out of another Mans Book I own it but I thought they were suitable to the present occasion e It is very certain that at first this Language was not common to all the Jews This is abundantly proved against the common opinion by what is said in the Book of Nehemiah ch 13. v. 24. that the Children of the Jews who had Married strange Women spoke Asotice and not Judaice In the Hebrew the words are Ashdodith and Jehudith and this last word in the second Book of Kings ch 18. v. 26. is opposed to Aramith which signifies in Syriack Precamur loquaris nobis Syriace non Judaice in the first Book of Ezrah ch 4. v. 7. and in the Prophet Daniel ch 2. v. 4. Aramith has still the same signification On the contrary Jehudith signifies the Hebrew Tongue in opposition to the Syriack as we may see in the second Book of Chron. ch 32. v. 18. 2 Kings 18. 26. and in Isaiah ch 36. v. 11. There were several Jews therefore in the time of Ezrah that still spoke Hebrew And this is evidently proved by the Books of Ezrah that were made since the Captivity and yet were written in Hebrew and not in Chaldee except some Chapters of the first Book of Ezrah where he tells us of the opposition that the Officers of the King of Persia who spoke Chaldee gave to the Jews From whence it follows that the Jews both understood and spoke Hebrew For otherwise why should Ezrah if he designed to have his Books intelligible by all the Jews write them in a Language which was not natural to them The same consideration will hold good as to the Books of the latter Prophets who wrote in Hebrew after the Captivity and yet addressed their Prophecies to all the People But lastly that which admits of no reply is a remarkable passage in the Book of Nehemiah ch 8. and 9. where we find that the Law was read in Hebrew before the People and all the People hearkened to it and understood it These Remarks have been lately made by a very Ingenious and Learned Person Mr. Simon indeed brags that he has invincible Reasons to overthrow them When he has honoured the World with a Sight of them we shall see whether they are powerful enough to make us retract this opinion as he would willingly perswade us they are but in the mean time he ought not to take it amiss if till then we continue in the same mind f The Syriack Tongue mix'd with Hebrew Words became the vulgar Language of the Jews which was afterwards called the Hebrew Tongue The truth of this appears by the Hebrew Words that we find in the New Testament which are all as St. Jerome observes Syriack Words and what our blessed Saviour says That not one Iota of the Law of God shall pass away c. makes it evident that the Jews at that time used the present Hebrew Alphabet and not the ancient and it is demonstrated from hence that the of the Jews was a little Letter which is true of the Syriack and Hebrew Jâ—d and not of the Samaritan which has three Feet g The Chaldee Paraphrasâ—â— which we have seen to be of a lâ—ter date The Câ—â—ldee Paraphrase is divided into three Parts The first that contains the Pentateuch is attributed to Oâ—kelos the second that contains the Prophets to Jonathan the third to one Josephus the blind There is likewise another Paraphrase of the Pentateuch called that of Jerusalem and another of the Canticles but all these Paraphrases are imperfect as well as new Since that time the Jews having committed to writing abundance of Traditions in a Book which they call Misna they afterwards composed Commentaries upon it whereof the most celebrated is called the Gâ—mera But all these Books are full of ridiculous foolish Fictions and have nothing common with the Scripture The Masora that is a sort of a Critical Performance upon the Bible is of more use and advantage The Follies and Whimsies of the Cabala are impertinent and impious h About the year of our Lord 500 the Jews of Tiberias invented the Points These Points were not used in St. Jerom's time as may be easily proved from several Passages of this Father drawn out of his 22th Question upon Jeremiah and out of his Commentary upon Habakkuk in Chap. 3. Vers. 20. which abundantly shew that in his time the Pronunciation of the Hebrew Words was not determined by the Points as it has been since i I am of opinion that one cannot absolutely deny that there was a Greek Version of the Books of the Bible made in the time of Ptolomy Philadelphus It is not credible that the Authors of the Books attributed to Aristeas and Aristobulus entirely invented the whole History and that there is no part of it true 'T is sar more probable that they only added several Circumstances to the Matter of Fact which was assuredly certain Mr. Simon imagines that this Version was called the Septuagint beause it was approved by the Sanedrim but this is a Conjecture without any Foundation k Some of the Fathers have believed this Fiction of the Talmudists The Author of the Discourse against the Greeks attributed to St. Justin St. Irenaeus and St. Clement believed it St. Austin questioned and doubted the truth of it St. Jeroâ—â— laughs at it l Aquila the Jew A certain Syriack Auther â—ited by Monsieur Le Jâ—i the Publisher of the French Poâ—â—gâ—â—ot tells us that he was descended from Adrian and adds many other Passages 〈◊〉 are extremely improbable St. Jerom assures us that he was a Jew in his Commentary upon the third Chapter of Habakkuk upon the third of Isaiah and in his Epistle to Marcellus m Theodotion the Disciple of Tatian St. Jerom's Testimony confirms what we have said here St. Irenâ—â—s names him in his Book against Hâ—â—esy from whence it follows that he lived when Elutâ—erius was Pope n Symmachus c. What we say concerning this Man is taken out of St. Jerom in his Preface upon Job Eusebius also says l. 6. c. 7. that he was an Ebionite and this is the reason why Hilâ—ry the Deacon Author of The Commentary of St. Paul attributed to St. Ambrose calls the Ebionites Sâ—…machians o We yet find another Version of the Bible in the time of the Emperor Caracalla St. Epiphanius is of opinion that this fifth Version was found at Jericho the Author of The Abridgment attributed to St. Athanasius is of the same opinion But Eusebius following the Testimony of Origen tells us that the sixth was found at Nicopolis that we don't know where Origen found the fifth and that the seventh which was only a Version of the Psalms was found at Jericho Consult Euseb. l. 6. c. 16. St. Jerom assures us that all these Translations were made by Jews p Eusebius St. Jerom and several other Ancients make no distinction between the Octapla from the Hexapla They place the fifth sixth and seventh Version in what they
Sabbath nor the Jews to labour or trade on the Lord's Day not to eat in Lent with them not to eat any Flesh they have killed nor drink any Wine that they sell. Lastly not to converse familiarly with them nor trade with them because they daily Blaspheme the Name of Christ. Then he describes the insolence of the Jews because they found themselves upheld by the Authority of the Commissioners He beseeches him to hear the humble entreaty of Himself and Brethren and rectifie this disorder To this Petition he joyns a Letter written in his Name and in the name of Bernard Arch-bishop of Vienna and another Bishop called Eaof or Taof in which they produce the Authorities of the Fathers and Scripture to justifie the Severity they treated the Jews withall They relate the example of S. Hilary who would not salute them of S. Ambrose who writes that he would rather suffer Death than rebuild a Synagogue of the Jews which the Christians had burnt They add to these two Fathers S. Cyprian and S. Athanasius who wrote against the Jews Then they alledge the Canons of the Councils of Spain and Agda which forbid Christians to eat with the Jews and the Constitutions of the first Council of Masco which declares that according to the Edict of Childebert it is not permitted to the Jews to be Judges or Receivers of the publick Revenues nor to appear in publick in the H. Week and renew the prohibition given the Christians not to eat with them This is Confirmed by the Canons of the First and Third Councils of Orleans and the Council of Laodicea which forbids Christians to converse with them They forget not the Action of St. John who fled from the Bath in which he saw Cerinthus the Heretick entered who was an Heretick of the Sect of the Jews They accuse the Jews of their time to be worse than Cerinthus because they believed God Corporeal and had gross and false Notions of the Divinity allowed an infinite number of Letters and believed the Law to be written several Years before the World were perswaded that there are several Worlds and Earths introduced many Fables about the old Testament and uttered Blasphemy against Jesus Christ published the false acts of Pilate used the Christians as Idolaters because they hated the Saints and did infamous Actions in their Synagogues from whence they conclude that if they ought to separate themselves from Hereticks they ought with more Reason to have no commerce with the Jews which they maintain by several passages of H. Scripture 'T is very probable that Agobard went to Court about this Business He applyed himself to Three Persons who were in great Favour at Court viz. Adelardus Abbot of Corbey Vala the Son of Bernard Brother of Pepin and a Relation to the Emperour and Helesacharius Abbot of S. Maximus at Treves having complained before them of those that defended the Jews they brought him into the King's presence to relate it but he received no Satisfaction and was ordered to with-draw Being returned he consulted those Three Persons by a Letter what he should do with those Jewish Slaves who desired to become Christians and be Baptized He shews by several Reasons that he could not refuse to do it and that the Jews might have no ground of Complaint he says that he offer'd to pay them for those Slaves what was ordered by the ancient Laws But since the Jews would not receive that Price because they were perswaded that the Court Officers were their Friends he prays them to whom he wrote to direct him what to do upon that occasion about which he was much perplexed fearing on the one Side Damnation if he denyed Baptism to the Jews or their Slaves who desired it and on the other Side being fearful of offending the great Men if he granted it to them In Agobard's Letter to Nebridius Arch-bishop of Narbonne he shews how dangerous it is to hold a familiar converse with the Jews and tells him that he hath admonished his People of it all along his Visitation of his Diocess and boldly opposed the attempts of the Emperour's Commissioners Agobard presented another Petition to Lewis the Godly in which he prays him to abolish the Law of Gundobadus which ordered that private Contentions and Differences should be decided by a single Combat or some other proofs rather than by the Deposition of Witnesses He shews that that Law which was made by an Arrian Prince is contrary to the Spirit of the Gospel to that Charity that Christians ought to have one for another and to the peace both of Church and State He observes that it came neither from the Law nor Gospel That the Christian Religion was not established by such sort of Combats but on the Contrary by the Death of him that preached it That the most Wicked and Guilty have often overcome the more Just and Innocent He adds that Avitus Bishop of Vienna who had some Conferences about Religion with Gundobadus and converted his Son Sigismond disallowed this Custom He complains of the little Regard had to the Canons of the Church of France Lastly he says he could wish that all the Kings Subjects had but one Law but because he believed that impossible he desired he would abolish at least that Custom which was so unjust and so prejudicial to the State In the Treatise of the Privileges and Rights of the Priest-hood dedicated to Bernard Bishop of Vienna Agobard Treats of the Excellency of the Priest-hood He says that all Christians being Members of Jesus Christ who is our Chief Priest are Kings and Priests of the Lord. That in the beginning of the World the First Born were Priests and Sacrificers There he produces several Examples taken out of the Holy Scripture and many Authorities to shew that God hath often heard wicked Priests and had no regard to the Sacrifices of good ones because he looks chiefly upon the Dispositions of the Heart of those for whom they offer Sacrifices and that otherwise 't is not the Merit of the Priest nor his Person that God respects but his Ministery and Priest-hood For this Reason it is that wicked Priests may administer Sacraments which the most H. Lay-men cannot do And upon this account Men ought to hear and believe what the Priest teacheth if he do not corrupt the Doctrine of Jesus Christ for if he teach any thing that Christ hath not Commanded he that hears him saith Agobard is a Leper that follows another Leper a Blind Man lead by another Blind Man and consequently both of them ought to be driven out of the Camp and shall both fall into the Ditch This gives him occasion to cite several Texts of Scripture to exhort the Priests of the New Testament to behave themselves worthy of their Ministery and to complain of the Irregularities of his time He observes that the Great Lords of his time kept Domestick Priests in their Houses not to obey them but to employ them
beginning of his Bishoprick and that 't is very probable they were not written till about the Year 390 or 391 when Peace was restor'd to the Church after the Death of the Tyrant Maximus He follow'd and imitated in these Three Books the Design and Method of Tully's Offices He confirms those good Maxims which this Orator had laid down and corrects those that are imperfect refutes those that are false and adds several others which are infinitely more excellent more pure and more sublime The first Six Chapters of the First Book of St. Ambrose's Offices are a Preface to the whole Work wherein he enquires when and how it is seasonable to Speak or to be Silent The Bishops are oblig'd by their Office to explain the Word of God but they ought to discharge this Duty with Humility they must learn by teaching and that they may teach This is what St. Ambrose applies to himself For says he being remov'd all of the sudden from the Civil Bench and from the Office of a Judge that I might be promoted to the Priesthood I have taught what I had not then learn'd and was oblig'd to Learn and Teach at the same time After this he discovers the Advantages of being Silent and the Dangers to which a Man exposes himself by speaking but yet he would not have Men always to continue in silence On the contrary he says that it is useful and necessary to speak provided it be done with Humility and Moderation provided that one weighs his Words in the balance of the Sanctuary and does not follow the Motions of his Lusts but Reason and Justice and provided that he does not employ his Voice to retaliate Reproaches by Reproaches After this Preface he enters upon the Matter and undertakes to treat of Offices He affirms that this Name was not only in use among the Philosophers but that it is in the Holy Scripture He quotes one single Passage taken out of the Gospel of St. Luke Ch. 1. P. 23. Where there is mention made of the Ministry of Zacharias and he translates the Greek Word by Office This example does not prove very strongly what he had affirm'd After this he gives two Etymologies of the Word Officium the First is ab efficiendo quasi efficium and the Second ab officiendo The Philosophers distinguish'd Three Sorts of Offices of Honesty of Profit and of Pleasure St. Ambrose says that the Christians know no other but that of Honesty because they referr all to the Happiness of Heaven being persuaded that the Profits and Pleasures of this Life are neither true Profits nor true Pleasures And therefore he treats only of the Offices which have reference to Honesty He affirms that this Term of Honesty and Decency was known to David before the Philosophers used it and for proof of this he quotes Psal. 64. 2. Praise becomes thee O Lord in Zion Te decet hymnus Deus in Sion He adds some Passages of St. Paul where he speaks of Decency and Honesty He affirms that Pythagoras follow'd David in imposing the Law of Silence upon his Disciples But he puts a very great difference between their Precepts in that Pythagoras wholly forbade his Scholars to speak whereas David teaches us to speak with moderation and to hold our Peace when it is convenient to do so He distinguishes Two Sorts of Offices the less perfect which he calls medium and the most perfect He explains this by the Words of Jesus Christ to the young Man who ask'd him what he must do to inherit Eternal Life Jesus Christ answer'd him at first Keep the Commandments Do not commit Murder nor Adultery c. These says St. Ambrose are the less perfect Offices to which there is still something wanting Those that are perfect are design'd by what Jesus Christ said afterwards to the young Man when he had answer'd him that he had observ'd all these things If you would be perfect go and sell all your Goods and give them to the Poor and you shall have Treasure in Heaven and come and follow me This gave occasion to St. Ambrose to recommend Alms giving as one of the principal Duties of the Christian Life Here he treats very largely of the Providence of God and proves against the Philosophers that it extends to all Creatures Why then do the Wicked here enjoy Plenty This is the common Objection To which St. Ambrose answers First that this Abundance does not make them happy in this Life because the remorse of their Conscience torments them He adds in the Second place that we must not wonder if the Wicked seem to be happy in this Life and on the contrary the Good seem to be miserable because this is not the Place of Reward or Punishment That we must wait till the other Life when every one shall receive according to his Works that here we are in a place of Combate that the Just are to endure continual Assaults that they may obtain one day the Reward of their Victory whereas the Wicked here enjoy Repose who deserve no Reward after which shall follow the Punishments which their Sins deserve That in short God has granted to those the good Things and Advantages of this Life that they might be without Excuse in the Day of Judgment for not observing the Commandments of God St. Ambrose having thus establish'd these general Maxims enters upon the particular consideration of the Duties of every State He begins with those which belong to young Men He recommends to them above all things Shamefac'dness and Modesty he gives a wonderful description of this Vertue and proves how necessary it is to Clergy-men He says that he had hindred one from entring into Holy Orders because his Countenance was not modest enough and that he had forbid another to walk before him because he had too confident a Gate He counsels them not to be present at Feasts and to shun the Conversation of Women he recommends to them to stay at home and to apply themselves to the Duties of Piety which are agreeable to their Ministry Afterwards he gives Precepts for restraining the Motions of Anger and of other Passions He describes the Discourses of Clergy-men He does not think it fit that they should use Railery He gives them Three Rules for the good Conduct of their Actions The First is to hold their Passions in subjection to Reason The Second is to observe Moderation The Third is to do all things seasonably and in order He illustrates these Maxims by the Examples of many Saints in the Old Testament After he has laid down these general Rules he discourses of Vertues in particular comparing the Idea's which Christians have of them with those which the Pagan Philosophers had and shews that those of the Christians are much more sublime As for example Justice among Christians does not allow that they should render Evil for Evil it acknowledges no particular Interest and it takes place not only with respect to Friends but
