dicuntur datus aptantur ad offerendum Their hands are said to be filled while they are made fit to offer Quamdin profanae sunt vacuae censentur c. As long as they are prophane they are counted emptie because no gift is acceptable to God nisi jure sacerdotii but in the right of the Priesthood QUEST XLIV Of the fashion and use of the linen breeches Vers. 42. THou shalt also make linen breeches c. 1. Iosephus describeth the fashion of them that they were made of twisted silke or rather linen and first the Priest put thorow his legs and so drew them up to cover his secret parts and tied them about his middle 2. They reached downe from the middle or loynes to the knees they could not be so woven together but were first woven and afterward sewed together with the needle Hierom. 3. The word is micnesaim which is derived of 〈◊〉 which signifieth to tie or gather together as Iosephus interpreteth it Constrictorium a gathering garment or trussing up because thereby the secret parts were trussed together or as Rab. Salomon because the two slops or breeches were tied and knit together about the middle 4. These linen breeches though they are last spoken of were first put on as well of the high Priest as of the inferiour Priests Cajetan 5. These are not mentioned afterward where Moses caused Aaron to put on his Priestly apparell chap. 29.5 and Levit. 8.8 the reason is Quod ad genitalia nostra lex non mittit manum sed ipsi secretiora nostra tegere debemus because the law reacheth not unto our secret parts but we of our selves should cover our privie members Hierom. Because modestie it selfe the garment being once prescribed would put them in minde to weare it it is therefore in those places omitted 6. The use of this garment was for comelinesse to hide their secrets lest while they went about their service in the Tabernacle if they should chance to fall they might discover that which was to be hid Hierom. And beside Tostatus giveth this reason that by the trussing up of those members the inordinate motion thereof might thereby be better stayed qu. 21. And Hierom further addeth why these uncomely parts should not be discovered that it should not appeare to the eye Quomodo de foedissimis initiis tanta hominum nascatur pulchritudo How from such homely beginnings such great beautie in men and other things is brought forth QUEST XLV How this precept and charge concerning the linen breeches agreeth with that law Exod. 23.26 BUt it will seeme superfluous that this kinde of garment should be prescribed seeing before Exod. 20.26 it was provided that they should not goe up by steps unto the Altar lest their nakednesse might be discovered 1. To this question it cannot bee answered that the former law was abrogated by this seeing it was made not many dayes before it may be not above nine or ten or at the most fortie for the first precept was given at that instant when the Morall law was proclaimed and other judiciall lawes prescribed chap. 21.22 23. Then Moses came downe and went up againe and stayed in the mount six dayes and the seventh God called him up and there he stayed fortie dayes in wich time he received all these orders concerning the making of the Tabernacle and of the Priests apparell the former law being not yet put in practice it is not like it was repealed for God is not as men who many times make lawes and afterward seeing the inconvenience doe reverse them And further it is evident that both these lawes stood still in force and were put in practice in the old Testament 2. Wherefore the better answer is this that the nakednesse of a man is taken two wayes either for the secret parts themselves or for the parts next adjoyning so then although the privie parts being thus covered could not be seene in the casting abroad of their garments yet the neare parts thereunto as their knees and part of their thighes being left bare might be seene Therefore that there might be a greater care of comelinesse and decencie a double bar is laid and two cautelous provisions made that neither the one part or the other should be discovered To this purpose Tostat. qu. 20. QUEST XLVI Of the mysticall application of the inferiour Priests garments FOr the mysticall application of these foure Priestly garments the linen coat the girdle bonnet and linen breeches 1. Hierom by the coat made of linen which groweth out of the ground understandeth the earth by the girdle the Ocean sea quo terra constringitur by the which the earth is as it were girded about and by the bonnet aloft Gods providence that watcheth over all But this seemeth to be somewhat curious 2. Rupertus applieth them unto Christ the linen breeches hee would have to signifie the holy incarnation of Christ qua praeornata est natura nostra ignobilis by the which our unable and base nature is adorned and the uncomelinesse of our nature even originall sin covered and healed But as the high Priest with his ornaments was a type and figure of Christ so the inferiour Priests with their attire doe better resemble other sorts of Christians 3. Therefore thus may the ornaments of the high Priest be applied unto Christ The long white garment signifieth his innocencie the miter with the crowne his Kingdome and power the girdle his justice as Esai 11.5 Iustice shall be the girdle of his loines Marbach As in our blessed Saviour there are three heavenly functions and offices his Propheticall to teach us what evill is in our selves and what good we receive from God his Priestly to reconcile us to God in delivering us from the evill which we have deserved and from our sins and in communicating unto us righteousnesse and other graces from God his Kingly that our deliverance from evill and our possession of heaven and heavenly things may be confirmed unto us by his Kingly power for ever So these three offices were shadowed forth in Aarons glorious apparell his robe with the bels setteth forth Christs Propheticall office the golden plate wherein was written Holinesse to Iehovah his Priesthood and the miter which was put aloft as a crowne his kingly power Iun. in Analys And herein Aaron also was a lively type of Christ that as three duties were to bee performed by the high Priest to teach the people by puritie of doctrine with integritie of life signified by Vrim and Thummim and to take care of the Church continually which is meant by bearing the names of the tribes graven in precious stones in his breast and by his sacrifices and prayer to be Mediatour for them unto God So all these but shadowed forth in Aaron are truly performed by Christ who is our Prophet most holy and perfect to teach us his Fathers will as our King hee protecteth and keepeth us and taketh care for us and as our Priest hee did once
natures to be absorpt or abolished or that there is a confusion of natures as in the commixtion of water honey neither of them retaining the same name or nature or that out of these two natures a third commeth forth compounded of them both as in the commixtion of the elements 2. Neither is this uniting to be too much extenuated as to thinke the union to consist only in assistance as the Angell stood by Peter Act. 12. or onely in a certaine conjunction as when two divers metals are put together But they are so united as that the properties of both natures remaine and yet there is but one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one person subsisting of them both like as the body and soule are united together and the fire and red hot iron Concerning the communication of graces 1. The divine nature received not any increase of grace as it can have no imminution being in it selfe most perfect and unchangeable But the humane was perfited by this union and received increase of gifts 2. The graces communicated are either created and finite or uncreated and infinite the created and finite graces as wisdome knowledge holinesse and the rest are not in Christ as he is man the essentiall properties of the Deitie but effects only thereof infused into Christs humane nature being finite and created as the humanitie it selfe was 3. Yet they are given unto Christ without any limitation and measure as in the Saints they are limited and given by measure 4. These graces were not all at once in the highest perfection appearing in Christ in the dayes of his flesh but they received increase because of the infirmities of the humane nature which he assumed as it is said Luke 2.52 that Iesus increased in wisdome But after Christ was glorified they then shined in Christ in the greatest perfection Beside these finite and created gifts there are other which are not finite neither can bee referred to the first sort as the universall dominion over all creatures the power of remitting sinnes of judging the world adoration vivification infinite glorie 1. These being peculiar to the divine nature yet by vertue of this union are communicated even unto the man Christ who is made heire of all things and Judge of the world and whose flesh giveth life 2. But these divine gifts are not formally and essentially in the humane nature nor as the first gifts for this were to make the two natures equall and to confound their properties 3. Yet is it more than a verball communicating for as Nazianzene saith Talis est communicatio qualis est uni◠Such is the communication as is the union As the one is reall though not essentiall so is the other like as in iron made red hot with fire neither hath the iron lost its former qualities of coldnesse blacknesse which returne unto it againe and yet it giveth light heateth and burneth not by any essentiall physicall qualitie infused into it but by the reall union and conjunction of the fire so the Godhead shineth and worketh really in the humane nature of Christ. 4. The divine nature then of Christ worketh not now by it selfe alone as before his incarnation sed cum ea per eam c. but with it and by it it exerciseth and sheweth it selfe So the humane nature of Christ est vivifica omniscia omnipotens quickeneth knoweth all things is omnipotent not formally and essentially by it selfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in it owne being as the Godhead doth but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in having the divine nature inseperably united unto it by the vertue whereof it doth all these things even as the hot iron burneth and heateth by the vertue of the fire which is in it 5. As before was shewed that the gifts and graces conferred upon the humane nature of Christ did not appeare in their perfection all at once so this communion of these divine properties did not wholly shew it selfe in the dayes of Christs flesh for though the Godhead was united to the humanitie in the verie first conception yet cohibuit operationem suam it did somewhat restraine the operation thereof because of the worke of our redemption Divina natura in Christo quievit ut humana mori posset The divine nature did rest in Christ that the humane might die 6. But Christ after his ascension is said to sit at the right hand of God neither in respect of the divine nature which was never absent from thence nor yet as though his humane nature did not sit there before seeing in the verie conception the humane nature was united to the divine but because then the power and kingdome of Christ was made manifest to all the world which before lay hid in him the divine nature plene operante working now fully by the humane humana virtute illius omnia administrante and the humane by vertue thereof administring all things To this purpose Marbach But in this his declaration which I have abridged somewhat must be qualified for there is in Christ betweene his divine and humane nature a communication reall and personall the graces created and finite are really communicated to Christs humanitie as his wisdome knowledge holinesse but the gifts which are infinite and peculiar unto God as to be omnipotent omnipresent knowing all things are imparted only personally as the man Christ is omnipotent omnipresent and knoweth all things but not the manhood of Christ for our blessed Saviour himselfe saith that the Sonne himselfe that is in his humanitie knoweth not of the day and houre of his comming to judgement Mark 13.32 And this further is to be considered that the manhood communicateth not any propertie to the Godhead in Christ really for the divine nature receiveth nothing but giveth all but onely personally and as we say in concret◠not in abstract◠as Marie is called the mother of God Christ not of his Godhead and God suffered for us but not the Godhead but the Deitie of Christ communicateth to his humanitie both really and personally 5. Places of controversie 1. Controv. Of the apish imitation of the priestly garments among the Heathen Vers. 1. THey made the holy garments of Aaron Gallasius heere noteth the superstitions of the Gentiles which imitated in their idolatrous services the glorious apparell of Aaron As Numa King of the Romans who raigned there 800. yeares after the giving of the Law prescribed the like apparell to his Priests as a pictured and wrought coat with a plate of brasse which the Priest did weare upon his breast and a stately bonnet with a high top upon his head which things either were received by imitation from the Hebrewes or invented by Satan to adulterate the rites and ceremonies instituted by God 2. Controv. Of popish priestly apparell SImlerus by occasion of this place sheweth the superstition of the Romanists in their priestly apparell as Aaron had an Ephod a robe a linen coat a bonet so their Priests have an albe
usuall food before the floud as it is now as seemeth to thinke Dominicus à Soto a Popish Writer for when as yet the earth and plants were not corrupted by the floud but retained their naturall force and vigour they yeelded more sufficient nourishment so that the eating of flesh was not then so necessary and as the more delicate use of some plants as the use of Wine by Noah was brought in afterward so much flesh of fowles and beasts did grow in request after the floud which was not covered before 5. Wherefore the sounder opinion is that not onely the eating of flesh was permitted before the floud but used not onely among the prophane race but with the faithfull though with greater moderation Our reasons are these 1. Because there is made no new grant neither in this nor in the rest as of multiplying and bearing dominion c. but onely the ancient privileges granted to man confirmed 2. The distinction of cleane beasts which it was lawfull for them to eat and the uncleane whereof they might not eat Levit. 13.8.3 It is evident by the oblation of Abel who offered the first fruit of his sheepe and the faâ— of them but it had beene no praise to Abel to offer the fatlings if he used not to eat of them it had beene all one to God whether to offer leane or fat but herein Abel is commended because he preferred the service of God before his owne private use and therefore Iustinus well collecteth Si anâ—e posuit Abel utilitatisâ—a Deum non dubium quia solitus fit ex labore suo utilitatem percipere If Abel did preferre God before his profit certainly he did reape profit of his labour and to the same purpose he alleageth that saying of the Apostle Who feedeth a flocke and eateth not of the milke thereof 1 Cor. 9.7 and by the same reason also of the flesh thereof 4. In that expresse mention is here first made of eating of flesh it is not as one well resolveth quantum ad usum in respect of the use sed quantum ad necessitatem in regard of the necessity The food of flesh beganne now to be more necessary because the plants and herbs had lost the first naturall vigour and strength QVEST. IIII. Whaâ— the meaning is of eating the flesh with the life or bloud 4. BVt flesh with the life thereof that is the bloud c. 1. This word anima in Hebrew nephesh translated life is taken foure wayes in Scripture first for man as the soule that sinneth shall die Ezek. 18. Secondly for the reasonable soule feare not those that can kill the body but cannot kill the soule Matth. 10. Thirdly it is taken for the inferiour part of the soule that is the affection as thou shalt love the Lord with all thy heart and soule Matth. 22. Fourthly it is taken for the life as a good shepherd will lay downe his life for his sheepe Ioh. 10. and so it is taken in this place for the bloud is the seat and chariot of the life and vitall spirics 2. These words are neither figuratively taken as Eugubinus thinketh for the shedding of mans bloud because he that killeth a man seemeth to devour his flesh for in this sense the words should have no coherence at all with the former verse and where words may be taken in their proper sense without any inconvenience a figure is not to be enforced neither is it all one to eat flesh with the bloud thereof and to eat things strangled as Chrysostome collecteth for the Apstoles distinctly speake of bloud and things strangled Act. 15. Neither is the eating of live flesh here onely prohibited as Cajetanus conjectureth or of hot bloud as Mercer for from this bruitish kinde of food the very nature of man abhorreth and therefore it needed not so especially to be provided for by precept But here generally the eating of the bloud with the flesh is forbidden whether together with the flesh alive or dead or separated from the flesh as to drinke it or to eat it as now the use is in confected meats QVEST. V. Wherefore the eating of bloud was prohibited NOw whereas the eating of bloud was forbidden both before the Law and under the Law Levit. 17. and after the Law in the beginning of the Gospell Act. 15. it shall be profitable to consider the causes of this prohibition First it was forbidden before the Law 1. Not so much for decencie and comelinesse or for that bloud is a grosse and heavy food 2. But either that aforehand by these ceremoniall precepts mens minds might be prepared the better to beare the yoke of the Law which afterward should be promulgated 3. Or rather that by this precept of abstaining from bloud men might be the more terrified from the shedding of mans bloud sic Chrysost. Secondly this law was revived Levit. 17.11 12. whereof two reasons are given one civill because the life of the flesh is the bloud that they should forbeare from all shew of cruelty and so much the more detest the shedding of mans bloud the other religious because I have given the bloud to offer at the Altar the bloud the organ of life is holy unto God the Author of life and therefore they should not pollute or prophane it by devouring thereof Thirdly the Apostles did forbid the eating of things strangled and bloud 1. Not because among the Gentiles suffocated things were held to be the food of evill spirits as Origen writeth for it is not like that the Apostles would ground their decree upon such heathenish fantasies 2. Neither by bloud is homicide forbidden and by things suffocated uncleane as some thinke for the Apostles would not use obscure and mysticall tearmes in their decree and these things were already provided for by law among the Gentiles 3. Neither did the Apostles forbid these things onely to restraine intemperancie for many kinds of food are more delicate and to be defiâ—ed than these 4. But Augustine sheweth the true cause of this prohibition Quâ—dideo fâ—ctum est quia elâ— gere voluerunt Apostoli pro tempore rem facilem c. This was decreed because the Apostles for a while would chuse some easie thing not burdensome to the observers which the Gentiles might observe in common with the Iewes c. Thus Augustine disputing against Faustus This the Apostles did onely for a time lest the beleeving Jewes who could hardly all at once be removed from the legall rites might have beene offended at the libertie of the Gentiles but now this cause being removed and there being no such feare this decree also is expired QVEST. VI. How this prohibition dependeth of the former verse Vers. 5. FOr surely I will require your bloud c. 1. Which words are neither an exposition of the former verse as Eugubinus who by the eating of flesh with the bloud understandeth figuratively the shedding of mans bloud 2. Neither is the
them that gave them their several tongues hom 11. in Numb But the text it selfe overthroweth this opinion v. 9. The Lord Iehovah did confound their languages 3. Confut. Against Celsus that saith Moses borrowed of other writers THirdly Celsus objected that Moses borrowed this story of the towre of Babel of those that write of the Gyants called Aloides how they cast downe a great towre But Origen answereth that the writers of that history were after Homer who was after Moses so that he could not take any thing from them lib. 4. cont Cels. It is more like that they corrupted the true story of Moses with the Poeticall fictions 4. Confut. Against the Pagans that fable of the beasts that they had sometimes one language 4. CErtaine Pagans not beleeving that the world was not any time of one language compare this narration of Moses to that fable of the beasts that sometime they had all one language and one understood another till such time as they sent an embassage to the Gods that they might bee alwayes in their flourishing youth and never be old and for this their proud request their speech was confounded that now one understandeth not another The like truth say they is in this narration of Moses For how is it like that they could in that instant every man forget his former speech ex Philone But this is a doltish comparison betweene reasonable men and unreasonable beasts those being no more capable of speech than they are of reason And seeing all the world tooke beginning from one man before the floud from Adam after the floud from Noah why should it seeme incredible that the world used one language And why should it seeme unpossible that God to whom all things are possible in that instant could make them forget their language seeing that some diseases as the Lethargy doe bring such forgetfulnesse as that the patient knoweth not how to call things by their names and Pliny writeth of Corvinus Messala that he forgot his owne name 5. Confut. Against Philastrius that all the world was of one language not divers before 5. PHilastrius counteth it an hereticall opinion that all the world was of one language before the tower of Babel they are said so to be saith he that although they spake divers languages yet they one understood another and so in effect it was but as one But the text is contrary that the whole earth was of one language and one speech not of one understanding but of one lip as it is in the hebrew that is they framed their words and language after the same manner And how could every man understand so many languages which are held of most to have beene not so few as seventy without a miraculous gift such as the Apostles had and whereas Moses maketh mention of divers languages in the 10. chap. v. 5.20.31 there that is spoken by way of anticipation And here Moses setteth forth the beginning and occasion of the diversity of languages by a certaine figure called hysterosis which declareth that last that was done first setting the effect before the cause 6. Confut. Against Philo that this division of tongues is to bee understood historically not in allegory 6. FOurthly Philo draweth this story of the confusion of tongues to an allegory to signifie the confusion of vices Hoc est nunc propositum sub figura confusionis linguarum dijicere constipatuâ— vitiorum cuneum This is Moses purpose under this figure of confusion of tongues to cast downe the conjoyned muster of vices for to speake properly this parting of one language into many is a separation rather than a confusion Contra. 1. After this manner the whole story of Genesis may bee allegorized so that we should have neither creation of the world nor inundation of the same in true history but in devised allegory 2. This division of tongues is called a confusion not in respect of the divers speech which was indeed divided not united or confounded but of the speakers who were confounded in their affection in being astonished at so suddaine an alteration in their memory in forgetting their accustomed speech in their understanding because they one understood not another in their worke which was confused the server bringing one thing when the builder called for another 7. Confut. Against Plato and Aristotle 7. PLato his opinion is that words have their force and meaning from nature Aristotle that they were first framed as it pleased man But here wee learne that God gave unto man speech and he infused into men at once diversity of languages 8. Confut. Against the Lutherans that make an omnipresence of Christs body 8 Vers. 5. THe Lord came downe the Lutheranes Vbiquitaries that maintaine an omnipresence and ubiquity that is an every-where presence of Christs flesh being pressed by this argument that Christs body doth move from place to place therefore it is not every where doe answer out of this place that God is said to move and descend and yet he is every where But the reason is not alike for to ascend and descend is spoken of Christs body truly and properly but of the God-head only metaphorically and figuratively 9. Confut. Against the latine service in popery 9. Vers. 9. THerefore the name was called Babel because their language was so confounded that they one understood not another so what is the Church of Rome to bee counted but another Babel and synagogue of confusion where the people understand not the Priest noâ— one another in their latine service and prayers Muscul. 10. Confut. Against Pererius the marrying of the uncle and neece unlawfull 10. Vers. 29. THe name of Abrahams wife was Sarai who is held to be the daughter of Haran Abrahams brother which marriages were not then forbidden by any law but afterwards they were where the errour of the papists and namely of Bellarmine and Pererius may be noted who affirme that it was not forbidden by Moses law for the uncle to marry his neece for Othoniel the younger brother of Caleb married Achsa Calebs daughter Iud. 1.13 Contra. 1. To marry in this degree is forbidden in Leviticus by necessary collection Levit. 18.12 Thou shalt not uncover the shame of thy fathers sister for she is thy fathers kinswoman doth not the same reason hold for the other sex thou shalt not uncover the shame of thy fathers brother for hee is thy fathers kinsman Where the degree is prohibited in the male it holdeth also in the female sex unlesse they will say because the law saith thou shalt not cover thy neighbours wife and expresseth not thy neighbours husband that therefore the one should bee lawfull and not the other 2. Othoniel was not the brother of Caleb but either his nephew as the Septuagint read Othoniel the sonne of Kenez adelphon the brother of Caleb namely Kenez for so is the construction in the greek or else as Iunius collecteth Othoniel and Caleb were brothers children Caleb
even in that place in the wildernesse she had seene an Angell Mercer 7. But the right and proper meaning is that she seeth that is liveth after shee had seene God for they thought no man could see God and live and therefore Iacob also said I have seene God face to face and my life is preserved Gen. 32.30 QVEST. XI Who is understood by the living and seeing Vers. 14. THe well of him that loâ—eth and seeth 1. Some referre both unto God 2. some to the Angell who as Gods Minister though not as God liveth and seeth 3. Some living understand of Ismael that lived 4. But Hagar saying the well of the living and seeing by living understandeth her selfe that lived after this glorious sight by seeing God which seeth our afflictions QVEST. XII Of Cades and Sur. BEtweene Cadesh and Bered 1. These were two places in the wildernesse of Sur which extended to the red sea 2. Cadesh is that place where the water gushed out of the Rocke and the people murmured against God Numb 20. 3. It is called a well and before a fountaine because it was a deepe fountaine for as Augustine saith omnis putens fons non omnis fons puteus Every well may be called a fountaine not euery fountaine a well QVEST. XIII Why Abraham not Hagar gave the name to Ismael Vers. 15. ABraham called his name Ismael c. 1. Before it is said thou shalt call and here Abraham giveth the name as he had learned of Hagar and so in effect she gave it Perer. 2. For the Lord would not by his oracle diminish the right of the father to whom it belonged to give the name Muscul. as Eva is said to have given Seth his name Genes 4.25 yet Adam first called him so Gen. 5.3 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Evill must not be done that good may come thereof Vers. 2. I Pray thee goe in unto my maid it may be I shall be builded by her c. Sâ—ra though shee had a good intent that Gods promise concerning Abrahams seed might be accomplished yet shee doth not well to use unlawfull meanes that Abraham may have this seed by a concubine for according to Saint Pauls rule we must not doe evill that good may come thereof Rom. 3.8 And this device of Sara prospered not she being so farre from being builded and increased hereby that the posterity of the seed of Ismael the Ismaelites and Hagarenes became enemies afterward to her owne seed Musculus 2. Doct. They that punish justly are not persecutors Vers. 6. SArai dealt roughly with her Augustine from this example collecteth that they alwayes which inflict punishment are not persecutors and that discipline may be administred justly against the obstinate as Sarai dealt with Hagar Hagar passa est persecutionem à Sara hac tamen sancta erat qua faciebat illa iniqua quae patiebatur Hagar suffered persecution of Sara and yet she was holy that did it the other evill that suffered it Epist. 50. 3. Doct. Religion no enemie to politicke order Vers. 9. HVmble thy selfe under her hands Hagar was a bond-servant whose condition then was very hard yet the Lord commandeth her to returne to her mistresse we see then that religion dissolveth not politicke order neither is the doctrine of faith a doctrine of licentious liberty Hagar though now come to herselfe and called of God yet is not to renounce her condition and state of life according to Saint Pauls rule Let every man abide in the same calling wherein he is called c. 1 Cor. 7.10 Luther 4. Doct. The office of Angels THe Angell of the Lord said to her c. This is the first place that maketh mention of the apparition of Angels This Angel is sent to call home againe Hagâ—r to her station and calling so the Angels chiefe office is to protect the servants of God and to bring home againe those that erre so as the Apostle saith They are all ministring spirits sent forth to minister for their sakes that shall be heires of salvation Heb. 1.14 5. Places of Confutation 1. Confut. Polygamie of the fathers never lawfull or dispensed with Vers. 3. THen Sarai Abrahams wife tooke Agar 1. Some thinke that Abrahams marriage or copulation rather with Hagar was lawfull and that Sarai was moved of God to perswade this marriage to Abraham Ioseph lib. 1. antiquit But this no where appeareth for though God approved Sarai her advice for the casting out of the bond-woman with her sonne Gen. 21.8 yet it followeth not that God liked of her counsell in Abrahams taking her to be his wife 2. Some thinke that adultery was not yet forbidden by any law Ambrose because Abraham was both before the Law and the Gospell he thinketh him to have beene blamelesse Durandus also and Tostatus are of opinion that polygamie was lawfull before it was forbidden by the positive law of the Gospell But the saying of our Saviour a principio non fuit sic from the beginning it was not so sufficiently confuteth these assertions seeing God in Paradise made unto Adam but one Eva one wife for one husband 3. Some simply allowed not the polygamie of the fathers but hold that it was permitted by some speciall dispensation for those times and so though they will not simply justifie it yet they qualifie and excuse it by these reasons 1. Theodoret saith neque natura neque lex ulla tunc scripta c. Neither nature nor any written law did forbid then the having of many wives Cont. Though no law were yet written that made any such prohibition yet they had the law of the creation they two shall be one flesh Matth. 19.5 which was continued by faithfull tradition and the lively examples of the Patriarks 2. This marriage proceeded not of any intemperate lust but was done studio quarendae posteritatis of a desire to increase posterity Ambr. Cont. The Apostle for this hath given us a rule not to doe evill that good may come thereon Rom. 3.8 Abrahams good intention doth not excuse an unlawfull action 3. Abraham did it not of himselfe Augustine saith Voluntatem illius non voluptatem suam implevisse accepisse non petisse that he fulfilled not his owne lust but his wives desire he asked her not but received her And he to this purpose urgeth the Apostle words that the man hath not power over his owne body but the woman 1 Cor. 7. Contra. If this were a good defence then Adams excuse also might have served because the woman gave him thâ— apple and he did eat The Apostle giveth the woman power over her husbands body and the man likewise over the womans to performe mutually the matrimoniall duties but the woman can no more give liberty to the husband to joyne unto strange flesh than the husband can unto the woman As the Apostle in the same place restraineth that liberty Let every man have his wife let every woman have her husband 1. Cor.
of the vision and beside a reverent feare came upon him Cajetan 2. Which feare was not in respect of any danger from the which the Lord promised to deliver him Mercer nor yet such a feare as the wicked are stricken with all but a reverent feare such as the godly have when they enter into Gods presence Muscul. 3. This place was not the Mount Moriah as some think where afterward the Temple was built for Bethel and Jerusalem are far distant as is shewed before quest 5. neither is here Bethel a name appellative but proper given to that City which was called Luz before vers 19. but that fable of the Hebrewes that the Mount Moriah removed from his place and went before Iacob is ridiculous ex Mercer 4. He calleth it a fearefull place and the house of God both because God there appeared and the heavens opened and for that hee thought it a meet place to be consecrated to the worship of God Iun. and it may well signifie the Church of God where the Lord doth reveale himselfe to his servants Rupertus QUEST XIII Of the stone which Iacob powred oyle upon Vers. 18. HE tooke the stone that was under his head 1. These were neither twelve stones according to the number of the twelve tribes which did all grow into one as the Hebrewes imagine neither were they many stones as Iosephus for though he gathered divers stones about his head as Iunius collecteth out of the 11. vers yet one was fittest for Iacob to rest his head on and to reare for a pillar Mercer 2. The oyle did not fall from heaven as the Hebrewes nor yet is it like he had it from Luz but it was such as he carried with him for his refreshing in his journey and whereof there was great plentie in that Countrey Mercer QUEST XIV Whether Iacob did well in setting up a pillar and anointing it with oyle SEt up as a pillar and powred oyle 1. The word is matseba a pillar of jat sab which signifieth to stand three sorts there were of such pillars some for religious uses forbidden Levit. 26.1 some for morall to put the people in minde of some benefit as the twelve stones pitched in Jordan some for evill uses as Absolons pillar which he set up to keepe a memoriall of him 2. The Gentiles used superstitiously to powre oyle upon stones but Iacob taketh not this usage from them it is more like that Satan brought the Gentiles superstitiously to counterfeit those holy rites which holy men consecrated unto God and againe the Gentiles did adore and worship such stones as Arnobius confesseth of himselfe when he was yet an idolater when he saw a smooth stone anointed with oyle Tanquam inesset vis presens adulabar affahar I did speake unto it and flatter it as though some present vertue were in it But Iacob ascribeth no divine vertue unto this stone Perer. 3. Whereas they are forbidden to reare up any pillar Levit. 26.1 this fact of Iacob was long before the promulgation of that law and besides they are forbidden to erect any such pillar to bow downe unto it they might set up stones and pillars for commemoration of some worthy fact as Iosua pitched the stones in Jordan but not for adoration and so Iacob here doth set up this stone for a remembrance of this vision as also he doth consecrate it with oyle as peculiar for the service of God for in the same place he afterward built an Altar to God Gen. 35.7 but he was farre off from any superstitious opinion of this stone 4. Augustine findeth out here a greater mystery making this stone anointed with oyle a figure of Christ who is so called of his anointing Lib. 16. de Civit. Dei cap. 38. QUEST XV. Whether the City of Luz were built at this time Vers. 19. NOtwithstanding the name of the City was called Luz 1. There is another word alam which signifieth certainly truly which the Septuagint unskilfully joyne with Luz and make of both one corrupt name Vlammaus 2. Some thinke that there was here no City at this time but that Luz was built long after Calvin But the text it selfe sheweth that at this time there was a City and that Iacob being overtaken of the night lodged abroad in the field Mercer 3. Neither yet as some thinke did Iacob lodge in the City for the towne would have afforded him a softer pillow and whereas Iacob saith that God appeared unto him at Luz Gen. 48.3 he meaneth not the towne it selfe precisely but comprehendeth under that name the field where he lodged that belonged unto the City Luz QUEST XVI Luz and Bethel whether one City or divers HE called the name of the place Bethel c. A question is here moved whether Luz and Bethel were all one City seeing that the border of Iosephs inheritance Iosu. 16.2 is said to goe from Bethel to Luz for the solution whereof 1. It is not like that Luz and Bethel were two Cities at the first which being neare together were joyned into one and two principall parts of the same City retained the names of Luz and Bethel sic Tostat. Lyran. 2. Neither were there two Bethels one in the tribe of Ephraim another of Benjamins lot as Chimbi thinketh and Genevens in annot Iosua 18.13 for Bethel was bordering onely upon Ephraim but within the lot of Benjamin Iosu. 16.2 Iosu. 18.21 3. Neither was this Bethel as some thinke belonging first to Ephraim and then fell to Benjamins lot for no such thing appeareth but that originally it was allotted to Benjamin Iosu. 18.22 4. Nor yet need we to say with Pererius that Bethel is taken two wayes strictly for the very place where God appeared to Iacob excluding the City and largely as comprehending the City all together 5. But the truth is that there were two Cities called by the name of Luz one that ancient towne whose name was changed into Bethel another afterward built by one that went into the land of the Hithites which kept the name of Luz still Iud. 1.26 and this is that Luz spoken of in the place objected Iosu. 16.2 Masius in 16. Ios. Iun. 6. This Bethel by the Prophet Osee is called Bethaven 4.15 that is the house of iniquity because Ieroboam there set up his golden calfe 1 King 12. and not farre from Bethel was there a place called Bethaven Iosua 7.2 which name the other occasion concurring was translated to Bethel Perer. QUEST XVII How Iacob voweth that the Lord shall be his God Vers. 20. IF God will be with me c. 1. Iacob was farre off from conditioning with God that he should no otherwise be his God than if he performed these things 2. Neither doth Iacob here utter his infirmity as doubtfull of the performance of these things 3. Nor yet doth he thus say as though he thought the promise of God conditionall that he would not otherwise be his God unlesse he performed these things Perer.
