saith That Enrollments (l) Pur le Enrolments de Pardon de Roy in le Chancery en temps le Roy Alfred of Pardons of the King were in the Chancery in the time of King Alfred Altho' Mauricius Regis Cancellarius by that title subscribes as witness to the Charter of King William the Conquerer to the Abby of Westminster yet none of these prove that such a Court was in those Ages constituted as we now call the Chancery For Sir Henry Spelman (m) Gless p. 107 ◠proves the Chancery was no Court but only the Ship as he calls it of the Kings Writs and Charters in old time now consisting of three Parts sc è Collegio Scribarum Regiorum è Foro Juris communis è Praetorio boni aqui Mr. Lambard (n) Archaion p. 62 63. hath proved that till the Reign of King Edward the First we find nothing of the Chancellors hearing and determining of Civil causes for till then the Justiciarius Angliae had the great Power Sir William Dugdale 's Origines Jurid fol. 36. b. which being then restrained ad placita coram Rege tenenda the King together with the trust and charge of the Great Seals appointed him to represent his own Royal and extraordinary Preheminence of Jurisdiction in Civil Causes and he gives this particular reason for his opinion That Britton a Learned Lawyer in Edward the First 's time writing of all other Courts from the highest Tribunal to a Court Baron maketh no mention of this Chancery Yet towards (o) 28 E. 1. c. 5. the latter end of his Reign we find it enacted The Chancellor and Justices of the King's-Bench to follow the King That the Chancellor and Justices of the Bench should follow the King that is remove with the Kings Court so that he might have at all times near him some Sages of the Law which were able to order all such matters as should come unto the Court at all times when need should require Yet this Act did not give an absolute Power to the Chancellor alone of determining in such Civil Causes as may seem by that Law which was made 20 Ed. 3. (p) Cap. 6. where it appears the Treasurer was joyned with him to hear complaints against Sheriffs Escheators c. something like this about Purveyors and Escheators that they might not oppress was enacted (q) Cap. 3. 36 Ed. 3. Nevertheless Mr. Lambard observes When Causes in Equity determined in Chancery that it doth not appear in the Reports of the Common Law that there is any frequent mention of Causes usually drawn before the Chancellor for help in Equity till from the time of King Henry the fourth nor are there found any Bills and Decrees in Chancery before the 20 of H. 6. such Causes as since that time were heard in that Court having formerly been determined in the Lords House of Parliament So Sir Edward Coke saith In the Chancery are two Courts First the ordinary coram Domino Rege in Cancellaria where in the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal proceeds according to the right line (r) Secundum Legen Consuetudinem Angliae of the Laws and Statutes of the Realm Secondly extraordinary according to the Rule of Equity Secundum aequum bonum But it is not my business to enter into particulars The curious may consult Sir Edward (s) 4. Instit c. 8. Coke Mr. Richard Cromptom cap. 3. Sir Henry Spelman 1. glossar 1. de Cancellario à pag. 105. ad pag 113. Ryley's Appendix Ash's Repertory tit Courts Sect. 2. Roll's Abridgment p. 374. to 587. Prynne's Animadversions p. 48. Anno 5 Eliz. (t) Cap. 18. it was Enacted that the Lord Keeper for the time being hath always had used and executed and so may for the future The Lord Keeper equal to Lord Chancellor the like place Authority Preheminence Jurisdiction Execution of Law c. as the Lord Chancellor of England for the time being lawfully used The Oath of the Chancellor or Lord Keeper is to be found (u) Rot. Parl. 10 R. 2. col 8. 10 R. 2. consisting of six Parts First That well and truly he shall serve our Soveraign Lord the King and his People in the Office of Chancellor The Oath of the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper Secondly That he shall do right to all manner of people Poor and Rich after the Laws and usages of the Realm Thirdly That he shall truly counsel the King and his Counsel he shall layen i. e. hide or keep secret Fourthly That he shall not know nor suffer the hurt or disheriting of the King or that the Rights of the Crown be decreased by any means as far as he may lett it Fifthly That if he may not lett it he shall make it clearly and expresly to be known to the King with his true Advice and Counsel Sixthly That he shall do and purchase the Kings profit in all that he reasonably may as God help him and by the Contents of this Book SECT 6. Of the Court of the Exchequer SIR Edward Coke saith the Authority of this Court is of original Jurisdiction without any Commission Bracton mentioneth nothing of this Court and Fleta giveth a very short account that the King hath his Court and his Justiciaries residing at his Exchequer but descends to no particulars of the Jurisdiction (w) Fol. 2 b. But x Britton who lived in Edward the First 's Reign and all along writes in the name of the King as if his whole work had been the Kings gives us an account of the Nature of this Court in several particulars To hear and determine all Causes which touch the Kings Debts his Fees and the incident Causes without which these cannot be tried So of Purprestures Rents Farms Customs and generally of whatever appertained to the Revenue of the Crown the Tenants and Receivers of it so that the Court is divided into two Parts viz. Judicial Accounts called Scaccarium Computorum and into the Receipt of the Exchequer The principal Officer is the Lord Treasurer of England who formerly had this great Office The Lord Treasurer principal Officer of the Exchequer by delivery of the Golden Keys of the Treasury and hath the Office this day by delivery of a white Staff at the Kings Will and Pleasure his Oath is much-what the same as the Chancellors differing principally in that clause That the Kings Treasure he shall truly keep and dispend The other great Officers are the Treasurer of the Exchequer the Chancellor and Chief Baron and other Barons of the Exchequer The rest of the Officers are particularly reckoned in Sir (x) 4. Instit fol. 106 107 108. Edward Coke The Oath of the Barons of the Exchequer is to be found in the Statutes (y) The Oath of 〈◊〉 Barons of the 〈◊〉 chequer 20 Ed. 3. cap. 2. whereof the principal parts are That he shall truly charge and discharge
mixt and they rode from seven Years to seven Years These Justices in Eyre continued no longer than till Edward the Third's time for then as Mr. (m) Notes on Hengham p. 143. Justices of Assize Selden notes Justices of Assizes came in their Places though it is manifest that Justices of Assize were sooner begun For (n) Lib. 3. c. 10. Bracton mentions these Justices of Assizes in his time in these words Sunt etiam Justitiarii constituti ad quasdam Assisas duo vel tres vel plures qui quidem perpetui non sunt quia expleto negotio Jurisdictionem amittunt The form of the Writ in (o) Cl. 9 H. 3. m. 11. dorso 9 H. 3. is set down by Sir William Dugdale in which the King constitutes his Justitiarii to take the Assizes of new disseising and Delivery of the Gaol and the Command to the Sheriff is to cause (p) De qualibet Villa quatuor legales homines Praepositum de quolibet Burgo vel Villa mercanda duodecim legâ—les homines omnes Milites libere Tenentes c. four legal Men and the Provost out of every Village and twelve lawful Men out of every Market-Town and Borough and all the Knights and Free-Tenents that is all that held in Capite to do what the Justices should on the King's part appoint In 21 E. 1. (q) Placit Parliam 21 E. 1. num 12. another settlement was made that either discreet Justices should be assigned to take Assizes Jurats and Certificates throughout the whole Realm viz. for the Counties of York Northumberland Westmoreland Cumberland Lancaster Nottingham and Derby two In the Counties of Lincoln Leicester Warwick Stafford Salop Northampton Rutland Gloucester Hereford and Worcester other two In the Counties of Cornwall Devon Somerset Dorset Wiltshire Southamptom Oxford Berks Sussex and Surrey two For the Counties of Kent Essex Hertford Norfolk Suffolk Cambridge Huntingdon Bedford and Bucks two and that the Assizes c. of Middlesex should be taken before the Justices of the Bench. (r) Mâ—ltis vigiliis excegitata inventa fuit recuperandâ—e possessionis gratia ut per summariam cognitionem absque magna Juris solennitate quasi per compendium negotium terminetur Lib. 4. sol 164 b. Bracton speaking of the Writ called Assiza novae disseisinae saith it was found out and contrived by much Vigilance for the recovering of Possessions by a summary or speedy Conusance without great Solemnity of the Law that the business might be compendiously determined For before at Common-Law Assizes were not taken but either in the Bank or before Justices in Eyre which was a great delay to the Plaintiff and a great molestation and vexation of the Recognitors of the Assize therefore in Magna Charta the Assizes are appointed to be taken in the respective Counties and the Patents to Justices of Assize run thus (s) See the Patent Clause and Fine-Rolls from King John to Edw. 4. Sciatis quod constituimus vos Justiciarios nostros una cum hiis quos vobis associaverimus ad omnes Assisas c. in Com. c. arainandas capiendas c. facturi inde quod ad Justitiam pertinet secundum legem Consuetudinem Regni vostri Angliae Salvis nobis amerciamentis inde provenientibus The Justices of Nisi Prius (t) Ad exonerationem Juratorum ad ceâ— lerem justitiam in ea parte exhibendum Stat. de Finibus 27 E. 1. c. 4. were first instituted by the Statute of Westm Justices of Nisi Prius 2. and their Authority is annexed to the Justices of Assize These Justices were instituted for two principal Causes for the ease of Jurors and for the speedy exhibiting of Justice SECT 8. Justices of Oyer and Terminer AS to the Justices of Oyer and Terminer they are appointed either by (u) Coke 4. Inst fol. 162. general or special Commission By general Commission they are to enquire of Treasons Misprisions of Treason Insurrections Rebellions Murders Felonies Manslaughter (w) Interfectionibus Killing Burglaries Rapes of Women unlawful Assemblies Conventicles (x) Verborum prolationibus false News Combinations Misprision Confederacies false Allegations Riots Routs Retainings Escapes Contempts Falsities Negligences Concealments Maintenances Oppressions Combinations (y) Cambipartiis of Parties Deceits and other ill Deeds Offences and Injuries whatever and to do thereupon what appertains to Justice according to the Law and Custom of the Kingdom Special Commissions were not granted unless for enormous (z) Nisi pro â—nermi transgressione ubi necesse apponere festinum remedium Cl. 14 E. 3. part 1. m. 41. dorso Hil. 2 H. 4. Rot. 4. Mich. 1 H. 8. Transgressions where there was a necessity of speedy Remedy In some cases we find the Justices of Oyer and Terminer have upon an Indictment found proceeded the same day against the Party indicted So Thomas Marks Bishop of Carlisle before Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer was Indicted tryed and adjudged all in one day for High-Treason Likewise Sir Richard Empson was indicted of High-Treason and tried all in one day So Robert Bell 10 Dec. 3 E. 6. and 10 Eliz. 4 Aug. John Felton was before Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer in London indicted of High-Treason and tried the same day by the advice of all the Judges of England SECT 9. Of the Kings Erection of Courts IN some Cases the King may erect new Courts of Justice What new Courts the King may erect and grant Conusance of Pleas to a Corporation to be kept after the Rules of the Law not in a way of a Court of Equity but may not alter the great Courts at Westminster that have been time out of mind nor erect a new Court of Chancery Kings-Bench Common Pleas Exchequer c. Although in a proper Court such as our Chancery a Judge of Equity be allowed yet if it were permitted in all other Courts to expound the Law against the letter and perhaps the meaning of the Makers according to Conscience as we speak there would soon be introduced absoluteness and Arbitrary Power Therefore great Care is taken by those that understand the Law that matters be not left to the discretion of any Persons Commissionated by the King to adjudge of any Causes So the plausible Statute (b) 11 H. 7. c. 3. of H. 7. to put in Execution the Penal Laws impowering Justices of Assize and of Peace upon Information for the King by their Discretion to hear and determine all Offences and Contempts against any Statute unrepealed was found to have Authorised Empson and Dudly to commit upon the Subject unsufferable pressures and oppressions So that (c) 1 H. 8. c. 6. soon after that Kings death it was repealed and those two brought to Tryal and executed for their oppressions So the Statute (d) C. 2. 8 E. 4. of Liveries c. by the discretion of the Judges to stand as an Original is deservedly repealed In
Laws yea to the sacred Laws of our Land And in another place he saith It was not so much the Charms of the Sibyls Leaves nor Numa's Shield or the Palladium that made the Roman Common weal so much to raise its lofty Head as the just and wholesome Sanction of the Laws obeyed and reverenced On the contrary Bodin (u) De Republica observes that the overthrow of Carthage was without difficulty and certainly prognosticated since neither Vertue nor Law had place there Hence the Orator observes That if the Laws be once abandoned or but negligently guarded not to say oppressed there is nothing any man can be sure to receive from his Ancestors or leave to his Posterity Which leads me to the second head of the Benefit by Government which is Propriety CHAP. V. Propriety secured by Government WE find that Plato (a) Arist Polit. lib. 2. Socrates and Lycurgus proposed a Community of all things in their Commonwealth not only in Goods Chattels and Lands but also in Wives and Children As to Community of Goods the Argument that Socrates used was That if every one might call every thing his own and not his own it would be a means whereby a City would be perfectly one On the contrary Aristotle argues That this would create endless disputes For he that took pains would never agree that he who took no pains should have an equal share and in a little time one would be coveting a larger dividend than another and this would destroy the great vertue of Temperance and would allow it no place for that consists in abstaining from what is anothers Neither would there be room for Liberality iâ— none had of his own to give Besides by possessing in common Sloth Idleness and Negligence would be encouraged (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polit. lib. 1. c. 3. because whatever thing is common to many hath less care imployed about it or it is not with that sedulousness provided for because what is every bodies work is no bodies work according to our English Proverb The mean Pot never boils well So he concludes That possessing in common gives more occasions to differences than where every one knows his own Therefore it is more conducible to the well-being of a People to unite in one order of Discipline than in unity of Stock and Community of Goods There was some difference in the modus of this community For we read that Pericles and Cimo pulled down the Enclosures of their Gardens and Fields that the meaner sort might have free liberty to take the Fruits This kind of Community was received at Tarentum and the Agrarian Law at Rome allowed something of it But I believe this kind of Community was little practised but rather every one enjoyed his separate share and some Commons as we have in England were best un-enclosed according to that of (c) Sicut coelum Diis ita terras generi mortalium datas quaeque sunt vacuae eâ—s publicas esse Annal. l. 13. Boiocolus in Tacitus That as the Heavens were given to the Gods so the Earth was given to Men and those places that were empty or unpossessed in several were for the publick or common to all The Anabaptists in Germany were very earnest to have obtained such a Community where they were powerful enough to eject the right Owners out of their Estates pleading the Apostles usage And in our late Confusions among the many revivals of obsolete opinions and Heresies we had some that were very fond of a notion That the perfectest State of a Commonwealth was not only where there should be no distinction of Dignities and Degrees but Estates should be levelled and some that foresaw the People would not easily consent to this as an Essay begun to dig and cultivate Commons enticing the Poor to joyn with them of which as I remember one Everard was the chief As to Communities of Wives (d) Arist Polit. lib. 2. c. 3. Plato would have it so that because Against Community of Wives when every one might call every Mans Wife and Child his own there would be an amicable concord in the enjoying and providing for them But the Philosopher argues against this much what as he did against the Community of Goods especially by reason that the Children would be neglected by the Fathers none being certain whether such or such a Son were his or no and so all Paternal affection would be abolished and all Cognations wholly obliterated and there would be no way to distinguish ones own Issue but by the similitude as among the Garamants of the superior Africk and the Pharsalian Mare (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ib. which was called Just because the had always her Foals like the Horse that got them Besides that Parricide might be committed and injury done by Children to Parents which no civil Government ought to allow and yet the Father not be truly known But to leave this Subjects now very sollicitous to preserve their Properties because I do not read that any Common-wealth did ever or not long enjoy the benefit of any such institution we may note that as in other things so in this the custom of Men is much changed All being now so jealous of any breach made upon their Property that Princes are looked upon as Tyrannical and Arbitrary that shall for the necessary support of the Government lay any imposition upon the People without their consents which made in King Charles the First 's time that outcry against Ship-money though the Legality of it was owned by twelve Judges and very ancient Records were produced and much learning and reading shown in the arguments for it But this point is now adjusted to the satisfaction of the whole The English Subject enjoys many choice peculiar Privileges and advantages The Privileges of the English Subjects in their Property far transcending those of the Subjects of most Princes So that any rougher touch upon that tender part must needs gall and the lightest Yoak be uneasie to the neck unaccustomed to it By his Birth-right he hath something he can call his own he hath not only the protection of his Person but the inheritance of his Freehold his Liberty and Property secured to him by Law he cannot be violently assaulted in the one or forceably invaded in the other but the publick Justice of the Kingdom will be satisfied for it and call the Aggressors to a strict account We have such a grand Charter of all just and reasonable Priviledges and Immunities continued and confirmed to us by the Piety Munificence and Royal bounty of our Princes that we may dispute peaceable and happy living with all other Subjects of the World The Government we live under being setled and supported by known and excellent Laws such as for their policy and prudence justice and equity in their composition challenge all the constitutions of Europe in which part of the World are if any where to be
Particulars of Royal Abatements Edicts or make new Laws or change any of the old standing Laws without the mutual Consent of the two Houses of Parliament He may not oppress the People or in any Arbitrary way take from them their Liberties or Estates under any pretence whatsoever without due course of Law Nor can he impose upon their (m) Stamford's Pleas of the Crown Persons what Charges or Burthens he pleaseth but according to and by the Laws of the Kingdom He cannot do any thing against the Law of the Nation or against common Right cannot change Ancient Customs for a Legal (n) Hâ—ghs 's Reports 254.263 Cousâ—uetudo lâ—galis plus habet quam concessio Regalis Custom is more available than a Royal Concession yet on the other side that Custom which advanceth against the Prerogative of the King is void He cannot impose Arbitrary (o) Petit. of Right 3 Car. 1.7 Car. 1. c. 17. payments erect new Offices of Charge to the Subject may not deny or delay Justice may not compel his People to make Gifts Loan Benevolence or Tax without consent of the two Houses The King (p) 2 Car. 1. c. 1. Coke 12.46.2 part Brown lib. 2. c. 2. Coke Instit 2 part 47 48. Petition of Right Dyer 176. may not imprison without just Cause nor keep any Mans Cause from Tryal may not send any man out of the Realm without his own Consent may not in time of Peace Billet or Quarter Soldiers or Mariners upon his People against their Wills may not grant Commission to try Men by Martial Law in time of Peace nor to determine any matters of difference betwixt Subjects other ways than by ordinary (q) 21 Jac. c. 31. Coke 11.87 Plowden 497. course of Law and ordinary Courts may not by Patent or Licence make a grant of a Monopoly or the benefit of a Penal Law or give a Power to dispense with Penal Laws in some Cases (r) Coke 11.87 He may not have or take that he hath right to which is in the Possession of another but by due course of Laws and may not make new or alter old Courts of Justice unless to be kept after the Course of the Law and not in Course of Equity Nor (s) Sheppard's Grand Abridgment part 3. fol. 49. alter the Courts of Westminster that have been time out of mind nor erect new Courts of Chancery Kings-Bench Common-pleas or Exchequer (t) Fleetwood lib. 1. c. 8. He may not by his last Will and Testament under the great Seal or otherwise dispose of the Government or of the Crown it self nor give and grant away the Crown-Lands or Jewels which he hath in his Politic Capacity nor give away any of the incommunicable Prerogatives By these Abatements of Power and gracious Condescentions of the Kings of England for the Benefit and Security of the Subject No Power co-ordinate with the King 's we are not to conclude that there either is or can be any Co-ordination or Coaequality of any State Order or Degree of the Subjects with the Sovereign nor any Competition of the Subjects Power in his Concurrence with the Vertual and Primary Influence of the Sovereign but a plain Subordination and subjected Ministration of the one under the Sovereignty of the other For although there is a Co-operation of the Members with the Head for the performing some Acts of State and they may seem Orders or States coaequally Authorized in the Power of Acting with the Sovereign in Petitioning for advising or consulting about or consenting upon the Kings Summons to Laws And although in judging and determining matters of Private Interest the King hath not an Arbitrary Judgment but is restrained to the Judgment to be administred by the proper sworn Judges in his Courts whom he appoints to judge according to his Laws and in the making of Laws his Power and Judgment is restrained to the Concurrence of the Nobles and Commons in Parliament yet in all other things wherein he is not expresly restricted by any Law of his own or Progenitors granting he retaineth the absolute Power as in the particulars before mentioned and in the Chapters of Parliaments I shall further discourse In the Rebellion under King Charles the First the (u) Observations on His Majesty's Messages c. The Rebels in 1641. would have lessened the King's Sovereignty and placed it in the People or their Representatives Pencombatants for the Party knowing they had the whole Current of the Laws against them made a great noise and bustle with Sophisms and plausible specious Pretences to captivate the Populace and nothing was more frequent than the Misapplication of that of the Philosopher That the King was Singulis major but Vniversis minor Inferring from thence That the Collective Body of the People and their Representatives were Greater in Authority than the King In answer to which it may be observed That the Aphorism how true soever in any other sense is most false in any sense of Sovereignty For if it be meant That the King is a better Man only than any of us single this doth not tell us he is better than Two and this is no more than possibly he might be before he was King For we must needs look upon Princes as Persons of Worth Honour and Eminency when taken from the People which the superaddition of Royalty did not destroy Besides any Lord of the Land may challenge such a Supremacy over all the Knights and any Knight over all the Esquires Furthermore if Princes be Sovereigns to single Persons of Subjects only and not to the universality of them then every single Subject by himself is a Body Politick whereof the King as King is Head and so the Publick Community is out of the King's Protection he being no King as to them in a complex Body Such impudent Falsities and many more destructive Consequences flow from such absurd Principles And if the Maxim were true the People have placed a King not over but under themselves But they enforce the Argument still further That the Fountain and efficient Cause of Power is the People and from hence they say the Inference is just That he is less than the Universe But the (w) Answer to Observations p. 10. Consequence is rather the contrary For suppose the People were the efficient Cause of Power it can be no otherwise than by translating or deriving their divided Power and uniting it in him Since then they cannot retain what they have parted with nor have what they gave away it follows That he who hath all their Power and his own particular besides must needs be greater and more powerful than they it being a very great Truth That he is the only Fountain of Power and Justice Another of their Maxims was That quicquid efficit tale illud est magis tale And they assume But the King was made by the People therefore less than the People In answer to which it is
414 415. How the House of Commons of the Parliament 1641. seduded their Members till there were not above 70 left whom the Army-Officers impeached or disliked as a corrupt Party or corrupt Majority and so fifty or sixty by the power of the Army secured secluded and expelled near 400 Members and made themselves the Commons House without them and so proceeded to vote down and seclude both King and House of Lords and voted themselves to be the Parliament of England and sole Legislators and Supream Authority of the Nation The consequences of all which are too well known to the whole Kingdom whose Calamity of Civil War and all the unspeakable Tragedies of it flowed from the packing of Members in the Commons House and the Assistance the People relying upon their Sageness and Authority afforded them How this revived against Abhorrers We had of later Years a fresh revival of the same method in the House of Commons expelling those they called Abhorrers which is so well known that I need say nothing of it yet I would recommend to all interessed Persons the perusal of two Treatises which though they pass for Pamphlets yet have been writ by Judicious Authors and those are The Lawyer outlawed and the Three parts of the Addresses which are Books very fit for Gentlemen to peruse How full and unquestioned a power the Commons have to represent Grievances to the King and petition for Redress The unquestioned Rights of the Commons to impeach any Person of the highest Quality that is a Subject for Treason or high Misdemeanors to have the sole Power in having all Bills for Subsidies Aids and Supplies to begin and I think be perfected in their House and the Privileges they petition for by their Speaker are so well known that they need no Discourse upon But I find several Judicious Persons will not allow the House of Commons to be a Court which Sir Edward Coke affirms 4. Instit p. 28. Whether the House of Commons be properly a Court. and uses this only one Argument for it Because it is not Prorogued or Adjourned by the Prorogation or Adjournment of the Lords House but the Speaker upon signification of the Kings Pleasure by the Assent of the House of Commons doth say This Court doth Prorogue or Adjourn it self But to this it is answered Lawyer outlawed p. 18. That if this were sufficient to denominate a Court every Committee of Lords and Commons though never so few in number must upon this account be a distinct Court because they may thus adjourn and prorogue themselves without their respective Houses In another place 4. Instit p. 23. the same Chief Justice offers to prove the House of Commons not only a Court but a Court of Judicature and Record for that the Clerks Book of the House of Commons is a Record and so declared by Act of Parliament 6 H. 8. c. 16. But this House had no such Book as a Journal much less any Authentick Record When the House of Commons had a Journal first before the first Year of Ed. the Sixth all their material proceedings till then being drawn in Minutes by a Clerk appointed to attend them for that purpose and by him entred of Record in the House of Lords Therefore the Words of the Statute are That the Speakers Licence for Members going into the Country be entred of Record in the Book of the Clerk of the Parliament appointed for the Commons House and this Journal is rather a Register of what passeth than such a Record as denotes a Court of Judicature as the Author of The Lawyer outlawed endeavours to prove P. 17 18 19. Plowd Com. fol. 319. Coke 1. Inst fol. 260. because there is no Court but what is established by the Kings Patent by Act of Parliament or by the Common Law i. e. the constant immemorial Custom of former Ages for by that the House of Lords is the sole supream Court of Judicature it having never been heard of before Sir Edward Coke's fancy That there were two distinct Courts in the same Parliament Also there is no Court without a power of tryal but the House of Commons have no power to try any Crime or Offence because they cannot examine upon Oath and there can be no legal Tryal without Witnesses nor are any Witnesses of any force in Law unless examined upon Oath But I shall not enter into these Controversies Some Observations on the Privileges of the House of Commons in general but shall now lay down some general Observations and Rules which Judicious Persons have noted as worthy the consideration of the Honourable House in point of their claims of Privileges and Judicature First King James the First in his Declaration touching his proceedings in Parliament 1621. resolves That most Privileges of Parliament grew from Precedents which rather shew a Toleration than an Inheritance therefore he could not allow of the Stile calling it their Ancient and undoubted Right and inheritance but could rather have wished that they had said All Privileges from the Crown Their Privileges were derived from the Grace and permission of his Ancestors and him and thereupon concludes That he cannot with patience endure his Subjects to use such Antimonarchical Words concerning their Liberties except they had subjoyned That they were granted unto them by the Grace and Favour of his Predecessors yet he promiseth to be carefull of whatsoever Privileges they enjoy by long Custom and uncontrolled and lawful Precedents Secondly C. 29. None to be punished but by Legal Trial. It is to be considered That by the Great Charter it is declared That no Freeman shall be taken or imprisoned or diseised of his Freehold or Liberties or his Free Customs or be Outlawed or Exiled or in any manner destroyed but by the lawful Judgment of his Peers or by the Law of the Land Stat. 28 E. 3. c. 3. So 28 E. 3. it is Enacted That no Man of what estate or condition he be shall be put out of his Land or Tenements nor taken nor imprisoned nor dis-inherited nor put to death without being brought to answer by due Process of Law So 42 E. 3. c. 3. it is assented and accorded for the good Government of the Commons that no Man be put to answer without presentment before Justices or matter of Record or by due course of Law or Writ Original according to the Old Laws of the Land Nulla Curia quae Recordum non habet potest imponere finem neque aliquem mandare carceri quia isla tantummodo spectant ad Curias de Recordo Mar. Sess 3. So Sir Edward Coke saith Courts which are not of Record cannot impose a Fine or commit any to Prison because these only belong to Courts of Record for which see Beecher's Case fol. 60. 120. Bonham's Case and lib. 11 fol. 43. Godfrey's Case So in the First Parliament of Q. Mary it is declared That the most Ancient