Diodorus and Carterius Superiors of the Monks that were in the Suburbs of Antioch He was afterwards baptized by Meletius and chosen by this Bishop to be Reader He was so highly esteemed that he was mark'd out by an Assembly of Prelates to be made Bishop as well as Basil his Friend e Basil his Friend It is not certainly known who this Basil was nor Bishop of what place but it is certain that he was not the great S. Basil Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia Socrates and Sozomen have improperly confounded them for Basil Chrysostom's Friend was of his own Age and instructed by the same Masters as appeareth by the beginning of S. Chrysostom's Book of the Priest hood whereas S. Basil was much older and was Bishop of the Church of Caesarea before St. Chrysostom was 25 Years old Photius tells us that Basil S. Chrysostom's Friend was Basil of Seleucia This is yet a grosser mistake because this latter was not ordained Bishop before the Year 431 and he lived till 458. Basil S. Chrysostom's Companion was rather Bishop of Raphanea or another of the same Name Bishop of Biblâ—s whose Names are found in the Subscriptions of the Council of Constantinople But knowing the Day when they were to ordain him he hid himself avoiding that Dignity with as much Care as others sought for it with earnestness About the Year 374 he retired to a Mountain near Antioch where he lived with only one old Monk the Space of four Years then he chose to dwell in a Cave for two Years after an austere manner The severity of a solitary Life and continual Labour did much impair S. Chrysostom's health which obliged him to return to Antioch about the Year 380. There the great Meletius ordained him a Deacon and soon after he went to the Council of Constantinople where he died After his Death S. Chrysostom sided with Flavianus who made him Priest and having received that Order he gave himself wholly to preaching and therein got such reputation that after the Death of Nectarius Archbishop of Constantinople he was with general Consent chosen to fill up that See The Emperour was obliged to use all his Authority to make him leave Antioch and at last he was forced to take him away secretly Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria whom the Emperour had sent for to ordain S. Chrysostom had more inclination for one Isidorus a Presbyter wherefore he secretly opposed the Ordination of S. Chrysostom But Eutropius and other Officers of the Court upheld S. Chrysostom so far that Eutropius to oblige Theophilus to ordain him shewed him a Memorial containing several Heads of an Accusation formed against him and put it to his choice whether he would ordain St. Chrysostom or prepare himself for his Trial upon those Accusations Theophilus chose the former and ordained S. Chrysostom the first Day of March 398. This was the beginning of that hatred which Theophilus bore to St. Chrysostom and which proceeded further than can well be believed as we shall see afterwards S. Chrysostom being entred upon the Government of the Church of Constantinople began with endeavouring to reform the manners of the Clergy and then fell to reproving the Vices of the Court and this got him the ill-will of many for he was of a severe Temper not agreeable to men of the World and his way of living was singular and retired They found fault that he always eat by himself and would never appear at those Feasts where he was invited which they looked upon as proceeding from Scorn and Contempt of others though it was only an Effect of his Constitution and Weakness of Stomach or of his great Sobriety He discharged the Duties of his Office with wonderfull Exactness and Care knowing that the Revenue of the Church is the Patrimony of the Poor he cut off the superfluous Expences of his Predecessours to increase the Allowances of Hospitals for the Sick And the Hospital at Constantinople not being large enough by reason of the great Number of Sick and Strangers he caused several others to be built and for each of them he appointed two Priests to take care of the Sick and Strangets He particularly provided for Virgins and Widows He constantly preached to the People exhorting them not to neglect the publick Service And he is said first to have instituted solemn Processions in Constantinople But his Pastoral care was not restrained to his particular Church but extended it self also to the Churches of Thracia Pontus and Asia He pulled down some Temples of false Deities that were still in Phoenicia To the Goths that were infected with Arianism he sent Priests Deacons and Readers that spake their Language thereby to endeavour the Conversion of that People from their Error He also sent Missionaries to the Scythians that inhabited along the Danube He wrote to the Bishop of Tyre against the Marcionites of those parts offering him the Emperor's help But he never did the Church a more signal Service than when he re-united the East and West by reconciling Flavianus with the Western and Egyptian Bishops He assembled at Constantinople a Synod of Two and twenty Bishops about September in the Year 400. Eusebius Bishop of Valentinople in Asia came to it and presented to the Council a Petition containing Seven Articles against Antoninus Bishop of Ephesus the Metropolitan of Asia He was accused First Of Melting the holy Vessels and converting them into Money which he bestowed upon his Son 2dly That he had taken a Marble Stone from the entrance of the Baptistery to use in his own Bath 3dly That the Pillars which remained after the Building of the Church were used to support the Roof of his own Hall 4thly That he kept a Servant who was guilty of Man-slaughter 5thly That he had sold the Lands which were left to the Church by Basilina Mother to Julian the Emperor as if they had belonged to his own Estate 6thly That he had again taken his Wife whom he had put away and had two Children by her 7thly That a Custom was introduced by him so as to become almost a Law to take Money for the Ordination of Bishops proportionably to the value of their Bishopricks Antoninus appear'd at the Council that was called by S. Chrysostom where these Accusations were brought against him by Eusebius They insisted particularly upon the last as being the most important Antoninus denied all and could not be convicted because there were no Witnesses Wherefore the Council deputed three Bishops to go into Asia and hear the Witnesses that were to be produced by the Accuser One of these three Bishops being Antoninus his friend feigned himself sick that he might not inform against his friend The two others went to Hypaepae a City in Asia where they waited to no purpose for Witnesses because the Accuser was agreed with the accused either through fear of his Power or because he had no sufficient Proofs The Deputies weary of waiting went away having written a Letter
Weapons the other sensible Arms one wages War against Barbarians and the other against Devils But the Ecclesiastical power is the nobler of the two wherefore the King receives the Priest's blessing and in the old Law the Priests anointed the Kings But this King would go beyond his bounds and extend his Power too far and enter the Temple by force to offer Incense but what did the Priest say to this Sir you are not permitted to offer Incense Behold this is a generous liberty here was a Soul that could not flatter basely You are not says he to go into the Sanctuary nor to offer Incense to the Lord that 's reserved for me to do King Uzziah could not bear this reproof but transported with pride he opens the Sanctuary and 〈◊〉 Incense The Priest is despised the sacerdotal Function is set at nought The Priest is without power for the Priest's right is only to reprove freely and to admonish judiciously Having then advised the King with that boldness which became him and the King refusing to yield but on the contrary preparing Arms to assert his Authority the Priest crieth out I have done what my duty commanded me to do I have no power to go further O Lord desend the Priesthood which is despised thy Laws are violated and Justice is overthrown undertake for them This is the Account which S. Chrysostom gives of the High-priest's Constancy in the fourth Homily In the fifth he speaks of his Meekness I have shewed you the 〈◊〉 of the High-priest now take notice of his lenity for we have need not of Courage only but much more of Meekness because Sinners hate to be reproved and seek all occasions to avoid admonition and so must be drawn and restrained with Mildness and Charity In the Homily concerning the Seraphim he speaks of that Celestial Hymn Holy Holy Holy He says that formerly that Hymn was sung only in Heaven but since the Lord appeared upon Earth we are allowed the benefit of that divine Consort Wherefore says he when the Priest is by the holy Table to offer the Eucharist he does not utter that Hymn but after he has named the Cherubim and Seraphim and the Congregation have lifted up their Hearts to God This passage discovers the Antiquity of this Preface to the Office of the 〈◊〉 To these Homilies should be joined the Sermon upon Isaiah ch 45. v. 7. I am the Lord I form the Light and create Darkness I make Peace and create Evil. There is no Commentary of S. Chrysostom's upon Jeremiah f There is no Commentary of S. Chrysostom ' s upon Jeremiah There was a Manuscript in some Libraries that went under S. Chrysostom's Name but it was so pitifull a business that it was not judged worth publishing no more thâ—◠〈◊〉 Scholia upon the Gospels of S. Matthâ—â— S. Mâ—â—k and S. Luke but only one 〈◊〉 upon Ch. 10. v. 23. of that Prophet where he proves the freedom of man's Will To these Homilies upon the Prophets must be added two Sermons of the obsoâ—â—â—â— of Prophecies wherein he gives reasons why prophecies are dark He tells us in the first that the Prophets spake obscurely of the Evils which were to come upon the Jews because that had they spoke plainly they might have been ill used and perhaps killed by the Jews This he proves by an infinite Number of Examples of Prophets killed by them for telling the truth It is added that Prophecies were dark that the Jews might not understand them till they were to comprehend them In the second he says that the Event has cleared the Prophecies that the Veil which covered them was taken off in the New Testament and so the obscâ—â—ty wherein they were wrapt up has been dissipated At last he observes that the Old Testament having been written in Hebrew is the less clear because Versions commonly make the Sence more obscure This Father's Commentaries upon the New Testament are more full and entire S. Matthew's whole Gospel is expounded in fourscore and ten Homilies g S. Matthew ' s whole Gospel is expounded in 90 Homilies In the Translation there are 91 but the 29th is divided into two though it is but one in the Greek Original and so the Translation ought to be mended in the Number of the Homilies upon S. Matthew and the Greek Text to be corrected in the Number of the Homilies upon S. John for though it distinguishes 88 Homilies yet there are but 87 because the Preface is not to be reckoned one of them and that of S. John in eighty seven There are four and fifty Homilies upon the Acts and thirty two upon the Epistle to the Romans forty four upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians thirty upon the second a Commentary upon the Epistle to the Galatians four and twenty Homilies upon that to the Ephesians fifteen upon the Epistle to the Philippians twelve upon that to the Colossians eleven upon the first to the Thessalonians five upon the second Eighteen upon the first to Timothy ten upon the second six on the Epistle to Titus three upon that to Philemon and thirty four upon the Epistle to the Hebrews It is said that these last were collected after the Death of S. Chrysostom by a Priest called Constantine who had been his Disciple but there is no proof of this and it is more likely that he writ them himself Part of these Homilies were preached at Antioch and the other at Constantinople h Part of these Homilies were preached at Antioch and the other at Constantinople Photius observes that it is easie to know which Homilies St. Chrysostom preached at Antioch because they are more elaborate than those that were preached at Constantinople But though this general Rule may serve to distinguish them yet some particulars in the Homilies themselves are remarkable to determine where they were preached It is evident that the Homilies upon Genesis were preached at Constantinople as we observed before after Photius for he speaks positively in the 33d Homily upon Genesis which is the 28th according to Photius who reckoneth but 61 Homilies upon Genesis Erasmus believed that the 54 Homilies upon the Acts were not S. Chrysostom's and Sir Henry Savil seems to have doubted of it but without ground for they are written in his style and in several places he discovers himself The style of the Homilies upon the Psalms shews that they were preached at Antioch not to mention the Authority of George of Alexandria and some other modern Greeks that confirm the same It cannot be known when he made the Commentary upon Isaiah The seventh Homily upon S. Matthew shews plainly that it was preach'd at Antioch for he says there that they to whom he spake boasted of being Inhabitants of that City where the Name of Christians took its beginning That Town is again pointed at in the 68th Homily according to the Latin and the 67th according to the Greek Whereby it is manifest that these Homilies
who thought that by his refusal he had offended them that had chosen him he answers in the first place That none ought to be afraid of offending Men when they cannot any other ways avoid it but by offending God 2. He shews that he was so far from disgracing them by his Denial that he pretended on the contrary that he obliged them very much by not exposing them to the reproaches to which they might otherwise have been subject and the false reports which might have been raised against them Is it not certain says he that had I accepted the Bishoprick then those that love to caluminate might have suspected and spoken many things not only of me but also of my Electours They would have said for example that they had respect to Riches or were blinded with the Luster of Birth or won by my Flatteries I know not whether they would not have dared to say that I had bribed them with Money But thanks be to God I took from them all these occasions of Evil-speaking and they can no more tax me with Flattery than they can accuse these good Men of being corrupted For why should he that bestowed Money or used Flattery to get an Office suffer another to take it when he might have it himself Again what might not have been said by detracting Men after my coming to the Office Could I have made Apologies sufficient to answer their Accusations Though all my Actions had been without reproach had they found no pretence to blacken me But now they have none for I have delivered those that might have chosen me from all imputations No complaints will be made of them It will not be said publickly They have entrusted young Fools with the highest and most considerable Offices they have exposed God's Flock to all sorts of Corruption Christianity is now made a jest of and they delight to render it ridiculous Now the mouth of iniquity must be stopped For if Calumniatours do thus complain of You addressing himself to Basil you will let them see that a man's Wisdom is not to be judged of by the Number of his Years nor old Age measured with Gray-hairs and that not young Men but Neophytes are to be excluded from Ecclesiastical Dignities Thus he concludes the second Book To defend himself against such as accused him of refusing the Bishoprick out of pride he says that it is not to be presumed that any Man could refuse so eminent a Dignity out of Vanity and that such as are of that opinion must needs be despisers of that high Office To undeceive them he speaks of the Priesthood in these Terms Though the Priesthood is exercised upon Earth yet it ought to be reckoned amongst heavenly Goods since neither Man nor Angel nor Archangel nor any created Power but the Holy Ghost himself established that sacred Order and made men think that they exercised a Ministry of Angels in a mortal Body Wherefore whosoever is raised up to the Priesthood ought to be as pure as if he were already in Heaven among those blessed Spirits When you see our Lord placed and offered upon the Altar The Bishop celebrating the Sacrifice and praying for the whole People dyed and made red with his precious Blood do you think that you are amongst Men and upon Earth Do you not believe your selves to be taken up into Heaven for that moment And do you not put off the thoughts of the flesh Do you not behold heavenly things with a pure Spirit and a naked Soul O Miracle O Bounty of God! He that is above with his Father suffers himself to be touched by the hands of all in this moment and gives himself to be held and embraced by those that desire it Afterwards he compares the Divine Mysteries to Elias his Sacrifice which caused Fire to come down from Heaven to consume the Victims He saith that the Bishop in like manner causeth by his Prayers not Fire from Heaven but the Holy Ghost to descend upon the Altar Having thus exalted the Dignity of the Priesthood because of the Power which they have to consecrate the Body and Blood of Jesus Christ he discourses of their Power of binding and loosing Sinners which is not less honourable nor less usefull to the Salvation of Men. For saith he living as yet upon the Earth they dispose of the things of Heaven and they have received a Power which God would give neither to Angels nor to Archangels having said unto Men and not to them What you shall bind on Earth shall be bound in Heaven and whatsoever ye shall loose on Earth shall be loosed in Heaven Temporal Princes have a power to bind but that is the Body only whereas Episcopal Power bindeth the Soul and reacheth unto Heaven because God ratifieth above what the Bishops do here below and the Master confirmeth the Sentence of his Servants This Power is as much above the Temporal as Heaven is nobler than the Earth and the Soul than the Body It were madness to despise a Power without which we could hope for no Salvation nor the possession of the promised Goods For if none can enter into the Kingdom of Heaven unless he be first regenerated with Water and the Holy Ghost And if he that eateth not the Flesh of the Lord and drinketh not his Blood is deprived of Eternal Life And if it be these holy Hands I mean by the hands of Bishops that all these things are done How can either the Fire of Hell be avoided or the Crowns prepared for us in Heaven be obtained without their help They and only they are intrusted by God with these spiritual Births and that regeneration which is wrought by Baptism By them we put on Christ we are united to the Son of God and become Members of his sacred Body Bishops do not judge of the Leprosie of the Body as the Priests did under the old Law they judge of that of the Soul and they do not onely enquire whether Souls be purified but they have power also to purify them Wherefore those that despise them commit a much greater Crime and are worthy of a much severer Chastisement than Dathan and his Companions Having thus exalted the Dignity of the Priesthood he discovers the Dangers that attend this Office on all sides He compares a Bishop that has the Care of a Diocess with a Pilot that hath the Charge of a Ship But a Bishop saith he is more agitated with Cares than the Sea with Winds and Storms The first Rock he meets with is vain Glory Anger Peevishness Envy Quarrelling Calumnies Accusations Lying Hypocrisies Treachery and precipitate Violence against the Innocent joy to see those that serve the Church neglect their Duty and sorrow to see them discharge it worthily love of Praise desire of Honour which is one of the most pernicious passions of the Soul Discourses where pleasure is more looked after than the profit of the Hearers servile Flatteries base Complacency Contempt of the