in Rachel is excusable for as meat pleaseth better in a cleane dish so vertue in comely persons is more amiable Hugo and some actions there are that without some delight cannot be so well affected as eating of meats learning of arts such is the matrimoniall society Augustine yea holy men may faile in some circumstances of vertuous actions as in the zeale of justice in the workes of charity in the love of their spouses which defects are excused by the lawfulnesse of the actions and the exercise of other vertues Perer. ex Thom. Anglic. QUEST IX How Iacobs terme was ended Vers. 21. GIve me my wife c. for my terme is ended 1. Not which Rebeckah his mother did set him neither speaketh he of the terme of his owne yeares that by reason of his age he could stay no longer to have any children Iun. but he meaneth his seven yeares of service were expired 2. It is therefore unlike that in the beginning of the seven yeares this was done as R. Levi or before the seven yeares compleat as Ramban for Laban being an hard man would remit nothing of the time agreed upon QUEST X. Of marriage feasts and why Laban made a feast Vers. 22. LAban gathered together all the men of the place c. 1. Not all but many of the neighbours were called together for thus in Scripture often generall speeches are restrained Genes 41.57 all countries came to Egypt to buy corne that is very many 2. This company was called together not to advise with Laban how to deceive Iacob as some Hebrewes thinke for Laban was crafty enough of himselfe Mercer but that Iacob before so many witnesses should not goe back from that marriage wherein he should be deceived Calvin 3. This solemnitie of marriage though it be not of the substance thereof yet for more honesty and decency and for the ratifying of marriage and to avoyd secret contracts it is very fit to be used Tostatus 4. It was the laudable manner of those times to make marriage feasts as appeareth both in the old and new testament Iud 14.10 Sampson made a feast at his marriage our Saviour vouchsafed to be present at the marriage feast Iohn 2. and this custome may very well be retained so it be used with moderation that the concourse of unruly company be prevented and excesse avoyded therefore Plato prescribeth at marriage feasts not above five friends of each side and as many kinsfolkes to be called together but to be drunken with wine he counteth it maxime alienum in nuptiis to be least of all beseeming marriage Perer. QUEST XI Of Labans fraud in suborning Leah Vers. 33. WHen the even was come he tooke Leah c. 1. Their manner was to bring the spouse home at night and covered with a veile for modesty and shamefastnesse which was the cause that Iacob knew not Leah at his first going in unto her and it is like that she was silent all night lest she should have beene discerned and her silence he imputed to her modesty some thinke that Iacob came not neare her but continued all night in prayer but it is unlike seeing that Iacob had longed seven years for this marriage 2. Leah cannot be here excused who was in fault yet drawn into it by her fathers counsell and desirous also herselfe to be married to such a worthy man Perer. and she might thinke that Iacob and her father were agreed 3. But Laban was in the greatest fault and therefore Iacob doth expostulate with him 1. He is unjust of his promise in not giving Rachel betroathed to Iacob 2. Hee dissembleth excusing himselfe by the custome 3. He offereth wrong to his daughter to cause her to commit adultery 4. And to Iacob in thrusting upon him a woman whom hee desired not 5. Though there were such a custome he should have stood upon it in time when Rachel was espoused now the custome could not serve to violate the law of nature to cause Iacob to commit adultery being betroathed already to another Perer. QUEST XII Whether Iacob fulfilled seven daies or yeares before Rachel was given him Vers. 27. FVlfill seven for her 1. Some understand this of seven yeares for the word Shebang is sometime taken for seven daies sometime for seven yeares Mercer Vatab. Genevous but this is not like for Rachel was given to Iacob first and then he served seven yeares for Rachel but if it should be taken for seven yeares then Iacob should not have had his wife till these seven were fulfilled vers 28. 2. But it is better understood of daies as Hierome expoundeth it ut sepâ—em dies pro nuptiis prioris sororis expleat that he fulfilled seven daies for the marriage of the elder sister Hieron tradition in Genes for it was the manner to keepe the marriage feast 7. dayes Iud. 14.15.17 Augustine yeeldeth this reason valde iniquâ—m fuisset Iacob fallaciter deceptum differre alios septem annos it had beene most unjust to deferre Iacob so craftily deceived seven yeares longer qu. 89. in Genes QUEST XIII Iacobs multiplicity of marriage no argument of his intemperance Vers. 29. LAban also gave Rachel his daughter Bilhah c. Laban gave unto both his daughters handmaids both to attend and wait upon them as also to be a solace and comfort unto them in a strange country whither they were to goe Perer. 2. These afterward were joyned unto Iacob for procreation beside either Laban or Iacobs intention and in that Iacob had two wives and two concubines it argueth not his intemperancie 1. Because he intended onely to marry Rachel praeter animi voluntatem Leam accidisse and that Lea was given unto him beside his minde 2. Iacob also in this multiplicitie of marriage chiefly propounded to himselfe the procreation and multiplying of his seed 3. He took his maids not of his owne minde sed ut conjugem placaret but to please his wives that they might have children by them 4. And againe it must be considered tunc temporis non datam fuisse legem qua multiplices nuptias prohiberet that there was at that time no law which did forbid multiplicity of marriage sic Theodoret. qu. 84. in Gen. ex citat Perer. QUEST XIV At what time Leahs foure eldest children were borne Vers. 34. HIs name was called Levi 35. shee called his name Iehudah 1. The Hebrewes fable that Michael called from heaven to Levi and gave him that name and endued him with gifts fit for the Priesthood and further Leah now having borne three children saith her husband should be joyned unto her because she had borne her part of the twelve sons which she as a prophetesse did foresee should be borne unto Iacob of his two wives and two handmaids but these are fabulous and vaine conjectures they also in the name Iehudah doe include Iehovah the letter Daleth being added in the fourth place because he was the fourth son but these light collections are
a brother for the word is used first in this place where it so signifieth from hence then the originall sense of the word must be taken 3. The words of the law are If brethren dwell together now naturall brethren and such as are properly so called are more like to dwell together than kinsmen removed who in a large sense are so called brethren 4. This law is so interpreted in the Gospell where it appeareth by the Sadduces question of seven brethren that successively tooke the one the others wife Matth. 22. that it was so practised 5. It is the opinion of Philo and the Hebrewes as we heard before who are best acquainted with their owne lawes that naturall brethren used so to doe 4. Now the objections on the contrary part are easily answered 1. It is objected that Levit. 18.16 the brother is forbidden to marry his brothers wife Answ. This is a particular exception from that generall law that unlesse in this case onely to raise seed to the brother it was utterly unlawfull to take the brothers widow which was not to uncover her shame but rather to take away her shame in that shee remained childlesse by his brother and it was honourable to the dead in reviving his memory So wee see in other cases that the Lord made some particular exception from his generall lawes As the making of the Cherubims over the Arke was an instance against the second commandement the Israelites robbing of the Egyptians against the eighth commandement Phinehes killing of the adulterer and adulteresse against the sixth commandement 2. Ob. The practice of this law as appeareth Ruth 4. where Boaz not a brother but a kinsman taketh the wife of the dead sheweth the meaning thereof Answ. We deny not but where there was no brother nearer there the next kinsman further off did the duty of the brother and so was it practised upon Ruth 3. Ob. Iohn Baptist simply reproveth Herod because he tooke his brothers wife It is not lawfull for thee saith Iohn to have thy brothers wife Mark 6.18 Answ. It is certaine that Herods brother had issue by his wife Herodias whose daughter danced before Herod and therefore in this case it was not lawfull so that Herod tooke not Herodias for any such purpose to raise seed to his brother but of an immoderate lust 4. Ob. Why then should it not be lawfull still in this case to marry the brothers wife dying without issue Answ. This law of Moses was partly ceremoniall and typicall in preserving the right of the first-borne whereby was prefigured the spirituall birth-right in the Messiah which never should have end partly politicall in maintaining the distinction of families in their tribes whereof the ceremonie is now abolished which onely concerned that people Iun. in Deut. 25. vers 5. QUEST VIII Whether Thamar or Iudahs sinne was greater COncerning this act of incontinencie which Iudah committed with Thamar 1. We refuse the opinion of Rab. Simeon who altogether exempteth Thamar from any fault because she onely desired issue for the hope of the Messiah to be borne of Iudah for this mystery was not as yet revealed Perer. 2. It is certaine that Iudahs sinne was greater than Thamars both in that he brake promise with her concerning Selah as also in that he companied with her not for any issue but carnall lust though he were afterward preferred before his brethren this no more excuseth his fault than if Davids adultery joyned with murther should bee defended because hee was preferred before his brethren of whose seed the Messiah should come 3. Thamars sinne was lesse than Iudahs yet a sinne as Augustine noteth Non eam justificatam sed magis quam se justificatam dicens Iudah saith She was not righteous but more righteous than he lib. 22. cont Faust. cap. 62. Yet her fault is extenuated by these circumstances as Ambrose noteth Non alienum praeripuit thorum She did not usurpe upon anothers bed she stayed till Iudah was a widower she did it not of an inordinate lust Sed successionis gratia concupivit She onely desired to have issue Et ex ea familia quam delegerat And by that family which she had chosen and further after she knew her selfe to be conceived with childe she put on her widowes garments againe and so continued 4. Yet Thamars sin in some respect was greater than Iudahs because she wittingly committed incest with her father in law but Iudah ignorantly Luther Notwithstanding all circumstances considered Iudahs fault was the greater and so he doth justifie her in respect of himselfe 5. But whereas Ambrose further noteth that shee stayed till Selah to whom she was espoused was dead therein is an errour for vers 14. it is given as a reason why Thamar attempted this thing because Selah was now growne and of age and she yet not given unto him he was then at this time alive Beside Selah is numbred among those sons of Iudah that went downe with Iacob into Egypt and onely Er and Onan of Iacobs sonnes are said to have died in the land of Canaan Gen. 46.12 ex Perer. QUEST IX How it came to passe that Iudah discerned not Thamar by her voice Vers. 15. HE judged her to be an whore for she had covered her face c. 1. Not as some reade she had coloured or painted her face whom Aben Ezra doth not without cause reprove 2. Neither is this a reason why Iudah did thinke she was an harlot because she was vailed as Iunius Calvin for harlots use not to be so modest but it is given as a reason why Iudah did not know her Mercer 3. And whereas it may seeme strange that Iudah did not know her by her voice the reason is that being wholly given over to lust and intending no other thing he greatly regarded not the sight of his eyes or hearing of his eares Luther As also it was a just judgement of God upon him to strike him with such a stupidity as not to discerne her Mercer Geneven QUEST X. Whether Iudâ—h were a Iudge Vers. 24. BRing her forth and let her be burnt c. 1. Iudah giveth not sentence against Thamar either as being appointed a Prince and Judge among the Canaanites as Tostatus Cajetanus for it is not like they would suffer a stranger to be a Judge and ruler among them as the Sodomites answer Lot Gen. 19.9 neither as chiefe in the familie had he power of life and death over those of his charge as some thinke for neither doe we reade that any father of families did execute any such justice in their families and Iacob was the chiefe father of these families and therefore it is most like that Iudah giveth advice that Thamar should be brought forth to the place of justice and proceeded against according to the custome and law of that Country Mercer Iun. 2. But whereas she is adjudged to the fire this was not because she was Melchisedecks daughter the Lords high
inferreth that the Law Levit. 18.16 that a man should not marry his brothers wife was but a judiciall law not grounded upon the law of nature and abrogated by Christ and that it is not simply evill so to doe for then it could not be made lawfull by circumstance Bellar. de maâ—ri cap 27. Contra. 1. For a man of a lustfull and uncleane minde to take his brothers wife is against the law of nature and was never lawfull but in this case onely to marry her in obedience to the law and to revive the memory of the dead was not against the law of nature 2. If it had God who is above nature and who giveth law unto nature might in this case grant an indulgence and dispensation for those times 3. Like as then to kill was simply evill and forbidden in the commandement yet in the zeale of Gods glory to kill the wicked as Phinehes did the adulterer and adulteresse and Samuel the king of Ameleck was lawfull and commendable so notwithstanding that law in Leviticus which forbiddeth the discovering of the shame of the brothers wife Levit. 18.16 that is of a filthy and uncleane desire to marrie her it might be lawfull to doe it onely in this case to shew obedience to the law and love to the dead in raising up seed unto him which was not to discover their shame but rather to cover it in that the brother departed had by this meanes an heire to keepe his memory the woman had issue which was childlesse before 4. That this law which forbiddeth to marry the brothers wife was not abrogated by Christ appeareth by Iohns reprehension of Herod that it was not lawfull for him to have his brothers wife Mark 6. 2. Confut. Against the Anabaptists of the lawfull power of magistrates Vers. 24. LEt her be burnt This maketh against the opinion of the Anabaptists who deny that the Magistrate among Christians hath power to put any to death And lest it might be thought onely lawfull in the Old Testament and not in the new the Apostle confirmeth the same saying that the power beareth not the sword for nought and that he is the minister of God to shew revenge upon those that doe evill Rom. 13.4 Now whereas the Anabaptists object that place Matth. 5.38 Yee have heard that it hath beene said an eye for an eye a tooth for a tooth but I say unto you resist not evill c. Where Christ they say restraineth this power of revenging evill given by Moses to the Magistrate the answer here is readie that although this rule was first given to the Magistrate yet the Scribes and Pharises corruptly applied it to private revenge so that our Saviour in this place disanulleth not the law of Moses but speaketh against their corrupt gloses upon it 6. Places of Exhortation 1. Observ. How life is to bee counted a blessing Vers. 6. ER was wicked c. and therefore the Lord slew him Length of daies then simply and in it selfe is a blessing of God and the extraordinarie shortning and cutting off the daies is a curse the blondie and deceitfull man shall not live out halfe his daies Psal. 55.24 yet this is to be understood with certaine conditions and limitations 1. In respect of the times for long life more apparantly was accounted a blessing under the old testament when the people were fed and nourished with temporall promises but under the Gospel we must looke to spirituall 2. Generally upon all the blessing of long and judgement of short life is not shewed It sufficeth that for the demonstration of Gods mercie in the one and of his justice in the other some are exemplified 3. Short life is a blessing when men are taken away from troubles to come as Abiah was of Ierobohams house 1 King 14.13 And long life is a curse when it bringeth shame and dishonour with it as is seene in Cam Calvin 2. Observ. Not to post over the fault to others Vers. 11. HE thought thou lest he die as well as his brethren Iudah layeth all the fault upon Thamar as though her marriage had beene unluckie whereas it was wholly in his sonnes Thus Adam posted over his fault to Eve but wee are taught hereby to examine our selves and to finde out our owne sinne Muscul. 3. Observ. The pronenesse of our nature to sinne Vers. 16. HE turned to the way towards her Wee see in Iudah what mans nature is without the direction of grace how prone and readie hee was to commit this sinne and so carried headlong into it that hee spared not to give her his best ornaments for a pledge his Ring Kercheffe and Staffe Musculus Therefore that exhortation of Saint Paul is necessarie Flie from the lusts of youth and follow after righteousnesse faith love 1 Tim. 2.22 4. Observ. To feare God more than men Vers. 23. LEt her take it to her lest we be ashamed Ioseph feareth more the shame of the world in this case than the displeasure of God as many doe which are given to the filthie sinne of uncleanenesse Calvin But wee should remember what our Saviour saith Feare not them which kill the body but are not able to kill the soule c. Matth. 10.28 5. Observ. After repentance wee must not fall into the same sinne againe Vers. 26. SO he lay with her no more In this Iudah is to bee commended that having committed a sinne of ignorance hee would not fall into the same willingly againe Muscul. so true repentance worketh a detestation of the sinne repented of and godly sorrow bringeth a great care with it 2 Cor. 7.11 CHAP. XXXIX 1. The Method or Argument THis chapter setteth forth partly the prosperous estate of Ioseph in his master Pâ—tiphars house partly his affliction and humiliation in being cast into prison In the first 1. Wee are to consider the cause of Iosephs prosperitie the blessing of God Vers. 1 2 3. 2. The effect thereof the favour of his Master who committed all to his hand to Vers. 7. 3. Iosephs faithfulnesse againe to his Master in refusing to be entised to folly by his Mistresse whereto two reasons induced him the favour and goodnesse of his Master the feare of God Vers. 8 9. In the second 1. Is set forth the cause of Iosephs imprisonmenâ— the false accusation of his mistresse with the probable shew thereof in detaining first and then producing his vesture Vers. 10. to 19. 2. Then is set forth the affliction of Ioseph in being shut up in prison with the other malefactors Vers. 19 20. 3. The qualifying of his affliction in that the Lord so worketh with Ioseph that hee found favour also with the keeper of the prison Vers. 21 22 23. 2. The divers readings v. 1. One of Pharaohs Lords B. Courtiers T. Princes C. Eunuch caet see further for the divers readings of this word seris and tahâ—ch Gen. 37.36 qu. 29. qu. 30. At the hand of the Arabians C. Ismaelites caet v.
Moses fled but an other and that this was the fourth change during his exile Orâ—s reigned 38. yeeres in whose latter yeeres Moses fled then after him succeeded Acengerâ—s 12. yeeres thâ—n Achâ—rus 9. yeeres then Câ—nâ—hres 16. yeeres who perished in the red sea Simler 2. But it is more probable that this Pharaoh that now died was that King from whom Moses escaped both for that the Israelites now at the change of the King cried unto God hoping to finde some alteration as men commonly doe looke for better times at the change of the Prince Pellican As also so much may be gathered by that which the Lord saith to Moses goe returne to Egypt for they are all dead which went about to kill thee that is both Pharaoh and all those that sought to revenge the Egyptians bloud whom Moses slew Iun. Iosephus also thinketh that this was the same Pharaoh from whom Moses fled unto Midian lib. 2. cap. 5. QUEST XXXIV Whether the cry of the Israelites proceeded from true repentance Vers. 23. ANd the children of Israel sighed for the bondage and cried 1. Some thinke that this crie of the Israelites proceeded not from any true repentance but from their present miserie and bondage And God heard their crie of his fatherlie pitic and clemencie as he often heareth the complaints of those which are worthily punished so the Lord had respect to Ahabs sackcloth and semblance of sorrow 2. But it is rather to bee thought that the afflictions of the Israelites had brought them to the knowledge of their sinne and specially of their Idolatrie which is mentioned by the Prophet Ezechi 20.8 And thus being humbled with fight of their sinnes for the which they were worthily chastised they make their complaint unto God Iun. Simler And this may appeare by their effectuall prayers which went up to heaven as proceeding from great contrition of heart and humilitie Ferus Wherefore Moses also maketh further mention Num. 20.16 shewing that at the instant humble suite of the Israelites the Lord sent his Angell to deliver them Iun. This crie therefore of the Israelites in Egypt seemeth to be unlike unto that which they made when the Egyptians pursued them they are said to crie unto God in one verse and to murmur in the next Exod. 14.10.11 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Of the divine providence Vers. 3. SHe tooke for him an Arke In Moses wonderfull preservation we have a notable example of the divine providence which sheweth that all things in the world are governed ordered and disposed according to the will of God the hiding of Moses three moneths his putting into a close Arke the finding of it by Pharaohs daughter the instinct which she had to bring him up for her owne sonne by which meanes Moses came to be instructed in the Egyptian learning doe all excellently set forth the fatherly care of God toward his in their birth education preservation as our Saviour also saith even all the haires of your head are numbred Matth. 10.30 Piscator 2. Doct. Lawfull meanes to be used THey â—â—bed it with sâ—ime and pitch Although they chiefly commended the childe by a sure faith to Gods providence yet they refuse no meanes to provide for the childs safetie like as Noah pitched his Arke within and without which teacheth us that we should so depend upon Gods providence as that we presume not but carefully use the meanes which God hath appointed Pellican 3. Doct. Difference of punishment according to the diversitie of sinne Vers. 13. HE said unto him that smote his brother Wherefore sâ—itest thou thy fellow Moses wisdome and discretion herein appeareth that killed the Egyptian reproveth onely the Hebrew so they which sinne maliciously are more severely to bee punished than they which offend of ignorance and infirmitie Ferus 4. Doct. That it is lawfull to flee in time of persecution Vers. 15. MOses fled from Pharaoh This sheweth that it is lawfull for onâ— to flie in the time of persecution specially when his person is sought so Iacob fled from Esau. David from Saul Paul escaped out of Damascus Bâ—rrh 5. Places of controversie 1. Cont. The mariage of the aunt and nephew against the law of nature Vers. 1. A Man of Levi tooke a daughter of Levi. That is Amram tooke to wife Iochebed his fathers sister as is before shewed quest 3. The Canonists upon these and such other examples of neere mariages doe inferre that by the law of nature no degrees are forbidden but betweene father and daugter mother and sonne onely because in other neere degrees even mariages were in use among the Patriarkes Contr. 1. It appeareth that these mariages as to take the Aunt to wife or uncle to husband to marrie two sisters and such like were even against the law of nature seeing they are named among the abominations and pollutions of the Cananites Levit. 18.27 who transgressed nor here in against any positive or judiciall law but against the law of nature 2. This further is made manifest in that the Romanes by the light of nature and some other nations did prohibite such neere mariages and conjunctions 3. And the fathers acts and examples doe not therefore conclude that the prohibition of such mariages was not morall naturall for it cannot be denied but in their owne opinion Lots incest with his daughters was unnaturall the law of nature in many things was then obscured which afterward by the positive lawes was explained Simler in cap. 6. Exod. 2. Cont. That the mariage of ministers is lawfull Vers. 16. ANd the Priest of Median had seven daughters Râ—hâ—el himselfe was a Priest and so was the son Iethro who offered sacrifices unto God Exod. 16. So that even among the Gentiles the Priests were married and the sonnes succeeded the parents in their Priestly function As in the primitive Church we read of Polycrates who in an Epistle to Victor writeth that seven of his auncestors had beene Bishops of Ephesus before him and he himselfe was the eighth The Apostles also were married and S. Paul also sheweth that he might have taken this libertie as well as the rest 1 Cor. 9.5 and he alloweth every man to have his wife 1 Cor. 7.2 3. Cont. Of the authoritie of parents in the mariage of their children Vers. 22. WHo gave unto Moses Zipporah his daughter Here that ancient right of the fathers in disposing and giving their children in mariage is confirmed Piscatur So Abraham provided a wife for Isaack Rebeckah is given by her parents they onely aske her consent Gen. 24. It was in the fathers power to ratifie or disanull the vow and promise made by the daughter Numb 30. This maketh against the practice of the Canonists and Romanists that ascribe very little to the consent of parents in marriage and they allow that a mans sonne or daughter may against the minde of the parents be pulled into a Cloister and professe Monkerie 4. Cont. Of the perfection of the Hebrew
his stead in earth but the Godhead and name of God is simply and properly given unto Christ. 3. Cont. Ecclesiasticall persons subject to the civill magistrat FUrther though Aaron be Moses mouth and speake for him to the people yet Moses is made his superiour so though the Priests and Ministers doe declare unto the people the will of God and the law is to be required at their mouth yet are they subject to the Civill power as here Aaron to Moses Pellican as the Apostle saith Let every soule be subject to the higher powers Rom. 13.1 4. Cont. Against the baptisme of infants by women Vers. 25. ANd Zipporah tooke a sharpe knife This example is alleaged by the Romanists to prove the lawfulnesse of Baptisme by women in the case of necessity Bellar. lib. 1. de Bapt. cap. 7. Contra But this example cannot serve their turne 1. because the Minister of circumcision in the old Testament is not precisely appointed as the Minister of Baptisme is for the Levites and Priests were not specially charged by commandement to bee Ministers of circumcision but that charge did indifferently lie upon the masters of the family Gen. 17.9 But in the Gospell they are bid to baptise that are commanded to teach Mat. 28.20 Piscato◠2. The Romanists lay upon baptisme a necessity of salvation but here the necessity was not in respect of the infant uncircumcised but in regard of Moses and not a necessity of eternall salvation but of preserving the outward life Piscator 3. Zipporah did it in presence of Moses by this example they may allow women also to baptise in the presence of the lawfull Minister Simler 4. And though it pleased God to remit the temporall punishment upon this externall obedience yet this sheweth not that God did approve this act as before instance is given of the Samaritanes who were delivered from the Lions being but halfe worshippers of God 2. King 17. the Lord onely sheweth hereby that it is pleasing unto him that the externall discipline of the Church should be preserved Simler 5. This then being in it selfe an unlawfull act in Zipporah saving that necessity forced it and extraordinary it cannot be drawne to an ordinarie practice specially where there can bee no such necessity Iun. 6. This example rather sheweth that baptisme though by an unlawfull Minister is to be held to bee baptisme as after Zipporah had circumcised her sonne he was not circumcised againe then that such are to be allowed lawfull Ministers Heretikes are not fit Ministers of Baptisme yet if they keepe the true forme of Baptisme the Church useth not to baptise after them for as Augustine well saith That which is given 〈◊〉 be said not to be given although it may be rightly said not to be rightly given 5. Cont. That the punishment for the contempt of circumcision was not only temporall but in Gods justice eternall Vers. 24. THe Lord met him and would have killed him Bellarmine from hence would prove that the penalty of the neglect of circumcision was only temporall and consequently that circumcision had not to it annexed the promise of remission of sinnes and deliverance from eternall death as the Sacraments of the new Testament have lib 2. de effect sacrament cap. 17. Resp. 33. ad argum 1. Cont. 1. The penalty inflicted for the omission of circumcision is laid upon the party himselfe that is not circumcised even that person shall be cut off Gen. 17.4 therefore this example of punishment imposed upon the parent for the neglect of it in his sonne is not fitly urged to that end 2. that law is made against those that willingly neglect circumcision and so wilfully breake the Lords covenant but here is no contempt but only negligence and oversight 3. It followeth not Moses only should have beene temporally chasticed for this negligence therefore the neglect of circumcision was onely punished by temporall death like as God would have killed Aaron with temporall death for consenting to the Idolatry of Israel Deut. 9.20 Doth it therefore follow that the punishment of Idolatrie was only temporall God unto his servants remitted in mercie the eternall debt chastising them onely temporally for their owne amendment and the example of other 4. But that the contempt of circumcision deserved everlasting death in the justice of God appeareth both by the phrase that soule shall be cut off from his people which signifieth a finall perishing from the Church of God both in this world and in the next as it is taken Levit 20.3 that he which giveth his seed to Moloch shall bee cut off as also by the reason there given because hee hath broken the Lords covenant and cursed is every one which transgresseth any part of the law Deut. 27.26 And the curse of God is not only temporall but eternall 5. Further that circumcision had annexed to it a promise of grace and remission of sinnes the Apostle sheweth calling circumcision the seale of the righteousnesse of faith Rom. 4.11 and the outward circumcision represented the circumcision of the heart whose praise was not of men but of God Rom. 2.29 6. Cont. Against the necessity of Baptisme NEither can this example of Zipporahs necessary circumcision of her sonne bee fitly alleaged to prove an absolute necessity of baptisme an hypotheticall that is a conditionall necessity depending upon the precept of Christ wee graunt that it is necessary that baptisme both in generall should bee retained in the Church because Christ hath instituted it and in particular that every one should yeeld ready obedience thereunto as unto Christs ordinance when it may bee conveniently had but such a penall necessity as to imagine children dying without baptisme to bee excluded the kingdome of God cannot be admitted 1. This were to tye salvation unto the externall signe and so to limit the worke of the spirit 2. Some of the fathers indeed as Augustine held such a necessity but hee made the same necessity of the other Sacrament upon these words of our Saviour Ioh. 6.53 Except yee eat the flesh of the Sonne of man c. ye have no life in you c. Simler 3. There is not the like necessitie of baptisme now and of circumcision then for that was tied to the eight day so is not baptisme and the necessitie was not in respect of the infant but of the parent that neglected it as the child here was not in danger but Moses himselfe 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. That one standeth in need of anothers gifts Vers. 14. DOe not I know Aaron thy brother c. that he shall speake God could if it had pleased him have given unto Moses the gift of eloquence utterance but he rather joyneth Aaron as assistant unto Moses not giving all gifts unto one but so diverslie dispensing and disposing his graces that one may stand in need of another even as the members of the bodie cannot say one to another I have no need of thee 1 Cor. 12.21
is inserted Vers 14. THese bee the heads of their fathers houses c. Moses setteth downe the genealogie of certaine tribes that it might bee knowne for the more certaintie of the storie of what stocks those two famous Prophets Moses and Aaron came the Lords Ambassadors to Pharaoh and instruments of these great works and wonders wrought in Egypt and of the deliverance of the people Borrh. 2. And Moses setteth downe the generation of Reuben and Simeon which were the two elder that he might orderly proceed to Levi lest hee might have beene thought onely to set downe his owne petigree Simler 3. And these three tribes are specially named because they of all other were most hardly censured by Iacob Reuben for his incest and the other two for their murther lest they might have beene thought utterly to have beene rejected Perer. 4. Moses most insisted upon the genealogie of Levi because that tribe was afterward chosen for the dignitie of the Priesthood Simler QUEST IX How Reuben is said here to be the first borne Vers. 14. THe sonnes of Reuben the first borne 1. He was the first borne by nature but he lost the prerogative of the first borne by his incest unto the which belonged a double preeminence the one of a double part which right was transferred to Ioseph of whom came two tribes the other of dignitie and authoritie over the rest of the brethren which was conveyed to Iudah Perer. 2. Of Reuben and Simeon onely those are rehearsed that came downe with Iacob unto Egypt because Moses doth make haste to set downe at large the offspring of Levi descending even unto Phinehes the sonne of Eleazar the sonne of Aaron Iun. 3. Some names are elsewhere otherwise termed as he which is called Iemuel is named in the Chronicles Nemuel and Sahar Zerah Ohad here named is there omitted either because he died in Egypt or else his posteritie was extinct and ceased in the wildernesse Simler QUEST X. Of the age of Levi. Vers. 16. THe yeeres of the life of Levi were 137. Levi was elder than Ioseph by foure yeeres for hee was the third sonne of Lea borne in the third yeere of the second seven of Iacobs service in the end whereof Ioseph was borne hence divers certaine conclusions concerning the Chronologie of the Scripture may be inferred 1. That Levi was 43. yeere old when he came downe with Iacob into Egypt for then was Ioseph 39. 2. That Levi lived 23. yeeres after the death of Ioseph who lived an 110. yeeres for Levi was 4. yeere elder than Ioseph and lived 137. 3. That Levi lived after he came into Egypt 94. yeeres unto the which if we adde 43. yeeres which was his age before he went into Egypt we shall have the whole life of Levi 137. yeeres 4. Levi died 121. yeeres before the going of the Israelites out of Egypt for all the time of their aboad in Egypt was 215. whereof Levi lived 94. in Egypt which summe being deducted from 215. the residue is 121. yeeres 5. It is gathered that Levi died before Moses birth 41. yeeres for Moses was 80. yeeres old when Israel was delivered out of Egypt but Levi died 121. yeeres before that then it will follow that he died 41. yeeres before Moses ex Perer. QUEST XI Of the age of Kohath Vers. 18. KOhath lived 133. yeeres 1. Thus read both the Latine Septuagint and Chalde agreeable to the Hebrew So that Eugubinus is deceived that saith Kohath according to the Septuagint lived but 130. yeeres 2. Hence it is evident that Kohath died 2. yeere before Moses birth and 82. yeeres before the deliverance of Israel for Kohath comming downe with Levi into Egypt may be supposed to be borne the same yeere from whence to Moses birth are 135. yeeres unto which adde 80. yeeres of the life of Moses and we have the whole summe of 215. yeeres the whole time of the Israelites being in Egypt But hee lived onely 133. yeeres then he must be dead two yeeres before Moses birth 3. Hence Alexander Polyhistor is found to be in error who holdeth as Eusebius reporteth Kohath to bee but 40. yeere old when Levi died who was rather than 94. yeere old but 43 yeere younger than his father being borne the same yeere when Levi went downe into Egypt QUEST XII Of the age of Amram Vers. 20. ANd Amram lived 137. yeeres If Amram were borne 14. yeeres before Ioseph died and begat Moses in the 77. yeere of his age as Alexander Polyhistor in Eusebius accompteth then it is evident that he died 21. yeeres before the departing of Israel out of Egypt and in the 60 yeere of Moses age as may bee thus gathered Ioseph lived after Iacob came downe into Egypt 71. yeeres being then 39. and his whole age was 110. so Ioseph died 144. yeeres before the departure of Israel for the foresaid numbers of 71. and 144. put together make the above said summe of 215. yeeres it will then follow that Amram borne 14. yeeres before Iosephs death and living 137. yeeres died 121. yeeres before the going forth of Israel ex Perer. QUEST XIII Why the sonnes of Korah and Aaron are set downe Vers. 21. ALso the sonnes of Izhar 1. Moses in the rest of Levi his posteritie descendeth but to the fourth degree saving in Aaron and Korah because of the one came famous Phinehes and the sonnes of the other are expressed because they died not in their fathers rebellion Numb 16.11 2. Hebron or Chebron his posteritie is not set downe it may be he was obscure and therefore not mentioned Borrh. 3. The rest here also are expressed because elsewhere they are spoken of for the manifestation of the history as Nadab and Abihu Levit. 10.1 Mishael and Elzaphan Levit. 10.4 Eleazar Numb 20. and Ithamar Exod. 38.21 Iun. QUEST XIV Why Aaron tooke a wife of the tribe of Iudah Vers. 23. ANd Aaron tooke Elishebah daughter of Aminadab 1. These two Aminadab and Nahashon his sonne were Princes of Judah 2. Thus Levi and Iudah doe match in marriage together to signifie the conjunction and affinity that should bee betweene the regall and priestly office Simler 3. Hitherto the positive law of not confounding the tribes by marriage was not made and yet afterward notwithstanding it was lawfull for the Priests of Levi to take unto them wives of other tribes for because the Levites had no inheritance given them by such marriages there could follow no inconvenience by confusion of their inheritance So Iehoiadah the high Priest married the King of Judahs sister and Elizabeth wife to Zacharie the Priest was Cousin to Mary the blessed Virgin of Judah Simler QUEST XV. How Moses without ostentation setteth forth his owne commendation Vers. 27. THese are that Moses and Aaron c. 1. Some thinke that these words should be inserted by Ezra who digested the Scriptures into order because it seemeth not to stand with the modestie of Moses and Aaron to set forth such a