the Commission of Sewers by Law (e) Discretio est discernere per Legem quid sit justum Coke Inst 4. fol. 41. 3 H. 8. allowing the Commissioners to make Orders c. according to their Judgments and Discretions the word Discretion is interpreted by Lawyers to discern by Law what is Just as appears when a Jury do doubt of the Law and desire to do what is Just they find the special matter and the entry is Et super tota materia petunt advisamentum discretionem Justiciariorum that is they desire that the Judges would discern by Law what is Just and give Judgment accordingly It was resolved in the Court of Common-Pleas when a new Court was (f) Whyte's Sacred Laws p. 33. erected 31 H. 8. to hear and determine according to Law and Custom or otherwise to their sound discretion That the last Clause was against Law For when Laws are writ and published Magistrates know what to command and the People to obey otherwise the Law must necessarily be errant wandring uncertain and unknown which is a (g) Miser servitus ubi jus vagum miserable yea the most miserable Slavery This was the ground of the taking away the most August and very Ancient Court of the Star-Chamber The Court of Star-chamber dissolved though appointed by Act of Parliament (h) 3 H. 7. c. 1. 21 H. 8. and consisting of very great Personages as the Lord Chancellor Lord President of the Council Lord Privy-Seal Bishops Lords and Justices For tho' there were other Reasons that moved the Houses to be so pressing to get that Act pass the grounds of its Repeal alledged in the (i) 17 Car. 1. c. 10. Preamble of the Act are That the Judges have not kept themselves to the points limited by the Statutes and have undertaken to punish where no Law doth warrant and to make Decrees for things having no such Authority and have inflicted heavier punishments than by Law warranted and that all matters Examinable and Determinable before them had their proper Remedy Redress and Punishment by Common Law and in the ordinary Courts of Justice elsewhere In the like manner and on the same reason were the Court of Request (k) Ibid. cap. 9. before the (l) Cap. 48. President of the Marches of Wales of the President and Council in (m) Cap. 49. the North and of the County-Palatine (o) Cap. 37. of Chester either totally abolished or much eclipsed Having thus far discoursed of the several standing Courts I think it necessary to give an account of the Oath the Judges of either Bench are enjoyned to take having before spoke of the Lord Chancellor Lord Treasurer and Barons of the Exchequers Oath SECT 10. Of the Judges Oath COncerning this Oath there is a Controversie betwixt Mr. (p) Animadv on Coke's 4. Inst fol. 38. Prynne and Sir Edward Coke the latter affirming it to be in our Printed Statutes but not upon Record which Mr. Prynne disproves thus That the Oath of the Judges Barons of the Exchequer and Justices Itinerant and the Ordinances annexed to the Oath were made by the King because of divers complaints to him by the assent of the great men and other wise men of his Council and commanded to be openly published by the Sheriffs of every County by (q) 7 May 20 E. 3. special Writs issued to them for the Reasons specified in the beginning and close of the Writs at least three Months before the Parliament was held that Year and they are all entred upon Record as they are Printed in the Statute Books at large (r) Cl. 20 E. 3. part 1. m. 12 13. 20 E. 3. in the Clause-Rolls but not in the Parliament or Statute-Rolls of that Year because not made in but before the Parliament From whence I note a good Argument of the Kings Prerogative in appointing Judges and Commissionating them himself without any Parliamentary concurrence since he appoints the very Oath which was to direct them in their Office out of Parliament We find the Commons so well pleased with this Oath that in the (s) Rot. Parl. 20 E. 3. num 25. Parliament 20 E. 3. they petitioned the King that the Justices of Assise and Enquiry might be sworn by the same Oath as the Justice of the Bench Abridgment of Records p. 48. and that the chief of them might have power to swear the rest which the King assented to with some Qualifications but when in the Twenty first of his Reign they petitioned that his other Ministers might take the Oath and might be sworn to take nothing from any other the King answered that he would advise what other Ministers shall be fit to take the Oath Mr. Prynne refers us to the Cl. 18 H. 3. m. 19. Cl. 35 E. 1. m. 7. Cl. 1 E. 2. m. 19. and Cl. 5 E. 3. m. 27. for some Clauses of the Oaths of Justices agreeing with those prescribed to the Kings Council But the Oath as it hath been after used is to this purpose That they shall swear well and lawfully to serve our Lord the King and his People in the Office of Justice and lawfully counsel the King in his Business not counsel or assent to any thing which may turn him in damage or disherison by any manner way or colour and shall not know of any such thing but cause the King to be warned thereof by themselves or others shall do equal Justice and Execution of Right to all the Subjects and take neither by themselves nor others privily or apertly Gift or Reward of Gold or Silver nor of any thing which may turn to their profit unless it be Meat or Drink and that of a small value of any man that shall have any Plea or Process hanging before them c. shall take no Fee as long as they are Justices nor Robes of any man great or small but of the King give no Advice to any man great or small where the King is Party If any of what condition soever come before them in their Sessions with force and Arms or otherwise against the Peace or against the Statute thereof made to disturb the execution of the Common Law or to menace the People that they may not pursue the Law That they cause their Bodies to be Arrested and put in Prison and if they cannot be Arrested that the King be certified That they themselves nor others maintain no Plea or Quarrel hanging in the Kings Court or elsewhere in the Country That they deny to no man Common Right by the Kings Letter nor none other mans nor for none other Cause and in case any other Letters come to them contrary to the Law they do nothing by such Letters but certifie the King thereof and proceed to execute the Law notwithstanding any such Letters That they shall procure the profit of the King and of his Crown and if in default shall be at the Kings Will of Body Lands and
Xenoph. de Rep. Athenarum Thucyd. lib. 3. this is a Mart wherein voices are bought and sold poverty and ignorance driving the crowds to null that to day which they have eagerly pursued the day before scarce forbearing the same day to condemn and absolve nothing being done amongst them but in tumultuary ferments and an high boyling fret or a dead torpidness and irresolution the Ebbings and Flowings of the Ocean being more regular than theirs whereas all Government according to the (b) Polit. l. 4. c. 4. Philosopher subsists and is established in firmness and constancy by every mans knowing what is his right to enjoy and his duty to do or as (c) Coeius hominum Juris consensu utibitatis communione sociatus De Civitate Dei c. 23. St. Augustine calls it a society of Men incorporated for common benefits by the agreement of Laws It is a grave saying of (d) Populus negligit rempublicam magnitudine nimia communium curarum expers 1. Hist Privata cuique stimulatio vile decus publicum 2. Annal. Tacitus That the common People neglect the affairs of the Common-weal by their over-bulkiness void of publick spirit and care and in another place That the incentives to their private profit produce a disregarding neglect of the publick (e) Quod omnia aetatis membra familiasque singulas in unum corpus cogit De Rep. lib. 1. Bodinus compares a Common-wealth or Government to a Ship and well observes that without the Keel which unites the Stern and Fore-castle Ribs c. it would be but informe lignum So a Community without Government which unites the members of all Ages and all Families in one body can no ways deserve the name of society Such a People headless is not worthy to be called a Body Politick for Government no ways consists in the number of Persons or the heads of Citizens but in the combination of them under one Soveraign Power The unwieldy bulk of numerous Armies wanting Conduct and Discipline rarely effect any glorious enterprise In the Tumults of Naples the Rascality were forced to set up an Head though it were but the frothy boisterous Thomas Anello So were Cade Ket Tyler and others in our popular Rebellions set up as the Captains Leaders and Idols of the Clowns From whence we may learn that even such people as rose up as they pretended to suppress Magistrates Monarchy or Tyranny level Estates and set all at liberty yet once imbodied were forced to chuse Captains to lead them to whose Orders there was a necessity of submission If we thoughtfully consider How Superiority and Government founded in Nature we shall find that Government is founded in nature in which state there is no such thing as equality for the Parent by priority of natural cause must be superior to the Children Yea if we should believe People to be Juvenes ab Aquilone creati like Grashoppers or Locusts or like Cadmus his men sprung up at once out of the Earth underived from any pre-existent Parent all of them having equal Origin and Power yet a short converse one with another would have necessitated them to embody in Societies We Christians believe God made Man after his own Image Dominion given to Man and gave him dominion over all the Creatures of our sublunary world and it is not reasonable to think that he endowed him not with faculties necessary for the administration of that great Empire not only over the Brutes but over his own Species For the Philosopher (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Polit c. 5. notes that nature hath made some fit to command and others to obey or serve of which we have many and great Instances So Julius Caesar and others whose great actions are recorded in History manifested more sublime Spirits than any of those who were subdued by them Some born to Empire and when those great Heroes were dead though their Officers and Soldiers survived by whose prowess and valour they had effected those wonders yet we read of a suddain degeneracy as if the soul had expired and left the carcass only of an Army The Orator observes that no Nation was ever so Barbarous No Nation so Savage wherein some Government hath not been as to be wholly void of Religious Worshippers since every where some Deity or other hath been acknowledged Even so we may affirm that never any People were so rude wild and savage but they found a necessity of Government of which they had at least in their first embodying some unpollished Model and some sort of Institutes appointed by and coeval with their Governours by which their political interests and private concerns were regulated without the infinite disorder which would happen to all publick transactions which should be the product of tumultuous votes where every meeting would be a jumble of great and small The Mischiefs of tumultuous voting and want of Magistrates soft and hard sculls a pudling of business and putting all things to chance and blundering in a maze till at last some Mens wisdom formed them into order How then is that condition of a People to be wailed which Tacitus (g) Ea demum libertas Romae est non Senatus non Magistratus non Leges non Mores Majorum non Instituta Patrum 1 Annal. describes to be the Roman State of liberty wherein there was no Senate no Magistrates no Laws no Ancient Usage no Institutes of the Fathers From all which we may conclude that the same nature that ordered societies gives them prudence to know that to preserve the Society and the peace of it it was necessary that there should be one or some who laying aside private advantage and particular Interest should imploy their minds bend all their thoughts and direct their actions for the publick good and by the sinews of power hold all so fast united as they should guide them to the same end and we must determine that Government is absolutely necessary for the being and well-being of a People though there be servitude in it which made Seneca comparing Augustus's times with the preceding irregular ones say Salva esse Roma non potuit nisi benesicio servitutis The City could not have been safe without the benefit of servitude CHAP. III. That the People are not the Original of Authority and Government BEfore I proceed to treat of the several forms of Government I judge it requisite to examine some positions made use of by Republicans so long at least as they argue against Monarchical Government or till they obtain their ends in the subverting of it One of which is that supreme power is originally and fundamentally in the People for whose benefit all Government was established Secondly That there is a tacit reservation of power in them to vary the form of Government and change the Persons when the people finds it convenient for them The Law of Nature as they say justifying any attempt
which are all the ways whereby any right can be legally established Therefore we must look upon all such as cast in such Baits for the People to nibble at that they intend to make a prey of them and having fastned the gilded Hook in their Jaws may draw them out of their own Element to a free air indeed but such as will stifle them For when any Subjects by the instigation of such pretended Patriots are excited to put in their claim of Original Power and shake the Government though their Rebellion be prosperous it is not without vast effusion of Blood that the Government can be changed After which how will it be possible that the Community of the People can be put into that pristin state of freedom those State-Mountebanks promise but rather into an Anarchy which is contrary to the end of all Society and to quiet and peace and is the Parent of all confusion which is much worse than the hardest subjection This truth by a most chargeable tryal we experimented in the late War when the Pretended Saviours of the Nation and great Promoters of Spiritual and Temporal Liberty having wheedled the People into a belief of their honest Intentions and by their prosperous Arms overthrown the most temperate Monarchy by the effusion of infinite Blood and Treasure by pretended agreements of the People they assumed the Government to themselves enslaving both the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty more than any Foreign Conqueror would do or ever their Ancestors had been in any Age and the Golden Scepter and that of King Edward with the Dove was turned into a Rod of Iron and a Flaming Sword Basilisks and Fiery Serpents CHAP. IV. The Benefit of Government from the Establishing and Instituting of Laws THe (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rhetor. ad Alex. c. 1. Philosopher describes Law to be the Promulgation of what by the common consent of the City is defined which commands upon Terms how every thing is to be done Which is to be understood after Government is established where the Lawgivers are agreed upon and the Subjects known that are to obey them In another place the same (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ethic. Nicom c. 5. Philosopher saith Laws are to be declared concerning all things that may respect the common Benefit of all or of the Optimacy viz. the Nobility or Prime Gentry or the Sovereign or be agreeable to Vertue or to any other Necessity of the People and these he calls Common Laws The same (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Repab l. 2. c. 6. Learned and Wise Composer of Politicks tells us That the Law hath no force to compel Obedience but as it receives it from Usage and Custom and this springs not from any thing so much as from length of Time and multitude of Years Of these kind of Laws few Nations make such use as we do in England under the Title of Common Laws and Customs and it is no small Credit to them that so Judicious and Ancient a Writer hath given such a Character of these kind of Laws by which we have something more than a shadow of ours The same (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. Philosopher likewise with great Judgment tells us That to forego Laws received and long used and over-easily to substitute new ones is to make weak and infirm the Laws themselves Yet he is not for tying Posterity to the Laws of their Progenitors too strictly for that it is likely saith he the first Ancestors of them being such as he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sons of the Earth or such as escaped from some great Calamities and Destructions were rude and illiterate such as he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so that it would be (e) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. absurd to persist in their Decrees therefore he saith All seek not their (f) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. Countrys Laws but those onely that are good as generally such are which have had the Approbation of Ages By what hath been noted from so Ancient and Judicious an Author I may easily infer That Laws resulted from Government and were the necessary Products of such Counsels as the first Leaders or Monarchs entertained to order their People by and since he (g) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. makes the Laws of such like validity and force in the Commonwealth as the Rules and Orders of Parents in private Families we may well conclude That as those had their Origination from the Will of the Father of the Family so the other from the Prince who is his Peoples Common Parent Therefore in Homer Kings are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Givers of Laws or Judges of the People as well as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pastors or Feeders Conductors Defenders or Shepherds of the People So in Sacred Writ the first Hebrew Captains or Kings were called Judges Therefore Pomponius Laetus saith In the ancientest Times before Laws were agreed upon the King's Will was a Law And (i) Regis nutus Arbitrium pro Legibus lib. 10. Dionysius is express That the intimation of their Mind by Signs and their absolute Wills were in stead of Laws (k) Romulus ad libitum imperitaverat dein Numa Religionibus Divino Jure Populum devinxit Sed praecipuus Servius Tullius sanctor Legum fuit quis etiam Râ—g â—s obtemperarent 3 Annal Tacitus giving an account of the Roman Laws saith of Romulus That he commanded at his own pleasure and after him Numa bound the People with Religion and Divine Laws Some were found under Tullus and Ancus but the principal Institutor of Laws was Servius Tullius to which even Kings should obey that is they thought themselves obliged to observe and keep the Laws they had appointed He then notes That after Tarquin was expell'd the People prepared many Laws for the defence of their Liberty and to strengthen their Concord against the Factions of the Fathers A late Judicious (l) Nalson Common Interest p. 14 15. Author saith That God and Nature investing Primogeniture with the Right of Kings and Magistrates they made Laws and this not being observed or wilfully disowned by some Popular Patrons who would possess the People that the Laws made Kings and Governours hath created the greatest Mischiefs by giving an Inlet to the Changes of Governors and Government For granting this most enormous Doctrine and dangerous Principle Laws being alterable for the Convenience of Prince or People by consequence the Right of the Sovereign if it be onely from the Laws must be precarious also The Opinion is in it self most absurd and unreasonable for there never could be Laws till there was some Form of Government to establish and enact such Laws and give them their energy and vigour For nothing can have the force or power of a Law or oblige men to Obedience unless it proceed from such Person or Persons as have a Right to command and Authority to punish the
fifth when the Multitude rule by majority of Voices and not the Law so that their temporary Votes were Law We have resemblance of these kinds of Governments in our Corporations Concerning the Democracies in Corporations where in the Elections of Magistrates in some places all Freemen in others those only who have Burgage Land in others a Common-Council solely have Vote and the whole Body or such and such parts have Power to make By-laws If we had no other Argument against Democracy but this that it is of that narrow capacity that it cannot be adapted to order Regions of large extent it would be sufficient to discredit it for we find in those incorporated little Democracies there are more Factions and divisions than in the whole large adjoining tracts of Land about them though the Villages contain a much numerouser People It is rarely found but that in all Votes relating to the public Combinations are made by Kindreds Companies or Factions The inferior sort having equal Vote often out-number the Richer and Wiser and so businesses are aukwardly or tumultuarily determin'd and the meaner People must either neglect their domestic affairs to attend frequent Conventions or leave the managery to a stirring factious Party which is (k) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polit. l. 5. c. 5. contrary to the fundamental equality and freedom they labour for As these Corporations were first created by the Sovereigns Grace and Favour for the encrease of Trade and enriching the places and administration of Justice so while they keep themselves within the bounds of their Duties are Loyal to their Prince and Faithful to the Government and presume not by their Pragmaticalness to dispose of the Fate of the Empire or by their factious Elections to make disturbances It is very necessary they should enjoy all their municipal Priviledges But so many Corporations having of late acted contrary it is no wonder that the late King upon solid reason of State issued out his Quo Warranto's against them and in all the new Charters reserv'd a Power in the Crown of displacing the Evil Magistrates at pleasure But to leave this to another place I shall note out of the Philosopher such Arguments as he useth against Democracy 1. Argument against Democracy Injustice As first that the common People being the greater number and the Soveraignty being supposed to be in the whole complex Body whatever they approve must be establish'd as a Right and Law (l) Vbi plebs est domina necesse est ut quod plurimis visum sit hoc quoque sit ratum hoc sit jus Polit. l. 6. c. 2. and suppose they vote a Dividend of the richer Citizens Estates among themselves though this by the force of their Government be just yet in its own nature it is great Injustice to destroy the rich Man's Propriety as well as it were for the Rich to do the same to the Poor 2dly 2. Against the Common Peoples Liberty of Elections Liberty being the principle of all Democratical Government it consists in two things either to live (m) Plerisque jucundius est licenter vivere quam modeste Ib. c. 2. licentiously which in Athens and other places was very fatal and as Demosthenes Isocrates and Cicero complain that under the specious pretence of Liberty even Anarchy prevail'd Or Secondly in the free and uncontroulable Power of chusing their Magistrates and this accasioned the contest of parties for Victory hence Crowds Tumults Routs Riots Frays and Quarrells and after all Heart-burnings (n) In Licurg Vide Giphanii Com. in c. 7. l. 2. Polit. Arist Plutarch gives us an account of the manner of some Elections for Senators that certain Persons being closed in a Room where they might hear the peoples Voices but not see the People One Competitor after another was proposed and him who was judged to have most Voices they carried Crowned to the Temples of the Gods Women and Children following him with Shouts This (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 L. 2. Polit. c. 9. Aristotle calls a Childish action in so grave an affair it being not fit for any to seek Magistracy in such a way that by the judgment of the Multitude only is thought fit to Rule but (p) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. he that is worthy be he willing or unwilling should have the place Therefore we observe where the King hath the sole Power of nominating Judges Sheriffs Justices of Peace c. though they are of as great advantage to the Peace and order of the Government as Mayors Sheriffs or Common-Council Men of Corporations there are neither Hubbubs or Quarrels at their Elections and they are generally better qualified than such as court the peoples Favour Therefore (q) Rempublicam perituram in qua viri Principes consultant Populus vero imperita plebecula decernit Laertius exclaims justly that the Common-weal must perish in which the Nobility consult but the People and unskillful common Rabble give Judgment 3dly 3. Their Faction In this Government there is a continual spawning of Faction So it is (r) Giphanii Comment in lib. 5. c. 5. Polit. observ'd that at Athens the Democratical Government mostly obtain'd yet in the Attick State there were no less than three Factions according to the tripartite division of the People viz. the Diacrii that inhabited the mountainous Parts who were for pure Democracy the Pediaci who inhabited the lower Grounds and they were for a mixture of Oligarchy and the Parulii or Inhabitants on the Sea-Coasts and those were a mixture of both which Aristotle calls the Politick Hence Pisistratus appearing an Enemy to the Pediaci made himself gracious with the People and so easily got the Government So he instanceth in the changes of those of Milesia by the Prytania which was like a Consulship or Dictatorship at â—â—me So he gives an account of Dionysius feigning himself to be wounded by the Nobility who hated him for his love to the People raised a great Envy and Rage of the People against them and so established himself So Theagenes by slaying the Cattle of the Nobility animated the People of Maegara to follow him till by suppressing the Nobility and Richer he got himself to be Master of all The like we may read in (s) Lib. 13. c. 9. Diodorus Siculus that Agathocles did at Syracuse All which Changes were the Issues of Factions betwixt the Nobility and Common-people which is as inseparable from this sort of Government as the Prickle is from the Thistle or the Husk from the Corn. Fourthly The Philosopher notes That in this Government the Demagogues were most used These indeed were the Bell-wethers of Faction the Conductors of the Peoples Wills and Affections by the power of their Popularness The (t) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pol. l. 4. c. 4. Philosopher tells us there was no use of them where the Law commanded but where Matters were judged by the Decrees of the
