden and condemned But that law is not in these dayes found in the Digestes neither in the booke of the Code nor in the Authentikes Which neuerthelesse Clother the king followed as it is red in the lawes of the Almaines entituled of vnlawfull mariages yea and it is confirmed by the ecclesiasticall Canons and decrees in Gracian 35. Question the second and third also by the counsel of Agathen in the 61. Canon And Gregorye the fyrst in the same place is found to be of the same opinion in the chap. Quaedam ex Romana c. This answereth to the sixth interrogation of Augustine Bishop of Cantorbury and affyrmeth that those which be ioyned by the degree of cousin Germaines ought to abstaine from contracting of matrimony one with an other Yea and long before Gregorye his time Ambrose hath in his 66. Epistle ad Paternum condemned the mariage of brethrens children he testifieth that it was forbiddē by the law of Theodosius which I haue also brought And if I should vse coniecture I thinke Theodosius did it by the persuasion of Ambrose who had a singular respecte to publique honestie Neither was that law so seuere at that time but that sometimes it might be released as he declareth in that Epistle to Paternus In that Ambrose affyrmeth there that such mariages were prohibited by Gods lawe It can be made probable to none which shall attentiuely consider the wordes of the law of god and doings of the fathers How the Romanes haue behaued themselues toward their cousins as concernyng matrimonyes in the old time this I haue obserued Ligustine sayth in the 2. booke and 5. decade of Liuy that his father gaue him his Vncles daughter to wife Cicero also writeth in hys oration for Cluentius that Cluentia had lawfully maryed her cousin Germaine M. Aurius And M. Anthonius the Philosopher tooke to wife Faustina his cousin Germaine as Iulius Capitolinus testifieth And before Rome was builded the mariages of Turnus and Lauinia were in hand which came of two sisters Howbeit Plutarch writeth in the place aboue mentioned that at the fyrst when Rome was builte it was forbidden by a lawe that they whiche were nighe of kinne shoulde not marrye together But yet he writeth that the lawe for brethren and sisters children was vppon thys occasion released bycause a certayne man beyng both honeste and also well beloued of the people of Rome when he was greuouslye oppressed with pouertye toke to wife his sisters daughter which was ryche and welthye for the whiche cause he was accused of inceste But the matter being decided he was quyted by the iudgemente of the people of Rome for he was greatly fauoured in the citye Then after that it was decreed by the consent of the people of Rome that from thence forth it shoulde be lawfull for brethren and sisters children to marry together These thinges I thought good to declare of this kinde of matrimonye both out of Gods lawes and the old new lawes of the Romanes and also out of the fathers and ecclesiasticall Canons Whereunto I will adde that there be very many Cities professing the gospell whiche do not admitte the mariages of brethren and sisters children as Surike Berna Basile Schapusin Sangallum Biema c. In the kingdome also of England when I was there that degree was excluded from matrimony Wherfore in places where the magistrate forbyddeth these mariages the faithful ought for those causes whiche I haue before declared to abstayne from them But now I will go to the present matter If Othoniel as I haue before sayd were cousin vnto Achsa he might mary her by the lawe of God but if he were her vnckle it was not lawful by the cōmō lawe But he maried her Wherfore we must nedes saye one of these two thinges either that it was a faulte for the fathers as we haue before sayd were not alwayes free from sinne or elles that god would haue this done by a priuilege or certain prerogatiue whiche we may not for all that take example by Neither is this to be forgottē that after the accustomed manner of Scriptures Kinsfolkes in scriptures are called brethren they whiche were any way of kinne together were called brethren as Loth is called the brother of Abraham the kinsfolkes of Iesus Christ the sonne of God are called in the history of the gospel his brethrē So may it also be in this place that Othoniel may be called the brother of Chaleb when as he was but only some other waye of kinne vnto him And the interpretours do vse this expositiō oftē times which I would not disallow but that I se this particle in the texte The yonger whiche is not wont to be added but when sisters and brethren in dede are compared together But now wil I go to other thinges whiche are to be considered in this history Chaleb had promised him which should cōquere the citie of Debir Whether Chalebs promisse were a rashe promisse his daughter to wife What if any wicked persone had performed that should he by the vertue of the promise haue ben made the sonne in law of Chaleb surely it semeth not For what other thing had this ben than to betraye his daughter Therfore it may appeare that he promised rashly For a wise man ought to foresee those thinges whiche might happen How be it we must consider that there were not at that tyme such wicked and flagitious men among the Israelites for as long as those elders lyued whiche gouerned the publicque wealth together with Iosua as it shal be declared in this hystory the people feared god Wherfore it followeth that they vsed to put those to death by the lawe whiche were guiltie of very grieuous crimes Therfore there was no daunger lest any such mā should conquere the citie to whom for that act Hacsah should be geuen to wife of duetye But if there remayned certaine smal and common faultes in him which had conquered it the same might be recompenced by his other vertues For there is is none so absolute and perfect but that some times he may fal Moreouer there were some hope of amendement of life And the conquerour might be so nighe of kynne as peraduēture this Othoniel was that he could not mary the daughter of Chaleb Wherfore it seemeth that at the least in that part it was a rashe promise But I do not thincke it can be accused of rashenesse A constant rule of all humane promises for as much as all promises ought among the godly so farre forth to be of force as they do agree with the word of god which thing if Iepthe had diligently considered he would neuer haue suffred hym selfe to haue committed so vnworthy thinges agaynst his daughter This cōdition surely in all couenaunts and promises ought to be counted
for a most constant rule We gather also hereby that it is lawfull to go about a wife by iust wayes and meanes as we se Othoniel now to haue done and as also holy Dauid did A man by iuste meanes may go about a wife who did not only kill Goliah the giaūt but also he gaue Saule an hundreth forekynnes of the Philistianes for the obteyning of Michol to wife We are hereby taught also that wise parentes ought to seke them a sonne in law not by riches not by power or nobilitie but by vertue Now of days they do not so Howe a sonne in a lawe should be sought and therfore the miserable daughters are very often tymes betrayed by their parentes and very many mariages haue vnhappy successe Wherfore I can not discommend the sayeng of Themistocles The sayeng of Themistocles who being demaunded why he had preferred a poore man to be his sonne in law before a riche and wealthy man he aunswered that he had rather haue a sonne in law whiche wanted money thā to haue money wanting a man It is lawfull to set rewardes for good dedes We learne moreouer by this history that it is lawfull for princes to stirre vp men couragiously to enterprise honest actes and whiche they ought otherwise of dutye to haue done to set forth vnto them some rewardes For we see that Chaleb did so nowe and also Saul when he promised his daughter to hym whiche could kill Goliah and we remember Christ hath promised them an hundreth fold in this life Good honest actions are of them selues to be sought for whiche for his sake should leaue father and mother children and brothers Wherfore we must knowe that good honest actions are by them selues sufficient to be sought for for asmuch as in this worlde nothyng can happen more sweater thā to obey god with a good conscience to be ioyned vnto him in liuing vprightly according to his cōmaundementes Wherfore admitte we should obtayne no other thing yet a sufficient reward gayne should be rendred vnto vs Why God set forth rewardes and giftes if we may haue a quiet and pacified conscience and be inwardly filled with spirituall ioye but god such is his goodnesse would moreouer set forth vnto vs giftes and rewardes For he seeth the disposition nature of a mā to be feable and flowe to all thinges that be good healthfull and honest he would therfore stirre vp the same by promising manifold sondry rewardes whiche kinde of remedy we had not neded if we had continued perfect and absolute as we were created Who I pray you nedeth with reward to be stirred vp to drincke whē he is thursty or to eate whē he is hūgry surely no body Wherfore neither nede men if they hungred and thrusted for righteousnesse as they ought to do a rewarde to stirre them vp to it A mother also vseth not to be intised with rewardes to geue sucke to feede and care for her own child that it perish not Promises and threatnynges are added in the lawe to the cōmaundements Wherfore the promises of god are therfore necessary vnto men bicause they by reason of synne haue waxed colde from a vehement affection and zeale toward godly and holy workes we be altogether dull and sluggishe to the offices of godlinesse and righteousnesse wherfore God of his gētlenesse would adde spurres of promises which appeareth most manifestly in the law where almost for euery cōmaundement are both threatninges also promises added Wherfore seing holy men haue done this oftentimes seing also the lawe of God hath done so and the same is found in the new testament we may conclude without doubte that it is lawfull For then is that whiche we do to be allowed when it agreeth with the example of god him selfe and rule of the scriptures or els with the excellent actes of holy men Whether it be lawfull to do good for rewardes sake But now must we se whether he whiche doth good workes and performeth the whiche he is bounde to do by the lawe of God ought to be moued with hope of the reward or whether rather he should only haue a regard to goodnesse righteousnesse and gods pleasure To aunswere to this question I thincke that thys must be the first grounde that a man is not only appoynted to some certein end whē as god doeth nothing rashly or by chaunce but also he is appoynted to many endes which neuerthelesse are so ioyned together that they do mutually serue and helpe one an other by a certain order How mā is appointed to an end First we are created to set forth the glory of God then that by the sight and perfect knowledge of God we shoulde come to be happy and that whilest we liue here we should lyue together among our selues in an acceptable fellowship to God Souldiours do therfore beare weapons and make warres to defende honest and iust causes and that in that sorte by whiche God in his lawes hath commaunded to be defended which men moreouer ought so to be encouraged to bring this thing to passe that thoughe there were no other reward or gift comming vnto them yet ought they to enterprise it Moreouer men vse to fight to defend their country wiues children kinsfolkes friendes And if so be that they besides these looke for iust stipēdes whereby they may honestly norishe both thē selues theirs no man will counte that for a vice in them For what things we may auoyde wicked actes For the Apostle hath sayd in the first Epistle to the Cor. Who goeth on warfarre at his owne cost But now to descend to things more perticular when any mā tempereth him selfe from any grieuous wicked act he ought to do the first to the entent he may obey the cōmaundementes of God as it is mete Then that therby he may escape either eternal or ciuile punishementes Moreouer that he may not offend the myndes of the brethren and plucke them backe from a holy conuersation and pure life by his wicked example and finally that by his wickednesse he prouoke not the wrath of God either against him selfe or his familye or against the people Wherfore it is manifest that the end of our actions is not simple but sundry and manifolde And this being thus finished and concluded we must diligently take hede Whiche end is to be preferred before the rest that when many endes are set before vs we may preferre that before the rest whiche by good right excelleth the rest For if it should be otherwise done and if those thinges whiche are hindermost and of smaller valew should be preferred before the better we should be iustly condemned for peruertyng the order of thinges Wherfore we must take hede that we directe not God him selfe or the worshipping of him either to our owne commoditie or els to any other endes For thē should that surely happen vnto vs which Augustine doth so
cause than to deliuer men out of the mouth of the deuyl and by the preaching of the Gospel to loose them from their chaines of errours Christ also for this selfe same cause would trauail and iourney among men that by his doctrine and death he might delyuer mankind frō eternal destruction Wherfore the Kenites may be numbred with these for they also adioyned them selues companions with the Israelites to helpe thē through the deserte For as it is said they hauing good knowledge of those places might stand the Iewes in great steede These counsels are plainlye iudged good and honest for whose causes peregrinations which are taken wythout cōpulsion are honest and prayse worthy There maye be other reasons also of peregrination which as they be not alwaies to be refused yet are they nothing to be compared wyth these eyther in praise or els in worthynes Wherfore let godly men take hede when they iourney into farre coūtries that they apply them selues as much as is possible vnto these causes reasons now mētioned And as God hath not defrauded these Kenites of the fruit which they looked for but made them partakers and that plentifully of those good thinges which he had prepared for his people so seyng also he is now the same God which he was then we must beleue that he wil not suffer him selfe to depart from his accustomed maner and perpetuall goodnes so that we obserue the good and iust causes and reasons of peregrination Seneca What is chiefly to bee obserued in peregrination But in that thing we haue nede of great warenesse and diligēce namely that chiefly as Seneca hath wel admonished in his .105 epistle to Lucillas we depart from our selues that is that we laye awaye our wicked affections bycause the chaunging of places do lytle profit if we cary about together with vs the same affectiōs which we had before Yea and the chiefly helpeth to the renuing of godlynes that we bee made other from our selues For what had the good lawes honest maners and chaste religion which the Iewes professed profited the Kenites if they would haue brought their own thinges with them and continued in the same wherin they wer conuersaunt before Wherfore they which do trauaile into other countries for studye and godlynes sake ought not to haue thys purpose before them to behold the Cities buildinges riuers fieldes vineyards woods playes and qualities of men For all these thynges although they somewhat delite the beholders as chyldren which with pleasure do maruayl at euery new and straunge thing yet they do nothing or very lytle helpe The chiefe cause ought to be that they onely study aboue al other thinges to be made better as touching godlines doctrine For if they shal despise this they shal be sayd to wander rather thā iustly to iourney Let them not therfore retaine with them any longer those euyls which are to be auoided yet let them aboue all thinges iourney from the ignoraunce of God from the vnskilfulnes of the holye Scriptures from corrupt affectiōs and from wicked and pernitious examples This is the iust cause of peregrinatiō which the Kenites by their dede do declare vnto vs. If the Lacedemonians had had a regard to thys they would not by theyr lawes haue prohibited peregrinations But I suppose that they regarded thys The Lacedemonians prohibeted peregrinations which they marked so to come to passe for the most part that the citizens in trauailing into straunge countries learned of the straungers whom they went to see not their vertues and wisdom but rather their vices and errours and afterward being infected with many euyls they returned into their country where they destroied their Citizens by a certayne pestiferous contagiousnes Whych thing surely no man doubteth but that it is a grieuous euyll and discommodity to a publique wealth Why peregrinations do profyt And yet we may not therfore decree that al peregrinatiōs are hurtful For there can be found no City no people nor no publique wealth in the world which hath not many things vnperfect in maners lawes which may be amended and corrected by the sight and knowledge of others Licurgu◠Lycurgus certainly which made that law profited much in trauailing into straunge coūtries Yea and the Decemuiri of the Romanes went them selues into Graecia Decemuiri of the Romanes to the end they would know the lawes of that people and by that meanes they wonderfully prouided for their publique wealth And thus muche for peregrination And now let vs finish this history iudging that the children of Kenite were of that stocke which wer begotten of Hobab in the wildernes among the chyldren of Israel And that Hobab was the sonne of Moyses father in lawe hys wiues brother germaine Neither ought this to moue vs bycause it is saide in the .x. Aben-Esra of Num. Chothen bycause as Aben-Esra there testifieth that woorde signifieth not onely a father in law but also the brother of the wife and some haue translated the same woorde there not for a father in lawe but a kynsman But these Kenites departed out of the fielde of Iericho that they might obtayne possession with the tribe of Iudah And therfore they ar sayd to haue dwelled with the people For first they followed them in iourneyeng with them nowe by the same right they are sayd to haue dwelled with them And they ascended The situation Iericho bycause Iericho was situate in a valley and betwene it an Ierusalem was a deserte longing to Iudah which as it is very lykely had in it wooddy places and mete for pasture And that it was so it is easelye gathered out of the Gospell of Luke where Christ put foorth a parable namely that a man descended from Ierusalem to Iericho and fel into the handes of theeues And certainly if he descended it is manifest that these ascended when they followed the tribe of Iudah going toward Ierusalem And bycause the place was ful of wooddes it was an easy matter especially in the time of Christ when the common wealth of the Hebrues was very much out of frame for it to be ful of theeues There certainly as farre as can be perceaued the Kenites receaued their lot And I think I haue spoken inough as touching this hystory 17. And Iudah went wyth Symeon his brother and smote the Chananites dwelling in Zephat and vtterly destroyed it and called the name of the City Horma 18. And Iudah tooke Hazza and the borders therof and Ascalon with the borders therof and Aekron with the borders thereof Now we are come to that place where the long parenthesis which I before admonished you of endeth And whatsoeuer followeth after these woordes The children of Iudah fighting against Ierusalem tooke it Here the aforesaid parenthesis endeth c. to thys place are declared by a parenthesis For al those thinges happened not after the death of Iosua but when he was yet lyuing And now the
Neyther dyd the Apostle say liue rightly and holily with securitye For he which is secure from himself estemeth thinges so as though they depended of himself which is not to be suffred when as it is God himselfe which worketh in vs both to will and to perfourme But peraduenture thou wilte aske seing God from the beginning noblye promysed vnto Iudah that he would deliuer the land into his handes and hath not nowe graunted the perfecte victorye Augustine Whether the wil of god may be chaunged whether he haue chaunged hys sentence Heare what Augustine writeth of the will of God in hys .22 booke De ciuitate Dei and first chap. The will of God sayth he is not chaunged but we are chaunged But he semeth after a sort to be chaunged when where as before he was gentle vnto vs he now appeareth angry and contrarilye where as before he shewed himself to be angry he now in a manner gently offereth himself vnto vs. Wherefore when we our selues are chaunged we doe finde him after a sort to be chaunged in those things which we suffer Euen as the sunne semeth to be chaūged when we our selues are halfe blind or that our eyes be greued by some disease For he which before was pleasaunt mery and swete beginneth now to be troublesome hurtfull not as touching his own nature which alwaies abideth one is vnchaūgeable but by reasō of our disease vice wherunto we are newly fallen What were the causes of the vnperfecte victorye of them of Iudah Wherefore let vs more plainely gather the causes of the vnperfect victory The nighest cause and the true cause was bicause the Chananites had Iron chariots for taking away Gods helpe the Hebrues were not like vnto thē being so wel fenced appoynted And god as Ionathas the Chaldeian testifyeth withdrewe his fauor ayde bycause they had sinned Wherfore a iuste punishment followed them that they went without the victory But God whiche is alwaies very mercifull to his electe vseth this punyshment to the commoditye of the Israelites namely fyrst to teach them the arte of warfare then the his ayde being withdrawen they might fele their own weakenesse might see with what māner of enemies they should haue to do Besides this that the earth might not be wasted of wilde beasts brought into a wildernesse Finally therby to trye thē What temptation is Temptation is nothyng ells but to take profe or triall of any thyng Wherfore the end of temptation is ryghtly called knowledge as they which wil passe ouer a water The end of temptation do trye oute the shallowe places to knowe the depth of the water woundes also are tried of Surgeons to fele the depenesse of thē In tempting therfore knowledge is sought But God nedeth not that new and freshe knowledge for such is his nature that he knoweth al thyngs most perfectly But whē he tempteth he only doth it to leade mē to the knowledge of those things which they ought to knowe To what end holy men are tempted Wherfore when he sometymes tempteth good holy mē he bryngeth into lyght and maketh open the fayth obedience strength and godlinesse which before lay hid in theyr hartes that they which see the same things might glorifie God the author of them And that they which are so tempted whē they haue gotten the victory may geue him thankes and desire of him that euen as he hath done now so he would vouchsafe to helpe thē cōtinually in tētations Moreouer therby thei do conceaue a greater hope the god wil be with thē to helpe them in time to come when as they see that he hath so louingly graūted vnto them the same helpe now Wherfore the ende of these temptations is not that God should know those things wherof he was before ignoraunt but that therby his giftes fauour and grace might not be hidden But bicause sometimes it happeneth that in temptations euen the elect are ouercome god graūteth them after their fall to rise vp againe frō sinne a great deale more modest than they were before which the holy scriptures testifie to haue bene done in Peter and Dauid The end theyfore of such temptations is that we knowing our own weakenesse might lay down our Peacockes tayle and haue a regard to God him selfe as to the fountayne of all good thinges But the reprobate do fall in temptations For what cause the reprobate are tempted and that alwayes from one euill to a worse that their iniquitye vnryghteousnesse and wickednesse might be manifested which before lay hyd in theyr harts and whilest they laye hyd they myght easely appeare vnto men good men But God will haue those thinges brought to lyght that hys iudgementes and condemnation vpon them may appeare as in very dede they are most iust And certainely after this manner were the Israelites tempted in the desert as many as were reprobate If temptations turne to good for the godly why do they praye agaynst them Whether we may pray agaynst temptations when as they pray in the Lordes prayer Lead vs not into temptation Whervnto I answere that we may not pray against the first kinde of temptatiō wherin we get the victorye except peraduenture for as muche as we are full of imfyrmitye whilest in that battayle we ouercome the enemye we also our selues are in some part wounded For godly men desyre that all fallynges though they be neuer so litle may be driuen from them Temptations wherein we ouercome are not of them selues to be prayed agaynst Howbeit we may not praye to be rid of these battayles altogether wherin we ouercome Yea holy men haue somtimes desyred to haue the same graunted vnto them For Dauid sayd Proue me God burne my raynes and my hart Iames also sayth that such temptations pertayne to our felicitye when he writeth Blessed is the man which suffereth temptatiō c. So farre is it absent that it should seme to be prayed agaynst What kinde of temptation we must pray agaynst But those are to be prayed agaynst wherin godly men slippe and are ouercome although at length they turne to them to good bycause that in euery falling both God is offended and also his law violated which we must by al meanes abhorre and deteste For although we persuade our selues that therby some good thinges will come yet must we alwayes remember that the same happeneth not by the deserte of sinne but by the goodnesse of god And it is a constant rule that sinnes are not to be wyshed for though we might get neuer so muche good thereby The thyrd kynde of temptation wherby men fall into destruction What the godly must wayte for when they are tempted with aduersitye must altogether be prayed agaynst although they which be godly in dede and the electe of god are not affeard of the kinde of temptation For as much as they stand not in doubt of theyr saluation But the godly
I answere that all these are so farre forth to be obserued as long as the othes and promises be not agaynst the worde of god and good lawes Which thing if it be afterward knoweÌ„ theÌ„ are they of no force yea they are theÌ„ vtterly voyde To these I adde that it manifestly appeareth by the cautions now alledged that we must neither for sweare nor lye wherby a laudable good proditioÌ„ should succede Wherfore they which sweare vnto their magistrates The prodition of the Counsel holden at Constantia promise to defeÌ„d the citie caÌ„ not be excused when their minde is to betraye to deceaue This haue the Antichrists done in the counsel holden at Constantia For that they might theÌ„ eassier allure thither Iohn Husse Ierome of Praga they promised him safety by publique fayth And therefore they can not defend their prodition admitte it were nothyng els as iust and honest But they were without doubt treacherers and wicked betrayers in swearyng promysing that by their letters whiche they would not performe But now we must returne to the history Howe the Luzite might be suffered of the Israelits to go in safety It is not certain as it is sayd whether this Luzite had faith or whether he wer an infidel If he had faith his prodition is to be commended otherwise it is to be discommended But if he beleued not neither cleaued vnto the true God why did the Israelites let hym go Forsooth bicause he of his own wil went into banishment Neither seemed this to be against the counsel of God For God woulde therefore haue those people cut of least they dwelling together with the Hebrues should haue geuen them an occasion of falling and offence Wherefore when they departed and chose wylful banishment that came to passe which God would haue to be done But thou wilt say By this meanes might al those nations haue bene sent away Why the Chanaâ—it s departed not giue place to the Israelites neither ought they to haue ben slain as god had coÌ„mauÌ„ded What might haue ben done I nede not to answer for as much as that is demaunded which coulde not be done For so manye and so great were the sinnes of those nations that they vtterly deserued death Wherfore god taking away his spirite from them dyd so harden their hartes that they endeuoured not them selues to depart but rather to resist the Israelites as much as in them lay They made many battailes therfore in which as god had ordained and as they had deserued they came to vtter destruction although a very few of them were saued in departing or els in embracing the true religion And they smote the cyty wyth the edge of the swoorde This is not to be ascribed to cruelty but rather to obedience and religion towarde the true god for so was it his wil to be done and so had he commaunded But they let the man and his houshold go free Howe they coulde discerne this mans family from the rest it is not writteÌ„ But it is most lykely that either he entred with the Israelites into the city or els he shewed vnto them his house by some token wherby they might leaue it safe and vntouched according to their purpose Rahab certainly in Iericho hong a purple corde in the window of her house to auoid the misery and sacking of the souldiours And the man went into the land of the Hithites Kimhi wryteth that these Hithites were none of those seauen nations which were commaunded to be destroyed in the land of Chanaan But he declareth not what these Hithites wer And these are the names of those nations which should haue bene destroyed of the Israelites The Chananites the Iebusites Hemorrhites Gergesites Pheresites Hithites and Hiuites These are the nations which god commaunded to be weeded out of the land promised vnto the Israelites But this is to bee noted by the way that there is a difference betwene these woordes Kethim and Chethim for that which is written by Kaph signifieth as they interprete the Italians or such as dwel in Ilandes or the Macedonians and that woorde is found in Esay Ieremy and in the booke of Num where the prophecies of Balaam are mentioned But that woord which is written with this letter Cheth signifieth either one of the seauen nations of the country of the Chananites or els those to whom it is sayd that this Luzite went And he built a City and called the name of it Luz The maner of banished meÌ„ in buildyng or adourning of citiâ—s So men that wer driuen out of their countrey wer wont to do that being moued with the loue of their country to cal the places which they did build either by the name of their country which they left or els to builde them as neare as they coulde in forme like the other So it is said that Aeneas dyd in Italy buyld Troy the city of the Pisites was in the same country built by the Graecians Like wise the Israelites leauing the land of Palestine decked vp a city graunted vnto them in Egipt like vnto Ierusalem building a temple there ordaining also Priestes and sacrifices as they had before in Ierusalem In which doing they synned most haynously although neuerthelesse they were moued thereunto by the loue of theyr countrye whych they had forsaken Vnto thys day The tyme of Samuel is by those woordes noted who is thought to be the writer of this history And by this sentence the Hebrues do gather that that City and the name therof endured to the time of Samuel 27 But Manasses did not expel Beth-Sean with her townes and Thaanach with her townes the Inhabiters of Dor wyth her townes the inhabiters of Iibleam with her townes nether the inhabiters of Megiddo with her townes And the Chananites began to dwell in the land 28 And it came to passe that as sone as Israel was waxed mighto they put the Chananites to tributes and expelled them not 29 In lyke maner Ephraim expelled not the Chananites that dwelt in Gazer and therefore the Chananites dwelt styll in Gazer among them 30 Neither dyd Zebulon expel the inhabiters of Kitron neyther the inhabiters of Nahalol wherfore the Chananites dwelt among them and became tributaries vnto them 31 Aser also dyd not cast oute the inhabiters of Acho and the inhabiters of Zidon of Achlab Achzib Helbab Aphik and Rehob 32 And the Aserites dwelt among the Chananites the inhabiters of the land for they did not driue them out 33 Neither did Nephtalim driue out the inhabiters of Beth-Semes nor the inhabiters of Bethanath but dwelt amoÌ„gest the Chananites the inhabiters of the land and the inhabiters of Beth-Semes and Beth-Anath became tributaries vnto them The synnes of the Israelites In this place the holy history setteth foorth the synne of the Israelites in that they did not cast out and destroye those peoples as God had commaunded them but made them tributaries vnto them