by St. Augustin at the same time in the 33d year of his Age. It is dedicated to Manlius Theodorus whom he had known at Milan In the beginning he makes a distinction of three sorts of Persons Some to avoid the Troubles of this Life fly into Harbour as soon as they come to the use of Reason that they may live quietly Others on the contrary having been a while ingaged in the Storms of this Life carried away with Passions Pleasures or Glory find themselves happily driven into Harbour by some Storm The third sort are they who in the midst of Storms and Tempests have always had an eye to some Star with a design to return into Harbour The most dangerous Rock to be feared in this Navigation is that of Vain-Glory which we meet with at the first setting out and where it is difficult to avoid Shipwrack These Reflections St. Augustin applies to himself and saith That at Twenty five Years of Age having conceived a strong Passion for Philosophy by reading of Tully's Hortensius he resolved to give up himself to that Study but that having been some time wrap'd up with the dark Clouds of the Errors of the Manichees which hid from him the Star that should have guided him At last that mist was dissipated That the Academicks had long detain'd him in the midst of the Sea in a continual Agitation but he had now discover'd a lucky Star that shewed him the Truth by the Discourses both of St. Ambrose and Theodorus to whom he writeth That the love both of Pleasure and of Glory had for sometime detain'd him but in the end he weighed all his Anchors to come into Port. After this fair beginning he acquaints Theodorus with a Discourse which he supposeth to be held upon the 15th of November his Birth-day with his Mother his Brother his Son his Cousins and his Two Disciples Trygetius and Licentius who appeared already in the foregoing Dialogues That they might enter upon the Matter the sooner St. Augustin introduces them agreed in this Point That Man being made up of Body and Soul the Soul is to be fed as well as the Body because it hath equal need of Nourishment After this he propounds the subject of their Conference saying That since all Men desire to be happy it is certain that all that want what they would have are not happy but he asketh Whether they be happy that have what they desire St. Austin's Mother having answered That they are happy if that which they desire be good Si bona inquit velit habeat beatus est He replies immediately That she had found out the greatest Secret in Philosophy Ipsam prorsus mater arcem Philosophiae tenuisti Upon these Principles he shews in the Three Dialogues of this Book That true Felicity consists in the Knowledge of God For in the first place the Goods of Fortune cannot make us happy since we cannot have them when we would The Academicks cannot be happy in their enquiry after Truth since they have not what they would find but they that seek God are happy because they no sooner seek to him but he begins to shew them Mercy All those whose Souls want any thing are not happy None but God can fill the Soul therefore none but God can make us happy None is happy without Wisdom And can Wisdom be had without God Is there any other Wisdom than that which cometh from him Is he not VVisdom and Truth He concludes with Exhorting those to whom he speaks to seek after God that they may come to the perfect Knowledge of him wherein consists the Soveraign Felicity of Life and the true Happiness of the Soul He corrects this Passage in his Retractations observing that Man cannot be entirely and perfectly happy in this Life because he cannot know God perfectly till he comes to the other VVorld St. Austin treateth of Providence in his Two Books of Order Shewing That all good and evil Things come to pass according to the Order of divine Providence These Books are written Dialogue wise In the First he discourses of Providence in general in the Second he begins to enquire What Order is but immediately digresses to speak of the Love of Glory And his Mother coming in he puts an end to the Conference shewing That Women should not be forbidden to Study VVisdom In the Third Dialogue which begins the Second Book St. Augustin clears several particular Difficulties about the Order of Providence He enquires what it is to be with God and in God's Order in what Sence a wise Man may be said to abide with God and to be immoveable He maintains That foolish and wicked Actions come into the Order of Providence because they have their Use for the good of the Universe and manifest God's Justice In the Fourth Dialogue he proves That God was always Just tho' there was no occasion for the exercise of his Justice before there were wicked Men That Evil was introduced against God's Order but that the Justice of God submitted it to its Orders Having bandied these Metaphysical Questions he enters upon Morals exhorting his Disciples to follow God's Order both in their Behaviour and in their Studies He says Men ought to live after the following Pattern 'T is necessary saith he for young Men to avoid Debauches and Excess to despise gay Cloths and rich Attire to be careful not to lose their time either at Play or unprofitable Recreations not to be Idle or Sleepy to be free from Jealousie Envy and Ambition in one word not to suffer themselves to be transported by any violent Passion They should be perswaded That love of Riches is the worst Poyson that can infect their Hearts They ought to do nothing either with Cowardice or with Rashness If they are offended let them refrain their Anger They ought to correct all Vices but to hate no Body not to be too severe or too yielding Let their Reproofs be always for a good End and their Meekness never Authorize Vice Let them look upon all that are committed to their Charge as their own Let them serve others without Affectation of Dominion and when they become Masters let them still be willing to serve Let them carefully avoid making Enemies and if they have any let them bear with them patiently and endeavour to be quickly reconciled In all their Business with others and their whole Behaviour let them observe that Maxim of the Law of Nature Do not that to others which you would not have done to you Let them not meddle with Publick Affairs except they are very capable and study to get Friends in what Employment soever they be take a delight in serving those that deserve it even when they least look for it Let them live orderly honour God think of him and seek him by Faith Hope and Charity Having thus given Precepts for the Manners of Youth he prescribeth Rules for their Studies He saith That Learning is got by Authority and
the Nature of Bodies after the Resurrection and of that of Angels It is incertain whether they have Boâ—…s or whether they are pure Spirits These Letters are of the Year 408. The 96th Letter is an Excellent Example shewing How little Bishops in St. Augustin's time were given to Interest Paulus Bishop of Catagnae had bought an Estate in the Church's Name with a Summ which he recovered though he had Surrendered his own Estate for what he owed to the Royal Treasure Boniface his Successor not willing to benefit himself by that Fraud declared the thing as it was chusing either to have nothing or to receive the whole from the Emperor's Liberality rather than keep a thing gotten by Fraud St. Augustin writeth this Letter to Olympius Surveyor of the Buildings to obtain by his means this Gratification from the Emperour in the behalf of Boniface Olympius not being in that Employment before the Death of Stilico which happen'd in August 408 this Letter cannot have been written till towards the latter end of that Year To the same Magistrate and at the same time was the following written whereby he prayeth him to see the Laws maintained that were Published in Africa in the time of Stilico his Predecessor and to let the Church's Enemies know That these Laws having been Enacted freely by the Emperour himself they were in full force after Stilico's Death In the 98th to Boniface St. Augustin resolves a Question that was made to him by that Bishop namely How the Faith of Parents can serve for their Children that are admitted to Baptism though the incredulity of Parents can be no Prejudice to their Children when they offer them to Daemons St. Augustin Answers That it is most certain that after a Child is born he partakes no longer of other Men's Sins but before he is partaker of Adam's Sin from which he is delivered by the Operation of the Holy Ghost in the Sacrament of Baptism That Water represents outwardly both the Mystery and Grace but the Holy Spirit produces the Effect That neither the Faith of Parents nor yet of Godfathers is the cause of this Grace but the Prayer of the whole Church that begets Christ in each Member In which sence the God-fathers Answer for the Child that he believes and resolves to live Christianly because he receiveth the Sacrament of Faith and of Conversion to God He explains this last Notion by several Examples and among the rest he alledgeth that of the Eucharist saying That as the Sacrament of Christ's Body is in some sort the Body of Christ so the Sacrament of Faith is Faith it self and in this sence it is said That whosoever hath the Sacrament of Faith hath Faith it self This Comparison would not be very Just if St. Augustin did not consider something else in the Eucharist besides the external and sensible part The 99th is written to the Lady Italica on the occasion of the first Siege of Rome by Alaricus in 408. In the 100dth Letter St. Augustin intreateth Donatus Proconsul of Africa to restrain the Donatists but not to punish them with Death And having expressed himself with the most Pathetical terms that can be used to oblige him to Meekness he concludes with these curious words It is a more troublesome than profitable Labour to compel Men to forsake a great Evil rather by Force than by Instruction This Letter was written at the time when they published new Edicts against the Donatists in 408. The 101st Letter to Memorius a Bishop was joyn'd to the Sixth Book of his Treatise of Musick which St. Augustin sent by it self to that Bishop because he could not find his other Books upon the same Subject that Memorius desired This Memorius was Father to Julianus who writ afterwards against St. Augustin who was now a Deacon St. Augustin gives him great Commendations in that Letter The 102d is placed in the Retractations amongst the Books composed before the Year 411. There St. Augustin answereth Six Questions proposed by an Heathen to a Priest called Deogratias The First is concerning the Resurrection Whether that which is promised to us shall be like that of Jesus Christ or like that of Lazarus And whether after the Resurrection Men shall be Subject to the Infirmities and Necessities of the Flesh. St. Augustin answereth That our Resurrection shall be like that of Jesus Christ and that after the Resurrection we shall be freed from all cares and inconveniencies of corruptible Flesh. The Second Question is If none can be Saved but by Jesus Christ what is become of those that died before his coming What is become of so many Millions of Souls against whom nothing can be objected since Christ had not yet appeared among Men Why did not the Saviour come sooner Let it not be said that the Jewish Law supplied that want for there was already an infinite number of Men upon Earth when it was given and yet it was neither known nor practised but in a small corner of the World St. Augustin having shewed That the Pagans were not less perplexed with that Question than the Christians answers That Jesus Christ being the Word of God who Governed the World from the beginning all those that knew him and lived according to his Precepts might be saved by the Faith which they had that he was in God and should come upon the Earth He adds That Jesus Christ would not appear in the World and cause his Doctrine to be Preached but at such a time and in such Places where he knew that there were those who should believe in him and that he foresaw that in all other Places or at any other Times Men would be such as they have been though the Gospel had been Preached to them This Notion was very favourable to the Semipelagians and they failed not to make use of it as appears by Hilary's Letter to St. Augustin But this Father answered them in the 9 Chap. of the Book of the Predestination of the Saints That he did make use of the Word Fore-knowledge only because he thought it was sufficient to convince the Infidelity of the Pagans who made this Objection and therefore he omitted to speak of that which is hid within God's Counsels of the Motives of that Dispensation And so when he said That Jesus Christ would not show himself nor cause his Doctrine to be Preached but in those places and at such a time he knew those Persons liv'd who should believe in him It is as if he had said That Jesus Christ did not show himself unto Men nor suffer his Doctrine to be Preached but in those places and at that time when he knew that those should live who were Elected before the Creation He expounds again in the same place what he had said in this Letter That the Christian Religion never failed of being Preached to those that were worthy and that if it failed any it was because they were not worthy of it Saying That he had not
Donatists desiring to be all there made a Solemn Declaration The Catholick Bishops gave their Consent by the 129th Letter The time of these Two last cannot be doubted seeing they relate to the Conference at Carthage appointed the 14th of October 410. and began the 1st of June 411. The 130th is directed to the illustrious and pious Lady Proba Falconia the Widow of Probus Praefectus Praetorio and Consul in 371. who withdrew into Africa after the taking of Rome This Holy Widow having desired St. Augustin to write to her concerning Prayer this Saint gives her by this Letter excellent Instructions about the manner how we ought to Pray and the necessary Disposition to do it well He discourses there of the Contempt of Riches of renouncing the World of that true Happiness which ought to be pray'd for and of love of our Neighbour He proves That true Praying is from the Heart He explains in few Words the Lord's Prayer shewing That it contains what we are to Pray for He observes that we may desire to be delivered from Pain Sickness and Afflictions but that we are not to desire with impatience nor to think that God regards us not when we obtain not that ease which we desire This Letter is full of very Christian and Sublime Maxims and Notions very useful for Pious Persons The 131st to the same Lady hath nothing Remarkable he thanks her for enquiring after his Health In the 132d Letter St. Augustin exhorts Volusian to whom it is written to read the Scriptures and to propose to him those Difficulties which he shall meet with In the 133d Letter St. Augustin entreateth Marcellinus not to punish those Donatists with Death who had confessed their Crimes by Torture and to have respect in the Choice of Punishments to that Meekness which the Church professeth to exercise towards all Men. The next Letter contains the like Entreaties to the Proconsul Apringius Both these were written after the Imperial Law against the Donatists was enacted in 412. By the 135th Volusianus desires a Solution of the Difficulties proposed against the Christian Religion which centred all in this Objection How God should so humble himself as to become Man With this Letter came another from Marcellinus which is the 136th wherein he desireth St. Augustin to answer the Questions made by Volusianus adding some other Objections of the Enemies of the Christian Religion They said That God had abolished the Old Law either out of Inconstancy or because he was weary of it That the Doctrine of the Gospel was contrary to States and that the Christian Emperors had done great Dis-service to the Affairs of the Common-wealth St. Augustin in the 137th answereth Volusianus his Questions He lays down this Rule at First That though there are such Deep Things in the Scripture that a Man may daily make new Discoveries how Learned and Quick soever he be yet it is not difficult to arrive to the Knowledge of what is necessary to be known to be Saved Afterward he answereth Volusianus his Question concerning the Incarnation shewing That though the Word was made Man yet he did not give over the Care of Things upon Earth nor ceased to be every where and to Govern all Things That the Union of the Soul with the Body which daily happeneth is not less difficult to be comprehended than that of God with Man which happened but once to save Men from their Sins Here he lays down very powerful Arguments to perswade Men to believe the Incarnation of Jesus Christ as The Original of the People of Israel God's Dealings with them his chusing them to be his beloved People the Laws and Ceremonies of the Old Testament which had all a relation to Jesus Christ the Predictions of the Prophets the Life Actions and the Death of Christ the Establishment of the Church its Encrease and Preservation the greatness and sublimity of the Morals that were taught in it the plain Stile of the Scripture which makes it accessable to all Mankind though there are such Depths as few Minds can penetrate and other such Considerations which are sufficient to prove the Truth of the Christian Religion In the following Letter St. Augustin replies to the Objections made by Marcellinus The First is about the Alteration of the Old Law which they imputed either to Envy or to Inconstancy in God St. Augustin saith That God is unchangeable in all that concerns himself and that as he hath given Precepts and Ordinances for the Good of Man so it is for the same End that he sometimes changeth them as he judgeth it may be more convenient for them The Second Objection proposed by Marcellinus seems more difficult They accused Christ's Doctrine as inconsistent with the Well-being of the State because it forbids rendring Evil for Evil Commands turning the other Cheek giving the Cloak also to them that offer to take our Coats and to go Two Miles with him that forceth us to go one These Precepts say they are contrary to the Practice of Common-wealths For who is he that will suffer his Enemy to take away his Goods Who doth not seek to return Evil for Evil to Barbarians who come to lay the Provinces of the Empire waste St. Augustin refutes this Objection showing that this Maxim here looked upon as contrary to the good of the State was a Maxim of the Old Romans who thought it worthy of their Greatness and profitable for the Common-wealth to forgive Injuries That Cicero exalting Caesar for a great Prince commendeth him for his readiness to forgive Injuries That such Things are read with Admiration in Profane Writings whilst they are despised in Christian Books where they are more Plainly and more nobly expressed He proves afterwards That these Divine Books are so far from being contrary to the Happiness of Governments that they are most proper to maintain Peace and Concord That however they are not to be understood literally and that we are not absolutely forbidden to defend our selves or to punish Crimes but only that Men should not act by a Principle of Revenge but with a Design to do good to him that offends us So that these Precepts of Jesus Christ have respect to the Disposition of the Heart rather than to what is done outwardly and tend only but to preserve Patience and Charity in their Hearts leaving us the Liberty to do what we think may conduce most to the Advantage of those to whom we desire to do Good Having alledged both Christ's and St. Paul's Example to justifie such a Carriage he adds That this hinders not the Execution of Justice against Evil Doers provided it be done with a Spirit of Charity That War it self may be managed with the same Spirit when Men desire to Conquer with a Design to do Good to the Vanquished and keep them from doing Hurt Then he answereth Marcellinus's last Objection shewing That the Christian Emperors ought not to be charged with the decay of the Empire the Heathen