bottomed upon the securing of one Faction against another he (o) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polit. l. 5. c. 6. reckons the keeping up of a standing Army in War and Peace which he saith was by reason of the distrust among themselves whereby they were obliged to commit themselves to the custody of Soldiers and the Commander being by that means impowered to be a Judge or Arbiter betwixt them made himself Lord of both as he instanceth in the time of the Government of the Family of the Alvidi at Larissa and at Samos and Abydus and in Timophanes at Corinth For this reason the Romans fearing Camillus banished him So Julius Caesar for ten years having the command in Gaul was able to master the Senate with more ease If we had never heard of any such thing in the World before yet we had the too late calamitous experience of it in our late Republican Government which was no longer able to subsist but while it had an Army maintained at the charge of the enslaved People to secure them yet they falling into Factions themselves their Army did so likewise and the Houses and Army at last came to have several Interests and to have competitions for Sovereignty which any wise man might have foreseen and at last the Army being divided the happy Restauration of the King was thereby much facilitated Having thus cleared That a Common-wealth cannot so well defend it self against a Foreign Enemy I hope the point That a Commonwealth Government is less conducible than Monarchy to prevent intestine Discords I shall now proceed to discourse how difficult it is in this Form also to defend their Subjects from Foreign Invasions especially without the constituting of Dictators or Generals with unsociable Power which is in effect a temporary Monarchy In all Wars nothing is more requisite than Unity of Councils and Secrecy in the conduct of Affairs which is most difficult to be obtained where many are at the Helm Besides among so many different judgments as there must be in such a Body before they can arrive at a Resolution favourable opportunities for Action are by protractions irrecoverably lost and the fear they have of impowering their General too much lest he should establish himself in the Sovereignty makes them limit and restrain him so as he cannot take advantages when offered and thereby Commanders are cautelous and wary not to offend so many Masters whereby time is lost in procuring new Instructions and sometimes for the reasons aforesaid more Generals than one are appointed that one may be a check to the other So (p) Lib 8. Herodotus observes That the difference of Generals when in equal command hath lost victories as at Isthmus by the dissention betwixt Themistocles and Euribias the Persians had almost mastered all So Thucydides notes that so long as Pericles by his own judgment and will governed the Affairs of Athens so long all things were prosperous but after by the Factions of evil-disposed persons he was opposed he sped as ill Besides in the numerous Masters in a Commonwealth the saving of every one 's own Stake will be the principle of their (q) Nalson's Common Interest c. 3. care and sedulity So that if a Foreign Power give them a defeat they will be easily induced to follow as they of late used to call it Providence in all Revolutions and if they can obtain any assurance of enjoying their private Laws or obtaining an higher pitch of greatness under another power they will not easily resist the temptation of betraying the Liberty of their Country and so quitting the leaking Vessel of the Commonwealth will either fairly tack about in their private Shalop and stand in with the next Shore of safety or by striking Sail come under the Lee of the Conqueror or strike into the assistance of him in hope to have a share of the Plunder Besides in the Multitude of Councellors if there happen any notable miscarriages of State there is safety to themselves In Miscarriages the Authors difficultly known It being difficult to fix it upon any one single person every one shrowding himself in the complex Act of the whole So that though they singly put in for the glory of prosperous Atchievements yet in unfortunate or unlucky Councils and Actions they skreen themselves under the majority of Votes which because they always may do it must necessarily make some more Supine and less Vigilant over the Publick It is in these muddy Pools of Commonwealths the devouring Otters may safelier lodg here the gliding slippery Eel finds Covert the Horseleeches abound the Water-rats lodg in their Banks and the Uliginous parts swarm with Frogs and Toads every one preying upon other Here the Cockatrice breeds and the fiery Basilisks as well as Lizards and Newts Africk is not more fruitful of Monsters than they of Harpyes This is the common Sewer that receives all the sludg and filth of People the hopes and expectation of Liberty alluring all As to the Peoples living freer from oppression in a Republic Great Injustice and Oppression in Commonwealths than under Monarchy it is evidently found the contrary as I shall make it appear in the Chapter of Monarchy And there is strong reason for it since in this form these Lords the States will be continually striving to enlarge not only their Power but their Riches and the more they increase in either the more must the common and middle ranked Men be oppressed and exhausted It hath been from the insolence oppressing and engrossing of Estates by the Governing Party that the Thâ—rians changed their (p) Polit. lib. 5. c. 6. Aristocracy to Democracy that the Messeniac War was occasioned that the Revolutions were at Lygdamus in the Isle of Nexos Maffilia Istria Heraclea and Enidus So the Philosopher says That the unjust Judgments or unusual Severities exercised by the revengeful temper of the Factions caused great Convulsions in the State as he particularly instanceth in Eurition at Heraclea and Archias at Thebes who both being justly condemned for Adultery yet because in an unusual way of Contumely they were tyed to Stakes in the Market place they out of revenge excited their Friends to assist them and overthrew the Oligarchy Besides when Men are thus established in Power few can have Redress for their private injuries and wrongs being that every complaint would but look like contempt of Authority because the Party oppressing being one of the Associates in Power Example in our late Republicans and joynt Rulers he would influence the residue to vindicate him Hence we saw in the late long Parliaments Members yea their Officers and common Soldiers that they were such Tyrants in their Residence and Quarters that none durst question their outrages lest they should be brought before Committees for Malignancy or Delinquency It being a characteristic note of a disaffected Person not to resign up ones self to an absolute slavery to
affords us many Examples of Persons selling their Country and putting their great Councils upon ill attempts and labouring with their utmost cunning to frustrate good Designs because their Dependance upon a Foreign State or Kingdom was worth much more unto them than they could hope to gain by honest Service to their Country Supposing both the King and Optimacy be willing to promote the Peoples Happiness yet he is more able to compass that End by reason he hath a more United Power and the Execution of all Designs depends upon a single resolve and therefore may be managed with a certain closeness and all convenient swiftness so that good Councils shall be first discovered in their effects Whereas a great Body move slowly and most times the opportunity of Doing is gone by while they are but half way in their deliberation Besides More Inconveniences under Common-wealths than under Kings cateris paribus as there are many Advantages peculiar to Monarchy as in these three Chapters I hope I have evinced so there is not one Inconvenience to which a People living under Aristocracy are not subject in a much higher Degree than they are under Monarchy For supposing a King cruel yet one Man's Cruelty cannot reach so many as that of Multiplied oppressors when every one takes their peculiar Province to fleece or exercise their Lordliness over according as their Estates or Interests are divided The Covetousness likewise of Senators is more devouring because we may feed one Fire with less Expence of Fewel than five Hundred A Princes profuse Largesses to his Favourites is infinitely over-balanced by so many providing for their poor Kindred and making Friends and purchasing Dependants This very thing must likewise be practised by Senators for underproping their several reputations hiring Advocates to plead for them in their absence purchasing of Votes in their private concerns and obtaining of Offices Places and Estates for themselves and their Relations So that these must require more considerable Supplies from the People who must be squeezed every time any single Grandee wants than are necessary to nourish the Liberality of a Prince who hath a large Patrimony standing Revenue and places of Honour and Profit to gratify his Servants withal The wisest States having made ample allowances to their Princes to enable them to bestow Favours according to Merits or liking Some think that of Ecclesiastes Wo to thee O Land when thy King is a Child a strong Argument against Monarchy Another Objection answered because this Calamity is not incident to a Senate because they are not subject to Nonage But the place rightly understood saith a learned (i) Idem p. 23. Writer whom I have epitomized in the Parallel is a very full Confirmation of the happy Condition we have reason to expect under Monarchy and of the Calamities and Woes which probably attend an Aristocracy For the cause of those Miserie 's foretold is plainly thus A King during his Infancy being not able personally to Rule the Government is managed by the Nobles and thence come Factions and all the Mischiefs that accompany them To close therefore this Chapter we may consider that Kings have no Rivals whom they fear and must keep under as Governours of Commonwealths have which is no small Blessing to a People Kings as Proprietors take all the care possible saith a very (k) Jus Regin◠p. 58. Learned Author to improve their Dominions whereas Republicans are as Tenants mind nothing so much as their private Profit and the very Pretenders to Liberty and Property in this and the last Age have been the great Cheats of the Nation They when raised to govern grew insolent whereas Princes are still the same and their Passions rise not because their Fortunes do not The Prevailing Factions in Commonweals spare none that oppose them having no consideration of them but as Enemies whereas Kings pity even Rebels as considering them still as their Subjects and though I cannot say with my (l) Idem Author of one Year yet I may say of the whole time of the Usurpation That more were murthered and ruined in that Reforming Age than suffered by the Great Mogul and King of France in that space of time and more Severity was exercised by those Reformers than by all the Race of our Kings these Six hundred years And whatever Evil Ministers Kings are said to have yet what that Judicious Author notes of Scotland we may say the like of England That after they had taken from the Blessed King his Prerogative of chusing Judges and Councellors the Parliament did the next year put in I will not say with him the greatest Blockheads and Idiots in the Nation but men of much meaner Parts and more corrupt and unfit either for knowledge or the upright dispensing of the Laws Justice and Equity than any Age had known I have discoursed of this Head before and so shall say no more but that as well as in Antient times the unequal Distribution of Justice hath been noted so the Severity of the State of Venice against their Nobles and the executing Men without Citing or Hearing upon meer Jealousies induced a wise Spaniard who hath collected the Arbitrary Courses practised and allowed in that State to say That there is less of Liberty there than under the worst of Monarchies And for the State of Holland it hath been more than once observed how ingrateful they have been to all their Neighbours who have assisted them in their greatest need and with what a Jealousie they treat the Prince of Orange whose Ancestors setled them in the Possession of what they have as well as to the Crown of England is obvious to common Observation By them their Allies have been unworthily deserted In the matter of Trade no Pact or Faith hath been kept In their Country Mint and Cummin Coleworts and Herbs are excised nothing worn nothing fed upon or necessary for Humane Life but pays something to their Exchequer You pay a Tribute for the Ground you walk on for the Rivulets you pass on only they have not yet found out a Tax upon their Foggy Air. CHAP. X. The Character of a good King in general BEfore I come to treat of the Sovereignty I think it convenient to discourse of the usefullest Qualifications of Monarchs and the benefits that will redound to themselves and their Subjects thereby The (a) Ethic. 8. c. 10. Polit. lib. 3. 5. c. 4. Philosopher in several places compares a King to a Parent and Shepherd but a Tyrant to a Lord over Slaves and a Wolf Difference of a King and a Tyrant The One in his Government having a special Regard to the Peoples Benefit the Other governing without or against Law pro nutu arbitrio reducing all things under their absolute will and Power in such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as is unhappy to their People and in the Conclusion to themselves The ancient Authors Description of a Good
they make the whole Scope and design of their Government the Prosperity of their People Among the chiefest of which Benefits that of Peace is to be most valued as being the end and mark that all good Governours direct their Actions to In another place he makes it a sure sign of good Princes when they wish themselves all the good qualifications and fittedness for Government and all the Vertues of the greatest Princes for their Subjects good this being a full Demonstration how precious and valuable the safety and quietness of their Subjects are to them The learned Lord Chancellor Bacon marshals the degrees of Sovereign Honours under five Heads Degrees of Sovereign Honour every one of which are as so many Characteristicks of great and good Kings First the (t) Essays of Honour and Reputation 1. Conditores Imperiorum Layers of the foundations of Empires as Romulus Cyrus Caesar â— (u) 2. Legislatores perpetui Principes Secondly the Founders of their Laws or Law-makers who by constituting good Laws are as second Founders perpetual Princes because they govern by their Ordinances after they are translated from this World Such were Solon Lycurgus Justinian and others (w) 3. Liberatores Salvatores Thirdly such as have freed their People and delivered their Country from Servitude or have put an end to and composed long civil Wars as Augustus Vespasian our King Henry the Seventh and the Fourth of France and most eminently our late Royal Sovereign (x) 4. Propagatores vel propugnatores Fourthly such as by honourable ways enlarge their Territories or make a noble Defence against Invaders Lastly such who reign justly and make the Age good wherein they live therefore stiled Fathers of their Country such both was and is our late and present Gracious Soveraigns So that such a Prince as others describe according to their Wish or as an Exemplar the English Nation Character of King Charlâ—s the Second and all his Majestie 's Subjects above all other Kingdoms in the World have been and are Blessed with under the Reigns of two such unparallell'd Royal Brothers We may justly give our late Sovevereign of immortal memory that Character which we find in Arnisaeas as the Idea of a good Prince That leaving entirely to his Subjects their Properties governed according to God's Nature's and his own Laws founded upon Equity and Justice or that of (y) Rem pepuli esse non suam privatam Dio. vita Hadriani Hadrian's that so managed his Government That all might know that he studied the Peoples not his own private Profit Surely we may hope for great happiness under our present Sovereign Character of King Jarâ— the Second who hath not only been a Copartner in his Royal Brother's sufferings but a Co-adjutor in the management of his great Empire and hath so signalized himself in the hazzard of his Life and glorious Atchievements for his Country and is endowed with all the Heroic Accomplishments that ennoble Princes in the Records of Fame so that we have the greatest Moral assurances if we disturb not his Reign by Sedition and Rebellion that he will out-go most of his Ancestors in the prosperous Government of his People as well for their Glory as their Peace and Tranquillity Religion in a Prince his Duty and Advantage CHAP. XI The Care of Religion a duty incumbent upon Kings IT is not enough to give a Character of a good King in general but we must descend to Particulars and first of his Care of Religion according to that of (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polit lib. 7. c. 8. Aristotle That in all Government the first and principal Concern of a Prince is to take care of things Divine For according to the (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diog. â—pud Stohaeâ—m Stoick It becomes him that is the Best to be worshipped by the Best and that the great Sovereign of the Universe be worshipped by his Earthly Vicegerents For of old it hath been noted That many advantages both accru'd to the Sovereign and People when the Prince was truly Religious Therefore the (c) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polit. l. 5. c. 11. Philosopher tells us That it is the duty of the supream Governour principally to take care of those things which appertain to the Deity for thereby the People are more obedient to their Princes as not fearing injustice from them For that it is to be supposed that he that is Pious and Just will not do an Unjust and Impious Action and by it he is more secure in the assurance of Protection from the Deity whereby he may hope for its Defence and Patrociny from the Seditions and Treacheries of his Subjects having the Deity to fight for him Consentaneous to which is what (d) Omnia prospere eveniunt sequentibus deos Adversa autem spernentibus Lib. 5. Livy observes That all things happen to them prosperously that follow the Gods and as unprosperously to them that despise them Upon the same Ground it is that the Orator saith The Romans had not conquered the Spaniards by their Numbers or the French by their Strength the Carthaginians by their Stratagems or Grecians by their Arts nor the Italians and Latines and their Nation and Land by their Native and Inbred Wisdom but by Piety and Religion and (e) Atque hac una sapientia quod Deorum Immortalium numine omnia regi gubernarique perspeximus gentes nationesque superavimus De Aruspic by that Wisdom alone that they understood all things to be governed by the Deity they had overcome People and Nations Agreeable to this Affirmation is what we find recorded of Numa That his care of Religion was the chief cause of the succeeding Felicity of Rome For as the (f) Machiavel's Disc lib. 1. c. 12. Florentine Secretary observes That Romulus exercising his People wholly in Military Affairs his Successor Numa finding he had to deal with a Fierce Usefulness of Religion to civilize Subjects Rude Cruel and Ungovernable people thought the way to attemper and soften their minds was to devise some Religious Institutions which being once given credit to might make them more pliable to Government Therefore (g) Omnium primum ut rem ad multitudinem imperitam illis seculis rudem essicacissimam deorum metum injiâ—iendum ratus est Lib. 1. Livy saith That of all things he thought the fear of the Gods to be the most efficacious means for the ordering the unskilful Multitude rude in that Age. And (h) Numa Religionibus divino jure populum devinxit 3. Annal. Tacitus tells us That with Religions and Divine Laws he yoaked them in obedience and so intent he was in the Observance of the Service to the Gods he had introduced that Plutarch tells us That he being one time Sacrificing was told that the Enemies were advancing against him but he would not desist but returned (i) At ego rem divinam
by the Law said to be in the King (z) Sheppard ut supra a threefold greatness of Perfection First of being freed from Infamy and all kind of Imperfections common to Man Secondly of Power in having the command of all his People Thirdly of Majesty being the Fountain of Honour Justice and Mercy The King is Gods immediate Viceroy (a) Câ—k 2.44.5.29 within his Dominions Vicarius Dei As his Protection and Government reacheth to all his People as Subjects so the Allegiance and Obedience of them all is due to him as their Sovereign whether Ecclesiastical or Civil and so he is Persona mixta his Prerogatives are called Jura Regalia Insignia Coronae Ancient Prerogatives and Royal Flowers of the Crown so inseparably annexed to the Crown that none but the King may have them nor can they be communicated to or taken by any Subject (b) Bracton lib. 1. c. 8. Stat. 25 H. 8. c. 21. Nemo terram nisi Authoritate Râ—gia possiâ—et Plowden 136. Jenkins Cent. 7. Case 77. 2. Case 16.17 E. 2. c. 17. Nevil 101.174 All Lands are said to be held of him immediately or mediately he can hold of no Man or any be equal to him as to be joynt Tenant of Land with him and his Jurisdiction is over all places within his Dominions both on the dry Land and on the Sea The Judges are to observe it as a certain Rule That whatever may be for the benefit of the King and his profit shall be taken most largely for him and what against him and for his disprofit be taken strictly neither is it only the duty of Judges but of all other his Subjects in their Stations to help the King to his Right The Perogatives are many and great yet such as are his by the Ancient Law of the Land and what the Kings of England have time out of mind used and are such as are of absolute (c) Coâ—e 12.8.30.2 part Instit 262.496.5 part 11.2.8 necessity for the security of the Government and the Public weals As to call and dissolve Parliaments give his Royal Assent to Laws command the Militia coyn Moneys grant Honors make and dispose of the great Seal dispense with penal Laws pardon Felonies and Treasons make and appoint great Officers Justices of Eyre and Assize of the Peace Gaol-delivery and Sheriffs to grant Charters to Corporations and other Persons or Fraternities He hath the sole Power of appointing ratifying and consummating all Treaties with Foreign Princes making War and Peace granting Safe-Conduct and Protection and all these and many other are firmly ascertained (d) Quod Rex est 〈◊〉 Lex est Regi Rex est Amma 〈◊〉 Lex est Anima Regi by Laws and have ever been and still are in the King alone and at his own Discretion Although there is no need in describing the Sovereignty of our Kings to carry it up to that absoluteness of Monarchy where all things are appointed and reversed by the Sovereigns fiat yet (e) Jus Regium p. 42. we must on the other side consider That the Monarchy which is subject to the impetuous Caprices of the Multitude when giddy or to the incorrigible Factiousness of the Nobility when interested is in effect no Government at all it must be owned That in all Governments a Sovereignty must reside some where and a Monarch can 〈◊〉 no Participants For then it would cease to be a Monarchy and in things that relate immediately to Government the King hath as much right to regulate them as to instance to restrain the Licence of the Press or secure Peace as we have to regulate and dispose of our Property Government being the Kings Property for with the Monarchy the King must enjoy all things that are necessary for the Administration of it according to that just Maxim (f) Quando aliquid â—oneditur omnia concessa videntur sine quibus concessum explicari nequit of the Law When any thing is granted all things seem to be granted without which the thing granted cannot be explained Which warrants the Kings Advocate of Scotland to lay that down as a general (g) Jus Regium p. 77. Rule That their Kings can do every thing that relates to Government and is necessary for the Administration thereof though there be no special Law or Act of Parliament for it if the same be not contrary to the Law of God Nature or Nations The Power and Authority of the Kings of England have been much more unbounded than they are at present (h) Part 1. c. 16. sol 34. Bracton speaking of his time saith That neither the Justices or private Persons might dispute the Kings Charter but if there were a doubt of it the Resolution must come from the Kings own Interpretation If Justice be demanded of the King saith (i) Idem lib. 1. c. 8. p. 5. he seeing no Writ lies against him one must petition that he would correct and amend what he hath done By the Condescensions of gracious Princes such Restrictions have been made of their Sovereign Absoluteness By the Grants and Condescensions of our Kings their Absoluteness lessened that they have obliged themselves to govern their Kingdoms transmitted to them with such Limitations by their numerous Ancestors by Rules of Law Equity Justice and right Judgment in Imitation of their Supreme Head and Omnipotent Monarch That therefore it may demonstratively appear how happily the Government of England is constituted for the Benefit of the Subjects who under so benign a Monarchy enjoy more Advantages in the Security of their Persons and Proprieties than under the most free Commonwealth that ever we read of I shall lightly touch upon some of those Particulars which the Kings of England by reason of several Acts of Parliament they have given their Royal Assents to have precluded themselves from the single Disposal of as in Absolute Monarchies are used yet I hope to make it clear in several Branches of this Discourse That there is no such thing as Co-ordinacy of any other Power or such a mixture as vitiates the Monarchy by a debasing Alloy much less that the Government can be Arbitrary or Tyrannical which hath sheathed the Sword of Justice within the Velvet Scabbard of the Laws and lined the Scarlet Robes of Majesty with the softest Ermine of Indulgence to well deserving Subjects who by their Obedience and Considerateness make their Princes and their own Happiness most perfect For it is equally unhappy to Princes and Subjects where (k) Alii Principes Reges hominum ipse Rex Regum Maximilian's Jest is true That whereas other Princes were Kings of Men he was King of Kings because his Subjects would do but only what they list But to come to the Particulars of Royal Abatements and Indulgences The Kings of England may not rule their People by their Will or by Proclamation as the Roman Emperors by their (l) 〈◊〉 lib. 2. c. 8. The
(q) Power of the Prince p. 81. Primate is obvious because the inflicting of a punishment is an Act of a Superior to an Inferior and to make one upon Earth Superior to the Supreme Governour would imploy an absolute contradiction though a Father or Master were never so faulty none would be so absurd as to think that their Servants or Children might chastise them When I reflect on that dismal Day when the wicked High Court of Justice arraigned and sentenced the most Innocent Just and Religious King that possibly hath worn a Crown since our Saviours time I always stand amazed and read or meditate on that Tragical Act with a concern next to that of our Saviour's suffering All that black and bloody Scene was acted by Men of and upon the Principles successful Rebels made use of The Preamble to the Treasonable Charge against King Charles the First That Kings are admitted and trusted with a limited Power to govern by and according to the Laws of the Land and not otherwise and by their Trust Oath and Office are obliged to use the Power committed to them for the Good and Benefit of the People and for the Preservation of their Rights and Liberties which they charged that Blessed King to have designedly violated To which I shall give only some k short Heads of his Majesties Answer (r) His Majesty's Speeches and Tryal p. 429. which if they had been weighed were enough to confound all their arguing He demanded by what lawful Authority he was seated there he had a trust committed to him by God by old and lawful Descent that he would not betray Pag. 431. to answer to a new unlawful Authority That England was an Hereditary Kingdom He tells them how great a sin it is to withstand lawful Authority and submit to a Tyrannical or Unlawful That Kings can be no Delinquents That Obedience unto Kings is strictly commanded in the old and new Testament pag. 435. particularizing that one place Where the word of a King is there is Power and who may say unto him What dost thou Eccl. 8.4 That no Impeachment can lye against him all running in his Name That the King can do no wrong the House of Commons never being a Court of Judicature can erect none He owns an Obligation to God to defend and maintain the Liberties of his People against all such Illegal and Arbitrary Proceedings Pag. 439. But 't was to no purpose to show such Crown-Jewels before such Wolves and Bears that were gaping for his Blood and would not admit his only request to them to be heard for the Welfare of the Kingdom and Liberty of the Subject before they precipitated Sentence against him before the Lords and Commons and pressed it That it may be it was something he had to say they had not heard before Hand But nothing his sacred Majesty could say would move those who under a vile and notorious Lye in the Name of the People the Supreme Authority as they called it passed that barbarous Sentence against that sacred Head to the amazement of the whole World sufficient to raise the utmost Indignation of all good Men against such barbarous Principles and Proceedings CHAP. XIX That the Sovereign may dispense with the Execution of the Laws of his Country in several Cases HAving discoursed of the Kings being unaccountable to any but God Almighty when he governs not according to the Laws of God Nature or his Dominions The Connexion of this with the foregoing Chapter upon that Foundation That there cannot be two Supremes here upon Earth in one Kingdom I come now to discover what Power Kings in general and our Kings in particular have to dispense with the Execution of the Laws upon some cases for it is far from my thoughts ever to suggest any such dangerous assertion That Princes in general may dispense with the Execution of the Laws Plutarch (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Compar Flaminii Philopaemenis setteth this down as a chief point of that natural skill which Philopoemen had in Government That he did not only rule according to the Laws but over-ruled the Laws themselves when he found it conducing to the Weal publick For as the (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Justin Jun. Imp. praef Constit 3. Emperor saith whilst the Laws stand in force it is fit that sometimes the Kings Clemency should be mingled with the severity of them especially when by that means the Subject may be freed from much Detriment and Damage Princes according to the (c) Princeps est supra legem adeo quod secundum conscientiam suam judicare potest Cyrus in L. Rescript c. Judgment of great Lawyers have Power to judge according to their own Conscience and not according to the Letter of the Law and no doubt it was such written Laws as these that (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Justinian Novel 105. Justinian the Emperor meant when upon the enacting of a Constitution of this kind he added thereunto this Limitation From all these things which have been said by us let the Emperors State be excepted whereunto God hath subjected the very Laws themselves sending him as a living Law unto Men who therefore in another place assumeth to himself the Title of a Father of the Law Whereupon the (e) Nota Imperatorem vocari patrem Legis under c Leges sune ei subjecte Gloss in Novel 12. c. 4. Glossator maketh this Observation Note That the Emperor is the Father of the Law whereupon the Laws also are subject to him So the great (f) Princeps est supra legem in quantum si expediens est potest legem mutare in ea dispensare pro loco tempore Vid. Thom. in 1.2 q. 96. Artic 5. ad 3. Schoolman saith The Prince is above the Law so far that if it be expedient he may change the Law and dispense with Time and Place as when a Man is condemned to banishment the Prince if he see cause may revoke him from thence and therein saith (g) Gloss in lib. 4. de Poenis Accursius his own Will is accounted a great and just cause Magna justa Causa est ejus Voluntas The Reason of these Assertions is couched in what Aeneas (h) Convenit Imperatori Juris rigorem aequitatis fraeno temperare cui soli inter aequitatem jusque interpositam interpretationem licet incumbit inspicere De Ortu Authoribus Imperii Sylvius observes That there is a certain other thing to which the Emperor is more obnoxious than to the Law and that is Equity which is not always found written Now if the Law doth command one thing and Equity perswade another It is fit the Emperor should temper the Rigor of the Law with the Bridle of Equity as he who alone may and ought to look unto that Interpretation which lyeth interposed betwixt Law and Equity since no Law can sufficiently