spirituall meates neyther are there any other things in the rehearsal therof spoken but such as Christ himselfe spake or dyd and what was the power of his doctrine c. Thys same manner dyd the Prophets in the old tyme vse when they were conuersaunt with an Idolatrous people And in lyke sorte dyd the Apostles when they were sent by Christ to go abroad among the Ethnikes Neyther dyd Paul disdayne when he came to Athens to vewe the temples of the Idols and there curiously subtilly to loke vpon the titles and inscriptions of the altares wherby he learned that inscription Ignoto Deo that is To the vnknowen god and therof he tooke matter to make an excellent Sermon there that he might after a sort reproue the men of Athens out of there owne proper tables I thynke these thynges are sufficiente to confyrme the sentence before alledged How we maye be conuersaunt with excommunicates But before I goe from thys matter I thoughte it good to admonyshe you of thys that the same cautions being added it is lawful for godly mē to be conuersaunt with such as are excōmunicate namely to bring them into the way so that they communicate not with them in their faulte or haue to do with them for affection sake The weake vnlearned ought not to haue to do with infidelles But let vs go forward and declare what is to be iudged of the weake and vnlearned men They although they are not cōpelled to pollute themselues with Idolatrous customes yet ought they not to dwell together with Infidels For being vnlearned they haue no pretence of teaching For if they should go about to enstruct others The ignorance of Christiās as touching fayth is to bee reproued they should by their vnskilfulnesse easly cause the true doctrine of Christ to be had in derision And surely the ignoraunce of such men is earnestly to be reproued forasmuche as among Christians there is none so very an Ideot founde but that he is bounde to be able to rendre a reason of his fayth and in a sorte able to enstructe straungers And certaynely all men moughte quickely do that if they would suffer themselues to be instructed euen meanely in the Cathechisme Neuerthelesse such as are infected with thys ignoraunce ought to seperate themselues from hauyng familiar fellowship with Infidelles as much as nede of the body and ineuitable necessities will suffer But what shall we saye of Scholemaisters they are oftentymes enemyes to pietye which yet are appoynted to teach good artes and Philosophye We maye not haue to do with vngodly scholemaisters I say that it is daungerous to vse them for as muche as they doe instille oftentymes peruerse thynges into the myndes of the hearers and when as the Schollers are wonte to haue a meruelous opinion of a learned Scholemaster it easely afterward commenth to passe Godly scholemaisters do easely aduance religion that they beginne to reuerence them and that exceedingly Wherfore when they see that they are eloquente and very well learned both in the liberall artes and also in Philosophy they can scarce persuade them selues that those Scholemasters can erre or myserablye be deceaued in the true religion Origene For on the contrarye part we see that Origene the Adamantiue being besydes the religion of Christ wherin he was instructed wonderfully indued also with good artes and Philosophy dyd in teaching disciplines of the Ethnikes bring very many of hys hearers to Christ Augustine We know also that Augustine when he willingly gaue eare vnto Ambrose for hys eloquence sake was turned from a Manichite to a Catholyke So yea and that more easlye for as muche as we are more prone to euill then to good it may oftentymes happen that they which are weake and vnlearned in religion may as touching vngodlynesse very much increase vnder vngodly Scholemaisters And vndoubtedly by thys meanes fell Iulianus the Apostata from Christ in takyng Libanius Iamblicus and Maximus to be hys Scholemaisters Wherfore for as much as suche Scholemaisters can not be had without greate daunger my iudgement is that we should altogether leaue them Thou wilt say peraduenture that Paul the Apostle in his fyrst Epistle to the Cor. hath not written these cautions or exceptions of the weake and vnlearned ones when as he plainly writeth If any that is an infidel shal cal you ye wil go c. By these words he semeth to testifye that al that is referred to our wil. Wherunto I answere that the Apostle did not permit that to be free to euery wil but to a wil that is ryghtly wel instructed For if a mā should go to these feastes to be dronke to pamper his belly or gorge or to solace himself with filthy talke without doubt he can not be excused with the permissiō of Paule but is earnestly to be reproued for his vnhonest wil and wicked purpose Likewise if a mā being cōuersaūt with infidels should doubt of his own constancie should see that he could nothyng profite them among whō he dwelleth vndoubtedly the man can not go thither with a sound conscience or an vpryght will And if he should go he should not directe that which he doth to to glory of god as he is cōmaūded Furthermore although Paule hath not in the same place by expresse wordes put thys caution alledged yet it followeth not therby that the same is not to be added forasmuch as it is both by firme reason manifest also proued by other places of the holy scripture that that is in no case lawful And that self same Apostle sayth in the same Epistle the vi chap. that he doth well which surely purposeth in his hart that he wil kepe his virgin Howbeit he addeth this condition so that he haue no nede and that he hath power ouer his own wil. For if he should otherwyse appoynt thē his daughter would or had nede then vndoubtedly he should not do well To the goodnesse of an action it is not sufficient that it be not of his own nature euill Wherby it appeareth that to the goodnesse vprightnesse of the worke it is not sufficient to see that the work it self of his nature be not euill or repugnant to the word of god But more ouer thys is required that we attempt the same with an vprighte perfecte whole mynde Wherfore euery one that is vnlearned weake ought to separate himself frō the fellowship or familiaritie of that vnfaythfull as much as naturall ciuile necessity suffreth For seing that he perceaueth that therby will come some danger to his soule he can not with a good minde sound counsel be conuersaunt with thē Howbeit he may do such duties vnto them as are cōmaunded in the law of God least he be made guiltye of the sentence of Paul where he sayth whosoeuer hath not a care of hys especially of hys houshold he hath denyed the fayth is worse
as a deliuerer out of Egypte Then as a deliuerer out of the captiuitie of Babilon God beginneth the rehearsall of benefites last geuen But lastly as the father of our Lord Iesus Christ But now of the benefite lately bestowed on them he calleth him selfe the delyuerer out of Egypte Afterward he adioyneth an other benefite And I haue brought you into the lande whiche I sware vnto your fathers It was not sufficiēt that they wer deliuered out of Egypt but they had ample noble places assigned vnto them Thirdly he saith This haue I geuē you That I would haue my couenant made with you to haue cōtinued for euer if it mought haue ben by your obediēce But ye haue not suffred it These benefites whiche in this place are rehearsed are playne and manifest ynough Two principal thynges to be considered in the couenaunt But as touching the last namely of the couenaunt two thinges are to be considered in it First whiche is also the chief of all good thinges is the redemption whiche should be made by Christ Neither could this be hindered by any sinnes of mē For God is faithful as Paul testifieth to the Romanes neither departeth he from his truth for our euill desertes The second is the successe of outwarde good thinges and ciuill ornamentes Whiche kinde of couenaunte or promesse bycause it was conditionally it myght therefore sometymes be altered and vndoubtedly of this doth our preacher at this present speake And what conditions God required of the Israelites here he declareth in this sermon 2 And ye also shall make no couenaunte with the inhabiters of this lande but shal breake downe their altares Neuerthelesse ye haue not obeyed my voyce why haue ye this done 3 Wherefore I haue also determined I will not cast them out before your face but they shal be as prickes in your sydes and theyr Gods shal be a snare vnto you God by couenaunt had prescribed two thynges in especiall What god prescribed the Israelites in the couenaunt first that they should make no league with the Chananites secondly that they should plucke downe their altares and temples These are euery where written in the law especially in Exodus the 13. and 20. In the booke of Numb 33. In Deut. 7. Now after these conditions required of God is set forth the transgression of the Israelites But ye sayth he haue not hearkened vnto my voyce The Iewes were not yet fallen so farre that they committed Idolatry they are onely reproued for violating the couenaunt bycause they had saued the Idoles and altares of the Chananites The wonderfull goodnesse of God surely is shewed by these wordes VVhy haue ye this done A vehemente maner of amplifieng of synne He demaūdeth the cause as being ready to heare their excuse if they could bring any that were iust and lawfull And by this meanes also the grieuousnesse of the sinne is amplified as being so grieuous that it could by coulour be defended And vndoubtedlye thus it is God is not afeard in iudgement to contēd with synners Gods cause agaynste vs is so good that he is not affeard in Iudgement to reason with synners as the Prophetes Esay and Micheas haue playnely taught The preacher goeth forwarde and sheweth what punishement they shoulde haue for thys faulte For so much as ye haue not stande by your couenaunt I wyll also go from my promises I will not expell the Chananites out of this region as I had promised if so be that I do not expell them ye are so weake and feble that by your owne power ye can not cast them out They shal remayne therfore as ye would haue it but yet to your great discōmodity For they shal be as prickes in your sides namely as thornes where with ye shal be oftentymes sharply pricked The Hebrew worde is Letsdim And in dede Tsad signifieth a side Althoughe some thinke that worde to be deriued of this verbe Tsud whiche is to hunte or to fishe and bycause the hookes of fishermen are very sharpe therfore the worde is by a certaine Metaphore transferred to signifie thornes And after the same sorte we might say they signified nettes vsing the same Metaphore whiche we may deriue of hunters But the firste reason of the interpretation to signifye sides I sets both simple also more allowed by the commentaryes of the Hebrues And theyr Idoles shal be a snare vnto you Namely wherewith ye shal be taken and when ye shal be geuen to their Idolatry ye shal be punished with most grieuous punishementes and discommodities Augustine in his 13. Augustine questiō vpon this booke hath noted that God threatneth after his accustomed maner that at the length it shall come to passe that he will punishe synnes by synnes For the Israelites in not obeyeng the commaundement of God committed synne and he agayne threatneth that Idoles shal be a stumblyng blocke vnto them namely that they should worship them wherfore afterwarde they should be grieuously punished By whiche wordes he declareth that the first transgression should be punished and chastised with the wicked crime of Idolatry as Paul testifieth to the Romanes that the Idolatry of the Ethnikes was punished with most filthy lustes But the punishement of the Israelites as it is here set forth hath with out doubt a great emphasys For what can there happen more grieuous than to be among thornes and continuallye to fall among them Vndoubtedly hereof followe woundes almost thoroughe out al the partes of the body and new paynes and those vehement succede one an other And as thornes if they sticke in the fleshe do sharpely pricke so to dwell among enemyes and to haue them ioyned together with vs can not be but very full of troubles The punishement whiche God here threateneth is no new punishement for al that is here written was forespoken in the boke of Iosua the 23. chap. Namely that it should come to passe that if they obeyed not the preceptes of the law of God God would not then performe to destroy those natiōs before them yea he sayth they shal be vnto you a snare a stumblyng stocke a whip for your sides and thornes to your eyes vntill ye be destroyed out of this good lande whiche the Lord your God hath geuen you c. For the Israelites had afterward experience of these miseryes bycause they were oftentimes brought into bondage by their enemyes among whom they dwelled and with whom they had vngodly ioyned them selues And finally for that they would not ceasse of from Idolatry they were cast out to the Assirians and Babilonians This chidyng of God contayneth iust causes wherfore the Israelites were destitute of his helpe for a tyme. Causes why god forsoke the Israelites for a tyme. And the end of the whole sermon is that the people might be stirred vp to repentaunce and that most aptely For among those thinges whiche do vehemently amplify synne do set it playnly before our eyes
from bloud wherof the greater parte turneth into vrine and that whiche remayneth is thrust forth into teares Lastly Seneca in his 100. Seneca Epistle to Lucillus thincketh that with the stroke of grief and sorrowe the whole body is almost shaken and therwithall the eyes out of whiche eyes the humour lyeng nighe vnto them is expressed But howsoeuer this matter be it littell pertayneth vnto vs. Wherfore let vs come to the causes for whiche it besemeth a godly man to weepe Augustine in his 4. Augustine Causes why we shoulde weepe sermon of the first Sonday in Lente writeth that there be two causes in true repentaunce that bryng forth weepyng one is for bycause we haue thoroughe negligence omitted many thynges whiche we ought to haue done And by ouer muche boldenesse commytted many thyngs which we ought not to haue done Synnes of cōmittyng and omittyng These are cōmonly called synnes of commyttyng and omyttyng and in the same place he interpreteth thys sentence Brynge forth worthy fruictes of repentaunce after this maner that we shoulde weepe for the synnes alreadye committed and we shoulde take hede that we do not the same agayne Chrisostome also vpon the Epistle to the Collossians Chrisostome the 12 Homely cōplayneth that the Christians abused teares and when as otherwyse teares are good creatures of God The abuse of teares they diffame them in adioynyng them to those thynges whiche deserue not weepyng Synnes onely sayeth he are to be weeped for not onely our owne synnes but other mens also Whiche Paul performed in very dede who in the 2. to the Corinthians sayde that he was affeard not to come vnto them but so that he was deiected compelled to weepe for very many which had fallen and not repented Oure owne synnes other mens also are to be wept for Yea and he exhorted the same Corinthians to weepe for other mennes synnes when in hys first Epistle he sayde ye are puffed vp and ye haue not mourned namely for a grieuous cryme of an incestuous man And Dauid in his 119 Psalme wryteth Myne eyes haue brought forth riuers of waters bycause they haue not kepte thy lawe That most holy Prophete wepte bycause of the publicque transgressions of the lawe and when he sawe the same transgressions euery where perpetrated he aboundantly poured out teares And Ezechiell in the 8. chap Godly men do easelyer weepe than laughe commended certayn whiche wepte for the wicked Actes of other men And hereof it commeth that when holy men see horrible spectacles of synnes oftentymes to happen they easelyer burste forth into teares than into laughter For so Christ vsed whom we read to haue oftentimes wepte but neuer to haue laughed Whiche selfe same thyng also we must do at thys day when as so great and euill an haruest of synnes doth on euery syde offer it selfe vnto vs. Lastly we muste knowe that all kynd of mournyng is not allowed of god That weeping is not allowed which cōmeth onely of the feelyng of the punishmentes For some there are which as I haue before said are moued only with the feeling of the punishmētes neyther are they moued any further To be sory in dede for cause of paines and punishementes is a certayne degree of true repentaunce for that ende GOD doth both punyshe and also threaten men whilest they lyue here Howebeit this sorowe is not sufficient neyther is it by it selfe allowed of god for it spryngeth of selfe loue is in a maner a thyng vnprofitable vnlesse it go further Wherfore the Lorde sayeth in Zacharie the 7. chap that the Hebrues had fasted for them selues not for his glorye so these wepe for them selues and mourne not bycause they haue violated the commaundementes of GOD. Furthermore thou mayste see other some somewhat worse than these whiche beyng moued with the sorowe of troubles do wepe Their teares are condemned whiche when they weape speake euill of God and among their teares do speake euill of GOD hymselfe beyng angry with his Iustice as thoughe he were to seuere and a harder Lord than he ought to be and suche mournyng belongeth not to repentaunce but rather to desperation An example therof we haue in the booke of Numb the 14. chap. Where the people when they heard the bytter relation of the spyes fell to weepyng and spake euill both agaynst Moyses and agaynst God and determined to returne into Egypt What mourning pleaseth God most The thirde kynde of mournyng is very acceptable vnto god and that is when we are grieuously sorye for that we haue violated hys lawe and bycause we se a great numbre of others to resiste hys moste holy will To this kynde of Lamentations did Ioel and other holy Prophetes stirre vp the people of the Hebrues Christe also persuadeth vs vnto them when he sayeth that they are blessed whiche mourne bycause consolation is layed vp for them The Churche lykewise vseth sometymes to stirre vp the people to these kynde of mournyngs when as at sometymes it set forth publicque repentaunce whiche althoughe it ought continually to cleaue in the heartes of Christians Repētaunce is sometymes openly to be renewed yet by reason of publicque calamityes and a certayne sluggishenesse grafted in vs is sometyme to be renewed by the diligence of the Pastors Wherfore god in the olde lawe once in a yeare in the 7. moneth I saye instituted a fast whereby that daye the people of Israell myght for the synnes whiche they hadde committed afflicte them selues before god And to the ende it myght the oftener be done he dayely sent hys Prophetes to rebuke the people as we see in this historye he did when he commaunded this sermon whiche we nowe expounde to be made vnto the people ¶ Of Sacrifice Oure actions are either volūtary or natural NOw riseth somewhat to speake of Sacrifice The definition wherof when we searche out first we fynde it to be a certayne action and that voluntary whiche I therefore saye bycause there are founde some actions whiche they call naturall but those for so muche as they depende not of humane election they can not therfore be called voluntary Furthermore Sacrifice ought to be referred vnto religion Some actions are religious are separated from political oeconomicall actions whiche I do for this cause adde to remoue and seperate it from oeconomicall and ciuill workes For domesticall workes are profitable to gouerne a family and ciuil workes serue for the administration of a publicque wealthe But sacrifice is a religious action bycause it pertayneth to the worshipping of god and was by hym instituted that we should offre our things vnto hym and that to this ende that he might be honoured and therby as Augustine sayeth in hys 10. Augustine booke de ciuitate Dei the 7. chap to cleaue vnto hym with an holy societye And hereby may we see in what sorte a Sacrifice if we speake of it as it is properly
to our great consolation We rede in Ieremye the .xlix. Chapiter that the people of God dranke of the cup of the Lord which semed not so muche to deserue it Wherfore the Edomites ought much more to loke to be one day punished with punishmentes appointed for them In Ezechiel also the .ix. Chap. god exhorteth nations against the Hebrues to kil and spare none but fyrst they should begyn at his sanctuary Peter also in his .i. Epistle the .4 chap. The time is saith he that iudgement must begin at the house of God But why he sayth that nowe is the tyme I thinke this is the cause bicause he sawe that all those thinges which the Prophetes had forespoken of the chastising of the people of Israell before other nations should chieflye of al take place among the Christians For those thinges which happened vnto the Iewes in a figure or shadowe do chiefly belong vnto vs. Wherefore Christ being made manifeste his fayth being spred abroade throughout the worlde Peter thought that it shoulde be very soone accomplished that iudgement should beginne at the Christians whiche are the house of God Furthermore there are in the fellowship of the people of god alwaies some holy men still founde which when sharpe affliction cōmeth are proued as golde in fyer are made more bright which the heauenly father will chieflye and spedely to be done The electe also which haue fallen being admonished by chastisementes and aduersities do vse to returne againe into the right way And that the same may come to passe God who loueth them excedingly doth of his louing care prouide But such as are vncureable his wil is that they should quickly be broken least they might longer than is mete hurt and with their contagiousnesse destroy other These vndoubtedly are the causes why God doth sooner correcte his own than straungers It is not to be attributed to hatred but to most feruent loue For the deuine oracles declare vnder the person of God Whom I loue I correct and chastise Also a good housholder not regarding straungers beginneth seuere discipline at his own when they sinne The Israelites serued the Kyng of Moab .xviii. yeares Thys with out doubt was a long tyme of bondage And not without desert bicause the Hebrewes had augmented their sinne either in that they cōmitted thinges more greuous or els bycause when they were reprehended and deliuered they fel agayne to their old wickednesse This latter seruitude was twice so long as was that wherein they serued the king of Mesopotamia 15 And the children of Israell cryed vnto the Lorde and the Lord stirred them vp a Sauioure Ehud the sonne of Gera the sonne of Iemini a man hauing an impedimente in hys ryght hande and by hym the children of Israell sente a presente vnto Eglon the Kyng of Moab The kindnesse and mercy of God is farre greater than the kindnesse and mercy of men For if any through their own default fal into any miseryes The kindnesse of God is farre greater thā the mercye of men men for the moste parte haue no compassion on them Which manifestly appeareth in the Romane lawes in the Digestes de deposito vel contra In the lawe bona fides it is ordayned that a pledge shoulde not bee restored but shoulde bee geuen to the treasorye when he whiche owed the pledge doth so offende that he deserueth banishemente bycause that he suffred it thorough hys owne default and therefore is it meete that he shoulde bee punyshed with pouertye A woman also if she committe aduoutrye dyd not only loose her dowery but also she cā clayme none of her husbands goods bicause through her own default she falleth into that misery which is also written in Decretalibus title de consuetudine chap. Ex parte But god is so merciful and long suffring that he saith in Ieremy I will do that which none of you wil do No husband would receaue againe a wife which he hath repudiated especially for adultery sake But I so that thou wilte returne will take thee againe although thou hast most filthilye played the harlot with thy louers This goodnesse of god ought we also to follow not only to haue cōpassion on those It is not lawful by violence to deliuer those which ar alredy fallen into the power of the Magistrate which wtout their own fault are thrust into miseries but of those also which for their faults are chastised Wherefore we ought to be gentle towardes them but yet so farre as good lawes wil suffer which I therfore adde lest hereupon any should thinke that such as are condemned to death or are captiues for wicked actes whiche they haue committed might be deliuered against the wil of the Magistrates Christ commaunded that we should forgeue the repentant sinner not once nor seuen tymes but seuenty times seuen times this doth he himself toward his people thei fal in dede oftentimes and most filthily sinne and yet when they retourne the heauenly Father both receaueth and also deliuereth them He raysed them vp a Iudge Ehud the sonne of Gera. The cōmon translation hath Aioth Why the Latin Greke translation haue corrupted propre names But that is meruaile for both in the Greeke and also the Latin translation very many propre names are corrupted As Isaac Ezechiell Ezechias Nabuchodonosor c for both those Nations abhorring from hard kinde of speaking haue leuifyed and mitigated the Hebrue woordes after the forme of their own speche And this man of whom we entreate came as the holy history declareth of the tribe of Beniamin For the familye of Iemini whereof he was borne belonged vnto the tribe of Beniamin Hauing an impediment in hys ryght hand The common Latine edition hath turned it Ambidextrum that is one which vseth both handes a like which interpretation the Hebrewe phrase suffreth not whiche is thus Ater iad lamino Why some are lefthanded that is shut or taken in his right hande And in the Latin also we saye claudum quasi clausum that is lame And there are two causes alledged why some are lefthanded For eyther it commeth of custome from their childhode or ells by some impediment in the right part But I would thinke that the custome of vsing the left hand from a childe commeth of some impediment bycause peraduenture some pores of the body are shut or stopped by which the spirites whiche are instrumentes of mouing can not easlye haue their course to the sinowes and to the brawnes of the right hand Otherwise children should of their own accord be prone to vse the right hand for as much as in creatures by order of nature the right part is much stronger thā the left Neither do Iat this present speake of those which do of purpose practise to vse the left hand that therby whē nede requireth they may haue both handes ready For that serueth little to oure matter for the history by expresse wordes declareth that this Ehud had an impedimente
a thing cannot be hurt without blame And lastly euery man by lying leeseth hys own credite for being taken in a lye he shal euer after be suspected Wherefore though he would he shall not bee able by admonition or correction to helpe hys neighbour For the which cause the fault which is in a lye pertaineth not onely to the hurt and losse of our neighbour but it is in it by the general woord as by that which we haue already said manifestly appeareth But among lies What kinde of lye is most grieuous that lye semeth to be most grieuous which is cōmitted in religion doctrine and godlynes bicause in no other thing can guile be more hurtful pernicious For there if we shal erre we are thrust from the eternal felicity Augustine Wherefore Augustine in his Encheridion the .18 chap. hath very wel wrytten that they in dede doo synne grieuously which deceaue trauelyng men shewing them a contrary waye but they are much more detestable which as touching godlynes by lying doo bryng men into errours If the three kinde of lyes should be compared together I meane a pernitious lye a sportefull lye and a seruiceable lye A pernitious lye Two euyls in a pernitious lie should rightfullye be counted more detestable bicause in it are two euyls One is the abuse of signes the other is the hurt of our neighbour And that both of the minde which deceiueth which thing is common vnto all lyes and also of the thing whych is lost But as for other lyes although they are not without fault yet is that not a litle diminished by the good added vnto it either of delectacion or of helpe And in dede a sportefull lye hath in it but a smal and sclender nature of a lye A sporteful lye for as much as the falsehood is straightway founde out neither can it be long hydden from the hearers Augustine Yea Augustine wryteth that suche lyes are not to be counted for lyes But as touching a seruiceable lye the iudgement of it is more darke hard For some deny it to be synne for they say it hath a consideration to thys Whyther a seruiceable lye bee synne to helpe our neighbour whom we ought in woordes and dedes to relieue as much as we can Wherfore they thinke that therby commeth no abuse of signes for as much as al our thinges ought to haue a respect to the commodity of our brethren Neither do they thinke that in it is sinne committed against humane societie when as by this kinde of lye men are made safe and kept harmlesse Farther they say that where as it is in the holy scriptures written that God wyll destroy al those which speake lyes the same is not to be vnderstand of euery kind of lye but onely of a pernicious lye Which thing Augustine also in hys Encheridion the .18 chap. seemeth to graunt Plato They bryng also the opinion of Plato in his booke de Repub who although he feared away the people from lyes yet he gaue Magistrates libertye to lye especiallye in making of lawes But in my iudgement the thing is farre otherwyse neither wyl I easily graunt that a seruiceable lye wanteth the abuse of signes Aristotle For Aristotle in his booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 defining woordes saith that they are notes of those affections which we haue in our minde Wherby it followeth that al they abuse wordes which signify thinges to be otherwise than they thinke in their minde Farther that reason which they bring of loue is a very weake reason For we ought to help our neighbours but yet by iust and honest meanes otherwise let vs permit thefts to be bestowed in almes geuing But the sentence of the Apostle must abyde firme and stable which is that euil thinges must not be done that therby good thinges may come to passe Neither do I thinke that true that by those kinde of lyes humane fellowship is not hurt for as much as take awaye fayth and there remaineth almost no trafficke among men But as touching that sentence of the holy scriptures wherin it is said Thou shalt destroy al them that speake lyes We graunt with Augustine that that sentence is not vniuersally spoken for as long as the power and coniunction of faith abideth with Christ so long those sinnes ar not imputed which otherwise of their own nature should be our destruction And this also wil I easily graunt of seruiceable and sportful lyes bicause they are not so much against charity as are pernicious lyes But this can no man deny that in making a lye we doo against faith And we must vtterly graunt that he which lyeth looseth thereby his own credite so that afterward he cannot profitably admonishe reprooue or with fruite geue counsel as he ought to do For they which heare him will easily beleue that he seruiceably lyeth to cal them againe into the way not that the thing is so in very dede A contentiō betwene Ierome Augustine This vndoubtedlye was the cause that Augustine was against Ierome who in a maner attributed a seruiceable lye vnto the holy scriptures If this saith he should be so the authority of the holy scriptures wold soone decay For the Readers of them would easily say that the thing is not so but that it is so written An error of Plato to keepe men in doing their duty Nether ought the authority of Plato much to moue vs for as much as in that place he very much erred graunting that in thinges pertayning vnto God they might fayne fables which might serue to bring foorth and keepe a good opinion of them Wythout doubt we may not mocke in matters touching God Farther the law of God is equal and the selfe same as it wyl not haue the people to lye so also it prohibiteth the same vnto the Magistrates Who are to bee excused of a lie Howbeit they cannot iustly be accused of a lye which in their talke ar farre from doublenes For somtimes it cōmeth to passe that some speake that whych is false and yet they thought the same to be true With which men they also ar excused which haue geuen their promise to do a thing which afterward they are not able to performe Bicause at the beginning when they promised it they wer fully mynded to doo that which they had promised and therefore they haue not lyed If so be that afterward they doo not accomplish those thinges whiche they haue said the same happeneth by some other meanes And sometimes it happeneth that he which deliuereth his sword to some man to kepe falleth afterward mad wherfore he ought not to restore the swoorde vnto him which hath left it with him bicause a new case as the Lawyers say requireth a new helpe After which selfe same sort Paule is excused who sayd that he would go into Spaine when as for al that he went not thither Paule also promised the Corrinthians