in God that they worship God and their Desire is that all Men would worship him that they require of us neither Adoration nor Sacrifices and that God doth not expect from us Sacrifices like those of the Heathen but a Sarcifice of Union such as the Church celebrates in the Eucharist and which the Faithful know That the Miracles which were wrought by the interposition of Angels not of Daemons whose Prodigies are nothing but illusions These Miracles I say were wrought by God's Power to make himself known unto Men That the invisible God becomes visible by the ministry of his Angels whom he made use of to deliver his Law to the World That it is so true that no Sacrifice is to be offered to any but God that Jesus Christ as Man would be made a Sacrifice himself and not receive one from any Body else That God alone can purifie Men of their Sins as the Platonists themselves acknowledge that so it was necessary that God should be made Man to be a true Mediator That the just Men under the old Law were not Saved but by Faith in this Mediator That Pride alone keeps the Platonists from owning the Incarnation That the Soul is not Co-eternal with God as they imagine And Lastly That the Means of delivering the Soul which they sought after to so little purpose is nothing but the Christian Religion In the 11th Book St. Augustin finds the Original of both Cities in the diversity of Angels which gives him occasion to treat of the Creation of the visible World which was immediately preceded by that of the invisible that is of the Angels whom he created all in a State of Righteousness from which some are fallen through their own fault He makes some digressions to speak of the Trinity and of several Circumstances of the Creation of the VVorld Having proved in the 12th That the difference of good and evil Angels doth not proceed from their Nature but from their VVill because God created nothing but what was both Good and Perfect He comes to discourse of Mankind and proves That Men are not from Eternity but that God created Man in time And he mentions something concerning the Fall of the First Man whereof he speaks more at large in the 13th Book where he shews That the death both of Body and Soul was the Consequence and the Punishment of Adam's Fall There one may meet with several curious Notions concerning Death and several Reflections upon the Resurrection and the Quality of glorified Bodies He goes on in the 14th Book to speak of the Fall of the First Man and of the lamentable Consequences that attended it and particularly of irregular Desires and shameful Passions He enquires VVhether the First Man was subject to Passions and how he could Sin being free from them Lastly He asketh several Questions rather nice than necessary how Men should have had Children in the Earthly Paradise had they continued in the State of Innocence The Fifteenth Book is the first of those wherein he examineth the Progress of both the Cities He finds the History of it in the Old Testament where he shews who were the Citizens of both those Cities This Book prosecutes this History from the Creation to the Flood On the one side we see Abel and Isaac and on the other Cain and Esau And both these Cities may be taken notice of in the Marriages of the Sons of God with the Daughters of Men. The Church is represented by Noah's Ark. There are in this Book curious Allegories and several Reflections upon the History of Genesis Amongst other Things he examines the length of the Lives of the First Patriarchs and the Difference betwixt the Translation of the Septuagint and the Hebrew Text about the Number of the Generations In the 16th Book he carries on the History of both Cities from Noah to Abraham and from Abraham to the Kings of Israel He doth not find that the Scripture takes notice of any that served God from Noah to Abraham He speaks of the Posterity of the Children of Noah of the Confounding of Languages of the Antiquity of the Hebrew Tongue and of the Multiplication of Mankind He questions whether there be Antipodes In the rest of the Book he clears the History of Abraham and of his Posterity which is explained with relation to the City of God In the 17th taking a View of the History both of the Kings and of the Prophets he relates and expounds the Prophecies which are in the Books of Kings in the Psalms and in the Books of Solomon which relate to Christ or his Church Now as he had quitted the History of the City of the World when he was come to Abraham so he resumeth it in the beginning of the 18th Book which contains an Abridgment of the History of the Principal Monarchies in the VVorld the times whereof he makes to agree with the History of the Bible and he omits not to speak of the Fabulous Histories and of the Metamorphoses Afterwards he quotes the Sibylline Oracles but he insists most upon the Predictions of the Prophets which he produces in all their Particulars He speaks also of the Books of the Maccabees and having made some Reflections upon the Authority of the History of the Canonical Books and of the Translation of the LXX he describeth in few words the Fall of the Jewish Empire and so he comes to the Nativity of Jesus Christ the Dispersion of the Jews the Settlement of the Church the Persecutions and Heresies which immediately followed St. Augustin makes very ingenious Reflections upon all these Articles and concludes this Book by showing That the End of the VVorld is Unknown and he refutes a false Prediction which the Heathens published That the Christian Religion should last but Three hundred sixty five Years The 19th Book treateth of the End of both Cities Each one aims at the chiefest Good but the Inhabitants of the Terrestrial know so little of it that their Philosophers the Wisest among them could never agree wherein it consisted Varro reckoneth Two hundred eighty eight different Opinions of Philosophers about it The Christian Religion discovers the Falsity of all those Opinions by letting Man know That he cannot be Happy in this Life but only in Hope because he cannot enjoy here Peace and perfect Tranquility The 20th Book contains a Description of the Last Judgment of the Renewing of the World of the Resurrection and of the Heavenly Jerusalem The 21st treateth of the End of the Earthly City and represents the Horror of the Torments of Daemons and Damned Men and of the Eternal Fire of Hell St. Augustin refutes the vain Reasons of those that doubt of it and the Fancy of some who affirmed That those Torments should have an End and that Men should be kept from them by the Intercession of the Saints by the Use of Sacraments and by Almsdeeds The Last Book is concerning the Happiness which the Saints shall enjoy to Eternity The
without attempting any thing contrary to the Laws of the Church The next Letter written to the same Domnus furnishes us with another Proof of this Episcopal Charity Another Bishop belonging to the Patriarchate of Antioch named Petrus was deprived of the Government of his Church and likewise plundered of all his Goods This Bishop who was very aged complained heavily of this Condemnation and maintained that he was unjustly thrust out of all Domnus writing to S. Cyril and Proclus gave this Prelate the Name of a Religious and Holy Bishop S. Cyril takes occasion from hence to write in his Favour and shew Domnus That if this Bishop deserved to be deprived of his Church he also deserved to lose the Name of Bishop He then admonishes Domnus to pacify the Complaints of this Bishop and to suffer him to appear before him and his Suffragan-Bishops to be judged there according to the Custom He desires him also to give him the Liberty to reject those Bishops which may be suspected by him for saith he although we do not believe that any Bishop is an Enemy to his Brethren nevertheless to remove all Pretences of Complaint against the Sentence which shall be given it is convenient that those whom he suspects should withdraw themselves As to the Money that had been taken from him S. Cyril thinks it ought to be restored to him for Two Reasons 1. Because he ought not to be deprived after such a manner 2. Because it is an Abuse to demand an Account as they do of the Revenues of the Church of the Bishops It is sufficient that they cannot dispose either of the precious Vessels or Lands The management of the Revenues ought wholly to be trusted to them Lastly whereas it might be said That this Bishop had given a Writing in which he had renounced his Claim to his Church and so was not to be received again S. Cyril answers That he did not give it voluntarily but it was extorted from him by Force and Threatnings and since it was so such Acts of Abjuration ought not to be regarded nor ought Bishops to be suffered to give them for if they are worthy of their Ministry they ought not to renounce it if they are not worthy they ought not to be deprived by a Renunciation but by a Canonical Sentence The last Letter contains a Prescription directed to the Bishops of Libya and Pentapolis to prevent a Disorder which the Monks of Thebais complained of Some Persons newly married had a desire to be ordained Clerks or Priests and the Bishops very easily admitted them without obliging them to renounce their Marriage Others who had been expelled out of the Monasteries for their Debaucheries found means also to get themselves ordained and then got into Monasteries again where they would celebrate the Holy Sacraments and perform the Sacred Functions of the Ministry which occasioned so great Scandal that those that knew them would neither be present nor communicate at their Ministration S. Cyril to put a Stop to this Scandal ordered That every Bishop before he ordaineth a Clergyman shall inform himself of his Life If he be married or not How long since and How long he hath departed from his Wife Whether he hath not been driven out by his Bishop or expelled some Monastery And that he shall not ordain him unless he find his Conversation unblameable for saith he This is the only way of discharging our Duty and preventing that the Holy and Venerable Mysteries be not profaned by the Impurities of the Ministers He adds a Rule concerning those who being separated from the Church or Catechumens fall into a mortal Disease and orders that according to the Custom they should be allowed the Communion and Baptism This Tome concludes with a Letter of S. Cyril's to the Bishops of Africa when he sent them an Authentick Copy of the Canons of the Council of Nice The Sixth Tome begins with the Five Books against Nestorius in which he confutes what Nestorius had written against the Name of the Mother of God given to the Virgin and against other such like Expressions He recites Nestorius's Words and in answering to them labours to convince him of Error and Imposture Of Error because he divides Jesus Christ into Two and denies the Union of the Two Natures in One Person only Of Imposture in attributing to the Orthodox such Opinions as they never thought on accusing them of Teaching That the Two Natures in Jesus Christ are mingled and confounded and that the Divinity is made subject to Humane Infirmities He maintains That the two Natures remain in Jesus Christ without Mixture or Confusion but are united in so strict an Union that what only agrees to God may be predicated of Man and what agrees only to Man of God altho' the Properties of the Humanity may not be attributed to the Godhead nor the Attributes of the Godhead to the Manhood Next to this Treatise follow the Writings made by S. Cyril for the Defence of his Twelve Anathema's The First contains an Explication of the Twelve Propositions in which he rejects the bad Sence that might be put on them The Second is an Apology for the Anathema against the Objections of the Oriental Bishops The Third is an Answer to what Theodoret had written against these Anathema's Lastly The Apology of S. Cyril to Theodosius is put here but we shall speak more largely elswhere of these Treatises The Books against the Emperor Julian ought to have gone before these we have spoken of because 't is one of S. Cyril's principal Works It is dedicated to Theodosius the Emperor and divided into Ten Books In the First he proves by the Testimony of the ancient Historians and most learned Philosophers That the Jews Religion is much more ancient and rational than the Greeks That the History of Moses is true and that the Greeks have taken all their best Expressions out of the Jews Books In the next Place he undertakes to confute the Books of Julian closely and answer all his Objections He recites them at length and then answers them It seems he confuted only the First Book in which that Apostate assaults the Christian Religion in general He begins with a Comparison of the Jewish and Heathen Religion and of the Books of Moses and Plato and extols his Philosophy above the Laws of that Prophet Next he opposes the Christian Religion and propounds some trivial Objections against the History of the Gospel Lastly he makes use of the Jewish Religion and Books to overthrow the Christian Religion The Objections which he brings are weak and idle but he makes them look well by the fine and pleasant Management of them S. Cyril discovers the Weakness of them and disperses them entirely He also often opposes the Heathen Religion and establishes the Christian. This Work is written with a great deal of Elegancy but it is nothing so finely written as Julian's altho it be very learned and solid The Treatise 〈◊〉 the
obliged to reserve nothing of their Goods to themselves since it is their part to give an Example to the Ignorant Christians whom they ought as much to surpass in Devotion as they do in Degree and Dignity For the highest place in the Priestly Office without great worth is nothing else but a Title given to an Office Dignity to an unworthy Person and as a Precious Stone in the Dirt. The Levites of the Old Law had nothing of their own with how much greater reason is it forbidden to the Ministers of the New Law to possess Riches and leave them to their Heirs Jesus Christ doth not advise 〈◊〉 as 〈◊〉 doth others 〈…〉 Gold or Silver The 〈◊〉 are 〈◊〉 obliged 〈◊〉 others to 〈◊〉 them 〈◊〉 because 't is their State and 〈…〉 Sins we must give them to 〈…〉 of Life I grant we may says 〈…〉 and cut off all Superâ—… We 〈…〉 getting Riches or eâ—creasing them or be troubled in keeping them Lastly Some Goods which we have in this Life must be distributed 〈…〉 not 〈◊〉 run to the last 〈…〉 I have children may some say here begins Wordâ—'s Third 〈…〉 for their Salvation But if 〈◊〉 the Affection of Parents who leave their Children something to live on be 〈…〉 their â—ollateral Heirs and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to Rich Men Oh unhappy Men as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you are full of Carking 〈…〉 when you are Dead and do not think upon 〈…〉 before God's 〈◊〉 the Devils attend you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you Eternally and you are thinking on the Pleasures which your Heirs will have in enjoying the 〈◊〉 which you have gotten I do not speak this to 〈◊〉 Christians altogether from leaving any thing on their lawful Heirs Heirs but to Teach them above all things to take care of 〈◊〉 Salvation There are some cases in which it is not only justly allowable to leave in their Heirs 〈◊〉 it were the greatest Injustice not to do it As for Example If a Man leaves his Father or Mother 〈◊〉 or Wife 〈◊〉 Necessity if he hath Poor Friends he is obliged to leave them something and so much 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if they are Dedicated to God although we now do just the contrary and Fathers leave none of their Children less than those they have offered to God But why is it necessary to give to the Religious 〈◊〉 say How Must they be forced to beg their Bread because they are Religious It true That That they need not the things of this World but no thanks to their Parents that they are not in â—ant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Hardness would reduce them to it if they had not other helps You will demand What gâ—â—d would it do them to have an equal share of their Father's Estate with their 〈◊〉 I Answer That it would be useful to maintain the others Religious to impart to those that have nothing that their Charity may make them not to have it soon but may be more happy in having had it Why do you reduce them to Poverty against their wâ—â—â—s 〈◊〉 Suffer them to embrace Poverty voluntarily to chuse it out of Devotion without obliging them to endure it through Necessity There are some that think it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 leave the Proâ—… to their Religious Children This is a kind of Impiety and Inâ—â—â—elity says 〈◊〉 For besides that the propriety of their Goods belongs to their Children this is a way found out to provide for their Children without giving any thing to God They would have the Holy Monks Live in Riches but