answer the Varieties and unthought on plottings of Mans Nature and in Tract of Time Laws at first just or in terrorem become unprofitable and harsh and this moderating of Laws which is called saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Equity is so annexed to the Prince that by no decree of Man it can be pulled from it This Absoluteness I have hitherto mentioned out of such great Authors How far the Kings of England may dispense with their Laws is not practised by the English Sovereign for he challengeth no such Power to make or abrogate Laws without the Concurrence of the two Houes But he hath a sufficient Prerogative by dispensing conniving or putting some Laws more in Execution than at other times so to manage the Execution of the as the Government and consequently the Peoples safety be not prejudiced So though there be a Law for Triennial Parliaments yet when a Prince finds a Potent Faction that may influence the Electors so as the meeting of such a Parliament at such a time may be hazardous to the publick there being no Penalty can be inflicted on a King for the Omission and the Danger being visible that such a Factious Parliament was only wanting to bring to perfection the Design of Traiterous and Seditious Persons It is very agreeable to Reason that a Prince in such a juncture should prefer the publick Peace of his Kingdom and the security of his Crown by the omitting such Summons than to hazard all by convening them There are other Cases may intervene wherein the Reason of State the Salus publica may require the dispensing with or suspension of the Execution of some Laws As in time of open Rebellion the King 's arming of such as he may most surely confide in though they take not such Oaths or be so qualified as the Laws require and as in several other Particulars might be instanced in I shall only add two Authorities of our own Country who were well versed in the matter the one a great Divine and the other as great a Lawyer and Statesman First the learned (i) Vsher's Power of Princes p. 76. Primate saith Such positive Laws being as other works of Men are imperfect and not free from any Discommodities if the strict Observation thereof should be pursued in every particular It is fit the Supreme Governour should not himself only be exempted from Subjection thereunto but also be so far Lord over them that where he seeth cause he may abate or totally remit the penalty incurred by the breach of them dispense with others for not observing of them at all yea generally suspend the Execution of them when by experience he shall find the Inconveniences to be greater than the profit that was expected should redound thereby to the Common-wealth The Second Authority shall be that of the Earl of Clarendon (k) Survey p. 127. who affirms That by our Laws the King hath in many Cases the Power of dispensing with the Execution of the Law especially in granting pardon for the transgressing of them except in those Cases where the Offence is greater to others than the King as in murder of an Husband or Father therefore upon an Appeal by them the Offendor may suffer after the Kings pardon which shows how tender our Laws are of protecting the Lives of Subjects This Prerogative of Kings (l) 3. Rep. Bodin avouches among the Rights of Sovereignty to pardon the Persons the forfeiture of their Goods and to restore the attainted Honours of those condemned by righteous or unrightcous Judgment according to that of St. (m) Q. 115. ex Veteri Novo Testamento Hilary in St. Augustine Imperatori soli licet revocare sententiam reum mortis absolvere ei ignoscere That it belongeth only to the Emperor to revoke the Sentence or Judgment and to absolve and pardon the guilty For as Themistius saith One thing becoms a Judge and another thing a King the one is to observe the Law the other hath power to correct the Laws themselves and to qualifie the severity and harshness of them as being himself a living Law and not confined to the unchangeable and unalterable Letter For that end saith he it seemeth God did send from Heaven the Regal Power into the Earth that Men might have a refuge from that dead and immoveable Law to the living one as he instanceth in Capital Offenders For we have seen saith he Men returned to life from the Gates of Death whom the Law indeed sent thither but the Lord of the Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 brought back from thence again As to the Power of Equity claimed by the great Civilians the Administration of that is vested in the Chancellor or Lord-Keeper of the Kings appointment who is the Keeper of the Kings Conscience or Dispenser of that reserved Power in the King CHAP. XX. That the Sovereign is not to be resisted or rebelled against upon pretence of ill Government Irreligion or any such matter OUR Republicans of 1641. set themselves with all their skill and cunning The Necessity of this Discourse as well as force to overthrow the Doctrine of Non-resistance and to establish that of its being lawful not only to rise in Arms for the defence of their Liberty Property and Religion the gilded pretences of all Rebellions but to prosecute that blessed King and all his Loyal Subjects in the highest Degree of Cruelty and Revenge that they could devise or their success embolden them to commit Therefore it is a most necessary Duty of all that wish well to themselves as well as the Government to oppose such dangerous Positions and Practices The Authorities I have cited in the two Chapters of Sovereignty are but the gleanings of what may be found in learned Men on this Subject and since I shall have occasion hereafter when I treat of the Subjects duty to handle this matter more particularly I shall be the shorter in this and refer the curious Reader to the elaborate Treatise of Mr. Dudley Digs Of the unlawfulness of Subjects taking up Arms against their Sovereign and to the Glory of his Age for Learning Loyalty and Sanctity the Lord Primate Vsher's Power of the Prince and His Second Part of Obedience to the judicious and learned Sir George Mackenzie his Jus Regium and (a) Arnisaeus Zeiglar de Jure Majestatis c. 1. n. 12. Salmasii Defensio Regia Grotius lib. 1. c. 4. de Jure Belli Dr. More 's Divine Dialogues Dr. Mouliu 's Philanax Anglicus Sam. Petit 's Diatriba c. others that treat of this Subject ex instituto desiring all those who have imbibed or would avoid any of these dangerous Principles that they will seriously consult those Authors out of whom I shall only hint some few of their Reasons and Arguments that may be as Antidotes against the most destructive poison of resisting Sovereign Princes or allowing any Order of Subjects the Liberty upon any Pretence of
this State of the Empire and of absolute Sovereign Princes (x) Leges jubere universis singulis civilâ—s dare De Repub lib. 1. c. 10. lib. 3. Bodin saith it is the first and principal part of Majesty to command Laws and impose them on all and singular the Subjects and he saith That in the Emperors time the name of the Senate was inscribed only to testify such Laws were made and to render them more acceptable to the People by the opinion they would then have that they were made with Council and Prudence So (y) Polit. c. 11. Law-making the Prerogative of Sovereign Princes Anisaeus ranks it among the first of the Jura Majestatis to make Laws for that the Government saith he is for the most part by Laws therefore they should be in the hand of the Sovereign for that they have no Power but as they are inforced by his Authority who possesseth the Plenitude of Empire I shall only note a few things of the absoluteness of the Roman Emperors in point of Law-making or abrogating and so pass to the considerations of our English Monarchy referring the larger and more explicit treating of it to the Chapters of Parliaments In the Capitol now Lateran Palace is extant a Table of (z) Gruteri Inscript p. 142. A Fragment of the Lex Regia yet extant Brass where is to be seen a fragment of the Lex Regia renewed as to Vespasian confirming many things of Sovereign and sole Authority as descending upon him from his Predecessors and enacting That what he had done decreed or commanded before his Ratification should be held and taken for as good Law as if the People it self had done decreed or commanded it So that tho' he might make use of the Senate or Peoples Ratification yet his Right was as strong before So (a) Tit. De Legibus lib. 1. Constantine challengeth to himself alone Authority to judge betwixt Law and Equity and so in point of Repeal of Laws (b) Non ab aliis sed a sese leges abrogatas suisse Lib. 3. Theodosius and Valentinian say That the Laws were to be abrogated by no other but themselves It is not to be doubted but that great and vast Empires require for their better Government a more absolute Power in the Sovereign to make Laws suitable to Emergencies for the Preservation of the whole So the Ottoman Empire and those of China Persia and the Mogul could not well be conserved entire without it Yet in these there are established Laws agreeable to the Laws of Nature and of Nations whereby the Rights of meum and tuum to Strangers are adjusted and the Subjects though they have no Property like the Europaeans yet are kept in Order and under Protection of the Laws and their Absoluteness consists principally in the ordering the Execution of any Subject without Juridical Process in placing and displacing Governours or depriving Cities Provinces and Kingdoms of Priviledges I have enlarged upon this Head to show how happy we are in England The happy State of England in the disposing of the Legislative Power that though the Force and Vigor of all our Laws flow from our Sovereigns Paternal Care â—â—ace and Bounty yet in the Point of making and abrogating Laws not only Consultation is had with so venerable a Body as the two Houses of Parliament are but nothing is done by the Sovereign without their own Preparation of Bills for his Royal Assent A wise and wealthy part of which are chosen by our selves and by the Kings Permission impowered in that particular to act for us in deliberating upon and fashioning such Bills as they petition the Sovereign to grant So that what the Judicious (c) Preface to the Reader Comp. History Dr. Brady after many other learned Men asserts is most true That by time and the Concessions of our Kings the Subjects of this Government have and may enjoy all Freedom and Happiness that sober rational Men can desire and such as is no where to be found but in this Island and the Dominions to it belonging nor can any Man that loves his Prince or Country wish for other than the present Constitution By the whole series of great Councils in the Saxon times until 49 Hen. 3. and the Parliaments succeeding I shall make it clear That the Royal Assent is that which forms the Preparatory Bills presented by both Houses into Laws and that in ancienter times the Laws were made by the Kings sole Grant by way of Charter I shall here only lay down some Preliminaries to shew in general what the ancient Usage was referring Particulars to the following Chapters First it appears That there were no certain (d) Sheringham's Supremacy p. 51. Anciently Kings called whom they pleased to advise them in making Laws Persons designed by Law whose Concurrence was required to constitute a great Council but the Kings used the Advice only of those whom they pleased to call unto themselves who were always such as they thought most able to counsel and direct them in the matters that were to be consulted of and whose assent was most likely to add most Credit and Estimation to the Laws that were to be divulged So we find in (e) Chron. Sax. Anno 670. fol. 516. And tha haefde getheal mid his witum freondam mid heora Teymenysse fultum gethafunge Christes geleassan onfeng Bed Eccl. Hist lib. 3. c. 22. Bede that Segebert or Sigbercht who was King of the East Saxons in the time of Oswi King of Northumberland who perswaded him to become a Christian held a Council with his Wites i.e. Nobles and Wisemen and his Friends and by their Advice Aid and Consent received the Christian Faith We find that Offa King of the Mercians made Laws without the Assent of his Great Council for he being at Rome (f) Mat. Paris vita Offae p. 171. Hoc autem per totam suam ditionem teneri in perpetuum constituit golng into the School of the English which was there out of his Royal Munificence He gave to the support of the People of his Kingdom that should come thither a Penny to be paid yearly for ever out of every Family by all whose Goods in the Fields exceeded the value of Thirty Pence and this he made a perpetual Constitution throughout all his Dominions excepting the Lands conferred upon the Monastery of St. Albans This Imposition and Law continued a long while in force though we find it not confirmed by any great Council in his own time or his Successors only in the Laws of King Edgar and King Edward it is enjoyned to be payed as the Kings Alms which implies it was the Kings Gift solely not by consent of a great Council So his Son (g) Matt. Paris Auct additam fol. 239 240. Ecgfrid grants Thyreseld to St. Albans with the Consent and Testimony of his Magnates which imports it to be granted by Consent of a Great
Council and the Optimates witnessing are Cynedrid the Queen three Bishops one Abbot and Brorda Wiega Cuthbert Eobing Esne Cydda Winbert Heardbert and Brorda Dukes besides Ethelbeard Archbishop Forthred Abbat and Sighore Son of Siger But I shall hereafter more copiously give an Account of the constituent Parts of the great Councils The King the Fountain of Laws The Legislative Power saith a learned (h) Sheringham's Supremacy p. 34. Leges vero Anglicanae consuetudines Regum Authoritate jubent quandoque quandoque vetant quandoque vindicant puniunt transgressores Bracton lib. 1. c. 2. Author belongs to the King alone by the Common Law for though the two Houses have Authority granted them by the King to assent or dissent yet the Power that makes it a Law the Authority that animates it and makes it differ from a dead Letter is in the King who is the Life and Soul of the Law by whose Authority alone the Laws command forbid vindicate and punish Transgressors This was resolved by divers Earls and Barons and by all the Justices in the Reign of King Edward the Third for one (i) Fuit dit que le Roy sist les Leis per assent des Peres de la Commune non pas les Peres le Commune qu'il ne avera nul Pere en sa terre demesne que le Roy per eux ne doit estre ajuge 22 E. 3. c. 1. Haedlow and his Wife having a Controversie with the King and desiring to have it decided in Parliament It was resolved That the King makes Laws by the Assent of the Lords and Commons and not the Lords and Commons and that he could have no Peer in his own Land and could not be judged by them This is further manifested that the Laws are primarily and properly made by the King and the two Houses have a Cooperation but no Co-ordination of Power for the breach of any Statute whether it be by Treason Murther Felony Perjury or by any other way is an offence against the (k) Encounter la Corone Dignitie le Roy. Stanford 's Pleas of the Crown lib. 1. c. 1. Kings Authority alone and Pleas made against such Offences are called The Pleas of the Crown because they are done against the Crown and Dignity of the King So that it is not the Dignity and Authority of the Lords and Commons which is violated but the Dignity and Authority of the King This appears also in the Power the (l) Sheringham p. 35. See Finch lib. 2. fol. 22. Coke 2 II. 7. lib. 7. fol. 14. Stanford lib. 2.101 King hath in dispensing with such Laws as forbid a thing which is not malum in se and in pardoning the Transgression of others as Treason Felony c. which in Reason he ought no more to do than to dispense with the Laws of Germany Spain or France or pardon the Transgressors thereof if they were not made by his Authority Furthermore it is a certain Maxim of the Law (m) Ejusdem est leges interpretari cujus est condere The Amendment was sealed by the Great Seal 2 May 9 E. 1. commanding the Justices to do and execute all and every thing contained in it though the same did not accord with the Statute of Gloucester in all things None can interpret the Laws but the same Power that makes them But the King may do this as appears by the Statute of Glocester 6â—â— where immediately after the Statute are these words After by the King and his Justices certain Expositions were made upon some of the Articles above mentioned So the Judges are appointed by the King and they have from him a Power to interpret the Law judicialiter otherwise they could not proceed to Judgment and being called by the King with him and under him they have a Power to interpret the Law Authoritativé But the two Houses besides that they can do nothing singly or joyntly without the Kings Concurrence in (n) Sheringham ut supra their make and composition are unfit to interpret Law For such Power as interprets Law must be always existent or in being to act according to emergent Occasions which the two Houses are not And if they were a permanent Body yet they having a Negative upon each other the Interpretation of the Law must be retarded and all Controversies depending thereupon undecided And this Disagreement might perhaps endure for ever and so a final Determination in such Suits would be impossible Now these are Inconveniences which ought not to be admitted in any Commonwealth for it derogates both from the Honour and Wisdom of a Nation to be so moulded and framed that Justice cannot have a free Passage in all Contingencies Not only the Legislative Power it self but the very (o) Hem p. 36. The King may provide for all things necessary for Government where the Law hath not provided or contradicts not Exercise of the Power also so far as it is essential to Government is in the King alone for he can by Edicts and Proclamations provide for all necessary occasions and special Emergencies not provided for by fixed Laws which is one of the most excellent and eminent Acts of the Legislative Power and a sufficient Remedy against all Mischiefs in case the two Houses should refuse to concurr with him in those things which concern the Benefit of the Kingdoms For as (p) Ea quae Jurisdictioâ—is sunt pacis ea qâ—ae sunt Justitiae paci annexa ad nullum pertinent nisi ad Coronam Dignitatem Regiâ—m Bracton lib. 2. c. 24. Bracton saith those things which belong to Jurisdiction and Peace and those which are annexed to Justice and Peace appertain to none but the Crown neither can they be separated from it because they make the Crown If the King should unwarily by Act of Parliament consent to any thing prejudicial and derogatory to His Royal Prerogative such Acts are void by the Common Law and the Judges are bound to declare them so as that of 23. H. 6. about Sheriffs not to continue longer than one Year was by the Judges declared void and all Kings since might with a Clause of non obstante against the manifest words of the Statute have granted that office for Life in Tail or in Fee But I need not enlarge upon this for all the Acts for the King's Supremacy all the Laws and Statutes that over were made put this beyond Dispute that the affirmative Voice is absolutely in the King that no Laws can be binding or be Laws at all without his special Consent and this being one of the great Rights of Sovereignty cannot be separated from the Person of the King although he (q) Suprema jurisdictio potestas Regia etsi Princeps volet separari non pessunt sunt enim ipsa sorma substantialis essentia Majestatis ergo manente ipso Rege ab eo abdicari non possunt
Cabedo Pract. Obs par 2. decis 40. would himself For it is essential to Majesty and Soveraignty and cannot be abdicated while he remaineth King nor separated without the diminution or destruction of Majesty How both King and People are obliged to defend the Rights of the Crown will appear in the Laws ascribed to King Edward the Confessor in the 17.35 and 56. As to the Particular How absolutely necessary the Royal Assent is to all Laws in the Act of Recognition to King James the First it is fully expressed thus Which if Your Majesty shall be pleased as an Argument of your Gracious acceptation to adorn with Your Majestie 's Royal Assent without which it can neither be Compleat and Perfect nor remain to all Posterity according to our Desire as a Memorial of your Princely and tender Affection towards us c. Against what I have laid down those who were for co-ordinate Powers in the two Houses object many things Answers to some Objections against the King's sole establishing of Laws some I have answered in the Chapter of the King's Sovereignty and I shall meet with others in the Chapters of Parliaments And shall here only take notice of some omitted or not fully answered there Against the assertion That the Liberties granted by King Henry the Third were by way of Charter they produce the Preamble (r) Coke 2 Instit fol. 525. to the Confirmation of King Edward the First of Magna Charta La Charte des Franchises la Charte de la Forest les queux fuerent faitz per Commen de tout Royalm en le temps le Roy Henry pier soient tenue c. and Charta de Foresta wherein he saith that the Charter of Liberties and the Charter of the Forest made by the Community of all the Realm in the time of King Henry our Father shall be kept c. To which with the Judicious Doctor (s) General Preface to Compleat History p. 41. The ancient Kings sealing of Charters of Liberties reputed Laws Brady may be answered that these were the Petitions and Requests of the Community of the Kingdom and may be said to be made that is digested by them into the form of a Charter So the Barons offered King John's Magna Charta to him ready drawn in a Schedule and forced him to grant it and cause his Seal to be put to it and the whole strength and validity of the Charter lay in his Grant and the Confirmation of it under his Seal This was the only Security they desired and demanded no other and the Tenour of all the Charters were accordingly We grant We confirm We give for us and our Heirs to them and their Heirs c. Which Grants and Concessious were always in these times accepted and acknowledged to be sufficient without the least doubting or scruple There was no other Power or Authority that gave them being but the King's so that it seemed the great Councils or Parliaments of those times owned the Kings Charters under Seal and the Grants made by them to the People to be of good force and effect and that their Petitions to which he gave his assent and caused to be put under his Seal were by them accepted and from time to time acknowledged as firm and valid Laws The same learned (t) Idem p. 67. The Laws planted by Kings Doctor Brady observes that Sir Edward Coke hath a formal way of speaking The Law doth this and The Law doth that This is Law That is by Common Law of England abstracting it from any dependance upon or Creation by the Government as if it had been here before there was any and had grown up with the first Trees Herbs and Grass that grew upon English Ground and had not been of our antient Kings and their Successors planting by assistance and advice of their great Councils in all Ages as it was found expedient either by them or upon Petition and Request of their People which is acknowledged by all the Bishops Earls Barons and People present at the (u) Claus 1 E. 2. m. 10. dorso Coronation of King Edward the Second in these words Sir Will you grant and keep and by your Oath confirm to the People of England the Laws and Customs granted to them by the antient Kings of England your Predecessors true and devout to God and namely the Laws and Customs and Liberties granted to the Clergy and People by the glorious King Edward your Predecessor Another Objection some make against the Absoluteness of the King's Power Second Objection when it is said in antient Statutes The King ordains The King wills that it hath been resolved by many of the Judges (w) Coke 8. Report s 20. b. that if these Statutes be entred in the Parliament Rolls and allowed as acts of Parliament it shall be intended they were by Authority of Parliament With the Judicious Dr. Brady I shall not enquire how such Entry and such Allowance without any Words in the Statutes to that purpose can make them to be by Authority of Parliament But we may he sure those Words The King ordains The King wills being pronounced in Parliament and recorded in the Rolls thereof do clearly prove the King's Authority and Power in making Laws to be far greater than many Men would allow him or have him to enjoy (x) Lib. 3. c. 9. Bracton and the Author of (y) Lib. 1. c. 17. â—leta applying the Passage of the Civil Law Quod Principi placet Legis habet vigorem to the King of England say That Clause ought not to be understood of every thing that is rashly presumed to be his Will but of that which is justly determined upon good Advice and Deliberation by the Counsel of his Magistrates (z) Râ—ge Authoritatem prastante the King giving it Authority and confirming it for a Law and from hence (a) Cum ipse sit Author Juris non debet inde Injuriarum nasci occasio unde Jura nascuntur infer That when he himself is the Author of the Law Injustice ought not to spring from the same Fountain from whence the Law doth spring It is no diminution of the Sovereignty of a Prince in the matter of making Laws or repealing them to have the Assent of the Nobles and such a select Body of Great and Wise Men as the House of Commons are But when as in the Parliament 1641. the Two Houses claim a Co-ordinate Power and would make their Advices be swallowed as Commands it is this that all Loyal Persons should oppose We generally understand that the Persian Monarchy was as Absolute as any yet in it we have a manifest Discovery of the Concurrence of the Nobles in preparing a Decree The Persian manner of making Laws yet they wanted the King's establishing the Decree by his signing it whereby it might not be changed and Grotius thinks they signed it also (b) Dan. cap. 6. v. 7 8
Nec aliud adversus validissimas Gentes pro nobis utilius quam quod in commune non consulunt Vita Agricolae p. 308. but divided into Multitudes of little Kingdoms which made Tacitus observe That there was nothing more profitable to the Romans against the most puissant and valiant Nations than that they advised not in common CHAP. XXII Of the Government of the Britans and the Romans imposing their Laws upon them Antiquity of English Customs CHancellor (a) Regnum illud eisdem quibus jam regitur consuetudinibus continue regulatum suit De laudibus LL. Angliae c. 17. Fortescue affirms That in all the times of the Britans Saxons Danes and Normans and of their Kings this Realm was ruled with the self same Customs that it is now governed withal which he saith if they had not been right good some of those Kings moved either with Justice with Reason or Affection would have changed them or else altogether have abolished them and especially the Romans who did judge all the rest of the World by their own Laws So Sir Edward Coke (b) Epistle to the sixth Book of Reports saith the common Law of England was here before the Entry of the Romans Saxons Danes and Normans and it was never altered by any of them and so he (c) Proem to 2. Instit fol. 1. and 2. Instit fol. 3. makes Magna Charta Declaratory of the principal Grounds of the fundamental Laws of England and for the residue that it is additional to supply some Defects of the Common Law and was no new Declaration So Sir John Davis in his Preface to the (d) Leges mâ—â—ibus receptâ—â— majoris sunt Autoritatis quam leges scriptae Arist Polit. lib. 3. c. 12. Irish Reports magnifies the Common Law as Jus non scriptum better than all the written Laws in the World excelling Parliament Laws which are written coming nearest to the Law of Nature which is the Root and Touchstone of all good Laws When I read these Assertions I think it had been incumbent upon these learned Men to have deduced as far as they could by History some Testimonies of Ancient Writers to have confirmed their Positions But in none of them do we find the least offer of a Proof for what they say I think it would be a very commendable Work and very pleasant to all ingenious Persons The Benefit to have our Common Laws and Customs ascertained and compared with all Ancient Laws if some of the Long Robe would digest into Heads that which is owned as the Common Law For though Sir John Davis calls it unwritten and which had its beginning beyond the Memory of any Man living and that a Custom tryed and approved time out of mind doth become a Law to bind the People yet nothing can hinder but whatever is preserved in the Memory of Men living and owned as custom may be committed to writing Now I would not only desire it might be so written and published but that some judicious Lawyer who was likewise well versed in History and Antiquities would search out for some parallel written Laws among the Graecians and Romans as also compare all the Saxon Laws we have the Laws of the Lombards Boiarian Ripuarian and other Laws and then I doubt not but they would acquire a greater Veneration in the World and it would be known whether the Opinions of the learned Chancellor and Lord Chief Justice were to be relied upon as to the Antiquity of them before the Roman time The Glory of his Profession and of our Nation as to that learning he was versed in which was not small I mean (e) Notes upon Fortescue p. 14. ad 22. Mr. Selden hath given the best Solution to this point of the Antiquity of our Customs and Common Law that I have yet met with which I shall abstract in as summary a way as I can First he saith The Opinion of the Antiquity of our Common Law before the Civil is founded upon the Story of Brute of which the Chancellor speaks in his Thirteenth Chapter and that Story supposing him to be here more than three Hundred Years before Rome was built makes the Chancellor conclude our Common Law so Ancient but supposing there were some Truth in that Fiction how can the Chancellor be certain that the same kind of Law and Policy hath ever since continued unless an Oral Tradition may here find as great respect as it hath with some in spiritual matters The Antiquity of all Laws Therefore with Mr. Selden we may judge all Laws in general originally to be equally Ancient as being grounded upon Nature every Nation taking the grounds of their Laws from it and Nature being the same in all the beginning of all Laws must be the same Even from the first Peopling of the Land when Men by Nature being civil and sociable Creatures grew to plant common Society and I may add when they being under the Government of a Prince received Laws by his Appointment extracted out of the Laws of Nature the Necessity of Government and the Conveniences of the People we may date National Laws Now though the Law of Nature be truly said to be immutable yet it 's as true that it 's limitable and the limited Law of Nature is that now used in every State for the divers Opinions of Interpreters proceeding from the weakness of Mans Reason and the several conveniences of divers States have made those different Limitations which the Law of Nature hath suffered It falls out that in several Nations they are so disguised by the various Modifyings and Repairs that as to their first being they are like (f) Vbi nihil ex pristina materia supersit Jason's Ship that had nothing of the old Materials remaining Therefore the learned Selden adds That little follows in point of Honour or Excellency specially to be attributed to the Laws of a Nation in general by any Argument drawn from the difference of Antiquity which in substance is alike in all for as soon as Italy was peopled this beginning of Laws was there and so when there was first a State in that Land which the Common Law now governs there were natural Laws limited for the Convenience of civil Society here Notwithstanding the Opinion of the (g) De laudibus LLâ— Angliae c. 17. Chancellor that neither the Roman Civil Laws nor the Laws of the Venetians which above all other he saith are reported to be of most Antiquity nor the Laws of any Paynim Nation of the World are of so old and antient Years as the Customs or Common-Law of England and that they have weathered out the changes and overthrow of People by the Romans Saxons Danes and Normans Yet I cannot believe but every of those Nations when they obtained the Power of Government introduced their own Laws and abolished what they found not agreeable to their own Politie As to the British Laws Whence to learn the