which when they geue any precepte do straight way ioyne therunto a promise When children are commaunded to obey their parentes length of life is straight waye promised Deborah also declareth that she exercised the office of a Prophet amōg the people when as she Prophecieth what shall become of Sisera and foretelleth a notable victorye whiche God had decreed vnto Barac Mount Thabor Mount Thabor is called Ithabyrius whiche is here mencioned of the Ethnike writers is called Ithabirius It is nighe vnto the Assirians Nepthalites and Sabulonites There the Lorde Iesus Christ our Sauiour was transfigured before three of his Disciples as it is declared in the history of the Gospell This mount hath by it the riuer Kyson The riuer Kison whiche by the destruction of the Baalites is made notable for there Helias the Prophete slewe the Priestes of Baal Drawe and take with thee ten thousand men This semeth to be a new kynde of speache but vnto the thing whiche is in hande it is moste propre For this Hebrew worde Maschach is not in this place to drawe by violence to but as all the Rabbines almost do interpretate with presuasion to leade that is with faire and pleasaunt wordes to allure them For without doubt it was a great and perillous worke wherunto they wer called for as much as they lyued vnder a Tyraunt their souldiers could not by publique authority be mustered or gathered together but must of necessitie by faire meanes be allured to conspire against a Tyraunt By this place we are taught that good and eloquent speaches are very profytable in warrelyke affaires Rethoricke is profitable in warlike affaires and that the arte of Rethorike by the lawe of God is not forbidden but may in hys place profitably serue for holy men Farther this is not to be left vnspoken of that those two tribes namely Nepthalim and Zabulon were not warrelike tribes but the weakest of all the tribes among the Israelites The tribes of Nepthalim Zabulon were of lesse estimation thā the other tribes And yet God commaundeth to chose out souldiers out of them wherby we learne that it is a lyke to hym to vse either weake souldiers or stronge warriers agaynst his enemies Some man peraduenture will doubte by what argumentes or reasons Barac could be persuaded to beleue the wordes of Deborah To whome we aunswere that he weyghed with hymselfe that those thinges whiche Deborah promised did very well agree with the wordes and promises of God For he as he had threatened that the Israelites when they sinned should by his commaundement and will be afflicted by outwarde nations so agayne had he promised that he would deliuer them out of the handes of their enemyes if they faythfully repented them of their wickednes committed and faythfully from the heart called vpon him He promised that he would fight for them neither should their weaknes or fewenesse in nomber be a let The wordes of Deborah were agreable with the holy Scriptures but that they shuld get the victory ouer their enemies Wherfore for as much as Deborah prophecied that those things should come to passe whiche the Lord had promised vnto the people of the Hebrues it was conuenient that Barac should receaue those wordes for true and faythfull Farther the authoritie of the speaker helped thereunto For Deborah was by God constituted in the ministery not vndoubtedly by an ordinary prerogatiue but by a certayn singular and principall prerogatiue And if we should looke vppon the Etimology of her name Deborah signifieth a bee we shall thinke that her orations were verye sweete For Deborah with the Hebrues is a bee which beast we know is a diligent artificer in makyng of hony And yet all these thinges had not ben sufficiēt to make Barac to beleue her vnles the power of the holy Ghost had persuaded in his mynde those things which were commaunded For fayth is onely the worke of the holy Ghost whiche he can worke in the heartes of men without any outward instrument but he hath decreed for the most part to vse them I meane the worde and the ministery not as though he were bound vnto them but to shew vnto vs how much we ought to make of these two instrumentes Neither do I thinke that it is to be doubted but that this holy woman was both by miracles and also by prophesieng of things to come declared to be the Minister of the true God and the most healthfull Iudge of the Israelites We therefore ought hereby to learne that we must altogether heare the Ministers of God when they set forth vnto vs his wordes promises and also threatninges out of the holy scriptures neither is there any authority in the worlde whiche ought to be preferred before the ministery of the Church and word of God They were heard thynges whiche Deborah commaunded Wherfore iustly ought Barac to beleue the thinges whiche Deborah commaunded althoughe they semed both greuous and heard For she commaunded hym to moue sedition and tumulte to rebell agaynst his prince a priuate man to gather an hoste and that a litle one agaynst a most mighty king Whether Barak were without faith And Barac sayde vnto her If thou wilte goo with me I wyll go In this place it semeth might be demaunded whether Barac were doubtful and beleued not at the beginning as he ought to haue done the wordes of Deborah And that semeth to some absurde when as in the Epistle to the Hebrues the 11. chap Barac is reckened with Sampson Gedeon Iephthe and others which by fayth ouercame kyngdomes And therefore it semeth that his fayth beyng praysed by the testimony of God ought not by our iudgement to be empared Wherfore they affirme that he would haue Deborah to go with him not bycause he beleued not the promise of God but that he myght haue a Prophetesse ready and ac hande whose Counsell he might vse in orderyng his warre in pitching hys Campes and other chaunces whiche are wonte to happen in warres And I am not ignoraunt Augustine that Augustine readeth it after this manner Bycause I can not tell in what day the Lorde will prosper his aungell with me c. As thoughe he should haue sayd I wyll therefore haue thee with me bycause thou beyng endewed with the spirite of Prophesy whiche hath not happened vnto me shalte easly knowe in what daye the aungell of the Lorde will luckely fyght for vs. But I do thinke that Barac did somewhat doubt for Deborah Prophecied in the name of God that bycause of thys aunswere he should be punished And more ouer sayeth she thy glory shal be taken awaye from thee and the Lord will sel Sysara into the hand of a woman Iosephus And as Iosephus testifyeth she spake these wordes beyng somewhat moued And a Prophetesse woulde not haue ben angry neither would GOD haue diminished the glorye of Barac without a faulte And it appeareth not that he
out his hands preferred Ephraim which was the yonger before Manasses whiche otherwyse was the first borne Wherfore it is no maruail if they now tooke it hainouslye that they of Manasses caryed away the victory without their conduct Is not the gleanyng of grapes of Ephraim Gideon aunswereth verye wittely and by gentle woordes asswaged the spirites of the Ephraites By the name of spirite I vnderstand violence which proceded of arrogancy and hautynes of mynde as we reade in the Gospel Blessed are the poore in spirite Hereby it appeareth that a gentle answer breaketh anger That which sprang of enuy he so semeth to haue taken it as though they had bene styrred vp by a certain honest emulation and desired that they also might be authors of the libertye of the Israelites They which be enuious are wont to be sory for this bicause they want some good thing which they see other haue alreadye obtayned Gideon sheweth them that the matter is not so as they thinke for when as the greater part of this victory redounded vnto them VVhat haue I done sayth he that may be compared wyth your acte I beganne the warre in deede but ye haue slayne Horeb and Zeeb which was the principallest thing in this battayle The gleaning of your grapes are better then my wynepresse For the two Princes whom ye haue both taken and killed are of much more price then the rest of the multitude which I haue vanquished And if a regard should be had vnto the Tribe or family the least part of the tribe of Ephraim is better and stronger then all the power and ability of the Abiezerites Gideon telleth them not that he was peculiarly chosen of God vnto this office for that woulde more haue prouoked them to anger Wherfore he thought to geue place to the desyre of glory wherwyth they burned and to their enuiousnes And yet in the mean time he lieth not for asmuch as the tribe of Ephraim was most strong Neither could Gideon by himselfe or by his own power performe those thinges which they did althoughe by the fauour and helpe of God he dyd greater thinges ¶ Of the affections of enuy and emulation BVt I thinke it good somewhat to speake of the affections namely of Enuye Emulation such like Affections as it is wel knowen pertain vnto the general word of quality ar contayned in that forme which is cōmonly called Passio passibilis qualitas And amongst those ther are two more grosse very cōmon Foure principall affections whych followe knowledge Delectation I say Sorow Their chief place is in the synowes which are dispersed in a maner throughout the whole body Vnto which when either agreable things to nature or things contrary ar applied then either we haue a delectatiō or els a grief Farther ther ar other affectiōs which folow knowlege by whiche as their nature is the heart altereth hys mocion by mouing the pulse either vpwarde or downeward accordyng as knowledge doth receaued good or euil that either present or els nye at hand For when we fele that good is present the heart therewith is ioconde and is affected pleasauntly Laetici◠And this affectiō is called Gladnesse But if we perceaue that the good is not present but not far from vs yea at hand and very nyghe to be obteyned Spes then are we stirred vp by hope to attayne it and the heart is in like sorte pleasauntly moued But when we see that euill is present the heart flieth awaye with a heauy mocion Dolor vel Aegritudo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for it is contracted it abhorred it and is vexed and this affection is wont to be called both payne and grief in Greeke it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so called as the Stoikes thinke as thoughe it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is consumption for euen as the body of him that is sicke wasteth away by sickenesse so the mynde semeth in a maner to weare away with sorow There is also an other knowledge of euill not now beyng present but whiche already is at hand The heart flyeth from that also Metus The foure affections whiche haue their begynnyng of Grief payne Misericordia Nemesis Inuidia and by hys mouyng very manifestly declineth from it and such an affection is called Feare Of those foure principall affections these are now to be entreated of whiche haue their begynnyng of Heuynesse or Grief And they also are reckened to be foure Mercy Nemesis Enuy and Emulation of whiche Aristotle in his Rethorikes hath written many goodly thinges But before we entreate particularly of them one thing is to be enquired of Whether Affections are to be counted good or euill The Stoikes affirme that they are euill and they haue vniuersally condemned affections Aemulatio Whether affections be good or euill The Stoikes this reason leadyng them thereunto bycause by them the mynde iudgement and sound Counsell is troubled For they so distract and shake the mynde or reason that it can not at pleasure and quietly haue the contēplatiō of thinges naturall and diuine neither orderly and rightly determine of things to be done Farther bicause by their wayght they oftentymes driue men to perpetrate filthy and vniust things yea and they hurte the body also when they are very vehement These in a maner are the reasons of the Stoikes The Peripatecians teache muche otherwise that is that those things are not true which the Stoikes affirme The Peripatecians but when affections are not chastised kept vnder by reason then are they suffred immoderatly to runne at randon For euē the affections if they be kept in with certain bondes are both good and profitable as beyng the matter of vertues and whiche are by nature appoynted for their whetstones For anger bringeth no small helpe vnto strength and mercy is set vnder the vertue of clemency And in the same maner it may be sayd of many other But this sentence wherin the Philosophers do so disagre What the holy scriptures affirme of affectiōs must be decided by the iudgement of the holy scriptures They write the man both as touching soule and as touching body was created of God And they adde that all things were good what soeuer God created Wherfore for asmuch as he planted affections in man but not euill and corrupt as now we haue them but right and sound which should obey and serue reason they must of necessity be good Farther the lawe of God doth euery where commend vnto vs mercy and preacheth repentaunce whiche can not consiste without payne and grief of the minde Dauid also writeth and Paul repeteth it be ye angry but sinne not Yea and whiche more is affections are ascribed euen vnto God as Anger Mercy Grief Repentance c. which things althoughe they are not properly spokē of him yet this must we marke that in the holy scriptures that is neuer attributed vnto God whiche in a
he would not labour in the publike wealth What the Popes oughte to haue before theyr eyes but bicause he vnderstode that it was no lawful vocatioÌ„ which the Popes also ought to regard He had before his eyes the law in Deut. now alledged The Pope ought also to loke vpon the words of Christ Kinges of the nations sayth the Lord bear rule ouer theyr subiectes but ye shal not do so and being demaunded who should be greatest he aunsweared that he which was lowest and which more serued others This is to gouern the church not to commaund but to serue Peter himselfe also taught ministers not to beare dominion ouer their flocke Who are in the church to â—â—uerenced aboue other And Paule hath written that Christ is set the hed of the church not men although in it they are aboue other to be much made of to be honored whych more then other profet the faythfull and are more largely endewed with good gracious giftes and as Christe required of Peter doo more depely loue him and which ar more aboundantly endewed with those qualities which Paule to Timothe and Titus requireth in bishops If we highlier honor such men in the church aboue other not as lords not as vniuersal bishops not as heads of the church but as excellent ministers thereof the authority and obedience of the word of god should therby be nothing diminished An error verye hurtful in the church But they do not so They haue fixed the exellency and dignity of the ministers of the church vnto chayres places and cities howsoeuer he be in greater price honor which sytteth in those chayres or places and what manner of man so eueâ— he be in lyfe and manners And so is there no regarde had to the graces and giftes of God but onely to the place and seate This vndoubtedly was the fountayne ofpring and beginning of al euils and superstitions Our elders thought it good that in cities which were more famous where marchandises were traded and were assemblies of men where Proconsuls or Presidentes gouerned there also the bishops should be of greater authority and iurisdiction Whereby custome obteined that those Churches and chayres were had in greater honor But as it commeth to passe ambicion crepte in and in those places byshoppes were ordeyned not alwaye suche as were more worthye but such as were better fauored of Princes And oftentimes the better learned and more holy were geuen ouer to small and abiecte bishoprikes When Augustine was Bishop of Hippouerhegium one called Aurelius gouerned the most honorable church of Carthago And who knoweth not that Augustine in doctrine maners and authoritye farre excelled Aurelius The same thinge happened vnto Gregorius Nazianzenus who was byshop in an abiect place namelye in Sassimis when as many other not to be compared with him obtayned the chief chayres After this way maner the bishop of Rome began to be preferred aboue other namelye bycause of the moste ample dignitye of the citye The cause why the bishop of Rome was preferred before other whyche cause neuerthelesse he vnderstanding that it was no firme groundsele of the honor which he had obteyned he hath fained other causes of his excellency And first he pretendeth that he had this priueledge by the councel of Nice which yet he could not proue before the fathers of Africa bicause in that Sinode the charge onelye of suburbe churches was committed vnto hym Not a charge to beare dominion but to geue counsel to admonish and if there wer any things of more waight to referre the same to the counsell As to the bishop of Alexandria the suburbe churches of Egipt and to the byshop of Antioch of the suburbe churches of the east parties And it was not geuen the bishop of Rome to be the vniuersall pastor Neyther is it possible that a weake and mortall man should feede the flocke of Christe in all countries Farthermore the bishop of Rome boasted that he was set to be the head of the church The bishop of Rome canot be hed of the whol church whych cannot be meete for any man For from the heade ar deriued mouinge and sense by the sinewes into al members as Paule very well teacheth to the Ephesians and Colossians But no man can performe that as of himselfe by closures ioynts to quickeÌ„ the meÌ„bers of the church with the sprite of god It loÌ„geth onely to christe Magistrates princes may be called heads of the people to destribute vnto his meÌ„bers spiritual mocions illustracion of the minde and eternall life Indede kings and magistrates may be called heads of the people bicause they gouerne ciuily and from them we may looke for good lawes and ciuyle mouinges but in the church men entreat not of ciuile life but of spiritual and eternall life which we cannot loke for but at gods hand neyther can any mortall men quicken the members of the church Kinges magistrates when they are godlye in my iudgemente oughte to haue the chiefe place in the church and to them it pertaineth if religion be il administred to correcte the defaultes For therfore they beare the sword to maintayne Gods honor But they cannot be heades of the churche Paule to the Romaines and to the Corinthians where he maketh rehearsal of the members of the churche putteth some to be eyes some noses eares hands and feete but he adorneth none with the dignity of the heade who yet to the Ephesians sayth this of Christe that god had geuen hym to be the head of the body of the church We must not make the church two headed Let the papistes shew writen in any other places of the holy scriptures that Christ gaue an other hed vnto the church they shall haue the victory But I know assuredly they caÌ„not For if that could haue bene done the church should be a two hedded monster But it is a sporte to heare what Iohn sometimes B. of Rochester in defendyng the Pope auÌ„swered to this To graunt two heads of the Church sayth he is not absurd for the Apostle writeth the man is the head of the womaÌ„ neuertheles euery wife hath byside her husband which is the head an other head also Wherfore he concluded that we may thus affirme of the church namely that it hath both Christ and the Pope to be head But this man faileth by a false Sillogismus of equiuocatioÌ„ For speaking now of a head as it is attributed vnto the Church he falleth to a natural head In matrimony the husband is the head of the wife not the natural hed How the husband is the hed of the wyfe but as touching aeconomical life But the natural head of the woman is the beginning of her natural life And vndoubtedly if we looke vpon the natural head in the church we shal finde that it is not one head but looke howe manye men there be in it so many heades shal there be for there is none
without him Ther was a publike wealth then in Israel they had Senatours and in al places ther wer Iudges appointed wherfore the forme of the publike wealth could not by men be chaunged wtout great offence If so be thou wilt demaund when it is to be thought that God doth gouern rule in other Magistrates I answer Then when this is onely prouided for that Citizens may liue vertuously And forasmuch as piety is of al vertues the most excellent the Lord doth then raigne whē althings ar referred vnto it Farther as touching ciuil actions when to euery man is rendred his own Magistrates gouerne not for their own commodity but for the publike vtility When the thing is otherwyse shall wee saye that God raygneth or no as when Nero Domitianus Commodus Heliogabalus and suche wycked men wer gouernours A distinctiō of those thynges which are done vnder Magistrates Did God then cease from gouerning of the worlde I thynke we must make a distinction of these thinges which are done in those kingdomes of the good thinges I say from the euil forasmuch as there is no Empire so vitiate and corrupt but that it stil retaineth in it many good thinges Let vs looke vpon the gouernment of Nero we shal se ther in a maner an infinite number of wicked and mischeuous actes where yet many partes also of Iustice floorished Prouinces were gouerned by Pretors and Presidentes which execute lawes not altogether vniustly It was lawful for Paul to appeale vnto Rome neyther could the Hebrues by the lawes be permitted to iudge him as they lusted themselues And the same Paul when he had shewed that he was a Citizen of Rome escaped both from bondes and from stripes Wherefore seing in a gouernment most corrupt very many good and profitable thinges floorished the same coulde come frō none other but from God It is therfore manifest that god at that time forsooke not the care and administration of thinges But if thou go forward and aske How God ordereth himself toward the fauts of Princes whether the vices and corruptions of Empires are to be referred vnto God I wyll answer that the true cause of synne is in man but the wil of God doth neither allow those vices nor cōmaunde them in his lawes yea he prohibiteth and detesteth them But he vseth them to punish the wickednes of the people for for the synnes of the people he maketh an hipocrite to raygne and in his fury he geueth kinges For such thinges are euyl and synnes and haue in them a consideration of punishments as they are punishmentes they pertayne vnto the iustice of God But when Princes are so corrupt what is to be done We must obey Whither it bee lawfull to ryse vp against euyl Princes but vsque ad aras that is so farre as religion suffreth Maye priuate men take vpon them to alter a corrupt Prince They may do it in admonishing in geuing coūsel and reprouing but not by force of weapons Yea Citizens may fight for the defence of the publike wealth as long as it lasteth Wherfore Pompeius Cicero and Cato are not lightly to be condemned for that they resisted Cesar going about to styrre vp insurrection althoughe at that time the publike wealth was very corrupt But when he had once obtained the Empire he ought not by priuate men to be depriued with weapons Wherfore Augustus said vnto Strabo who spake euil of Cato being then dead that he was a good Citizen which contended that the present state of thinges should not be chaunged In the publyke wealth of the Hebrues which floorished in the time of Gideon God gouerned in very deede It was as I haue said Aristocratia where Elders were chosen by common voices to do iustice in which office vnles they rightly behaued themselues they were both punished and put out of their roume but if there happened any hard warre God himselfe raysed vp Iudges but they were not chosen by the people neither did the children succede the Parentes in that office After this maner did God gouerne the Hebrues The wordes of Gideon sufficientlye declare that the Iudges exercised not the office of an ordinarye Magistrate It was in the Lord to rayse vp for the time whom he would What we must consider when any thing is offred vnto vs. therfore the Lord said vnto Samuel They haue not reiected thee but me that I should not raigne ouer them Hereby we gather that when anye thing is offered vs we must alwayes weigh whither the same be good of his own nature and whither it bee lawfully geuen and may lawfully be vsed Which if it be not let vs put awaye from vs whatsoeuer is offred as Christ reiected Sathan when he promised hym all the kingdomes of the world neither receaued he the kingdome offred him by the people Thys the Pope considereth not who for his vnlawfull Supremacye or tyranny continually warreth and there is nothing which he attempteth not so farre is he of to refuse these thinges c. 24 Againe Gideon said vnto them I would desire a request of you that ye would geue me euery man the earings of his pray for they had golden earinges bicause they were Ismaelites 25 And they sayd we wyl geue them And they spread a garment and dyd cast therein euery man the earinges of hys pray 26 And the weyght of the golden earinges that he required was a thousand seuen hundreth syckels of gold besides collers pomanders and purple rayment that was on the kinges of Madian and besyde the chaynes that were about their Camels neckes 27 And Gideon made an Ephod thereof and put it in hys City in Ophra And all Israel went a whooring after it in the same place which thing was the destruction of Gideon and hys house Here is set foorth an example of a most grieuous fal very much to be lamented A man holy in miracles and notable in faith filthelye falleth Euerye man therefore is admonished not to trust vnto his former lyfe and thinges that hee hath well done Kim his opiniō of the Ismaelites and Madianites They had golden earinges bycause they were Ismaelites Kimhi thinketh that the Madianites and Ismaelites were al one which he saith is confirmed by the booke of Genesis wher it is written that the brethren of Ioseph sold him to the Madianites and straightway it is added that the Ismaelites sold hym in Egipt wherfore he gathereth that they were al one namelye which had theyr ofspring of Agara And she as some say was Ketura the handmayd of Sara afterward the wife of Abraham But the Chaldey Paraphrast interpreteth the Ismaelites Arabians and not Madianites Yea and Iosephus in his booke De antiquit by the children of the East he vnderstandeth Arabians They turne this Hebrue woorde Scheharonim lunulas that is litle Moones wherof is mēcion made before For in the Arabike toung Schehara signifieth luna that is the Moone The other