Die in Poverty In fine 〈…〉 much against that Abuse which is become a kind of Law among us To leave nothing to the Religious or only an Allowance for Life he spends the rest of this Book and all the Fourth in proving That Men are obliged at their Death to leave a part of their Estate to be employed in â—ions Uses Salvian cites one place of these Books in his Fourth Book Of the Government of God which shews that they were written before the Year 440. He also gives the reason of the Title of these Books in his Letter written to Salâ—… where he says 1. That he Dedicated them to the whole Church because the disorders were general 〈◊〉 That he concealed his own Name for Two Reasons for fear it should be 〈◊〉 occasion of Pride and upon the account of that small Authority and Esteem he had least they should hurt the important Truths contain'd in his Work 3. That he chose the Name of Tiâ—… according to S. Luke's Example who â—ook Theophilus's because that Name may agree to all Men that Honour God and that being fearful of telling a Lye he assumed a Name which agreed to the design of the Work composed for the Honour of God But that it was needless curiosity to search after the Author because he was not willing to be known There are besides these Eight Letters of Salvian's which are all written with a great deal of Elegancy The best of them is that which is written to his Wife's a Hypatius Father and b Palladia Mother in his own their c Quieta Daughter 's and their d Auspicioâ—a little Daughter's Name to appease the Anger in which their Mother and Father were because they were retreated and had Consecrated themselves to God It is not necessary to commend the Beauty and Elegancy of Salvian's Stile it is sufficiently known to all that have but a little smattering of Learning It would be hard to find a more near beautiful smooth and pleasant Discourse He is not so diffusive but he is more diverting and full of Instructions than Lactantius and he proves what he asserts by Texts of Scripture which he alledges much to his purpose and which come up very well to the Subject in hand He makes very Natural Descriptions of Vices to create Hatred of them he produces very plausible Reasons to induce Men to forsake them and he confutes solidly and ingeniously the idle preâ—…es which they made use of to defend their pursuit of the World His Morals are strict without being unreasonable but he lays down some Principles a little too largely and which he cannot maintain in their strict sence but it is the common fault of 〈◊〉 that are too rigid Censors of Manners and it is hard to inveigh strongly against a Vice aâ—d not fall into the contrary Extream There are Three Books of Questions Printed with Salvian at Basil and elsewhere to reconcile some places of the Old and New Testament together Some attribute them to Salvian but 't is certain they are not his They are commonly imputed to Julian Bishop of Toledo The Works of Salvian have been Printed in the former Age in several places as at Basil in 1530 with the Notes of Alexander Brassicanus in Folio at Paris in 1570 and in 1575 at Rome by Manutius in 1564. M. Pitthaeus reviewed them by several Manuscripts and put out a new Edition at Paris in 1580. After him Ritterhusius caused them to be reprinted in 1611 at
in Arles and from receiving the Church Revenues till he receive his tryal before the Bishops Council VIII of Toledo THIS Council of 52 Bishops of Spain was called by an order from King * Receswinthe in the year 653. Its Constitutions are in the form of Acts very obscure written in a Council VIII of Toledo barbarous Stile and full of false Notions They begin with King Receswinthe's Letter to the Bishops of the Synod wherein he exhorts them to follow the Faith of the first 4 general Councils to provide against the Disorders that would happen if they should execute the Oath they had taken of putting all those to death that should be found to be concerned in At Recesuind any Conspiracy against the Prince or State to re-establish the discipline of the ancient Canons and to regulate those Matters that shall be brought before them The Bishops obeying the King's Order professed themselves to hold the Decisions of the Councils and the Fathers they read the Creed which was then recited in the solemn Service of the Churches of Spain which is that of the Council of Constantinople to which they had super-added That the Holy Ghost proceeded from the Father and the Son Then they made a long Discourse upon Oaths and cited many Places of the Scripture and the Fathers to shew that Men ought not to keep nor execute the Oaths wherewith they have sworn to commit wicked Actions and prejudicial to the State The third Canon is against those that use Intreaties and Prayers to obtain the Priesthood They are declared Excommunicate and those that do confer or receive Orders thus are deprived of their Dignity these last are likewise put to Penance in a Monastery The three next Canons are made to keep the Clergy pure and chaste The 7th is against an Abuse by which some Persons ordained Bishops or Presbyters did think themselves free to leave the Priesthood under pretence that in their receiving it they had said that they would not receive it The Council declares That this cannot be done and that as Baptism conferred on Persons unwilling to receive it and on Children who know nothing of it is valid so likewise Ordination ought to subsist being as indelible as Baptism the Holy Chrisme and the Consecration of the Aâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who after theiâ— Ordination shall 〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—e 〈◊〉 out of 〈◊〉 Church and shut up in a Monastery to dâ—â—enanâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their 〈◊〉 The 8 〈◊〉 Constitution prohibiâ—â— ordaining hereafter any Clâ—â—â— that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Pâ—… the Anthems the Hymns in use and the Ceremonies of Baptism and that if any oâ— them that are ordained be ignorant of these things they shall be constrained to learn them The 9th forbids eating Flesh in Lent and orders That those that have need of eating of it shall ask the Bishop's Leave The 10th Constitution is concerning the Election of Kings and the Qualifications they ought to have The 11th confirms the ancient Canons of Councils The 12th confirms the Decree of the Council of Toledo held under King Sisenand about the security of Kings They conclude with pious Wishes for King Receswinthe and with a general Confirmation of the preceeding Constitutions The Acts are subscribed not only by 52 Bishops but by 9 Abbots besides and 10. Presbyters or Deacons Deputies of Bishops and 16 Lords Moreover there is another Decree of this Council about the disposing of Kings Revenues which is confirm'd by an Edict of King Receswinthe The Jewish Converts presented a Petition to this Council wherein they bound themselves sincerely to renounce the Jewish Doctrine and Ceremonies Council IX of Toledo TWO Years after the same King Receswinthe called a Provincial Council the Bishops whereof willing to renew the ancient Discipline and to publish the Canons of the Councils Council IX of Toledo thought they ought to begin by making Laws to reform themselves for say they in the Preface It would not become Superiors to go about to judge their Inferiors before they have judged themselves by the Laws of Justice itself Judgments are more just by far when the Life of the Judges is well ordered and when their Vertue is known their Judgment is better submitted to Therefore they 1st forbid the Bishops and others of the Clergy to appropriate to themselves the Lands given to Churches and give leave to the Relations and Heirs of the Legatees to apply themselves to the Bishop or Metropolitan to hinder the Lands given by their Relations from being converted to private uses Secondly to prevent the ruine of Parish-Churches and Monasteries they give leave to those that built them to take care of them and to recommend to the Bishops some Persons to govern them whom he shall be bound to ordain if he finds them capable of that Office This was one beginning of Lay-Patrons Thirdly It is ordered That if the Bishop or any other of the Clergy to pay the Churches Debts alienates some part of his Church-Lands under the Titles of Patrimony he shall be bound to set down in the Deed the cause of his doing so to the end that it may appear whether it be done justly or fraudulently Fourthly they decree That if Bishops have but a small Patrimony the Purchases they make ought to be for the Profit of the Church but if the Revenue of their own Patrimony be found to be as great as that of their Bishoprick their Heirs shall divide their Estate in half or according to the proportion of their own and the Church Patrimony Lastly that they may during their Life dispose of what falls to them by Donation but if they do not dispose of it after their Decease those Donations shall belong to the Church In the Fifth they declare That the Bishop that will build a Monastery in his Diocess shall endow it only with the fiftieth part of the Revenue of his Bishoprick and with the hundredth if it be but a Church only In the Sixth That he may forgive Parochial Churches the third part of the Revenues which they owe him and that such Release shall be perpetual and irrevocable For the more punctual execution of these Canons by the Seventh Constitution they forbid the Heirs of the Bishop to enter upon their Inheritance without the Consent of the Metropolitan or if he be a Metropolitan before he hath a Successor or there be a Council assembled And likewise they forbid the Heirs of Presbyters and Deacons to take possession of their Inheritance without the Cognizance of the Bishop In the Eighth Canon they declare That the Prescription of thirty Years shall not be reckoned against the Church as to the Lands alienated by any Bishop but from the Day of that Bishop's Death and not from the Day of the Date of the Deed. In the Ninth they forbid a Bishop who cometh to bury his Brother to take above the value of a Pound of Gold if the Church be rich or of half a Pound if
and finite He hath also 3 Books which he terms Antirrheticks against the Council held at Constantinople under Constantinus Copronymus which abolished the use of Images but we have only some Fragments of this Work put out by F. Combefis in his Second Volume of his Addition to the Biblioth Patrum at Paris 1648. Lastly we meet with several Canons which bear the Name of Nice-phorus among the Greek Canonists Glycas cites 51 which proves that he made a great number Cotelerius hath published a Collection of 37 and another of 9 inter Monument Eccles. Graec. Tom. 3. p. 445. These are the Contents of them 1. If a Person by chance washes a Cloth consecrated to the service of the Altar it loseth not its consecration 2. A Man that hath been twice Married shall do Penance two years and he that hath been Married thrice 5 years 3. He that remains but a small time within the Close of a Church shall not be punished for it but he that continues long there shall suffer the punishments in that case provided 4. The Gifts bestowed upon the Church by dead Men may be received though they died intestate if it be known that it was their design and intentions 5. If the Feast of the Annunciation happen upon the Thursday or Friday * The week before Easter was called the Holy Week because of the continued Devotion of it It was also called the Great Week 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrys. in Gen. in the Holy Week the Christians might upon that day eat Fish and drink Wine 6. He that is consecrated an Abbot and is a Priest may ordain Readers and Subdeacons in his Monastery 7. He may not ordain any Person who hath lived vitiously in his youth although he be become a virtuous Man because he that is consecrated to God must be without scandalous faults 8. Such as are born of Concubines or of 2d and 3d Marriages may be ordained 9. The Communion may be given to a sick Person who is near death although he be not fasting 10. Bending of the Knee may be used in saluting upon Sundays from the Passover to Pentecost but the ordinary kneeling may not be used 11. A Priest doth not sin if he consecrate the Sacrament or burn a Taper for 3 Persons at once 12. He may not consecrate a Chalice in the Vestry 13. A Priest may not consecrate the Sacrament without hot Water unless in case of absolute necessity 14. A Monk who hath left his Profession may resume it again without using the accustomed Prayers 15. Religious Persons may go within the Rails of the Altar to light the Tapers or brush the Altar 16. Monks may not labour upon Good-Friday that they may not have a pretence of breaking the fast 17. A Monk may forsake his Monastery in 3 cases 1. if the Abbot be an Heretick 2. if any Woman be admitted to it or 3. if they teach the Children of Tradesmen in it 18. Because these Youngsters will divulge the Secrets of the Monastery 19. Monks that are put under Penances and Censures may eat and pray with the rest and have part of the Eulogies and Consecrated Bread 20. On the Fasts of the Apostles and S. Phillp the Monks in the Monasteries shall not eat till night but they that labour may eat after-noon and sup at night 21. If a Nun have been forced by the Barbarians if she hath lived an orderly and commendable life before she shall be discharged after 40 days Penance but if she hath lived a lewd and scandalous life she shall undergo the Penance of an Adulteress 22. He that hath put on the Habit of a Monk for any Temporal Ends as to exempt himself from bearing Arms and afterwards discovers his Hyprocrisie shall be put to Penance six score days and afterwards may be admitted to the Communion 23. Young Monks who forsake their Monastery must not be admitted to the Communion 24. An Abbot ought not to pull off the Cowl from the Monks nor endeavour it 25. A Monk that hath put off his Habit and will not resume it ought not to be received to the Communion 26. If a Sick Man desires Baptism or a Monks Habit they ought to be given him immediately 27. A Monk that is a Priest ought not to celebrate the Mass without his Cloak 28. A Confessor who hath had secret Sins discovered to him ought to keep those secret Sinners from the Communion mildly advising them to Repentance and Prayer and impose a suitable Penance upon them but not prohibit them from coming into the Church nor defame them 29. As to Adulterers Man-slayers and other Notorious Sinners who confess their Crimes they must be kept from the Communion endure a long Penance and not suffered to remain in the Church longer than the Prayers for the Catechumens but if their Sins are publick they must go through the several degrees of Penance commanded by the Laws of the Church 30. If a Layman do voluntarily confess his Sins the Confessor may dispense with part of his Penance 31. A Priest by the permission of his Bishop may use the Ceremonies of setting up the Cross 32. The Sacrament may not be given to Usurers 33. Monks must fast on Wednesday and Friday in Quinquagesima-week but after they have eaten of the Fore-consecrated Elements they ought to eat a little Cheese in opposition to the Heresie of the Jacobites and Tetradites 34. If a Man that hath a Concubine will neither put her away nor marry her with the Blessing of the Church his Offerings may not be received by the Church 35. If a Monk leaves his Habit Eats Flesh Marries and will not reform or repent he must be Excommunicated taken by force and being put into his Habit shall be shut up in his Monastery 36. A Man that hath been guilty of Fornication ought not to be Ordained 37. Such Persons as are reputed to be Fornicators need not to be avoided but such as are known and proved such These are the Canons of the first Collection and the second are these 1. Churches Consecrated by Hereticks are to be accounted no better than Common Houses and therefore though there be Singing before the Cross yet there ought to be no Service at the Altar burning Incense Prayers nor Lighting of Candles and Tapers The 2d is about the Ceremonies in the restoration of a Monk who resumes his Habit which he had once left The 3d declares That we ought not to receive the Sacrament from the Hands of a Priest that doth not Fast on Wednesdays and Fridays The four next are in the precedent Collection The 8th says That a Priest Deacon or Reader Deposed if he become a Monk may say Grace in the Monastery The last is the same with the 25th of the former Collection Leunclacius in his Collection of the Greek and Roman Laws hath Published 17 Canons attributed to Nicephorus which are all in the former Collection except the 2d which forbids Travelling on Sundays the third