(f) Glossar p. 362. Leges pristinas longa receptas consuetudine abolevit Britannisque novas dedit Sir Henry Spelman's Glossary I find that the Manuscript saith That he abolished the old Laws received by long Custom and gave to his Britans new ones which from the Makers Name are called the Laws of Hoel Dha Who over reads these Laws saith a judicious (g) Sacred Laws p. 76. Author will have little reason to think our Common Law ran from any such Fountain and it seems the old Laws and Customs of this People were far worse and more rude yet as the Proem informs us I know some will be displeased that I take no notice of the Mulmutian or of the Mercian Laws concerning which the Abbat (h) Jo. Bromp Coll. 956. num 10. of Jorval and the Monk (i) Lib. 1. c. 50. Concerning the Mercian Laws not British See for this and against it what the Judicious Selden hath writ in his fourth fifth and sixth Chapters of his Janus Anglorum in which the Story of Brute is judiciously confuted of Chester give this account That Dunwallo Mulmucius a British King who lived 430 years before our Saviour made those Laws which continued in esteem till Edward the Confessors days by the Name of the Leges Molmucinae in which he appointed Cities the Temples of the Gods and the Ways leading to them and the Ploughs of the Country Men to be Sanctuaries and after Mercia a Queen of the Britans Wife of Gwithelin whom Leland calls Mercia proba in the Minority of her Son saith the Monk of Chester who ruled in the Country of the Mercians published a Law full of Discretion and Justice called the Lex Mercia which two Laws Gildas the Historian translated out of the British Language into Latin and these in the Saxons time were called Merchena Laga or the Law of the Mercians which Alured the Saxon saith the Monk of Chester from the Latin turned into the Saxon Language and added the West Saxon Law and Canutus added the Danelga or Danish Law all which three being joyned together by Edward the Confessor made those we call the Common Law or King Edward's Laws To which I shall only give Sir Henry Spelman's answer in his Glossary That it is true that King Alfred did write the Mercian Laws into his own West Saxon Laws but as appears by the Preface to his Laws that he collected what ever he found in the Laws of King Ina his Countryman Offa King of the Mercians or Ethelbert who was first baptized and those that were just he collected others being rejected It is not probable that Offa a Saxon King the cruellest Enemy to the Britains having driven them out of all the Confines of his Kingdom into Wales should carry back their Laws as his Spoils especially the Laws being so wicked that in the next Age they should be expunged and juster Laws be chosen as we see in the Preface to those of Hoel Dha I shall offer but one Argument more and so conclude with Sir Henry Spelman's opinion When Ethelbert King of Kent made his Laws Anno 613. as in the next Chapter I shall relate Bede saith he framed them after the Roman Example after Romana Bisena by which we may understand either according to the Laws then used by the Civil or Ecclesiastic State of the Romans As to Sir Henry Spelman (k) Glossar tit Lex Whence most Laws after the breaking of the Roman Empire he saith when the Goths Saxons Longobards Danes Normans and other Inhabitants about the Baltic Sea and Northern parts of Germany had made great Conquests in Europe they imposed their Laws every where upon the conquered and their Country Riâ—â— hence the Agreement betwixt the Laws of the Germans French Italians Spaniards and Sicilians and who ever boast of the Antiquity of their Municipal Laws can deduce them no higher For (l) Quis enim victor populus sub victi legibus conquiniscet saith he What conquering People will bow the neck under the Laws of the conquered especially when they have ejected a great part of them out of the Country So that if the Britains had any Laws of their own after the Roman Conquest they must be preserved in the remotest parts of Scotland and after in Wales but England had other Laws as I shall make appear hereafter CHAP. XXIII Of the German Government and Laws of several Countries after breaking of the Roman Empire and an Introduction to understand the Saxon Law-makers HAving treated of the State of the Britans under the Romans I now in order should immediately treat of the Saxons great Councils and discover by what Authority Laws were made in their time who made up the great Council and whose advice was implied in the framing of their Laws But before I enter upon Particulars it may be needful to say something of the German Polity a Member of which most famous Country though we find not them mentioned during the time of the twelve Caesars no doubt the Saxons were Caesar tells us The Gods the Germans worshipped The Germans had no Druids * Germani neque Druidas habent qui rebus divinis praesint neque sacrisiciis student which attended Divine Matters nor did they study Sacrifices and that they accounted among the Gods those they see and from whom they are manifestly helped in their works as the Sun Vulcan and the Moon the rest they have not received as much as by report But Tacitus mentions their God Tuisto born of the Earth and his Son Mannus and that they worshipped Mercury most to whom they sacrificed Men but to Hercules and Mars other Animals Although the Germans Gauls and Britans were Barbarous yet they were Valiant and capable of great Improvement and that some worshipped Isis When I read in Caesar Tacitus Diodorus Strabo and others of the Barbarousness of the Germans Gauls and Britans their homely Diet poor Cottages and Clothing their Habitations dispersed according as there was convenience of Water or Wood and that uncultivated Disposition they describe I am ready to think before the Roman Attacques upon them they had lived something like the Savage Indians and had little of Arts or Industry among them but when I consider on the other side their great Armies their Weapons the Chariots of the Britans and Gauls called Esseda the (a) Lanceo ferreo cubitali longitudine latitudine duorum palmorum Aerea Galea caput muniâ—bant paulatim eminentiore in qua aut cornua impressa essent aut avium vel quadrupedum essigies sculptae Caesar l. 3. Lances of the Gauls with Heads of Iron a Cubit long and two Palms broad their large Shields and Brass Helmets the German Spears called Framâ—â—â— and the Ornaments of their Shields and Helmets with Figures of Birds or four-footed Beasts in Brass their orderly raising of such and such numbers of Men in such and such Circuits and Jurisdiction of Cities and their training up
as well as Norway which was the reason why William the Conquerour understanding that the Danish Law was used in that part where the Danes had settled themselves he preferred them before other Laws because his Country of Normandy was sprung from the Danes and Norwegians and it was with much difficulty that he was perswaded against imposing them upon the whole Kingdom saying the Danes and Norwegians were as sworn Brothers with the Normans These Danes entred about the year 790. and were at last overcome by King Alfred and by agreement betwixt him and Guthrun King of the Danes who governed the Kingdom of the East Angles and Northumbrians Guthruns People enjoyed the Danish Laws which differed from the other in nothing so much as the proportion of the Mulcts King Edward the Elder Aethelstan Edmund and Edgar made Laws but from the time of Edgar to Edward the Confessour the Danes having the principal Command the Danish Laws mostly prevailed But Edward the Confessour of these three Laws composed one which saith the Monk of (d) Lib. 1. c. 50. Edward the Confessor 's Laws composed of all Chester are called the Common Laws and to his Days were called the Laws of King Edward By all I have hitherto noted concerning the Laws either made in Germany France Lombardy Burgundy Bavaria or other Countries after they came to have any established Government of their own or in England during the Heptarchy It is apparent whoever was Soveraign imposed the Laws which as to the Saxons in the next Chapter I shall make particularly appear When the Roman Imperial Law began to be disused That the Roman Laws begun to be disused as soon as their Empire declined and was broken is as manifest for these several Nations by the appointment of their Soveraigns had their unwritten Customs and Laws revised and according to the suitableness of them to the Government of their People had them writ into Books and enjoyned them to be observed by their Subjects To make it evident that the Imperial Roman Law was much disused after Justinian's time upon the account of other Soveraignties being established which acknowledged not that dependence upon the Empire as formerly I shall offer something from Mr. (e) Notes upon Fortescue p. 20. Selden who if any other is to be credited in this kind of reading after I have said something of Justinian The Emperour Justinian (f) Proaem de Consirmatione Institutionum Of Justinian 's Laws in the year of our Lord 565 by the help of Tribonian Master and Exquaestor of the Sacred Palace and Exconsul and of Theophilus and Dorotheus Illustrious Men of whose Skill and Knowledge in the Laws and their Fidelity in observing his Commands the Emperour had manifold experience of Although he had commanded them by his Authority and Perswasions to compose those Institutions that the Subjects might not learn the Law from (g) Non ab Antiquis Fabulis discere sed ab Imperiali splendore appetere Breviter expositum quod antea obtinebat quod postea desuetudine inumbratum Imperiali remedio illuminatum est Legimus recognovimus plenissimum nostrarum constitutionum robur eis accommodavimus Ancient Fables but from the Imperial Splendor as he calls it desire them and after fifty Books of Digests or Pandects and four Books of Institutions were made in which were expounded whatever before-time was used and what by disuse was obscured by the Imperial Remedy was Illuminated and he had accomodated to them his fullest Authority and had appointed them to be read and taught at Rome Berytus and Constantinople and no where else Yet the body of the Civil Law was so neglected that till Lothar the Second about the year 1125. took Amalsi and there found an old Copy of the Pandects or Digests it was in a manner wholly disused Under that Lothar the Civil Law began to be profest at Bologna and one Irner or Werner made the first Glosses upon it about the beginning of Frederick Barbarossas's time in Anno 1150. and Bologna was by Lothar constituted to be Legum Juris Schola una sola (h) Sigon de Regno Italiae lib. 11. 7. This Book Lothar gave to the Pisans by reason whereof saith Mr. Selden it is called Litera Pisana and from thence it is now removed to Florence where in the Dukes Palace it is never brought forth but with Torch-light and other Reverence By this account we may note That even before Justinian's time some Laws had been rather by old Traditions which he calls old Fables than by certain Authority received others were by long disuse forgot and after they were thus established by Imperial Authority yet the succeeding Barbarity of the Ages and the new Kingdoms erected caused other Laws to obtain Force the first of which we find very rude All the first Laws we read of in any Nation seem either so comparatively to the refinedness of the Laws in these Ages or else the Digesters and Authorizers of them complain how obscure rude or indigested those were out of which they extracted theirs The great Subversion the Saxons made by their Conquest The Saxons made so great and universal a Subversion in the State that scarce any City Dwelling River Hill or Mountain retained its former Roman or British name so that we have less reason to expect any satisfactory account either of British History Polity or Laws when we only know where they had Camps Stations or Cities Palaces or Fortifications or Temples by the Coyns Brick tessellated Pavements Glass Earthen or Jett Fragments of Cups and other Houshold-stuff or Urns and Sacrificing Dishes which by chance have been found in the Rubbish of many Towns that have been certainly fired and totally demolished which sufficiently disâ—â—ver the noble Structures and rich Furniture the Romens and Britans had before the Saxon Invasions Besides which we may consider not only the continual Wars and Depredations the Saxons made one upon another but that the Daves like a fatal Hurricane or Whirlwind tore up Root and Branch every where overturning ransacking burning and destroying all that they could not peaceably possess Having thus far treated of the State of the Britans and something of the Laws in general A short Glossary of the Names or Titles of the Constituent Parts of Great Councils as a Praeliminary to the better understanding who are meant by the Persons who we find do constitute the great Councils I shall out of Sir Henry Spelman Somner and Doctor Brady give a very short Glossary referring the curious Reader to the Books themselves The most common Words in the Saxon Laws that are used besides the Bishops The Witan or Wites Einhard divides the Germans into four sorts of Degrees the Noble Free-men those made free and Servants his words are Quatuor differentiis gens illa consistiâ— Nobilium sâ—iliâ—et Liberorum Libertorum atque Servorum Adam Brem Hâ—â—t Eccles c. 5. to express the Persons
proved that he brought in the Feudal Law of Tenures and much of the Norman Laws and that in his time and for an Hundred years after the Justiciaries or Chief Justices the Chancellors Lawyers Ministerial Officers and under-Judges Earls Sheriffs Bailiffs Hundredaries c. were all Normans likewise the Military Men and Lords of Mannors mostly were such and in his Preface to the Norman History and his Answers to the forementioned Authors every where clears it and proves That though the Conqueror See for proof of the whole Eadmer Hist Novel fol. 6. num 10 20 30. Ingulph fol. 512. a. num 50. That these Great Barons as Tenents in Capite had power to make Laws and Constitutions to bind their Sub-Feudataries is apparent by what Malmsbury de 〈◊〉 Reg. lib. 3. saith That the Laws of W. Fitz-Ozborn Earl of Hereford remained still in force That no Soldier for any Offence should pay above 7 s. The Conqueror's Liberality to the Normans in the first beginning of his Reign promised fair Matters yet he observed no more of those Laws than served for his own interest Yet he also saith That where any Relaxation of the Rigor of the Feudal Laws was the benefit principally accrued to the Norman English who indeed were as active as could be expected to obtain ease to themselves and claim the Advantage of all the favourable Laws had been used in the Saxon times but they themselves were great Oppressors of those under them These Matters therefore being so copiously discoursed of by the learned Doctor I shall pass that whole matter by and come to the third Particular Sir Roger Twysden notes in the Conquerors Policy and so directly speak to the Constitutions of his Great Councils and his Sovereignty in making or confirming Laws As to the third Particular First it is clear that the Conqueror divided the Land among his great Men the Officers and Soldiers for proof of which we need no more but the Testimony of Gervase of (n) Black Book of the Exchequer Post regni conquisitionem post justam Rebellium subversionem facta est inquisitio diligens qui fuerint qui contra Regem in bello dimicantes per fugam se salvaverint hiis omnibus haeredibus eorum qui in bello occubuerunt spes omnis c. praeclusa Tilbury who saith That after the Conquest of the Kingdom and just subversion of the Rebels when the King himself and his great Men had viewed and surveyed their new Acquists there was a strict enquiry made who there were that fighting against the King had saved themselves by flight From these and the Heirs of such as were slain in Fight all hopes of possessing either Lands or Rents were cut off But such as were called and urged to fight against King William and did not if in Process of time they could obtain the favour of their Lords and Masters by an humble Obedience and Obsequiousness they might possess something in their own Persons without hopes of Succession their Children only enjoying it afterwards at the will of their Lords to whom when they became odious they were every where forced from their Possessions Because some are prejudiced against the judicious Doctor Brady for asserting the Conquerours changes that he made I hope they will give ear to what the learned Selden affirms thus * Ex quo cis Normannorum adventum praeter ipsum Regem non fuit in Anglia is qui Allodii ut lequantur Jure sundum possederit cum scilicet aliis ad unum omnes siduciarios proâ—e dixeris Dominos superiorem investiâ—urae Anctâ—rem interpesita side perpetuo agnâ—scâ—ntes Lib. 2. Jan. Ang. That some while since the coming in of the Normans there was not in England except the King himself any one who held Land in right of Freehold as they term it since in truth one may call all others to a Man only Lords in trust of what they had as those who by swearing Fealty and doing Homage did perpetually own and acknowledge a Superior Lord of whom they held and by whom they were invested in their Estates So he Now this Fealty and Homage is now held no kind of Slavery but then it was as I have elsewhere noted Let us hear what the same Mr. Selden a little below saith That the Conqueror did not totally change the Constitution of the Laws Probe tametsi dixeris eversum secundum quod disputant Jurisconsulti Anglicum Imperium Id. Gervas Tilâ— c. 23. Oblatis vomeribus in signum desicientis Agriculturae although we may truly say according to what Lawyers dispute That the English Empire and Government was overthrown by him Thus far that learned Man Let us now return to the Exchequer-book where we find That when a common miserable Complaint of the Natives came to the King that they thus exposed and spoiled of all things should be compelled to pass into other Countries At length after Consultation upon these things it was decreed That what they could by their deserts and lawful Bargain obtain from their Lords The English compound with their Lords they should hold by unviolable Right but should not claim any thing from the time the Nation was conquered under the Title of Succession or Descent Therefore he saith they were obliged by studied Compliance and Obedience to purchase their Lords Favour It is true that in the 55th Law of (o) LL. Gulielm primi Edit Twysden p. 170. William the Conqueror it is said That he wills and firmly commands and grants that all Freemen liberi Homines of the whole Monarchy of his Kingdom may have and hold their Lands and Possessions well and in (p) In pace libere ab omni exactione injusâ—a ab omni tallagio Peace free from all unjust Exactions and Tallage that is extraordinary Impositions and Taxes so as nothing be exacted or taken unless their free services which of Right they ought and are bound to perform to us and as it was appointed to them and given and granted to them by us as a perpetual Right of Inheritance by the Common Council of the whole Kingdom In which we may observe The English have little Benefit by his Relaxation of the Feudal Law that this was no Magna Charta made to English Men these liberi Homines were such as held in Military Service as appears by the 58th Law following and those then were Normans and the Relaxations to them were that these Fees were made Hereditary which was not frequent among Feudataries in those days and the Complaints that were made after and the amendments that Hen. 1. promised were mostly about the hard Taxes and Exactions Therefore I may conclude That the ordinary English tho' many of them might live upon the Lands they and their Ancestors had enjoyed yet their Tenure was changed and they were but Vassals to other Lords 'till by little and little by the ways I have mentioned under the first Heads they
William the Conquerour as a token of his Victory laid aside the greatest part of the English Laws and brought in the customs of Normandy and commanded Pleadings to be in French Jo. Brompton Abbat of Jorval gives us an account of the proper Laws of William the Conquerour Brompton's Account of the proper Laws of the Conqueror which he recites under four Heads and they are only concerning Pleas de examine Forensi and Mr. Selden gives this Character of him that he was Diligentissimus rerum nostrarum maxime autem Legum vetustiorum Indagator These are by way of Mandate thus W. Dei gratia Rex Anglorum omnibus ad quos scriptum hoc perveniat salutem Mando Praecipio per totam Anglicam Nationem custodiri As to the constituent Parts of the Great Councils in the Conquerour's time in many of them we have many Bishops names The Members of the Great Councils in the Conqueror's time and no others not so much as the Principes Primates or Magnates in general Anno 1071. 5 W. 1. the Plaint of (d) Rad. de Diceto col 483. num 30. Concil tom 2. fol. 4. Wulstan Bishop of VVorcester is said to be ended in Concilio celebrato in loco qui vocatur Pedreda coram Rege Doroberniae Archiepiscopo Primatibus totius Regni before the King the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Nobility or Prime Persons of the whole Kingdom The Election of (e) Gervas Dorobern col 1653. lin 5. Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury about this time or the year before is said to be thus the Seniors of the said Church electing him cum Episcopis ac Principibus Clero Populo Angliae in Curia Regis in Assumptione Sanctae Mariae Here the Episcopi Principes Bishops and Princes the Cleri Populus the Clergy and People or Laity were the same persons and only expressive of one another In the Charter (f) MS. in Bibl. Cotton sub essigie Vespas A. 19. e Chron. Rad. de Diceto Spelm. Concil Tom. 2. fol. 14. of William the Conqueror Anno 1077. 11 Regni after the Names of several Archbishops Bishops Earls and other Seniors Robert de Oyley Hamo dapifer signed it many illustrious Persons and Princes of divers Orders saith the Author being omitted Then is added His etiam illo tempore a Regia potestate è diversis Provinciis Vrbibus to this Universal Synod at Westminster were called In this the (g) Fol. 651. lin 22. Principes diversi Ordinis were the great dignified Clergy and the Temporal Nobility which is explained by Florence of Worcester speaking of such a like Convention 3 H. 1. Rex fuit apud Westmonasterium eo omnes Principes Regni Ecclesiastici secularis Ordinis and (h) Fol. 67. B. 20. Anno 1102. 3 H. 1. Eadmer of this very great Council 3 H. 1. says Primates Regni utriusque Ordinis huic conventui affuerunt that is The Princes or great Men of the Clergy and Laity which were no other but the Archbishops Bishops Abbats and Priors of the one Order and the Dukes Earls Barons and greater Tenents in Capite of the other and for the expression è diversis Provinciis Vrbibus (i) Fol. 302. Doctor Brady hath sufficiently explained it in his Answer to the Argumentum Anti-Normanicum In a Charter of this King for changing the (k) Monast vol. 1. fol. 44. Anno 1084. 18 W. Conqu Canons of Duresm into Monks it is said Haec Charta confirmata est apud Westmonasterium in Concilio meo Anno Regni 18. praesentibus omnibus Episcopis Baronibus meis In the Charter of the same (l) Spelm. Concil tom 2. fol. 14. e MS. penes Dec. Capit. B. Pauli Lond. A. fol. 1 2. King about separating of Ecclesiastic Pleas from Civil it is thus expressed William by the Grace of God King of England to R. Bainard G. de Magnavilla and P. de Valoines and all his Fideles of Essex Hereford-shire and Middlesex Know they and all other his Fideles which remain in England that he hath (m) Leges quae non bene c. Communt Concilio Concilio Arâ—â—iepisct porum Epi coporum Abbatum omnium Principum Râ—gni mei emendand is judiâ—avi propterea mando Regia Auâ—loritate â—racipio c. thought fit with his Common Council and the Council of Archbishops Bishops and Abbats and of all the Princes of his Kingdom to amend the Episcopal Laws which were neither well nor according to the command of the Holy Canons before his time observed in his Kingdom Therefore he saith he commands and by his Royal Authority enjoyns that no Bishop or Arch-deacon hold their Pleas any longer in the Hundred From all which we may observe Remarks upon what before is laid down First That the Conqueror introduced the Feudal Laws of the Normans and according to them disposed of the Lands of the conquered Saxons to be held of his Norman Followers and that he brought in several others of the Laws and Customs of his Country Secondly That he difficultly granted to his People the Laws of King Edward and those he amended at his pleasure and all that he either confirmed or established he did by his Royal Prerogative using the single Person in the Sanction of them and the Imperative in the commanding or forbiding and those Laws which properly may be called his own were by way of Charter or Mandate and in the Councils purely Ecclesiastical the King summoned them as is apparent in (n) Annal. Binaiae tom 3. part 2. fol. 249. Hoveden where he saith eodem Anno i. e. 10703 Regni Concilium magnum in Octavis Paschae Wintoniae celebratum est jubente praesente Rege W. c. of which more below The great Selden notes as the Members of the Great Council in the time of the Norman Kings for the Barons such as had 13 Knights Fees and a third part His words are Interfuere Parliamentis sub Normannorum tempora quotquot 13 Feudis Militaribus 3 unius parte investiti Barones ab amplis praediis ita dicti Jan. Ang. p. 139. Thirdly There are no Members of these great Councils mentioned but the Archbishops Bishops and Abbats for the Clergy and the Optimates and Principes for the Laity Fourthly That though the sole Power of enacting Laws was in himself yet he used the Advice of his Common Council of his Kingdom as is expressed in the 55th Law thus Prout statutum est eis illis a nobis datum concessum jure haereditario in perpetuum per Commune Concilium totius Regni nostri praedicti which Commune Concilium consisted of the Bishops Abbats Earls Barons and principal Tenents in Capite as is every where clear no Commons having Vote or otherwise represented Lastly (o) Hist Novel p. 6. num 30. Non sinebat quicquam statuere ant prohibere nisi quae suae voluntati accommoda