as the Oliue tre vine tree fig tree in this Apology testify of thē selues But how answered the Oliue tree that his fruit is much made of not onely of men but also of God That is therefore so said bicause God in his tabernacle would haue lightes burning Oblation which wer maintained with the purest oyle Farthermore Minacha whither it wer of meale or of graynes of fruite or of fine cakes it was cōmaūded to be ouersprinkled with oyle Moreouer Priests Prophets Kinges wer annoynted with oyle Also with oyle wer made many plasters salues cered clothes and diuers and manifold medicines And in many other countries for want of aboundaunce of butter meates are seasoned wyth oyle And in the Psalme .104 it is said that it is good to beautify the face Therfore it is not absurdlye sayde that both God and man make much of this liquor But in that it is said that wyne maketh God mery it ought not so to be vnderstand as though God either drinketh or hath neede of wyne to make him mery but bicause in sacrifices pouringes out of wine were had And as the Rabbines declare the Leuites in the oblation of sacrifices did then begin to sing with the voice trumpets and harpes when the wyne was poured out ¶ Of wyne and dronkennes BVt bicause very manye vntemperate men being reproued for dronkennes are wont by this sentence to excuse their sinne which otherwise is most filthy saying that they abuse not wyne forasmuche as they vse it to that ende for which it was inuented and created of God namelye that men wyth it shoulde make them selues mery A diuision of that which shal be intreated of therefore I thought it good to refell their wantonnes Wherfore first I wil declare the iust vse of wyne Afterward I wyll shewe the abuse thereof teaching it to be against the law of God Then wil I bring examples manifestly to open that the abuse of it is a thing as wel damnable as filthy and detestable Moreouer I wil rehearse the horrible effectes of this euyll And lastly I wil answer to those cauillations and sophistical argumentes by which the Epicures defend dronkennes and the abuse of wyne As touching the first I deny not but that wine hath excellent properties For it quencheth thirst Healthful and honest vses of wyne which might also be done with water but not so commodiously bicause wine in quenching of thirst maketh a man strong and engēdreth spirites whereby nature is very much recreated Farther it is medicinable for colde and weakenes both of the stomake and also of the other powers whiche serue for the life of man Wherfore Paul writeth vnto Timothe to vse wine for the stomacke and often diseases thereof It is sometimes also not vnprofitably occupied outwardly for woundes Wherefore in the .x. of Luke it is writtē that the Samaritane bound the woundes of him whom he found halfe dead and poured wine and oyle in them Moreouer wyne maketh mery and helpeth not a lytle to driue away sadnes and heauynes of the minde And therfore Salomon writeth in his Prouerbs the .31 chap. Geue strong drinke to them which ar heauy wyne to them that haue griefe of hart Let them drinke and forget their pouerty and no more remember their sorrow And we rede in the .104 Psalme wine reioyceth the hart of man The wonderful liberality of God towardes men For so great was the goodnes of God towards men that he would geue vnto them not onely thinges necessary to lyue by but also largely bestow on them delicates bicause properly and by himselfe he delighteth not in the pensiuenes sadnes and heauines of men but desireth to haue them liue holilye and godlyly with an honest and holy mirth of hart Wherfore he hath graunted vnto thē not onely the vse of wine but also oyle and most pleasant odours also flesh and likewise diuers and manifold kindes of meate Vndoubtedly the vse of wyne is sometimes profitable vnto those which ar recouered of their diseases must be restored to their old health and as a certaine Philosopher sayth a heuines certaine bitternes of old men are by it likewise mitigated and lenified as hoppes which otherwise are most bitter become swete being stiped in water But we must take heede that we keepe a measure We must keepe a measure in drinking of wyne otherwise the gladnes which by wine is sought is easely turned vnto most great heauines For the intemperance of wine doth easely lose his vtility Yea if men come to dronkennes then is the vse of wine a very heauy thing and ful of daunger Wherfore it is necessarye to put a difference betwene the vse and abuse therof Moreouer this is to be added that to haue to much drinke or to be droonke A distinction of dronkennes Marsilius Ficinus may be taken two wayes either properly or Metaphoricallye This difference Marcilius Ficinus plainly teacheth in the argumēt of his Dialogue de Iusto and maketh one kinde of dronkēnes aboue the Moone or celestial stirred vp by drinking of heauenly drinke wherby the minde being set without it selfe and aboue it selfe forgetteth al mortal diseases and onelye considereth thinges diuine by the brightnes wherof first it waxeth dimme but after that it somewhat tasteth the sauour of them it is by a new heate chaunged from his first habite or quality whereby whithin a while it clearely beholdeth spiritual thinges and whilest it healthfully tasteth them it is with great fruit nourished Wherfore it is written in the Psalme we shal be made drōken of the plentifulnes of thy house Musaeus Orpheus Yea and Museus an auncient Poet saith that the reward of vertue is perpetual drōkennes And Orpheus before Museus said that the same was signified by the ceremonies and holy seruises of Dionisius The other kinde of dronkēnes he sayth is vnder the Moone and worldlye which is stirred vp of drinke called Letheus that is carnal drinke whereby the minde being set without it selfe and vnder it selfe it forgetteth things diuine and doteth Neither is it to be doubted but that this kinde of dronkennes is vtterly to be auoided Of the first kinde of dronkennes which is Methaphorical there is plaine mencion made in the Prouerbs of Salomon where wysedome stirreth vp men to drinke wine whiche she hath set foorth on her table plentifully and aboundantly Yea and Christ also our Sauiour which is the true wisdome promiseth vs such a wyne in the kingdome of heauen By Translation also is described the wyne of compunction and furye which God wyl geue the vngodly to drinke wherby they shal become mad and according to their desertes be turned into furiousnes But leauing these Methaphores Dronkennes condemned by the holye scriptures let vs returne vnto dronkennes properly taken wherof we now intreate let vs declare by testimonies of the holye scriptures that suche abuse of wyne is prohibited and forbidden To the Ephesians Paul
it is geuen it is freely geuen Moreouer we dayly heape sinnes vpō sinnes wherfore god in withdrawing it is not to be accused of iniustice For he cōpelleth no man to do euill but euery man willingly sinneth wherfore the cause of sinne is not to be layd in him The cause of is not to be sayd in God For seyng he procreateth not in vs wicked desires he ought not to beare the blame if wicked actions doo spring out of a corrupt roote of wicked affections yea the goodnes of God is rather to be acknowledged whiche is present and so gouerneth the wicked affections that they can not burst forth nor be hurtefull and troublesome to any but when he hath appointed to chasten some and to call them backe to repētaunce or to punishe them Neither ought we to thinke that after the sinne of the first man Whence ou◠frowardnesse springeth God created a wicked lust and euill affection to corrupte all our whole kynde It was not so done but nature when it departed from God fell by it selfe from lyght to darkenes from the right way to vice and from integrity to corruptiō And how good so euer it was before it nowe degenerated into euill Wherefore let this be holden for certayn that sinne entred into the world by men and not by God as Paul testifieth to the Romanes And in that Christ saith Synne entred into the world by man not by God that the deuill when he lieth speaketh of his owne it is not to be vnderstand onely of himself but also of his members whiche when they lye or do euill worke not by the worde of God neither are they moued by the inspiration of the good spirite And they excedingly reioyce and haue great pleasure in those thinges whiche they do so farre is it of that they should be compelled by any violence Moreouer we must note Of permission that when either the Scriptures or fathers doo seme to affirme God to be the cause of sinne this worde permission is not then so to be added as thoughe he onely suffred men to synne and by hys prouidence or gouernement wrought nothing as concerning sinnes In dede he letteth thē not thoughe he can but vseth them and sheweth in them his myght and not onely his pacience Augustine whiche thing Augustine vnderstood right well and in disputing agaynste Iulianus he confuteth that sentence wherin it is sayd that God suffreth sinne only according vnto pacience and proueth that his might is also therunto to be added by the wordes of Paul who wrote vnto the Romaynes If God by much pacience hath suffred vessels of wrath prepared for destruction to shewe forth his anger to make knowē his might And vndoubtedly there are many things in the holy scriptures which can not alwayes be dissolued by the worde of permission or pacience For the heart of the kyng is sayd to be in the hād of the Lord so that he inclineth it whether soeuer it pleaseth him And Iob testefieth that it was so done as god would But as touching the sinne of the first man when yet nature was not viciated and corrupted Of the sinne of the first man we graunt that the cause therof came from the wil of Adam and suggestion of the deuil and we say that God permitted it bycause when he might haue withstanded and letted it he would not do it but decreed to vse that sinne to declare his iustice and goodnes ¶ Whether we can resiste the grace of God or no. BVt now ariseth an other doubt as touching our nature as it is now fallen corrupt whether it can resiste the grace of God his spirite beyng present or no There ar sundry degrees of grace of God I thinke we must cōsider that there are as it wer sundry degrees of the helpe or grace of God for his might aboūdance is sometymes so great that he wholy boweth the will of man doth not onely Counsel but also persuade And when it so commeth to passe we can not departe from the right waye but we are of Gods side and obey his sentence Wherfore it was sayd vnto Paul It is hard for thee to kycke agaynst the prycke There is no violēce or coaction inferred to mans will And yet must we not thinke that when it is so done there is any violence or coaction brought vnto the will of man for it is by a pleasaunt mouyng and conuersion altered and that willing but yet so willing that the will therof cōmeth of God for it is it which willeth but God by a stronge and most mighty persuasion maketh it to will But somtymes that power of God and spirit is more remisse which yet if we wil put therunto our endeuor apply our will we should not resiste yea we should obey his admonishmentes and inspirations and when that we do it not we are therfore sayd to resiste him and oftentymes fall And yet this is not to be vnderstand as touching the first regeneration but as concerning those whiche are regenerated whiche are now endewed with grace and spirite For the will of the vngodly is so corrupt and vitiate that except it be renewed it can not geue place vnto the inspirations of God and admonishynges of the holy ghost it in the first immutatiō of mās conuersion it onely suffreth and before the renewyng it continually as much as in it is resisteth the spirite of God But the first parentes whilest they were perfect if with the helpe of grace beyng somewhat remisse they had adioyned theyr endeuor they might haue perfectly obeyed the commaundementes of God But we although we be renewed seyng grace is more remisse remitting nothing of our endeuor we shall not be able constantly and perfectly to obey the commaundementes of God but yet we may be able to containe our selues within the boundes or limites of an obediēce begon whiche thyng bycause we do not therfore oftentymes we sinne and greuously fall Why the grace of god worketh not alyke alwayes in vs. But why God geueth not his grace alwayes to his electe after one sorte and one increase but sometymes he worketh in them more strongly and sometymes more remissedly two reasons may be assigned First least we should thinke the grace of God to be naturall strengthes which remayne alwayes after one sorte Wherfore god would most iustly alter the degree efficacy of his helpe wherby we myght vnderstand that it is gouerned by hys wil not as we lust Moreouer it oftentimes happeneth that our negligence slouthfulnes deserueth this variety Lastly let vs conclude the matter that if we wil speake properly it is not to be sayd that God either willeth or bringeth forth sinne in that it is sinne for what soeuer God willeth whatsoeuer he doth it is good But sinne in that it is sinne is euil Wherfore god neither willeth nor doeth it in that it is sinne yea he detesteth prohibiteth
and punisheth it by his lawes And if at any tyme it be sayd in the Scriptures that he either willeth or worketh sinne in men that must be referred vnto other considerations whiche I haue declared both in an other place and also now here And this is sufficient as touching this question And God sent an euil spirit By an euil spirit I vnderstād either the deuill What is vnderstād vp an euil spirite or wicked affections or cruelty stirred vp to reuenge iniuryes but the end was to take vengeaunce for the bloud of the sonnes of Ierubbaal The men of Sechem layd wayte agaynst hym The cause of the lying in wayt There may be three causes of their lying in wayte First bycause they would slay him as he passed by And an other was bicause they would not haue his souldiers to go to and fro The third was to shake of their yoke and to declare that they were free This was as much as to say as they now nothing passed vpon his kyngly power It was tolde Abimelech A short sentence cut of wherby yet we vnderstand that Abimelech passed not that way for feare of fallyng into their snares 26 Then came Gaal the sonne of Ebed his brethren they went to Sechem and the men of Sechem put their confidence in him 27 Therfore they wēt out into the field gathered in their grapes trodde them made mery And they went into the house of their God and did eate and drinke and cursed Abimelech 28 And Gaal the sonne of Ebed sayd Who is Abimelech who is Sechē that we shuld serue him Is he not the sonne of Ierubbaal and Zebul is his hed officer Serue rather the men of Hamor the father of Sechem But why shall we serue hym 29 And who will geue this people into myne hand and I wil take awaye Abimelech And he sayde vnto Abimelech increase thyne army and come out Here cōmeth an occasion of the euils one Gaal by chaunce trauailed that way the Sechemites hired him to be their ruler and captayne and therefore puttyng their confidence in him they go out into theyr vineardes gather the grapes and treade them with great security What this Gaal was it appeareth not by the Scriptures R. Salomon thinketh he was an Ethnike R. Salomon The Sechemites were so afeard of Abimelech that they durst not gather their grapes wherfore they hired this man First now they go forth into the fielde whiche thyng before they durst not doo they make great ioye and mirthe For in the olde tyme also as it semeth they vsed as they do now a dayes The wātōnes vsed at the gatheryng in of grapes great wantōnes and liberty in the gathering in of the grapes of whiche custome sprange the Comedyes and Tragedies with the Grecians And when Bacchus returned a conquerer out of India the people led daunces in honor of him at the wynepresses Yea and the Chaldey paraphrast maketh mention of daunces in this place They went into the temple It was also the manner among the Ethnikes to geue thankes vnto God of their first fruites But these men go into the temple of God and rate drinke singe and curse their kyng and whom before they had annoynted hym now they rayle vpon and teare with reproches And that in the temple wherin before they had taken counsel for to make Abimelech their ruler Such are the iudgementes of God The place might haue admonished them for out of it they gaue him money but forgettyng all thynges they curse him Although the scripture expressedly declareth not whether this tēple were that selfe same where out they tooke the money in the beginning VVho is Abimelech In the feastes of their wine gathering they mocke theyr kyng and that he beyng absent and aboue the rest Gaal much more greuously scorneth hym Let vs marke the peruersenes of mans nature if any sinne be by chaunce committed it addeth not a iust remedy but healeth mischief with mischief cureth sinne with sinne They should haue called vpon the Lord haue repented but these do far otherwise they se that they haue done noughtly yet they go farther to reproches This is the manner of the frowardnes of man yea and Dauid when he had committed aduoutry did not strayghtway repent as he should haue done but slewe Vrias Iudas whē he had betrayed Christ would not repent but went and hanged himselfe and so was author of hys owne death So in a maner when we haue sinned we go to worser sinnes They ought not in deede to haue chosen Abimelech but when he had once gotten the dominion of things they should not so haue cursed him Before the victory they sing a song of victory There is nothyng more foolishe then to contemne an enemy for an enemy is not to be contemned vnles he be ouercome But this Gaal goeth childishely to worke He exhorteth and prayseth the Sechemites bycause they had shaked of their yoke And he composeth his oration of thynges compared together A cōparatis He compareth Abimelech with Hamor the prince of that Citye whom the sonnes of Iacob slewe by guile VVho is Sechem Sechem in this place is not the name of the City but of the chief man namely the sonne of Hamor VVho is Abimelech He is the sonne of Ierubbaal He hath in vs neyther right nor iurisdiction Let hym goo and bragge amonge his owne Sechem was in the olde tyme Lorde of this Citye hym we ought to haue obeyed But we slewe hym howe then can we obeye this man This comparison is nowe manifest youghe But to increase the contempt more Zebul sayeth he is the seruaunt of Abimelech knowen well ynough vnto vs whome he hath made ruler ouer hys Citye Therefore we shall haue two Lordes And we whiche woulde not obey the Lord of Sechem shall we nowe obeye a seruaunt It is an vnworthy thyng The sēse of the oratiō of Gaal Wherefore this semeth to be the sense of hys oration If we shoulde haue serued we should rather haue serued Sechem But we haue not serued him therfore neither will we serue this Abimelech Serue the sonnes of Hamor As though he should haue sayd serue them rather whiche were the auncient Lordes of this Citye and if we haue not serued them why should we serue Abimelech c. And who wyll geue thys people into my hande The other parte of the oration contayneth an exhortation wherein he exhorteth them to make hym ruler ouer the people VVho will geue This forme of speakyng expresseth an affection of one that wisheth I sayth he if I were your ruler would easely take away Abimelech All the Sechemites were not of one opinion Hereby it appeareth that al the Sechemites were not of one opinion ▪ There were many which thē also wer on Abimeleches side Wherfore I would to God sayth he that all you were of one mynd I would thē easely take away the tyranne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
I graunte that but we ar not now bound to that law it was made onely for the detestation of aduoutry But nowe if they can much profite the churche theyr election is not to be prohibited And it is vayn which is writtē in the decretals that legitimates maye be chosen A trifling diuision of the decretals but bastards oughte to be reiected except with dispensation as it is had in the title de electionibus For these couloures and deceates the Romayne Byshoppes haue inuented to amplyfye theyr dominion But the sentence whiche I haue allowed agreeth with charitye and we may gather the like of it out of the ciuil law wher it is entreated of Decuriones for these wer ciuill Iudges for priuate cities and townes Bastardes might be made Decuriones Wherfore it is decreed that bastardes might be made Decuriones if necessity so required In the Digests de Decurionibus in the lawe generaliter paragrapho Debet enim The lawe therefore woulde haue that order namely of Decuriones to be ful Howbeit if an other legitimately borne were a suter to gether for the same he shoulde be preferred before the bastard So thinke I must we do in the churche that if anye man be as good and as apte for the ministery being legitimately borne let vs haue no regard vnto the bastarde who muste geue place in that lawefull case It is added in the lawe If they be honest and good the faulte of the byrth nothinge hindereth them In the same tytle in lawe Spurios and in the lawe followinge These thynges haue I therefore mencioned that we myghte vnderstande by what ryghte Iiphtah was of hys bretherne thruste oute and to see howe the Cyuyll lawes agree with the law of God ¶ Whither the sonne shall beare the iniquity of the father BVt in this place ariseth a question wayghtier and farre more hard bycause it seemeth that the sonne beareth the iniquitye of the father For he that is borne playd not the whoremonger but the father whom he could not let More ouer in Deutronomy the .5 chap. it is writen and also the same thinge is founde in Exodus I wil visite the sinnes of the fathers vpon the children vnto the third and fourth generatiō And the same did God repeate vnto Moses when he passed before him For among his Prophetes this also is added visiting the iniquity of the fathers vpon the children vnto the third I say and fourth And it semeth meruelous by what meanes that may be numbred among the titles of mercy This thing the Heretikes as the Martionites Valentinians and Carpocratians What the Heretikes reproue in the old testament left not vnspoken of who for that cause reiected the old testament and affirmed the author therof to be an euil God as he whiche spared the fathers that sinned and punished the innocent children being so far from mercy that he can not forget sinne but reserueth anger euen to the third and fourth generation The Iewes also tooke that in euill parte who in Ezechiel the .18 chap. sayd Our fathers haue eaten sowre grapes the childrens teeth are set on edge That was as much as if they should haue sayd Ieroboam erected calues Manasses setforth idolatry must we be punished for them But the Lord aunswered by the Prophet Al soules are mine both the soule of the father also the soule of the sonne The soule that sinneth it shall dye and the sonne shall not beare the iniquity of the father These thinges seme not very well to agree together Some thinke that here must be vsed a distinction of euils and punishmentes A distinction of punishmentes For there are some punishementes say they whiche pertayne vnto eternal damnation and there are other whiche dure but for a tyme. And they vnderstand the place of Ezechiel before alledged of the first kinde of punishementes for as touchyng eternall saluation or damnation euery one shall beare his owne burthen And agayne the soule whiche hath sinned it shal dye Neither do they otherwise vnderstād a place of Ieremy in the .31 chap. But as touchyng punishments which dure but for a tyme as are sicknes pouerty banishement death c. they affirme that it is not agaynst the iustice of God but that with these kinde of punishmentes he maye punishe the sonne together with the father and the people with the princes And in that sort they expounde that which is sayd in the law I will visite the sinnes of the fathers vpon the children vnto the thirde and fourth generation Augustine semeth sometymes to haue allowed this distinction Augustine For in his questions vpon Iosua the 8. question when he reasoneth concernyng Achan whiche had hidden some of the thinges that were cursed for whose sinne all the Israelites were miserably afflicted and for the same cause not onely Achan was punished but also his sonnes and daughters were put to death together with him Augustine I say sayth there that those punishmentes may both profit and also hinder which thing God hymselfe knoweth and therfore he tempreth them accordyng to his iustice For god so moderateth thē that they do both afflicte the wicked and are not hurtfull to the good For such is his prouidence that those thinges whiche seme euill he can make good but as touching eternall punishementes bycause they alwayes are hurtfull euery man worthily suffreth them according to his euil desert No man saith he suffreth these punishments for an other mans faulte The same Augustine writeth agaynst the aduersary of the lawe and the Prophetes in his .1 boke and .16 chap. A diuision of men into regenerate and into those that are not yet regenerate There is no doubt sayth he but that in this life one is vexed for an other And agaynst Iulianus the Pelagian is his .6 booke the 12. chap. he maketh a diuision of the estate of people and sayth that some are regenerate in Christ but other some are not yet regenerate And the sinnes of those that ar regenerate are visited vnto the third and fourth generation that is vpon all their posterity And he alludeth it vnto originall sinne whiche was by Adam sowed into all his posterity But thou wilt say why is it visited vnto the third and fourth generation The same father aunswereth in his 42. question vpon Deut. bycause thre ioyned with fower make seuen whiche is a number of fulnes so that to say vpon the third and fourth generation The nomber of seuen is a tokē of fulnes is all one as if he had sayd vpon all generations Which kind of speakyng Amos vsed saying For three transgressions and for foure I will not turne to it Wherfore Augustine vnderstandeth these woordes of the lawe for visityng the iniquityes of the fathers vpon the children vnto the thirde and fourth generation as touching those that are not regenerate For the lawe sayeth he entreated of those whiche were vnder the lawe But Ezechiel and Ieremy entreate of menne
may be absolued and so one is punished for an other mans faulte The maner of punishing the tenth souldier But GOD as it is sayde doth no manne iniurye for he whiche dyeth was subiecte vnto death and GOD directeth hys death to a good ende namely to helpe other that is that by thys meanes eyther the parentes or the prynces maye bee reuoked vnto repentaunce or to establyshe discipline But those thynges whiche we haue sayde can by no meanes bee vnderstande of spirituall and eternall paynes For as touching them euery man shall suffer for hys owne faulte Nowe lette vs expounde the woordes of the lawe I sayeth he am a Ielous God visityng the iniquity of the Fathers vpon the chyldren vnto the third and fourth generation of them that hate me Ierome Augustine These last woords Ierome vppon Ezechiel the .18 chapter diligently noteth And Augustine vpon Iosua in the question before alledged Of those sayeth GOD which hate me as though he should haue sayd I wyll not touch the innocents but will take vengeaunce of their iniquity which imitate euill Fathers and hath me After the same manner he promiseth to doo good vnto children and chyldrens chyldren euen vnto a thousande generations But to what chyldren Euen to those sayeth he that loue me Wherefore thoughe the Father bee vngodly and the sonne good the iniquitye of the father shall nothyng hurte hym But if the father bee good and the sonne wicked the godlynes of the father shall nothyng profyte hym And therefore Ierome sayeth He auengeth the iniquitye of the Fathers vpon the children not bycause they had euyll parentes but bycause they imitate theyr parentes The woordes themselues doo sufficiently declare that the lawe is not to bee vnderstande of Originall synne but of that synne whiche they call actuall For then shall the sonne beare the iniquitye of the Father when he lykewyse synneth as dyd the Father Also the wordes of Ezechiel can not bee vnderstande of Originall synne as that whiche followeth easely declareth Although thys sentence that the soule whiche sinneth it shal dye maye bee vnderstande of Originall synne Euery manne hath in himself his proper originall sinne For euery manne hath in hymselfe a corrupte nature and a prones vnto euill Wherefore euery manne beareth hys owne synne For althoughe that vice were by originall drawen of the parentes yet nowe is it made ours But thou wilte saye seyng in the lawe it is sayde Of them whiche hate me and infantes for as much as they hate not God therefore it can not pertayne vnto them I aunswer That in act in dede they hate not God but by corruption of nature and prones vnto euill So a woolfe that is at full age deuoureth a sheepe A younge woolfe whiche is but a whelpe doth it not not bycause it hath not the nature of the father but bycause it is not able And thus muche as touching the wordes of the lawe But why it is sayde vnto the thirde and fourth generation and not vnto the fyft and sixt we haue hearde what Augustine hath aunswered But in my iudgement we maye saye muche more commodiously that the parentes may lyue vnto the thirde and fourth generation GOD woulde therefore so punyshe the Fathers in the thirde and fourth generation that by that punyshement of theyr posterity some feelyng myght come vnto them they beyng yet on lyue that they myght see the miseryes of theyr neuewes childrens chyldren For thys cause the holy Scripture extendeth those generations no farther When the posteritye are euill and are punished of GOD there is no doubte but that the parentes are punyshed also in them Chrisostome vpon Genesis the. 29. Homely when he interpreteth these woordes Cursed be Chanaan c. But he synned not sayeth he but hys father Cham. That is true in deede he aunswereth but Cham was a greate deale more sharpely touched with that curse then if it had bene pronounced agaynste hymselfe Thys is the powre and fatherly affection to bee more vexed with the afflictions of theyr chyldren then with theyr owne Wherefore Cham dyd not onely see that hys sonne should be euill and subiecte vnto the curse but also he sawe that he hymselfe shoulde bee punished in hym This nowe resteth to bee declared why amonge the Proprietyes of the mercye of GOD this also was recited before Moses Visityng the iniquitye of the Fathers vpon the children when as this seemeth rather to pertayne vnto seuerity But it is not so yea rather if we looke more narrowly vpon the place we shall vnderstande that it is a pointe of mercy For where the sinne was firste committed he myght strayghtwaye if he woulde iustly bee reuenged But he is so good that he wyll defer the vengeaunce vnto the thirde and fourth generation and in the meane tyme calleth backe the father to repentaunce by admonitions of the Prophetes by sermons and benefites and many other wayes At the laste when the thirde and fourth generation is come and he made neuer a whitte the better he goeth to stripes and yet he doth not then vse affliction as the laste punishement but rather as a medecine Who seeth not that all this is a woorke of greate mercye Wherefore iustly and woorthily are these wordes numbred amonge the proprietyes of mercye And it can not bee denyed but that the Prophetes were oftentymes afflicted together with the people For Ezechiel and Daniel were led awaye into captiuity and Ieremy was caste into prison and wonderfully vexed in the tyme of the siege and afterwarde goyng with the Hebrues into Egypte he was slayne For God will haue the thyng in thys manner ordered that good men may not onely ryghtly gouerne their own lyfe but also in suffryng thynges greuous they may admonishe and bryng to amendement the euill For they are conuersant together with them in the same publique wealth and Churche and are after a sorte members of one body It profiteth the iust that they are wrapped in the same punishmentes with the wicked Wherfore the good ought thus to thinke with thēselues If God afflicte the euill we also shal be vexed together with them we shall all be wrapped with the selfe same punishement Therefore we must see that we labour for them in reprouyng and prayng for them for theyr saluation beyng neglected shall bryng euilles also vnto vs. After thys sorte we muste vnderstande Augustine when he sayeth that GOD by thys meanes establysheth discipline amonge men Bycause if the people bee afflicted for their kynges and the sonne for the father then must they labour and trauayle one for an other Neither yet do good men so lyue without sinne that God can finde nothyng in them to punishe Althoughe the afflictions whiche happen vnto the godly The afflictiōs of the godly ar not properly punishmentes can not as it is sayde be properly called afflictions but rather excercises of fayth For so God trieth theyr fayth and whatsoeuer he doth in them he turneth it