Saturday and Sunday says Their Practice is not well-timed because Celebrating the Mass at the Third Hour which is the time appointed to Offer this Sacrifice they cannot keep the Fast till the Ninth Hour Afterwards he quotes some Canons to prove the Unreasonableness of this Custom and justifie the Practice of the Greeks who Offer this Sacrifice on Saturdays and Sundays onely at the Third Hour and Communicate on other days at the Ninth Hour upon the Presanctify'd Elements So that Nicetas does not say positively That the Fast is broken by the Eucharist and though he should say so it would not follow that he believ'd it subject to the same Laws and Contingencies as our usual Food for that one might believe that to ease one from the trouble of Fasting and feed the Body in any manner of way is ipso facto to break the Fast which is not the Thing insisted on by Nicetas or the Greeks Who believed the Celebration of the Sacrifice broke the Fast for that it is an Action full of Joy and Solemnity This is the Reason given for 't by Balsamon upon the Fourth Canon of the Council of Laodicea To offer Says he the Sacrifice is to Celebrate a Feast and express the Solemn Joy of the Church and to do this is not to weep or fast Besides Nicetas does suppose that presently after the Celebration of the Mass it is lawful to eat and consequently that the Latins having finished in the Morning that Celebration of the Mass broke the Fast presently after In which particular he errs for the Latins did not Celebrate Mass in Lent at the Third Hour but in the Evening and so broke their Fast but late However neither Nicetas nor the Greeks did ever say That the Body and Blood of Christ were under the same Laws as common Food nay 't is probable they did not believe that the Species of Bread and Wine went into the Draught their great Doctor S. John Damascene having Taught the contrary As for Algerus he accused them of Stercoranism only upon the Credit of Humbertus whose words he does but Transcribe And Humbertus charges Nicetas with it by a Consequence that has failed and which does not necessarily follow It does not appear that there has been since that time any farther Contest with them upon this Point and amongst the Errors which the Latins afterwards condemned in Michael Cerularius there is no mention made of this Therefore this Error can by no means be proved upon the Greeks Now to come back to the Latins we have sufficiently proved that there was no difference amongst them about the Flesh and Blood of our Saviour contained under the Species that none was The State of the Question amongst the Latins so much Infatuated as to think that that Mystical Flesh and Blood were subject to the same Laws and Contingencies with our usual Food but that they had debated amongst them this Scholastical Question What becomes of the Species of Bread and Wine and that many of them being of Opinion That it was Indecent to conceive that they were subject to the same Laws and Contingencies with our common Food would not have it thought that any part of it were converted into Excrements or voided out of the Body and therefore conceived that they were either Annihilated or Converted into the Substance of our Flesh to be Raised again from the Dead This Opinion which had the Vogue in this and the following Centuries has been since rejected by our Schoolmen who doubt not but that the Species of the Eucharist may be corrupted and converted into another Substance God by his Infinite Power producing another * Another Matter What a many Transubstantiations must follow upon the first Forgery Transubstantiation on the Altar creates another in the Belly least Christ's Body should be subject to Indecent Evacuations So necessary it is to fall into many Absurdities to maintain one wilâ—l Error To what is said in Page 78. Paschasius is of the same Opinion and says 'T is a weakness to think that any part of this Mystery is under the same Laws with other Food this Note the Author hath added at the end of the Book viz. This is not without difficulty for Paschasius says well Frivolum est ergo sicut in Apocrypho libro legitur in hoc mysterio cogitare de stercore But this will bear two Interpretations That it is a frivolous opinion to believe That the Essential part of the Eucharist passes or returns or It is a frivolous question to trouble our selves about whether it passes or not since we need not to fear its mingling with other Aliments I rather think that Paschasius is of the latter opinion for though he Asserts That the Eucharist nourishes our Body â—e does not intend that we should by that word understand a Carnal Nourishment of our Bodies but a Spiritual Nutriture of our Souls See the intire Passage in Paschasiuâ—s Treatise Chap. 20. and the 71 Page of this Work Matter in stead of that which is Converted into the Body and Blood of our Saviour CHAP. VIII The History of the Controversie about the Manner in which the Virgin Mary brought forth Christ. PAschasius and Ratramnus had another Controversie about the Manner in which our Saviour Ratramnus his Opinion of our Saviour's Birth came out of the Virgin 's Womb. Ratramnus being informed There were some in Germany that maintained Our Saviour did not come out of the Virgin 's Womb per virginalis januam vulvâ—e sed monstruose de secreto ventris incerto tramite he thought such an Opinion dangerous conceiving it followed from thence that Christ was not truly Born but Issued from the Virgin quod non est nasci sed erumpi He therefore opposed it in a small Treatise Entitled De partu Virginis published by Father Dacherius in the Second Volume of his Spicilegium wherein he owns it as an undoubted Truth That Mary lived all her life-time a Virgin ante partum in partu post partum but confutes those who believed That our Saviour came not into the World per Semitam Vulvae but some other Way He brings in against them several Places of Scripture and Passages of the Fathers which prove That Christ came out of the Virgins Womb yet he owns withall that he came out per Vulvam clausam as he came into the Place where his Disciples were met through the Door and not through the Wall yet without opening the Door Paschasius Ratbertus who had been Abbot of Corbey and who was then but one of the Private Paschasius his Opinion of our Saviour's Birth Monks as appears by the Title he assumes in his Epistle Dedicatory thinking that Ratramnus heretofore his Monk but who perhaps had before this quitted that Abbey had deliver'd in his Treatise such Things as seemed prejudicial to the perpetual Virginity of Mary and that he had disposed Men to believe That she had brought forth our Saviour
Birth his Age and his Conduct he was very unworthy of that Promotion He took upon him the Name of John XI and was ordain'd in the year 931. Some time after Guy dy'd and his Brother Lambert was declared his Successor But Marosia invited Hugh Son of Count Thibold Duke of Provence and King of Arles and promis'd to make him Master of Rome in case he would marry her He not willing to let such an opportunity slip came forthwith to wait upon her at the Castle of Angelo and marry'd her tho she were his Brother's Widdow For this Hugh was the Son of Bertha who had been marry'd first to Thibold and then to Adalbert the Father of Guy The Romans receiv'd him very kindly But afterwards finding he put the slight upon them they sought nothing so much as an opportunity of ridding themselves of his Government Soon after an opportunity presented it self For Alberic who was likewise the Son of Marosia being disgusted with his Father-in-law for affronting him whilst by his Mother's Order he fill'd him out a glass of Wine excited Alberic becomes Master of Rome the Romans to throw off the Yoke of King Hugh representing to them how deep a disgrace it was for Romans to be subject to the Burgundians They thereupon quickly abandon'd his Interest and having chosen Alberic their Leader they set upon the Castle of St. Angelo with so much expedition that Hugh having not time to throw any of his Troops into the place was forc'd to provide for his own safety Marosia was seiz'd upon by Alberic's Order who likewise secur'd his Brother Pope John and kept him close Prisoner during the remainder of his Popedom which expir'd in the year 935. The City was govern'd a long time by Alberic who changed the form of the Government made himself Consul and commanded in chief with a Prefect and Tribunes Whilst these things were in Action Italy was disputed between several Princes who all The Wars of Italy pretended to the Soveraignty thereof The Italians being weary of the Government of Berenger in the Year 924. conferr'd the Soveraignty on Radulphus King of Burgundy Grand-son to Conrad and Adelaid the Daughter of Lewis the Godly Berenger seeing himself turn'd out of Possession brought the Hunns into Italy who harass'd all Lombardy but having passed the mountains they were defeated by Radulphus in Languedoc At the same time Berenger using his Endeavours to re-enstate himself in the Kindom of Italy was slain by his own men at Verona After his Death the Title of Emperor of the West was not conferr'd on any one at least not by the Pope and Italians till Otho I. in the Year 962. By Berenger's Death Radulphus became sole Soveraign of Italy but the Inconstancy of the Italians which always put them upon driving out one Soveraign by another caused them to submit to Hugh Count Arles Son to Count Thibold and Bertha the Daughter of Lotharius II. Radulphus after he had received Intelligence that they had trayterously kill'd his Father-in-law Burchard Duke of Suabia retired to his own Kingdom of Burgundy and left Hugh in quiet possession of Italy We have already shown after what manner he became master of Rome by the means of Marosias and also how he was outed by Alberic He reveng'd himself on Lambert the Brother of Guy the affront he received from his sister-in-Sister-in-law and having apprehended him he caused his Eyes to be put out and bestowed the Dukedom of Tuscany on his Brother who proved no more faithful to him than Lambert The Italians presently re-call'd King Radulphus who put himself into a posture of re-entring Italy and of engaging in a fresh War with King Hugh but these two Kings thought it most proper to come to an accommodation on condition that Radulphus should renounce his pretensions to the Kingdom of Italy and Hugh should yield to him all the Country he had then in possession beyond the Alpes Notwithstanding this accommodation the Italians continuing still resolv'd to abandon Hugh invited Arnulphus Duke of Bavaria the Bastard Son of Arnulphus the Emperor to come and take possession of the Crown This Prince enters into Italy with an Army and advances as far as Verona where he was received by Count Milo and Ratherius Bishop of the place Hugo came immediately with an Army and sat down before the place and having defeated a considerable party of the Troops of Arnulphus he oblig'd him to think of making his Retreat and of taking Count Milo along with him The Count no sooner understood his Design but he went over to King Hugh and Arnulphus perceiving he was abandon'd by him withdrew in great haste to Bavaria The City of Verona immediately surrender'd to King Hugh who sent Ratherius Bishop of that City a Prisoner to Pavia Hugh puffed up with this success after he had caus'd his Son Lotharius to be proclaim'd King endeavour'd to surprize the City of Rome and Besieg'd it but perceiving he could not have his Aim he treated with Alberic and gave him in Marriage his Daughter Elda in hopes that afterwards he might make himself Master of Rome but Alberic as subtle a Politician as himself would not relinquish the place nor put it into the Hands of his Father-in-law Much about this time Manasses Archbishop of Arles King Hugh's Kinsman thinking he might make his fortune greater under the Government of his Kinsman quitted his Church at Arles Manasses and comes into Italy and obtain'd contrary to all form of Law the Bishopricks of Verona Trent and Mantua to which he annex'd the Marquisate of Trent Whilst Alberic govern'd Rome the Holy See was fill'd by Popes of a blameless life but Leo VII they found themselves in a Capacity of wishing rather than of doing good Leo VII who succeeded John XI in the year 936 was call'd by Flodoard the Servant of God His good Intention was apparent by his sending for Odo the Abbot of Cluny to manage the Treaty between Hugh and Alberic He likewise wrote two Letters of which we will speak hereafter which shew him to be a lover of Ecclesiastical Discipline The pontificate of this Pope lasted no longer than three years and a few months The Romans chose in Stephen VIII his place in the year 939 a German who went under the name of Stephen VIII This Election was very highly resented by Alberic who thought that a Roman would have been more for his Interest Therefore suspecting that he favour'd Hugh and held a private correspondence with Otho he caused him to be ill treated They mangled his Face so barbarously and render'd it so deform'd that he durst not appear any more in publick This Pope sent a Legat into France called Damasus to the Princes of France and Burgundy exhorting them to acknowledge Lewis the Son of Charles the Simple for their Lawful King and threatning to excommunicate them if they did not do it He likewise sent for Odo again into Italy to mediate the
the Trinity may be call'd Three Things ibid. Trisagion the Addition of certain Words to the Trisagion condemned 55. Truce of God What 76. Constitutions about it ibid. and 119. V V All Ombrosa the Institution of that Order 127. Vatican the Donation of Pope Leo IX in Favour of that Church 26. Vâ—ndosme a Privilege granted to the Abbey of Vendosme 31. The Reconciliation of the Monks of that Abbey with those of St. Aubin at Anger 's 72. Vessels Laicks forbidden to meddle with consecrated Vessels 47. They ought not to be sold unless for the Relief of the Poor 6. Nor put to prophane Uses ibid. Vestments those usually worn by Priests and Deacons during the Celebration of Mass 124. Vezelay Abbey a Confirmation of its Privileges 22. Victor II. Pope a Miracle which happen'd in his Favour 26. Victualling-Houses Clergy-men forbidden to frequent them 123. Virgin Mary of the Devotion paid to her 96. The Institution of her Office for all the Saturdays of the Year 127. Of the Usefulness of that Office 94. Virgins not allow'd to marry before they have attain'd to the twelfth Year of their Age 75. Vitalius Bishop of Ragusa put in Prison by the People of his Diocess who substitute another in his room 65. Summon'd to Rome with his Competitor to have their Cause try'd there if it cannot be determined upon the place by the Pope's Legate ibid. Unleavened Bread the Cause of it in the Eucharist condemned by the Greeks 76 77 80 and 81. Authoriz'd by the Latins 77 78 and 80. Vows of the Obligation to perform them 97. Vâ—adislaus Duke of Bohemia the Concessions by Gregory VII in his Favour 61. The Advice given him by that Pope ibid. Urban II. Pope a Miracle that happen'd for his Cure 70. Uâ—sio Bishop of Soissons when and by whom depos'd 58. Usury the Practice of it forbidden to Clerks and Laicks 115. Absolutely condemned in Clergy-men 58. W VVEddings Priests forbidden to be present at them only whilft they give the Benediction 124. Weeâ— the Office of the Holy Week 117. Westminster the Privileges of that Church confirmed 28. Wicelin Archbishop of Mentz a Disputation between him and Gebehard Archbishop of Saltzburg for and against the Emperor Henry 47. His Ordination declar'd null ibid. His Opinions condemned ibid. He is excommunicated in a Council ibid. William I. King of England excited by Hildebrand to invade this Kingdom 29. His Conquest of it 91. The Laws he caus'd to be enacted ibid. He is exhorted to follow Lanfrank's Advice 30. Peter-pence demanded of him ibid. The Homage that Gregory VII requires of that Prince with Menaces 49. He refuses to take an Oath of Fidelity to the Pope 15. William II. King of England his Conduct with Respect to the Churches of his Dominions 92. The Troubles that he created to St. Anselm ibid. and 93. The time of his Death 93. William Archbishop of Auche for what Reason excommunicated and depos'd 56. Absolv'd and reinstall'd by Pope Gregory VII ibid. William Archbishop of Roan suspended from the Episcopal Functions till he obtain the Pall 66. William a Monk of Evrou a Proposition advanc'd him against Berenger 8. Wills See Testaments Wiquier Archbishop of Ravenna depriv'd of his Archbishoprick 91. Witnesses That the Testimony of Eye and Ear Witnesses ought only to be admitted 124. Women Clergy-men forbidden to keep unchaft Correspondence with them 124. Young Women not allow'd to marry before they are twelve Years old 75. Y YVues Bishop of Chartres See Ives FINIS A NEW Ecclesiastical History Containing an ACCOUNT of the CONTROVERSIES IN RELIGION THE LIVES and WRITINGS OF Ecclesiastical Authors AN Abridgment of their Works And a JUDGMENT on their STYLE and DOCTRINE ALSO A Compendious HISTORY of the COUNCILS AND All Affairs Transacted in the Church VVritten in FRENCH By Lewis Ellies du PIN Doctor of the SORBON VOLUME the TENTH Containing the HISTORY of the TVVELFTH CENTURY LONDON Printed for Abel Swal at the Unicorn in Pater-Noster-Row and Timothy Child at the White-Hart in St. Paul's Church-Yard MDCXCVIII THE PREFACE THis Tenth Volume contains the entire History of the Twelfth Century tho' that be larger than the Preceeding by reason it contains a greater Number of Authors than the Ages before it some whereof may be Compared to the greatest Lights of the Church We here find the Empire and the Church at Difference The Church of Rome disturb'd by Obstinate Schisms The Popes at War with the Emperours The Kings and Bishops in Dispute about their Rights The Dignity of the Sacraments and the External Worship in Religion as also its Principles are attack'd by Monstrous and Ridiculous Heresies Scholastick Divinity becomes the common Study and the Body of the Canon Law such as it is at Present was form'd and establish'd in this Twelfth Century The Church is stock'd with abundance of Monastick and Regular Orders The Immunities and Exemptions of the Revenues of the Church and Ecclesiastical Persons are vigorously supported by the Bishops and maintained by the Decrees of Councils And Finally the Manners of Ecclesiasticks and the External Ceremonies of the Church are reform'd in this Age by several very useful Regulations This is what the Reader will find in the History and Extracts of the Authors and Councils of the Twelfth Century which we Publish in this Volume A TABLE of the CONTENTS CHAPTER I. OF the Life and Writings of Ivo Bishop of Chartres Page 1 The Life of Ivo of Chartres 1 His Letters 2 His Pannormia or Decretal 22 His Sermons 23 The Chronicon ascribed to Ivo of Chartres 23 The Editions of his Works 23 CHAP II. AN Account of the Church of Rome under the Pontificate of Pope Paschal II. Gelasus II. and Calixtus II. containing the Rise Progress and Conclusion of the Contests between the Holy See and the Empire about Investitures 22 The Election of Pope Paschal II. Ibid The Death of Guibert The Antipopes who succeeded him Ibid The Designs of Pope Paschal II. against the Emperour Henry 24 The Council of Rome under Paschal II. against the Emperour Henry 24 Henry V. rebells against his Father 24 The Convent of Northusa in the Year 1105. Ibid The War between the two Henries Ibid Henry IV. is cast into Prison and Depos'd 25 Henry IV. retires to Liege and there publishes a Declaration 25 The Reply of his Son Henry to this Declaration 25 The Death of Henry IV. 25 The Council of Guastella in the Year 1106. 25 The Contest between the Pope and the Emperour about Investitures 25 The Reasons alledg'd by the Deputies of the Emperour for Investitures 25 The Reasons alledg'd by the Pope's Deputies 26 The breaking off of the Conference about Investitures Ibid The Council of Troyes in the Year 1107 Ibid The Emperour 's Journey into Italy Ibid The Treaty between the Pope and the Emperour Ibid The Pope and Cardinals arrested by the Emperour's Order Ibid The Pope grants the Right of Investitures to the Emperour 27 The Emperour's Return into Germany 27