Curiae suae Baronum Parium suorum So Anno 1240. 24 H. 3. (i) Graviter accusatus coram Rege Curia tota Lond. Mat. Westm 153. Matthew Paris saith That Hubert de Burgo Earl of Kent was grievously accused before the King and his whole Court and it was adjudged he should resign to the King four of his Castles I cannot omit one memorable passage that (k) Mat. Westm Anno 1260. p. 295 296. Anno 1260. 44 H. 3. there falling out a difference betwixt King Hen. 3. Prince Edward his Son Simon Montfort and other Nobles the King called his Baronage to St. Pauls and there it being urged that Prince Edward had done some injuries to the King he offered to prove himself innocent before the King and his Uncle who was King of the Romans saying Who are Peers of Prince Edward That none of (l) Omnes alios Barones Comites sibi de â—ure non esse Pares nec sâ—â—s in eum excercerâ— disâ—ussiones the rest of the Barons and Earls were by right his Peers nor ought to exercise upon him their Discussions of the matter By which it appears that he judged himself to be something more than a Peer of the Realm being the Heir apparent of the Crown I might fill a large Volum with the Histories and Records to prove this but since Levellers and the House of Commons that voted the House of Lords dangerous and useless have received such deadly wounds by Mr. Prynne in his Plea for the Lords who was once one of their own Champions I think it needless to whet those Weapons again since they always will be in readiness for any one to make use of if need require and shall only obviate one objection that may be urged That whatever the usage was before the Representatives of the Commons An Objection That after the House of Commons were admitted the Jurisdiction of the Lords House was lessened Answered yet the Commons after were often admitted to a share of Judicature in some cases But I shall give a few Instances how after this change of the Constitution of Parliament still this power of Judicature remained in the King and House of Lords Roger de (m) 4 E. 3. num 11.28 E. 3. num 9 10. Mortimer being accused of High Treason 4 E. 3. for the Murther of King Edward 2. after his resignation and unlawful deposition Knighton (n) De Event Angliae lib. 3. c. 16. col 1556 1557. giving an account of the proceedings agreeable to the Parliament Roll saith Rex praecepit Comitibus Baronibus caeteris Magnatibus Regni justum judicium ferre super praedicto Rogero de Mortimer So at the Parliament held at Salisbury 7 R. 2. W. de Zouch is said to be called to the Parliament to stand to the Judgment (o) Ad standum judicio Regis Domincrum Walâ—ingham p. 334. Hist Ang. Hypodig Neust p. 141. of the King and the Lords So Michael de la Pole Earl of Suffolk and Chancellor of England 10 R. 2. (p) Rot. Parl. 10 R. 2. num 6. ad 18. was accused by the Commons in full Parliament before the King Bishops and Lords and at last it is said The Lords in full Parliament gave judgment against him In the Parliament 11 R. 2. Thomas Duke of Gloucester offered to put himself upon his Tryal as the Lords of the Parliament would award c. After which the Lords as well Spiritual as Temporal claimed their Liberties and Franchises namely That all weighty matters in the same Parliament which should be after moved touching the Peers of the Land should be judged and determined by them by the course of Parliament and not by the Civil Law nor yet by the Common Law of the Land used in other Courts of the Realm Yet this seems a very high Demand for they have not Juris dandi but dati Jurisdictionem as they are a Court of Ministerial Jurisdiction being the Court of the King's Barons in Parliament And though when upon Writ of Error (q) Egerton sect 4.22 23. any Judgment in the King's Bench is examined in the House of Lords and there affirmed or reversed the Judgment is said to be affirmed or reversed in Parliament yet we cannot conclude they have the Power of the High Court of Parliament that their Decrees if against the Law should be as binding as Acts of Parliament How the Lords judge ministerially And though the same House in the same Session may not have Power to review again their own Judgment nor to restore again any Judgment they have reversed because they judge ministerially and not sovereignly and so bind their own Hands as well as their Inferiors whereas an Absolute Supreme Court is never at the last Period of Jurisdiction yet we see Attainders in one Parliament reversed in another and so may their Judgments be But this obiter I shall but add one proof more being full and express to the purpose to prove the House of Lords sole Jurisdiction with the King who must always be understood to give Judgment by them The Record is 1 H. 4. (r) Rot. Par. 1 H. 4. num 79. Exact Abridgment p. 392. where it is said That 3 Nov. the Commons in this Parliament shewed to the King Come les joggements du Parlement apperteignent soulement au Roy Seignieurs nient aus Communes c. That the Judgments of Parliament appertained only to the King and to the Lords and not unto the Commons Thereupon they prayed the King out of his special Grace to shew unto them the said Judgments and the cause of them that so no Record might be made in Parliament against the said Commons which are or shall be parties to any Judgment given or hereafter to be given in Parliament without their Privity Whereunto the Archbishop of Canterbury gave them this Answer by the Kings Commandment That the Commons themselves are Petitioners and Demanders and that the King (s) Et que le Roy les Seigniours de tout temps ont eues averont de droit les Juggement in Parliament en manere come mesmes les Communes soâ—t monstres and Lords from all times have had and shall have of right the Judgments in Parliaments in manner as the Commons have shewed How far the King and House of Lords have been Judges of the Priviledges of the House of Commons I shall declare in that part of this Chapter wherein I treat of that House SECT 5. Of the Assistants to the House of Lords HAving thus far treated of the Constituent Parts of the House of Lords I come now to the Assistants to this most Honourable House which were mostly the (t) Prynne's Brief Register part 1. sect 3. p. 240. The Judges and other Assistants of the House of Lords King 's Great Officers as well Clergy-men as Secular Persons who were no Lords or Barons of the Realm as namely his Treasurer
allow no alteration but in that of Dudley Which makes some observe Lawyer out-lawed p. 12. That if the House of Commons had then known they had any Power to mend the said Returns or punish the Offenders or Sir Edward Coke had known it had been Law he had never been sent on that Message So that what Authority the House hath it hath accrued since SECT 11. Concerning the House of Commons Censuring Imprisoning and Expelling their own Members AS to the Commons Imprisoning and Punishing their own Members The Reasons for this Privilege for words by them spoken or Misdemeanors committed in the House there may be some reason for it First Stat. 4. H. 8. c. 8. Coke 4. Instit p. 25. 31 H. 6. c. 26 27. because by Law they are not Punishable elsewhere for any rash indeliberate and inordinate Speeches in Parliament which do not amount to Treason Felony or Breach of the Peace which it is supposed none in that rightly constituted House will protect though done in the House of Commons begun in 1641. Secondly It is to be supposed that the Members upon their entring into that House unanimously agree for order sake that the lesser number should always submit to the greater So by such Consent and original Compact every single Member submitting himself to the rest he hath no such reason to complain although they had no such Authority for scienti volenti non fit Injuria provided that they exceed not the common Rules of Justice nor the Bounds of Established Laws for then no private Act can bind a Subject though made with his own free Consent as appears in Clark's Case against the Mayor and Burgesses of St. Albans Coke lib. 5. p. 64. The first Precedent I find that any Member of the House of Commons was complained and Petitioned against for Misdemeanors and put to answer before the King and Lords in Parliament Rot. Parl. 16. R. 2. num 6. and there judged and fined was 16 R. 2. the Wednesday after the Parliament began when Sir Philip Courtney Members of the House of Commons punished for Misdemeanour by the King and Lords returned one of the Knights for Devonshire came before the King in full Parliament and said that he understood how certain people had accused and slandered him to the King and Lords therefore prayed to be discharged of the said Imployment until the accusations c. were tryed and because his said Prayer seemed honest to the King and the Lords the King granted him his Request and discharged him in full Parliament Exact Abridgment p. 417. and the Monday following at the Instance and Prayer of the Commons the King granted that he should be restored and remitted to his Place In the Parliament 4 H. 4. the accusations against him being re-inforced the King and Lords adjudged that he should be bound to his good Behaviour and committed to the Tower for his Contempt By which saith Mr. Prynne it appears Plea for the Lords p. 386 387. That only the King and Lords in full Parliament can suspend or discharge any Knights or Commoners sitting in Parliament and have Power of restoring and re-admitting a suspended Member of the Commons House and he answers the Precedents that Sir Edward Coke brings 4 Instit p. 23 and 3 Inst p. 22. Vide pag. 296 297 299 344 371 372 373. and many others which would be tedious here to insert The first Precedent he finds The first Precedent of the House of Commons secluding their Members that the Commons began to seclude one another upon Pretence of undue Elections and Returns was in Queen Elizabeth's time when Thomas Lucy 8 Eliz. was removed out of the House for giving four Pound to the Mayor of Westbury to be chosen a Burgess and the Mayor fined and imprisoned and 23 Eliz. Mr. A. Hâ—ll for publishing the Conferences of the House and writing a Book to the dishonour of the House was committed to the Tower for six Months and fined five hundred Mark and expelled the House and in King Charles the First 's time this Power over their Fellow-Members was greatly improved in which how far Mr. Prynne then concurred I know not but after he was secluded he every where writes with great earnestness against this usage but whether with Judgment Law and Reason I shall leave others to judge only I think fit to insert some of his Invectives against the Proceedings of that unparallell'd house of Commons First he saith There can be no legal Trial or Judgment given in Parliament in Criminal Causes or others Id. p. 309. Mr. Prynne's Reasons against this Usage without Examination of Witnesses upon Oath as in all other Courts of Justice which the House of Commons cannot do Littleton sect 212. Coke ibid. Secondly That it is a Rule both of Law and Justice That no Man can be an Informer Prosecutor and Judge too of the persons prosecuted and informed against the Commons being in the nature of the Grand Inquest Coke 4. Inst p. 24. being summoned from all parts of the Kingdom to present Publick Grievances and Delinquents to the King and Peers for their Redress Plea for the Lords p. 373. Thirdly That all the objected Precedents are of very puny date within time of memory therefore unable to create a Law or Custom of Parliament or any right of sole Judicature in the House of Commons Fourthly Id. p. 387. That all these Precedents were made by the Commons themselves unfit Judges in their own Cases much less over one another being all of equal Authority so that in his opinion they could no more expel or eject any of their Members by their own Authority without the King and Lords concurrent consent See Legal Vindication p. 10. than one Justice of Peace Committeeman or Militia-man can unjustice or remove another since par in parem non habet potestatem neither in Ecclesiastical Civil Id. p. 373. Military or Domestick Affairs Fifthly That they are all against Law because coram non Judice he having throughout the whole Discourse endeavoured to prove That the Commons have no right or power of Judicature much less of sole Judicature in our Parliaments but only the King and Lords Sixthly That these Precedents are but few never judicially argued and rather connived at than approved by the King and Lords taken up with other more publick business therefore passing sub silentio they can make no Law or Right as is resolved in Long 5 E. 4. fol. 110. Cook 's four Rep. fol. 93 94. Slade's Case and six Rep. fol. 75. Drurie's Case Seventhly In the long Parliament of King Charles the First they began to seclude Projectors Exact Collections of Ordinances p. 541. to 558. Monopolists c. though duly elected then suspended and ejected such who were Royalists and adhered to the King then they proceeded to imprison and eject those Members Plea for the Lords p.
expelled the House but if a favourer of the Cause he was never recriminated with that or any other by-past or present ill disposition In such Assemblies there often happen one sort of People who are always representing grievances complaining of Male-administration troubling the Church and State shaking up the Lees and Dregs in the richest Vessel of Wine these have learned to catch Eels Tacitus notes the corruptions of the Roman Senate The Corruptness of the Roman Senate which necessitated the change of that State into a Monarchy under Augustus fully significantly and concisely after his manner Suspecto Senatus Populique imperio ob certamen Potentium avaritiam Magistratuum invalido legum auxilio qua vi ambitu postremo pecuniaturbabantur The Provinces observing in this Supremacy of the Senate and People the contests of the most Powerful the Covetousness of the Magistrates the feeble help the Laws afforded by the Arbitrariness of the Senate we may presume by what force and moyen and lastly how all things were distracted by Bribery they were the more easily induced to admit of one Soveraign These particulars were most obvious in the fatal House of Commons Besides these things I have hinted at Of cunning and designing Men. in such a body as we are speaking of where there cannot want men designing some dangerous Revolutions for the establishing their own greatness though some few wise men may be apprehensive of their designs yet we know maxima est pars artis celare artem Such contrivers will be sure by all imaginable Arts to conceal their intentions and obtain an Ascendent over the Judgment of the gross Body who either are not so quick-sighted or aiming at no such things themselves judge others candor by their own and so by their helps the designers may carry the Vote against even such as penetrate further into the aims of the Contrivers than the Majority do so that those that have good ends may be hood winked by others whose ends are worse Fallit enim vitium specie virturis umbra and private ends will steal upon well affected for all grand Conspiracies are veiled under the Mask of Reformation of removing Grievances and evil Counsellors Gallant and vertuous actions do not more often ingratiate men with such a mixed body than a rolling Tongue a precipitate Head vain-glorious profusion oyly insinuations feigned devotions sufferings though deserved from Superiours and above all opposition to the present State So the memorable long Parliament of 1641. by the specious pretences of redressing Grievances The specious Pretences of the Long Parliament taking care of the Public and particularly of the Liberty of the Subject and their Privileges together with vehement Expressions of their Resolutions of Establishing the Kings Throne upon more firm foundations of the peoples Hearts and Affections by insensible Screws wound themselves into the credit of Patriots and being thereby able to carry a numerous party with them in all their Votes by little and little made such encroachments upon the Soveraignty that having undermined it past support they took the advantage of its fall and ruine out of the same specious pretence that the Commonwealth might suffer no detriment to propose their long designed Model of Government not as by them forethought on but as a necessary expedient to accomplish the end as they pretended they had all this while been aiming at viz. the Peoples prosperity which 〈◊〉 they endeavoured to make the World believe they were most Zealous for when God knows the upshot of all was the total dissolution of the best constituted Government and the Establishing themselves a fattened Commonwealth out of the rich spoils of Monarchy Yet these very men were they who some years before possessed as many as they could delude with an opinion Their Hypocritical Promises that none knew better nor affected more the sweetness of so well ballanced a Monarchy than they and that the Kings just Authority was Sacred to them that they would make him more rich and glorious than any of his Predecessors The Observer told the World That it had been often in the Power of former Parliaments to load the Government with greater Fetters and Clogs but they would not and that change of Government could not be in their desires because the advantage of the Lords and Commons in the State was so great that no change of Government could better them except each one could obtain an hereditary Crown But these were but vain flourishes and empty aiery offers success altered their Principles and they were ill troubled to find out excuses and evasions after the Murther of the Blessed King and change of Government for these their so hypocritical Declarations From all which I shall only desire that Posterity may be cautious how they credit the truth of those who in such Conventions are the most active for any Innovation if they see that they zealousliest pretend some greater happiness to the People by lessening the Authority of the Crown It is reported of Frederick the Emperour (c) Aeneas Sylvius de diaetis Fred. Imp. that in the Speech to the Senators he desired them before they entred into the House of their Assembly they would leave two things behind them and then they would give right Judgment and being asked what those were he told them Simulatio dissimulatio Counterfeiting and Dissembling Another of their Arguments How many Counsellors may mislead for the preference of the Houses Counsel before all other Councils was that many Eyes of so many choice Gentlemen from all parts see more than fewer which Sophism easily midwived in the conclusion that then the two Houses judgment of Affairs was to be preferred before the King and his Privy Councils and the Commons before the Peers and by a parity of Reason though they desired not it should be urged so far home that the body of the People was to be preferred before the Commons House which might be urged upon as common a Proverb That By-standers see more than Gamesters But who are so blind as those that will not see Those very Seers if they would have made use of their Eyes to have perused the Histories of former Ages on what specious pretensions Rebellions had begun and how the Laws had settled the Government in an unparallel'd security of the Peoples Rights as well as the Prerogative of the Crown or by serious consideration foreseen the certain and inevitable miseries that would follow the weakning of the Crown and the necessitating the King for his defence to take up Arms these quick-sighted Commoners might have prevented all those Calamities that ensued The Elected like the Electors Whoever considers how easie it is to possess a People with prejudices against the Government of which elsewhere I must enlarge will soon find that it is no difficult matter to have such Elections of Members as were like to be of the same perswasion with the Electors So that
Second as they found it in the Latin (o) Cl. 1. R. 2. m. 44. Records therefore before I apply those it is needful to note the Latin which as we find it 1 R. 2. was this Capto per Archiepiscopum Cantuar. Sacramento Dom. Regis Corporali de concedendo servando cum sucra confirmatione Leges consuetudines ab antiquis justis Deo devotis Regibus Angliae Progenitoribus Plebi Regni Angliae concessas praesortim leges consuetudines libertates a gloriosissimo sanctissimo Rege Edwardo Clero Populoque Regni praedicti concessas servando Deo Ecclesiae Sanctae Domini Cleroque Populo pacem concordiam integre in Deo juxta vires suas de faciendo fieri in omnibus judiciis suis aequam rectam Justitiam discretionem in misericordia veritate otiam de tenendo custodiendo justas Leges Consuetudines Ecclesiae de faciendo per ipsum Dom. Regem eas esse protegendas ad honorem Dei corroborandas quas vulgus juste rationabiliter elegerit juxta vires ejusdem Dom. Regis This is an additional Clause This is verbatim the Latin for the preceding French except in the additional Clause and the Conclusion which makes the just Laws and Customs both to relate to those of the Church and those that the Vulgar shall have justly and reasonably chosen The like we find (q) Rot. Parl. 1 H. 4. num 16 17. 1 H. 4. and in the Pontificale of the Archbishops and Bishops and it is added after the King hath King Henry the Fourth's Oath as before expressed answered to the Proposals Pronunciatis omnibus confirmat Rex se omnia servaturum Sacramento super Attari praestito coram cunctis i. e. that the King by his Oath taken upon the Altar before all present to observe these confirms them The Solemnities and Ceremonies used at the Coronation of King Richard the Second may be perused at large in Tho. (r) Hist Aug. fol. 194 195. Juravit coraem Archiepiscopo Proceribus qui ibi aderant quoniam ipsi solum ejus Juramentum audire potuerunt Walsingham and he saith he swore before the Bishops and Nobles there present for they only could hear his Oath that he would permit the Church to enjoy its Liberties and would honour it and its Ministers that he would hold right Faith and would forbid Rapines and all Iniquities in all their Degrees 2ly That he would make to be kept every where the good Laws of the Land and especially the Laws of St. Edward King and Confessor who was buried in that Church and would make all evil Laws to be abrogated 3ly That he would not be an accepter of Persons but would make right Judgment betwixt man and man that especially he (s) Praecipue misericordiam observaret sicut sibi suam indulgeat misericordiam clemens misericors Deus would observe Mercy as the Clement and Merciful God might grant Mercy to him Having thus given an account of these Coronation Oaths I come to the Objections First They (t) Prynne's Treachery and Disloyalty Answer to the Objections about the Words Quas vulgus elegerit say that the word Vulgus doth signifie the two Houses and the word elegerit is to be taken in the Future Tense so that the King is obliged to consent to such Laws as the two Houses especially the Commons do chuse It is a wonder to me how men that pretended to any reading or learning in Antiquities or in the Constitution of the Government could defend their Cause with such pitiful Reasonings especially against King Charles the First who neither had taken such an Oath nor many of his Predecessors before him The Latin Translation of two French words gave all the occasion of dispute for that which is called Communate is rendered Plebs and Vulgus and aura eslu is translated elegerit whereas were it to have been understood in the Future Tense it should have been eslira and agreeable to that in all the Authentick Records of the Exchequer the word elegerit is Englished in the Preterperfect Tense Thus much may suffice as to the word elegerit Dr. Brady's Glossary will satisfie the Curious about the import of the word it self Concerning the word Vulgus one solid (u) Freeholders Grand Inquest b. 46. What meant by Vulgus according to the Opinion of some Author saith That we may be confident that neither the Bishops Privy Council Parliament or any other whosoever they were that framed or penned this Oath ever intended in this word the Commons in Parliament much less the Lords they would never so much disparage the Members of Parliament as to disgrace them with a Title both base and false It had been enough if not too much to have called them Populus the People but Vulgus the Vulgar the rude multitude which hath the Epithete of ignobile vulgus is a word as dishonourable to the Composers of the Oath to give or for the King to use as for the Members of the Parliament to receive therefore he judgeth that by Vulgus must be meant the Common People not the Lords and Commons But then saith the same Author the doubt will be what the Common People or Vulgus out of Parliament have to do to chuse Laws In answer to which the preceding word is to be considered Consuetudines quas Vulgus elegerit the Customs which the Common People have chosen If we observe the nature of Custom Customs chosen by the Vulgar or Common People it is the Vulgus or Common People only who chuse Customs Common usage time out of mind creates a Custom and the commoner the usage is the stronger and the better is the Custom No where can so common an usage be found as among the Vulgar who are still the far greatest part of every multitude If a Custom be common through the whole Kingdom with us it is all one with the Common Law of England which is often called Common Custom so that to protect the Customs which the Vulgar chuse is to swear to protect the Common Laws of England Agreeable to this is what the learned Dr. Brady (w) Glossary p. 36. notes That upon the whole it signifies no more than that the Community had chosen that is owned submitted to and desired still to use their Old Customs which by use time out of mind they had enjoyed for the better management of Affairs and Conveniency betwixt Man and Man all the Nation over or in any particular County Hundred Town City or Burrough such long practices being the foundation of all Customs but these are to be just which intrench not upon the Government or Laws and by permission and sufferance only become Laws But the same (x) Id. p. 35. Author judiciously affirms That the Community here intended was the Community of the Bishops What meant by the Community Abbats Priors
agreeth with the Act of Parliament 37 E. 3. c. 18. where it is said before the Chancellor Treasurer and Great Council Thirdly The Kings Privy Council which appears to be different from the last Great Council by many Records and particularly by that of (c) Rot. Claus 16 E. 2. m. 5. dorso 16 E. 2. where it is said Hen. de Bellomont Baron of the Kings Great and Private Council was sworn This Council is called Concilium Privatum secretum continuum Regis The Privy Council properly so called Lord President The First Member of this Council is the Lord President who was anciently called Principalis Consiliarius and sometimes Capitalis Consiliarius The first Lord President Sir Edward Coke (d) 4. Instit c. 2. fol. 55. 1. par Pat. num 22. John Bishop of Norwich is mentioned 7 Jo. by Matt. Paris fol. 205. mentions was the Earl of Lancaster 50 E. 3. 1 R. 2. then he reckons these in order the Duke of Bedford 1 H. 6. the Duke of Gloucester 10 H. 6. the Duke of York 11 and 22 H. 6. John Russel Bishop of Rochester and after of Lincoln is called President 13 E. 4. John Fisher Bishop of Rochester 12 H. 7. Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk from the 25th to the 37th of H. 8. the Lord Pawlet 1 E. 6. the Duke of Northumberland 5 and 7 of E. 6. the Earl of Arundel 1 and 2 Ph. and M. in Q. Elizabeth's time we find none but in this Catalogue Mr. Prynne (e) Animadv p. 45. Pat. 13 E. 4. part 1. m. 3. hath truly noted That the Bishop of Rochester was not made President of the Kings Council but of the Prince's and was his Tutor as appears by the Patent it self there cited dated the 10th of Nov. This Office of Lord President was never granted but by Letters Patents under the Great Seal durante beneplacito In the Statute of 21 H. 8. c. 2. he is said to be attendant on the Kings most Royal Person the reason of which saith Sir Ed. Coke is That of latter times he hath used to report to the King the Passages and the State of the business at the Council Table The Lord Privy Seal is the next Principal Person that hath Precedence in the Kings Council Lord Privy-Seal concerning whose Office my Lord (f) 4. Instit c. 2. fol. 56. Coke hath discoursed at large to whom I must refer the Curious Reader as also to him for the Acts of Parliament Orders of the same and Acts of Council together with Mr. Prynne's (g) P. 45. Animadversions whereby the Privy-Council was to be regulated and concerning the Jurisdiction and Proceedings of the Kings Council Mr. Lambard's (h) P. 108. to 116. fol. 29. Archaion and Mr. Crompton's Jurisdiction of Courts may be consulted the several Bundels of Petitions to the King and his Council in the Tower of London and the Answers to them the Placita Parliamentaria coram Rege Concilio in the Tally Office of the Exchequer and in the Parchment Book of them in the Tower under King Edward the First printed by Mr. (i) In Placit Parl. Append. Those summoned to Parliaments as Assistants called the King's Council and in Parliament-time joyned with the King's Council in several Cases Ryley Of this Privy Council there seems to me to be two sorts one constantly attending the King and his Affairs the other in Parliament time only which had their particular Summons as I have before at full discoursed of and these two I find so obscurely distinguished that it is difficult in some places to understand which are meant but I think in time of Parliament these were joyned to the Kings Council for besides that they had a distinct Summons and in them as a specifical distinction the word caeteris was omitted in that part of the Summons which runs dictis die loco personalitor intersitis nobiscum ac cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus c. because they were not Parliamentary Barons there was also added in proceedings and judgments upon them these words coram ipso Domino Rege ejus concilio ad Parliamenta sua or ad Parliamentum suum or coram Concilio nostro in praesenti Parliamento For the particular Instances of which being they are very numerous Mr. Prynn's (k) A pag. 363. ad pag. 393. brief Register may be consulted wherein it seems to me upon the perusal of the several Records that these Assistants to the House of Lords were likewise joyned to the rest of the Kings standing Council in Parliament time so it is expressed in the Case of (l) Idem pag. 378. John Salâ—eyn and Margaret his Wife and Isabel her Sister Daughters and Heirs of Robert de Ross de Work thus Habito super praemissis diligenti tractatu per ipsum Dom. Regem totum Concilium and in the same it is thus also worded videtur Dom. Regi Concilio suo concordatum est consideratum per ipsum Dom. Regem Concilium suum So in others per Concilium Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Comitum Baronum caeterorumque (m) Idem pag. 380. de Concilio suo existentium singulis de Concilio suo totius Concilii Domini Regis So in 21 E. 1. the Archbishop of York's Case videtur Domino Regi in pleno Parliamento praedicto Comitibus Baronibus Justiciariis similiter toti Concilio ipsius Dom. Regis and so it is said Magnates alios de Concilio ipsius Domini Regis rogavit This is further cleared by sundry (n) Idem pag. 383. The Court of Star-chamber was said to be coram Rege Concilio suo See Coke Inst 4. c. 5. Prefaces to and passages in our Printed Statutes as formerly I have noted So the Statute of Bigamy 4 Oct. 4 E. 1. saith In the presence of certain Reverend Fathers Bishops of England and others of the Kings Council the constitutions under written were recited after heard and published before the King and his Council for as much as all the Kings Council Justices and others did agree So the Statute of Quo Warranto 30 E. 1. Cum apud Westminster per nos Concilium nostrum provisum So 33 E. 1. it is agreed and ordained by the King and all his Council So 42 E. 3. c. 3. the Statute made on Petition of the Commons in Parliament begins (o) Plese a nostre Seigneur le Roy son bon Counsel pur droyt Government de son Peuple ordeigner Pleaseth it our Lord the King and his good Council for the better Government of his People to ordain By great store of Records it is apparent that in old times the Kings and their Councils gave Judgment in divers Cases of difficulty and other Common Cases concerning the Law of the Realm (p) See 11 H. 4. num 28. 63. Respectuatur per Dom. Principem Concilium Pryn. Animadv p. 39. 264 265 267 296.