this .300 yeares and Balac though he were a mighty Prince and other also neuer required it againe wherfore then doest thou demaund it againe especiallye seing we haue had it so long time That which we translate Art thou better in Hebrue it is Tob tob For bicause they want the comparatiue degree they vse in steede of it a repeticion of the positiue degree Why Balac fought agaynst the Israelites Balac of whom he speaketh was he which hired Bileam to cursse the Iewes And when he fought against the Israelites he did not therefore fight bicause he would wrest from them that land this was onely his entent that they shoulde not enter into his borders Hesbon Hesbon was the kingly Citye of Sihon There dwelled Israell and in all her townes .300 yeares and now at the last demaundest thou it agayne If a man wyl count the number of the yeares euen to this time he shall not fullye finde .300 yeares but onely .270 But so vse they to doo which prescribe any thing by time to adde somwhat aboue the iust number Although the scripture also is wont in supputacions many times to follow the greater number And .270 yeares come nere vnto .300 yeares then to .200 yeares And for that cause it seemeth that the number should be put whole Wherfore Iiphtah concludeth after this maner I haue not offended thee Bicause thou art the occasion of the warre and haue shewed thee my reasons now resteth to put the matter in Gods hand he wyll iudge best Thys was the message of Iiphtah We must fyrst entreate by messengers before we go to weapons Titus Liuius This Oration as farre as it appeareth pertaineth vnto the iudicial kynde and entreateth of possession and the reasons are layde foorth But nowe let vs marke that Iiphtah before he moueth battail sendeth messengers before That is a custome verye laudable For Titus Liuius writeth in his first booke that it was the maner of Rome that before warre was proclaymed againste their enemies messengers were sent to complaine of the iniuries and to require againe the thinges taken away And if by their message they nothing profited they returned vnto the Senate who vnderstanding the matter proclaimed war by the publike assent For wise men iudged it not best rashlye and sodainlye to fall to warres So Iiphtah though he were a warlike and valiant man yet woulde he gouerne the matter wisely and moderatlye For he was not so light brained as many now adayes are who firste prepare them selues to battaile and make a bragging before any man know that there is any warre proclaimed God thus ordained in the .27 chap. of Deut. when thou shalt come to any Citye thou shalt firste offer peace So Iiphtah assayeth firste to compose the matter by woords before he goeth to hand strokes The king of Ammon alledgeth a cause in dede but it is but a fained cause for first it was not the laÌ„d of Ammon but of Moab and the Amorhites draue them out as the second chap. of Deut. testifieth For Israel had none of their landes For God had before said that he woulde geue nothing vnto the Israelites of that which pertained either to the Edomites or to the Ammonites or to the Moabites and when they offred no wrong vnto anye man Sihon the king of the Amorhites pursued them with an host and assayed to destroy them but God gaue the victory wherin both Sihon was slain and his kingdome came to the Israelites Wherfore it can not seme that they did wrong vnto the Ammonites for that land at that time longed to the Amorhites which they before had taken away from the Moabites Whither the Israelites sent messengers vnto the Moabites or no. But in this place ariseth a doubt for it is written that the Israelites sent messengers vnto the Moabites and that is not found in the .21 chap. of Numb The Hebrue interpreters say that that may be gathered out of the .2 chap. of Deutr. where it is after this sorte written I sent messengers vnto Sihon the king of the Amorhites with woordes of peace saying Let vs passe throughe thy lande and we wil go by the high way we wil not decline neither to the right hande nor to the leaft Sel vs meate for money for to eate geue vs water for money to drink Onely geue vs leaue to passe through as did the children of Esau which dwell in Seir and the Moabites which dwel in Arre Ther are three principal pointes in this message What wer the chief points of I phtahs meâ—sage for first Iiphtah answereth that he possesseth this land by the right of war secondly by gift lastlye by prescription I thinke it good to examine these thinges singularly and aparte ¶ Of things whych are taken by the ryght of warres AS touching the first we learne that it may be that some thing may be claymed by the right of warre which maye be confirmed both by mans lawes and by the lawes of God But I wyl begyn with mans lawes In the Digestes de captiuis et postliminio reuersis in the law Postliminium Postliminium a law by 〈…〉 we receaue agayn 〈◊〉 â—hichâ— we lostâ— in warres The thinges that we haue lost in war or in affaires of war if we afterward recouer the same again we shal possesse them by the law Postliminium For so long as they are not recouered they are possessed of our enemies And thys ryghte is towarde those whyche are declared to bee enemyes But suche were declared to bee enemies against whom the people of Rome publikelye proclaimed warre or they which publikely prohibited warre against the people of Rome as it is had in the same title in the law Hostes For Pirates or theues cannot by this meanes attaine to be owners or possesse any thing by the law of warre For warre ought to be made to the ende to attaine something by the right of warre And in the Digestes de acquirendo rerum dominio in the lawe Naturale paragrapho the last Such thinges as are taken from enemies by the common law of all men agreing vnto naturall reason are straightwaye made theirs which take them And thus the lawes of man as touching this thing are very manifest So is it also by the lawes of God Abraham as it manifestlye appeareth in the booke of Genesis the .14 chap. made warre against the .v. kinges whiche had led away Lot prisoner The battaile being finished theyr praye came into the handes and power of Abraham which maye easelye bee proued bicause of that pray he gaue tithes vnto Melchisedech But it had not bene lawfull for him to haue geuen tithes of an other mans goods therfore they wer his own of which he gaue Wherfore we must beleue that that pray was truelye in his possession For in that he gaue it to the king of Sodom it was of his mere liberality for he was not therunto compelled by the law I coulde make mencion what
vs iniury in requiring it now of vs at the last ¶ Of Prescription Why the lawe of prescription was brought in HEreby we gather that the right of prescription is no newe thing but a thing grafted of God hymselfe in the hartes of men But why it was founde out I wyll in fewe woordes declare It may be that a man may possesse an other mans thing vnwittinglye As for example There is an heyre whiche succeedeth him that is deade and among hys goodes he findeth somethinges that were vsurped by the former while he lyued or receaued for a pledge which he being ignoraunt of possesseth all those things with a good mynde And so being ignoraunt and vnwitting possesseth an other mans thing as his owne What then shal the heyre neuer seeke for the iust possession thereof If the true owner doo neuer require his thing ought the ignoraunt to defraude the heyre for euer that he shoulde neuer possesse againe that thing as hys owne For if the owner neuer demaunde hys owne thing againe that is to be ascribed vnto his owne slothe and slouggishe negligence Wherefore in detestacion of suche slouggishnes and in commendacion of an vprighte fayth and lastly for publike peace sake the lawe of prescription was found out Iiphtah nowe vseth thys lawe agaynst the Ammonites We saith he haue possessed thys land this three hundred yeares Why then doest thou make this garboyle and tumult agaynst vs Except some certayne time were appointed within the space whereof and not beyonde thinges myght be demaunded agayne the possession of all thinges should be vncertaine but from that humane thinges doth wonderfullye abhorre Wherefore this euyll is remedyed by the right of prescription The difinition of prescription And it is defined in the Digestes de vsucapionibus law .iii. that it is an addiction or claime of dominion by continuacion of possession by the time appointed by the lawe The difinition is plaine and manifest But in these daies they make a difference betwene prescription and vsucapione when yet in the Digestes and among the olde Lawyers they wer not seperated In the tyme of Antonius Pius as I remember these beganne fyrst to bee seperated so that vsucapio taketh place in thinges moueable What differēce is betwene prescription and vsucapio and prescription in thinges vnmoueable But thus much by the way But in our historye this is to be marked that Iiphtah doth wisely deuide his argumentes for he doth not first place the lawe of prescription but before all thinges hee obiecteth the right of warre afterward the gift of the true God and his cause beyng so confirmed at the last he vseth the lawe of prescription And that hee doth therefore bicause a possession continued doth not by it selfe and alone prescribe What thynges are required to the right of prescription but it hath neede of a good title and an vpright faith A good title is that the thing bee gotten by right order and lawfull manner For he that hath gotten anye thing by theft or rapine although he haue long possessed it yet it prescribeth not But if both the title be good and his faith vpright and continuance of tyme bee added the prescription is firme and good If we haue gotten any thing eyther by bying or by gift or by inheritaunce or suche lyke wayes the tytle is good but farther wee haue neede of an vpright fayth whereby we are assured in our selues that no mans right is iniured and that we know that there is nothing which maye by iust meanes let vs. Wherefore Iiphtah hath a good tytle the ryght of warre and the gyft of God He possesseth also with an vpryght fayth bycause hee meaneth neyther fraude nor rapine Wherefore he very well vseth the lawe of prescription But the tyme of prescription in thinges moueable Of the tyme of prescription is as touching our ciuill lawes three yeares but in thinges vnmoueable tenne or twentye yeares if ignoraunce happen not For if the owner knowe that it is his owne thyng which is possessed of an other and he hold his peace so long hee cannot afterwarde demaunde it againe And the lawe seemeth iustlye to punishe suche negligence But if the owner be ignoraunt the tyme is farther proroged namely to thirtye or fortye yeares And this is done when ignoraunce happeneth and that he possesseth it for himselfe and not for an other otherwyse it is no prescription Howbeit thys we must knowe by the waye that the Ecclesiasticall Canons as touching prescription doo differ from the ciuill lawes For they as we haue sayde doo appoynt thirtye yeares though the possessor be of an euyll fayth For they determine that euyll faythe cannot let prescription But as it is had in the .vi. De regulis iuris chapter Possessor A possessor of an euil faith prescribeth by longnes of tyme. For we should haue a respect vnto the woorde of God and wyth what conscience a man may possesse any thing These thinges haue I alledged that we might vnderstand how Iiphtah vseth the law of prescription ¶ Of Custome NOw bicause althinges are certaine and manifest I might returne vnto the history But yet I thinke it good somwhat to speake although briefelye of Custome bicause it hath great affinitye with prescription and bicause our aduersaries doo styrre vp great tumultes bicause of it and woulde vtterlye oppresse vs with Customes What custome is firme Custome as it is had Extra de Consuet chapter the last ought to be agreable vnto reason and lawfully prescribed The ciuil lawes assigne vnto custome ten or twenty yeares the Canons thirty or forty yeares But most firme is that custome Custome against the word of God is of no force the memorye of whose beginning is not extant amonge men And this ought to be firme that those thinges which are against the woord of God do by no meanes prescribe Wherfore that which the Papistes affirme namelye that the Communion hath bene geuen but vnder one kinde thys foure hundreth or fyue hundreth yeares bicause it is manifestlye against the woorde of God they cannot proue that it is prescribed by custome For suche a thyng is not as you would say prescriptable By whiche selfe same meanes they can not bring the custome of the sole lyfe of Ministers as prescript for it was at the begynning extort by violence Hostiensis and it is against the woorde of God althoughe Hostiensis saith that the power of Custome is so great that it compelleth Priestes to sole lyfe What custome is vicious in the distinction .xxiii. chapter Placuit But as the ciuill lawes determine that Custome is vicious which eyther is against nature or els agaynst the common lawe But that which I haue affirmed hath hys foundacion in the holye Scriptures For when Christ sayd vnto the Phariseis Hipocrites why violate ye the commaundement of God bicause of your own tradicion For God saith Honour thy father and thy mother But you say whosoeuer sayth
wee haue before heard in the .viii. chap. But nowe are they more insolent for they would not be content with Iiphtahs defence These Ephramites also did the like when they instituted Ieroboam king against the house of Dauid They which ar infected with pride doo euermore endeuour themselues to be aboue other Cicero and to excel them in dignity and other commodities Cicero in his booke de Particionibus sayth that Pride followeth the loftynes of the minde in aduauncing of his own thinges They which are proude are swelled like bodies that are puffed vp which haue not sounde fleshe and sinoes but consist of a vaine swelling So the proude although they excell not others in vertue Pride noblenes of minde accompared together yet do they aduaunce them selues aboue them The true noblenes of the mynde consisteth herein that we should contemne thinges vile and be occupied about those thinges whych ar in deede great thinges But they that are proude haue not a noble minde but a vayne for they study not for true glory but for vaine glory wherefore they are iustly called vaynglorious 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle And they which are infected with this disease of the mynde the same men are enuious as Aristotle teacheth in his .2 booke of Rethorikes and he declareth that both the ambicious persons and the vayne glorious are enuious Which thing Paul also to the Galathians confirmeth wher he saith be not ye made desirous of vayne glory prouoking and enuying one an other Of enuy doo straightway spring sedicions Wherfore by these two vices the Ephramites fel into sedicion VVere gathered together Not vndoubtedly by any order For no lawful Magistrate assembled them together but they were tumultuouslye styrred vp And they passed ouer Northwarde For they passed ouer Iordane to inuade the Galaadites ¶ Of Sedicion BVt that of hautines and pride doo arise sedicions the Apostle in the .2 Pride is ioined with sedicions to the Corrin the .xii. chap. very well declareth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where hee ioyneth hautynes with sedicions In what thng this vice chiefly consisteth appeareth by the Code de sediciosis in law .1 where it is thus had They are counted sedicious which doo gather the people without anye certayne commaundement and doo defende them against publike discipline Yea also many things hereunto belonging may be had out of the Digestes ad l. Iuliam de vi publica In summe thē chiefly is sedicion when by a tumult they which ar of one the selfe same company and body doo mete out of sundry partes to fight together This vice is in especial contrary to peace and ciuil concord For in sedicion there are manye partes of one people and the vnitye of Citizens is troubled and endaungered Wherin the vnity of citizens consisteth Augustine But that we may know in what thing the vnity of the people consisteth let vs geue eare vnto Augustine in his seconde booke De ciuitate dei who in hys xxi chapter bryngeth something out of the bookes of Cicero de Repub. that are woorthy to be knowen where Scipio thus speaketh Wyse men called not euery company a people What compani may be called a people but a company associated together by consent of the law and communion of vtility Wherefore there are twoo handes of the people one is that they agree in the same lawes of thynges diuine and humane the other is that they haue among themselues a communion of publike vtility Whosoeuer ryse vp agaynst these thynges maye iustlye be called sedicious Suche tumultes when they happen for doctrines of religion or Ecclesiasticall matters are woont to be called schismes And they are more grieuous offenders in thys wycked crime namely of sedicion which first haue sowed the matter the cause and seedes thereof althoughe the other also which are adherentes vnto the authours thereof are not vnguilty And although the people are twoo partes at the least which runne together in a sedicion with contrary mindes yet are not both parties guiltye of sedicion but onely that part is to be accused of so great a wicked crime whyche inuadeth the bondes of vnity that is common lawes and publike vtility But they which resist such troublesome men are not to be counted sedicious but good Citizens And hereby it is manyfest We are falsely accused of the Papistes as sedicious how falsely we are accused of the Papistes as sedicious when as in very deede we desyre to haue the lawes of Christian Religion which haue bene euen from the beginning receaued by the woorde of God to remayne safe and perpecte and we by all meanes procure to reedify the publike vtility of eternall saluation and of the woorshipping of God which are on euerysyde fallen in decay which two thinges vndoubtedly pertaine as it is sayd vnto good Citizens But they haue to their power ouerthrowne these good thinges and do continually hinder them Wherfore they are iustlye and woorthely both to be accused and also to be condemned of sedicion What are the punishmentes of sedicious persons But with what punishmentes this wicked crime is to be punished it is easely gathered both out of the lawes of God and the lawes of man God punished Dathan and Abiran with the opening of the earth vpon Core and his fellowes he sent fyre sometimes also he vsed the stinging of Serpentes and at length for this wicked crime aboue al other of the number of the Israelites which wer sixe hundred three score and sixe thousand when they came out of Egipt there diminished so many in the space of .40 yeares that twoo onely namely Iosua and Chaleb entred into the land of Chanaan Also by the iudgement of God Absolon came vnto an euyl ende and Syba the sonne of Bichry and Adonias which moued sedicion agaynst Dauid But the Romanes as farre as we can gather out of Liui and Plutarch dyd put to death the tenth man of sedicious Soldiours The Ciuill lawes as it is had in the Code in the title De Sedicionibus l. 1. punished thys wycked cryme with extreme punishment that is to saye with cutting of the head or if they had a respect vnto the dignity or condicion of the person they that were sedicious were somtymes hanged on a forke and somtimes throwne to wylde beasts or banished into an Ilande as it is written in the Digestes De paenis in the law Si quis aliquid The ingratitude of the Ephramites against Iiphtah Wherefore nowe that wee haue brieflye shewed the causes of thys troublesome commocion and haue defined the cryme of sedicion and declared the grieuousnesse thereof by the punishmentes nowe lette vs see howe ingrate the Ephramites were against Iiphtah Hee seing he had excellentlye well deserued of Israel they ought vndoubtedly by the lawe of iustice and honestye to haue gone and met him to haue soong songes of victory and with great honour and prayses haue exalted and commended him For as
without the good will of the parentes are whoredomes fornications and aduoutries the master of the sentences aunswereth that that is true not bycause such mariages are in very deede such but bycause they assemblyng together secretly among thēselues priuely without the parents knowledge are wont to be counted as whoremongers and adulterers but yet the matrimony abideth ratified and is firme bicause of the wordes of the present tense which wer therin vsed Also Thomas Aquinas in the same place Thomas Aquina◠is of the same iudgement and vnto that whiche is brought out of Paul vnto the Ephesians where he sayth children obey your parentes in al things He answereth that that is to be vnderstand of those things wherin the children haue not any liberty namely as touching familiar and domesticall things And this reason he addeth bycause matrimony is a certayne kynde of seruitude which the childe is not compelled to take vpon him agaynst his will And in that it is written of Abraham that he sought his sonne a wife out of hys kinred he aunswered that that happened bycause he knewe that that lande was promised vnto hys posterity and that God had decreed to take it awaye from the Chananites Wherfore he would not haue hys sonne contract matrimony with them These fellowes in deede speake many things but they bryng not so much as one word out of the holy scriptures they stil contend that children ought to haue most ful liberty left them as touchyng mariages But that is a mere inuention of theirs whiche by no meanes hath his foundation vpon the worde of God The old fathers were of our opinion but of them it happened as of the Canōs What the olde fathers iudges Tertullian for the more auncient they were the more sincere they were and the more new the more corrupte Tertulliane in his .2 booke to his wife as touchyng the mariages of Christians with Ethnikes writeth very wel neither alloweth he mariages betwene persons of a contrary religion God sayth he deliuereth thee to a spouse And he addeth No not in earth cā daughters right and iustly mary with out the consent of the parentes How therfore wilt thou mary without the consent of thy heauenly father Chrisostome vpon Genesis and vpon Mathew Chrisostome when he entreateth of mariages remitteth the matter vnto the exāples of the fathers in the olde Testamēt neither is it of great necessity to rehearse his wordes whē as the same father vpon the first Epistle to Timo. in his .9 Homely entreateth very manifesty of that matter there he exhorteth parents bicause of the slippery age of their childrē to ioyne them in matrimony but he exhorteth not the children that they should chuse vnto thēselues husbandes or wyues but by Apostrophes he conuerteth his oration vnto the parentes that they should prouide for them as touchyng matrimony he addeth a very notable sentence If saith he they begin to playe the whoremongers before they be maryed they wil neuer be faithfull in matrimony I wil note also by the waye what he writeth in the place of weddyng crownes or garlandes For euen at that tyme they vsed crownes or garlandes in weddinges What saith he signifieth the crown or garland Forsoth that the husband and the wife should declare that euē to that tyme they had ben vanquishers of lustes if thou hast ben an adulterer or whoremonger howe wearest thou a crown or garlād Augustine in his .133 Epistle Augustine beyng desired to make the mariage betwene a manchilde a womāchild I would do it sayth he but the mother of the child is not present and thou knowest that to contract the mariage her good will is necessary In this place Augustine writeth more seuerely then the ciuill lawes For they will not haue the childe to be in the power of his mother Of Ambrose I will speake nothing nowe I haue sufficiently spoken of hym before Wherfore seyng the lawe of God and the law of nature the ciuill lawe and eoconomical lawe the fathers and sincere Canons do affirme that the consent of the parentes is necessary and the examples of the faintes declare the same what should let but that we should be of the same mind Neither ought this to seeme griuous vnto children for it was for theyr commodity so appointed by God and by lawes For young persons in such thinges and specially wemē prouide very yll oftentymes for themselues It is mete the children should require the consent of their parentes Wherefore it is written in the Code de sponsalibus in the law si pater When a father hath betrouthed his daughter if he afterward dye the gouerner or tutor cānot vndoo the couenant of the father and a reason is added bycause tutors sometymes are wonne with money and women thorough weakenes fall to their owne discommodity The example also of Christ ought to moue vs whiche was geuen of his father a husbande vnto the Churche and he alwaye sayd that he did not his own will but the will of his father of whō he was sent Farther how great a discorder ariseth in the publique wealth of this deprauation and abuse how great a window is opened vnto fylthy lustes He that can first haue carnall fellowship with the mayden in some places hopeth to obteyne her to wife yea euen against her parentes good wil. To the reasōs of the aduersaryes But now must we answere the reasons whiche the contrary party alledge for themselues First as we before sayd they cry that in contractyng of matrimony there ought to be full liberty But I pray you what liberty Of the fleshe or of the spirit Vndoubtedly that liberty of the spirite is the greatest when we obey the cōmaundemētes of god The chiefest liberty is to obey the commaundements of god who if he would haue vs obedient vnto our parētes in other thinges why not also in contractyng of matrimony Wherefore they breake the lawe of God which obey not the parents also in this thing Farther if they will haue the liberty of contracting of matrimony to be so great why doo they themselues prohibite so many degrees of mariages whiche God neuer prohibited Once the Popes would not suffer matrimony to be cōtracted euē vnto the seuenth degree but now they contayne within the fourth moreouer why do they forbid mariages vnto the ministers of the Churche Farther why did God himself forbid matrimonies betwene persons of contrary religion if in mariage there ought to be so great a liberty as they fayne to be But they adde Children for feare of their parentes will saye that that matrimony pleaseth them whiche pleaseth them not But the sonne is not compelled so to say nothyng letteth but that he may answere that that wife pleaseth him not and that such a matrimony he can not abyde And in deede without his consent matrimony can be by no meanes contracted In the digestes de ritu nuptiarū in the lawe non cogitur we
render right althoughe they be vnworthy And afterward if a mā compell an other to playe let hym be punished so that he be cast either into the quarreys to digge stones or els into the cōmon prisons By these things it appeareth that by the ciuill lawe to playe at dyse was a thyng very odious Cicero in .2 Phillip agaynst Anthonius His house sayth he is full of dyseplayers and dronkardes Farther the lawes adde if dyseplayers lay any wagers among thēselues they are not firme Howbeit it is permitted vnto them of the household to play among themselues for that whiche may afterward be eaten in a feast But in the Code de religiosis sumptibus funerū it is more seuerely ordeyned of play dyse dyseplayers In the old time souldiers were permitted to play at dise after their busines done But the Emperor complaineth that at that tyme al men played in trying of chaūces wasted all their patrimony lastly added blasphemy agaynst God Wherefore he decreed that it should not be lawfull for any man to play nor to loke vpon hym that playeth he admonisheth the Bishops diligently to loke that these things be obserued The same Iustinian the Emperor in his Authētiques in the title de sacrosanctis Episcopis in the paragraphe Interdicimus doth prohibite by name that no Bishoppe Priest or Deacon should either playe themselues or looke vpon them that playe But if they shall doo otherwyse hee geueth commaundement to thrust then into Monasteryes for three yeares Nowe let the Popes go and saye it is not lawfull for Emperours to ordayne of Ecclesiasticall matters De excessu praelatorum in the chapter Inter dilectos bycause a certayne Chanon was found to be a dise player had in play geuen hys money to vsury to receaue for .x. peeces of money .xii. he was deposed Also de vita honestate clericorum chap. Clerici Let them not play at dise nor tables neither let them be present at such playes The same thing is had in the distinctiōs .35 chap. 1. Either let them cease to play or els let them be condemned Agaynste those whiche defend diseplay But they whiche defend this kinde of playe are wont to say What if we will so bestow our money Are we not Lordes of our own things We do no wrong to our neyghbour we take not away other mens goodes These thinges haue they continually in theyr mouth But they ought to vnderstande that it is the dewty of the Magistrate to see that euery man vse hys owne thinges well Farther we must cōsider more deepely that God gaue vnto these money wherewith they might haue to noorishe their family and to helpe the poore and not to caste them to chaūce and put them to the slippernes of Fortune Farther it behoueth and especially Christians to represent the image of God who gouerneth and ruleth all thynges with reason But so to consume money is not to be a Lord ouer his own things but a tyranne This also mayst thou adde hereunto if any thing be gotten by this meanes the same both is and also is called filthy gayne Whether thinges lost by dyseplaye may be recouered But for as muche as it is counted filthy gayne it may iustly be demaunded whether those thynges whiche be lost by dyseplaye may iustly be demaunded agayne I aunswere that if he whiche loseth be not in his owne power but vnder an other man as are the children of the householde and seruauntes the lawes do geue recouery and that euen to .50 yeares But if they be their owne men recocouery is not graunted the cause is assigned bycause filthines is on either party In whiche case the cause of the possessor is the better In the digestes In the title de condictione ob turpem causam in the lawe vbi autem when filthynes is in either party there is no iudgement geuen What then shal be done with the money They say it must be bestowed vpon the poore so that he which hath lost may haue hurte and he which hath gayned shall not haue the fruition of thyngs euill gotten This is to be done when the possession is transferred Of the same mynde was Augustine in his Epistle .54 Augustine to Macedonius Where the possession sayeth he is transferred let the money bee geuen vnto the poore But where it is not transferred as if a man take awaye any thyng by thefte and lose it at dise let it be restored Wherfore we must decree that such playes ought not to be suffred whiche are gouerned by chaunce and rashenes so that in them goods and money are endaungered bycause it longeth to the publique wealth to see that thynges be ryghtly gouerned and God geueth goodes to be spent to good vses And bycause by it spryng oftentymes horrible blasphemies and robbyng of our friendes and couetous desire of other mens goodes is stirred vp besides the greate losse of tyme. These thynges both the ciuill lawes and also the Ecclesiasticall do see but at thys day they are not regarded For the Canonicall lawes are contemned of the Clergy and the ciuill lawes are despised of the Princes For there is no where eyther more often or more filthily playe vsed then among princes and Ecclesiastical men whiche in deede were of good iudgement when they wrote those lawes but they haue lyued and also do lyue most filthily What playes are permitted But the other kynde of playe whiche pertayneth to the excersyng of the powers either of the mind or of the body is not vtterly forbidden Iustinianus in the lawe before alledged when he had taken awaye playes whiche depended of chaunce substituted this other kynd of playes as throwing a roūd balle into the ayre Aristotle handling of the speare running such like Yea Aristotle in his Rhethoriques commēdeth these exercises of the body And vndoubtedly for as much as a man hath nede of some refreshyng and pleasure to recreate him selfe wtal those thinges that are honest are mete to be graunted vnto him So at this day publique wealthes do sometymes set forth rewardes vnto such as cā best throw weapons that they may haue their Citizens the better exercised Howbeit it must be takē hede of the the kindes of playes be not hurtful or pernicious so that it be daungerous least in that playe they which exercise thē selues or which assemble to behold be killed or miserably torne or lamed And without doubt this kind of plaies is prohibited ad legem Aquiliam in the law Nam ludus and in the decretals de torneamentis Those thinges which of their own nature are not euil but are euil bycause of those thinges which often tymes follow ought to be prohibited In the old time rewardes were set foorth vnto Syngers Orators Poetes Readers which are not vniuersally to be dissalowed if they be done iustly or moderatly Afterward were added stage plaies wherof I wil not speake in this place Daūses also were added of which we