insinuateth Deut. 11.11 where Moses sheweth a difference betweene the land of Canaan and Egypt where they watered their fields with their feet as a garden that is they conveyed the waters of Nilus by trenches and furrowes to their fields which overflowing their grounds serveth in steed of raine and therefore the Egyptians did more honour Nilus than heaven Perer. QUEST XLIII Whether the Sorcerers did turne the waters into true bloud NOw whether the Sorcerers brought forth true bloud as Moses did though it need bee no question as is before shewed Quest. 21. yet there are divers opinions about it 1. Augustine thinketh that the Sorcerers by the Devils helpe did change the water into very naturall bloud lib. 83. quâ—st 79. But that cannot be for the Devils have no power to change or transforme one substance into another immediatly without naturall meanes and seeing true bloud is not ingendred but in the body and that not immediatly but by certaine degrees and preparations Satan could not in truth doe any such thing 2. Pererius thinketh that this bloud was cunninly conveyed by the Devils helpe from some other place and not made out of the water But this is not likely for it was no small quantity of bloud which seemed to be changed by the Sorcerers out of how many bodies could the Devill draw and sucke so much bloud and if the bloud were brought what came of the water that must bee conveyed away also Beside the text saith that the enchanters did likewise then as Moses turned water into bloud they must to make their worke like turne water also into bloud or seeme to doe it 3. Wherefore I subscribe rather to Iustinus Sanguinem à Magis exhibitum non fuisse verum sed fallacem praestigiosum That the bloud brought forth by the Magicians was not true bloud but deceitfull and counterfeit quaest Orthod 26. Ferus reason is because naturas mutare solius Dei est it only belongeth unto God to change natures Osiander saith Videntur ad breve tempuâ— conversae The waters seemed to be changed by the Sorcerers but for a short time but Moses miracle continued seven dayes which sheweth that it was a true miracle So Ambrose concludeth Si arte sua quis sublimitate astutiae aliam creaturam fingat ad horam sicut finxerunt Iannes Iambres If any by his cunning and deepe deceit can faine another creature for a time as Iannes and Iambres did c. QUEST XLIV How this first plague was stayed HOw this plague ceased is not expressed 1. Philo thinketh that at the supplication of the Egyptians made to Moses and his prayer unto God the waters returned to their first nature But if it had beene so it is not unlike but that Moses could have expressed so much as hee doth in the other plagues that were stayed by that meanes 2. Iosephus writeth that Pharaoh seeing the miserable state of the Egyptians did give leave to the Israelites to depart and so the plague ceased but presently after hee repented him but the Scripture seemeth to be contrary for Pharaohs heart was hardened at the first and not mollified at all neither did this plague enter into his heart vers 23. 3. Therefore it is most like that this plague contined untill the beginning of the second which is the end of the first and so it ceased neither at the entreatie of Pharaoh or the Egyptians or by the prayer of Moses but by the will of God Thostat Perer. QUEST XLV Of the application and use of this first plague FOr the mysticall application of this plague 1. Augustine comparing the ten plagues of Egypt and the ten Commandements together doth referre the first plague to the first Commandement applying it thus The water out of the which commeth the generation of many things signifieth God the beginning of all the turning of this water into bloud is the corrupting of the divine worship by humane and carnall inventions of flesh and bloud 2. But I preferre rather Ferus applications the one propheticall that this plague did portend the bloudy end and destruction of Pharaoh and the Egyptians the other morall that wherein a man sinneth thereby in the justice of God is he punished as Adonibezek by the cutting off his fingers and toes as he had served others Absalon by his haire which hee was proud of so the Egyptians are punished in the water wherein they had destroyed so many innocent babes Pererius 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. Of the institution of the princely and priestly calling Vers. 1. I Have made thee Pharaohs God and Aaron thy brother shall be thy Prophet Here we have the institution of two most necessarie callings among the people of God the princely power in Moses whose commission was to give edicts and lawes and the Ecclesiasticall in Aaron to whom it appertained to interprete and expound the Law as the Prophet saith Aske the Priest concerning the law Borrh. 2. Doct. Of the hardning of the heart how it is said to proceed from God Vers. 3. I Will harden Pharaohs heart Mans heart is hardened two wayes either by it selfe internally or by some externall accident that moveth the inward cause or the instruments thereof the externall agents are either efficients and so the Devill as an efficient and working cause moveth the heart of man unto evill being corrupt of it selfe or they are only disposing and ordering so the Lord is said to harden the heart which he doth three wayes 1. By leaving the will of man being destitute of good to it evill nature and disposition 2. By some occasion given by the Lord which in it selfe is good the heart of the wicked becommeth more obstinate as by the Lords commandement by Moses Pharaoh was more hardened so the Apostle sheweth that some take occasion by the law which is good to bee more evill Rom. 7. like as tender and weake eyes by the brightnesse of the Sunne doe dazle the more and become blinder 3. The Lord seeing the will of obstinate men to be thus hardened and bent upon evill he in his justice also driveth them to that end whither of themselves they runne headlong Iun. Like as the primum mobile in the heavens the utmost sphere carrieth all the other inferiour orbes of the planets about yet every one of them doe keepe their contrary course by the which the eclipses of the Sunne and Moone fall out yet so as by the first overruling motion they are whirled about and brought to their Eclipse which is properly caused notwithstanding by their owne particular motion so there is an overruling power of God that bringeth every thing to the end appointed yet the defects and eclipses of our will doe proceede of our owne corrupt nature See more of this point how the Lord is said to harden the heart chap. 4. quest 19. 3. Doct. That no man sinneth of absolute necessitie Vers. 22. HE did not hearken unto them as the Lord had said It was
necessary that Pharaoh should not hearken unto Moses because the Lord had foretold so much who cannot be deceived But Pharaoh was not forced or compelled thereunto there is then an absolute or violent necessity which forceth and compelleth there is a conditionall and hypotheticall necessity when a thing is said to be necessary another thing presupposed so Pharaohs disobedience and obstinacy was the second way necessary upon the presupposall of Gods prescience but the first way it was not necessary the first necessity is coactive but the second is voluntary the other neither justifieth a man if he doe well being forced noâ— condemneth him if hee doe evill but the second hath place in both both the righteous have praise whose obedience in respect of Gods ordinance is necessary and infallible and the wicked are justly condemned who sinne willingly though Gods prescience considered in some sort also necessarily Borrh. 5. Places of controversie and confutation 1. Confut. Against those that impugne the deity of Christ. Vers. 1. I Have made thee Pharaohs God Hence certaine Heretikes as Nestorius that did separate the humanity of Christ from his divine nature would confirme their heresie that the man Christ was God no otherwise than Moses is called God as Eliphandus a Bishop of Spaine who held that the man Christ was onely the Sonne of God by adoption Contra. 1. The name of God in Scripture is given unto men as Psal. 80. I said ye are Gods but that title is given them in respect of their office but it agreeth unto Christ by nature for here the Lord is said to have appointed Moses God not to have begotten him as Hilarie well noteth neither is he simply called God as Christ is but with an addition Pharaohs God 2. Not onely the name of Elohim God is given unto Christ but Iehovah which is a name not communicable unto any creature but peculiar unto God and if Christ were no otherwise God than Moses was it were Idolatry to worship him Simler 3. Hilarie also sheweth that Christ is said to be five wayes very God which agree unto none but him 1. in name he is simply called God as Iohn 1. The word was God and 1. Epist. Ioh. 5.20 speaking of Jesus Christ he saith the same is very God 2. By his nativity and generation and so he is called the Sonne of God 3. By nature hee is one with God I and the father are one 4. In power all power is given me in heaven and in earth Matth. 20. 5. By his owne profession he professed himselfe to be the Sonne of God and therefore the Jewes went about to kill him because he said that God was his Father Iohn 5.18 Hilar. lib. 7. de trinitat 2. Confut. Against transubstantiation Vers. 13. AArons rod devoured their rods The Papists would establish their transubstantiation by this place for as Aarons rod being turned into a serpent is still called a rod not because it was so now but for that it had beene so so the bread in the Eucharist after it is converted into the body of Christ is called bread still because it was so before Contra. 1. If they could shew Scripture to warrant the conversion of the bread into Christs body as here is an evident text for the turning of the rod into a serpent they should say somewhat but untill they can doe that their error can have no colour from hence 2. Beside Aarons rod is so called not only because it had beene a rod before but it was to returne to be a rod againe but they will not have the body of Christ returne againe to be bread Simler In the questions before handled the 27. and 28. concerning the power of Satan in counterfeiting the spirits of the dead one question of purpose there handled by Pererius touching the apparition of Samuel raised by the Pythonisse 1. Sam. 28. I of purpose there omitted reserving it for this place of confutation 3. Confut. That Samuel himselfe appeared not to Saul but the Devill in his likenesse 1. THe most of that side are of opinion that it was the very soule of Samuel not raised up by the witches enchantments but God interposing himselfe did prevent her superstitious invocations and sent Samuel to declare his judgements to Saul sic Thostatus Cajetanus Pererius and their reasons are these First because the Scripture saith it was Samuel 2. Hee saith as the Lord spake by my hand vers 17. which was true of Samuel not of the Devill in the likenesse of Samuel 3. Hee foretelleth what should happen unto Saul the next day which the Devill could not doe 4. In Ecclesiasticus it is written that Samuel after his sleepe told of the Kings death chap 46.20 Ferer Contr. 1. The Scripture speaketh according as the thing appeared not as it was as Pharaoh in his dreame is said to have seene kine come out of the river Gen. 4.1 2. which were but representations of kine 2. As the Devill tooke upon him Samuels person so he also counterfeiteth his speech it was not true out of the Devils mouth no more was it true Samuel such counterfeit speech became a counterfeit Samuel 3. The Devill might either by certaine conjectures perceiving in what distresse Saul was and that God had forsaken him gesse what the successe of the battell should be or rather God herein might force him to speake the truth as did the false Prophet Balaam Borrh. 4. The authority of the booke of Ecclesiasticus doth not presse us and Augustine doubteth also thereof affirming that it was not in Canone Hebraeorum The Hebrewes received it not into the Canon of Scripture lib. de cura pro mortuis chap. 18. 5. Neither is there the like reason of Gods preventing the witches enchantments and Balaams divinations for that God did to his further glorie to shew his power in making the false Prophet to be an instrument of the trueth but this had beene contrary to Gods owne law who forbiddeth that any should aske counsell of the dead Deut. 18. Borrh. 2. Some doe goe further and thinke that the Devill might have power also to bring up Samuels body as Satan transported Christs body to the top of the pinacle Contra. 1. There is not the like reason betweene the transporting of the bodies of the living and of the dead which are asleepe and at rest 2. Satan had no power over Christs body but hee yeelded himselfe to Satans temptation that hee might overcome him in his owne weapon and this was permitted unto Satan to doe for the glorie of God the comfort of his members the confusion and victory over Satan but if Satan should be suffered to take up the bodies of the Saints neither God should receive honour by it nor the Church profit and beside Satan thereby would strengthen his Kingdome of darkenesse Borrh. 3. Wherefore the sounder judgement is that it was not the spirit of Samuel but of Satan that appeared to Saul who can transforme himselfe into an Angel
spirits hath no shew of any warrant at all in the Scripture which Pharisaicall superstition is reproved by our Saviour Matth. 23.5 for while their chiefe care was to bind such monuments unto their foreheads and hands in the meane time the law went out of their hearts The like superstition hath much prevailed in time past among Christians who by writing some parcell of Scripture as the beginning of the Gospell of S. Iohn and by hanging it about their necke or an Agnus Dei and such like thought themselves sufficiently garded against spirituall assaults Simler 5. Augustine is farre wide in the application of this ceremony for upon these words It shall be as a signe upon their hands thus collecteth Super manus id est super opera that is upon their workes and so inferreth hereupon that fides praeponenda est operibus that faith is to bee preferred before workes which assertion and conclusion of his is most true yet not proper or peculiar to this place August quaest 48. in Exod. QUEST VIII Of the redeeming of the first borne of uncleane beasts Vers. 13. EVery first borne of an asse c. 1. The first borne which were peculiar unto God were either of men or beasts the firstlings of the beasts were either cleane or uncleane the cleane were to be sacrificed the uncleane were either to be redeemed or else to be beheaded as the asse and other beasts of service but some could not be redeemed but they must be killed as the dog Simler 2. By the first borne of the asse all other uncleane beasts are signified this kind is put for the rest because there were great store of them in that country Iun. 3. The neck must be striken off lest that which was holy unto God should bee put to prophane uses Iun. and by the horror of this â—ight to testifie the ingratitude of the owner of the beast who had rather his beast should be killed than redeemed Pellican This breaking or cutting off the necke did signifie also the hard and stiffe necke of the people which in time the Lord would bend and breake Borrh. 4. God would have the first borne of uncleane beasts also to be peculiar to him although they were not ordained for sacrifice yet were they otherwise necessary and profitable for mans use and to let them understand that to God nothing was uncleane which he had made but he saw all things to be exceeding good Pellican QUEST IX Of the conditions required in the first borne of cleane beasts Vers. 12. THe males shall bee the Lords c. 1. Three things are required in the first borne of beasts which should be offered unto God 1. That they should bee of cleane beasts for it was not lawfull to present any uncleane thing unto God Vatab. 2. Then the first borne to acknowledge God the giver and author of all things which we have Pellican 3. They must be males because the best and most perfect things must be given unto God and this was a type of that perfect man Christ Jesus whereunto the Apostle alludeth when he saith Till we all meet together c. unto a perfect man and unto the measure of the age of the fulnesse of Christ Ephes. 4.13 Borrh. 2. Elsewhere in the law there are three other rules set downe to be observed in the consecration of the first borne as first that the first borne should bee seven dayes with the damme and upon the eight day it should bee given unto God Exod. 22.30 which time was set both to prevent the fraud which might bee used in offering things soone taken from the damme which were of no use nor service and so the Lord should be defrauded aâ— also in this perfixed time of 8. dayes there was a correspondency to the law of circumcision which was limited to the eight day Gen. 17.12 Calvin Secondly in voluntary oblations they were forbidden to dedicate unto the Lord any of the first borne because it was the Lords already Levit 27.26 which was to prevent and to meet with mens hypocrisie that would pretend devotion in offering somewhat unto God but yet would give him nothing but that which was his owne already Thirdly they were commanded Neither to doe any worke with the first borne bullocke nor to sheare their first borne sheepe Deut. 15.19 this was commanded to stay mens covetousnesse that although they would not defraud the Lord of his first borne yet would take so much profit of it as they could therefore they are charged to offer unto God his first borne without any diminution neither to present a first borne bullocke worne out with labour or a shorne sheepe Calvin QUEST X. Of the law of redeeming the first borne of men Vers. 13. LIkewise the first borne among thy sonnes shalt thou buy out with money 1. The reason of this exception was both because it was an impious thing to offer any humane sacrifice unto God Simler such were the impious sacrifices of the Heathen to consecrate their sonnes through the fire unto their abominable Idols which the Lord forbiddeth his people to doe That they should not give of their children to Moloch Lev. 20.2 Another reason was because the Lord had determined that the Levits should be consecrate to his peculiar service in stead of the first borne Calvin 2. There are two kinds of exchanges made for the first borne one was for that time only when the Levites were taken for the Lord in stead of the first borne as the males of the Levites from one moneth old being 22000. were given unto God out of all Israel for their first borne which came to 22270. persons and the odde 270. persons were redeemed for money every one being set at 5. shekels Numb 3.47 The other redemption was perpetuall which was made with money for every one of their first borne they were to give five shekels Numb 18.16 3. The first borne also were two wayes to be redeemed one was peculiar unto the first borne to redeeme them with money the other was common not only unto the first borne but unto all males which should be borne that the mother at the time of her purifying should offer a lambe or a paire of turtle doves or of young pigeons Levit. 2.6.8 but this offering served rather for the purifying of the mother than for the consecrating of the child Both these lawes were fulfilled in the birth of our Saviour Christ for both hee was presented unto God as the first borne and his mother brought an oblation according to the law Luk. 2.23 24. Ferus 4. There were also two kindes of consecrating the first borne the one wherein the Lord had a right unto them as unto the first borne of cleane beasts which were to be sacrificed in which case the first borne were to be redeemed the other when they were consecrate unto Gods speciall service in the tabernacle as Anna vowed Samuel unto God or to a more strict kind of life as Sampson
stocke of Iesse and of the graft that should grow out of his root Isay 11.1 who should make our bitter waters sweet as he saith Come unto me all that labour and I will refresh you Borrh. 3. It signifieth also that our bitter afflictions by faith are made easie and pleasant which remaine bitter sowre and tart Nisi fide adhibeamus ad lignum crucis Christi Vnlesse we doe apply by faith the wood of Christs crosse that iâ— beleeve in his death Osiander So also Augustine Praefigurans gloriam gratiam crucis It prefigured the glory and grace of the crosse 4. This further sheweth what wee are by nature and what by grace by these bitter waters the Lord would bring to light Amaritudinem quae in eorum cordibus latebat the bitternesse which lay hid in their hearts Calvin By nature therefore our waters that is our thoughts and all our actions are bitter but they are washed and purified by grace and faith in Christ. QUEST XLIII What law and ordinances the Lord here gave his people Vers. 25. THere he made them an ordinance and a Law 1. The Hebrewes thinke that this Law here given them was concerning the Sabbath which in the next Chapter is confirmed and established where they are forbidden to gather Manna upon the Sabbath But the law of the Sabbath was more ancient for immediately after the creation the Lord sanctified the seventh day of rest to bee perpetually observed and kept of his Church And it is not to be doubted of but that the Israelites kept the Sabbath in Egypt as may appeare by the institution of the Passeover wherein both in respect of the number of the seventh day prescribed to be an holy convocation and by the manner of keeping the same in resting from all servile worke Exod. 12.16 there seemeth to be relation to the rest of the Sabbath and seventh day which they were already acquainted with after the ensample whereof they should keepe the seventh day of unleavened bread 2. Lyranus thinketh that these were certaine ceremoniall Lawes as of the red cow prescribed afterward at large Num. 19. and other rites of legall purifyings as also some judicials But this is only his conjecture without any ground the first Law that was given the people after they came out of Egypt was the morall Law and before this it is evident that there were certaine ceremoniall rites and judiciall equities kept by the Fathers so that this was not the first time and place that they received such things 3. Simlerus is of opinion therefore that such ceremonies and rites as were preserved and continued by tradition from the Fathers were here by the authority of God confirmed that they should not take them as grounded upon custome only but warranted and commanded by God But it seemeth by the phrase He set them an ordinance that they received an ordinance not given them before and seeing that the Lord intended shortly within the space of little more than a moneth as may be gathered chap. 16.1 and chap. 19.1 to give them Lawes and ordinances in mount Sinai there appeared no such necessity to prevent that time and place 4. Pellican understandeth the Lawes and ceremonies which were given afterward in mount Sinai Eo loci sed non jam tunc About that place but not at that time But neither about that place were the Lawes given which were delivered in mount Sinai for betweene Marah and the desert of Sinai they had six stations or mansions as they are numbred Num. 33. from verse 9. to vers 16. And this Law here mentioned was given at this time while they stayed in Marah where they proved and tried their faith and obedience as the next words shew 5. Some thinke that the Lord here gave them Lawes Non scriptura sed ore ut justè viverent not in writing but by word of mouth that they should live uprightly Ferus And what Lawes they were is not here expressed Osiander But to what purpose should a Law be given not written that the people might alwayes have it in remembrance 6. Therefore what this Law and ordinance was is here in the next verse expressed where the Lord moveth the people to the obedience of his Lawes with promise to bee their protector in keeping them from the plagues and diseases of Egypt Iun. So that the Lord in this place dealeth two wayes with his people Postquam aqua penuria illos examinavit verbo etiam admonuit After he had tried and examined them with the want and penury of water hee doth also by his Word admonish them to be more obedient Calvin QUEST XLIV Why the Lord at this time gave his people a Law NOw why the Lord gave them this Law and ordinance in Marah the reasons may be these 1. Because the people a long time having beene in bondage were not used to the Lords yoke they might have said then with the Prophet Isai. 26.13 Other Lords beside thee have ruled us therefore Hoc populo longa servitute oppresso forte iâ— dissuetudinem venerant Because the people by their long servitude might perhaps have growne to a disuse the Lord giveth them a Law Simler 2. The Lord in thus doing Pactum cum patribus factum renovat Doth renne the covenant made with their Fathers Pellican Hee doth give them a Law to put them in mind of the ancient covenant made with their forefathers 3. The Lord taketh occasion by this present benefit in providing of them water in their distresse to take triall of their obedience Postquam aquae penuria examinavit populum After he had examined them with the penury of water Calvin Which might serve as a preparative to move them to obedience 4. Because they were a carnall and disobedient people they had need of a Law to bind them Carnales enim cancello legis indigent For carnall men had need to be held in by a Law Ferus As the Apostle saith The Law is not given to a righteous man but to the lawlesse and disobedient 1. Tim. 19. 5. The Lord here giveth them a Law to shew what was the end of their deliverance and redemption out of Egypt not to live as they list but to walke in obedience before God Populum docet ne ex servitute liberati ad carnis libidinem deflectat He teacheth the people lest they being delivered out of bondage should turne unto the lust of the flesh Pellican 6. And beside the Lord would by this meanes Paulatim populum jugo legis adsuefacere By little and little acquaint his people with the yoke of his Law which he was purposed to deliver more fully in mount Sinai Osiander So also Simler and Borrh. QUEST XLV Who is said here to tempt him ANd there he â—â—oved him 1. Some doe understand this of the people that they should tempt God and in that sense it is understood two wayes either that they tempted God after he had given them a Law which sheweth the
it of gifts which Zipporah sent to Moses but it is more like she would first come her selfe as she doth Moses being so neere then send unto him 2. It is better therefore referred to Moses sending away of Zipporah to her fathers house which some thinke Moses did after he was come into the desert to see her father and rejoyce with him for say they it is not like but that Moses had his wife and children with him into Egypt that they might bee partakers of that great deliverance which the Lord was to worke for them Calvin But the manner of the description of this storie how Iethro when he had heard c. tooke Zipporah and her two sonnes sheweth that Iethro was moved to take this journey by the fame which hee heard and not by any report or information by Zipporah which should be sent unto him And though they went not downe into Egypt with Moses yet were they partakers of that deliverance even as they were which were afterward borne in the desert specially seeing Moses two sonnes were by circumcision graft into the people of God Simler 3. Therefore the most probable opinion is that Moses had sent Zipporah with her sonnes backe unto her father at such time as the child was circumcised by the way in the Inne Some thinke that she fell into a disease by seeing that bloudie spectacle of the circumcision of her sonne and so could goe no further Vatab. Some that Noluit cum amplius sequi that she refused to follow Moses any further Ferus Some that Moses would not have her with him because she was not able to goe thorow such difficulties in Egypt Abraham and Iacob went downe into Egypt because they were strong Non potuit descendere in Aegyptum subire agones Aegyptiorum nisi athleta probabilu None could goe downe into Egypt and undergoe the agonies of the Egyptians but a strong champion Glass ordinar Ex Origen But the truth is that Zipporah her selfe was offended with the circumcision of her child and so willing to returne and that Moses also gave his consent therewithall Dicendum quòd 〈◊〉 de voluntate Moses c. Wee must say it was with the will of Moses for hee perceived that his wife and children would bee but a burden unto him in that businesse which hee went about Lyran. Iun. Galas Pellican Tostat. QUEST V. Of Moses two sonnes Vers. 3. ANd her two sonnes c. 1. We see that the Israelites did not abhorre or decline the mariage of strange women so that they were instructed in the faith and vertuously given as Ioseph married Potiphars daughter Booz Ruth and here Moses Zipporah 2. Mention is made onely of his sonnes the holy Fathers and Patriarks are found to have had more sonnes than daughters or it is because they use not to be counted in the catalogue and genealogie 3. Moses in giving names to his sonnes which did put him in minde of Gods mercies and benefits toward him doth teach us what names to impose upon our children such as may both stir us and them up to a thankfull remembrance of the benefits which we receive Lippoâ—â— Pellican QUEST VI. How Moses was delivered from the sword of Pharaoh DElivered me from the sword of Pharaoh 1. Some doe here give credit unto that unwritten relation that Moses escaped Pharaohs sword in this manner He being convented before Pharaoh and asked why hee killed the Egyptian boldly made answer that he had done it justly thereupon Pharaoh commanding him to be killed the executioner was smitten with blindnesse that seeing every one beside he could not see Moses and Pharaoh was taken with such stupiditie that seeing Moses to escape hee had no power to bid any to lay hands of him to stay him Tostat. 2 But wee need not run to any such devised tale nor faine miracles where no necessitie is Moses is said to bee delivered c. because hee escaped by flight Ne Pharaoh de illo supplicium sumeret That Pharaoh should take no punishment of him Osiander QUEST VII At what time Iethro came to Moses before the law given in mount Sinai or after Vers. 5. ANd Iethro Moses father in law came c. 1. Some thinke that Iethro came unto Moses in the end of the first yeare of their departure out of Egypt or in the beginning of the second after they had received the law in mount Sinai and that the historie is transposed Tostat. Cajetan Simlerus also holdeth that he came about the fourteenth moneth after their comming out of Egypt The arguments brought to confirme this opinion are these 1. Because it is like that before Iethro set forth hee heard certainly where the Israelites encamped namely by mount Sinai for hee would not take an uncertaine journey to wander up and downe in the wildernesse now he could not come to mount Sinai within lesse than two or three dayes journey from that part of Midian where Iethro remained for when Moses went from Iethro with his wife and children he lodged by the way where that heavy chaunce befell touching the circumcision of his child and after that hee went forward and met with Aaron in the mount of God Exod. 4.27 It seemeth then that this mount of God which was Sinai was two or three dayes journey from Iethros place Then could not Iethro come before the law was given for the third day after they pitched in the wildernesse of Sinai the law was given chap. 19.11 And if it were graunted that Iethro came to mount Sinai before the Israelites encamped there yet this here described could not be done before the law was given for this storie of Iethros entertainment one day of viewing and seeing Moses order in judging the people which was upon the next and of chusing and appointing of officers and Judges upon the third all which required three dayes could not be done in the three first dayes after their encamping by mount Sinai for the first day God spake unto Moses to sanctifie the people the next which was no fit time to heare suites and controversies and the third day when the Lord gave the law they could not intend to chuse officers So Tostat. Contra. All this long discourse may bee answered in one word that herein is their errour they take the mount of God here spoken of for Sinai whereas it was mount Choreb chap. 18.6 from whence the Israelites were not yet departed which is called the mount of God chap. 3.1 because of the vision of the bush which Moses saw there Iun. Genevens Which Choreb was the generall name of all that hillie tract or circuite in the which was situate more toward the East the mount Sinai wherefore all this here mentioned in this Chapter was done before the Israelites encamped by mount Sinai and so all the former difficulties are removed Iosephus therefore is deceived that thinketh that Iethro came in the third moneth to mount Sinai for by this meanes should all this