whose Obedience does not exceed his Vow is Imperfect because perfect Obedience is not comprehended within any bounds but embraces willingly and accepts courageously whatever it is commanded That there is no Disobedience but what is to be avoided but that several kinds of it are not equally Criminal That there ought to be a difference put between the Person that commands and the things commanded That in regard of the Persons we ought to be most Affraid of Offending our Superiours who have the greatest Authority over us for it is better to obey God than Man our superiours than our equals and amongst our superiours those of our own Country rather than strangers That in relation to Commands we ought to take more care of those which are of Importance than of those of less consequence and that a Person is more or less culpable according as the Command is of more or less Importance That this difference is in the Commandments Establish'd by Men because they command with more or less Affection according as they see Occasion That Perfect Obedience consists in not slighting the least commands and Obeying the Greatest conforming ones self to the Intent of the Superiour That slight matters such as forbidding laughing or spea-king when they are once commanded become Obligatory and they who disobey them commit a sin tho' no Crime providing they do it not with contempt but when they contemn the Law they are more than ordinarily Faulty That God is to be Obey'd as likewise is Man that commands in his name providing the command be not contrary to the Law of God That in doubtful Matters the commands of sâ—…periours are to be follow'd That all Sins of Disobedience are not equal and that in respect of those which are committed against the Monastick Rules some are more considerable than others That it ought not to be thought that the Observing of Monastick Rules is Impossible because that cannot be but either thro' Neglect or Inadvertency St. Bernard proceeds afterwards to Answer some Particulars which these Monks had propos'd to him The First was why an Erroneous Conscience does not sometimes change the Bad to Good in like manner as the Good to Bad He Answers that to the End that an Action may be good it ought to be Effected by the Knowledge and Love of God That he that does a good Action believing it to be bad has not the Love of Good in him and by consequence his Action must be bad but that he that does a bad Action believing it to be Good is ignorant of what is Good and therefore his Action cannot be esteem'd Good tho' his Intention was so That his good will shall not be altogether depriv'd of a Reward altho' thro' a deceiv'd simplicity he be not altogether exempted from Ill. But what Perhaps you may say did not he Act according to his Conscience Yes replys St. Bernard but according to a false and erroneous Conscience which does not exempt him absolutely from sin Next he Answers this Second Question which was If in relation to Commands Disobedience be proportionably as Criminal as Obedience is Meritorious He shews that in certain cases Obedience is more Meritorious than Disobedience Criminal They had likewise demanded of him how far they were Oblig'd to be resident and where they might take a Liberty to quit their Monastery He Answers that a good Monk ought never to forsake his Monastery without leave first Obtain'd from his Abbot when he is able to Undergo the Injunctions of his Order but if the ill Lives of those which he lives amongst hinder him from so doing then is he to chuse and go to another Monastery where he may accomplish those Vows he could not so well perform there That altho' it be not allowable for a Monk who is in a well regulated Monastery tho' less Austere to leave it without permission of his Superiour for one more Austere yet if it happen that one having left it enters into another none ought to Advise him to return unless the Monasteries be near to each other and he be speedily recall'd The Fourth Question they propos'd to him was Why St. Gregory the Great receiv'd a Person that had quitted his Order into the Communion and did not rather Oblige him to return to a Monastick Life and why St. Austin Teaches that a Marriage contracted by such as had made a Vow of Continence is not to be Dissolv'd St. Bernard owns freely that he is not of those holy Bishops Opinion And that it belong'd to them to make good what they had Asserted He moreover Answers a Fifth Question Concerning the Bishops which St. Gregory had Cloyster'd up in Monasteries by reason of the Crimes they had committed the Question was Whether they were to continue their Episcopal Habit there or to wear that of the Monks He says He knows little of the matter but that it is likely they ought not to take upon them the Habits of the Order because they had never before done it and because they were to continue in those Monasteries but for a time and that they were confin'd to these Places only that they might have more leisure to Repent The Sixth Question which he Answers is why of all the kinds of Repentance that among Monks has the Privilege of being term'd a Second Baptism He says he believes it is by reason that they have absolutely renounc'd the World and Practise a spiritual Life after a very excellent and extraordinary Manner That they are anew cloath'd with Jesus Christ and retire from the darkness of sin into the Light of Piety and Virtue The Seventh Question they Ask'd St. Bernard is If when an Abbot dies or is Depos'd they have during the Interval a Liberty to go out of their Monasteries to go to another St. Bernard Answers they have not because the Vow they made is not to be limited by the death of the Abbot but only Authoriz'd by his Presence and that therefore a Monk ought to consider his Vow by the limits of his own Life and not by that of another They also demanded of him what a Monk ought to do that has a secret Aversion to his Abbot whose Election he looks upon to be Inconsistent with the Rules of the Order to which St. Bernard Answers that when the Election is not manifestly Irregular the Monks ought to Obey The other Questions of these Monks beinâ—… of less Consequence St. Bernard Answers them in few words and there is but one which deserves to be Mention'd which is If a Person who has offended another be so disposed as not to design to do him any harm and yet is notconcern'd if any happen to him be in a condition to Approach the Altar St. Bernard Answers that he ought not to do it till his passion and Resentments be over St. Bernard's Apology Address'd to William Abbot of St. Thierry is a Work in which he undertakes St. Bernards Apology to William Abbot of Tâ—…rey to Justify
same Punishment shall be inflicted on their Adherents The Fourth forbids Princes and Lay-men to possess Tithes Oblations Monasteries or other Revenues belonging to the Churches The Fifth prohibits to make Slaves of Free-men The Sixth ordains That Clergy-men shall not be oblig'd to perform any manner of Service to Laicks for Church-Revenues The Seventh That none shall seize on the Fourth Part of the Offerings which belong to the Bishop The Eighth That neither Bishops nor Priests nor any other Ecclesiastical Persons shall be permitted to leave their Benefices to their Heirs as an Inheritance by Right of Succession The Ninth That nothing shall be exacted for the consecrated Oyls Holy Chrism or the Burial of the Dead The Tenth That the Monks Canons or Clerks who quit their Profession shall be Excommunicated The Council of London held in the Year 1125. IN the Year of our Lord 1125. John de Crema Legate of the See of Rome William Archbishop The Council of London in 1125. of Canterbury Turstin Archbishop of York Twenty Bishops and about Forty Abbots assembled at London made Seventeen Decrees in which they prohibit Simony to give or to receive any Thing for Ordinations to receive a Spiritual Living from the Hands of Laicks to chuse a Successor to such Livings to confer them on Persons who are not in Orders to deprive a Clergy-man of a Benefice without a Legal Sentence passed against him by his Bishop to ordain One who belongs to another's Diocess to entertain One who has been excommunicated by his Bishop Clerks are likewise forbidden to cohabit with strange Women and to follow Usury Witchcraft is condemned and Marriages are prohibited between Relations to the seventh Degree but it is declar'd that Husbands who endeavour to get their Wives divorced under pretence of Consanguinity are not allow'd to make proof of it by Witnesses The Council of London held in the Year 1127. WILLIAM Archbishop of Canterbury held another Council at London Two Years after the The Council of London in 1127. former in which he renew'd the most part of those Constitutions adding some others against the Plurality of Benefices also concerning the Restitution of Tithes and the Plainness that ought to be observ'd by the Abbesses in their Habits and Attire The Council of London held in the Year 1138. PArt of the same Constitutions were reviv'd in the Council held at London A. D. 1138. during The Council of London in 1138. the Vacancy of the See of Canterbury by Alberic Cardinal Bishop of Ostia the Pope's Legate in England This Council was compos'd of Eighteen Bishops and about Thirty Abbots and in it were published Seventeen Canons of which the following are not comprehended in the preceding Councils viz. The Second which forbids the keeping of the consecrated Elements in the Eucharist above Eight Days and ordains that they shall be reverently carry'd to the Sick by the Priests or Deacons and even by Lay-men in Case of Necessity The Fourth which prohibits a Bishop who is sent for by another Bishop to consecrate a Church to exact any Thing besides his Right of Procuration The Tenth in which is referr'd to the Pope the giving of Absolution to those who have misus'd Priests or Persons consecrated to God The Twelfth being a Prohibition to build a Chappel without a Licence from the Bishop The Thirteenth in which Church-men are forbidden to engage in Warlike Affairs and to bear Arms The Fourteenth prohibiting Monks to quit their Profession The Fifteenth which forbids Abbesses to be attir'd and to have their Heads dressed after the manner of Secular Women And the Seventeenth which imports That School-masters shall not be permitted to let out their Schools to others for Money Lastly Theobald Abbot of Bec was chosen Archbishop of Canterbury in this Council and divers means were treated of for the making Peace between the Kings of England and France The Council of Rheims held in the Year 1131. POpe Innocent II. as it has already been declar'd held a Council at Rheims A. D. 1131. in The Council of Rheims in 1131. which he Crown'd Lewes Sirnam'd the Young King of France and published Seventeen Canons very advantageous to the Church but since they are recited in the Second General Council of Lateran it were needless to produce an Extract of them in this Place The Council of Rheims held in the Year 1148. THis Council conven'd by Pope Eugenius III. March 22. A. D. 1148. published Eighteen Canons The Council of Rheims in 1148. which are all among those of the Second General Council of Lateran We have already given an Account of the Transactions therein relating to the Condemnation of Gillebert de la Porré◠The Council of Tours held in the Year 1163. THis Council held at Tours by Pope Alexandâ—r III. on the 28. Day of April was compos'd of The Council of Tours in 1163. Seventeen Cardinals 127 Bishops and of a very great Number of Abbots and other Ecclesiastical Persons Arnulphus Bishop of Lifieux made an excellent Discourse before mention'd Alexander renew'd his Bulls of Excommunication against Octavian and the Ten following Canons were publickly set forth The First forbids the dividing of Prebends and the changing of Dignities The Second condemns Usury more especially that by virtue of which the Interest of Things left in pawn by poor People amounts to a greater Sum than the Principal In the Third Clergy-men are forbidden to bestow Churches Tithes or Offerings on Laicks The Fourth is against the Albigeois which we have already recited in discoursing of those People The Fifth prohibits the letting out of Churches to Priests for an Annuity or yearly Rent The Sixth forbids the exacting of any Thing for admission into Orders for Nominations to Benefices for the Burial of the Dead for the Holy Chrism and for the consecrated Oils The Seventh is a Prohibition to Bishops to grant Commissions to Deans or to Arch-Priests for the carrying on of Judiciary Proceedings in their room or instead of Arch-deacons By the Eighth Monks are forbidden to go out of their Cloisters in order to study or to become Professors of the Civil Law or to practise Physick The Nâ—nth declares the Ordinations made by Octavian and by the other Schismaticks or Hereticks to be void and of none Effect The Tenth proposes new Methods for maintaining the Revenues and Liberty of the Churches and ordains That whenever the Chaplains who reside in the Castles perceive any Injury to be done the Church they shall make an Address to the Lord of the Castle to demand Restitution and if he neglect to do it within the space of Eight Days the Celebration of the Divine Offices shall be suspended in the Castle except that of Baptism Confession and the Communion in case of Danger of Death Only it is permitted to say Mass privately once a Week in a neighbouring Village to consecrate the Host It is added That if the Inhabitants of the Castles continue in their obstinacy Forty
Court. While the Assembly was Sitting Sancus Lupus and the Courier of Benedict who had been The Punishment of Benedict's Couriers Arrested having been convicted of bringing the Abusive Bulls to the King and State were Condemned on the 20th of August by the Commissioners and in Execution of the Sentence being attired with Paper-Mitres and Coats of black Cloth on which were Painted the Arms of Benedict reversed together with Libels implying that they were Counterfeits sent from a Traitor were Conducted in this Equipage on a Dung-Cart from the Louvre to the Palace accompanied with such as had been accused of favouring them and there they were mounted on a Scaffold where they served for a Shew to the People On the next day they were brought again in the same Posture to the Church-Porch of our Lady where one of the Commissioners of the Order of the Mathurins Doctor in Divinity made an Harangue full of Affronts and Reproaches against Peter de la Lune and these Wretches Declared That Saucius Lupus was Condemned to Perpetual Imprisonment and the Courier to remain in Prison Three Years He added That some others Accus'd were also Condemned But that was not so and the same Day the Queen and Duke of Guyenne caused them to be yielded up to the Bishop of Paris to whom they referred the Cognisance of what concerned the Schism and to the Court of Parliament the Crime of High Treason The Bishop of Paris kept them in Custody for a Month after which he Discharged the Canons and in a little time the Queen and Princes made Demand of the others and set them at Liberty Thus you see what passed in France concerning the Schism to the time of holding a Council at Pisa whereof we shall treat in the following Century CHAP. V. The Lives and Writings of the Authors which flourished in the Fourteenth Age. THE Authors which Flourished in the West in the 14th Age having composed Works of the same Nature and written in the same manner that the Authors of the fore-going Age did I will not repeat the Censures here which I have already passed upon them but will only set down some particular Remarks which concern the Authors of this Age. The Learning of the Schools is commonly divided into Three Ages The First is from Abilardus to Albertus Magnus the Master of Thomas Aquinas The Second from Albertus to Durandus Three Ages of Schâ—clmen à Sancto Porciano who died in the Year 1333. The Third and Last from Durandus to Gabriel Biel who died A. D. 1495. The Famous Divines of the First Age were Peter Lombard Robert Pullein or Pullus Petrus Pictaviensis Hugo de Sancto Victore Raymundus de Pennaforti Wilhelmus Parisiensis In the Second Age the School-Learning was not yet reduced to an Act but they followed the Aristotelian Philosophy according to the Method of the Followers of Averrhoes In this Age Albertus Magnus a Monk of the Order of the Friars-Preachers and Alexander Hales of the Order of the Grey-Friars and after them Thomas Aquinas and Scotus were the Heads of the two Sects of Schoolmen who divided all the Schools among them For after the Monks of these two Orders became the most Eminent in the Universities and Taught Divinity with greater Diligence and Applause than the Secular Priests who applied themselves closer to the Civil and canon-Canon-Law than School-Divinity their manner of Teaching and their Opinions were establish'd and settled there in a little time This gave rise to two Parties or Sects in the Schools the one followed S. Thomas and the other Scotus But some few there were who endeavoured to make a Third Party and reviving the Method of the Nominals opposed those Divines who were the Followers of Averrhoes or the Realists Ockam was one of the Heads of this Party Raymundus Lullius invented a new way of Arguing but it was so obscure so extraordinary and full of Difficulties that he had but few Followers Durandus à Sancto Porciano Bishop of Meaux was the first that would not tye himself to follow the Principles of any other but took from both what he thought best and so broached many new Opinions Since his time the Divines have taken a greater Liberty and made several Systems for themselves The Study of the Law became more exact in this than in the former Age. Many excellent The Study of the Law Wits applied themselves to it and made great progress in it and although they accepted the Decretals of the Popes for Law yet they began to examine them more nearly and to bring them to Common Right The Debates about the Civil and Ecclesiastical Power which were much agitated in this Age gave occasion to search into these Matters and we must own that there were many excellent and very learned Treatises written upon that Subject which are a clear Proof that the Knowledge and Value of Antiquity was not quite lost in this Age. As to the Sermons Commentaries upon Holy Scripture and History there was no Alteration in this Age from the former but the Study of Human Learning Tongues and Poetry began to be revived and came to a great Perfection in the next Age and at length induced the Divines to apply themselves to the Study of Antiquity These Reflections being premised I shall give you a List of the Divines Canonists Historians Writers of Books of Devotion and other Ecclesiastical Authors who flourished in the Fourteenth Age of the Church in a Chronological Order Dinus de Mugello or Mugellanus so called from Mugellum a Town in the Territories of Dinuâ— de â—uâ—â—llo Florence Professor of Law in the University of Bononia was invited to Rome by Boniface VIII to Compose the Sixth Book of the Decretals with a Promise of making him a Cardinal but being disappointed of his Expectation he died of Melancholy as is said in the Year 1â—03 He wrote several Books of Civil Law and a Commentary upon the Rules of the Canon Law which has been printed at Colen An. 1569 1594. and with some Additions by Nicholas Boerius 1617. 8 Engelbertus a German Abbot of Admont in Styria Flourished at the End of the Thirteenth Engelbert and in the Beginning of the Fourteenth Age. There is a Treatise of his printed at Basil Anno 1553. and put into the 25th Tome of the last Part of the Bibliotheca Patrum Concerning the Rise Progress and End of the Roman Empire and an Heroick Poem containing an Encomium of Rodolph of Habspurg the German Emperor made at his Coronation Anno 1273. which is also found in most of the Collections of the German Historians Trithemius makes mention of some Sermons written by this Author and a Treatise of Virtues and Vices Possevinâ— also attributes to him several Books of Divinity viz. A Commentary upon the Psalm Beati Immaculati Some Treatises upon the Articles of our Faith Of the Body of JESUS CHRIST Of the Passion of our Lord and the Mystery of the Cross Of