to be prepared Wherof is deriued that word which signifieth an harlot bycause such women are redy and setforth vnto all men or els bicause they are wont to go trimly docked and paynted Wherefore Clemens sayth Clemens that the Lacedemonians permitted harlots to weare wroughte garmentes fine apparel and golde whiche thinges were not lawfull for matrones to vse Now let vs see what followeth in Deut. And the hire of a whore shall not be brought into the sanctuary Here again the law calleth her Zanah which before is called Kadschah But thou wilt say If the law would not haue harlots suffred what neded it to haue forbiddeÌ„ their oblactes What neded this law they which say this do seme indede to speake wittely but yet they speake not sufficientlye For outwarde nacions also sente giftes for ornamentes and vses of the temple The Eunuch of the quene of Ethiope came to Ierusalem to offer in the temple The Macedonians and Romaines gaue yearelye oblations and sacrifices in the temple Wherfore the law forbiddeth that if any thing be offred by straungers that is gotten by the gayn of a harlot the same should not be admitted into the sanctuary Farther god had commaunded that there shoulde not be harlots in Israell but he knew that they would not obserue that law For when the Philistians Macedonians and Romaines raygned ouer them they had harlots Yea Christe maketh mention of harlottes and publicanes together Wherefore god doth rightwell first forbid that ther should be no whores among the Hebrewes And afterward he ordeineth that if by any chaunce there were any theyr gayn should not be admited in to the sanctuarye Whiche thing vndoubtedly he commaunded bicause of the vilenes and filthinesse of the gaine In the same place he addeth The price also of a dogge shall not be broughte into the sanctuarye bycause that beast is filthy and vncleane Caligula otherwise a filthy monster commaunded as Suetonius writeth that harlotes and baudes should be openly punished Suetonius Hostiensis Of this thing Hostiensis writeth ridiculously Harlots indede sayth he ar bound to pay and to offer but the church can not nor ought not to receaue them Yet the Glose doth much better decre in the decretals dist 90. chap. Oblationis namely that nothing at al should be offred in the church that is of the gain of an harlot But priests and monkes when they feared leaste some of their profite shoulde departe haue inuented an other reason For althoughe saye they the gaine of harlotes cannot be receaued for an oblacion The Pope doth vniustlye get gaine of harlottes yet nothing letteth but that it maye bee receaued for almes But by what meanes doth the Pope receaue the money of harlots Not vndoubtedly as an oblation because he caÌ„not not as almes bicause he is not poore Wherfore theÌ„ must he nedes receaue it as a prynce The lord would not haue this kind of money in his sanctuary but the pope will haue it in hys treasury hath it getteth a wonderfull greate gaine by it Whose vicar then is the Pope Gods vicar God refused such a gayn What is he Christs vicar Christ neuer departed from the will of his father Then must it consequently follow that he is Antichrist when as he both teacheth and doth those thinges which are expressedlye of purpose against the word of god and of Christ But he wil say that he exacteth this mony as a prince Let him then be prince But I wil demaund whither he be an euil prince or a good For a good prince it is not lawful to depart from the lawes of God Let him then be an euill prince let him also be euen Caligula Paraduenture he will aunswere that in respect he is a prince he doth according to the ciuil lawes which do not take away harlots out of the dominioÌ„ of the Romaynes yet rather they disdayne not to decree somethinge touchinge theyr price or reward In the Digestes de Condictione ob turpem causam in the law idem etsi it is decreed that there can be no requiring againe if thou geue anye thing vnto an harlot And there is a reason added bycause although a harlot do filthily in that she is a harlot yet she receaueth not filthily in that she is a harlot These wordes are darke so that they may seme to be a riddle Farther in the digests in the title de donacionibus in the law affectionis gratia it is decreed that it is lawful to geueas wel vnhonestly as honestly It is not lawfull to geue vnhonestly It is lawful honestly to geue as vnto parents kinsefolks friends c. Vnhonestly as to harlots But I would know by what license that is lawful Hath god geuen goodes vnto men to cast them vpon harlots But here they confesse there is some filthinesse for although it be lawefull to geue yet if thou haste promised anye thinge vnto an harlotte thy oblygatyon byndeth thee not neyther canne the harlotte require thy promes as it is had in the glose in the title de donacionibus in the â—awe ea quae But there is a doubt if she receaue not filthily why is it not lawfull without filthines to require it They aunswere that that followeth not bicause many thinges are taken honestly which are not required honestly And to that purpose there is cited the law .1 de variis extraordinariis cognationibus Wherfore the Pope will by the cyuill lawes not take a waye harlots but receaue monye of them which he seeth can not be suffred by the lawes of god But here I will a little reason with him Vndoubtedly he professeth that he is ruler ouer the ciuill lawes and in very dede he hath altered manye of them as thoughe he woulde amend them when as yet he hath taken away the good and for the most part hath set euill in theyr place Why hath he not amended these lawes for the suffringe of harlots when as they ar against the law of God Vndoubtedly the true cause why he hath not taken away the lawes of harlottes is this bicause it should be to muche hurtefull vnto the Popes treasorye For at Rome they measure their lawes by profite and not by honestye But by what ciuill law do they receaue mony of harlots They aunswer for tribute But why do they not rather say for baudry Assuredly What the lawes decre of baudry if we wil speake truely Popes are not as touching this thing otherwise then bawdes Let them diligently marke the ciuil lawes whereby they now go about to defende themselues and ouer which they boast that they are rulers and let them looke what they iudge of bawdry In the Digestes de ritu nuptiarum in the law palam it is thus written He which hath bondewomen for gayne and filthilye setteth them out is partaker of the gaine the same committeth bawdry Now I demaunde of these men in what condicion they count the harlottes of Rome For citizens Nothing lesse
this any new or vnaccustomed thinge that seruantes ar somtimes wiser thē their masters although it oftētimes happeneth that counsel hath authority of the geuer as we vnderstand happened here wher counsel although it were profitable Aristotle is despised peraduēture bycause it came frō a seruāt Aristotle in his Politikes saith they which excel in mind coūsel ought to beare rule and they which are strong of body must obey But that cōmeth not alwayes to passe yea rather it oftentymes happeneth that masters which are not of the wisest but yet strong in body haue seruaunts far wiser then themselues although they be not very strong in body Farther we must not deny The giftes of God are not bound vnto the estates or cōditions of men but the prudence and counsels whiche are the giftes of God are not bounde vnto the conditions or estates of Lordshyp and seruitude nor also to the temperatures of bodyes God geueth them to them whom he thinketh good that most freely somtymes to seruauntes and sometymes to Lordes sometymes to poore men and sometymes to riche men GOD ministred vnto a man beyng a seruaunt good counsell whiche yet the Leuite would not fellowe to his great hurt For if he had turned into the City of the Iebusites peraduenture he had not fallen into that calamity whiche followed These thinges are spoken concernyng the counsell of the seruaunt if we consider the vtility therof but yet a thing is not to be iudged by the euent The Leuite is excused Neither is the Leuite in this place rashely to be accused bycause it seemeth that he had a shewe of honesty piety For he thought that if it were possible he should not go vnto the vngodly Idolatrers such as wer the Iebusites and he had a great deale better opinion of the Hebrues then of straungers Yea and the seruaunt for that he so earnestly desired to turne into the Iebusites may be accused either of sluggishnes for that he being weary of the waye would take no paynes to go any further or els he may be accused of vnaduisednes bycause he considered not with himselfe that the Iebusites wer enemyes vnto the Hebrues or els of an vngodly mind for that he litle passed to turne vnto Idolatrers Wherfore it seemeth that the Leuite did rightly and wisely if we looke vpon the ordinary way and law of piety and not vpon the end But all thynges happened contraryly For in Gibaa as we shall heare his wife was by violence oppressed and so died and ciuile warre stirred vp wherin many thousandes of men died What we ought in counsell to counte doubtful and what certayn Wherfore we ought alwayes to suspect our counsels as touching the ende but yet not as touchyng iustice not that we should feare least god shuld cast vs away but least for our sinnes there might happē some miserable end Wherfore whē we haue determined to do any thing we must with most feruent prayers pray vnto God to turne to good the counsell whiche we haue taken and to direct our purpose For vnles he build the house What is to be doone after we haue taken coūsell they labour in vayne whiche build it And except he prosper our enterprises all thynges are in vayne taken in hand And yet in the meane tyme we must vse a very great diligence But now we rede not that the Leuite called vpon God when as yet he was in some daunger Iacob when he should iorney into Mesopotamia called vpon God with a great fayth The counsell or purpose of the Leuite was to turne into Cities which the Hebrues inhabited especially either vnto Gibaa or vnto Rama These Cityes were not farre from Ierusalem He entred into Gibaa where no man bad hym to hys house That City longed to the tribe of Beniamin It may seeme that he would rather haue gone to Rama but as it is written the sunne went downe vpon him nyghe vnto Gibaa wherfore he entred into a City of men vncurteous For whē the man being a straunger stoode in the streetes in the night tyme no man receaued him into his house But where as barbarous inhospitality reigneth there also are more grieuous wicked vices wont not to be wantyng Why no man bad the Leuite to his house But why no mā receaued him into his house the cause was for that in a great number of euil Citezins there were very few good men if there were any the same wer afrayed to receaue him into their house least for his sake some euill should happen vnto them For they knewe the wantōnes and the filthy lustes of those men And so whilest the straunger was despised the law of God was in that City had in contempt For it commaunded that gentlenes should be shewed vnto straungers yea and God called himselfe the tutor and reuenger of straungers neither could those Citezins seeme any longer to be the people of God seyng they had cast awaye hys lawe A praise of hospitality And euen as to contemne straungers is a most grieuous vice so is Hospitality a vertue most excellent Wherfore in the Epistle to the Hebrues it is writtē Forget not liberality and Hospitality Although not to dissemble in Greeke it be somewhat otherwise written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What is the general worde of hospitality But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the general word of Hospitality Then it followeth For with such sacrifices God is wel pleased Out of which place the Papistes go about to defende merites as though he whiche sheweth himselfe liberall towardes the poore shall deserue something at Gods hand But in the Greke is rede 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whiche signifieth not shal be wonne by deserte but receaueth with a glad and chearefull minde which is to be referred vnto God and not to those whiche shew liberality vnto the poore The sense therfore is this that god doth reioyse in such sacrifices doth accept them with a glad mynde yea and Christ himselfe also shall say in the last iudgement I was a straunger and ye lodged me for he that receaueth a straunger receaueth Christ in him So Abraham Lot when they thought that they had had straungers in their house receaued the sonne of God aungels The Gabaonites being voyde of this vertue contemned the Leuite beyng a straunger walkyng in the streete But there was in that City a certayne other straūger whiche was borne in mount Ephraim who being moued with mercy receaued the Leuite into hys house And so in Gabaa a straunger was better then the Citezins This man peraduenture was a husband man and in the euenyng returned out of the field frō his rusticall worke The Leuite telleth him that he hath prouendre for his Asses and also that he wanted not bread and wine that he might the easelier and willinglier be receaued As thoughe he should haue sayd we shall not be burdenous vnto any man for we haue all things
neuer heard of the like boldnes filthy lust as was this of the Gabaonites therfore they are called the children of Belial that is without an yoke bycause they had shaken of good manners the lawe of God and of nature neither would they abyde to beare any yoke Hereby also appeareth theyr exceding cruelty for they did not onely despise a straunger but also would reprochefully haue doone him great iniury But the good old man the host of the Leuite had not onely receaued him into hys house but also afterward defended him with the daunger iniury of his house He goeth forth vnto thē exhorteth thē not to cōmit any such thing First bicause the thing was filthy horrible farther bicause the mā had entred into his house he coūted it his part by right of hospitality to defēd him frō al iniury Lastli whē he perceaued that their lust was importunate vnbrideled he offred vnto thē his own daughter the wife of the Leuite rather thē they should do him so great a reproche Howbeit they as contēners both of god mē nothing care for these things Of the fayth of Hospitality The right of hospitality was of no force with thē which the old mā obiected vnto thē Vndoubtedly faith is to be kept with an enemy and much more with a guest or strāger Wherfore in the digestes de nautis cauponis in the law .1 there is a double actiō allowed against the host if any thing be takē away out of the lodging frō the guest how much more if there be violence done against his body Among the elders the religiō of straūgers was great bycause it semed a thing acceptable vnto god to defēd saue harmeles the straūger Iupiter Hospitalis Wherfore Iupiter as he was called Stator Pheretrius so also was he named Hospitalis as it were a keper and defēder of straungers Busyris a cruell host But Busiris like a cruell bloudy Tyrant slewe his guestes But his cruelty escaped not vnpunished for Hercules slew him with his club Euery manne ought to bee sale in his own house The Gabaonites wtout al yoke rāged abrode in the night tyme beset the house threaten to breake it opē to stay them that are in it when as otherwise euery mā ought to be safe in his owne house Which thing was also decreed afterward by the Romane lawes as it is had in the title de in ius vocando in the digestes in the lawe plerique No man ought to haue hys house inuaded For the priuate house of euery man seemeth to be a certayne holy sanctuary to his possessor But with the Gabaonites there was nothyng safe or holy so much had lacke of a gouernor brought to passe The vngodly are sometymes called brethrē The olde man when he dissuaded them from their wicked crime called them brethren to see if by pleasant and gentle speech he could haue asswaged thē For if he should haue dealt more sharpely he should more vehemently haue kyndled them And yet in callyng them brethren he lyed not for as they came of the tribe of Beniamin and he discended of Ephraim they were begotten all of one father namely of Iacob Lot also in the like cause called the Sodomites brethren It was vndoubtedly wysedome in moste daungerous corrections to vse moste gentle wordes Yea and Augustine when he wrote to the Madaurenses Augustine whiche otherwise were Idolatrers called them brethren Wherfore it is to be lamented and meruayled at that the Ministers of the Churches of the Lutherians doo so abhorre from our men that they will not in any case call them brethren as though they denyed the sonne of GOD and preached not his Gospell But our Churches nothing regarde their importunity but of Christian charity counte them for brethren whether they will or no and althoughe they differ from them in the matter of the Sacrament yet haue they not broken the bande of brotherly charity towardes them But whether of vs doo behaue our selues more sincerely and faythfully in the fielde of the Lord Christ in the last day also in tyme hereafter shall declare But here commeth a question whether this olde man did well in offryng his daughter and the wife of the Leuite vnto the Gabaonites to the ende they should not violate his guest To this all men aunswere not after one manner Some say that he considered the greatenes and horriblenes of the wicked crime and preferred the lesser euill before the greater and would not breake his fayth geuē vnto his guest And by these reasons they thinke to excuse hym And after the same manner they iudge of Lot Chrisostome And amonge other Chrisostome excedyngly prayseth Lot in that thyng Ambrose whiche selfe thyng doth Ambrose also in hys booke of Abraham the Patriarche bycause he lesse estemed the contumely of hys house then so great a wicked acte But Augustine in his questions vpon Genesis Augustine considereth these things both more diligently also more depely and denyeth that to recompēse one faulte by an other is not in any case to be suffred Compensation of sinnes is not to be admitted By his sentēce it was not lawfull for hym to permitte hys daughter to the lust of the Sodomites to the ende they should not sinne more grieuously Neither is it lawfull for vs to committe the lyghter crime to auoyde a more grieuous For the Apostle hath apertly taught That euyll thynges are not to be doone that good should ensue Wherfore when the matter commeth to sinne althoughe it seeme light yet we must vtterly abstayne from it And if it should seeme that some greuouser sinne would followe if we should refuse to sinne that care is to be committed vnto GOD but we vnder that pretence ought not to committe any sinne This was Augustines opinion whiche I excedingly well allowe And not to goo from our Hystory whiche we haue in hande althoughe this olde man ought fayth vnto hys guest yet ought he fayth and defence also vnto his daughter and vnto the wife of the Leuite Neither was it lawfull for him to performe more fayth vnto hys guest then the woorde of GOD would suffer Wherfore he could not iustly humble vnto them his daughter or the wife of his guest For the father hath not the daughter so in hys power that he maye put her foorth to other men to be abused Neither ought the daughter to obey in any thyng that is sinne thoughe the father wil and commaunde her But they say The lesser euill is to be preferred before the greater How the lesser euill is to bee preferred before the greater I knowe that men are wont so to say But it must ryghtly be vnderstand namely that it taketh place in outwarde afflictions and griefes of the body and of the lyfe Bycause in such discommodityes as often as we must take deliberation what we ought to preferre the lesser
accusation well and lawfully neyther by accusing doth he violate the law By accusinge the law is not violated but holpen yea rather he is an help vnto it as on the coÌ„trary side they which hold their peace and vtter not wicked acts ar against the lawes For eueÌ„ as of our selues we ought not to wish any mans death so must we not suffer the lawes to be openly and vilanously violated with out punishmeÌ„t This ciuil war is not to be imputed vnto the Leuite Wherefore let the bishops in the old time looke howe godly they did when they made intercession vnto magistrates for wicked men and for such as wer appointed to dy If thou wilt say ther straight way followed most ciuil warre whiche thing seemeth may be imputed vnto the Leuite But it is not so it ought rather to be ascribed vnto the Beniamits which would not punyshe so greate a wicked cryme In this history Iosephus somewhat varieth from the holy scriptures Iosephus Firste he denieth that this woman was an adultresse and that she therefore departed from her husband She was sayth he very beawtifull and when her husbande loued her excedingly and complained that she loued not him agayn she as one not able to abide his brawlinges fled vnto her parents But the holy scriptures do manifestly teache that she had played the harlot In which sentence al the interpreters agree together Farther he denieth that the Gabaonites thoughte this namely to abuse the Leuit he sayth that they being allured by the beawty of the wife desired onely to haue to do with her But that also is plainly against the holy scriptures wherin it is by expresse words written Bring forth the man that we may know him Farther he denieth that the Leuit deliuered his wife vnto them but the Gabaonites saith he toke her by violence At the last also he addeth this which I thinke also is very likely that the Leuite when he sent the peces of the body did sende messengers also to declare what was done otherwise he shoulde not much haue profited if he had sent but the peeces onely These euils did therefore happen bicause there was no magistrate or prince to iudge the Israelites In the papistical church ther is no magistrat The same thinge also happeneth when there is a magistrat or prince which doth not his office And bicause the ecclesiastical men haue at this day shaken of the yoke of the politicall Magistrate there is therefore no magistrate amonge them Whereby the Christian publike welth suffreth great discommodities ¶ Of a Magistrate THis place admonisheth me to entreat of a magistrate whome I iudge may thus be described namely to be a person elected by the institution of God to kepe the lawes as touching outward discipline in punishing traÌ„sgressors with punishment of the body and to noorish and defend the good There are vndoubtedly many persons elected by the institution of God which are not Magistrates as the ministers of churches whiche yet are keepers of the worde of God of his law but not as touching outwarde discipline onely Bycause it is the office of ministers by the word of God to pearce eueÌ„ to the inward mocioÌ„s of minds for the holyghost adioyneth his power both to the right preachinges of his word also to the sacraments which are distributed in the church But the magistrat onely exerciseth outward discipline punishment vpon transgressors The minister bindeth the guilty vnpenitent in the name of god and in his name excludeth them from the kingdome of heauen as long as they so remain The magistrate punisheth withoutward punishmentes when nede requireth vseth the sword Ether of them nourisheth the godly but after a diuerse manner the magistrate encreaseth them with riches honors and dignities the minister comforteth them with the promises of god and with the Sacramentes Wherefore the magistrate is instituted The end of a magistrate to the end that the lawes should be most diligeÌ„tly kept the guilty punished the good holpen noorished And vndoubtedly the law is a dumme magistrate againe the magistrate is a liuing and speaking law and so also is the minister of god as Paule sayth to theyr prayse which do well and contrarily he beareth the sword against the wicked as gods reuenger iudge neyther tende these thinges to any other end then to the health of men But the forme of magistrates is not one onely but manye as Monarchia Aristocratia Many formes of magistrates Policia or Tirannis Oligarchia Democratia The discriptioÌ„s and natures of which forms Plato Aristotle and other Philosophers haue elegantly taught Of all those formes the best is to be desired and all men to whome it pertayneth ought to prouide that a good or tollerable estate degenerate not into an euill one But if it happen that Tirans or wicked princes obteine the gouernment of thinges An example of the Iewes that is to be suffred asmuch as is by the word of god lawfull The Iewes were by violence oppressed of the Babilonians whome yet god admonished that they should obey to pray for the king although he were a tiran possessed the kingdome of the Hebrewes most wrongfully Cesar also held Iewry by tiranny and yet Christ sayd Geue that whiche is Cesars vnto Cesars the thinges that are of god vnto god The Apostles also haue taught that we must obey princes pray for theÌ„ Nero was a most vnpure beast whoÌ„ yet the Apostle in his Epistle to the Romains declared that he ought to be obeyed not onely for fear but also for coÌ„science sake Phocas possessed the empire of Rome by euil arts most cruelly slew Mauricius his prince also his children whom yet the Romaines acknowledged as theyr Emperor Gregory the .i. red vnto the people his coÌ„maundements writings If thou wilt demauÌ„d what form of a publike wealth that Iewes had it may easly be known by those things which we haue in an other place spokeÌ„ They had at the beginning this forme Aristocratia for god allowed the counsell of Iethro which was that ther should be choseÌ„ out wise meÌ„ strong such as fered god which should gouerne the publike welth as it is writteÌ„ in Exodus Deut. Yea god himself did so with his sprite inspire these .70 men whoÌ„ he had coÌ„maunded to be choseÌ„ as helpers of Moses that they also prophesied So were the Israelite gouerned although afterward they were gouerned by the power of a king Princes ar called Pastoâ—â— But this is not to be omitted the princes in the holy scriptures ar not only called DeacoÌ„s or ministers of god but also pastors of whoÌ„ Ezechiel coÌ„plaineth for many causes for that they cruellye peruerslye fed the people of God Homere also calleth Agamemnon the feder of the people For they ought not to beare rule as thieues or hired meÌ„ to flese to oppresse but to kepe
norishe fede like pastors They are also called fathers Magistrates are called fathers wherfore the Senators among the Romaines were called Patres conscripti that is appointed fathers nether was ther a greter or more aunciēt honor in the publike welth thē to be called pater patrie that is the father of the country Yea also a magistrate is contayned in the law of God vnder this cōmaūdement Honor thy father thy mother Wherfore princes owe vnto their subiectes a fatherly loue And they ought alwaies to remēber that they are not rulers ouer beastes but ouer men that thēselues also are men who yet ought to be far better more excellēt thē those whom they gouern otherwise they ar not apt to gouern thē For we make not a shepe a head ouer shepe but the chief wether then the shepeheard And euē as a shepeheard excelleth the sheepe so ought they to whome the office of a magistrate is committed to excell the people But now must we consider by whome Magistrates are ordeined That sometimes is done by the cōsent of the Senate somtimes by the voices of the people By whome magistrates are ordeined God is first ordeiner of magistrates or by the will of the souldiers or els by successiō of inheritāce But these ar but instrumēts But the proper cause of Magistrates is god him self which may be by many reasōs proued First there is by god a certain light kindled in the harts of mē whereby they vnderstand that they can not liue together without a guide there hēce spronge the office of a magistrate The law of god also commaundeth to obey Magistrates And before the law geuen by Moses as it is written in Gen. god ordeined that he which shedeth mans blood his blood also should be shed not vndoubtedly rashly by euery mā for that were very absurd wherefore we may gather by those wordes that a magistrate was not obscurely instituted by god whiche shoulde punish manquellers Paule also writeth that all powers whatsoeuer they be ar ordeined of god And Christ aunswered vnto Pilate Thou shouldest haue no power against me except it had beene geuen thee frō aboue By these testimonies and reasons it followeth that god is the true proper cause of Magistrates But here some cauell saye that if all magistrates are of God then must all things be rightly gouerned but in gouerning publike welthes many things as we se are done viciously peruersly Vndoubtedly vnder Nero Domician Commodus Caracalla Heliogabalus good lawes were contēned good men killed discipline of the city was vtterly corrupted But if Magistrates were of god such thinges coulde neuer haue happened This reason neither can nor oughte any thing to moue vs bicause the office is to be seperated from the person The office is to be seperated from the persō vndoubtedly it is possible that he which hath the office may be a wicked noghty mā when as yet neuerthelesse the power is good very profitable For there is nothing so good but that men by theyr malice may vse it ill Therfore it is no meruaile if there haue bene kings Emperors which sometimes haue abused that power geuen thē which yet they were not so able to corrupt but that mē receiued by it many good things cōodities as I haue before shewed By the testimony of Daniell it is most manifest that Magistrates ar of God For he saith he geueth transferreth kingdōs as it pleaseth him Farther we se that the Monarche hath somtimes bene in the East somtimes in the South afterwarde in the Weast somtimes in the North also that there hath sometimes bene good princes and somtimes euill sometimes haue reigned noble men sometimes obscure men And we vnderstād that it oftentimes happeneth that riches or power profite not to get or kepe a kingdome and to thinke that these things are done by chaunce without the prouidence of God it is most absurd Some Astronomer will peraduenture say that these chaunges or mutaciōs are imported by the starres but Daniell the minister of the truth saith that it is God which chaūgeth times For euē as he hath in the year appointed courses of times The chaunges of the wicked ar not to be ascribed vnto the starres so hath he as it pleaseth him somtimes ordeined somtimes takē away princes He did cast down Saul he also promoted Dauid And he foretold that he woulde so do least it should seme to haue happened rashely or by chaunse Yea and kingdomes publike wealthes may be called certayne worke houses or shops of the wil of god For that is done in them which god himself hath decreed to be done although princes oftētimes vnderstād it not God called the Medes and the Assiriās to afflict the Israelits them when it semed good vnto him he repulsed toke a waye He raysed vp the Persians agaynste the Chaldeans and the Grecians agaynste the Persians and lastlye the Romaines againste all other nations Who deuided the kingdome of the Hebrewes into Iuda and Israell Vndoubtedly God Ahias the Silonite did foretell that it shoulde so come to passe and sayde that the word was come forth from the Lorde that it shoulde so be Who ouerthrew Achab Who caused Iehu to be annointed but onely God But there ar certayne Tirannes which destroy publike welthes What draweth Tirannes to Pub. welthes I graunt that But our wicked actes deserue it For there are oftentimes so greiuous wicked actes and so many that they cannot be corrected by the ordinary magistrate and by a gentle and quiet gouernance of thinges and therfore god doth then prouide tirannes to afflict the people and yet for the most part he tempreth and lenyfieth his punishment in raysinge vp good and godly princes God sendeth good Princes after tirannes After the fall of Nero he set vp Vespacian after Domician he sent Neruan and Troian after Commodus Pertinax and Seuerus after Heliogabalus Alexander But they which say The wicked actes of Tirannes are not of God yet do they range and spreade abroade in kingdomes and Empires therfore Empires and kingdomes ar not of god they I saye make a false Silogismus a secundum quid ad simpliciter that is from that which appeareth to that which is indede neither doth this rightly follow Certayne thinges in a magistrate are not of God therfore the magistrate is not of God Or tather they reason 〈◊〉 from accidences for vices and wicked acts chance to publike powers but are not knit vnto them per se that is of thēselues or by theyr nature The godly may vse Ethnike magistrates But some man will doubt If the Magistrate be an Ethnike also a tiran whither it be lawfull for a godly man to vse his helpe and ayde What els Paul appealeth vnto Cesar a most wicked tiran But it may seme that he did against his own preceptes For in his firste Epistle