from heaven or such bread as hee might bring from Midian beside bread they did also eat of the remainder of the peace offerings Tostat. 2. Before God Oleaster expoundeth before the Tabernacle but as yet the Tabernacle was not built as is shewed before quast 7. nor Aarons Priesthood instituted as Cajetan well noteth here Non interfuit Aaron ut sacrificaret sed ut conviva Aaron was not present as a sacrificer but as a ghest 3. Others doe expound before God In gloriam honorem Dei to the honour and glory of God Simler Calvin So also Origen Omnia quâ— Sancti faciunt in conspectu Dei faciunt All that the Saints doe they doe in the sight of God as the Apostle saith Whether you eat or drinke c. doe all to the glory of God 4. But somewhat more is insinuated here that as after the Tabernacle was built before the Arke was said to be in the presence of God so now because they were assembled in Moses Tabernacle where the cloudy piller rested they are said to eat before the Lord who manifested himselfe in that piller Tostat. quaest 4. in cap. 18. QUEST XVI How the people came to Moses to aske of God Vers. 15. THe people come unto me to seeke God c. and I declare the ordinances of God and his lawes 1. Some expound it that they enquired of God by Moses Oleaster But it is not like that in every small matter Moses consulted with God for them for although the Lord cannot be wearied and he is ignorant of nothing yet for reverence of the divine Majesty they were to forbeare in small matters Tostat. So also Augustine Nunquid per singula credendum est eum consulere solere Deum It is to be thought that for every thing he used to consult with God 2. Some interprete because the sentence of Moses being their lawfull Judge was the sentence of God in asking of Moses they asked of God Cajetan And to the same purpose Augustine moving the question how Moses maketh mention here of the lawes of God seeing there were none as yet written maketh this answer Nisi praesidentem menti suae Dominum consuleret c. Vnlesse he had consulted with God the president of his mind he could not have judged justly Moses therefore was the interpreter of the will and sentence of God revealed unto him so judged according to his lawes 3. But this phrase to seeke God insinuateth a further matter that when they had any weightie businesse which either concerned God or the state of the common-wealth then they went to seeke an answer of God as the phrase is used 1 Sam. 9.9 Iun. So then here is a distinction of causeâ— noted in the greater and weightie affaires they consulted with God by Moses as Iethro saith afterward vers 19. Be thou unto the people to Godward and report their causes unto God but the smaller matters Moses judgeth himselfe which were afterward by the advice of Iethro transmitted over to the inferiour officers QUEST XVII Why the Lord would have Moses to take his direction from Iethro Vers. 19. HEare now my voyce Augustine here moveth a question why the Lord would have his servant Moses to whom he so often spake to take this direction from a stranger to the which he maketh this answere that God hereby would teach us 1. Per quemlibet hominem detur consilium veritatis non debere contemni That by whomsoever any true counsell is given it should not bee contemned 2. Againe God would haue Moses thus admonished Ne eum tentet superbia c. lest that sitting in that high seate of judgement Moses might have beene somewhat lifted up and therefore this was done to humble him 3. Rupertus goeth yet further and sheweth that this fact of Iethro was answerable to that saying in the Gospell That the children of this world are wiser in their generation than the children of light So Iethro for civill government and worldly affaires was wiser than Moses but in things belonging unto God Moses went beyond him Ferus addeth that hereby Moses was humbled Videns se non omnia scire seeing that he knew not all things but was advised by a stranger to take a better course in politike administration than he himselfe could thinke of QUEST XVIII What causes Iethro would have reserved to Moses BE thou for the people to Godward 1. Some thinke that here is a distinction made by Iethro of the spirituall and temporall power the first he would have still reside and rest in Moses as best exercised in spirituall things the other to bee passed over to others Ferus But the chiefe temporall power remained in Moses still after the choice made of the inferiour officers hee was the chiefe Prince and Magistrate notwithstanding nay rather hee resigned afterward his ordinarie spirituall power unto Aaron retaining the temporall still 2. Others thinke that whereas Moses was both a Lawgiver to the people and a Judge also that the first power he reserved still but the other part of executing judgement in particular cases according to those lawes he transmitted over to the officers Ex Simler But this is not true neither for Moses gave the sentence against the blasphemer Numb 24. and against him that violated the Sabbath Num. 5. 3. Wherefore the distinction here made is neither of divers kinds of offices as the spirituall and temporall nor yet of divers parts and functions of the same office as in making and executing of lawes but the difference was of causes small and great the one to bee reserved to Moses hearing the other to be committed to the officers to be chosen And so afterward they came to Moses when any difficult and hard matter fell out as when one blasphemed God in the host Levit. 24. they brought him to Moses likewise when they found one gathering of sticks upon the Sabbath they referred the matter to Moses Numb 15.33 In the cause also of Zelopechads daughters they resorted to Moses Numb 37. 4. And in those weightie matters two things were required of Moses first that hee should consult with God and then declare unto the people the will of God and shew them the ordinances and lawes of God vers 20. the ordinances or as the Latine Interpreter readeth ceremonies did onely appertaine unto God the lawes were of two sorts either such as concerned both God and man as the morall commandements the first table whereof commandeth our dutie toward God the second our dutie to our neighbour or such which onely concerned the affaires and controversies among men as the Judicials Tostat. quaest 5. 5. Herein then consisted Moses office 1. That he should report unto God the requests and demands of the people and so pray for them 2. To report unto the people the will and pleasure of God both Quantum ad cultum Dei what hee required concernnig his service and to shew them the way which they should walke
therefore not within their hearing 4. Rupertus saith Moses securum Deum reddere voluit divina inharens visioni That Moses being desirous to continue there still to see that heavenly vision would have put the Lord out of doubt for that matter But this had beene to make himselfe wiser than God to give him securitie in that which the Lord himselfe made question of 5. But it is most unlike that Moses should find fault with this charge as somewhat hard and that in effect he should say thus Si non licet eis ascendere audire te quis ergo audiet If it be not lawfull for them to ascend and heare thee who then shall heare thee Hugo de S. Victor 6. Moses therefore replieth not as discontented with this charge but seeing that the Lords commandement was so generall and so strict that no not the the Priests were exempted he is therefore desirous to be satisfied whom it was the Lords pleasure to admit to come up into the mount and so the Lord presently giveth Moses satisfaction herein giving â—nto him and Aaron onely liberty to come up Iun. QUEST XLI Why the Lord not withstanding Moses answer still chargeth him to go downe Vers. 24. ANd the Lord said unto him go get thee downe 1. Tostatus thinketh that this replie of the Lord is a correction of Moses answer Videbat enim Deus quod Moses non videbat For God saw that which Moses did not see that is that it was needfull for him to goe downe and charge the people againe but the mentioning of Aaron afterward whom Moses spake not of before sheweth that the Lords speech was not a correction but rather a satisfaction given unto Moses 2. Cajetane saith Imperfecta responsio Aaron â—utila meruit non admitti The imperfect and lame answer of Moses deserved not to be admitted for Moses in his answer neither maketh mention of the Priests nor of the punishment both which the Lord had spoken of But Moses was not refused here of God he received satisfaction of his doubts 3. Therefore it appeareth by the Lords answer unto Moses giving him and Aaron onely libertie to come up that the Lords intendment was to satisfie Moses in that behalfe who seemed to make question upon the Lords straite charge whether any should be admitted to come up at all and therefore the Lord telleth him that though the people and Priests were inhibited yet it should bee lawfull for him and Aaron to come up Iun. 4. So here two other reasons may be gathered why Moses is sent downe from the hill the one that Moses should goe downe Vt sit unus de populo andiendo legem To be as one of the people to heare the law among the rest and that he should bring up Aaron with him Cajetan QUEST XLII Why Aaron is bid to come up with Moses wherefore he went up and when Vers. 24. COme up thou and Aaron with thee c. 1. This was not that comming up when Moses went to receive the Lawes of God for then not onely Aaron but Nadab and Abihu and 70. of the Elders went up also chap. 24. 2. Neither did Moses and Aaron goe up together when the ten commandements were delivered by voyce for then Moses was below and not farre off from the people for then they could not have spoken to Moses as they did immediately after the delivering of the Law chap. 29.19 3. Nor yet did Aaron goe up with Moses into the top of the mountaine into the middest of the darknesse for thither Moses onely went up leaving Aaron and Hur behind to heare the peoples controversies chap. 24.14 4. Therefore Moses and Aaron went up to some place of the mountaine not to the top but as it might be to the middle not far from the people from which place Moses might heare the people calling unto him Tostat. 5. The Lord thought it fit to joyne Aaron with Moses because he was appointed to the Priesthood that he might be better prepared by those heavenly visions and revelations unto it Simler 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. One faith one Church of the beleeving Iewes and Gentiles Vers. 6. YOu shall be unto me a Kingdome of Priests S. Peter applieth this Scripture which is here uttered by the Lord to the people of Israel to the faithfull and beleeving Gentiles Ye as lively stones be made a spirituall house and holy Priesthood to offer up spirituall sacrifices unto God acceptable to God by Iesus Christ 1 Pet. 2.5 Whereby we see that there is Vna Iudaeorum Gentium credentium fides unus Deus una Ecclesia One faith of the beleeving Iewes and Gentiles one God one Church Ferus 2. Doct. The occasions and beginnings of sinne to be prevented Vers. 12. GOe not up to the mount nor touch the border of it God forbiddeth them so much as to touch the very border and bottome of the mount that they should have no occasion to goe up So Eve was forbidden to touch the tree that shee should not be enticed to eat the fruit thereof Gen. 3.3 And the Israelites were charged to have no leaven in their houses that they might the better abstaine from the eating thereof So our Saviour forbiddeth the wrath of the heart and the lust of the eye lest being tempted by such occasions men should fall into greater sinnes It is good therefore to cut off the occasion of sinne and to set an hedge before and to make markes and bounds in every action which wee should not exceed Oleaster 3. Doct. The giving of the law a figure of the comming of the holy Ghost Vers. 16. THe third day there was thunder and lightnings The giving of the law in mount Sinai was a lively figure of the comming downe of the holy Ghost upon the Apostles 1. As there the law was given the 50. day after the Passeover so Quinquagesimo die post passionem Domini datus est spiritus sanctus The fiftieth day after the passion of our Lord who is the true Passeover the holy Ghost was given 2. There the law is said to be written with the finger of God and the Lord saith of the holy Ghost By the finger of God I cast out devils 3. They which were with the Apostles 120. Mosaica atatis numero constituti were 120. according to the number of Moses yeares Isidor 4. Hic altitudâ— coenaculi ibi cacumen montis c. There the upper roome and here the top or upper part of the hill doe shew the height and depth of the precepts delivered 5. Here was thunder there was the noise of a mightie wind here fire appeared and there fierie cloven tongues here the mountaine trembled and there the place where they were gathered together was moved here was heard the sound of a trumpet and there they spake with divers tongues Beda hom vigil Pentecost 6. Yet this difference there was in these two apparitions Here together with the fire was seene a
God Sic Burgens addit 1. ad cap. 20. Contra. 1. But this is cleane contrary for generall precepts are more easily conceived and condescended unto than particular Aske an Idolater if hee love God hee will not deny it The Romanists that worship Images would thinke great scorne to bee asked that question whether they love God So an adulterer an usurer an extortioner in generall will confesse that they love their neighbour yet doe erre in the particular 2. Neither did Moses deferre these generall precepts so long for in this chapter vers 20. he speaketh of the feare of God and chap. 23.25 of serving of God 3. Burgensis hath another answer that in the first Commandement which is indeed the second Non praetermisit facere mentionem de dilectione Dei Hee omitted not to make mention of the love of God as vers 6. Showing mercy unto thousands in them that love mee c. Contra. But this is no part of the precept it is a promise made affirmatively and positively to those that love God it is not set downe by way of bidding and commanding Thou shalt love God 4. Wherefore I preferre here the answer of Tostatus that these two generall precepts though they are not put in these very words among the precepts Thou shalt love God above all and thy neighbour as thy selfe yet they are reduced unto them Non ut conclusiones ad principia c. not as conclusions are reduced to their principles and premisses but as principles are referred to the conclusions for these two are as two knowne principles Ex quibus inferuntur particulatim omnia praeceptae decalogi out of the which are inferred in particular all the precepts of the Decalogue Tostat. quest 33. for a man can performe none of the foure first Commandements but he must needs love God he cannot take him to be the only God abhorre idolatry reverence his name keepe his Sabbathes if the love of God bee not in him Neither can one observe the precepts of the second Table as not to kill steale beare false witnesse unlesse he love his neighbour Therefore to these two as the heads and grounds of the rest doth our Saviour reduce all the Commandements Matth. 22.37 38. QUEST XII Of generall rules to be observed in expounding the Commandements NOw further there are certaine generall rules which must be observed in the exposition and interpretation of the law 1. The Decalogue must be understood according to the more ample and full declaration thereof set forth in the rest of the Scriptures in the writings of the Prophets and Apostles as who are understood by the name of parents in the fifth how many wayes one may be said to kill c. Vrsin Pelarg. 2. The Decalogue must be taken to comprehend as well internall as externall duties as our Saviour expoundeth Matth. 5. Vrsin 3. The end and scope of the precept must be considered if we will aright understand as wherefore graven Images are forbidden to be made not to the end to worship them and in the like 4. The precepts of the second Table must give place to the precepts of the first if the Commandements of the one and other be compared in the same degree as it were better not to honour our parents than to dishonour God But the great breaches of the second Table must not give way to the least in the first as we must not suffer our brother to perish rather than upon the Sabbath to breake the rest to fetch him out of some pit or present danger Vrsin 5. Every negative includeth an affirmative and on the contrary as thou shalt worship no other Gods therefore it followeth thou shalt worship the true God thou shalt not kill or take away thy brothers life therefore thou art commanded to preserve it So the affirmative is thou shalt honour thy parents the negative is included thou shalt not dishonour them Vrsin Simler 6. Where one kinde is forbidden by a Synecdoche the rest of that sort also are prohibited as in adultery is comprehended all unlawfull lust in murther all unjust vexations and wrongs So the generall includeth the particular one kinde draweth with it another in the effects we must understand the causes in the relative the correlative Vrsin Simler as Augustine saith in the 7. precept Thou shalt not steale A parte totum intelligi voluit He would have understood the whole by the part quaest 71. in Exod. 7. Augustine also hath another rule Vbi honoratio exprimitur veluti masculinus c. Where the more honourable party is expressed as the male let the women also understand that the precept concerneth her As in the eight Commandement the man is forbidden to play the adulterer for the Hebrew word is put in the Masculine but the woman also is included she must not be an adulteresse Augustine ibid. QUEST XIII Why the Commandements are propounded negatively MOst of the Commandements are propounded negatively for these reasons 1. Because negatives in forbidding evill to be done are more generall for it is never lawfull to doe evill but in doing of good time person and place must be considered 2. Because the first worke of true repentance in us is to depart from evill and therefore the Commandements are expressed with a negative that wee should first there begin Iun. in Analys 3. The law is thus commanded by way of prohibition specially to bridle and restraine the evill for the Apostle saith The law is not given to a righteous man but to the lawlesse and disobedient 1. Tim. 1.9 As first the husbandman will seek to pluck up the weeds in his garden before he will set good plants Rupert lib. 3. in Exod. cap. 31. 4. Praeceptum veniens invenit nos peccatores The Commandement comming found us sinners therefore the Lord in giving the law respected the present state of the people as he found them and frameth his law accordingly in forbidding of sinne Ferus 5. Because a negative is more vehement and urgeth more and leaveth no evasion as in the first Commandement Thou shalt have no other Gods If it had beene propounded affirmatively thou shalt worship one God the Samaritanes might have kept this precept and yet they worshipped other Gods beside Ferus QUEST XIV Of the speciall manner of accenting and writing observed in the Decalogue more than in any part of the Scripture beside HEre it shall not be amisse briefely to touch that singular observation of learned Iunius concerning the manner of writing accenting and pronouncing the Decalogue which is peculiar unto this Scripture more than to any other beside for whereas ordinarily every word hath but one accent in the originall Every word in the Decalogue and the preface thereunto from verse 2. to verse 18. the 7.12 and 17. verses only excepted have a double accent one serving for the accenting and prolation of the word the other shewing the conjunction and coherence of the matter As to give hereof an example in the
Paulus Burgensis doth herein finde fault with Lyranus for it is evident by that sentence borrowed from Augustine that he which suffereth his brother to perish when it is in his power to helpe him in effect killeth him and so is a transgressor against the sixth Commandement Thou shalt not kill 2. And as for the workes of mercy they are commanded in those severall precepts where the contrary is forbidden as the same Law which forbiddeth to take away a mans life commandeth us if it be in our power to preserve it and where we are inhibited to take away our neighbours goods wee are likewise willed to relieve him with ours where there is cause and in the same Commandement where it is made unlawfull to take away our neighbours good name it is enjoyned that wee should by all meanes seeke to preserve it QUEST XVII Of the true reading and meaning of these words that they may prolong it THat thy dayes may be prolonged But in the originall it is put in the active that they may prolong as read Iun. Momanus 1. Some referre it unto the parents that they by their prayers and blessings may cause the life of their children to be prolonged Oleaster As in the same sense they are said to receive them into everlasting tabernacles Luk. 16.4 and men are said to save 1. Timoth. 4.16 and Iam. 5.20 sic Iun. 2. Ab. Ezra understandeth it of the precepts and commandements which shall procure long life to those which obey them 3. But the verbe is rather here taken impersonally and in the signification of a verbe neuter That thy dayes may prolong that is may bee lengthened so the Childe And it is an usuall phrase with the Hebrewes to put the active in a passive signification as Iob 4.19 They shall destroy them before the moth that is they shall bee destroyed and Iob 7.3 They have appointed painefull nights unto mee that is were appointed unto me Iun. And this seemeth rather to bee the sense because Saint Paul so taketh it Ephes. 6.3 That it may be will with thee and that thou maist live long in the earth Simler QUEST XVIII In what sense the Apostle calleth this the first Commandement with promise BUt whereas Saint Paul saith that this is the first Commandement with promise Ephes. 6.2 hereupon this doubt ariseth in what sense the Apostle so calleth it seeing there is annexed unto the second Commandement a large promise of shewing mercy unto thousands to them that love God Hereunto divers solutions are made 1. Hierom bringeth in two expositions yet resolving of neither As first how some doe take the whole Decalogue because it was first given unto the Israelites after their comming out of Egypt for one Commandement and so would have this promise not peculiar unto this precept but unto all the rest But this is against the Apostles meaning for he doth annex this promise as peculiar to this duty of honouring our parents and calleth this the first Commandement with promise 2. Others doe thinke that in the second Commandement Non tam promissionem prolatam quà m sententiam in landes Dei esse finitam That it is not so much a pronouncing of a promise as an ending of the sentence in the praises of God but herein the fifth Commandement the promise is divided from the precept and the sentence is broken off and not continued as there But Hieroms reason overthroweth this answer Observa quòd verba sunt sponsiones c. Observe that these are words of covenant shewing mercy unto thousands and they are added as a reason joyned to the Commandements Hieron in 6. ad Ephes. 3. Ambrose understandeth the Apostle thus Hac causa dixit quod est mandatum primum in promissione ut discerneret inter mandata quae ad Deum mandata quae ad homines pertinent Therefore he said Which is the first Commandement with promise that he should discerne betweene the Commandements which appertaine unto God and those which belong unto men Ambros. in 6. ad Ephes. His meaning is that it is the first precept of the second Table with promise 4. But I rather resolve with Simlerus and Vrsinus that this is the first precept that hath any speciall and particular promise the other promise added to the second Commandement is generall to all those that love God and so not restrained only to that precept but is extended generally to the obedience of the whole law QUEST XIX Why the promise of long life is made to obedient children THat thy dayes may belong c. 1. Cajetane giveth this reason why this promise of long life is made to obedient children Tanquam gratis acceptâ— Ã parentibus beneficio vitae As being thankfull for the benefit of life received of their parents for it is fit that they which are thankfull to their benefactors should enjoy the benefit long Calvine also to the same purpose God doth shew his favour in prolonging of this life Vbi erga eos grati sumus quibus â—am acceptam ferre cenvenit When we are thankfull to those of whom we have received it So also Thomas Qui non honorat parentes tanquam ingratus meretur vita privari He that honoureth not his parents deserveth as an ungratefull man to bee deprived of life which he received of his parents 2. Thomas Aquin. also yeeldeth another reason In those precepts it was necessary to adde a promise ex quibus videbatur nulla utilitas sequi vel aliquae utilitas impediri where no profit was either not expected or seemed to be hindred therefore in the second Commandement which forbiddeth idolatry a generall promise is propounded because by the worship of Idols Idolaters looked for great benefits which seemed by this meanes to be cut off and because parents being aged are wearing away ab eis non expectatur utilitas no profit is expected from them and therefore a promise is put to this precept of honouring parents Sic Thom. 1.2 qu. 100. art 7. ad 3. But this reason seemeth somewhat curious 3. Oleaster rendreth this reason Because parents doe prolong the childrens dayes precibuâ— by their blessings and prayers 4. Thomas addeth further this reason is put to ne credatur non deberi praemium c. lest a reward might be thought not to be due for the honouring of parents because it is naturall QUEST XX. What other blessings are promised under long life BY long life here not only the lengthening of dayes is understood but other benefits also 1. Tostatus giveth this reason because without other temporall blessings vita laboriose miserabiliter ducitur mans life seemeth to be but full of labour and misery and so no blessing quaest 20. 2. Pelargus thus distinguisheth these blessings Vt triplex honor ita triplex pramium As a threefold honour is to be yeelded to parents so a threefold reward is promised pro honore obediâ—ntiae vita gloriosa for the honour of obedience a glorious life pro honore
should not be soone provoked because rage is a sinne before God and so deserveth punishment and for that every man desireth libertie but he that is given to anger is not Dominus sui ipsius Master of himselfe 2. He must take heed ut 〈◊〉 in ira permaneat that he continue not long in anger Psal. 4. Be angrie and sinne not Ephes. 4. Let not the Sunne goe downe upon your wrath 3. Men must bee carefull ne procedat primò in corde that anger proceed not first in the heart for then it turneth to hatred and he that hateth his brother is a manslayer for Se interficit spoliando se charitate alium He killeth himselfe by spoyling himselfe of charitie and another also 4. Ne procedat in verbo It must not proceed in word for he which calleth his brother foole is in danger of hell fire Matth. 5. 5. Ne procedat in opere It must not proceed unto the deed for in every worke wee must consider two things Facere justitiam misericordiam To doe justice and shew mercie but he which is angrie can doe neither For the first the Apostle saith that the wrath of 〈◊〉 doth not accomplish the righteousnesse of God Iam. 1.20 It is reported of Plato that hee should say to his servant that had offended him Punirem te nisi essem iratus I would punish thee if I were not angrie And he that is angrie can shew no mercie as it is said of Simeon and Levi in their rage they killed a man Gen. 49. Thom. in opuscul QUEST VIII Of rayling and reviling NExt unto the inward rage and heat of the affections followeth the outward indignation expressed by words gesture and other signes and the third degree is when men fall to plaine railing backbiting slandering threatning as these three are thus expressed by our blessed Saviour Whosoever is angrie with his brother unadvisedly shall be culpable of judgement and whosoever saith unto his brother racha shall be worthie to be punished by a counsell and whosoever shall say thou foole shall be worthie to be punished with hell fire Matth. 5.22 1. Here our Saviour maketh three degrees of anger or rage the one in the sudden heat and boyling of the affection inwardly without cause the second in the shewing of this indignation outwardly by any disdainfull words as in calling one racha that is idle head light braine for so rik in the Hebrew to the which this Syrian word agreeth both in sound and sense signifieth light value Iun. Matth. 5.22 As also this indignation may bee expressed by other signes as by grinning frowning spitting and such like Simler Then the third degree followeth in open railing as calling one foole with other termes of reviling 2. As our Saviour maketh difference of the sins so also he sheweth divers degrees of punishment alluding unto the politike forme of judgement for first there was the session or judgement of three who judged of small causes then of 23. who determined more waightie matters then of 71. before whom the high Priest or a false Prophet and sometime a whole tribe was convented and judged Beza So he that is angrie shall be censured in the secret judgement of God he that sheweth his indignation by opprobrious words shall be held guiltie before all the assemblie of the heavenly Angels and Saints he that raileth and revileth shall bee judged worthie of hell fire that is of the greatest punishment Marlorat For they used foure kinds of punishments among the Jewes whereby they put malefactors to death strangling the sword stoning and fire of the which the last was the worst Beza 3. For he that raileth and revileth tres quasi uno ictu occidit killeth three as it were with one blow himselfe him that giveth credit and the third whom he slandereth and revileth Basting QUEST IX Whether beating and wounding though there be no killing be not forbidden here THe externall act followeth not only of killing but in offering any other violence with the hand in beating wounding striking and such like 1. Here commeth to be examined the opinion of R. Salomon that in this precept only murther is forbidden but other violent wrongs in maimes wounds shedding of bloud beatings and such like hee thinketh onely afterward to bee restrained in the Judicials 2. Against this opinion these reasons are enforced 1. The Judicials only concerned the Israelites and did not bind the Gentiles but even among them these kind of violent assaults were unlawfull therefore they are forbidden not by the Judicials only but by the Morall law Tostat. qu. 21. He also urgeth this reason The things which were forbidden by the Judicials of Moses only it was no sinne for the Israelites to doe before those Lawes were given them that is before they came to Mount Sinai but it was unlawful before for them one to smite another as for the same cause Moses reproved an Hebrew that did his brother wrong and smote him Exod. 2.13 therefore these wrongs were not only prohibited by the Judiciall law 3. Burgensis giveth this reason Quia facit contra charitatem Because he that smiteth or woundeth though he kill not doth against charity as he also doth which killeth though in an higher degree So also Lippoman 4. Tostatus further giveth this rule Omnia quae pertinent ad idem genus reducuntur ad idem prâ—ceptuum All that belongeth to the same kinde is to be referred to the same Commandement as all wounding beating smiting tendeth to the hurt of our brother in his body as killing likewise doth QUEST X. Why actuall murder is such an hainous sinne before God NOw followeth the greatest transgression among the rest which is the taking away of a mans life 1. For if hatred envy railing wounding and the like are counted murder before God in respect of the will and purpose much more murder it selfe which is the scope and end whereat all the former wrongs and injuries drive for if those things are displeasing unto God because they often bring forth murder the effect it selfe must needs bee more hainous Basting 2. Another reason which amplifieth the sinne of murder is because the Lord by this meanes seeth Imaginem suam violari that his image is violated which is given as a reason of this precept Gen. 9.6 Calvin 3. And againe it is an unnaturall sinne because man is as our owne flesh as the Prophet saith Isai. 58.7 Hide not thy selfe from thine owne flesh but no man ever hated his owne flesh as the Apostle saith Calvin Yea the murderer herein is crudelier Lupâ— more cruell than the Wolfe for as Aristotle writeth 4. Animalium Give unto a Wolfe the flesh of another Wolfe and he will not eat it yet one man preyeth upon another and devoureth another Thomas 4. Hominum societas violatur by this meanes the societie of man is violated which that it may be preserved the Lord forbiddeth all shedding of bloud Galas 5. Polluitur foedatur terra
evill but wait upon the Lord and he shall save thee Prov. 20.12 3. Observ. Surfetting by eâ—cesse forbidden FUrther by this precept they are condemned qui luxu se occidunt c. which kill themselves with surfetting and drunkennesse riot and excesse Basting whereupon often ensueth also quarrelling and wounds as the Wise-man sheweth To whom is woe to whom is strife c. to whom are wounds without cause to whom is rednesse of the eyes to them that tarrie long at wine Prov. 23.29 30. The seventh Commandement 1. Questions discussed QUEST I. Of the order and negative propounding of this Commandement THou shalt not commit adulterie 1. This Commandement very fitly followeth after the other Thou shalt not kill Quia post injuriam quae infertur personae nulla est major quà m illa quae infertur conjunctae Because next after the injurie done to the person there is none greater than that which is offred unto the joynt person for they two shall be one flesh Thom. in opuscul So also Lyranus 2. This Commandement is propounded negatively rather than affirmatively because the negative is more generall than the affirmative Tum quoad tempâ—ra quà m personas both in respect of the time and persons for at all times and in all places it is unlawfull to kill to commit adulterie c. but at all times and in all places wee must not honour our parents and for the persons wee must not offer violence or wrong unto any but for the affirmative it is impossible to doe good to all Thom. in Epist. ad Roman cap. 13. See before quest 1. upon the sixth Commandement QUEST II. Whether the uncleane desire of the heart be forbidden in this precept IN this Commandement not onely the impuritie of the bodie but of the soule also is forbidden and chastitie commanded in both Gregories opinion is that God Per hoc praeceptum non peccata cogitationis sed operis resecuit c. Doth not by this precept cut off the sinfull thoughts but the sinfull act and that Christ afterward in the law Cogitationes hominum religavit Did bind also the thoughts of men In Ezech. homil 13. Augustine also is of opinion that in this precept Ipsum opus notatum est The worke of uncleannesse it selfe is noted but in the other Thou shalt not covet Ipsa concupiscentia the very concupiscence because saith he sometimes it may fall out that a man may commit adulterie cùm non concupiscat illam when he doth not covet her but upon some other cause doth companie with her Aliquando eam concupiscat nec ei misceatur poenam timens Sometime he may covet her and not company with her fearing the punishment in quaest 71. in Exod. Contra. 1. Our Saviour Christ doth not adde any thing to the law of Moses or bringeth in any new interpretation but doth free and cleare the law from the grosse and corrupt gloses of the Scribes and Pharisies delivering the true sense and meaning thereof as it was first given unto the people And therefore Chrysostome well saith Vt per concordiam mandatorum ipse inveniatúr author legis fuisse gratia That by the agreement of the Commandements in the old and new Testament the same may be found to bee the author of the law and of grace in Matth. hom 11. And that even the inward concupiscence and desire was forbidden in the old Testament it is evident by Iobs practice in whose heart the morall law was written I have made a covenant with mine eyes why then should I thinke on a maid chap. 31.1 2. Concerning Augustines opinion the concupiscence which is joyned with a full purpose onely wanting opportunitie and being restrained by feare from the externall act is a breach of this Commandement and not of the last as our blessed Saviour expoundeth Matth. 5.28 What kinde of concupiscence is prohibited in the last precept and how it differeth herein ftom this shall bee shewed afterward when wee come to that place 2. And that commixtion which hath no concupiscence nor consent of will being violent and forced as in them which are ravished it is no adulterie at all which alwayes proceedeth out of the heart 3. But that the inward sanctimonie and puritie of the minde is here commanded and the contrarie forbidden it is thus proved 1. By the definition of puritie and chastitie which is to be holy both in bodie and spirit as S. Paul describeth a true Virgin 1 Cor. 7.34 So the same Apostle 1 Thess. 5.23 That your whole spirit soule and bodie may be kept blamelesse unto the comming of our Lord Iesus Christ. 2. Both the soules and bodies of the faithfull are the Temples of the Spirit and therefore ought to be kept holy 1 Cor. 3.16 Know yee not that yee are the Temple of God and that the Spirit of God dwelleth in you if any destroy the Temple of God him shall God destroy Basting 3. Chrysostome urgeth these foure reasons first from the interpretation of our blessed Saviour who sheweth that this Commandement is broken in the very inward lust and concupiscence Matth. 5.28 4. Secondly from the analogie and correspondencie which it hath with other Commandements that Irasci proximis sine causa to be angrie with our neighbours without cause is a breach of the precedent Commandement Thou shalt not kill So Concupiscere mulierem alienam c. to desire a strange woman though the act of concupiscence follow not is against this precept 5. Thirdly in respect of God Qui non tantum opus hominis aspicit quantum cor Who doth not so much looke unto the worke of man as to his heart 6. Fourthly because concupiscence is the cause of adulterie Omne adulterium ex concupiscentia All adulterie proceedeth from concupiscence as our blessed Saviour sheweth Mark 7.21 Even from the heart of man proceed evill thoughts adulteries fornications c. Quomodo ergo tolletur adulterium nisi pracisa fuerit concupiscentia c. How then shall adulterie be taken away unlesse concupiscence be first cut off Homil. 12. in Matth. Seeing then that the effect that is adultery and outward uncleannesse is forbidden in this precept it followeth also that the very cause thereof which is concupiscence should be restrained QUEST III. Other acts of uncleannesse beside adulterie here forbidden COncerning the externall act of uncleannesse which is in the very letter of this precept prohibited the Hebrewes are of opinion that onely concubitus adulterinus the adulterous act is here forbidden But this opinion is easily convinced 1. Tostatus urgeth this reason Qui prohibet minus malum à fortiori prohibet majus c. He that forbiddeth the lesse evill doth much more prohibit the greater evill for there are more unlawfull acts of uncleannesse than adulterie as those unnaturall sinnes committed either with another kinde as with brute beasts which is monstrous or with the same kinde and with the same sex as Sodomitrie and abusing of the male or with the