and some Discourses Conrade of Rodemberg Abbot of the Monastery of St. John of Richenaw of the Order of St. Benedict wrote in honour of the Virgin a thick Volume Entituled The Vine of the Lord of Hosts because in praising her he made use of the Similitude of a Cluâ—â—er of Grapes He wrote also the Exercise of Novices a Preparation to the Mass a Discourse about the Ruin of his Order another about the Causes of the Ruin and a 3d. about Pastoral Care and many Conferences held in the Chapter of his Order This Author died in the year 1486. on the 25th of December Stephen of Caiete a Neapolitan Dedicated to John of Bentevole Councellor to Ferdinand King of Sicily a Treatise of the Sacraments divided into 7 Books George Molitoris of Nuremberg Professor of Divinity at Erford wrote upon the Sentences and some Sermons and Questions Nicholas of Wachenheim Professor in the University of Heidelberg wrote some Questions upon the Sentences some Sermons and Conferences Michael of Milan of the Order of Friars Minors was the Author of many Sermons upon several Subjects John Cousin a Portuguese of the Order of the Carmelites refuted the Heresies of his time by word of mouth and by Writing and wrote a great Volume about Contracts and Exchanges Entituled Of Commutative Justice divided into 4 Books and also many Sermons Henry Prudent a Prior of the Carthusian Monastery at Bruges died in the year 1484. He was the Author of a Tetralogue of Devotion divided into 3 Parts wherein he brings in as Speakers an Angel and a Monk Jesus the Heavenly Father and the Virgin Francis Diede a Venetian the Author of the Life of St. Roch some Discourses and Letters Tilman a Canon Regular of St. Austin in the Monastery of St. Christophlus of Ravengsburg in the Diocese of Mayence wrote some pieces of Devotion as of the Spiritual Vine of the Instruction of Novices and some other little Exercises Nicolas of Creutznach profess'd Divinity at Vienna in Austria towards the end of this Century has left us 4 Books of Questions upon the Sentences a Collection of Conferences and Discourses many Sermons and a Treatise of the Conception of the Virgin He died in the year 1491. Nicasius of Voerde of Malines tho' he became Blind at 3 years of Age yet this did not hinder him from acquiring great Knowledge in the Liberal Arts for he was Professor of Law at Collen was admitted Licentiate in Divinity at Louvain was Ordain'd Priest by a Dispensation from the Holy-See He was a Preacher Confessor and could say Mass by heart he was admitted Doctor of Law at Collen and has left a Commentary upon the 4 Books of Sentences many Sermons divers Questions and Letters address'd to Thithemius who is a Credible Witness of the Truth of a Fact so extraordinary as this He died in 1492. Benedict Capra a Lawyer of Prussia wrote upon the Decretals and also John Andrew Bishop of Aleria in the Isle of Corfu The greater part of the preceding Writers Flourish'd after the year 1470. and died about the year 1490. those which follow liv'd to the year 1494. wherein Trithemius finish'd his Treatise of Ecclesiastical Writers Dominic Bolan a Venetian the Author of a Treatise about the Conception of the Virgin James of Straelen a Divine of Collen wroâ—e upon the Revelations John Pheffer of Widemburg the Founder of the College of Friburg wrote a Commentary upon the Epistles of St. Paul and a Sacerdotal Directory Baptista de Ferrera of the Order of Carmelites wrote a History from the beginning of the World Entituled Florida a Treatise of the Decay of the Roman Empire a Chronicle of Ferrara a Chronicle of his own Order a Treatise of Mount-Sinai 3 Books of the Life of St. Mathilda and several Sermons Peter Brutus Bishop of Cataro a great Enemy to the Jews has left us a considerable Work agaist them William of Aix la Chapelle a Preacher at Basil and Reader at Erford wrote upon the Gospel of St. John upon the Passion of our Lord an Itinerary of the Holy-Land some Questions and some Sermons Laurence Burel of Dijon of the Order of Carmelites wrote an Heliad and a Treatise of the Illustrious Men of his own Order Hubert Leonard of the same Order a Doctor of Paris an Inquisitor of the Faith in the Country of Liege was made Bishop of Daria He has left some considerable Works as a Commentary upon the Gospel of St. Luke a Treatise of Ecclesiastical Immunities a Book against the Hereticks of Nivelle a Course of Sermons for Lent and many other Sermons not to mention his Genealogy of the Noblemen of France and an account of their Actions John of Milbach a Divine of Erford wrote upon the Epistles of St. Paul and an Encomium of St. Jerom and some Sermons and Questions John of Roseau a German of the Order of Carmelites left the Commentaries upon the Book of Wisdom upon the Psalm Beati Immaculaâ—â— upon the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans and some Sermons John Bertram of Newburg taught at Erford and Mayence and left a Prologue to the Bible some Conferences and a Treatise of the price of the Mass. John of Keyserberg a German and Preacher at Strasburg wrote many Sermons and to him we owe the first Edition of Gerson's Works Sebastian Ticion or Brant of Strasburg the Author of many Christian Poems James Wimphelinge a Priest of the Church of Spire wrote a Poem which is Dedicated to Bertholdus Archbishop of Mayence Entituled Of a Threefold Candor a Piece in praise of the Virgin Mary the Office of the Compassion of the Virgin an Encomium of the Church of Spire a Discourse about the Holy Spirit some other Discourses and Letters Josse Besselius a German wrote divers Pieces of Profane Learning and some Ecclesiastical as that of the Ambition of a Christian and some Tracts upon the Rosary Giles Nettelet Dean of the Church of Cambray wrote a Collection of Morals taken out of the Epistles of St. Jerom. Theodoric of Osembruck a German of the Order of Friars Minors and Preacher at Collen wrote a Treatise of the Passion of our Lord a Manual of Simples and a Discourse of Interiour Exercise which he Read to Trithemius Jerom of Padua and Dominic Manchini Italians wrote each of them a Poem upon the Passion of our Lord. We have omitted a Writer who is considerable for his numerous Works whereof there is only one in Print and that is John of Hagen or de Indagine a Carthusian who was admitted into the Carthusian Monastery of Erford about the year 1440. and liv'd till about the year 1475. Trithemius has given us a Catalogue of a great number of this Author 's Spiritual Treatises and Petreius has added to them a great many more in his Carthusian Library which make up a Catalogue of many Pages containing 433 Titles of divers Treatises Moral Spiritual or Ascetick The two Books of the Perfection and Exercises of the Order of the
Christ never commanded it and what can justify us to make that a part of Religion which Christ doth not All this did not yet so repress it but after that Image and Saint-worship was brought into the Church Pilgrimages to the Tombs of Saints and Martyrs became more frequent and at length were imposed and encouraged as Meritorious and procuring Pardon of Sins Innocent III. granted Pardon of all Sins to all that went in Pilgrimage to the Holy Land and Boniface VIII to all that went to Rome to visit S. Peter and S. Paul's Tomb. Clement VI. granted these Pilgrims to Rome a Power to free the Souls of four of their Relations or Friends out of Purgatory and gave commandment to all the Angels in Heaven to carry the Souls of such as dyed in Pilgrimage to Heaven immediately Thus Pilgrimages became a necessary part of Religion and because very gainful to the Popes and their Metropolis were much encouraged and practised till the Truth recovered strength again by the Reformation and by enlightning Men's Minds put out the Superstitious Conceits of the Flames of Purgatory Pilgrimages to the Tombs of S. Peter and S. Paul the Apostles Among the other ancient Forms of France which M. Bignon hath publish'd * At Paris in 1613. octavo and 1666. quarto together with those of Marculphus there are some more found concerning the Church as the 11th which is a Cession made to a Church the 12th which is a Form of a Commendatory Letter given to Clerks the 26th 27th and 28th which are Donations to Churches the 44th which is a Form of Exemption given by the King to a Monastery of Virgins the 45th is a Confirmation of that Privilege Among those which are according to the Roman Law there are Forms of Donation to a Church N. 1 34 35 36 37 and 38. and lastly in the last Forms published by M. Bignon there are also found Forms of Donations to Churches and Commendatory Letters of Clerks COSMA of Jerusalem SUidas says That in S. John Damascene's Time flourish'd COSMA of Jerusalem a witty ingenious Man very skilful in making Hymns and Spiritual Songs elegantly and learnedly Cosma and that they surpassed all that ever was done or shall be done in that kind We have yet Thirteen of those Hymns upon the principal Festivals of the Year which are so much the better because the Sence of them is taken out of the Holy Scripture and is nobly express'd In imitation of him one Mark made one upon Holy Saturday and Theophanes another on the Annunciation of the Virgin PANTALEO THE Name of Pantaleo a Deacon and afterwards Presbyter of the Church of Constantinople is found at the head of four Sermons The first of the Epiphany The second Pantaleo of the aa A Sermon upon the Exaltation of the Cross. Although it be very uncertain whether this Sermon do belong to Pantaleo tho' it bears his Name yet it is probable that the Feast of the Exaltation of the Cross had been instituted some Time before by the Emperor Heraclius I. anno 630. and so 't is likely enough such a Sermon might be made upon this Feast by this or some other Father of this Age and Time as well as others which were the common Subject of these Centuries Exaltation of the Cross and the other two upon the Tranfiguration The first is in the Bibliotheca Patrum printed at Colen The second was publish'd by Gretser and the other two by Combefis who durst not affirm them to be the same Author 's There is nothing remarkable in those Monuments Possevin says there were at Constantinople some Sermons of this Author for the whole Year S. JULIAN of Toledo S. JULIAN Disciple of Eugenius chosen Archbishop of Toledo in the Year 680. was President in several Councils held in that City and died in 690. His Successor Felix Julian of Toledo having praised his Vertues sets down the Catalogue of his Books He wrote saith he a Book of the Prognosticks of another Life directed to the Bishop Idatius in the beginning of which there is a Letter to that Bishop and a Prayer This Work is divided into three Books the first is of the Original of Man's Death The second of the State of the Souls of the Dead until the Resurrection The third is of the last Resurrection He made moreover a Book of Answers dedicated to the same Person in which he maintains the Canons and Laws whereby Christian Slaves are forbidden to serve Infidels We have also an Apology for the Faith dedicated to Pope Benedict and another Apology upon three Articles upon which the Bishop of Rome seemed to have had some Doubts a little Tract of the Remedies against Blasphemies with a Letter to Adrian the Abbot a Treatise of the Proof of the sixth Age or of the coming of Christ at the beginning thereof there is a Letter to King Ervigius with a Prayer This Work is divided into three Books the first contains the Texts of the Old Testament shewing without any need of supputation of Years that the Messias is come The second Book shews by the Apostle's Doctrine that Christ came in the fulness of Time The third proves that the sixth Age in which the Messias was to come is come There he distinguisheth the five Ages which went before not by the Years but by the Generations We have moreover a Collection of his Poetry containing Hymns Epitaphs and Epigrams in great number a Book of Letters a Collection of Sermons among which is found a little Writing of the Protection of the House of God and of those that retire into it a Book intituled Of the Contrarieties of the Scripture divided into two Parts the first whereof comprehends what relates to the Old Testament and the second to the New a Book of History of what happen'd in France in the Time of King Wamba a Collection of Sentences taken out of S. Austin upon the Psalms some Extracts of the same Father's Books against Julian a Treatise of Divine Judgments taken out of the Scripture with a Letter to King Ervigius a Treatise against the Persecutors of those who fly into Churches a Book of the Masses for the whole Year divided into four Parts in which he corrected some which were either corrupted or imperfect and made new ones a Book of Prayers for the Festivals of the Church of Toledo either reformed or newly made Of all those Works these only remain The Treatise of the Prognosticks directed to Idatius Bishop of Barcelona with the Letter and the Prayer The three Books to shew the sixth Age against the Jews And the History of the Acts of Wamba in France In the first Book of the Treatise of Prognosticks he treats of Men's Death he shews it is sin that subjected them to Death and affirms it is called Mors a Morsu because the first Man became Mortal by eating of the Forbidden Fruit. He believes that altho' Death be not good yet it is useful
to the Just and that a sharp Death remits Sins He examines why Baptism remitting Original Sin does not free Men from the Law of Death and he gives two Reasons for it taken out of S. Austin and of Julian Pomerius He believes Angels assist the Just at their Death and that Devils do then lie in wait for them He commends the Piety of the Faithful who take care to do the last Office to their Parents hereupon he produces some Passages out of S. Austin about the Sacrifices offered for the Dead and the Suffrages of Martyrs In the Second which is of the State of Souls after Death he says Those of perfect Christians are immediately carried into a Paradise where they remain joyfully waiting for the Resurrection of their Bodies And that they enjoy in that Place the Happiness and the Knowledge of God He believes those of them who have some Sins to blot out are detain'd for a while but neither the one not the other do enjoy as perfect a Vision of the Divine Substance as they shall do after the Resurrection tho' they do already see God and reign with Christ That the Wicked immediately after Death are precipitated into Hell where they undergo endless Torments He establisheth * Vid. not u Purgatory which he believes to be a real Fire wherewith Sins remaining at ones Death are expiated in the other World and that the Time of the Soul 's abiding there is proportion'd to the number or the grievousness of Sins committed by them He affirms That the Souls of the Dead may know one another He says The Dead pray for the Living but not for the Damned that they know what is done here below that they pity those they have been acquainted with that they are earnestly desirous of Men's Salvation that sometimes they appear to the Living that the Damned see only some of the Blessed c. The Third Book is of the Judgment and Resurrection These are his Opinions Neither the Time nor the Place of the Final Judgment can be known nor how long it will last Jesus Christ shall appear descending from Heaven with Angels carrying his Cross At the Sight of him the very Elect shall tremble for fear and that Fear shall purify them from their Sins but the ungodly shall be in a strange Confusion All the Saints shall judge the World together with Christ. All Men shall rise in a Moment and shall put on again a true Body and Flesh but uncorruptible without Defect Imperfection or Mutilation in a perfect Age and perfect Beauty The Difference of Sexes shall remain but without Lust without any need of Food or Raiment All Children who had any Life in their Mothers Womb shall rise again Angels shall separate the Good from the Bad the Consciences of both shall be laid open the ungodly shall be cast down head-long into real Fires in which their Bodies shall burn without being consumed there shall be different Torments according to the Difference of Crimes and the Children guilty of Original Sin only shall suffer the easiest Pain of all It is needless to ask where that Fire shall be after the Condemnation the Recompence of the Just shall follow and then the Heaven and the Earth shall be set on Fire there will be a New Heaven and a New Earth where the Saints may dwell tho' they may also ascend up into the Heavens they shall then see God as the Angels do see him now they shall enjoy a Liberty so much the more perfect as they shall no more be obnoxious to Sin they shall all be happy tho' in different Degrees of Happiness they shall be wholly employed in praising God they shall place all their Felicity in the perpetual Contemplation and Love of him These are the Points of Doctrine which Julian gathereth from the Fathers of the Church for properly this Work is nothing else but a Collection of Passages of the Fathers chiefly of S. Augustin S. Gregory and Julian Pomerius The Treatise against the Jews is more of Julian's Composition He proves in the first Book That the Signs of the Messias's coming pointed at in the Old Testament are come to pass That the Time set down by Daniel agrees with the coming of Christ and that after Jerusalem's Destruction the Jews can expect no other Messias In the second he shews by the History of the New Testament That Jesus Christ is the Messias and that the Apostles did convince the Jews of it In the last he distinguisheth the Ages of the World by the Generations and shews we are in the sixth Age The first is from Adam to the Flood the second from the Flood to Abraham the third from Abraham to David the fourth from David until the carrying away into Babylon the fifth from the carrying away into Babylon to Jesus Christ. He compares the Account of the Years of the Hebrew Text and of the Septuagint and preferrs the latter because it was more suitable to his Design finding by this means 5000 Years run out from the Beginning of the World to Christ's Birth He extols the Authority of the Version of the Septuagint and affirms that the Jews have corrupted the Hebrew Text. He adds That altho it were not so yet the distinction of the Generations shews the fifth Age of the World was run out when Christ came into the World The History of the Acts of Wamba in Gallia being no Ecclesiastical Work we will make no Extract of it here contenting our selves in observing that it is found in the first Volume of the Historiographers of France put out by Du Chesne In the Bibliotheca Patrum of Colen in 1618. they have attributed to Julian of Toledo a Book of Antilogies * at Basil in 1530. at Colen in 1533. octavo or seeming Contrarieties of the Scripture which had been already printed without the Author's Name but it was found to be Berthorius's Abbot of Mount Cassin There was also part of a Commentary upon the Prophet Nahum published under Julian's Name But besides that there is nothing said of it in Felix's Catalogue the Style and the manner of the Writing of it shews plainly enough it belongs to another Author tho' bearing Julian's Name in the Manuscript upon which Canisius publish'd it THEODORUS of Canterbury THEODORUS bred a Monk of Tarsus was ordained Bishop by Pope Vitalian and sent in 668. into England to govern the Church of Canterbury He arrived there Two Theodorus of Canterbury Years after his departure staying long in France as he went and was well entertained by King Egbert who had sent to Rome to desire a Bishop to be sent to him He laboured much in the establishing of the Faith and the Church-discipline in England He held several Councils made Bishops founded Monasteries made Peace between Princes kept the People in their Duty and having thus performed all the parts of a good Pastor during the space of 20 years he died in 690. being 88 years old He