to the Corrin he reprehended those Christians whiche pleaded causes at the iudgemente places of the Ethnikes He iustlye reproued the Corinthians bycause there were Christians amonge them which might in the church haue decided theyr causes Neyther was it conueniēt that Christians should contend with christians at the iudgemente places of the vngodly But Paul whē he appealed vnto Cesar had not to do with christians but with the Iewes president of Rome Wherfore forasmuch as he had not a faithfull magistrate neither could it otherwise be done his life also was soughte he did not il in imploringe the fayth and ayd of the cōmon magistrate although he were an Ethnike For euē as we vse the Sun Mone so also is it lawfull to vse the publike and ordinary magistrate what manner of man so euer he be The church vsed an Ethnike Magistrate The Christian church did the same thing whē there were yet no Christiā Emperors For Paulus Samosatenus was condēned as an heretike being a bishop he was displaced But bicause he would not render vp the house which longed to the bishop there was request made vnto Aurelianus the Emperor ayd obteined at his hands to cōpel him to deliuer his house vnto the new bishop Who can say that the church herein sinned bicause it vsed the publike magistrate though he were an infidel But let vs returne thither frō whence we digressed and constantly beleue that the magistrate is of god althoughe oftentimes our sins deseruing the same many things vnder him ar done wickedly vniustly Howbeit Hoseah the Prophet semeth yet to be against vs whē he saith they haue raigned but not by me How it is sayd that tirannes raign not by god But we must know that Hoseah entreated of tirans which nether regarded laws neither norished the good nor toke away the euil frō among the people therfore they raigned not by god but by theyr own lust they regarded theyr own affections not the law of god Farther they inuaded kingdomes being stirred vp by theyr own wicked desires moued by their own ambiciō not as they which felt the calling of god vnto the kingdome neither toke they vpon them the power with a wil to obey god but to satisfy theyr own ambiciō This was not to reign by god But that they were not exalted to the kingdom by the wil of god it is contrary in a manner to the whole scripture For god calleth Nebucad-Nezar his seruāt bycause he would vse his ministery to afflict the Israelites whē as yet it might haue bene said that he reigned not by god forasmuch as he foght against the Iewes by his own lust couetous desire of his mind not of a zeale to fulfil the will of god Wherfore the sentence of Hosea the prophet is nothing against vs but that we may beleue that the Magistrate is of God and that we ought to obey him Paule saith Let euerye soule be subiect vnto the higher powers The same thing is written to Titus And in the first Epistle of Peter the second chap. And Paule to Timothe addeth that we should pray for them But the Papistes and they which wil be called Ecclesiastical men Ministers of the churche are not exemted frō the ordinarye power Chrisostome wyll not heare these thinges For they cry that they are exempted from publike and ordinary powers when as yet the Apostle vsed no exception when hee sayde Let euerye soule be subiect vnto the higher powers And He whiche resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God Yea and Chrisostome also vpon that place saith that the Apostles Prophetes Euangelistes and Moonkes are comprehēded vnder that lawe And Chrisostome wrote these thinges of Ecclesiastical persons when as yet he was Bishop of Constantinople and there were then also Christian Emperours But it is a sporte to beare the argumentes What the false ecclesiastical mē trifle of twoo swoordes whiche these false Ecclesiasticall men vse In Etrauag de Maioritate et Obedientia chap. Vnam sanctam Bonifacius the .viii. whom they say entred in as a Foxe raigned like a Lion and dyed like a Dog saith that there are two swordes in the Church And least he should seeme to speake it rashly he citeth these woordes out of the .xxii. chap. of Luke whē I sent you without bag or scrip did ye at any time want any thing They said vnto him No. Christ added But now I saye vnto you let euerye man take his scrippe and wallet and he which hath none let him sell his coate and bye a swoord They said vnto him Behold here are two swoordes Christ answered it is sufficient Bonifacius saith Two swoordes are sufficient for the Churche namely the spiritual sword and the temporal Wherefore they whiche say that Peter had not an outward swoord do seeme not to vnderstand the woordes of Christ wherein he sayd Put vp thy swoord into the sheath Thy swoorde sayth he and not an other mans For he had a swoord of his owne although he were bidden to put it vp But there must needes be some order kept and obserued in these swoordes For what powers soeuer there be they are ordained of God For there shoulde be a great confusion if for that being two swordes in the Church the one should not be gouerned by the other Wherfore the temporal sword ought to be gouerned by the spiritual And to make this argument more plaine The church saith he hath two swoordes but it vseth them not after one and the selfe same manner For it exerciseth the spiritual swoord but the temporal sword ought to be drawen onely at the becke and suffrance of the Church This is so obscure that it may in a maner seme to be a riddle Howe be it this is his meaning The Pope maketh subiect vnto him selfe the swoorde of the Emperour that the sworde of the Emperour ought to be drawen onely at the wyll and pleasure of the Pope that when he commaundeth he must strike and by sufferance that is he must go forward in striking so long as he listeth and wil suffer it Wherfore these thinges must be in order and the order is that the temporal swoord be reduced vnto God by the spiritual For as that Dionisius saith Dionysius who is thought to be an Areopagite although he be farre an other all inferiour thinges are referred vnto the chiefest thing but yet by a meane Wherfore saith he the temporal sworde must be drawen at the becke of the Pope that by that meanes it may be referred vnto God So we see is now brought to passe For so often onelye as the most holy willeth that warre be made against the Lutherians he wil that the Emperour straightway should obey And if any Prince wil not with much submission obey him straightway are sent Legates hither and thether that al other kinges and princes should apply them selues vnto his becke and make war and vexe him which
is the father of the countrey We muste obeye hym but yet not aboue the Lord. Yea if he commaunde any thyng agaynst hym he is both to be hated and also to be denyed Neither is it lawfull for any manne to professe hymselfe to be a Christian whiche will not departe from the superior Magistrate in these thynges whiche are agaynste the woorde of GOD. Thys were to haue a wyll to serue two Lordes and to halte in two partes If GOD be God let vs follow hym and that not by halues but wholy But it is to be feared saye they least whylest we are agaynste the superior power we engender daunger to the publique wealth To this will I answere contraryly to that which Demades in the old tyme answered vnto the Athenienses An answere of Demades Cassander the Macedonian whiche succeded Alexander the greate entreated with the Athenienses to woorshippe Alexander for a GOD. They stayed at it but Cassander vnles they woulde consent seemed that he would inuade them with battaile Wherefore Demades spake thus vnto the people That it was to be feared least whilest they retayned heauen they lost not earth So doo I aunswere these menne but chaungyng the woordes That it is to be feared least whilest they to muche regarde and defende an earthely publique wealth they lose heauen For althoughe the superior power doo fume and threaten we must stande valiantly to a good cause For we muste woorshippe GOD holyly and godly thoughe all Magistrates and the whole worlde were agaynste vs. And therefore if that superior power commaunde any thyng agaynst the lawe of God it is not to be obeyed An example of Naboth So dyd Naboth behaue hymself he would not graunt vnto Achab hys vyneyarde whiche was his inheritaunce Neither had he in that thing a respect vnto any thing elles then that the lawe of GOD should remayne vnbroken wherin it was commaunded that the tribes and famelyes of the Israelites as touchyng possessions should remayne distincte and separated Wherefore by it it was not lawfull for Naboth to alienate hys inheritaunce for euer Yet a manne beyng farre endetted mought haue solde his inheritaunce till the yeare of Iubily But after that yeare it returned vnto the olde possessor agayne GOD woulde by thys meanes that the inheritaunces of the Israelites shoulde not be confounded Wherefore Naboth woulde not sell hys auncient inheritaunce that the lawe of GOD shoulde not be broken whome Magistrates also ought to follow and not to geue place in theyr Cityes and dominions vnto moste vnpure Masses and Papisticall Idolatrye The Iewes when they were oppressed vnder the Mocedonians The constancy of the Iewes agaynste the Macedonians Romanes chused to suffer any thynge rather then that the Image of Iupiter Olimpicus shoulde abyde in the Temple of GOD. And when the Romanes bare rule ouer them howe greate sedition and tumult stirred they vp rather then they would suffer the Siluer Eagle or the Image of Caligula to be set vp in the holy place Yea Valentinian the Emperor beyng an Arrian as both Eusebius writeth and also Ambrose in hys Epistles would haue had the Church of Millan delyuered vnto him there with hys heretikes to haue celebrated prayers and holy seruices Ambrose But Ambrose woulde not geue place but rather abode daye and nyght in the Temple together with the people that the Emperour should not fynd it empty and so possesse it If the Hebrues would not haue the Temple of GOD polluted with Idoles and Ambrose suffred not the Churche to be contaminated by heretikes why doo faythfull Magistrates permitte theyr Temples to Idolatrers and vnpure worshippynges of Papistes They saye that these thynges pertayne not vnto them and that these Temples are not in theyr power What then If murther shoulde be committed in those Temples or any shoulde there conspire agaynste the publique wealth woulde they leaue murtherers and conspirators vnpunished there And would they say that these wycked crimes pertayne nothyng vnto them Would they willingly wittingly suffer these thyngs I thinke not if they were wise if they would keepe and defend the publique wealth If a man should obiect vnto them this Temple is not yours neither maketh it any matter vnto you what is here done yea but they would then aunswere for as muche as it is in our City in that it sufficiently pertayneth vnto vs. But wicked actes farre more grieuous then murthers and conspiracyes are there committed Idolatry I say sacrilege and blasphemye And shall a Magistrate whiche will be called a Christian thynke that these thynges pertayne nothyng vnto hym But say they the superior power hath commaunded these thynges to be done To this I haue already largely aunswered Nowe thys thynge wyll I adde if the same power shoulde go aboute to destroye the Citye or to take awaye or diminishe the priuiledges they woulde neuer suffer that they woulde rather runne to weapons but these thynges whiche are farre more grieuous and cruell are openly and manifestly done and suffred And whiche is muche moste grieuous of all those thynges are there suffred where many yeares the Gospell of Christe hath bene receaued Nowe resteth bycause oftentymes the Magistrate excuseth hymselfe saying the Ecclesiastical causes pertayne not vnto him to declare that to be vntrue Although it be sufficiently declared by those things which I haue already spoken yet for the more easie vnderstandyng I thinke it good to adde those thynges First I say that the Magistrate is the keper of the law of God which conteyneth not onely the latter table but also the first Wherfore the Magistrate is a keper as well of the one as of the other I adde that also whiche Augustine sayth Augustine that not onely priuate men but also kynges ought to serue the Lorde For in the Psalme it is written In gatheryng together peoples into one and kynges to serue the Lorde And in an other place And nowe O kynges vnderstand be wise ye that iudge the earth Serue the Lord in feare c. A priuate man sayth Augustine serueth the Lorde if he confesse hys name and lyue vprightly Howe kynges ought peculiarly to serue the Lorde But this is not sufficient for a kyng and Magistrate For he by his authority and power ought so to serue the Lorde that he must punishe those that are agaynst hym whiche thyng vnles he doo he seemeth to assent vnto blasphemers and heretikes For the king when he seeth these menne and suffreth them is as much in faulte as if he shoulde ioyne hymselfe with them and mainteyne theyr wicked actes Nebuchad-Nezar as soone as euer he knewe GOD made a decree that whosoeuer spake blasphemy agaynst the GOD of Daniel shoulde dye The lyke decree made Darius afterwarde Wherfore our Magistrates also ought vtterly to take awaye all Idolatryes blasphemyes and superstitions assone as euer they find them out The Ethnike princes neuer thought that the care ouer Religion pertayned not vnto their power
God punisheth moderatly God slew in Egipt Pharao also the firste begotten and many other yet destroyed he not the whole nation And when he destroyed Sodom he saued both Lot and also his famelye and deliuered from misery the citye Zoar whither Lot went And in the flood when he drowned the worlde with water yet he woulde saue on lyue Noah with his famely But it semeth that these men determined vtterly to destroy al the Beniamites whiche theyr counsel God allowed not who when the Iewes were afflicted of the Chaldeians and they raged more cruellye against them then was mete both threatned to punish them and also did indede punish them most grieuously The variety of mans nature Now the Israelits repent them of their cruelty but it is to late They should haue thought of this thing before But this is the nature of man these that florish they are angry with and enuy them when the same men are ouerthrown deiected Architas Tarentius Athenodorus they pity thē The sword is not rashly to be moued neither should punishmentes be executed with an angry mind Architas the Tarentine hath a very wise saying vnto his seruant If I were not angry I would punish thee Athenodorus a Philosopher very wel learned when he had gotten leaue of Augustus to depart home being desyred to leaue some notable precept with him aūswered very wisely Before thou geue place to anger execute auengment first say ouer with thy selfe in order all the letters of the Greke Alphabete namely that in that space and detracting of time the violence of the mind may asswage The othe of the Israelites being vniust did not bind them to obserue it It was not lawfull for daughters to marry without the consent of theyr parents Farther we must note that this othe of the Israelites of not geuinge wiues vnto the Beniamites was neyther godly nor lawefull Wherefore they were not bound to obserue it Howbeit we vnderstand by this history that this was of force among the people of god that the daughters should not mary without the consent of theyr parentes For if it had bene lawfull for thē to haue maried against theyr parentes will a man might haue saide Althoughe ye will not geue your daughters vnto them they of their owne accord may contract matrimony with them This thing is so agreable vnto nature that the Romaine lawes also forbid that matrimony should be firme except it be contracted by the consent of the parents as we haue before declared But that thing which neither God nor nature nor good lawes can suffer the same doth the Papisticall superstition easely admitte The Israelites come to Siloh for two causes partly to aske counsell of God concerning the Beniamites and partly to geue thanks vnto God for the victory Therfore they burne sacrifices and burnt offringes And they wept for the misery of the Beniamites euen vntil euen Wherfore it appeareth that they fasted the whole day otherwise they could not haue wept before the lord vntill euen Why the Israelites erected an altare Dauid Kimhi And they erected an alter But to what ende There was an altare there before Some aunswere that there was an altare there indeede but it was so old that it was halfe decayed and therfore it neded to be repayred But Kimhi saith that it was a custome that when all the people shoulde publikely aske counsell of God there should of new an altare be erected But this he affirmeth without the authority of the word of God I rather thinke when so great a multitude of people assembled together ther was so great a number of sacrifices that the old altare was not sufficient to do holy seruices vpon Wherfore that the seruice of of god should be with more expedition finished there was erected an other altar Which thinge also we rede Salomon did when he dedicated the temple whiche he had built When they had wept bicause of the othe wherby they had bound themselues not to mary theyr daughters vnto the Beniamites they thought vpon the other othe whereby they had vowed themselues to slay all those whiche woulde not put to their helpe to the common warre Neither is their any mencion made before of this latter othe For many thinges are ouerpassed in the historye which are afterwarde spoken of althoughe not in their place And whilest they are in hand with these thinges with one and the selfe same labour they both prepare wiues for the Beniamites and also saued their othe For they which wer absent from the warre were not bounde by the othe Wherfore they might mary their daughters vnto the Beniamites But as touching the first othe for not geuing wiues to the tribe of Beniamin it was not lawful Wherfore it might haue bene broken without any violating of religion for the cutting of of that tribe was against the word of god For his wil was that it should be preserued among the people of Israel For God by Iacob the Patriarche gaue manye and excellent blessynges vnto the Beniamites which blessinges also Moses in Deut. repeated But although such an othe was not ratefied yet the Israelites do wisely in that they labour both to prouide for the Beniamites and also not to be counted rashly to violate their othe An example of Iosuah So Iosua sware that he would saue the Gabaonites when as yet god had cōmaunded that al the Chananites should be slayn For he found a meanes that they should serue in the tabernacle and so by that meanes bee after a sorte punished wyth cyuill death Although he durst not do that but by the commaundement of god And he would that the people by his example should learn not easely to violate an oth For example sake euen vain othes ar not easely to be violated What men the Iabenites wer As touching the Iabanites in that they are called Galaadites it manifestly appeareth that they pertained vnto the tribe of Manasses and dwelled beyond Iordan They bicause they were not present at this warre are iudge of al the Israelites as enemies who being destroyed their maidens which remained on lyue were brought to Siloh into the land of Chanaan And it is rightly added in the lande of Chanaan bycause Iabes Gilead was not there but in halfe the Tribe of Manasses beyonde Iordane This warre against the Iabenites was iustly and worthely taken in hande The Iabenits are worthely inuaded bycause they obeyed not the publike cōmaundement The Israelites had bound them selues by an othe that whosoeuer withdrew himselfe from this war the same should be put to death Therfore they counted the Iabenites as enemyes least other men by their example should contemne publike decrees The Beniamites had committed a grieuous wicked crime but these men in that they refused the common warre and weakened the authority of the publike wealth seme also to fauor their crime The punishment of Metius Suffecius It is not the parte of good Citizens
a good minde bicause also we must see that the thyng whych is done be good be iust be right and agreable vnto the woord of God Farther God forbyddeth that matrimonies shoulde be ratefied wythout the consent of the Parentes But here the maydens are rapte and maryed not onely wythout the knowledge of the Parentes but also agaynste their wyls agaynst good lawes and authority of the woord of God Farther the Magistrate promiseth to pacefy the Parentes and to reconcile them vnto them if they chaunce to be angry and so they fall from one wycked act into an other neither asked they counsel of God in thys thyng They take counsel of themselues as though in a thyng of such perplexity and obicurenesse they coulde not erre And that we shoulde not maruayle that these thyngs so happened this verse is agayn repeated There was no king in Israel Now resteth to speake apart of Rapte and of Daunces But as touchyng an othe I wyll touche onely so muche as I thynke sufficient to this history ¶ Of Rapte THys woorde Rapte in Hebrue is called Cheteph the Grecians saye 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Latines Rapere whych is to take away by violence not al maner of wayes but as it were by a certayne fury and great violence What differēce is betwen theft and rapte Wherefore Rapte differeth from theft bycause theft may be commited secretely wythout violence Wherfore in the digestes de Iureiurando in the law duobus reis it is had Though a man sweare that he hath not rapte any thing away yet is he not straight way quit of theft For although that which is done be not rapte yet it may be theft So the ciuil law seperateth theft from rapte But to what thynges rapte pertayneth Of what rapte is here intreated it is had in the Digestes De condictione triticearia in the law .1 Thinges immouable as houses landes and Farmes are inuaded but thynges moueable as thynges not hauing lyfe beastes and men are rapted But we here entreate of the rapte of thyngs moueable yet not of althings but of humane bodies whych are by violence taken away for lustes sake There is an other kinde of rapte but not proper Augustine which Augustine toucheth in his 19 sermon de verbis Apostoli it is had in the decrees 14. quest .5 chap. Si quid inuenisti wher he sayth that thynges which are found must be restored Which thing if thou do not thou hast rapte them forasmuch as thou hast done what thou couldest so that if thou haddest founde more thou wouldest haue rapte more c. The Gloser There the Gloser very well declareth what is to be done wyth thinges that are found Eyther sayth he the same thynges are counted for thynges cast awaye as if anye owner hath cast awaye anye thyng the same thyng if a man retayne when he hath founde it he committeth not theft But if that thyng whych is found be not wyllingly cast away What is to bee done wyth thinges found neyther thought to haue bene wyllingly lost by the owners as when a ryng is found or a pursse or any suche thyng whych is not wont to be cast asyde the same thing if thou retaine it is theft vnles thou keepe it by thee with a wil and mynde to restore it again Wherfore thou must publykelye testefye that thou hast founde those thynges whereby the owner may come to hys owne agayne as it is decreed in the Digestes de furtis in the lawe Falsus in the Paragraphe Qui alienum But if thou keepe it by thee wyth the mynde not to restore it it is thefte Whych thing Augustine in the place nowe alledged reproueth The same thyng is decreed in the Code de thesauro in the law Nemo And in the institucions de Rerum diuisione where it is ordayned that if a man fynde treasure in his house or grounde it shall be hys that fyndeth it But if he finde it in an other mans soyle either he hath gotten it by chaunce or els he sought for it if he haue gottē it by chaunce let it be deuided betwene the fynder and the owner but if he sought for it the whole muste redounde to the owner If the place were holye and the treasure be founde by chaunce the fynder shall haue it It is added that if a man sought treasure in his own ground Against magi◠and artes forbidden vsed therunto magike artes forbiddē the thing foūd ought to be forfaited to the cōmon treasury For he which by euil meanes hath sought a thing semeth vnworthy to be possessor therof But to returne to Augustine that which I before said I affirm that it is not properly rapte Origene if a man hold backe a thing that he hath founde Which thing Origene plainly declareth in his .4 Homely vpon Leuiticus Some saith he wyll not restore that which they haue found For they say that God hath geuen it them But whatsoeuer they say it is a crime like vnto rapte He saith not that it is rapt but a certain thing like vnto it Although we haue out of the ciuil law made a difference betwene theft and rapte yet may rapte be called theft but yet so that there be added violence In the digestes de furtis in the law Si vendidero it is thus writtē A rapter euery way cōmitteth theft and is an open theefe But omitting these thinges let vs returne to that kinde of rapte wherof we now intreate Some said that to rapte is nothing els then violentlye to leade awaye a mayden from the house of her father to the ende after he hath defiled her to marye her to hys wife But this definicion is not ful nor absolute although it be vsurped of the Canonistes in the .36 question .1 chap. Lex illa Paragraphe Cum ergo For in this our history the maydens were rapted and yet not led away from their fathers house but out of the field or vineyardes Neyther is that true which is added namely to mary her or to haue her to his wife when he hath defiled her For the rapter may either haue a wyl to haue her for his Concubine or to abuse her for his pleasure although he take her not to wyfe Farther this foresaid definicion mencioneth onely of maydens whē as yet neuertheles both maried women and wydowes also free mayd seruants and bondmayd seruants also yong children may somtime bee rapted Wherefore that crime extendeth farther then that definicion containeth Onely harlots seeme to be exempted For they are not said properly to be rapted although they be led away by violence And vndoutedly it is then no action of rapt but onely of iniuries But such persons are vnderstand to be rapted from the custody eyther of the parent or of their Tutor or Guarden or Patrone or Lord to the ende to haue vnlawfull accompanieng together whyther matrimony do follow or no. Of the