same sex but in degrees forbidden such is incest with those that are neerely joyned in affinitie and consanguinitie and though none of these fall out yet if by violence any be forced to uncleannesse as in the ravishing and deflowring of wives or Virgins all these are more odious than adulterie and therefore they are likewise forbidden 2. Vrsinus thus reasoneth The end and scope of this precept is to be considered which is to preserve chastitie and to maintaine matrimonie whatsoever then is contrarie hereunto is forbidden and therefore all acts of uncleannesse as well adulterie as others which are against chastitie and matrimoniall sanctitie are here restrained 3. Calvin addeth further Lex est juste vivendi perfecta regala The law is a perfect rule of righteous living therefore not one kinde of uncleannesse but all whatsoever are in this precept restrained which are against righteous and upright living as all unnaturall uncleannesse incest fornication all pollutions wherewith the bodie is defiled QUEST IV. Of the sinnes of unnaturall lust THe unnaturall sinnes of uncleannesse are of three sorts 1. Those which are committed with another kinde as with brute beasts Levit. 18.23 Thou shalt not lie with any beast to be defiled therewith which enormous and monstrous sinne doth violate the law of nature and bringeth a great infamie upon mankinde in that any should bee found among them of such beastly and vile inclination Tostat. qu. 23. And herein is discovered the wickednesse and corruption of mans nature which without Gods grace is prone even unto the most vile monstrous and ugly sinnes 2. Another kinde of unnaturall lust is that which is committed with that sex which is not for that naturall use which was the sinne of the Heathen When man with man wrought filthinesse Rom. 1.27 Such were the Sodomites which with one consent came from all quarters of the Citie and beset Lots house and would have offred villanie unto the two young men which were indeed two Angels whom Lot had received into his house Genes 19. These whom the Apostle calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 liers with men with others there named are without their great repentance excluded the Kingdome of heaven and inheritance of God 1 Cor. 6.9 3. The Apostle in the same place nameth also the third unnaturall sinne of lust of those whom the Apostle calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 effeminate wanton and lascivious persons molles as the Latine Interpreter translateth who doe commit uncleannesse with the same kinde with the same sex and with the same person that is with themselves in the voluntarie emission of their nature such as was in part the sinne of Er and Onan the sonnes of Iudah whom the Lord destroyed for their wickednesse Gen. 38. these are so called molles tender delicate effeminate Quia nullam tristitiam tolerare possunt because they can endure no griefe in resisting of carnall concupiscence Tostat. quast 22. QUEST V. Why some kinde of uncleannesse is not forbidden by humane lawes BUt here the question will bee demanded what the reason is seeing this kinde of filthinesse is odious before God and man and by the Word of God condemned yet the lawes of men make no provision against it Hereof two reasons may be rendred 1. Because this kinde is committed secretly so that it cannot bee proved by witnesse and so by due proofe be censured such sinnes the lawes of men specially provide for as may be by witnesse or other evidence manifested now this uncleannesse can hardly be brought to light but by the parties themselves who are not so impudent as to act any such thing in open view as the Priest of Priapus standing aloft upon the staires used to shew his privie parts unto the people to provoke their beastly lust So also other secret sinnes as the adulterie and murther of the heart mens lawes cannot meet with unlesse they be such as are against the state of the Prince and Commonwealth for then even such thoughts and purposes though they take no effect yet if they can be discovered as by the confession of the parties or by their fellow conspirators are worthily punished Tostat. quaest 22. 2. Another reason is because Solos actus justitiae mandat humana lex humane lawes onely command the acts of justice and forbid all such acts whereby one hurteth another and so humane societie is hindred hereof it is that intemperance prodigalitie pride cowardlinesse and such like are not censured by humane lawes because they are no acts of injustice tending to the hurt of others So other acts of uncleannesse as of adulterie incest rape are by law restrained because the hurt and disgrace of others is thereby procured but this mollicies licet sit actus intemperantia non est tamen actus injustitia c. This effeminate pollution of the body by it selfe though it be an act of intemperancy yet it is no act of injustice because none other is hurt thereby which thing humane lawes especially provide for Tostâ— quâ—st 22. QUEST VI. Of the greatnesse of the sinne of adulterie THou shalt not commit adulterie Here by the very letter of the law that grievous and hainous sinne of adulterie is forbidden the greatnesse of which sinne is thus amplified and set forth 1. Ambrose thus describeth the sinne of adulterie God made two in the beginning and commanded that they two should be as one flesh Quod unum separas corpus c. naturae adulterium est In that thou doest separate one bodie c. thou doest adulterate nature c. First therefore by adulterie the holy institution of God is violated which maketh man and wife but one flesh Ambros. Hexemer lib. 5. cap. 7. 2. Chrysostome multiplieth many reasons together Qui capta uxore post hoc carnis remedium alieâ—â— injuriatur nullam veniam consequitur hoc jam lascivia est c. He that having taken a wife wrongeth another woman shall hardly finde pardon for this is a sinne of wantonnesse 3. Si suam repudiare alii vacare non licet c. If it be unlawfull for a man to put away his wife and use another which is a kinde of adulterie how much more is he to be blamed qui suae aliam addit which joyneth another to his wife 4. Againe the greatnesse of the sinne of adulterie appeareth by comparing it with other great sinnes it is so hainous before God Vt si â—xor ab Idolatra viro ipso nolâ—nte discedat puâ—â—atur sin ab adultero minimè That if the wife depart from an husband that is an Idolater against his will shee is punished if from an adulterâ—â— she is not the first the Apostle sheweth that it is unlawfull for a woman to depart from an unbeleeving husband being willing to dwell with her 1 Cor. 7.13 but for adulterie the wife may be dismissed Matt. 5.32 5. Further by comparing of the effects together this sinne appeareth what it is Qua cum infideli habitat non est immunda
c. she which dwelleth with an infidell is not polluted or uncleane For the unbeleeving husband is sanctified by the wife 1 Cor. 7.14 But the fornicator and much more the adulterer maketh the members of Christ the members of an harlot 1 Cor. 6.14 6. In hac vita secum innumera mala trahit This sinne of adultery and fornication bringeth an innumerable company of evils with it in this life beside the punishment of the next Cogitur vitam miseram infoelicem vivere he liveth a miserable and unhappy life Alienam domum trepidus ingreditur omnis timet liberos servos he entreth trembling into anothers house hee is afraid of every thing of the servants and the children c. Sic fere Chrysost. super Ioan. hom 62.7 Thom. Aquin. A woman committeth three great sinnes in the sinne of adultery she is first Sacrilega she committeth sacrilege in going against Gods ordinance in parting that asunder which God hath coupled secondly she is Proditrix she sinneth by betraying her husband under whose government she is and giving her selfe over to another for the woman hath no power over her owne bodie but the man and so likewise of the man 1 Cor. 7.4 Thirdly she is furatrix she committeth theft Ex alieno viro sibi constituit filios she getteth her children by another man Thom. in opuscul 8. This sinne of adulterie is one of those which excludeth out of the Kingdome of heaven 1 Cor. 6.9 and whoremongers among the rest shall have their part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone Revel 22.8 And in this world though adulterers and adulteresses should escape the censure of men as often they doe yet God will not suffer such to goe unpunished hee will judge them himselfe Heb. 13.4 Therefore the Wise-man setting forth the adulterous woman saith that shee forsaketh the guide of her youth and forgetteth the covenant of her God Prov. 2.17 God therefore will take revenge of such as transgressors of his covenant This made Ioseph that hee would not consent to the unlawfull desire of his Mistresse saying How can I doe this great wickednesse and so sinne against God Gen. 39.4 QUEST VII Adultery as well forbidden in the husband as in the wife FUrther it will here be enquired whether this precept Thou shalt not commit adulterie doth not indifferently binde both the man and the woman that as well the husband as the wife if hee goe unto any strange flesh committeth adulterie In Augustines time men tooke unto themselves great libertie herein and it was growne to be such a generall custome ut jam mulieribus fere persuasum sit licere hoc viru sed non licere mulieribus That women are almost now perswaded that it is lawfull for men but not for women for it is often heard that the wives have beene brought to the market place to be punished quae facto cum servis invent a sunt which have beene found with their servants but it was never heard of that a man was set in the market place qui inventus est cum ancilla which was found with his maid Augustine by divers reasons overthroweth this wicked custome shewing that it was par peccatum a like sinne both in the husband and wife and in the like sinne that the man seemeth more innocent facit non divina veritas sed humana perversitas not the divine veritie is the cause but humane perversitie Then he useth these perswasions 1. From the faith that is made mutually by both the husband and the wife unto Christ Quod à me exigis redde mihi fidem tibi debeo fidem mihi debes fidem Christo ambo debemus c. That which thou exactest of me render unto me I have plight thee my faith and thou hast plight me thy troth we both have plight our faith unto Christ c. 2. He reasoneth from the like Noliteire vos quò eas sequi non vultis Yee men got not that way wherein you would not have your wives to follow say not I goe not to another mans wife I goe unto my maid Vis ut dicat tibi uxor tua c. Wouldest thou thy wife should say unto thee I goe not to another womans husband I goe unto my man or servant 3. From the preeminence and superiority of man Say not we cannot Quod potest foemina vir non potest Can a woman forbeare and cannot a man For what illa carnem non portat c. is not shee also flesh and bloud was not the woman first beguiled of the Serpent But you will say that the woman may easily avoid adulterie because shee is held in by the watchfulnesse of her husband and by the terror of humane lawes Multa custodia faciunt foeminam castam virum castum faciat ipsa virilitas Many keepers make a woman chaste and let manhood it selfe make the man chaste nam ideo mulieri major custodia quia major infirmitas for therefore a woman had need of more strait keeping because shee is the weaker her husband and the terror of lawes watch over her and God watcheth over thee To this purpose Augustine 4. Further the very letter of the precept which in the Hebrew is put in the Masculine to tineaph Thou that is the man shall not commit adulterie Augustine well inferreth that although it be onely expresly forbidden to the man Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours wife Ista lex non solum viris sed foeminis data est Yet this law is not onely given unto men but unto women also and so this precept as well bindeth women as men as all the rest of the Commandements doe Thou shalt not kill Thou shalt not steale c. August qu. 71. in Exod. 5. Lastly the Apostle sheweth that as the woman hath no power of her owne bodie but the husband so neither hath the husband power over his owne bodie but the wife 1 Cor. 7.4 and therefore as well the one as the other are restrained of all carnall libertie to goe unto strange flesh QUEST VIII Whether adulterie be a more grievous sinne in the man or the woman BUt this being agreed upon that adulterie is a sinne as well in the husband as in the wife it will further be demanded in which of them it is a greater sinne or whether it be not equall in both 1. Augustine thinketh as is shewed before that it is par peccatum a like sinne whether in the husband or in the wife And Thomas addeth further that in the time of the law there was not an equalitie for the man among the Jewes might have many wives but not the wife many husbands Ideo matrimonium nunquam statum perfectum habuit nisi in lege Christi Therefore matrimonie had never any perfect state but under the law of Christ. But to this it may be answered that the institution of matrimonie being first made in Paradise was the same both under the law of Moses and
may bee some blemish and imperfection in the manner seeing our best actions are stained as the Prophet saith All our righteousnesse is 〈◊〉 filthie clouts Isai. 64.4 3. If veniall sin be taken for a small offence wee denie not but that such blemishes are found in matrimoniall duties which are tolerated and covered in mariage according to that excellent saying of Augustine Libidinis voluptas non propter nuptias cadit in culpam sed propter nuptias accipit veniam The pleasure of lusts doth not take blame because of mariage but for mariage sake doth receive pardon Lib. 1. de concupis cap. 15. 4. But mortall or deadly sin in mariage there is none that is in his sense haynous and grievous for if his meaning be that the fleshly desire would extend it selfe to another that is coveteth strange flesh this is not incident unto any act of mariage but is a violating of mariage by adulterous and unchaste thoughts And if there could be any sâ—ch mortall and deadly sin in the duties of mariage what is become of that saying of the Apostle concerning the giving in mariage Hee sinneth not 1 Cor. 7.36 which also may bee understood of the duties of mariage Augustine hath this worthie saying Sicut bono uti malè malum est ita maleâ—ti bene bonum est benè utitur bono continentiam dedicans Deo bono utitur malè continentiam dedicons idolo malo utitur male concupiscentiam relaxans adulteriâ— bene utitur malo concupiscentiam restringâ—â—s connubio As it is evill to use a good thing evill so it is good to use an evill thing well as hee useth a good thing well that dedicateth his continencie unto God hee useth a good thing evill that dedicateth his continencie to an Idoll hee useth an evill thing evill that doth loose the reines of his concupiscence to adulterie he useth an evill thing evill who restraineth his concupiscence to matrimonie August cont Pelag. 1.19 If he doe an evill thing well that limiteth and keepeth his concupiscence within the bounds of mariage hee then cannot sinne mortally V. Confut. Against Tostatus that would not have simple fornication punished by humane lawes AGainst Tostatus here also worthily exception is taken who justifieth this defect and imperfection in humane lawes he meaneth such as are practised among the Romanists which doe not punish simple fornication these are his words Injustissima civilis lex esset qua â—eretrices tolleret That should be a most unjust Civill law which should take away strumpets and punish simple fornication c. Wee will see and examine his reasons 1. Civill lawes are only to restraine such sins whereby justice is violated and injurie done unto another but in fornication there is no act of injustice Non est ibi aliqua persona cui inferatur injuria There is no person there to whom any injurie can bee done Contra. There is a manifold wrong committed in single fornication 1. They offer wrong and dishonour unto Christ in making the members of Christ the members of an harlot 1 Cor. 6.15 2. They injurie themselves in sinning against their owne bodies in defiling and polluting them ibid. vers 18. 3. They doe wrong unto their posteritie bringing upon them the shame of bastardie making them illegitimate and disenabling them to inherit 2. If humane lawes should punish fornication it would give occasion unto adulterie incest Sodomitrie seeing the most in a common-wealth are weake and imperfect and if they were restrained from this smaller vice they would fall into greater enormitieâ— Contra. 1. As though God hath not appointed a remedie against fornication and all other uncleannesse by lawfull matrimonie shall men make themselves wiser than God and seeke to cure one evill by another 2. And thus the divine order is perverted among the Romanists for they restraine mariage and give way unto fornication and therefore it is no marvell if among them such unnaturall lusts doe reigne Bernard well sheweth the reason thereof Tolle de Ecclesia honorabile conjugâ—um c. Take away from the Church honorable matrimonie he saith not take away harlots and brothel houses as Tostatus doth shal ye not replenish it with incestuous persons with concubinaries Sodomiticall vices c. supeâ— Cant. serm 66. 3. Humane lawes are not to forbid all sinnes because Homo legem ponens non potest dare gratiam praeservativam c. because man making a law cannot give preseruing grace to keepe it and this was the cause why Lex Mosis non prohibâ—bat omnia vitia Moses law did not forbid all vices because therein was no grace given or helpe ministred to avoid them therefore some things were permitted among them as to take usurie of the Gentiles to give a bill of divorcement and such like So Tostatus quaest 23. Contra. 1. By this reason humane lawes should forbid no sins because Gods word not mans law giveth grace to abstaine from any sin 2. Neither is there any sin forbidden in the new Testament against the morall law which is not prohibited in the old as it may appeare by our blessed Saviours interpretation of the law Mat. 5. wherein he giveth no new law but only expoundeth the old 3. Though Moses law gave no grace to keepe it yet because it was a Schoolemaster to bring us unto Christ Gal. 3.19 it was fit it should be a perfect law and containe a strict rule of all righteousnesse that men the rather should bee driven unto Christ seeing themselves to come so farre short 4. The toleration of some things among the Israelites for their hardnesse of heart sheweth not a defect in the law but an imperfection in them that could not bee subject to the perfect rule of the law 5. And concerning the punishment of fornication it was not omitted in Moses law for although fornication with one were recompenced with marriage and paying of the dowrie Deut. 22.24 yet if a daughter in Israel did play the whore she was stoned to death ibid. vers 21. And seeing the law saith There shall not bee a whore of the daughters of Israel Deut. 23.17 how dare any defend the tolerating and suffering of whores in a Christian Common-wealth 4. Morall observations 1. Obser. Against shamelesse adulterers that thrust themselves into the Congregation of the Lords people THou shalt not commit adulterie This sin being so haynous in the sight of God whereby both the ordinance of God is perverted and matrimoniall faith mutually given violated and the Temples of the holy Ghost defiled hereby their impudencie unshamefastnesse and profanenesse is evident that being guiltie of this sin dare presume to come into the Lords house to offer themselves to heare the Word to receive the Sacraments or communicate in any other exercise of religion against whom the Prophet thus enveigheth Will you steale murther commit adulterie c. and come and stand before me in this house whereupon my name is called and say wee are delivered though wee have done all these
either give a simple assent or be as it were tickled with a full desire or doe deliberately purpose of any evill thing then he sinneth So then all those sinnes wherein there is either a full assent or action are forbidden in the former precepts the very first desire and appetite is forbidden here These three degrees then are to be made of sinne appetitus assensio actio the appetite or first desire the perfect assent and the action the first the evill appetite is restrained here Galas Quamvis non plane acquiescamus desiderio si tamen nos titillat sufficit ad reâ—sper agendos Although we doe not yeeld unto the desire if it doe but tickle us with delight it is sufficient to make us guilty Calvin Here then such concupiscence is forbidden as hath some inclination of the will though no full consent Concupiscentiâ— enim nunquam est sine affectu licet non plane succumbat voluntas This concupiscence is not without some affection or desire though the will doe not plainely yeeld So is Chrysostome to bee understood Aliud est concupiscere aliud velle concupiscere passionis est velle arbitrii frequenter enim concâ—piscimuâ— quod nolumus It is one thing to desire another thing to will to desire or covet is of passion to will is of the disposition for we often covet that which we would not c. In Matth. homil 52. He speaketh of a full assent and purpose for otherwise with concupiscence here prohibited there doth alwayes concurre some affection and desire So then it is evident that even those first motions of concupiscence wherein any taketh delight though there be no full purpose are sinne before God and forbidden by this precept for even the Heathen did condemne impiam voluntatem the wicked will and purpose of any as to kill commit adultery and such like but the Law of God is more perfect and spirituall than any humane Law Againe it is not like that S. Paul was so ignorant as to thinke at any time that it was no sinne velle occidere hominem to have a purpose to kill a man or to commit adultery therefore by concupiscence he understandeth some more inward and secret disease which he tooke not to be sinne before it was revealed unto him by the Law Calvin QUEST III. Whether involuntary concupiscence having no consent of the will is here forbidden BUt here it will further be enquired whether even those first evill thoughts which arise in the minde without any inclination of the will at all are counted as sinne before God and so forbidden in this precept Here first wee are to distinguish of concupiscence and desire which is either a good concupiscence or bad the good is of two sorts either perfectly good such as was given unto man in his creation when he should have coveted nothing but that which was good or imperfectly good such as now is in men mixed with many infirmities and inperfections which is either naturall in man as the coveting of meat and drinke and other things necessary for the life of man Basting Or supernaturall wrought in man by grace as is the love and desire of vertue or it is mixt partly naturall partly supernaturall as matrimoniall concupiscence for procreation which both hath a naturall cause or beginning and is likewise guided by grace unto the right end none of these kindes of good and commendable concupiscence are forbidden by this precept The evill concupiscence as Bernard doth well distinguish it is of three sorts 1. Sunt cogitationes â—tiosa ad rem non pertinentes c. There are idle roving and impertinent thoughts which the minde may easily reject 2. Sunt aliae cogitationes violentae magis fortius adharentes There are other violent cogitations which sticke more nearely as the immoderate cogitation of meat and drinke and such things as belong to the necessity of nature 3. Sunt cogitationes fâ—â—tidae immundae quae ad luxuriam invidiam pertinent c. There are filthy and uncleane cogitations which concerne lasciviousnesse envy vaine glory and such like the first kinde is lutum simplex as simple or thin clay that cleaveth not the second is limum viscosum as a tough clay that sticketh fast the third is tanquam immundissimum coenum as most uncleane filthy and stinking mire and mud Bernard serm de tri ge cog na Seneca maketh this distinction of the motions of the minde not much unlike to the former 1. Primus motus non voluntarius c. The first motion is not voluntary as a certaine preparation of the affections 2. Alter cum voluntaâ—e non contumaci another kinde is with the will but the same not obstinate as when it commeth into ones minde to revenge himselfe when he is hurt 3. Tertius motus est impotens c. The third kinde is so impotent and outragious that it will not be ruled by reason as when a man is carried to revenge himselfe out of measure the first of these can be no more ruled by reason than such things as happen to the body as when one yawneth when he seeth another yawne or suddenly winketh when one putteth the fingers toward the eyes Thus Seneca lib. 2. de ira cap. 4. Now the question is whether these motions which Bernard calleth idle and wandring Seneca involuntary are forbidden in this precept Hereof there are three opinions 1. Some thinke that even these first infused motions Etiam citra rationem ullius objecti even without respect had to any certaine object are forbidden here Iun. But it seemeth by the words of the Law Thou shalt not covet thy neighbours house that the concupiscence here prohibited aimeth at a certaine object and is not without some inclination of the affection 2. Others are of the contrary opinion that if a man doe at the very first reject these evill cogitations nullius culpa reus erit he shall be guilty of no fault Galas But seeing that Infants which have no such evill thoughts yet are not cleane before God being conceived and borne in sinne it cannot be but that these evill wandring and idle thoughts should carry some guiltinesse in them 3. Therefore the best solution is that these cogitations which doe vanish â—â—tequam animos afficiant before the minde bee affected be not comprehended in this precept as actuall sinnes for untill the will of man in some degree give assent sinne is in the conception onely not in the birth as S. Iames saith chap. 1. When lust hath conceived it bringeth forth sinne but as the first fruits of originall sinne together with that native corruption they are contrary to this precept wherein I finde also some difference of opinion Iunius seemeth to thinke that not originall sinne it selfe is here understood by concupiscence which is as the habit but only those involuntary motions which are the first act of this evill habit Iun. in Analys But I rather subscribe to Vrsinus that thinketh
the externall worke being by this coherence and connexion an act of the internall powers hath some good or evill in it though not so properly as the internall Sic fere Tostat. quast 29. QUEST VI. The law of Moses did not onely restraine the hand but the minde BEside this opinion of the Hebrewes some other doe hold that the law of Moses did onely restraine the hand and not the minde and to this purpose they urge that place Matth. 5.27 where our Saviour saith It was said unto you of old Thou shalt not commit adulterie c. But I say c. So that of old it seemeth the law onely restrained the outward act but Christ doth forbid more even the inward desire c. Contra. 1. Our blessed Saviour secundùm corum opinionem loquebatur speaketh according to their opinion because they thought they were onely obliged and tied to the outward act and therefore he doth deliver the law from their corrupt interpretations he giveth not a new exposition and this appeareth vers 43. Yee have heard that it hath beene said Thou shalt love thy neighbour and hate thine enemie but in all the old Testament there is no such precept given by God or libertie for any to hate their enemie our Saviour then meaneth not such sayings as were found in the law but such expositions as they made among themselves Now that even the law of Moses did binde not onely the hand and externall act but the inward will and desire it thus is proved 1. None are said to repent but of that which is evill but they under the law were to repent and to shew themselves contrite even for the internall acts of their minde as Psal. 4.4 Tremble and sinne not examine your heart upon your bed c. Ergo c. 2. It is directly forbidden Levit. 19.17 Thou shalt not hate thy brother in thy heart which was an internall act and many other such like sinnes of the heart are reproved by the Prophets 3. The law doth not justifie that which is naturally unjust but forbiddeth it now to covet another mans wife is naturally unjust Ergo. For the proposition or first part of the argument if the theft of the Israelites the killing of Isaack intended by Abraham the fornication of Ose chap. 1. be objected these were singulares casus which the the lawgiver commanding thereby declared quod non includerentur sub lege communi that they were not included under the generall law but if this whole law Thou shalt not covet had given a generall libertie for the Jewes to covet anothers wife Non jam declaretur lex sed destrucretur The law should not by this meanes be declared but destroyed For the assumption that it is against the law of nature to covet another mans wife it is evident 1. Because he faileth in the end coveting her onely of lust not for procreation 2. Matrimonie est de jure naturali is grounded even upon the law of nature if then to breake and violate matrimonie bee against the law of nature then to will and purpose so to doe is against nature also yea the will and purpose is rather sinne than the act it selfe for it may fall out that the externall act is sometime without sinne as when a man ignorantly lieth with another woman taking her to bee his wife as Iakob tooke Leah for Rachel but the will and desire is never without sinne Tostat. Burgens addit 7. in cap. 20. would thus excuse this assertion that Moses law prohibebat manum 〈◊〉 anâ—â—â—um did inhibit the hand not the minde not that their meaning is that in no part of Moses law there is any prohibition to be found of the minde for hatred is directly forbidden Levit. 19.17 but that when any externall act is forbidden Non intelligitur ex vi illius praecepti prohiberi actus interior The internall act is not understood to bee forbidden by vertue of that precept as in this precept Thou shalt not kill he is not judged to be guiltie which purposeth to kill and yet killeth not Contra. 1. But our Saviour saith that even this precept is transgressed by the anger and hatred of the heart Matth. 5.22 therefore the law intendeth even by the externall act to forbid the internall also QUEST VII Whether any morall and naturall duties were to be restrained by positive law BUt it will further be objected that the old law was not to give precepts of morall duties 1. The morall precepts are grounded upon the law of nature and such precepts are knowne unto all but the divine law prescribeth such things as otherwise are not neither can bee knowne 2. The keeping of the morall law giveth life Galath 3.12 but the old law was the ministration of death 2 Cor. 3.7 therefore the old law was not to containe morall precepts Contra. 1. The law of God was not onely to give rules of such things as men know by the law of nature but to keepe and preserve them also from errour in those things which they know And therefore because men doe erre and swarve in such things as they know their will and affection not giving way to reason it was fit that a law should be given as well to rectifie their affection as to direct their understanding 2. Beside although these morall duties are grounded upon the law of nature yet seeing the naturall instinct is obscured by mans corruption that dimme light of nature had need of a clearer light by the law to helpe it If man had continued in the perfection of his creation hee should not have needed any other law but seeing mans naturall knowledge is much decaied it was to be revived and renewed by the divine law 3. The rules of direction of mens actions are of foure sorts 1. Some are so well knowne by nature as none can doubt thereof as these that evill is to be shunned and good to be desired that no unjust thing is to bee done of such knowne principles it is not necessarie that any law should bee given 2. Some things may so be searched out by the law of nature as yet that many may erre therein such 〈◊〉 the particular precepts of not committing fornication not coveting anotherâ— wife therefore because many may erre in these duties it was requisite they should bee determined by the law of God 3. Some things are so derived from the law of nature as yet they are onely searched out by those which are wise such are the positive and judiciall lawes of men that wisely can applie the principles of the law of nature to particular circumstances of this kinde are Moses Judicials 4. Some things cannot at all be concluded by naturall reason but altogether depend upon the will of the institutor and law-maker of this kinde were Moses Ceremonials So then for a full answer to the first objection wee say that if morall duties were so generally and perfitly knowne as that none could doubt of them as are the