ei nihil turpe cui nihil satis 3ly That he should be Avarus Rei Publicae covetous for the Kings Treasure and Commonwealth 4ly That he super omnia sit expertus that he be expert in what place the King shall imploy him for great Offices are never well managed by a Deputy When quick and when deliberate Counsels are best where the Officer himself is but a Cypher As to Counsels themselves Livy (p) In rebus asperis tenuis spei fortissima quaeque consilia tutissima sunt Lib. 22. excellently notes That in matters that are ground to an edge or drawn to a sharp point and where hope is only left in the bottom the boldest and quickest Counsels are safest yet it must be with great circumspection well considered when and upon what occasions such Counsels must be taken for the same (q) Consilia calida audacia prima specie laeta sunt tractatu dura eventu tristia Idem lib. 31. Author notes elsewhere That subtile and bold Counsels on the first view may be pleasing but are difficult in handling and in the event often Calamitous therefore rashness can never consist with Counsel duo adversissima rectae menti saith (a) Lib. 3. Male cuncta ministrat impetus Statius Thucydides Celeritas Ira Haste and Passion are of all things most opposite to Right Counsel therefore Curtius (b) Novanâ—is quam gerendis rebus aptiora ingenia illa ignca speaking of such saith Fiery and furious Spirits are more fit to innovate things and create Factions than to manage Affairs steddily (c) Praepropera consilia sunt raro prospera So hasty Counsels are rarely Prosperous because Resolution should never go before Deliberation nor Execution before Resolution When (d) Prinsquam incipias consuli o ubi consulueris mature fado opus est Sallust upon Debate and Deliberation it is by the Council-Table well resolved the change thereof upon some private information is neither safe nor honourable nor that after timely Resolution timely Execution be delay'd Violent (e) Coke Inst 4. p. 57. courses are like to hot Waters that may do good in an extremity but the use of them doth spoil the Stomach and it will require them stronger and stronger and by little and little they will lessen their own operation To leave this great Theme as too illustrious and sublime a Subject for one to treat of that hath lived in the Shade I shall now proceed to make some other remarks why our Laws give our Kings the sole power of chusing to themselves a Privy-Council and how the designers of 41. would have wrested that Power from the King Besides (f) Review of Observations p. 10. The King's Prerogative to chuse his Privy-Council what is common to all men to have a free liberty to whom they will impart their private Affairs and desire Counsel upon them our Laws being built upon firm foundations of reason considering that in the power of making of Laws the power of two numerous bodies were opposed against the Person of the single Soveraign it foresaw and found that by the Soveraigns consenting to Laws for the ease and benefit of the Subject things might pass to the prejudice and diminution of the Soveraignty If his single Person surcharged with the care of the manifold Affairs of the Kingdom should be left all alone to advise and dispute his right against all the Wisdom and Solicitation of the Representative Body of the Subject See Prynne's Brief Register sect 3. from p. 341. to the end concerning the King's Council in Parliament and out of it Therefore to prevent that it ordered That the King should at his discretion swear to himself a Body of Council sometimes in our Laws called his Grand Council to advise him in matters of State and concernments of his Soveraign Right and safety and a Body of Council at Law to advise him in matters of Justice that he might neither do or suffer contrary to the Rule of Laws especially sitting the two Houses when the wrong might be perpetual and seeing the Government must be continually upon its Guard and Watch without intermission molding and forming all things for its safety and prosperity and consequently of the Peoples this Council must be constantly attending upon the Kings pleasure and daily and hourly considering the best ways and methods of promoting the Kings and Commonweals advantage As to the (g) Pulton 37 56. 72. first particular we find it frequently in several Statutes expressed That the King by himself and by his Council at his Parliament made and ordained The necessity of a Privy-Council That this was not the great Council of Parliament appears by that of Edward the First (b) Idem p. 80. These are the Establishments of the King by his council and by the Assent of the Archbishops Bishops Abbats Priors Earls Barons and the whole Commonalty of the Land thither summoned and Edward the Second saith he caused the Articuli Cleri to be rehearsed before his Council and Answer given c. and much more may be observed in the Acts of the great Councils not fit here to be repeated From hence it is that the Law defines The King can do no wrong Privy-Counsellors responsible for if any evil be committed in matter of State the Privy-Council and if in matters of Law the Justices and Judges must answer for it As to the second particular the Parliament of 1641. cast the odium of most of the management of Affairs of State The Votes of the Long Parliament to traduce the King under the pretence of using Evil Counsellors that were ungrateful to them upon the Kings evil Counsellors as they called them which was a great artifice of the designers of that Rebellion for thereby being then not hardned enough to caluminate the King openly they would make the World believe they paid a just deference to his Majesty yet slily wounded his Reputation through his Counsellors sides leaving the application to the People Tacitly insinuating that the King being mis-led by such Councils was not so Just or Wise as to be wished and when afterwards they had got Power they always made it one of their propositions That the two Houses should have the nominating That the two Houses should have the nominating of Privy-Counsellors So in Henry the Third's time we find Mountfort's Model of Twenty four to redress the Kingdom to chuse Counsellors c. or approving and removing the Privy-Council or great Officers of State pretending they would set such just and righteous Persons in those places as would execute them for the publick good only and upon the same score though on another pretence they were importunate that the Judges should hold their places tam diu quam se bene gesserint rather than be removeable at the Kings pleasure Thus by vote without legal proof of Crimes they blackned as many of the Kings Privy-Council
correct the Vitious so they should begin the Reformation at home Chilon's (c) Laertius in vita Chilonis Brother desiring to know why he was not chosen at Sparta as well as Chilon he answered that he knew how to bear an Injury which his Brother did not for in Publick imployments those who are the Censores morum and chastise the Infringers of the Laws must expect Calumnies and evil Entreaties from the incorrigible and debauched and such must be resolved to perform their duty without any other by-end of Revenge Tyranny and Imperiousness on the one hand or hasty rast Cholerickness Partiality or Corruptness on the other Plato (d) Lib. 4. de LL. adviseth that the wealthiest be chosen for the better support of the Dignity but withall that they be such as are exemplary in obeying the Laws For none are more fit to serve their Prince and profit the Subjects than such as are obedient to the Laws which when they make a rule of their own Actions they will be sure to exact it of others It is great disparagement to a Prince to chuse men of vitious or uncommendable lives or such as have not worth and honour to commend them So the Princes of Europe think the Grand Seignior not so well served by Slaves nor was it so commendable in the Roman Emperors to make their Freemen of greater Power with them in the managery of greater affairs than Consuls or Senators which made (e) Praecipuum indicium non magni Principis magni Liberti Panaegyr Pliny say It was the principal sign of a Prince not great where the Freemen were great The Prince cannot be presumed to chuse his Magistrates by his own knowledge of their abilities and fitness for their several Imployments but must trust such as are about him therefore it becomes them well to know the qualifications of such as are to bear Office for the Rule of Tacitus (f) Melius officiis administrationibus non peccaturos praeficere quam damnare cum peâ—â—arint Vita Agricolae is to be observed That it is better not to prefer to Offices and Administrations such as will transgress than to condemn them who have transgressed CHAP. XXXIII Of the Soveraigns appointing Judges Courts of Justice and other Officers HAving treated in the last Chapters of such as have a general inspection into and by the Soveraigns Election and placing them a power of advising at least how the whole frame of Government is to be disposed as both Prince and People may be happy I come now more particularly to the Ministerial Officers of Justice such as are the Lord Chancellor or Keeper Lord Treasurer the two Lord Chief Justices and the rest of the Judges whether they be the Judges at Westminster or those of Assises Oyer and Terminer to try Causes in their respective Circuits I undertake this Task Lugduni tanquam Rhetor dicturns ad Aram The Author's Apology or one that procul profanus adorat The Subject being only fit to be handled by such as have read and digested the whole Body of the Laws and are eminent in the Profession of them whereas I must own my self to have tasted only so much of that Ornamental and most useful Study as may quicken a dull and languid Appetite to praise or rather admire it than that I can hope to benefit the judicious Reader by an imperfect Description of their Calling and Office who by the Sovereign are appointed to be the Oracles of the Law and the Ministers of his Justice whose great Wisdom and Knowledge all ought to reverence But as they make so great a Figure in the Government I could not omit them though it be but to salute the Skirts and hold up the Train of their Scarlet Robes SECT 1. IN Edward the Elders Days those that gave Judgment under the King King Edward the Elder 's Law about Judges Gerefa had the name Gerefa under which name Aldermen Earls Presidents Prefects Governours c. were comprehended From whence with the Germans the word Grave is used for an Earl President Judge c. and our Sheriff is from Scyre gerev Raeve or Graeve of the Shire The Charge in that Kings Laws runs thus (a) Eadweard Cyning vyt thaem Gerefum eallum that gede man swa ribte domas swa gerihtoste cunnon hit on thaere dombec stande ne wandigeth for nanum thingum folcrihte to gerecanne c. Eadward the King wills that all his Graeves give so right Judgment as they can most Righteously as it stands in their Judgment Book that is as we may suppose in the written Laws fearing for no thing or cause to declare or pronounce Right or Justice to the People The which publishing of Justice they shall appoint at certain times or Terms when they will perform it and declare the same So that in this seems to be comprehended what is more at large in the Oath of a Judge in After-Ages We must principally consider that the King is the Fountain and original of all Justice in his Kingdom The King is the Fountain of Justice therefore Bracton (b) Lib. 3. cap. 9 10. Rex non alius debet judicare si solas ad id sufficere possit cum ad hoc per veritatem Sacramenti teneatur astrictus sicut Dei Vicartus Minister in terra saith That the King and not another ought to judge if he alone were sufficient to do it being bound by his Oath to it therefore the King ought to exercise the Power of the Law as Gods Vicar But if our Lord the King be not sufficient to determine all Causes that the Burthen may be lighter divided among several Persons he ought to chuse Men wise and fearing God See Britton fol. 1. Coke 4. Inst c. 7. and appoint them Justiciaries Yet this surrogating of Judges in the Kings respective Courts doth not divest the King of his Power for as the same (c) Rex habet ordinariam Jurisdictionem omnia Jura manu sua quae nec ita delegari possunt quin ordinaria remaneant cum ipso Rege Bracton saith The King hath ordinary Jurisdiction and all Laws are in his Hands which cannot be so delegated but that they remain with the King From which and other Authorities Mr. Lambard saith (d) Archaion That the Courts derive their Powers from the Crown their original and drawing by one and one as it were so many Roses from the Garland of the Prince leave nevertheless the Garland it self undespoiled of the Sovereigns Vertue in the Administration of Justice Therefore saith Sir Edward (e) Tit. Discontinue de Proces part 7. 30. Coke By the Common Law all Pleas were discontinued by the Death of the King and Process awarded and not returned before his Death was lost For by the Death of the King not only the Justices of both the Benches and the Barons of the Exchequer but Sheriffs also and Escheators and all Commissions of
do Authoritas rei indicatae vim legis habet So that can be no Appeal from the King to himself the King delegates his Power to them quod Rex facit per Officiarios per se facere videtur they give Judgment for the King not for themselves to that the Laws Authorize them and none but them so that the Kings assent or dissent cannot frustrate their Judgment which they render in invitos against the will of one of the Parties at least because expedit Reipublicae ut finis sit datus Therefore as to the Power of declaring Law the King is restrained ordinarily to the Mediation of the Judges who are to give the genuine sence and Interpretation of the Law according to Art and rules of science and so by their Interpretation and Judgment therein they bind both King and Subject Yet in some (d) Case of our Affairs p. 4. cases the Judge do not only consult among themselves Judges to apply themselves to the King to determine a doubtful case but must have recourse to the King as the Fountain of Justice so (e) Postnati si disputatio oriatur Justiciarii non possunt interpretari sed in dubiis obscuris Domini Regis expectanda est Interpretatio voluntas cum ejus est Interpretari cujus est condere It is saith Sir Thomas Smith (f) Commonwealth part 2. c. 10. to be taken for a Principle that the Life and Member of an English man is in the Power only of the Prince and his Laws so that when any of his Subjects is spoiled either of life or limb the Prince is endammaged thereby and hath good cause to ask account how his Subjects should come to that mischief and forasmuch as the Prince who governeth the Scepter and holdeth the Crown of England hath this in his care and charge to see the Realm well governed the Life Member and Possessions of his Subjects kept in peace and assurance he that by violence shall attempt to break that Peace and assurance hath forfeited against the Scepter and Crown of England So that from hence it appears how equal and just it is that the King should have the appointment of Judges Justices of Peace Why the King only to appoint Judges c. that neither his Peace should be broken his Subjects injured in their Persons or Estates nor his Laws be violated What Judges are to observe There being sufficient Provision in the Law against the violating of Justice by the Judges who are to observe these following statutes 1. Magna Charta That no Freeman shall be taken or Imprisoned or disseised of his freehold or liberty or Customs or be Out-lawed or exiled or otherwise destroyed That the King (g) Cap. 9. will not pass upon him or condemn him but by lawful Judgment of his Peers or by the Law of the Land and by another 5 E. 3. That no man shall be Attached by any Accusation nor fore-judged of Life or Limb nor his Lands Tenements Goods nor Chattles seized into the Kings hands against the form of the Great Charter and the Law of the Land and 25 Ed. 3 (h) Cap. 4. Stat. 5. That none shall be taken by Petition or Suggestion made to the King or to his Council unless by Indictment or Presentment of good and lawful People of the same Neighbourhood where such deed be done in due manner or by Process made by writ original at the Common Law and so by (i) 24 E. 3. c. 3. another That no man of what State and Condition soever he be shall be put out of his Lands or Tenements nor taken nor Imprisoned nor disinherited without being brought to answer by due Process of Law and in another (k) 41 E. 5. c. 1. That no man be put to answer without Presentment before Justices or matter of Record or by due Process or Writ original according to the old Law of the Land But I must leave this to the Learned in our Municipal Laws and shall note some few things from old Authors that may discover how much just Judgment hath ever been valued The impartiality and yet the tenderness and compassion in inflicting Punishment is notorious in Zeleucus Impartiality requisite in a Judge who while he governed the Locrians made a Law That whoever committed Adultery should have both his Eyes put out and his Son being found guilty he commanded the Law to be put in Execution and the body of the Citizens interceding he ordered one of his Sons Eyes to be put out and likewise one of his own that the Law might not be broken and yet that he might not be over rigid to his Son The (l) Neque inflecti gratia neque perfringi potentia neque adulterari pecunia possit Pro Cecinna Orator tells us That Justice should neither be warped by Favour nor broken by Power nor adulterated by Money and in another place (m) Exuit personam Judicis quisquis Amici personam induit saith That he puts off the person of a Judge who assumes that of a friend He indeed is an upright Judge in whose hand the Ballance of Justice neither totters nor falls by the Authority of any Person Talis debet esse Juris minister ut in ejus manu nullius authoritate personae titubet aut vacillet librae Justitiae Besides the avoiding of Partiality Pâ—ecipitancy to be avoided it is necessary in every Judge that he fully examine what is brought before him and not with too great Precipitancy determine matters upon (n) Qui statuiâ— aliquid parâ—e inâ—udita altera 〈…〉 siatuit 〈◊〉 tamen aequus est Senec. Medaea the hearing only of one side for though he may chance to do Justice in such a Case yet he doth not do justly that fully hears not both Parties Allegations It is a very mischievous things when Judges delay the Executing of Justice (o) Holy Court Tom. 1. lib. 3. p. 90. Delays in doing Justice mischievous Causinus out of the Chronicles of Alexandria tells us That Juvenalis a Widow complaining to Theodorick King of the Goths and Romans that a Suit of hers in Court was drawn out for the space of three Years Theodorick called the Judges before him and acquainted them with the Complaint and commanded them to do her speedy Justice which within two days they did and being again called by the King he asked them how it came to pass that they had dispatched that in two days which had not been done in three Years They answered that His Majestie 's Recommendation had made them finish it so soon To whom the King replied That when he put them into Office he consigned all Pleas to them and other Proceedings and since they had spun out the Business for three Years that required but two days dispatch they should die and at that Instant commanded their Heads to be smitten off Court to redress Delays We find in Sir Edward Coke
in the Authors in the (o) Sir Edw. Coke 4 Inst Ryley's Appendix p. 521 c. 537 563. Margent the exact Abridgment of the Record of the Tower Tit. Justices of Peace and Prynne's Irenarchus Redivivus The constituting and making of Justices of Peace is inherent in and inseparable from the Crown as appears by the Statute 27 H. 8. c. 24. (p) Dalton c. 3. Some are Justices by Act of Parliament as the Archbishop of York Bishop of Duresm and Ely and their Successors others by the Kings Charters as Mayors and other Officers of Corportion Towns Others are by Commission which are properly Justices of Peace to take care not so much of the publick Discipline and correction of manners as for the Peace and security of the High-ways they being at their Quarter-Sessions to hear and determine of Felons Breakers of the Peace Contempts and Trespasses to suppress Routs and Tumults restore possessions forceably entred c. They (q) Sir Tho. Smith's Commonwealth part 2. c. 22. Who are chosen to be Justices of Peace are elected out of the Nobility Knights Esquires and Gentlemen and such as be learned in the Laws such and such number as the Prince shall think meet and in whom for wisdom and discretion he putteth his trust being mostly Inhabitants within the County saving that some of the High Nobility At the King's Pleasure and chief Magistrates for honour sake are put in all or most of the Commissions Those have no time limited but by Commission from his Majesty alterable at pleasure Much increased in number At first they were but four after eight and now thirty or forty in a Shire either by increase of riches learning or activity in Policy and Government more being found than anciently who have either will or power or both to do their King and Country service and they are not too many to handle affairs of the Commonwealth especially for the benefit of the Subject For the better distributing of Justice that they may have in all parts of the County one or more not very remote to apply themselves to The Faults they may punish Each of them hath Authority upon complaint to him made of any Theft Robbery Manslaughter Murther Violence Complots Routs Riots unlawful Games forceable Entries Excess in Apparel Conventicles evil order in Ale-houses and Taverns of Idle and Vagabond Persons Masters and Servants not observing the Laws Rapes false Moneys Extortions or any such Disturbances of the Peace quiet and good order of the Shire to commit the Persons supposed to be Offenders to the Prison and to charge the Constable or sheriff to bring them thither and the Jaylor to neceive them till the next Quarter-Sessions when the Sheriff or his Under-Sheriff with his Bailiffs be to attend him at their Sections where Informations are given in to them by Bill which is shown to the Juries and if they find just cause for the complaint they find the Bill and the Party is Indicted and Tryed by a Jury of twelve men at the Kings Suit for the King is reckoned the one Party and the Prisoner the other They are also to order the repair of Bridges High-ways the Poor the lame Souldiers pensions and do many things besides according to the Power given in their Commissions which particularizeth all things they are to take Cognizance of sometimes upon suspicion of War to take care for the order of the Shire and sometimes to take Muster of Harness and able men Once in a year or two the Prince with his Council Instructions given to Justices of the Peace saith a Manuscript I have seen chuseth out certain Articles out of Penal Laws made to repress the pride and evil rule of the People and sends them down to the Justices willing them to meet together and consult among themselves how to order the matter most wisely and circumspectly whereby the People might be kept in good order and obedience according to Law and they after a certain space meet and certify the Prince or his Privy-Council how they do find the Shire in rule and order touching those points and all other disorders There was never saith Sir Thomas Smith (r) Part 2. tit Juslices of Pearce in any Commonwealth devised a more wise a more dulce and gentle How beneficial the Institution of Justices of Peace or more certain way to rule the People whereby they are kept always as it were in a Bridle of good order and sooner looked to that they do not offend than punished when they have offended for seeing the chief Persons of Quality and Interest among them have such charge and Authority given them by the King and if occasion be do commit cause to be Indicted and punished or sent to Prison for disobedience Offenders against the Laws It curbeth and terrifieth Offenders so that it is a new Furbishing of the good Laws of the Realm and a continual repressing of Disorders which the Common sort of People are too prone to if it were not for this impending lash which every where is held over Criminals The Law it self as registred and printed is but a dumb and dead thing the Ministers of the Law are those that give life to it and for that end were Justices of the Peace Constituted who being Gentlemen of Interest and parts are the fittest Instruments to see the Laws duly Executed They are principally concerned in seeing to the Execution of several Laws which are Committed to their Charge and it is greatly advantagious to the Country that at every Quarter-Sessions in the face of the Country one of the Justices of the Peace gives a charge to the Jurys wherein with learning and Judgment he acquaints them with the Excellency Antiquity and Utility of Monarchical Government the usefulness of those Laws Wise and Gracious Princes have granted to their Subjects the excellent Composure Contexture and Harmony in the Government and many other particulars fit for them to know as good Subjects and good Neighbours Having met with some Speeches made in Queen Elizabeth's time which relate either to Justices of the Peace or the Execution of Laws in general I think it may not be unacceptable to the Reader to understand in what manner that Queen caused her Chancellor to quicken the execution of the Laws Some touches of which follow (s) MS. Speech to the Justices Itinerant Anno 1559. The Conservation of Peace their principal Charge By the Conservation of Peace and Concord every Commonweal hath a perfect Foundation to begin marvelous good course to increase a strong Pillar to sustain it and a strong Buckler to defend it The plain and good order of each County consisteth in the well or evil Executing of Justice for thereby either every man enjoyeth his own and the whole Commonweal is in a calm and even Temper or by remisness in Execution the Free-Booters and Beasts of Prey are let loose to rob and despoil some and affright
they were Lords of Mannors where they had their Courts as likewise they were Hundredaries c. CHAP. XXXV Of the Kings Soveraignty in making War and Peace THE great (a) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3. Polit. c. 7. Philosopher observes That in a Common-wealth that part is most powerful in which the strength of War consists and which is in possession of Arms for those he saith that have no Arms are the Servants of the Armed Plato (b) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 12. de LL. Power of making War and Peace the greatest Badge of Sovereignty affirms it as a standing Law That he who without Authority innovates a Peace or makes War shall be adjudged to punishment and gives this reason for it That he who hath in his Hand the Militia it is in his Power that the Commonwealth subsist or be dissolved Bodin makes this one of the greatest badges of Soveraignty because without the power of declaring War and making Peace no Prince can defend himself or his Subjects the Establishment or Destructon of the States depending upon it therefore it is Capital to do the least thing in that kind without the Kings Commission There being nothing more dangerous in War than to betray Counsels it is not fit the ordering of War and consequently of Peace should be in any but the Soveraign In the Greek and (c) Clapmarius de Jure Majâ—statis lib. 1. c. 10. Latin Histories it appears that all Wars were undertaken and performed by the Counsel Will and Pleasure of the Soveraign whether Senate or Emperor and by them solely was decreed unless in some extraordinary Cases that the Peoples consent was required in comitiis Populi centuriatis and when the Republick was changed by the Julian Law it was Treason to make War without the Command of the Prince the words of the Law being Nulli nobis insciis atque inconsultis quorumlibet armorum movendorum copia tribuetur The reasons why this Power should be in the Soveraign solely are many and just for without it no Prince can provide against intestine Seditions For if he wanted that Authority Reasons why this Power should be in the Sovereign alone to make War and Peace as often as Ambitious or Seditious Men perswade the People they were in danger of Oppression by the Government or they had a mind to remove great Officers that they might enjoy their places or that the Rule in Church or State did not please them They might resort to Arms to the ruining of their follow Subjects who would otherwise live peaceably and dutifully By this liberty greatest Convulsions would be in the Kingdom upon every predominancy of ill humours and we should never be without the Plague of War in one place or other and all the miseries of a torn dis-joynted and mangled confusion would be upon us neither should a Prince be able to defend his Subjects from Foreign Invasions or perform that great and necessary Work of assisting the Allies to his State and Te formidable to his Enemies Polybius (d) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polyb. O. notes That there are two things which preserve Government viz. Fortitude against Enemies and Concorâ—â—â— home but neither of these can be performed if the Prince have not the disposal of the Militia This is it which preserves the Kings Authority makes his Laws to be observed keeps the Factious and Seditious at quiet gives repute abroad and Peace at home All the Calamities of War are prevented when an Armed Prince that hath the sole disposal of his Military Power can extinguish the Flame at its first blaze therefore St. (e) Ordo naturalis mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit ut suscipiendi belli auctoritas atque consilium penes Principes sit Augustinus contra Faustum Austin saith That the natural order of Mortals accommodated to Peace requires this That the Authority and Counsel of making War be in the Prince That in the time of the Saxon Kings the Power of the Militia was in the Crown doth not obscurely appear in all the Laws for preserving the Peace and in that particularly I have instanced in of King Aethelstan besides which we find the Tenth Law of King Canutus ordained That Fenced Towns Burghote Brighote beonon forth scip forthunga aginne man georne frythunga eac swa a th one thearf sy for â—e men licre neode LL. Canute 10. or Burghs and Bridges be repaired and there be preparations for defence both of Land and Sea-Forces so often as the necessity of the Commonweal requires it The 69th Chapter of Hereots runs thus Every Earl to pay Eight Horses whereof four with Saddles and four without Saddles four Helmets and so many Coats of Mail eight Spears and eight Shields four Swords and twelve Mancusae of Gold and a principal Thane half the number and other Thanes a lesser proportion as may be there seen By which there seemeth some beginning of a Feudal Tenure which in William the Conqueror's time was so settled that as elsewhere I have noted all Persons held of him their Lands in Knights Service to be ready at his pleasure with Horse Men and Arms the which was practised in succeeding Ages The Statute 30. Octob. 7 E. 1. saith That it being accorded of late that in our next Parliament Provision should be made that in all Parliaments Treaties and other Assemblies which should be made in the Realm of England for ever that every man shall come without all Forces and Armors peaceably to the Honour of us and the Peace of us and our Realm Now all Prelates Earls c. have said that to us it belongeth and our part is through our Royal Signiory to * i.e. forbid defend force of Arms and all other force against our Peace at all times when it shall please us and to punish them which shall do contrary according to our Laws and usages of our Realm and hereunto they are bound to aid us their Soveraign Lord at all seasons In 3 Ed. 3. (f) Cap. 2. the Commons decline the having Cognizance of such matters as guarding the Seas and Marches of England but refer it wholly to the King and 25 E. 3. it is High Treason to levy War against the King or aid them that do it Also the Statute of (g) 11 H. 7. c. 18. H. 7. saith Every Subject by duty of his Allegiance is to serve and assist his Prince and Soveraign Lord at all seasons when need shall require There is nothing more indisputably owned by all that understand the Laws than that it was High Treason by the Common Law before the Statute of 25 E. 3. for any Subject to levy War within the Realm without Authority from the King it being one of the Rights of Majesty Badges of Supreme Power and incommunicable Prerogatives of the Crown saith my Lord * 3 Instit c. 9. Coke and with him consent all the long Robe In a Speech in the Star-Chamber to