troublesome dreames 137. b Bearing with others weaknes 52 Beda liued in a corrupt time 42. b Bearfoote is Elleborus 164. b Bees of bullockes dead 218 Begging disalowed 203 Behauor in prosperiti aduersiti 6 Benefits degres worthines 198 Benefits whether they be to be wtdraweÌ„ froÌ„ vnthaÌ„ful persons 198 Benefits of god ar of .2 sorts 198 b Beniamin had .x. families 269 Beniamites worthy to be condemned 271 Beniamites how many of theÌ„ wer slayne by the Israelites 273. b Berdes of Priestes 201. b Bernhards error of angels 209 Bethabara 141 Bethel is not alwayes a propper name of a place but wher the ark of the couenant remained 269. b Bethlehem .2 of that name 239. b Betraying handled 36 b Betraying defined 37 Betraying wurs theÌ„ besieging 37 Betraying lawful 37. b Betraying examples 38. b Betrothing in woordes of the future tence 284. b Bezek situate 11 Bibles preserued by the Iewes 57 b Bishop of Rome hath nothing common with Peter 149 Bishops of Rome refused kingdom in the church at the first 147 Bishops ambicious 12 Bishops coÌ„secrating of kings whether they be therein greater then kinges 261. b Blabbing a vice moste peculiare to women 221. b Blasphemies horrible 235 Bloudshedding iustly and rightly restrayneth not from the holy ministery 146. b Boasting what 87. b Boasting against God 132. b Body what it signifieth with Tertulian 209 Body spiritual how 211 Body and bloud of Christe howe it is eaten 212. b Bodies of men after the floud whether lesse then before 17 Body humaine cannot consist with out flesh and bones 118. Body remoueth vs not from the beholding of God 117. b Bodye is ioyned to the soule for a helpe and not punishment 208. b Body is anoyed with druÌ„keÌ„nes 163. b Bodely diseases les grieuous then the mindes 247. b Bona goods 139. b Bondage first of the Israelits 77 Bondage more grieuous then losse of goods 70 Bondage is agaynste the nature of man 80 Bondage is a ciuill death 36 Bond saruants may not flye from their masters 227. b Bonifacius the right 257. Booke de Patientia none of Augustines 158. b Booke de Dogmate ecclesiastico is none of saint Augustines 121 borders of the Hebrues couÌ„tri 267 Bramble a vile plant 160. b Breade remayning in the Eucharist 205 brethreÌ„ for al maner of kinsfolks 23 Brothers children ar not forbidden to mary by Gods lawe .19 but by the law of nature 21 Brothers wyfe onelye lawfull for the Iewes to mary 21. b Bribery of Abimilech 158 Burials of the Hebrues in their own possessions 66 Burnt offringes 271 Burthens personall 263. b C. CAesar touched 153. b Caiphas the hie priest was no prophet 137 Calcedonia Synode 147. b Calfes made by Aaron IeroboaÌ„ were made of a good intent 48. b Calues of the lyps 192 Canons of the apostles allow mariage of Ministers 94. b Canons latter corrupt 215 Canons authority aboue the Ciuill lawes 217. b Cantones vilages of Heluetia â—67 Captains ouer ten Centurions c why God appointed 115. b Captaynes to haue Ministers in their campes 96. b Captaine needefull in great daungers 176. b captiues returning or escaping 85 b Carthage inhabited wyth Sidonians 243. b Cardinals hoorehunters 232 Carefulnes contrary to securitye yet not alwaies to be praised 247 case new requireth a new help 88 b Cases of lying to auoyd dauÌ„ger 90 Castels whether it bee lawfull to fence 113 Castels municions cannot defend from the anger of God 112. b Cathecumeni 42 b Cato burthened with droÌ„kennes 163 Caues described 112. b Cause of synne is not to be layd vnto God 167 Cause iust vniust differ much 271 Causes first more to be considered then the second 71 Centurions c. why God appointed 115. b Ceremonies complayned on 190. b Ceremonies neede not be all a lyke euery where 54. b Ceremonies of the law howe long they might be vsed 52 Ceremonies of the law howe farre Paule condemned them 51. b Ceremonies are not good bycause they had a good begynning but bicause they be good of theyr nature 48 Ceremonies in the Masse what they signify is vnknowen 50 Chaire of Peter 149 Chaldry paraphrast with the Hebrues is of great authority 285. b Chalebs petigree 18. b Chaleb a faythful spy 18 Chanaan nation discussed 7 ChanaaÌ„ deuided by Iosua before it was possessed by the Israelits 7. b Chananites why God woulde not by and by destroy them 8 Chananites expelled by the Israelites went into Affricke 7 Charges extraordinary 263. b Chariotes for warre described 32. they can not resist God 32 b Charity is neglected when we depart from the true God 155. b Charity not broken in destroying of Cities 31 Chaunce is not with God 172 ChauÌ„ce is not wtout gods wil 165 b Chaunge is not in God 175 Chemos god of the Amonites 185 Cherem vowes 192 Ches play 220 Children many is an excellent gyft of God 200 Children fayre of foule Parentes how 4. b Childe of a day old is not pure 180 Children are more of the father theÌ„ of the mother 156. b Children deuided for legitimacion c. 177. b Childrens obedience to their Parentes 203. b Childrens duties to their parents al one with subiects to their Magistrates 265 Children whether they may marye wtout coÌ„sent of their parents 214 Children when they maye disobeye their parentes 253 ChildreÌ„ ar not punished for theyr fathers as touching eternal life 182 Choyce of meates is not to bee followed 278 Christ is man 211. b Christ is the vniuersal head 147. b Christ the head of the church 241 Christ dissembled 89. b Christ as wee reade oft wept but neuer laught 63 Christ how he resembled Melchisedech 261 Christe is the mediator in makyng leagues 73. b Christ refused a kingdoÌ„ offred 147 Christ is our peace 122. b Christes appearing to the olde Fathers how it may be proued 119 b Christ how he is taught bi the boke of Iudges 2. b Christ had a true body after hys resurrection 209 Christes bodye howe it entred the doores shut 211. b Christ appeared to Gedion 115 Christes body bloud ar not included in the simbols or signes 212 b Chronicles howe they differ from histories 3 Chrysippus foolish answer 147 Church is gouerned of God wyth a singuler care 203 Church had not two swords in the apostles time 260. b Churche howe it maye haue twoo swordes 259. b Churche geueth not authoritye to the scriptures but contrary 5 Church hath three offices touching the word of God 5 Churches consent if it be to be waited for in reformacion of religion 265 Church ought to entreat for the reconciliation of the repentant 250 Church that payeth tythes is greater then the minister 261. b CipriaÌ„ resisted the church of Rome 148 Circumstances make much in euery matter 101 City of Palmes what 27. b Cities whether it bee lawfull to fence 113 Cities of refuge beloÌ„ged to the Leuites 18 Citizen good who 150 Ciuil lawes are to bee corrected by the woord
Gates and walles of cities shoulde not be violated 227 Gedeon refused to be king 2 Gelousy may be in good men 204. b Generall worde proued the particuler or species doth not alwaies fol. 272. b Genesis booke what it entreateth of 1 Gentle aunswer asswageth anger 141. b Gentlenes praeposterus 101. b Gedeon of the tribe of Manasses 114 Gedeon was beautiful 145. b Gedeon why he had his sonne kill the kinges of the Madianites 146 Gedeon refuseth to be king 147 Gedeons fall 150 Gedeon sinneth â— wayes 151. b Gedeon whether he wer saued 155 Giftes of God are not bounde to the estates or conditions of men 251 Giftes of God some remaine and some are taken away after sinne 226. b Giftes of free grace common to the godly and vngodly 134 Gifts in way of reward 188 Gifts may be reuoked 188. b Gifts when they may only be reuoked 199. b Giuing vnhonestlye is vnlawfull 231. b Gilgal where it lieth 59. b Gilgal a religious place 82. b Gilead 173 Gilty persoÌ„s it is not ignominious to slay them 146 Gyauntes names inscripture and their originall 15. b Glasse of the deuine essence 68. b Gladnes described 142 Glory may be desired the matter ende therof 97 Glories desire is mother of enuyt 143 God what he is 121. b God author of histories 3. b God taketh tities and surnames of his benefites bestowed 59. b God appointeth maiestrates 25â— God ruleth in other Maiestrates when 149. b God is the distributer of kingdoms 187. b God calling anye man to office geueth him habilitie to execute the same 71. b God was king of the Israelites 1. b. 2. God reioyceth not in bloud 194. b God is bound to no maÌ„ to geue his grace vnto him but is free 167 God is not bound to his lawes 4. b God may do against his lawes wheÌ„ he list 93 God chaungeth not 175 God changeth not his mind 33. b God when he repenteth is not chaÌ„ged 72 God whether he bee the cause of sinne 78 God deliuered the Israelites to their enemies 70. b. God punisheth sins by sins 24. 8. b. Gods operatioÌ„ in bringing sinne to light 166. b God beholdeth not Idols mens doinges but worketh together with them 78. b God instilleth no new malice 79. b God may we not feele in al thinges 129 God is to bee imitated of Christen men 249. b God can doo many thinges that he wil not 97. b God saith he will do that he wil do and contrary 174. b God how he intermedleth and vseth our corruptioÌ„ by his gouernment 167 God punisheth his owne and beareth with straungers 80. b God whether he be without a bodye 121 God how he may be sen of men 118 God neuer fayleth them that obey him following their vocatioÌ„ 83 b God wyl be worshipped as he hath commaunded 1. 1. b God sendeth som dreames but not all 138 God forgiueth synnes but doth not by and by restore the thynges taked away 65. b Gods helpe is not to bee dispayred of though it be deferred 92. b Gods grace is in degrees 167. b Gods of the sea worshipped 234. b Godly vngodly haue many times like succes 236 Godly to make peace with the vngodly whether it be lawful 99 Godlye men flye vnto god in ouerthrowes 271. b Godly to ioyne power with the vngodly whether it be lawful 99. b Golden age of the Israelites 2. b Good age what 155 Good intent 152 Good workes what they requyre 153 Good workes are so acceptable to God he rewardeth them 72 Good workes morall 72 Good workes must not be without faith no more then a body wythout a soule 242 Good workes in hope of reward lawfull or vnlawfull 23. b Goods wast with droÌ„keÌ„nes 164. b Gospell and law is the sum of the Scripture 1 Gospell promises 175. b Gouernment of god whether it be excluded by humane maiestrates 149. b Grace god would haue it knowen 182 Grace of God whether we can resist 167. b Grace of god why it worketh not alike alwayes in vs. 167. b Grapes gathering with wantonnes 168 Gregory deceiued 90 Gregories error 56 Gregory thought it absurd that the Pope should be aboue the Emperour 147. b Griefe described and deuided into his braunches 142 Grosnes oft in Princes 82 Groues to worship Gods in 77 Groues about Idols 123 Ground of all impiety and folye is security 246. b Guile or deceit handled 84 Guile good and bad 84. b Guile to breake an othe 282. b H HAbituall intent 153 Heresy defined 58. b Heresy of the Marcians 58. b Heretikes if they may be suffred among christians 58. b Heretikes how they must be ordered 61. b Heretikes ought men to kepe faith with 86 Hand bredth measure 16. b Hand maiden cannot by the Romain lawes be a concubine 154. b Hangmen Hebrewes had none 146 Harlots how daungerous 228. b Harlot differed from a concubine 154 Harlots are not to be suffered in a city 230. b Harlots are not rapt though they they be had away with violence 283. b Harlots son a iudg in Israel 176. b Harpers 102 Harte or minde and body or outward vesture to worshippe God with 49 Hate of enemies not permitted to vnperfect 31 Head of the church who 241 Head of the whole church caÌ„not the bishop of Rome be nor none els there 148. b Heades couered in token that they haue authority aboue them 93 Heads of captaines ouercumde cut of and presented to the victors 141 Heare growing or clipping 201. b Hebrues sinned three wayes 77 Hebrues vsed the superstition of the Egiptians 122. b Hebrew wordes is none in the Latine churche but such as came by the Grekes 41. b Hebron called Kiriath Arba. 14 b Hebron a city of refuge 18 Helizeus delighted in musike 102. b Helpe at Infidels handes may not be desired 99. b Helpe of God may we not dispayre of 92. b Helpes humain are not to be despised 97 Helping of the Lord. 110 Helth lesse estemed then profit 174 Hems of the Hebrewes 47. b Hercules praise 29 Herod eaten of lice 13 Hesron called also Iephuna 18. b Heauines described 142 Hypocrates of factors 274 History defined 3 History praised 3. b Histories fruite 235. 288. b Holidaies dauncing 287. b Holidaies bestowing 288 Holy ghost is iii. waies in meÌ„ 190. b Honour due to parentes 214. 212. b Honour defined 157. b. How it is the reward of vertues 158 Honestye is the sure foundation of amity 166. b Honest and iuste thinges are to bee done although they be not expresly commaunded in the worde of God 250 Hooring what it signifieth 151 Hops bytter become swete beyng stiept in water 161. b Hope described 142 Hope is a meane betwene securitye and desperation and springeth thereof 246. b Hooredome handled 229 Hooredome punished 4 Hornets of dead Ashes 218 Hospitality 4 Hospitality praised 251 Hospitalitiâ—s lawes broken 100. b more of them 101 Hoste cruell Busiris 252. b Houres of the day among the Elders 277. b House of euerye
man is his castle 252. b Humours abounding in the bodye knowne by dreames 135 Hus and Ierome of Prage traiterously murdered 39. b Husay traitor 38. b Husband how he is the wyfes hed 149 Husbandry not contemned of excellent men 114 Hye way ought none to forbid 186 Hypallage 14. b Hyperbole is not alwais a lie 88. b I IAbes Gilead where 281 Iacob lyed 89 Iahel praised 110 Iahels guile in killing Sisara 100 Iahel traitor 38. b Idle persons oft see dreames 135. b Idole defined 68 Idole of the minde 69. b Idols taken away 266 Idols breakyng not lawfull for all sortes of men 61 Idolaters blindnes 244. b Idolaters cannot abide to haue vngodly worshippings taken away 124. Idolatry handled 68 Idolatry of ij sortes 49. 238 Idolatry committed to Princes 68. b Idolatry the common sinne of the Israelites 173. b Idolatrous worshippings imitate as nie as they can the true worshipping of God 239 Iebus an old name of Ierusalem 34. b Iebus is Ierusalem 250. b Iebusites why they were not driuen out of Ierusalem by Iudah and Beniamin 34 b Iehues disceit defended 85 Iehues facte againste his prince is not to be imitated vnlesse a man haue like commission 91 Ienunies family 251. b Iericho in the territory of Beniamin situate in a plaine 30. 27. b Iericho cursed why 30. b Ierome vpon the prouerbes 42 Ierome against Augustine 88. b Ieromes error 279 Ierome of Prage 39. b Ierubbaal a name of Gedeon 124. b Ierusalem called Iebus 250. b Ierusalem taken in Iosuas tyme 14. b Ierusalem commune to Iudah and Beniamin called Iebus 34. b Iewes common welth was Aristocratia 255. b Iewes suffred emonges Christians 57 It oft in scripture declareth an oth 106 Ignatius alledged for the masse 42 Ignorance of christians is to be reproued 45. b Ignorance lesse sinne thē transgression with knowledge 20 Ignorant of god who 66. b Iiphtah sonne of an harlot 176. b Iiphtah and Abimilech compared 183. b Images of saintes original 151. b Images erecting not alwaies for deuine worshippings 157. b Images worshipped in the masse 50. b Images ought to be taken awaye but not of priuate men 245 Image of the sun not vngodlye vsed 66. b Image of God consisteth holynes 111 Imber dayes 276. b Imitation of God professed of all christen men 249. b Imitation of God not lawfull in all thinges 129 Imitation of Christ fond 278. b Imitation superstitious 202. b Immunity defined 263 Impulsions are sinnes 180 Incest punished 4 Incest hath commonly ill end 20. b Incestuous seede hated of god 80. b Inconstancy of mans mynd 282 Inconstancy of scholemen 129 Indifferent thinges may bee kepte sometimes or left 51. b Indifferent thinges and necessarye 287 Infantes should not be compelled to fast 277 Infection is to be auoyded 46. b Ingratitude and commodities therof 155. b Ingratitude to defer thankes to God 104 Ingratitude of the Ephramites against Iiphtah 197 Ingratitudes degrees 198 Iniquities of fathers visited vpon their children how 73 Iniuries priuate shoulde be forgeuen 13. b Iniuries priuate we may not reuenge 4 Iniury with iniury is not to be put away 227. b Inquisitors of hereticall prauitye 146. b Instance and perseuerance in calling vpon god 175 Instilling of newe malice into vs god vseth not 97 Intent good 152 Intent godly 283 Intent ill of ii kindes 152. b Intēt habituall without any good mocion of the hart 153 Interdictious of the Pope 246 Interpretors of dreames punished by the Romain lawes 138. b Interrogatiue speache 96 Inuasion what 283 Inuentions of man to worship god are to be abiected 152 Inuentions of man are not to bee compared with ceremonies of the law 52 Inuentions of man to serue God with is Idolatry 69 Inuentions of men lacke no defenders 124 Inuocation of the dead saints 68. b Inuocation of the dead how it began 151. b Inuocation lawfull for thinges aboue mans power onely to God 129 Ioannes Cassianus 42 Ioas Gedeons father no Baalyte 115 Iobs booke 171. b Iohn the apostle whether he were subiect to Cletus Liuus or Clemens 149. b Ionathas traytor 38. b Iorneying ought not to be taken in hand without inuocation of God 251 Iosaphat had ill lucke for ioyning with the king of Israel 99. b Iosephus boke of antiquities 172. b Iosua no booke of the iudges 6 Iosua whē he should die executed the office of a good prince 65. b Iosuas death and buriall 66 Iothans apology 159. b Iorneying into far countreies 29. b Ioy moueth weeping sometimes 62. b Ioynters to wiues 26. b Irony what 88 Irony vsed by god 174. b Irregularitye of the Canonistes 146. b Isaschar the obscurest tribe 172. b Ismaelites and Madianites whether they were all one 150. b Israelites commune weale gouerned by iudges how long 3. b Israelites oppressed in tyme of the iudges why 2. b Israelites why they were so prone to Idolatry 173. b Israelites offences in their expedition against the Beniamites 288 Israelites against Beniamin ouerthrown why 271. b Israelites cruelty against the Beniamites 280 Ithabyreus is thabor 98. b Itenerarium Petri. 149. b Iudges booke is rather an historye then a chronicle 3 Iudges booke who wrote it 4. b Iudges boke why it is so called 1 b Iudges booke what thinges it entreateth of 1 Iudges booke howe it is referred vnto Christ 2. b Iudges of the Israelites chosen by God 2 Iudges how God raised vp 78 Iudges of the Israelites are an example for the papists in that they were neither kinges nor Lords 2 Iudges and kinges compared 2 Iudge is no murtherer when hee punisheth 165. b Iudging signifieth reuenging 93. b Iudgementes in gates why 106. b Iudgement rashe ii wayes 277. b Iulianus Apostata 45. b Iustification is not of the worthynes of the acte of faith but of the firme promise of god which fayth embraceth 207. b K KAyes of the church wherin they consist 262 Kayes geuen to all the Apostles alyke 149 Kenites children of Moses father in lawe 27 Kenites wer kinsfolkes by aliance to the Israelites 101 Killings of men some please God 194. b Killing by chaunce 165. b King of Denmarkes guile 85 King defined 11. b King of the Israelites coulde none appoint but God 147 Kinges ende 157 Kings letters for a wyfe 215. b Kinges and great men shoulde not kepe othes but merchaunts onelye 85. b Kings are vehemētly angry 166. b Kings that raigne vniustly are not to be put downe 91 Kinges corrected by their subiectes 91 Kinges are bound both to serue the Lord and to see that other do the same 266 Kingdom compared with Aristocratia 156 Kingdoms large not profitable 11. b Kinred is to be contemned for gods wordes sake 101. b Kinsfolkes how far they are to bee respected 156. b Kinsfolkes of all sortes called bretheren 23 Kinsfolke murtherers 157 Kiriath sepher 17. b Kison riuer 96 Knowledge the beginning of foure principal affections 141. b Knowledge of God diuers wayes 118 Knowledge of God in this lyfe is
fyrst christen Prince 258. b Phineas nephew of Aaron 59 Phineas liued long 272. 237 Phisicion traitour 37. 39. b Phrantike persons oft see dreames 135. b Piety defined 279 Pigineians stature 82 Pithagorians .ij. the one pledge for the other 192. b Pithagoras opinioÌ„ of musick 102. b Pity foolish 13 Plage of the church greuous 92 Playes handled 218. b Playes and daunces vppon feast dayes 282. b Platoes prayse 29 Pleadinges in the law forbidden in the Lent 279. b Pleasures some delite the mynde som the outward sences also 102. b Plinies epistle to Traian 102 b Plural for the singular 108 b Plutarches diuine sentence 180. b Poetries begynnyng and lawfulnes 102 Poetes 139 b Pollicy not to make manye priuye of thine enterprise 170. b Pollicy of war agaynst the Beniamites 273. b Pollicy in fulfilling a mans vocation God forbiddeth not 123. Pollicies of Gedeon 139 Poligamia argued against 288 Pope Antichrist 231. b Pope hath no authoritye to make lawes in a common wealth 21. b Pope teacheth he must bee obeyed vpon necessity of saluation 257. b Pope aboue all kynges and Princes 257 Pope aboue emperor absurd 147 b Pope inferiour to many priests in dignity 261 Popes put downe kings and Emperours which the prophets neuer did nor Christ nor his Apostles 259 Pope maketh the sword of the emperour subiect vnto him 257 Pope whether he maye bee iudged of no man 262 Pope claymeth dignity for spirituall thinges neuer vseth theÌ„ 261 Popes are bawdes 232 Popes and popish bishops compared to brambles and briars 161 Pope ouerthrowen by Iothams apology 161 Popes ought to haue before theyr eyes c. 148 Pope dissolueth othes lawfull and vnlawful 85. b Pope touched 150 Popes wickednes in handling degrees of mariage 21. b Posteritye whether they maye bee bound by their elders 75. b Postliminium 186 Pouerty vowed 203 Power of God absolute and ordinarye 97. b Powers .ii. ecclesiastical and ciuil 257. b Power is geuen to princes of god not of bishops 261. b Powers Ecclesiasticall and Ciuil wherin they differ 259. b Precepts of the law when one is contrary to an other the weightier is to be obserued 184 Precepts of God of diuers sortes 203. b Prescription 38 Prescription handled 188. b President forbidden to mary a wife in his prouince 21 Preterperfectence expouÌ„ded by the preterpluperfectence 14 Praying we helpe other 50 Praiers distinguished into publike and priuate 94 Praiers wtout faith auaile not 1â—0 Pray onely to God for that which is aboue the faculty of man 129 Pratlers oft see dreames 135. b Preaching of gods word is not subiect to ciuill power but the preacher 258. b Preaching of the word of god hath all men and all states subiect vnto it 258 Priestes for hooredome should bee deposed 233 Priestes may excell the Pope in dignity 261 Priesthode bothe of Melchisedech and of Leui signified Christ 261 Pride detested of God 270 Pride of the Ephramites 197 Princes are called Deacons and pastors 255. b Princes good are diligently to bee prayed for 155 Princes duty to be a father of hys country 105. b Princes maye bee called heads of their people 148. b Princes euyll are the apointment of God 150 Princes dutye in suffering fellowship of godly and vngodly 54 Princes duty to be careful for hys peoples good state after his death 65 b Princes haue not lawfullye exemte Ecclesiasticall men from their subiection 263 Priscillanistes 38 Prisons are not to be violated 227 Prisoners condemned though the partye iniured by them forgeue them yet may they not be deliuered wythout the wyl of the Magistrate 81 b Priuate men admonished 122. b Priuate mans duty in taking awai vngodlynes 123. b Priuate mans syn sometimes cause of common calamity 124 priuate man sodenly oppressed is armed by the Magistrate to defend him selfe 85 Priuate men ought not to take away Images 245 Priuy contractes vnlawful 154 Prodition handled 36. b Prolepsis a comman figure in scriptures 246. b Promises how far they be of force 23 Promis first is euer to be kept if it be honest 86 promis rash of Chaleb 23 Promises how farre they are to be kept 39. b promises of as much efficacy as an othe 86 Promises ciuil how far they are to be performed 176. b Promises of the law 175 Promises of God howe they are to to be vnderstanded 175 Promises of the law gospell 13. b Promises ioyned commonly to preceptes 96 promises and threatnings why thei they be added to the commaundementes 23. b promocion offered godly men modestly refused 161 Pronounce of the first person repeated 104. b Prophecy in women 93 Prophetes might sacrifice though they were not of the Tribe of Leui 206 prophetes ar not the efficient cause of ouerthrowing of kingdomes 262 prophetes false by beyng possessed of an euil spirite 137. b propiciatory sacrifice is but one 64 Prosopographia 111 Prosperities behauiour 6 Prosperous euent sheweth not the enterprise to be iust 271. b prosperous succes is no good argument that our doinges please the Lord. 243 Prouerbe law and country 189. b Prouerbe of the courte of Rome 85. b Prouidence of God by light things bringeth weighty thinges to pas 122 Prouoking occasion of destruction geuen by God 97 Prudence God forbiddeth not in fulfilling a mans vocation 123 Publike prayer what behauiour is required thereat 207 Publike welth is more to be regarded then kinsfolke 156. b Punishment by the purs 284 Punishments should rather bee diminished by Iudges then augmented 12. b punishment of the vngodly after 2. sortes 11 punishments of this life no maÌ„ suffreth which he deserueth not 180 Punishmentes outwarde vsed by the Apostles 259 Punishment would not be done in anger 280. b Punishment firste in the Lordes house 234. b Punishmentes of God is to moue repentaunce 174 Punishing of fathers in the children is lawfull for God but not for men 182 punishments of other ought we coÌ„sider to our profit 171. b Purgatorye emptied with fasting 279. b Purifications of the elders 273. b R. RAhab traytor 38. b Rapte handled 283 Rapte hath most commonlye an vnlucky end 285 b Reading of an history what it profiteth 288 b Reasons humane must geue place to Gods vocation 115. b Reasoning by the example of god is not alwayes lawful 233. b Rechabyts came of the Kenites 27 b. their prayse 29 Rechabites came of the Kenites 98 Reconciliation of the husband and the wyfe after adultry hath bene committed 249 Reformation of Rome and romysh religion promised 222 reioycing at an other maÌ„s hurt 143 Religion pure can wee not long abide in 72. b Religion pure must be so receued that we depart from pernicious Masses and papistical impieties 123 Religion remaining vnrestored nothing can go forward in a publike wealth 122. b Religion hath continual nede of repayring and purging 68 Remedies against feare 247. b Remista for remissio 42. b Remnauntes described 1â—7 Remus why he was kylled of Romulus 227 Repentaunce 174 Repentance true 176
wicked man 101 Sisters twoo maye no man mary 223 Society of the wycked is to be fled 251. b Socrates refused to escape oute of prison 227 Socrates condemned for religion 266 Sodomitry punished 4 Sodomitry is a horrible syn 253. b Sodomitry a common infection of papistical prelates 254. b Soden flesh in sacrifices 116. b Sold for nought 70. b solitary lyfe how it maye be allowed 19◠Songes of victory 102. 191. b Sores of the minde what 247. b Sorow is in the sinowes 141. b Sorow is thirsty 100. b Souldiours sleing their enemies in iust warres are not murtherers 165. b Souldiours hyred 187. b souldiours faythful 187 Souldiers not commendable 156. b souldiers vices 187. Speaches may haue twoo faultes in them 87 Spieches differences whence 199 Spies office 35. b Spies should be wyse men 141 Spye and Traytour sometymes al one 37. b Spirit euyll signifieth 168 Spirite of God is three wayes in men 190. b Spiritualty of twoo sortes 257. b Spoyles deuiding 111. b State present of things should not be chaunged 150 Stature of Giauntes 16. b Stealing made lawfull 4. b Stealyng contayneth rapte fyndyng and not restoryng c. 283 Stealyng of maydes 282. b Stipendes are paid both to superiours and to inferiours 261. b Stipends are due to an host 144. b Stoikes opinion of affections 142 Straungers interteyning 251. b Straunge gods can no man worship but he must cast awaye the true god 155. b Strong and weake god vseth alike 92. b Strong men oft ouercommed with women 228. b Subiectes whether they may in any case ryse against their prince 90. b Subiectes some are more priuate some so inferiors that the higher in a manner dependeth of them 90. b Subiection of ii kyndes 258 Subiections some are natural 80 Submissions of the body outward how they pertaine to Idolatrye 68. b Submission to gods wil is true repentaunce 176 Successe is no good tryall of lawfull doinges 227 Succes is no sure ground to iudge of actions by 243 Successe maketh not the cause eyther good or euil 271. b Successe good and euill is to be ascribed vnto god 70. b Succothes situation 144 Succoths and Nabals churlishnes 144. b Sunnes ii the world cannot holde 157 Sunnes Image set vppon Iosuas Sepulchre 66 Sunne whether he shall beare the iniquity of the father 178. b Sunne in law how he should be sought 23 Sundaies exercise 44 Supper of the Lord a sacrifice how 62 Supper of the Lord and the Masse compared 49. b Supper of the Lordes ende 235 Superstition once taken roote are wont to haue more authority thē pure woorshipping of god can euer obtaine 123 Superstition must so be forsaken that we embrase pure religion 123 Supreme head of the vniuersall churche 147 Surnames taken of fathers amōg the Israelites 19 Swearing defined 183. b Swearing vsed of God in threatning 71 Swearing contrary to a mans intent is wicked 39. b Swete bread vsed why 116. b Swordes ii interpreted 260. b Sword is geuen onely to powers 90. b Sword is no instrument whereby the minister worketh but the word of God 258 Sword of the worde the Pope vseth not 260. b Symbole of Athanasius 103. b Synecdoche 111 Synodes ii in a yeare 258. b Syria a dry region 25. b Syria skant of water 106. b Syria hath christiā religion at this day 287. b T TAble first whoso breaketh wil easelye breake the seconde 237. b Table play forbidden 219. b. 220 Talionis lex or lawe of rendryng lyke for lyke 11. b Teares or wepyng 61. b. 62 Teares abused 63 Tearing of garmentes 192 Temperatures diuersity breedeth diuersity in maners 287. b Temples for fortresses 170. b Temptation defyned 33. b Tempting whether it be the actiō of God 79 Temptation why it is prayed against 34 Temptation of triall and deceyte 79 Temptations finall causes 7. b Temptation greuous 115 Tempting of God by desyring miracles 131 Tenthes paying to proue dignitye 261 Tenthes in the old time partained to ceremonies what they signified 261 Tenthes at this day are no more ceremonies but rewardes and stipendes 261 Tenthe souldiour punished for the rest 181 Tertullian excused by Augustine 120 Testament old and new how they differ 73. b Testaments old and new haue all one and same sacramentes 74 Testimonies of most value 58 Testimonies of thenemies of most strength 134 Thabor where Christ was transfigured 96 Thankes geuing for gods benefits is not to be deferred 104 Theft how it differeth from rapt 283 Theft praised 234 Thefte vnlawfull made lawfull 4. b Theodosius fall 145 Theraphines 238. b Theues ought a man to kepe promise withall 86. b Thirst caused oft by wearines and sorrow 100. b Therus vsed in punishmēts 145. b Thracians guile in truce kepyng 86 Threatnings of god depend vppon condicions 175. b Threshing ii wayes 114 Title good what 189 Traditions of papistes haue little credit 279. b Traians godlye sentence 56 Traitors detestable 37 Transubstantiation is no miracle 126. b Transposing of letters familiar in the Hebrew tonge 66. b Transubstantiatiōs subtelty 209. b Traueling in the night is daungerous 250. b Traueling men should no man deceiue 38 Treason debated 36. b Treason lawfull what cautions it requireth 38. b Treasons law to punishe chyldren with the father 182. b Treasure true 283. Tributes defyned 263 Tribute defined 232 Trifles and all things do obey god 222 Tribunes 90. b Tribunes centuriōs and captains why god appointed 115. b Troyes warre 160 Troubles for religion is not long of the godly 124. b Trust in our selues god hateth 270 Truth handled 87 Trybe obscurest 172. b Tribe of Iuda praysed 8 Tribes of Nepthalim and zabulon were of lesse estimation thē other tribes 96 Turkes ought not to haue Synagoges graunted them as Iewes haue 58 Turkish warres why they haue not prospered 70. b Tutor may not mary his pupill 21 Tyrāny is neuer of lōg time 165. b Tyrantes are to be obeied 255. b Tyrantes not to be feared 17. b Tyrantes liue in feare 247. b Tyrantes warned of cruelty 12 Tyrantes oppresse and gouern not 161 Tyrant and a true prince differre 172. b Tyrauntes inuading may bee resisted when they haue obtained the kingdom not 9◠Tyrantes killers are not allowed by the scriptures 91 Tyrantes whether we may curse them or pray against them 31. b V VAlentinian Emperour commended and discommēded 258 Varietye of promise to sin whence it commeth 79. b Venetians stale S. Markes body 246 Vengeance belongeth to the Magistrate 236 Verity of the scriptures 226. b Vertues whetstones 142 Vertues are knitte together that who so hath one hath all and contrary 53 Vices of armies 187 Victory vnperfect of Iudah what caused 33. b Victory is bothe to be prayed for hoped for at gods hands only 270 Victories are geuen at Gods pleasure 78 Victory is gods gift whether it be by many or few 132. b Victory is with spede to be followed 141 Victors songes 102 Vittayles are due to an host 14. 4. b