first rules of direction there needed not be any law given of them but they are of the second sort so knowne by the law of nature as that many doe doubt of them and doe erre about them 2 The old law was the ministration of death not of it selfe but occasionaliteâ— by occasion because it commanded such things as were not in mans power to keepe and so the morall precepâ—s also did mortifie and kill Quia importabant difficultatem ad conservandum ea Because they did bring in a difficultie or rather impossibilitie to keepe them therefore in this respect there was no difference betweene the old law and the Morall law Tostat. quast 32. QUEST VIII Of the perfection and sufficiencie of the morall law BEside it will be thus objected against the sufficiencie of the morall law 1. Because the law prescribeth onely duties concerning God and our neighbour it speaketh nothing of the sinnes of man toward himselfe 2. It forbiddeth perjurie whereas blasphemie and heresie were as needfull to be forbidden 3. The precept of the Sabbath is expressed whereas there were many other festivities as of the Passeover Pentecost and others which the Israelites were bound to keepe 4. The dutie toward parents is commanded but not the love of parents againe to their children 5. The inward act of murther is not forbidden as the inward act of adulterie namely concupiscence therefore there is not a sufficient enumeration in the morall law of all morall duties Contra. 1. That the Morall law is perfect and every way sufficient it appeareth first by the generall contents thereof in prescribing all kinde of duties both toward God and man For first as three things are to bee performed to terrene governours namely fidelitie reverence and obedience so likewise the like duties but in an higher nature and degree are required toward God 1. Fidelitie in acknowledging him our onely God which is commanded in the first and second precept 2. Reverence in the third not to prophane his glorious name 3. Obedience and service which is performed in consecrating the seventh day wholly unto Gods worship Toward our neighbour our duties are either speciall toward those to whom we are bound by any speciall kinde of benefit as we are to our parents and superiours which is required in the fift precept or generally toward all in forbearing to doe them any hurt first either in deed as in their single person concerning their life or their coupled person touching their wife or in their goods we must not steale either in word where false witnesse bearing is forbidden either in heart as in the tenth Commandement There can be no dutie rehearsed appertaining to God or man which is not comprehended under some of these therefore the Decalogue containeth a perfect law 2. Now for answer to the objections in particular 1. It was not necessarie that any particular precept should bee given as touching the duties of man toward himselfe both because nature is not so corrupted in such duties but that a man still retaineth love to himselfe as it is in our love toward God and our neighbour 〈◊〉 also for that the rule of our love toward another is taken from a mans love toward himselfe he shall love his neighbour as himselfe therefore this is presupposed as granted of all and as a ground of the rest that a man loveth himselfe 2. The law giveth instance of the more generall and notorious transgressions such as at the first would be acknowledged of all and therefore because perjurie is more generall and more easily discerned than blasphemie or heresie under that the rest are understood 3. The other festivals were memorials of particular benefits which concerned the Israelites onely as the passeover and feast of Tabernacles of their deliverance out of Egypt but the Sabbath is a memoriall of the generall benefit of the creation which concerneth all nations therefore this precept concerning the Sabbath onely of all other festivals was onely to be inserted in the morall law 4. The love of parents toward their children though it be naturall yet the dutie of children toward their parents is more agreeable to the law of nature and the contrary namely their disobedience more unnaturall and therefore instance was to bee given in this rather than in the other and beside the names of father and sonne being Relatives the duties of each toward other are reciprocall and one may bee inferred upon the other 5. The concupiscence is expressely forbidden rather than the first motion of anger and revenge 1. Because it is harder to resist the motion of concupiscence than of rage and revenge and wee are more apt to sinne by that than this 2. Because the inward wrath and purpose of revenge Nâ—scitur ex concupiscibili beginneth with a desire for there are two things in revenge ipsa persequntiâ— id quod persequimur that which we pursue and pursuit it selfe that which we pursue we judge to be evill and so hate it but the action of pursuit we thinke to be good namely to seeke revenge and so we thinke it good and desire it Seeing then all kinde of coveting and desire is forbidden even that also is included from the which rage and revenge taketh beginning but in the other kinde of coveting when wee propound unto our selves an object of some delectable or profitable good both the thing which is pursued with desire is judged good and the action it selfe of pursuing it with desire Sic fere Tostat. quast 24. But the better answer is why the first motion of anger is not expressely forbidden as of concupiscence because anger never riseth but with the consent of the will and therefore being a voluntarie motion it belongeth to the other precept Thou shalt not kill but concupiscence which is involuntarie and hath not the full consent of the will is forbidden in the tenth precept See more of this difference before quâ—st 1. QUEST IX Of the abrogation of the law NExt unto this question of the perfection of the law it followeth to consider of the perpetuitie and continuance of it for in some places the Scripture testifieth that Christ came to fulfill the law not to destroy it Matth. 1.17 and some where againe it so speaketh as though the law were abrogated aâ— Rom. 6.14 Yee are not under the law but under grace Heb. 7.12 If the priesthood be changed there must of necessitie be a change of the law For the solution hereof thus much is to be added here though this question partly be touched before 1. First then concerning the ceremoniall law which was prescribed unto the Jewes to be observed in the worship of God it is wholly abrogated 1. Because the bodie being come the shadow must give place but all those ceremonies in their sacrifices purifications festivals and the rest were shadowes the bodie is Christ Coloss. 2.17 Ergo. 2. Those ceremoniall observations were tied unto a certaine place first to the Tabernacle then to the Temple
of Salomon but now the worship of God is not tied to any certaine place as at Jerusalem where the Temple was Ioh. 4.21 3. Other Sacraments are instituted in place of the old as Baptisme and the Eucharist therefore the old are abrogated 4. The ceremonies did bind the observers to the keeping of the whole law and the rites thereof he which was circumcised was bound to keepe the whole law Galath 5.3 but we are not bound now to the whole law from which bondage Christ hath freed us Ergo. 5. The ceremonies were a wall of partition and distinction betweene the Jewes and Gentiles but now that distinction is taken away all being one in Christ therefore that wall whereby they were parted and distinguished is removed also Simler 2. As touching the politike and judiciall lawes of Moses neither doe they absolutely â—ind now 1. Many of these lawes were peculiar to the policie of that Common-wealth as the lawes concerning their inheritances and possessions which were not to passe from tribe to tribe and they shewed the fashions and manners of that countrie as in building their houses with flat roofes as Deut. 22.8 Of these positive constitutions there is now no use among other nations 2. The condition of all people is not alike some are more stubborne and obstinate some more civill and tractable and therefore some have need of more strict and severe lawes than others one kinde of politicke law then cannot serve for all nations 3. The Gospell which is perpetuall prescribeth not a certaine forme of government to all nations neither overthroweth their severall policies but in generall commandeth obedience to all higher powers Rom. 13.1 Ergo much lesse the law which was to be changed Simler But the judiciall law is not abrogated Quoad substantiam finem universalem â—quitatem In respect of the substance end and universall equitie which is in punishing of vice and maintaining of peace Bucanus See more hereof quest 4. general cap. 1. 3. The Morall law is not now in force quoad justificationem in respect of justification Rom. 3.28 A man is justified by faith without the works of the law but it bindeth quoad obedientiam In respect of obedience we are bound to keepe all the precepts of the law but yet quoad terrorem modum obedientiae in respect of the terror of the law and manner of obedience which was to be obedient and subject unto it for feare of punishment wee are freed now from it and therefore the Apostle saith The law is not given to a righteous man 1 Tim. 1.9 because they of love rather than feare do yeeld their obedience and so are a law unto themselves Simler But this is a privilege onely of the regenerate As for carnall and unregenerate men they are still under the curse and terror of the law according to that saying Cursed is every one that continueth not in all things which are written in the booke of the law to doe them Buâ—â—â— 2. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the particular contents of this precept THou shalt not covet First the things commanded here are these 1. Originall justice which is an inclination and desire of the minde to performe all duties unto our neighbour Vrsin 2. Diligent care and circumspection even to take heed of the smallest sinnes and to watch over the very thoughts Prov. 3.23 Keepe thy heart with all diligence for thereout commeth life Basting Secondly contrarie unto this precept 1. Is originall corruption which is the generall corruption and depravation of our nature and that evill habit wherein wee are conceived and borne as David saith Behold I was borne in iniquitie and in sinne hath my mother conceived me Psal. 51.5 2. All evill inclinations of the heart whereby it is sollicited to doe any thing against the law of God this evill concupiscent is of two sorts it either hath principium internum the beginning within as is fleshly and carnall desire or externum without by some externall object which are the concupiscence of the eye and pride of life as the Apostle calleth them 1 Ioh. 16. 3. And not onely these kinds of concupiscence but all other phantasies and cogitations of the minde which are contrarie to the law of God are here restrained Basting 2. Doct. Of the severall properties of possessions and goods and the distinction of callings FUrther in that the Lord forbiddeth to covet our neighbours house servant c. wee see the Lord establisheth and confirmeth hereby both the severall rights in possessions lands and other substance which right and propertie the Lord will not have violated so much as in the concupiscence and inward desire As also here it is evident that the difference of callings and distinction of degrees as betweene master and servant standeth with the will of God as our blessed Saviour and his Apostles also every where teach Simler 3. Doct. The difference betweene divine and humane lawes HErein also is set forth an apparent difference betweene the law of God and the lawes of men Lex humana judicat facta dicta divina judicat etiam cogitata Mans law onely judgeth doings and sayings but Gods law judgeth the very thoughts and the reason hereof is because man judgeth onely according to the outward appearance and evidence but the Lord seeth the heart Thomas And the perfection of Divinitie is hereby declared beyond Philosophie which condemneth not the inward lusts and desires of the minde neither holdeth a man for the same whether they bee good or evill to be worthie praise or dispraise But the law of God striketh at the very root of evill actions which is the inward concupiscence and corruption of the heart 4. Doct. Of the concupiscence of the soule and of the flesh IT shall not bee amisse here to insert Chrysostomes distinction of concupiscence As wee have two natures one of the soule the other of the flesh so wee have two wils one of the soule the other of the flesh habemus duas itas duas concupiscentias c. we have also two kinds of anger and two kinds of concupiscence one of the soule the other of the flesh the nature of the flesh cannot bee separated from all these Necesse habet irasci concupiscere c. It cannot chuse but to be angrie to covet because it is sold under sinne but the soule being created according to the justice of God potest non irasci c. cannot bee angrie nor covet therefore when wee are angrie and covet if wee displease ourselves and represse these passions it is manifest that our flesh onely is angrie and coveteth and not the soule Such kinde of passions then here are forbidden wherein the soule consenteth with the flesh To this purpose Chrysost. hom 12. in Matth. 3. Places of controversie 1. Conf. Against the Pelagians that denie concupiscence to be sinne FIrst we are here to deale against the Pelagians who did hold concupiscentiam non esse peccatum that
concupiscence is not sinne whose objections were these 1. Object Such things as are naturall are not evill but concupiscence is naturall therefore it is not evill nor consequently sinne Answ. This argument must be answered by a distinction for by naturall here may be understood that which was made naturall in man by creation before his fall and so the proposition is true but the assumption is false for inordinate concupiscence and appetite was not in man before his fall or it is taken for that which is now incident to mans corrupt nature since his fall and so the assumption is true but the proposition false 2. Object Even in our nature as it now standeth corrupt the appetite or desire to such things as tend to the conservation of nature and to decline and shun the contrarie are not evill but such is the concupiscence to meat and drinke and such like Ergo. Answ. 1. Such motions and appetites of themselves are not evill as they are naturall motions but if they be inordinate motions and exceed a just measure they are evill as to have an immoderate desire to meat or drinke For as it was naturall in Eve to desire to eat of the fruit of the tree yet to desire it against the Commandement of God was evill so is it with these naturall motions if they bee immoderate and inordinate they are evill 2. There are other concupiscences beside these which are neither naturall nor tending to the conservation of nature as coveting another mans house or wife c. which can have no such excuse or pretenâ—â— 3. Object That which is not in mans power to avoid is no sinne but not to covet is not in mans power Ergo it is no sinne Answ. 1. The proposition is false for sinne is not measured by the necessitie or libertie of nature but by the disagreement which it hath with the will of God 2. When God first printed the law in mans nature before his fall then were the precepts of God given unto man in his power to keepe though man by his voluntarie corruption hath lost his power and libertie yet God forgoeth not his power and right of commanding 4. But that concupiscence is sinne it is both evident by this law that would not forbid it unlesse it were sinne and by the Apostle who useth the same argument I had not knowne sinne but by the law for I had not knowne lust except the law had said Thou shalt not lust Rom. 7.7 Vrsin 2. Confut. Against the Papists that denie concupiscence to be sinne in the regenerate SEcondly the Papists are herein Semipelagians who generally affirme and hold that concupiscence remaining after baptisme is not properly sinne nor forbidden by commandement Rhemist 〈◊〉 Rom. 6. sect 6. So was it decreed in the Tridentine Synode that concupiscence non est vere proprie peccatum in renatis is not verily and properly a sinne in the regenerate but that it is so called quia ex peccato est in peccatum inclinat because it commeth of sinne and inclineth to sinne Session 1. cap. 1. They object thus 1. Object Sinne maketh men guiltie before God of eternall death but the regenerate are not guiltie of eternall death therefore concupiscence in them is no sinne Answ. 1. By this reason there shall bee no sinne at all in the regenerate for there is no condemnation at all to them that are in Christ Jesus 2. Neither concupiscence nor any sinne else shall condemne the regenerate but that is not because concupiscence is no sinne but that both it and all other sinnes are pardoned in Christ and so not imputed 2. Object Originall sinne is taken away in Baptisme therefore concupiscence in the regenerate is no sinne Answ. Originall sinne is not simply taken away in Baptisme but onely quoad reatum in respect of the guilt and as the Schoolmen say it is taken away formally in Baptisme but not materially There are two things to be considered in originall sinne the disagreement or repugnancie which it hath with the law of God and the guilt of the punishment This latter way originall sinne is remitted and released in Baptisme it shall never be laid unto the charge of the faithfull as S. Paul saith Who shall lay any thing to the charge of Gods chosen Rom. 8.33 But the other remaineth still in Gods children as S. Paul confesseth of himselfe Rom. 7.23 I see another law in my members rebelling against the law of my minde but yet though it remaine and have a being in the faithfull it doth not reigne in them as the same Apostle exhorteth Rom. 6.12 Let not sinne reigne in your mortall bodie 3. But that concupiscence is sinne in the very regenerate it is evident by this precept Thou shalt not covet which commandement is given generally to all both the regenerate and unregenerate S. Paul also calleth the rebellion of his flesh which he felt in himselfe being now regenerate the law of sinne Rom. 7.23.25 And the Apostle speaketh to men regenerate when he saith Be renewed in the spirit of your minds Ephes. 4.23 which renovation needed not if concupiscence in them were no sinne 4. But that place of Augustine will bee objected Quamvis insint dum sumus in corpore mortis hujus peccati desideria c. Although while we are in the bodie of this death there be in us the desire of sinne yet if we should give assent to none of them non esset unde diceremus c. dimitte debita nostra we should have no cause to say to our heavenly Father Forgive us our debts c. August epist. 200. Answ. 1. Augustine must be understood to speake of actuall sinnes that if so men had grace never to consent to their concupiscence they should not need to pray for remission of such sinnes 2. And who is there that liveth who sometime is not carried away with concupiscence to give assent unto it So that if Augustine should speake generally of all sinne yet his speech being conditionall if we should give assâ—â— to none of them and that condition being kept of none this proveth not concupiscence not to bee sinne See more of this controversie Synops. Centur. 4. err 16. 3. Confut. That no concupiscence is a veniall sinne in it selfe THirdly Thomas Aquin his assertion commeth here to be examined Not a quòd cupiditas tunâ— est peccatum mortale quando sine ratione c. Note that concupiscence is then mortall sinne when as the things of our neighbours are coveted without reason but when they are reasonably desired it is veniall Thomas in opuscul Contra. 1. This distinction of mortall and veniall sinnes being understood in their sense that some sinnes in the condition and qualitie thereof are mortall some veniall is contrarie to the Scripture which maketh death the wages of sinne Rom. 6.23 that is of all but to the faithfull through Gods grace all sinnes are veniall and shall never be laid unto their charge and so
afterward wherein this privilege beyond other servants consisteth 3. Augustine thus understandeth it she shall not goe out as other maids for remunerabit eam he shall reward her so also Vatablus because other servants did goe out nudi siue mercede naked and without any reward But Augustine here following the vulgar Latine readeth ancillae maids whereas it is in the originall as other men servants So also Rupertus this is prescribed according to the president of their father Iacob Qui non passus est illam sicut ancillam siâ—e dote exire Which would not suffer his wife as a maid servant to goe forth without a dowry But this is not all 3. Procopius referreth it to that which followeth vers 8. He shall not have power to sell her to â— strange people But it was not lawfull to sell any other Hebrew servant to a strange people therefore this had beene no such privilege 4. The most thus understand it Vult potestatem habere redimendi se ante sexennium Hee would have them to have power to redeeme themselves before the six yeeres expired which it was not lawfull for other servants to doe So Lyran. Marbach Osiand Borrhaius with others this was part of the privilege but not all 5. But this privilege is more generall and containeth divers branches as afterward followeth for hee was either to espouse her to himselfe or to his sonne or suffer her to be redeemed of her friends if none of these he was to provide her of three things food rayment and dwelling or else to let her goe out free i in all these respects it is said She shall not goe out as other servants did Iâ—n in Analys QUEST XXIV Whether it must be read betrothed or bethrothed not Vers. 8. IF she pleâ—se not her master so that he betrotheth her not There are divers interpretations made of this verse 1. The Latine readeth If she please not her master cui tradita fuit to whom shee was delivered that is upon hope of marriage so also Tostat. Borrh. Lyran. But in the originall there is the negative particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lo and therefore it cannot be read affirmatively 2. Some thinke that the negative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lo not is here taken for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lo to him and that in fifteene places beside in the old Testament the adverbe is taken for the pronoune whereof this is one and so they read thus If she displease her master who hath betrothed her to himselfe So read the Chalde and Septuag so also Lippom. But beside that it is a forcing of the words to take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the adverbe for the pronoune it is not like that after a man had espoused unto him a wife another should have liberty to redeeme her 3. Therefore the true reading is So that he doe not betroth her to himselfe Vatabl. Iun. or suffer her to be redeemed that is of her friends yet he shall have no power to sell her to a strange people QUEST XXV How she was to be redeemed Vers. 8. OR cause her to be redeemed 1. Tostatus giveth this sense Deâ— alteri qui cam emat He shall give unto another money to redeeme her and so take her to his wife qu. 9. But this is not like that having paid for her before to have her service he should give money againe to be rid of her 2. Vatabluâ— thus expoundeth remittet illi pecuniam servitutis c. he shall release unto her the money or price of her service as though shee had beene redeemed with money So also Oleaster But this were an improper speech He shall cause her to be redeemed that is let her goe out free the one seemeth to be contrary to the other for they which went out free needed not to bee redeemed 3. Wherefore the meaning is he shall suffer her to be redeemed either by her selfe Oleaster by her father Osiand or some of the next of kindred Iun. or by him that intendeth to have her to his wife Marbach And she must be redeemed at a reasonable price the yeeres of her service which she hath served being considered as if shee were sold to serve six yeeres for six pound three of those yeeres being past shee was to be redeemed at any time before she had served the whole six yeeres for three pound halfe the money Lyran. Galas QUEST XXVI Why it was not lawfull to sell their maids to strangers Vers. 8. HE shall have no power to sell her to a strange people c. 1. Cajetane understandeth here homini Hebraâ— alterius populi she should not be sold over to an Hebrew of another people or place because the Hebrew maids were not to be carried from City to City But Oleaster giveth a good reason against this sense Populus alterius urbis non videtur alius populus ab Israeli The people of another City seemed not to be another people from Israel 2. Therefore the meaning is that she should not be sold over to any other strange people of the Gentiles for these reasons 1. Because injury was done unto God when as those whom he had chosen for his peculiar people and were properly his servants should become slaves to Idolaters and so the name of God among the Heathen should bee blasphemed 2. There was wrong also offred unto the maid which should be so sold boâ—h because her bondage should be perpetuall and not for a time as it was among the Hebrewes beside her chastity was like to be endangered among the Gentiles and her selfe in great hazard to be corrupted in religion and seduced to Idolatry Tostat. quaest 10. 3. And as it was not lawfull to sell her unto any strange nation so neither to any of the strange people which sojourned among the Israelites because both such kinde of service was more hard and beside it continued longer for like as the strangers which were servants to the Hebrewes were in harder case than the Hebrewes servants Levit. 25.46 for they were the Israelites possession and inheritance for ever and were not set free neither in the seventh yeere of remission nor in the yeere of Jubile So the Hebrew servants which served strangers were in worse condition than those which served Hebrewes for an Hebrew serving an Hebrew was set free in the seventh yeere but if he served a stranger he could not have his libertie till the yeere of Jubile unlesse he were redeemed with money Levit. 25.55 Tostatus 4. The meaning then of the Law is this that if the master did neither marry his maid himselfe not his sonne he should suffer her to be redeemed but in no wise was he to sell her to any strange people Marbach Which is therefore especially forbidden because the Gentiles buying servants for a perpetuity would give more for them than the Hebrewes would whom they were to serve but six yeeres therefore it was needfull that the covetousnesse of the
the reason thereof is because shee was sold upon hope of marriage which hope because shee is frustrate of this provision must be made by way of recompense But this maid is not like to have beene abused for then it had not beene enough to let her goe out free but he should endow her also according to the Law chap 23.16 3. Oleaster thus resolveth this text This maid either her master had company with or had not if the first either she displeased afterward and then he was to redeeme her that is to set her free or shee pleased then the father either tooke her to wife and so he was to use her as his wife on his sonne then hee should use her as his daughter or if he tooke another wife he was to provide all necessary things for her Now if her master had not knowne her she was to serve him to the yeere of Jubile unlesse shee before redeemed her selfe Contra. Oleaster faileth here in these points 1. Hee taketh redeeming for setting her free without money whereas redemption of a servant was not without money 2. If he had defiled her he was not only to set her free but to endow her as before is shewed 3. If â—he maid was to serve him to the yeere of Jubile the maid servants should have lesse privilege than the Hebrew men servants that were to serve but six yeeres whereas this Law intendeth them greater favour 4. This then is the summe of the Law A man buyeth a maid servant an Hebrewesse he was either to suffer her friends to redeeme her or to marry her himselfe or give her to his sonne if none of these he was either to keepe her still providing all things necessary for her or to let her goe out free for nothing Iun. QUEST XXXIV Of the end scope and intent of this Law NOw concerning the end of this Law it is to be considered 1. That the father which should either of any unnaturall affection or compelled by necessity sell his daughter might by this meanes be punished by losing all his right and interest in his daughter who did now being sold out of her fathers power in familiam Domini transire passe and was as incorporate into her masters family Iun. And so the father should be as it were bridled hereby from selling of his daughter 2. Beside this Law imposing such hard conditions upon the master in such liberall sort to provide for his servant so bought thereby also provideth ut aut non emerentur ancillae that either maids should not be bought at all though their fathers were so hard hearted to sell them aut meliore conditione servirent or they should serve with better condition otherwise than as common servants Osiand Marbach And so this Law taketh order ut nunquam capite vacent that maids should never be without an head Iun. And so taketh care for them as the weaker sex 3. Further in that the master was permitted to take his maid to his wife though he had another before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 temporis licitum erat that was lawfull by the sufferance and toleration of those times Pelarg 4. Againe though it were simply unlawfull for the parents to sell their children sed ne progrediatur impietat ad intolerabilem iniquitatem c. but lest such impiety should proceed to intolerable iniquity and injury this Law provideth for such as were oppressed pro tanto sed non in totum though not wholly and totally yet to keepe them within some measure Lippom. 5. But this Law was much more equall than that Law of the ancient Romans in the 12. Tables which permitted fathers to sell their sonnes not once but againe and the third time only he was excepted which had married a wife with his fathers consent which was afterward forbidden C. de lib. posth or then that Law of Constantine that one might sell his sonne for extreme need and poverty though the sonne might afterward redeeme himselfe for the condition of children so sold was more tolerable among the Hebrewes their service being but for a time Simler This Law also is more reasonable than that constitution of Iustinian tit 6. de manumission that unlesse the maid servant were married within six moneths ab hero non dimittebatur shee was not at all to be dismissed from her master Pelarg. QUEST XXXV What kinde of smiting is here meant Vers. 12. HE that smiteth a man that hee dye 1. Here percussio accipitur pro occisione smiting is taken for killing Lyran. For if a man were smitten and died not of it there was another punishment than by death vers 19. Tostat. 2. Quamvis aliquo pòst tempore meriatur c. Although he dye not presently but some while after that is so smitten he shall suffer death for it Galas 3. The words are generall He that smiteth a man whether he were an Hebrew or no Hebrew his enemy or friend ex re percussa intquitas percutientis manifestatur the iniquity of the smiter appeareth by the thing that is smitten Cajetan 4. The Latine reads he that smiteth a man volens occidere having a purpose to kill him shall dye But two exceptions are taken to this reading for if a man did smite one non animo occidendi sed animo percutiendi not with a minde to kill him but to smite him only he should dye for it Cajetane And againe if a man intended to kill and did not he was not to dye for it for although before God he be a murtherer that intendeth it in his heart yet the Law of Moses doth not punish the intent only of murther but the effect Simler QUEST XXXVI Why the murtherer was to dye the death SHall dye the death c. 1. That is shall surely dye for this doubling of the word importat majorem certitudinem importeth greater certainty Tostat. The Interlinearie glosse expoundeth Morte spirituali vel corporali Death spirituall or bodily but I preferre the other sense 2. This Law is set downe in generall that whosoever smiteth so that death follow five intendat occidero sive non whether he purposed to kill or not should dye for it but afterward follow certaine exceptions from this Law Oleaster This then is a generall Law that he which killeth should be killed againe Lippom. 3. And this Law is grounded even upon the Law of nature for like as it is agreeable to nature Vt putridum membrum abscindatur ut reliqua conserventur that a rotten member should be cut off that the rest be preserved so a murtherer is to be killed ne plures occidentur lest more should be killed Lippom. This Law is given unto Noah Genes 9. when the world was restored and here it is but repeated and renued Pelarg. 4. The Lawes of other nations herein consent with Moses the Athenians did severely punish murther expelling the murtherer from the Temples of the gods and from all society and colloquy of men till he had
as here Contra. 1. By neighbour any man whosoever is understood 2. And expresse mention is made here of the will and intention because it is an explanation of the former law Simler 3. Iunius thinketh that not he onely which killeth sed qui conatus est occidere but went about to kill is comprehended in this law as Deut. 19.19 Ye shall doe unto him as he had thought to doe unto his brother Contra. 1. It seemeth by the generall law vers 12. that this constitution is onely for murther committed and not intended onely for such smiting the law speaketh of whereupon death followeth 2. That law given in instance Deut. 19. is touching false witnesses whose false testimonie breaketh out into action into false witnesse bearing so that there is not an intention onely for the false witnesse by his false testimonie acteth as much as in him lieth to take away the life of his brother that place therefore is impertinent to this purpose I approve here rather the judgement of Cajetane Nec describuntur haec intus in animo sed prodeuntia extra in actiones Neither are these things described onely in the minde but proceeding without into action QUEST XLI Of the difference betweene voluntarie and involuntarie murther and the divers kinds of each HEre then there is a manifest distinction of involuntarie and voluntarie murther or killing grounded upon the law of Moses· 1. Involuntarie killing is of two sorts there are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chances unlooked for and sudden events as when one shooteth an arrow and killeth one unawares as Peleus killed his sonne being in hunting with him There are beside these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 errors and oversights as the father beateth his childe purposing onely to chastise him and hee dieth of that beating a Physition ministreth physick to his patient intending to cure him and doe him good and he dieth of it Borrh. 2. There are likewise two kinds of voluntarie or wilfull murther ex proposito of purpose ex impetu animi in heat or rage These kinde of murthers are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 iniquities one may be slaine ex proposito purposely either per insidias by lying in wait when one watcheth for the life of a man and taketh him at advantage as Ioab killed Abner and afterward Amasa they suspecting no such thing so Ismael killed Gedoliah Ierem. 41. Or els per industriam when one of set purpose picketh quarrels and seeketh occasions to provoke a man that he may kill him both these kinds are touched here Tostat. quaest 16. Then one may bee killed in heat and rage when there was no purpose before as Alexander the Great killed Clitus Pelarg. This kinde though not so grievous as the other yet is a kinde of voluntarie killing So there is extant a constitution of Hadrian the Emperour against him qui per lasciviam causam mortis praebuisset which was the cause of anothers death through wantonnesse and riot though there were no enmitie before that such an one should be banished five yeeres Simler QUEST XLII Why the wilfull murtherer was to be taken from the Altar Vers. 14. THou shalt take him from mine Altar 1. This may bee understood either of the Altar of incense which was in the holy place or of the Altar of burnt offring rather which was without the Tabernacle in the Court for thither every one might easily flee that had committed any such offence but to the Arke no escape could be made because there was no entrance thither 2. R. Salomon saith that this is meant even of the Priest that sacrificed at the Altar who after he had finished his service at the Altar might be taken thence and judged by the law as other malefactors and murtherers Which collection of his may be received saving that it is not like they would suffer a murtherous Priest to minister at the Altar 3. But that other conceit of R. Salomon whom Lyranus followeth hath no good ground that he that had killed an Hebrew wilfully might be taken from the Altar as Ioab was but if he had onely killed a Gentile as a Moabite or Ammonite though of set purpose he was not to be taken thence but was privileged by the Altar But the contrarie appeareth that this law forbiddeth all voluntarie and wilfull murther whether of Hebrew or Gentile for it was more to kill a Gentile being free then a Gentile that was a servant or bondman but the master was to die for it if he beat his servant to death so that he died under his hand vers 20. which law must be understood of strangers and aliens that were servants not of Hebrewes for they were not to deale so cruelly with them Levit. 25.38 Iun. much more therefore were they to die if they of purpose killed any free stranger Tostat. 4. If therefore the wilfull murther as well of strangers as Hebrewes be here forbidden then both for the one murther and for the other might they be taken even from the Altar 5. And the reason thereof was this because they which did flee to Gods Altar eum tanquam patronum judicem innocentiae suae implorabani did sue unto God as the patron and Judge of their innocency therefore they therein abusing Gods name were to be expelled thence Gallas QUEST XLIII What manner of smiting of parents is forbidden Vers. 15. HE that smiteth his father and mother c. 1. The very smiting of the father or mother deserveth death although they die not of such smiting Cajetan Iun. as may appeare vers 12. where is directly expressed concerning the smiting of another if hee die then the smiter shall bee put to death Piscator 2. R. Salomon understandeth that this is not meant of every smiting but when upon the smiting â—he effusion of bloud followeth or some scarre or wound is caused But the very smiting of either of the parents sheweth the malice and disobedience of the childe for the which he is worthie to die as Deut. 21.18 the sonne for his stubbornnesse and disobedience was to be stoned to death Indeed for every blow or smiting the childe was not to die if it were done unwittingly or unawares but if it were done of purpose he deserved death 3. And the reason is because of the authoritie of the parents which is the next unto God Simler Deo parentibus non possumus reddere aequalia c. Wee can never make amends unto God and our parents Cajetan As also they seeme not to be worthie of life which are injurious to those by whom they received their life Gallas QUEST XLIV Of the grievous sinne of paricide THough there be no expresse mention here of those that kill their parents yet it followeth necessarily that if it be a sinne worthie of death to smite them much more to kill them 1. This even among the Heathen was counted so hainous a sinne that they thought none so wicked that would commit paricide and therefore Solon