of enlarging their Priviledges have subjected themselves as well to the slavery of Red-coats and the Tyranny of a Corps du guard or Council of War as they had their Prince under their Committees and Armies which considerations I hope will be worth their remembring What I have writ in most of the Chapters of this Treatise less or more appertains to the Gentry out of a true and cordial desire that if any such Critical time should in any Age return as that of Forty and Forty one or Eighty and Eighty one the Gentry may consider the History of former Ages and be able to distinguish betwixt Realities and feigned Pretences and will well weigh what I have writ in the preceding Chapter of the Nobility for that it is in most particulars applicable to to them which makes me shorter in this and that above all things they will seriously consider that though in every (l) Mâ—gis alii 〈◊〉 nes quâ—m alii mores Taâ—it 1. Histoâ— Generation new Men do arise that to carry on their Factious Design pretend different Causes yet the ends of all that are Male-contents and seditiously displeased with the Government is the same and commonly their Fate is parallel Therefore above all the Infections let them study to avoid that of murmuring and repining against the Government or that of being seduced by those who cover their dark Thoughts and Designs too close to be discovered by common Eyes The more such pretend Zeal for the common Good the more they pretend publick Spirits and care of Religion If they be found to have any the least Tincture of Immorality Envy Ambition Revenge Cruelty or aspiring in their Tempers the more they are to be suspected and avoided CHAP. XXXIX Of the Commonalty of England of the lower rank especially THESE are more especially the subject matter of Government The Employments they are engaged in The Common Peoples Duty makes it more profitable for them to look downwards and cultivate their Freeholds and Tenements and reap the golden Fruits of their Toil than to spend their time in the fruitless enquiries after the managery of States and Empire for whereover Soveraignty lodgeth they must still be Subjects Obedience saith a well observing (a) Cornwallis's Es says 46. Author not Examination is the destined Function of the Common People which Laws preserve them in The Industrious would soon be ruined by the Free-booters in every Hamlet if the Laws and Government were not their Guard By the several Rebellions properly of the Commons in Richard 2. H. 8. The Miseries of Insurrections and Edward the Sixth's time we have sad Examples of the Calamities they brought not only on their Neighbours and the disturbance they gave the Government but likewise the ruins they brought upon themselves and when they had wearied themselves with Rapine Murthers and a Hundred cruel Ravages and Butcheries they were at last either totally subdued and their Chieftains Executed and the rest Fined or they perished in the Fight being never able to effect any of their pretended Liberties they made the Insurrections to have obtained It is for want of Consideration that they are decoyed into such barbarous Outrages which in such Rebellions they generally commit They ought to consider Their Obligations to their Prince and that very seriously that it is from their Princes sollicitous Care that they enjoy Peace and Plenty to them they owe not only Allegiance and Obedience as they are their Soveraigns but especially Gratitude Loyalty and all dutiful Services For the good Laws from time to time have been confirmed by their Kings for their Prosperities without which they would be in a continual State of War and Feuds one against another They owe to the Paternal Care and Prudence of the Sovereign and his Government those Methods and Rules whereby they are so benignly ruled in England especially whereby they are in a freer and more plentiful Estate than any other Commoners in the World By the vertue of those Priviledges granted to them by their Kings they have Propriety in their Goods none can out them of their Possessions imprison or molest them while they observe the equitable Laws Their Privileges They have according to their several Capacities and Abilities a participation of Offices in their particular Hamlets Parishes Wapentakes or Counties either relating to the assistance to the Justice of the Land in Juries or conserving of the Peace in being petty or chief Constables or other Officers and have a peculiar Priviledge many other Commoners want of chusing their Representatives whereby they are only subject to such Laws as they or their Ancestors have given consent to The Government worthy Country-men makes fertile your Enclosures protects your Flocks and Herds secures your going out and coming in makes your Sleeps undisturbed guards your home-bred Commodities when you send them abroad secures those are brought home to you appoints you Markets for buying or selling your Corn and Cattle and your own Manufactures Let those among you The Calamities they sustained in the late War that are not ashamed they were Sequestrators Membrs of the Parliaments Army or active Officers Oppressors Plundereres or Informers against their Loyal Neighbours consider what they reaped in the late unhappy Wars begun with all the specious Pretences of redressing grievances securing Propriety and reforming Religion precious Names most wickedly abused Remember how unsupportable were the Taxes and Sequestrations What affrightments were you continually in by the Quartering of imperious Soldiers and their Plunders where they neither left Food nor Rayment for your Wives and Children and what they could not devour or carry away they destroyed Consider the effusion of so much Blood in the cruel Battles and their most unjust High-Courts of Justice how all the Laws either were stifled or miserably distorted The best Preservatives against the relapse into such miserable times Advice to the Commonalty is to reflect upon them often to live quietly under your Sovereign to give him no occasion to unsheath any of his Swords against you to reduce you to Obedience Avoid all Factious Whisperers of discontent You were within these six Years by past wrought so upon by cunning Designers of a Commonwealth that you made choice of such Representatives as neither would supply that Prince o immortal Memory who had preserved them and you in that Peace he had restored them to when nothing but War and miserable Devastations were in all the Countries of the Continent nor admit our present Gracious Soveraign who had adventured his Life so often for their Safety to succeed in the Throne of his Royal Ancestors Remember I beseech you dear Countrymen these things and consider how near the Gulph and Pits Brink of inevitable Miseries you were Be thankful to those Loyal Persons who by their Counsels and Addresses withheld you from the imminent Ruine Be mis-led no more by such as can sow nothing but Darnel Cockle Poppy and Tares among
are to decline by little and little mildly and reverently without shewing of too much Detestation or bitter reprehension and opprobry leaving the things rather undone than rejecting them These wise Directions of so great and ancient an Author are worth Imitation by our sturdy Beggars of Liberty who do or have done it in so imperious a way as if they were in a condition to command it and yet when they had the Power most Tyrannically exacted both Civil and Spiritual Obedience from all others that were not of the same Mold and Cut with themselves The Excellent Seneca saith That Disobedience would be the Destruction of the Roman Commonwealth and so long the People would be out of Danger of it as they endured the Bridle which if once they broke or being by any chance broken they suffered not to be again sitted on (o) Haec unitas hic mâ—ximi Impâ—cii contextus in partes multas dissilier Senec. de Clem. lib. 1. c. 4. the unity and Contexture of the greatest Empire would fly in Splinters and the same end there would be of the Cities Dominion that there was in obtaining it For of old the Commonwealth was so constituted that the Ligament betwixt the Sovereign and Subject could not be dissolved without both their Destructions for as the Prince stands in need of the Peoples Strength so the People of the Headship of the Prince To the which (p) Olim enim it â— se induit Reipublicae Caesar ut diduci alterum non possit sine utriusque pernicie Caesar saith He so embosomed and inweaved himself into the Commonwealth that the one could not be disjointed from the other without the Destruction of them both But every Malecontent will be ready to say they are for Government and can chearfully obey good Princes but such as exercise Arbitrary Government or are Vicious and Irreligeous those they cannot obey To such I would recommend the Saying of (q) Bonos Principes voto excipere qualescunque tolerare Tacit 4. Histor Marcellus about Vespasian We ought to desire good Princes but to submit to whatever they be So (r) Quomodo sterilitatem aut nimios imbres caetera naturae mala ita luxum vel avaritiam dominantium tolerare Ibid. Cerealis told his Soldiers As we endure Barrenness and orecharging Rains and the rest of the Evils of Nature so ought we to undergo even the Luxury and Covetousness of Princes For Vices will be while there are Men but those are not continual but by the intervening of good Princes are recompenced Mr. (s) Civil Wars p. 51. Hobs truly Observes That the vertue of a Subject is comprehended wholly in Obedience to the Laws of the Common-wealth for to obey the Law is Justice and Equity which is the Law of Nature and to obey the Laws is Prudence in a Subject for without such Obedience the Commonwealth which is every Subjects Safety and Protection cannot subsist Indeed Mischief more often happens to any Kingdom from the waywardness or factious Disobedience of Subjects than from the ill Government of Princes Therefore (t) Plut. Canvio 7. Sapient Cleobulus rightly observed That the Republic is well composed where the Subjects fear Infamy more than the Laws for then it may be presumed they are Obedient out of a Principle of Vertue rather than Awe Plutarch (u) De Institutione Principis saith That City or Kingdom is famous where every one performeth his Office If the Prince do what becomes him the Magistrates exercise their Places and the Commonalty obey their Magistrates and the Laws This is the Blessed Harmony wherein this sublunary Government imitates the great Oeconomy the nearer to which every Government comes the more beautiful and stable it will be CHAP. XLII Of Faction and Sedition in the State the Causers and Causes of them IN every Body whether Natural Artificial or Political the Beauty Gracefulness and Use of it consists in its Symmetry Firmness and Union The Fragments of the most excellent Statue the Rubbish of the most magnificent Pallaces the crumbled Dust and Atoms of the Beautifullest Bodies are the Objects of our Pity and Condoling even so ought to be the Discords Factions and Seditions of a Commonweal or Kingdom for by these the whole Compages of the Fabrick is dissolved It was the Consideration of this that made the (a) Nec privaâ—os focos nâ—c publicas leges nec libertatis jura cara babere potest quem discordie quem cades civium quem belium civile delectat Ideo ex numero hominum ejiciendum ex sinibus humanae naturae extermin â—ndum puto Orator say That those who delight in Discords in the slaughter of their Fellow-Citizens and a Civil War neither think their private Hearths i. e. their Properties the publick Laws or the Rights of Liberty dear to them therefore ought they to be spewed out from the Society of rational Men and to be exterminated out of the Confines of humane Nature Faction and Sedition being a Composition of several mischievous Ingredients I shall single them out and give short Characters of them particularly that the Reader may with more ease know their Tendencies The Persons that are apt to be Seditious 1. The debauched Persons apt to be seditious are first the Debauched as Tacitus excellently observes Privatim degeneres in Publicum exitiosi nihil spei nisi per discordias Such as give themselves to Luxury degenerate from the Virtue of their Ancestors are unbridled in their Appetites live without Rule and Order have no regard to the Laws that should restrain them where nothing remains but the instrumenta vitiorum as the Curious (b) Cum raptciâ—â—mo cuique perditiâ—mo non Agri non Fanus sed sol I Insirumenta vitiorum manerent 1. Histor Historian elegantly observes of those that in Galba's time were to refund Nero's Donative Such having emancipated and withdrawn themselves from all subjection to the Laws of the Soveraign of the Universe no wonder they yield obedience to nothing but the Impetus of sensual Appetites and orderly Government curbing these makes it uneasy to them Secondly 2. Vain and light-headed Persons The vain and light Airy headed Persons are fitted to feather the Seditious Arrows that subtiler Heads do fashion these rush into Action without deliberation weary of things long used rather (c) Pro certis â—lim partis novâ— ambigua ancipitia maluâ— Tacit 11. Histor chusing for the sake of Novelty doubtful and uncertain matters than such as are the issues of stay'd Councils Lampoons Libels and Pamphlets are their chief Studies They traffique most at the Booksellers Stall they desire no acquaintance with the seriouser Books of his Shop the Play-house and Coffee-houses entertain them more than the Church or Westminster-Hall They are brittle Tools but sharply edged where they are to cut Feathers and Chaff They are not made to work upon Marble or write Laws in Tables of Stone They
When Princes not to make themselves Parties but only private-Animosities betwixt some of the Nobility wherein the Government is not much concerned there may be some allowance for my Lord Verulam's Opinion That Princes being Common Parents should not lean to one Party because a Boat that is overset by the unequal Weight on one side may carry such Passengers in it as the Prince would not lose Therefore to study ways to piece them and solder up the flaws is better than to side with one to the Ruin of the other and sometimes of themselves also As we may observe in Henry the third of France who entred into the League and it was shortly after turned against himself which may be a document saith that wise Lord to Kings how they make themselves a Party for by that a Prince makes himself unus ex nobis which makes an Obligation Paramount to that of Soveraignty So that a Prince must be very cautelous when he must side with one Party which he espouseth (d) In caducam pariâ—tem ne inclinet lest he lean upon a ruinous Wall But if there be a Party by whose fall the Prince (e) Cujus râ—ina se quoque tradura est Tacitus de Moribus Germ. likewise shall be sure to be ruined as in case of Factions against Government as I mean in this whole Discourse it is necessary for him strenuously to support it When Princes to support one Party Upon this Consideration it seems to me that it ever will be the great Interest of the Kings of England to defend and support the Episcopal Government for that by fatal Experience it was found that the overthrow of it was the Praeludium to the Destruction of the Blessed King and Monarchy For although he was a very great Champion of the Church of England as established by Law yet he too fatally yielded to take away the Bishops Votes in Parliament whereby he lost a considerable Party in the House that would never have deserted his Interest So that in this case I may apply that of Galba (f) Manifestum est neque perire nos neque salvos esse nisi una posse Tacit. 10. Hist P. 195. Edit Lips 5. to his Soldiers It is manifest that undivided or alone they can neither be Saved or Perish in times when they are attacqued But to return to the Prognosticks of dangerous Seditions I shall mention some that Tacitus hath noted and described Speaking of the Revolt of the Legions in Germany under Germanicus at the Beginning of Tiberius's Reign Unanimity a dangerous Sign he saith Those that looked deeply into the Disposition of the Soldiers judged it a strong Argument of an unappeasable Revolt (g) Id militares animos altius conjâ—â—â—antibus praecipuum indicium magni atque implacabilis motus quod neque disjecti nil paucorum instinctu sed pariter ardescerent pariter silerent tanta aequalitate constantia ut regi crederes 1. Annal. that they were not scattered or divided nor any attempt given by a few but grew insolent together were quiet at once with such moderation and constancy that one would have thought they had been governed by one Head For when any Sedition is carried on with such Unanimity it is a certain Sign that the Poyson hath a large spread and there are few sound Parts left The Progress (h) Ad tuendam plebem Tribunitio Juâ—e â—tentum militem doâ—is populum Annena cunâ—los dulcedine oâ—ii pellexit Insurgere paâ—tatim munia Senaâ—us Magistratuum Legum in se trahere nullo adversante lbid Augustus made to establish the Sovereignty in himself The Methods of Designers is the usual Method by which such as intend subverting of Government may proceed which according to the same Author was That to ingratiate himself with the People he contented himself with Tribunitian Authority to defend the Common People that he wound himself into the Favour of the Soldiers by Gifts of the People by Provision of Sustenance and of all in general with the sweetness of Ease and Repose by little and little taking upon him the affairs of the Senate the Duty of the Magistrates and Laws and so without the Contradiction of any he obtained the Empire This in Augustus was commendable and Politically done being to alter a Commonweal into a Monarchy and Wisemen by his method might have foretold his Design So in Seditious enterprises against Monarchy the way is to court the People and insensibly cajole them with the sweetness of Liberty under a Commonwealth and the heaviness of the Yoak of Monarchy and having possessed them with this they have no more to do but to await some critical time or revolution that may suit their Design as some new Imposition laid some publick Calamity the displacing some great Officer or Death of some great Man or their Prince such (i) Opportunos magnis conatibus transitus rerum 1. Histor Revolutions being the sittest times for great Attempts as Tacitus speaks of Otho's Conspiracy by Galba's Covetousness to the Soldiery c. Concerning Sejanus the same Judicious (k) Primas dominandi spes in arduo ubi sis ingressus adesse studia ministros Lib. 4. Annal. Author gives us the Saying of Drusus That the first hopes of attaining Command or working themselves into Power by Sedition is difficult but after the Entrance there will not want aids of Council and assisting Hands Therefore it is most necessary Speedy Suppression most necessary that Princes diligently watch the motions of all kind of Seditious aspiring Persons to prevent their first Entrance upon their Designs lest they prove afterwards too Powerful In such a State of affairs the Council of (l) Nibil in civilibus discordiis festinatione tutius ubi facto magis quam consilio opus 1. Hist Tacitus is to be followed That nothing is safer in Seditions and Civil Discords than quickness of dispatch when there is more need of Action than Consultation The misfortune is great which happens to the Subjects by Faction and Sedition The Mischiefs of Faction for such things once begun are not in a short time hushed but the Animosities are durable and when one (m) Inter victores victosque nunquam solida sides coalescit Idem 2. Hist Party overcomes yet the Conquered retains his old grudge and is always catching at opportunities to promote his Interest and there is rarely in that Generation at least a sincere amnesty and union of Affections Therefore as Princes by Acts of Pardon endeavour to put all into a State of Unpunishableness though they cannot into a State of Innocence so those that have assisted the Seditious Party ought with a generous Repentance and Fidelity to their Prince endeavour all their Lives to be rubbing out those Stains by their Loyalty For he that (n) Quem paenitet peccasse pene est innocens repents he hath offended is in the next degree to the Innocent It
few Years In Three Books The Whole illustrated with divers accurate Maps and Figures Written originally in Italian by Adam Oliarias Secretary to the Embassie Rendred into English by John Davies of Kidwelly The Second Impression The History of the Execrable Irish Rebellion trac'd from many preceding Acts to the Grand Eruption October 23. 1641. and thence pursued to the Act to Settlement in 1662. The Journals of all the Parliaments during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth both of the House of Lords and House of Commons Collected by Sir Simon D' Ewes of Stow-Hall in the County of Suffolk Knight and Baronet Revised and published by Paul Bowes Esq of the Middle Temple I Ragguagli di Parnasso or Advertisements from Parnassus in Two Centuries With the Politick Touchstone Written originally in Italian by that Famous Roman Traâ—ano Bocalini And now put into English by the Right Honourable Henry Earl of Monmouth Cosmography and Geography In Two Parts The First containing the general and absolute Part of Cosmography being a Translation from that eminent and much-esteemed Geographer Varenius wherein are at large handled all such Arts as are necessary to be understood for the true knowledge thereof To which is added the much wanted Schemes omitted by the Author The Second Part being a Geographical Description of the World taken from the Notes and Works of the Famous Monsieur Sanson late Geographer to the French King To which is added about One hundred Cosmographical Geographical and Hydrographical Tables of several Kingdoms and Isles in the World with their Chief Cities Sea-Ports Bays c. Drawn from the Maps of the said Sanson Illustrated with Maps The Annals of King James and King Charles the First of ever Happy Memory containing a faithful History and impartial Account of the Great Affairs of State and Transactions of Parliaments in England from the Tenth Year of King James 1612. to the Eighteenth of King Charles 1642. Wherein several material Passages relating to the late Civil Wars omitted in former Histories are made known A perfect Copy of all the Summons of the Nobility to the Great Councils and Parliaments of this Realm from the Forty ninth of King Henry the Third until these present Times With Catalogues of such Noblemen as have been summoned to Parliament in Right of their Wives and of such other Noblemen as derive their Titles of Honour from the Heirs Female from whom they are descended and of such Noblemens Eldest Sons as have been summoned to Parliament by some of their Fathers Titles Extracted from Publick Records by Sir William Dugdale Knight Garter Principal King at Arms. The History of the Affairs of Europe in this present Age but more particularly of the Republick of Venice Written in Italian by Baptista Nani Cavalier and Procurator of St. Mark Englished by Sir Robert Honywood Knight The History of Barbadoes St. Christophers Mevis St. Vincents Antego Martinico Monserrat and the rest of the Caribby-Islands in all Twenty eight In Two Books The First containing the Natural the Second the Moral History of those Islands Illustrated with several Pieces of Sculpture representing the most considerable Rarities therein described The Works of the Famous Nicolas Machiavell Citizen and Secretary of Florence Written originally in Italian and now faithfully translated into English A Compleat Treatise of Preternatural Tumors both General and Particular as they appear in Humane Bodies from Head to Foot To which also are added many excellent and Modern Historical Observations concluding most Chapters in the whole 〈…〉 Discourse The Present State of the Ottoman Empire from the Year 1623. to the Year 1677. Containing the Reigns of the Three last Emperors viz. Sultan Morat or Amurat the Fourth Sultan Ibrahim and Sultan Mahomet the Fourth his Son the Thirteenth Emperor By Sir Paul Ricaut late Consul at Smyrna The History of the Cardinals of the Roman Church from the time of their first Creation to the Election of Pope Clement the Ninth With a full Account of his Conclaves In three Parts Written in Italian by the Author of the Nepotismo di Roma The World Surveyed or The Famous Voyages and Travels of Vincent le Blanc of Marcelles into the East and West Indies Persia Pegu Fez Morocco Guinny and through all Africa and the Principal Provinces of Europe A General Collection of Discourses of the Virtuosi of France upon Questions of all sorts of Philosophy and other Natural Knowledge Made in the Assembly of the Beaux Esprits at Paris by the most Ingenious Persons of that Nation Englished by G. Havers In two Volumes A Treatise of the Sibyls giving an Account of the Names and Numbers of them of their Qualities the Form and Matter of their Verses and of their Books Written in French by David Blondell Englished by Jo. Davis of Kidwelly Tracts written by John Selden Esq of the Inner Temple The first entituled Jaâ—â— Anglorum Facies altera Rendred into English with large Notes thereupon by Redman Westcoat Gent. The second England's Epinomis The third Of the Original of Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions of Testaments The fourth Of the Disposition or Administration of Intestate Estates Printed for Tho. Basset and R. Chiswell and sold by R. Clavell Basilica Chymica Praxis Chymiatrica or Royal and Practical Chymistry augmented and enlarged By John Hartman To which is added His Treatise of Signatures of Internal Things or a true and lively Anatomy of the Greater and Lesser World as also the Practice of Chymistry of John Harâ—man M. D. augmented and enlarged by his Son with considerable Additions All faithfully Englished by a Lover of Chymistry The Compleat Chymical Dispensatory in Five Books treating of all sorts of Metals Precious Stones and Minerals of all Vegetables and Animals and Things that are taken from them as Musk Civet c. How rightly to know them and how they are to be used in Physick with their several Doses The like Work never extant before Being very proper for all Merchants Druggists Chirurgeons and Apothecaries and such Ingenious Persons as study Physick or Philosophy Written in Latin by Dr. John Scroder that most Famous and Faithful Chymist and Englished by William Rowland Doctor of Physick The Royal Pharmacopaea Galenical and Chymical according to the Practice of the most Eminent and Learned Physicians of France and published with their several Approbations By Moses Charâ—as the King 's Chief Operator in his Royal Garden of Plants Faithfully Englished and illustrated with several Copper Plates An Abridgment of divers Cases and Resolutions of the Common Law Alphabetically digested under several Titles By Henry Rolls Serjeant at Law Published by the Lord Chief Baron Hales and approved by all the Judges The Reports of Sir George Croke Knight In three Volumes in English Allowed of by all the Judges The second Edition carefully corrected by the Original Les Reports de Henry Rolle Serjeant del ' Ley de divers Cases en le Court del ' Banke le Roy en le Temps del ' Reign de Roy Jaques Colligees