pay 25. asses that is so many three farthings which mulct being too easie one Lucius Neratius in a bravery used of purpose â—o beat and buffet those with his fists whom he met and caused his man presently to pay him the penaltie of the law whereupon the Pretors of Rome devised to impose a greater mulct and punishment for such assaults and batteries Gâ—ll. lib. 20. ex Calvin Marbach QUEST LII Who should beare the charges if a servant had done the hurt HE shall beare his charges But what if one servant had beaten another or a servant had smitten a free man that hee kept his â—ed upon it 1. In this case either the master of the servant was to beare the charges or else he was to deliver his servant and he was to serve or to be sold to make it good if hee had not of his owne to make satisfaction as the like order was taken for theft Exod. 21.3 2. But here is a further doubt what if the servant that did the hurt were an Hebrew who could not be sold over for more than six yeares and it might so fall out that there remained but one yeare untill the seventh being the yeare of remission came and so his service for so short a time could not make sufficient recompence The answer is that in this case the servant might be sold to serve six yeares more after the yeare of remission as in the case of theft if hee had not wherewithall of his owne to make satisfaction but for longer than six yeares he could not be sold nor more than once But if the servant were a Gentile he might be absolutely sold over to serve a longer time 3. Now if the charge would not come to the value or worth of six yeares service in this case the servant was to serve no longer than till his service would make sufficient amends as if a mans service for six yeares were esteemed at six pounds and the charges of healing arise to three then the servant was to bee sold over onely to serve three yeares which would countervaile the charge Tostat. quaest 23. QUEST LIII What servants this law meaneth and what kinde of chastisement is forbidden Vers. 20. IF a man smite his servant with a rod c. 1. This law is concerning such servants as were no Hebrewes for them they were not to use so hardly and cruelly Levit. 25.38 neither could the Hebrew servant be said to be their money for hee was not absolutely sold but onely for a time Tostat. 2. This case is propounded if the master smite with a rod or any other thing which is not likely to kill but if he smite him with a sword or casting of a stone or such like if the servant die whether under the masters hand or afterward the master shall be surely punished that is shall die for it because in smiting his servant with a deadly weapon it appeareth that he intended to kill him Simler Tostat. quaest 23. 3. And in case it be evident that the servant die of that beating within a day or two the master was likewise to be punished for it but if as the Hebrew phrase is hee stand a day or two after that is be whole and sound that he may goe about his businesse Simler Nam stare tantâ—ndem valet ac vigere omnibus integris membris For to stand is all one as to be perfect and sound in all the parts and members Calvin then the master was free So also expoundeth Procopius Vbi ex vulnere vel verbere convaluerit servus c. Where the servant recovereth of the stripe or wound though he afterward die the master is held to be innocent Likewise Thomas Aquin. Si â—asio certa esset lex poenam adhibuit c. If the hurt be certaine and evident the law appointeth a punishment for a maime the losse of his service vers 26. for the death of the servant the punishment of manslaughter but where the hurt is uncertaine the law inflicteth no mulct incertum enim erat â—trum ex percussione mortuus c. For it is uncertaine whether he died of the beating 4. This law for servants was more equall than that cruell custome of the Romanes that give unto masters power over their servants life as in Augustins time Vedius Polliâ— used to cast his servants that offended into the fish ponds but afterward this cruell custome was mitigated for Antoninus made a law that hee which killed his servant without cause should die for it as if he had slaine anothers servant Galas And Adrianus the Emperour banished one Vmbra a matron for five yeares for handling her maids cruelly Ex Simler 5. But whereas this law giveth libertie to the master to beat his servants though it were extremely so that death followed not wee must consider that this law requireth not an absolute perfection Sed Deus se accommodaviâ— ad 〈◊〉 populi c. But God applieth himselfe to the rudenesse of the people tolerating many things among them for the hardnesse of their hearts Galas QUEST LIV. The meaning of this clause For he is his money FOr he is his money 1. That is bought with his money hee seemeth to have punished himselfe sufficiently in the losse of his servant Iun. 2. But if this reason were 〈…〉 way the 〈◊〉 to be punished though his servant died under his hand for hee 〈◊〉 iâ— his money 3. For answer to this objection a servant is to be considered two wayes as he is a man and as he is made apt and fit â—o labour the servant oweth not to his master his life but his labour therefore if the master take away the life of the servant directly as if he die with beating under his hand the master is to be punished for it for as hee loseth a servant so the politike state is deprived of a man and herein hee doth wrong to the Common-wealth But if the master indirectly procure his servants death as in overcharging him with labour in denying him competent food in immodeâ—â—te correcting him now the master is not guiltie of his servants death for now puâ—iâ—â—at eum tanquam possessionem suam ut eâ—â—enâ—â—ret he did punish him as his possession and servant to amend and correct him not as a man therefore the reason holdeth in this indirect kinde of killing He is his money c. and not in the other Tostat. quaest 23. QUEST LV. Whether this law meane the voluntarie or involuntarie hurt done to a woman with childe Vers. 22. ALso if men strive and hurt a woman with childe 1. Some Hebrewes thinke that this case here put is of involuntarie hurts and killing as a man striving against his will hurteth a woman with childe and shee dieth for this the man was not to die in their opinion but to redeeme his life with a peece of money Contra. But where any slaughter is committed altogether against ones will as if a man shoot an arrow and kill a
permitted Deut. 24.1 if there seemed unto him cause after put her away and the reason of this difference may be this he that taketh a wife willingly will not put her away without cause but he that taketh her against his minde never loved her and so upon every occasion would be ready to send her away whether there were cause or not if he were not by Law restrained of his liberty Tostat. qu. 10. QUEST XXIV What was to be done if the fornicatour were not sufficient to pay the dowrie HE shall endow her c. But what if the man which had committed this wrong to a maid were not able to endow her the question is what course was then to be taken 1. If he were a free man and an Hebrew he was to be sold as in the case of theft vers 3. and to serve so many yeeres as might raise this stocke or dowry for the maid but longer than for six yeeres he could not be sold for all Hebrewes were to be set free in the seventh 2. If he were a free Gentile he might be sold for his life or for so many yeeres as sufficed to make up the dowry 3. If he were an Hebrew servant if his master refused to pay so much money as might serve for the dowry then he was to deliver up his servant to be sold over for so many yeeres as might recompence the dowry before the yeere of remission came and if the yeeres which remained were not sufficient he might be sold over againe 4. If he were a stranger or Gentile being a servant then he might be set over to serve his whole life Tostat. quaest 12. QUEST XXV What if the fornicatour refused to take the maid to wife BUt yet further it will be enquired what if the maids father would consent and yet the party will neither take her nor endow her 1. By the Civill lawes if he be a noble person he should be banished that had defloured a virgin if of base condition he should be whipped and if they ravished a maid against her will in that case they were to suffer death By the Canon lawes if one refused to marry her whom he had defiled he was to be throughly whipped and excommunicate and enjoyned penance till he had fully satisfied 2. And though this be omitted in Moses Law yet so much may be inferred and collected by the letter of the Law that as he was necessarily to endow her for the future of the Indicative moode semper inducit dispositionem necessariam doth alwayes imply a necessary disposition so he was of necessity to marry her like as in another case of forcing a maid he was to be compelled to take her to wife and never to put her away Deut. 22.30 Tostat. quaest 11. QUEST XXVI Whether this Law were generall without any exception NOw although this Law be propounded generally if a man entice a maid he was to endow her and marry her yet there were some exceptions to be made 1. For whereas the Israelites were charged to take them wives out of their owne tribe Numb 36. it is evident that if the maid were of another tribe then the man could not take her to wife but because this case was very rare and unusuall seeing the tribes after they were setled in Canaan when these Lawes were to take place dwelt every one apart by themselves and so there was no feare of such unlawfull entercourse and commixtion betweene a man and maid of divers tribes the Law therefore is silent in this point for ad ea qua raro accidunt jura non adaptantur lawes are not applied to those cases which fall out seldome 2. If he were a Gentile and a stranger of another religion which committed this sinne with a maid neither could she in this case bee given him to wife because they were forbidden to make marriages with such Deut. 7.3 And the Israelitish women were to match in their owne tribe and therefore not with strangers 3. If an Hebrew servant had trespassed herein neither could he have the maid to wife whom he had abused for he was first to endow her which a servant could not doe for either he had fold himselfe into servitude because he was poore or was sold by the Magistrate to make satisfaction for some offence which he had committed and therefore being poore he had not wherewithall to endow her and so could not take her to wife 4. Beside if it were the Priests daughter with whom he had wrought this folly she could not become his wife for she was in this case to be burned Levit. 21. And the man likewise by equity of the same Law being guilty of the same offence 5. Yea if the high Priest himselfe had defloured a maid he could not take her to wife because he was forbidden by the Law to marry any polluted or an harlot Levit. 21. vers 14. 6. If also one had defiled a maid neere of his kin being within the degrees of marriage forbidden they were both to suffer death for it Levit. 20. and therefore could not marry together This Law therefore being generally propounded must yet be interpreted and expounded according to other Lawes for they must all be made to agree together Tostat. qu. 12. QUEST XXVII How farre this positive Law against fornication doth binde Christians now ANd as this Law did not hold generally in the old Testament so neither is it now necessary that whosoever hath committed fornication should be compelled to marry the maid so abused 1. For though it were admitted that this Judiciall and positive Law of Moses were in force still yet some exceptions must needs be admitted as if they are to neere of kin for no such marriage can be allowed within the limited degrees As Saint Paul willed the young man that had committed fornication with his fathers wife to be excommunicate for that fact 1 Cor. 5. he was not suffered to marry her Againe if a Christian maid should commit fornication with an Infidell with a Turke Jew or Heretike in this case the rule of the Gospell will not allow marriage for Christians must marry only in the Lord 1 Cor. 7.39 therefore not with those which are blasphemers of God and enemies to true religion and the Apostle saith Be not unequally yoked with Infidels 2 Cor. 6.14 2. But Tostatus bringeth in two other exceptions as if the maid defiled be either a professed Nunne and so devoted to Monasticall and single life or the man entred into orders unto the which the vow of single life is annexed in neither of these cases can saith he marriage be admitted after fornication committed Tostat. quaest 12. Contra. But against both these exceptions I will oppose the holy judgement of the Apostle and touching the first I urge that Apostolicall saying It is better to marrie than to burne 1 Cor. 7.9 If then Nunnes are subject to this burning as it appeareth they are by their secret
usurer or exacter unto him that is as such an one which professeth himselfe to bee a banker and usurer 2. They to whom money may be lent upon usury must not be of the poorer sort for to such is simply forbidden to lend upon usury vers 25. To lend then unto the rich for some profit is not against this precept But here three kindes of persons are to bee considered to whom money is to bee lent some are so poore that they are not able to render againe that which they receive some are rich and have no need in regard of any necessity to have any thing given or lent some are betweene both who are able in time to repay that which they lend but yet upon some urgent occasion are driven to borow of these specially this law speaketh that unto such as are constrained to take money for their necessity as either to pay their rent or to save the forfeiture of a bond or to redeeme a morgage to such wee are bound to lend freely without any recompence To the first we ought to give rather than lend Deut. 15.11 Because there shall be ever some poore in the land therefore I command thee saying Thou shalt open thy hand to thy brother to thy needy and to thy poore in the land Vnto the third sort namely the rich wee are not bound to lend freely as unto the poorer sort neither is this against the rule of our blessed Saviour Lend looking for nothing againe Luke 6.35 For of the poore we should not expect any thing but lend freely yea if their necessity be urgent and our estate can beare it the case may be such as that wee ought to forgive them the principall and all Marbach So then of the first we must neither looke for increase nor principall but give unto them of almes of the second we may expect the principall but not any interest of the third wee may receive both And yet this properly is no usury but rather a gratuity that hee which hath gained by anothers mony should to shew his thankfull minde make him which was the occasion thereof a reasonable partaker of his gaine Gratitudo animi lege naturali mandatur This gratitude and thankfulnesse of minde is commanded even by the law of nature Borrhaius 3. The interest which is received must be moderate not excessive Yee shall not oppresse him with usury the word is neshech biting it must not bee a biting nipping or devouring usury The Imperiall lawes gave great liberty to take what usury soever was agreed upon as before is shewed quest 43. yea they allowed hemiola or sescupla to take halfe so much as the principall which are called sequialtera usura usury to the halfe part as for ten Bushels of corne to exact fifteene as may appeare by the law of Constantine But this kind of usury is directly forbidden in the Nicen Councell So the lawes of this land doe moderate excessive usury to take above two shillings in the pound and ten in the hundreth is a forfeiture both of the principall and interest 4. This consideration given for the loane of money must not be ex pacto it must not be agreed upon by any certaine compact and covenant as the words here are lotesimur non imponetis ei you shall not impose or lay upon him usury As it is not lawfull to covenant with a man certainly to pay so much he may lose by using the money hee may bee in hazard also of the principall for the lender then to receive a certaine gaine where the borrower is a certaine loser were not just Such indifferency must bee used as that the borrower be contented as to be made partaker of the gaine that commeth by his money so also proportionably to beare part of the losse These former rules observed and circumstances considered I see not why all receiving of increase by the use of money should bee condemned And herein I mislike not Calvins conclusion Vnde sequitur usuras hodie non esse illicitas nisi quatenus cum aquitate fraterna conjunctione pugnant Whence it followeth that usury now is not unlawfull but as it impugneth equitie and brotherly conjunction and society Likewise Gallasius Quare non vidâ—â— quare omne pecunia emâ—lumentum sive usuram sine ulla exceptione damnemus Wherefore I see not wherefore wee should condemne all profit or usury of mony without all exception Simlerus to the same effect Comrâ—ctus ubi frâ—â—r non lâ—ditur per mutuum charitati non repugnat Such contract where the brother is not hurt by lending is not against charity 5. But it will be thus objected on the contrarie against all kind of gaine and increase that commeth by money 1. In taking money for the use of money one selleth that which is not in his power for the use of money consisteth in him that receiveth it 2. It maintaineth idlenesse when men are suffered to live of their money without the sweat of their browes 3. It is against nature that money being not apt to increase should beget money 4. It was forbidden and prohibited to the Israelites to take usurie of their brethren saving onely of the Gentiles And Psal. 15.5 Ezech. 18.17 all kind of usurie and increase is condemned 5. Our blessed Saviour biddeth to lend looking for nothing againe Luke 6. Answ. 1. Though another man use the money which is lent yet the lender is the occasion thereof and in the meane time he wanteth the use of it himselfe therefore it is not unjust that a thankfulnesse be acknowledged for the use thereof which the other is the cause of 2. Such as live only of letting of money and make a trade of it are not to be suffered but such rather which by that meanes are relieved and cannot otherwise be conveniently maintained as orphanes strangers exiled persons as before is shewed 3. Money of it selfe begetteth not money but being employed by mans industrie it is a fit meanes to increase ones stocke so neither is a field fruitfull of it selfe unlesse it be tilled Ambrose indeed saith Vsurae arte nequissima ex auro aurum nascitur c. By the wicked skill of usurie gold is begotten of gold c. He speaketh of vnjust and insatiable usurie when as the usurer will extort his interest compounded for he careth not at whose hand rich or poore whether he gaine by it or not for so it followeth in the same place nec finis unquam nec satietas aderit cupiditati c. there will be no satietie or end of coueting c. 4. That was a politike law given unto the Israelites as it may appeare by that they were permitted to take usurie of the Gentiles that by this meanes they might grow rich and the other poore And the speciall intendment of the law is that they should not oppresse any especially the poore by usurie which is also now held to be unlawful In those places objected
againe to his creditor And R. Salomon giveth this reason why the pledge was restored every day to set forth the mercie of God which daily forgiveth our sinnes Iosephus addeth also that by this meanes the debtor might better bee put in minde of his debt But I rather subscribe to Oleaster here that this raiment which was to be restored before the Sunne set was not delivered againe because the poore debtor had continually necessarie use of it 5. This is not only meant of the covering which he wrappeth himselfe in by night but of any other part of his bedding as his couch pillow or such like because there is the same reason of them all they helpe to defend him from the cold of the night Gallas 6. And this law is made for the benefit of the poore Hic de paupere loquitur qui non habet nisi unam vestem c. He speaketh here of the very poore man which hath but one garment and cannot live without it Hugo de S. Victor 7. Two reasons are annexed the one taken from common humanitie it is his only covering the other from the judgement of God which the Lord at their crie will exercise upon such hard hearted Creditors Iunius A third reason is added Deuteronomie 24.13 That the poore man having received his covering may blesse him QUEST L. Who are understood here by gods and why Vers. 28. THou shalt not raile upon the gods 1. Augustine thinketh that this place is to be understood according to that saying of S. Paul Though there bee that are called gods whether in heaven or in earth as there be many gods and many Lords 1 Cor. 8.5 addende sicut sunt deos intelligi voluit qui digne 〈◊〉 dicuntur in adding as there are c. he would have understood such gods which are worthily so â—alled And these gods which are worthily so called he forbiddeth to be rayled on non jussisunt sacificiis c. â—os honorare they are not bidden to honour them with sacrifices c. But the Apostle rather in this place understandeth the vaine idols of the Heathen which in their blinde opinion were counted gods not such to whom that name was worthily attributed as Cyril saith Vnde divinus Paulus quod multi quidem 〈…〉 coelâ— et in terra niâ— sunt sed pâ—tius nâ—minantur Whereupon divine Paul saith that there are many which are not indeed gods in heaven and in earth but are so called 2. Therefore by the name of gods here is understood the Prince or Magistrate as Cyrillâ—â—â— expoundeth Vt manifestam faceret dicti vim subjâ—ngit statiâ—â— That he might make manifest the sense of the word he addeth presently Neither speake evill of the Ruler of the people Likewise Gregorie interpreteth Per dons sublimes sapicuâ—es viri intelliguntur c. By gods high and wise men are understood as the Lord saith he had made Moses Pharaohs god So Constantine when accusations were brought in against the Bishops called them together and burned before their face the libels of accusation thus saying unto them Yee are gods non dignum est ut nos judicemus deos it is not meet that wee should judge the gods 3. So our blessed Saviour expounded that place of the 82. Psalme I said yee are gods hee calleth them gods to whom the word of God was Iob. 10.34 Which is not to bee understood as Calvin well interpreteth of the generall doctrine which is directed to all the sonnes of God sed de speciali dominandi mandato of the speciall charge of government 4. By gods then here and Rulers are understood both Ecclesiasticall and Civill governours as Saint Paul expoundeth it Act. 23. Iun. Gregorie applieth it only to Ecclesiasticall Governours but it comprehendeth also the Civill Rulers as appeareth Psal. 82.1 5. They are called gods Tanquam imagines existentes ejus c. Because they are as the image of him which is both the Son and God Cyril Quod ad universorum Iudicis imitationem judicia illis credita sunt Because judgement is committed unto them wherein they imitate the universall Judge of all Theodoret. Iniis relucet Majestas Dei cujus vicem nomen gerâ—â—t The Majestie of God shineth in them in whose stead they are and whose name they beare Gallas And so the Apostle calleth them the Ministers of God Rom. 13. And they are so called Ne quid admittant quod â—os dedeceat qui loco Dei sedent c. That they should commit no thing unbeseeming them seeing they sit in Gods place Lippoman Dei personam sustinent tanquam legati vicariâ— They sustaine the person of God as his embassadors and vicegerents Calvin QUEST LI. Why the Magistrate is not to be reviled and with what limitation this law is to bee understood THou shalt not raile 1. The word callal here used signifieth properly to set at nought or esteeme light by and consequently to revile because men contemne and despise those whom they speake evill of Oleaster They are then forbidden first to contemne or despise the Magistrates then to speake evill of them 2. And two things they are here warned of not in secret to detract from them nor openly to raile on them Tostat. quaest 16. Neither in absentia velcoram in their absence or to their face Cajetan 2. And specially this law intendeth to restraine their insolencie that are readie to speake evil of Magistrates if they judge not according to their humour and especially malefactors are given to â—aile upon the Judge when they are punished justly Lyran. 3. They being then in Gods place are to bee reverenced and had in honor because injurie cannot be done unto them Quin simul Deo inferatur But it must likewise be offered unto God in whose place they are Marbach And hee that curseth them in a manner curseth himselfe because the Magistrate is the head of the people whereof he is a member or part Lyran. 4. But though Magistrates must bee honored they are not to bee adored Prohibiti sunt maledici non jussi sunt sacrificiis honorari c. Though they are forbidden to be evill spoken of they are not bidden to be honored with sacrifices or any such adoration August quaest 86. in Exod. 5. And although they are not to bee rayled upon yet neither are they to be flattered in their sin we must not thinke Honorem quo praediti sunt esse vitiorum integumentum That the honor which is yeelded unto them is a veile or covering of their sin Calvine Dei nomen etiamsi falso quibusdam imponatur c. The name of God though it bee given falsely unto some Magistrates yet is to bee honored Cyril 6. But so farre are Magistrates to bee honored and those terrene gods to bee admired as they command nothing against the great God of heaven Praepositis obediendum vice Dei sed non contra Deum We must obey them in Gods stead but not
of Christ. 4. Lippoman doth thus morally applie it Nihil Deo offerendum nisi integrum perfectum Nothing must be offered unto God but that which is entire and perfect 5. But the end and use onely was historicall that the first borne should not bee presented unto God before the eighth day because they were yet unfit for any service Marbach Quia talia animalia erant quasi abortiva nondum plenae consistentiae propter teneritudinem Because such yong beasts were yet but as abortive fruit not well consisting or put together because of their tendernesse Thomas QUEST LX. Why they are forbidden to eat flesh torne of beasts Vers. 31. NEither shall yee eat any flesh that is torne c. 1. As well that which was rent and torne of any beast cleane or uncleane as if it were goared of an oxe was not to bee eaten because the bloud was in it as also that which was tasted before and eaten by any uncleane beast as the Latine readeth praegustata if it were tasted before because an uncleane beast had touched it and so made it uncleane Simler Tostatus 2. Not onely that part of the flesh which was so torne but all the whole carcase was to be refused Lyranus Such were fowles and beasts taken in hawking or hunting Tostatus 3. And not onely that which was torne and thereof died but if it after lived and were killed by themselves yet because it was torne of beasts it was uncleane unlesse the beast so torne lived to recover that hurt and and Anabaptists for although the Lord had chosen Israel out of all the nations of the world to bee an holy people to himselfe yet he did foresee that many would depart from his law and therefore appointeth divers kinds of punishment for the offenders Pelarg. 5. Places of controversie 1. Confut. Against the Anabaptisticall communitie Vers. 1. IF any man steale an oxe c. he shall restore five oxen c. This law doth evidently convince the Anabaptists of error who would bring in a communitie of goods for if it were Gods will that all things should be common among men then were it no sinne to steale nay there could be no theft at all committed seeing then no man could take any thing wherein he had not as good an interest as another Ostaâ—d Neither was this onely Moses law that they should not steale but the doctrine of the Gospell also forbiddeth all kinde of theft and stealing Ephes. 4.28 Let him that stole steale no more but 〈◊〉 labour c. 2. Confut. A theefe by his deserved death doth not satisfie for the punishment of his sinne Vers. 2. IF hee bee smitten that he die Lippoman speaking of the capitall punishment of theft that although it doe not satisfie for sinne before God yet expiat eo supplicio 〈◊〉 temporales quanmissa culpa reatâ—â— pâ—nae aeternae reâ—anent exâ—lvendae c. It doth expiate or redeeme those temporall paines which after the fault pardoned and the guilt of eternall death remaine in Gods justice to bee paid c. Contra. This his assertion is grounded upon an error for where God forgiveth sinne he perfitly forgiveth both the sinne and the punishment thereto belonging As he saith by his Prophet I will forgive their iniquitie and remember their sinnes no more Ierem. 31.34 But if there remaine any temporall punishment still after forgivenesse then are the sinnes yet remembred because they are punished Indeed after remission obtained some chastisements remaine But as Chrysostom well saith God doth it Non de peccato sumons supplicium sed ad facuranos corrigens not taking punishment for our sinne but correcting us for our amendment afterward c. The theefe then by his death doth not satisfie before God either for his sinne or the punishment thereof temporall or eternall but onely satisfieth the politike law and giveth satisfaction unto men by his evill example offended His sinne together with the punishment is not otherwise pardoned than by faith in Christ. 3. Confut. Against the Romanists that abridge the power and libertie of the parents in marriage of their children Vers. 17. IF her Father refuse to give her c. This law giveth absolute power unto the father to ratifie his daughters marriage by consenting unto it or by dissenting to breake it off which sheweth what injurie is offred unto this libertie and right of parents by the practice of the Romish Church quae conjugia sine ullo parentum consensu inita probet which ratifieth marriages contracted and begun without consent of parents Gallas And Oleaster a writer of their owne hereupon inferreth thus Est que hic non parvum argumentum ad probandum c. Here is no small argument to prove that libertie unto marriage doth not altogether by the law of nature agree unto the same nor yet to enter into religion c. But it is an ordinarie thing with the Romanists both to marrie children without consent of their parents and to thrust them into Monasteries See more hereof elsewhere 4. Confut. Against Idolatrie Vers. 20. HE that offreth unto any gods but unto the Lord onely c. This is an evident place to convince all Idolaters of great impietie for they in bowing and kneeling unto Idols censing before them and making their prayers looking toward them doe apparently offer unto others than unto God onely Tostatus one of their owne thus writeth upon this text Non solum si immolet eis sed etiam si faciat alia pertinentia ad cultum divinum ut si flectat genua coram eis c. Not onely he which sacrificeth unto Idols but doth other things belonging to the divine worship as if he bow the knee before them c. was to be slaine Cyprian hereof thus excellently writeth Quid ante inepta simulachra sigmeâ—â—taterrâ—nae captivum corpus incurvas rectum te Deus fecit c. Why doest thou bow thy captive bodie before foolish images and terrene fictions God hath made thee upright c. looke up to heaven Quid te in lapsum mortis cum Serpente quem colis sternis What doest thou prostrate thy selfe with the Serpent whom thou worshippest into this deadly fall c. More hereof see elsewhere 5. Confut. Against those which either hold tithes not to be due by the word of God or challenge them by the ceremoniall law Vers. 29 THine abundance and thy liâ—â—ur c. This may be understood as well of the tithes as first fruits which arise of the fruits and increase of the earth whether they be drie or moist Concerning then the law of tithes there was in the paiment thereof a treble right Partim erat morale it was partly morall and naturall for that the people should allow necessarie maintenance unto those qui divine cultu ad salutem populi ministrabant which ministred for the salvation of the people in the divine worship even naturall reason teacheth As even among the Heathen
the absence of another for commonly then many tales are devised Lyran. Or that the Judge should not give care to the accuser before he have heard the partie accused also Borrh. Or this some make to be the meaning Non suscipias vocem testium quos scis mentiri Receive not the voice of witnesses whom thou knowest to lie Tostat. quaest 1. But it is better generally understood of all as well private men as Judges Vetat falsum rumorem de ullo homine vel spargi vel admitti It forbiddeth any false rumour to be spread of any or admitted Gallas Praecipue tamen lex haec ad judicia pertinet And yet principally this law belongeth to judgements Simler because false reports may there doe most harme yet because it is also a fault in private men to raise false reports and to be too credulous to beleeve them it is better here to retaine a generall sense QUEST II. What it is to put to the hand to be a false witnesse NEither shalt put thy hand with the wicked to be a false witnesse 1. Calvins joyneth this to the former clause and saith they are here understood to be false witnesses qui proximos traducunt which joyne their hand with the wicked in traducing of their neighbours So also Oleaster But the manner of the phrase here used of putting to the hand that is of binding and combining themselves importeth a greater matter than onely in carying or spreading of a false report 2. Some referring this law unto publike testimonie in judgement understand it of the person of the Judge that he should not be a meane to procure false witnesses as the Elders of the Citie to whom Iezâ—bel sent did against Naboth R. Salomon Marbach But the words In being a false witnesse which is more than procuring will not beare that sense 3. Some by putting to the hand understand thou shalt not sweare to be a false witnesse because they used to lift up their hand when they did sweare Lyran. Tostat. But this doth make the sense too particular for what if he doe not sweare but onely promise or give his hand to be a false witnesse it is directly against this law therefore by putting the hand is signified hee shall not aid or assist him he shall not consociate himselfe vel conferre operam or promise his helpe or consent unto evill Iun. 4. And withall here is forbidden that wicked confederacie and mutuall ayding one of another in bearing false witnesse as it is a common practice Da mihi mutuum testimonium Witnesse for me and I will bee witnesse for thee Gallas 5. And two things are forbidden Non adjuvabis causam improbi falso testimonio c. Thou shalt not helpe the cause of the wicked by a false testimonie not make a covenant with him to doe it for him Lippomaâ— QUEST III. How great a sinne it is to be a false witnesse Vers. 2. TO be a false witnesse 1. Falsum testimonium habet tripliceus deformitatem A false testimonie hath a threefold deformitie ex perjurie first by perjurie because witnesses are not admitted but upon their oath ali◠〈…〉 justitiae another way by violating of justice tertio ex ipsa falâ—tate thirdly by the falsenesse of his testimonie Thomas These three evils and mischiefes then do accompanie a false witnesse perjurie injustice falsenesse and lying 2. And in three other respects is this sinne of false witnesse bearing odious and abominable 1. In respect of the author thereof who is the divell for when he telleth a lie he speaketh of his owne 2. The inconveniences are great which ensue the perverting of justice and the condemning of the innocent 3. There is also nominis divini contaminatio the polluting and prophaning of the name of God Borrh. QUEST IV. Whether in this law we are to understand the mightie or the many Vers. 2. THou shalt not follow the mightie 1. The most doe read many or the multitude as before is shewed in the divers readings and they make two parts of this law the first to concerne all in â—enerall that they shall not follow a multitude to doe evill the second Judges in particular not to folâ—ow a multitude in judgement Cajetan Oleaster Whether it be to respect the multitude of the parties â—riends that sentence is to be given upon Marbach or the multitude of Judges that consent in a wrong judgement Simler And then the meaning is that in neither case a multitude is to be followed si â—it manifestè iniquum vel falsum if it be manifestly false or unjust which the multitude holdeth for if it be manifeste verum either manifestly true vel dubium or doubtfull which many doe affirme one must not of singularitie depart from their judgement Tostat. quaest 2. 2. Some in the former clause interpret rabbim many Thou shalt not follow many to doe evill but in the other branch of the law they understand it not of the quantitie and number but of the qualitie neither decline after the mightie c. that is where there are many Judges to give sentence the inferiour should not be overruled by the opinion of the Superiour Judges and mightie and therefore among the Jewes this wise course was used in giving of sentence in the assemblie of Judges that the punies and inferiour Judges should deliver their opinion first lest if the greatest began the other might bee swayed by them this is also the use among the Divines in the Vniversitie of Paris the Juniours and Inferiours begin first Lyran. This also is the honourable use of the Star-chamber with us 3. But seeing the same word rabbim is used in both sentences it is taken in the same sense in both places and is better interpreted the mightie than the many for these reasons 1. Because of the opposition of the poore man in the next verse the mightie and the poore are better compared and set together than the many and the poore 2. So Levit. 19.15 gadhol the great and dal the poore are set one against the other that neither the one nor the other should be respected in judgement 3. This interpretation of the mightie comprehendeth also the other whether they be mightie in number or in power Iun. 4. And as respect is not to bee had of the multitude so neither of the paucitie and fewnesse as the Donatists in times past and the Anabaptists in these dayes doe brag of their small number as therefore the best Gallas QUEST V. How the poore is not to be esteemed in judgement Vers. 3. THou shalt not esteeme a poore man c. 1. The word hadar signifieth honour beautie comelinesse Prohibet blandis sermonibus ornari causam pauperis He forbiddeth that the poore mans cause should be set forth with glosing words and so be made better than it is Cajetan Oleaster Therefore Aristotle giveth a good rule that in matters of judgement causa simplicibus sermonibus propeneuda erat that the cause should be laid
neglected the Sabbath of dayes which was the seventh of weekes which was Pentecost of moneths which was the seventh as well as of yeeres yee the Sabbath of seven yeeres which was the Jubile was also intermitted if the seventh yeere from which they accounted it were not remembred 5. Further if they suffered not the land to rest in the seventh yeere they likewise abandoned other privileges incident to that yeere as the remission of debts the setting free their servants which apparent transgressions nay rebellions should not have beene suffered to slip without some reprehension by the Prophets and correction from God especially under the vertuous Kings of Judah QUEST XXII Why the Law of the Sabbath is so oft repeated Vers. 12. SIx dayes thou shalt labour 1. Some thinke that this precept concerning the observation of the Sabbath is repeated by reason of the former Law concerning the seventh yeere of intermission lest that the Hebrewes because that whole yeere was a time of rest might have taken unto themselves greater liberty in the keeping of the Sabbath Lyran. But this seemeth to be no sufficient reason because although they rested from the workes of husbandry all that yeere yet they attended other â—â—â—â—nesse and labour Tostatus 2. Some thinke that the Sabbath is here mentioned in respect of the civill 〈◊〉 thereof the rest and relaxation of the servants whereas before it was urged as a part of Gods service Gallas Siml 3. But the best reason is that the Law of the Sabbath is repeated because it chiefly concerned the worship of God and therefore so often is this precept iâ—crated as chap. 20. Deut. 5 Exod. 31. 〈◊〉 and in divers other places Tostat. quaest 13. 4. And such respect the Lord hath to the seventh day of rest which he himselfe consecrated by his owne example that according to this rule he did proportion the other festivals as the seventh weeke the seventh moneth the seventh yeere yea in naturall experiments the seventh day is observed as the seventh fouretenth and twenty one are the criticall dayes for diseases as Hippocrates and Galâ—â— have written Hierome 4. The benefit of this day the Lord would have extended to their servants strangers yea to the labouring cartell R. Salomon thinketh that in the next clause Yee shall take heed to all things c. the implements and instruments which are used to any businesse or worke are understood as the sword aâ—e cutting knife and such like that all these things should rest in like manner But this is too curious and beside it were superfluous seeing the men are forbid to labour without whose hands these things cannot stirre or move therefore this clause either is to be referred to the former duties which concerned the Sabbath Lyran. or in generall to their obedience to the whole Law and all the former precepts which were delivered have it Simler QUEST XXIII What manner of mention of strange gods is here forbidden Vers. 14. ANâ— ye shall make no mention of the name of strange gods 1. The Latine Translator readeth Thou shalt not sweare but the word zachar signifieth to remember which is more than to sweare which is too strictly taken they must make no mention non solum jurando sed landandâ— probande abtestande not only in swearing but in praising of them approving protesting by them Lippoman 2. The Jewes doe run into another extreme making this precept too generall they thinke it not lawfull at all once to pronounce the names of the Gentiles Idols but the Prophets which inveighed against them could not but pronounce their names with their mouth the meaning then is nullus loquatur honorabiliter none should make honourable mention of them Cajetane 3. This phrase then is to be understood as S. Paul would not have fornication once named among them Ephes. 5.3 that is that more should be committed none named with desire or delight Simler therefore here only is forbidden â—onesta 〈◊〉 c. non inhonesta cum detestatione c. the comely and reverent mention of their gods not the iâ—reverent mention with detestation 4. Cajetane thus distinguisheth the sentence the first part biddeth ut praeteriti dâ— non memorentur that the former strange gods should not be remembred but be forgotten as though they never had beene the other part neither shall it be heard out of thy mouth sheweth ut de moderuis diis nemo honorabiliter loquatur and of the gods present none should speake honourably But indeed the meaning is that generally the memory of all false gods should be extinguished as they 〈◊〉 commanded to abolish the very names of them Deut. 12.3 that neither in their oathes nor in their familiar talke they should revive the memory of them see the practice thereof Psalm 16.4 Neither will make mention of their names within my lips So the Lord saith by his Prophet I will take away the 〈◊〉 of Baalim out of her mouth and they shall be no more remembred by their names Hos. 2.17 Iun. 5. By the name of strange gods are here understood all which the Heathen worshipped whether by images or without whether things in heaven in the earth or under the earth which are called strange gods not because they are gods at all but so reputed in the opinion of their idolatrous worshippers and strange they were because such were worshipped onely of strange nations and not of the people of God Toâ—tat quaest 13. QUEST XXIV Why it is forbidden to sweare by the name of strange gods Vers. 13. YE shall make no mention of the name of other gods c. 1. If it be unlawfull to make any honourable mention at all of the names of strange gods no not in usuall talke much lesse is it lawfull to sweare by them because in taking of an oath invocatur Deus tanquam testis veritatio God is called upon as a witnesse of the truth so to sweare by the name of God is actus â—â—reiae an act of divine worship and therefore it cannot be given unto any other beside God and againe one Idols because they are false gods non possunt esse testes veritatis cannot be witnesses of the truth Lyran. 2. 〈◊〉 observeth here this difference betweene the Law and the Gospell there per nomen Dei jurure non 〈◊〉 they are not forbidden to sweare by the name of God Evangelica veritat non recipit juramentum But the Evangelicall truth admitteth no oath because the speech of a faithfull man ought to be in stead of an oath c. He thinketh that by this Law the Hebrewes had liberty given them to sweare at their pleasure so they did sweare only by the name of God But I rather here approve Calvins annotation Non incitâ—t Deus pâ—pâ—lâ—â— ad jurandi licentiam c. God doth not hereby incite his people to sweâ—ing or give them liberty to sweare sed ubi opus fuerit vel necessitat justa ratio id postaâ—â—bit but where need it
and necessary or just cause doe so require c. otherwise the Law doth forbid all unlawfull swearing as well as the Gospell 3. And the reason why they ought not to sweare by strange gods is ne frequenti juramento iâ—â—â—cantur ad cultâ—â—◠〈◊〉 c. lest that by often swearing they be induced to worship them Glos. interliâ—â—â—â— 4. And as an Hebrew then and so a Christian now was not himselfe so neither were they to compell a Gentile to sweare by them yet as Augustine determineth it is lawfull for a Christian recipere ab eo juramentum in Deo suo c. to receive an oath of a Gentile by his god to confirme some covenant or contract se Gentilis obtularis se facturum if the Gentile doe of himselfe offer it Lyran Tostat. QUEST XXV Whether a Christian may compell a Iew to sweare by his Thorah which containeth the five bookes of Moses VPon this occasion how farre a Christian may compell another of a contrary religion to sweare as a Jew or Turke Tostatus bringeth in divers questions which it shall not be amisse here briefly to touch as first whereas it is an usuall thing with the Jewes at this day to sweare upon their Thorah which is nothing else but a volume containing the five bookes of Moses yet bound up in silke and laid up very curiously in their Synagogue whereout they use to read the lectures of the Law the question is whether it be lawfull for a Christian Judge to urge a Jew to take his oath upon his Thorah for upon the Gospels he will rather dye than take an oath For the resolution of this doubt divers things are to be weighed and considered 1. That there is great difference betweene the Idols and 〈◊〉 gods of the Heathen and the Jewes Thorah for this 〈◊〉 a part of Gods word and containeth nothing but the truth and it is all one as if the Jew did lay his hand upon the Pentateuch or five bookes of Moses as any Christian may take his oath upon the Gospels or any other part of Gods word 2. And like as a Christian laying his hand upon the Gospels doth not 〈◊〉 by the bookâ— for 〈◊〉 were unlawfull in giving the honour due to the Creator unto a creature but hath relation unto God whose verity and truth is contained in that booke So a Jew swearing upon his Thorah yet sweareth by God the Author of the Law and in so doing sinneth not 3. Yet it may so fall out that a Jew may sinne in swearing upon his Thorah as having an opinion that all the contents of that booke as namely the ceremonials are yet in force which are abolished in Christ and yet the Judge may not sinne in requiring the Jew to sweare upon his Thorah for he doth not consider of those things quae sunt in voluntate agentis sed de ipso actis which are in the minde and intent of the doer but of the act it selfe therefore the act of it selfe being lawfull a Jew may be required to doe it Sic Tostat. qu. 14. QUEST XXVI Whether a Iew may be urged to sweare in the name of Christ. BUt as the Jew may be urged to sweare upon his Thorah which they hold to be a booke of truth as Christians doe yet the case is not alike if a Christian should compell a Jew to sweare in the name of Christ for although Christ be in deed and in truth very God yet the Jewes hold him to be worse than any Idoll and therefore the Jew in taking such an oath should doe against his conscience and consequently commit a great sinne or if a Jew should require a Christian to sweare by the name of Christ whom he holdeth to be no God nor yet a good man therein the Jew should also sinne against his conscience for it skilleth not a thing to be so or so indeed dum aliter concipiatur as long as a man otherwise conceiveth and is perswaded in his minde Tostat. qu. 15. QUEST XXVII Whether a Saracene may be urged to sweare upon the Gospels or in the name of Christ. NOw although a Jew cannot be compelled without sinne to sweare in the name of Christ whom he holdeth worse than an Idoll or upon the Gospels which they thinke containe nothing but fables yet the reason standeth otherwise for a Saracene or Turke he may be required to sweare in the name of Christ or upon the Gospels And the reason is because the Saracens have a good opinion of Christ and beleeve that he was sent of God and that he was a great Prophet and a good man and for the most part they doe assent unto the Gospels and beleeve that Christ spake the truth And therefore they in taking such an oath doe not against their conscience and therein sinne not Now if it be objected that the Saracens differ more from the Christians than the Jewes and therefore can no more lawfully take an oath in the name of Christ than the Jewes the answer is that although the Jewes consent with the Christians touching the canonicall bookes of the old Testament as the Saracens doe not yet as touching Christ they doe totally dissent from the Christians and so doe not the Saracens Tostat. qu. 17. QUEST XXVIII Whether a Christian may sweare upon the Iewes Thora BUt it hath beene before shewed that a Jew may be without sinne urged to sweare upon his Thora which is nothing but the Pentateuch containing the five bookes of Moses another question is moved whether a Christian may safely take his oath upon the Jewes Thora And that it is not lawfull so to doe it may be thus objected 1. It is a sinne Iudaizare to Iudaize to doe as the Jewes doe as to be circumcised to observe the Jewish Sabbath and such like But to sweare upon the Thora is to Iudaize that is to doe as the Jewes doe Ergo c. Answ. 1. To Iudaize is not simply to doe that which the Jewes doe but that which they alone doe and none other as to beleeve that which they only beleeve as that the ceremonies of the Law are still in force or to doe that which they only doe as to be circumcised and to abstaine from certaine kinde of meats as Saint Paul chargeth Saint Peter that he compelled the Gentiles Iudaizare to Iudaize concerning their meats for he did eat with the Gentiles before the Jewes came and afterward he withdrew himselfe from them otherwise to beleeve as the Jewes and others also beleeve and to doe likewise as to hold the world to have beene created the Israelites to have beene delivered and all other things in the Scriptures to be true as they are there set downe this is not to Iudaize 2. So because the Thora which is the Pentateuch is not only received of the Jewes but of the beleeving Gentiles and the truth of the Law we subscribe unto as well as the Jewes therefore simply to take an oath upon their Thora
17. 4. How long Moses stayed in the mount 40. dayes and 40. nights vers 18. 2. The divers readings Vers. 1. And he said to Moses I.V.A.P. cum cater better than 〈◊〉 he had said G. as though this wâ—â—y transposed and God had said so before unto Moses which is shewed to be otherwise qu. 1. following Vers. 5. They offered burnt offerings and sacrificed peace offerings unto the Lord of bullocks I.V.A.P. cum cater better than offered burnt offerings of beeves c. G. for the word translated beeves is the last in the verse or they offered c. twelve calves L. twelve is not in the originall Vers. 8. Concerning all these words or sayings I.B. cum cater all these things B.G. but they were words or sayings which were rehearsed out of the booke Vers. 10. At a pavement-worke I. or stone-worke of Saphir V. better than a worke of Saphir B.G. for here libâ—ath stone is omitted or brickworke of Saphir S A. libâ—ath signifieth here stone rather than bricke or a worke of the stone Saphir P.L. or a worke of a precious stone C. a worke of Saphir H. that is a stone-worke such as they use in pavings Vers. 11. Vpon the selected or choice of the children of Israel I.V.A.S. that is Princes or Nobles B.G. C.P. better than upon those which went backe of the children of Israel â—etzile separated selected 2. Questions explaned QUEST I. Whether this Chapter be transposed in part or in whole Vers. 1. NOw he had said to Moses 1. The opinion of the Hebrewes is that this Chapter is transposed with the three Chapters before going which all they thinke to have beene done and Moses to have received the former Judiciall and Ceremoniall lawes before the Morall law was delivered in mount Sinai So that they thinke these things to have beene done in this order that upon the first day of the third moneth the whole host came to the bottome of mount Sinai and that Moses then went up and received the Judiciall and Ceremoniall lawes as they are expressed in the 21 22 23. Chapters and that he descended upon the fourth day and confirmed the covenant as is here in this Chapter declared and so on the fifth day hee went up againe with Aaron Nadab and Abihu and on the sixth day the trumpe sounded and then the Law was delivered Ex Lyranâ— Contra. But this transposing of the story cannot be admitted for these reasons 1. It is not like that the people received the Judiciall and Ceremoniall lawes before they were washed and purged or that Moses would sprinkle them with the bloud of the sacrifice being uncleane But if on the fourth day they received the Lawes they were not yet cleansed for three dayes before the Morall law was given which was as they say on the sixth day they were commanded by Moses to sanctifie themselves and to wash their clothes chap. 19. 2. The Ceremoniall and Judiciall lawes doe depend upon the Morall law and are but particular determinations of the generall precepts of the Morall law which precepts being grounded upon the Law of nature are more evident than any other positive Lawes whatsoever and the Morall law was to remaine and continue for ever so were not the other positive Lawes whether ceremoniall or judiciall therefore it is most like that the Morall law was given first and the other after and not the judicials and ceremonials first Tostat. 3. Againe after the people had heard the Lords terrible voice thundering out the Law they were afraid and desired that Moses might speake unto them from God chap. 20. therefore it is evident that as yet before the Morall law was delivered Moses had not received the other Lawes from God to give unto the people But God spake unto them himselfe Lyranus 2. And as the opinion of the Hebrewes cannot stand that hold all these Chapters to be transposed upon the former reasons so neither can their assertion be received that admit no transposition here at all as Cajetane thinketh that at this time Moses was with God and yet not come downe out of the mount but that the Lord in effect said thus much unto him After thou art gone downe and hast published these Lawes to the people then come thou up againe with Aaron c. So also Lyranus But it is more like that Moses received this commandement to goe up againe after he had published the Lawes and performed all those ceremonies which are rehearsed from verse 3. to verse 9. for Moses was now come downe when the Lord bad him come up Quomodo enim praecipitur ascendere qui cum eo est in monte c. How is he bid to ascend who was already in the mount Hugo de S. Victor And againe seeing it is said vers 9. Then went up Moses and Aaron it is like that then Moses received that commandement to goe up neque enim accâ—ssisset Moses non vocatus for Moses would not have gone up unto God not being called the two first verses then must needs be transposed 3. R. Abraham thinketh that the Chapters before going are not transposed but placed in their right order as how Moses remained before the Lord after the Morall law was given and received the Judiciall and Ceremoniall lawes following and afterward rehearsed them unto the people and performed the other ceremonies here set downe from verse 3. to verse 9. But this commandement that Moses should come up with Aaron Nadab and Abihu which is given to Moses vers 1 2. and executed afterward vers 9. he thinketh to be transposed and this to be done before the Morall law was delivered chap. 20. So also Gallasius Contra. But this cannot be admitted 1. Because before the Morall law was pronounced by the Lord chap. 20. Moses is bid to come and Aaron only with him chap. 19.24 But here Nadab and Abihu and the 70. Elders he is charged to take with him vers 1 2. 2. Immediatly after Moses had sacrificed and sprinkled the bloud he went up with Aaron Nadab and Abihu vers 9. This then was not done before the giving of the Law Tostatus 4. Wherefore the more probable opinion is that neither the Chapters before going are transposed nor yet this Chapter wholly nor yet that there is no transposition at all But the two first verses only which in order are to be joyned with the 9. verse are set out of their place And that first Moses came downe and published the Lawes to the people as the Lord commanded him to doe though it be omitted for without Gods commandement hee would doe nothing his factiâ— and these things being done then he was bid to come up with Aaron Nadab and Abihu c. Tostat. Iun. Oleast Simler QUEST II. What thâ—se 70. Elders were Vers. 1. ANd seventy of the Elders 1. Some thinke that these were those seventy Elders which afterward tooke part of the charge and government with Moses Num. 11. of which number
were Eldad and Medad Gloss. interlinear But this cannot be for those seventy Elders were appointed after the campe was removed from Sinai and pitched in Kibrath Hattavah which was the next station beyond Sinai Numb 33.16 But now the Israelites remained at mount Sinai 2. Some are of opinion that these seventy Elders were appointed when Iethro gave counsell to Moses that is six out of every tribe which make 72. but the even number is set downe Simler But those Captaines over the people which were chosen according to Iethro his direction were heads over thousands hundreds and fifties chap. 18.25 they were then more than seventy 3. Neither were these seventy such as before time the people had chosen out for their Rulers answerable unto the number of soules that went downe with Iacob into Egypt as Calviâ— seemeth to thinke for it seemeth that before Iethro gave that advice to Moses there were no such Governours and Rulers over the tribes because Moses then needed not to have wearied himselfe in hearing their causes himselfe alone 4. Wherefore these were no speciall Elders that before were elected and chosen out but such as Moses did single out upon this occasion out of the more honourable sort of the people and therefore they are called vers 11. eetzilee separated or selected And Tostatus holdeth this as a reason because the word Elders ziene in the Hebrew hath no article set before it as is usuall in that language when any speciall persons of note are named But though his reason doe not alwayes hold yet his opinion seemeth of the rest to be most probable Tostat. qu. 3. QUEST III. Why Moses went up into the mount alone Vers. 2. ANd Moses himselfe alone shall come neere to the Lord c. 1. Here are three degrees or orders appointed to be observed in their comming neere unto God the people stand farre off and come not neere at all Aaron and his two sonnes and the seventy Elders ascend with Moses to some part of the mountaine but Moses himselfe only goeth up unto God vers 12. Calvin Lippoman 2. Rabanus maketh this morall application of it that as the seventy Elders went not up with Moses so unusquisque perpendat discrete vires suaâ— ut ultra non praesumat that every one doe discreetly examine his strength and not presume beyond his knowledge 3. For the mysticall sense Procopius maketh Aaron here a type of Christ who stood aloofe off and contemned not our humane nature sed descendens ad nos inter nos moratur but descending dwelt among us c. But this application can in no wise be fit that Aaron should be here a type of Christ who went not up unto God but Moses did for who should have freer accesse unto God than our Mediatour and intercessor therefore Moses here rather signifieth the Law which is perfect and pure in it selfe yet is not able to bring us to God as these ascended not with Moses but were left behind Simler QUEST IV. Whether all the people in generall were assembled Vers. 3. ANd all the people answered c. 1. Sometime the whole congregation is understood to be the Elders only and principall men that stand for the rest of the people as chap. 12.3 the Lord biddeth Moses to speake to all the congregation and yet he onely spake unto the Elders vers 21. But here we rather understand that all the multitude was called together for as we reade that when the Law was confirmed and ratified the whole assembly came together not only the Elders and Officers but even their children and wives yea the strangers unto the hewer of wood and drawer of water Deut. 29.10 11. so was it requisite that at the first receiving of the Law all the whole multitude should come together to give their generall consent 2. If it be objected that it was not possible that so many hundred thousand as there were in Israel could assemble in such sort to heare the voice of one man we may either say that God might give an extraordinary strength unto Moses voice that it might be heard round about Tostatus Or though all the people were not within hearing themselves at once yet one might receive it from another and so give their consent or one company might succeed another to heare Oleaster QUEST V. Why the Lord requireth the peoples consent to his Lawes Vers. 3. ALL that the Lord hath said will we doe 1. Though God might by his soveraigne right impose what Lawes he thought good without the peoples consent because they were bound to obey whatsoever the Lord commanded yet the Lord thought good to require their consent because otherwise they might be lesse culpable if they had not obeyed those Lawes which were thrust upon them against their will 2. And although they had twice before chap. 19.8 and 20.19 promised their obedience yet that was but in generall before the Lawes were published and therefore it was necessarie that a particular consent should be had now unto the severall Lawes which were propounded 3. God knew before they would consent but that was not sufficient unlesse they also expressed it themselves that they might afterward be left without excuse Tostat. 4. The people are to be commended for their readinesse but yet they knew not how impossible it was to keepe the Law and therefore cannot be excused of rashnesse Iun. Of this sudden promise of obedience which the Israelites had soone forgot Hierome thus writeth Melius est non promittere quam promissa non facere c. It had beene better for them not to have promised at all than not to performe their promise And Gregorie herein compareth the Jewes unto Locusts Subiâ—o saltuâ— daâ—tes protiâ—â—s ad 〈◊〉 codemes c. Which doe of a sudden give a spring and forthwith fall upon the ground againe QUEST VI. What Lawes they were which Moses wrote in a booke Vers. 4. ANd Moses wrote all the words of the Lord. 1. R. Salomon thinketh that Moses first rehearsed and afterward wrote the whole booke of Genesis and all Exodus unto this place But this cannot be 1. The Rabbin himselfe thinketh that Moses rose the next day and built the Altar how could he then write these two bookes without a great miracle in one day which we are not without great necessity to bring in to make or devise miracles where no cause is were great presumption Lyran. 2. It is said he wrote all the words of God and so consequently only the words of God but the history of Genesis and Exodus containe many things beside the words of God therefore there was no cause either to rehearse or write all the contents of these two bookes Tostatus 2. Cajetanes opinion is with whom consenteth Osiander that Moses did write all the former Lawes contained in the 21 22 23. chapters and the ten Commandements beside with all those Lawes set forth in the 12. and 13. chapters and his reason is
covenant with Abraham and he had divided certaine beasts as God had commanded him and laid one part against another a smoaking firebrand went betweene representing God signifying that so he should be divided which violated the covenant So in this place not much unlike the bloud is parted in twaine shewing that so should his bloud be shed which kept not the covenant Tostat. qu. 11. QUEST XVIII Whether all the people were besprinkled with the bloud Vers. 8. THen Moses tooke the bloud and sprinkled it on the people c. 1. Some thinke that the people themselves were not sprinkled with the bloud for that had beene both too great a labour for Moses to goe in and out among the people to sprinkle them neither would the bloud have sufficed therefore either the twelve pillars were sprinkled with bloud which stood for the people or else the Elders were besprinkled in the name of the whole people as sometime they did represent the whole congregation as Deut. 21.6 Iun. Contra. 1. It is not like that the bloud was sprinkled upon the pillars for Moses saith This is the bloud of the covenant which the Lord hath made with you but with the pillars no covenant was made 2. The Elders were for the whole congregation in such actions which the people could not performe in their multitudes as when the Elders for the people laid their hands upon the sacrifice Lev. 4.15 which the people could not doe in their owne person and so they lay their hands upon the heifer Deut. 21.6 But here both the people might come together to be besprinkled and it was such an action the establishing of a covenant wherein the person and presence of the people was necessary 2. Tostatus therefore thinketh that Moses did sprinkle the bloud upon the people themselves and upon all of them either going in and out among them or they succeeding by companies one another quaest 13. 3. But as it is gathered out of the text that the people were present in person that as they for themselves promised obedience saying All that the Lord hath said will wee doe so they in their owne person had part of the bloud and because the covenant was made with the people therefore they also received the signe of the covenant and the Apostle also saith that Moses sprinkled both the booke and all the people Heb. 9.19 Yet it is not necessary to understand all the people in particular for a whole day nay many dayes had not sufficed to doe it but all the people which were in circuitu which were round about Moses and could well assemble together QUEST XIX When Moses and Aaron with the rest went up Vers. 9. THen went up Moses and Aaron c. 1. Some thinke that this was done when the Lord descended upon mount Sinai chap. 19. Pellican But as is shewed before quaest 1. then Moses was bidden to bring Aaron up with him but here Nadab and Abihu and 70. of the Elders also goe up therefore this was done in the same order as it is set downe that after Moses had performed all those rites and ceremonies in confirming the covenant betweene God and his people then they went up Iun. No◠cum historia transire putamus etiam rei gesta ordinem c. We thinke the history to passe on in order as the things were done Lippoman 2. Cajetane thinketh that this was the execution of the commandement given before unto Moses vers 1. But I rather thinke with Hugo de S. Victor that this charge was given to Moses after he was come downe from the mount and had performed all the rites of the covenant and that this part of the chapter from the second verse to the ninth in order goeth before the giving of that charge vers 1. for how could Moses otherwise be bidden to come up being in the mountaine already See before quest 1. 3. But herein Hugo is deceived he thinketh this to be but the third time that Moses ascended up to God the first was chap. 19. when he went up before the Law was delivered the second chap. 20. when he ascended to receive the ceremonials and judicials and the third time is here yet this was the fourth time for twice he ascended before the Law was given as is evident in the 19. chapter vers 3. and 20. QUEST XX. Wherefore those went up with Moses Vers. 9. ANd seventy of the Elders 1. Lyranus thinketh that these went up ad confirmationem legis for the confirming and further ratifying of the Law which they had received Tostatus misliketh this opinion and thus confuteth it that if they went up to that end oportebat ut cum Domino loquerentur it was requisite that they should all have spoken with God but so did they not and Moses onely drew neere unto God They all ascended to their places seniores remotiùs alii propinquiùs the Elders further off others neerer as Aaron and his sonnes but only Moses talked with God Lippoman 2. Neither yet did they only goe up to accompany Moses ad honorandum eum to honour him because he went now to receive the tables of the Law Tostat. For when Moses went up thus accompanied the Lord had not yet signified so much unto Moses that he would deliver him the tables of the Law for that followeth afterward vers 12. 3. Therefore the end of their going up was that after they had seene the Majesty of God and Moses talking with him testes veritatis essent they might be witnesses of the truth Simler Et res idoneis testibus probata indubiam fidem acquireret c. And the matter being proved by fit and sufficient witnesses might be undoubtedly beleeved Calvin And so by this meanes Moses ministery should be of the greater authority QUEST XXI How they are said to have seene God Vers. 10. THey saw the God of Israel and under his feet c. R. Abraham thinketh Istam visionem imaginariam That this vision was imaginary not to the externall but to the inward sense But this is not like that this should be as a Propheticall vision and revelation for they were not all Prophets unto whom this vision was shewed and as there was really objected to their sight in mount Sinai flaming fire so this was a reall vision like to that which Moses saw in the bush Exod. 3.2 Viderunt Deum Israel sed non sicut est They saw the God of Israel but not as he is for no man hath seene God Rupertus They neither saw God in his essence nor in his infinite Majesty Osiander But they knew him to be present Innotescente illis Domino in specie aliquae vel forma c. The Lord shewing himselfe in some forme and shape as it pleased him and as their infirmity could beare Lippoman Pellican 3. Neither yet did the Lord shew himselfe in any humane shape here as Lyranus thinketh to signifie Quod assumpturus erat naturam humanam c. That he was
all other kinde of punishment whatsoever Cajetan And this their health is expressed by these actions of life as Hagar argueth her life by another action of life Gen. 16.13 I have seene after him that seeth Iun. So also Gallas Simler 7. Before they were sprinkled with bloud Gods hand was in some sort upon them in terrifying them Whosoever touched the mountaine should die But now after their sprinkling they are cheared and refreshed and are not forbidden the sight of God which signifieth that we onely have accesse unto God by the bloud of Christ Rupertus Ferus QUEST XXV Whether this were a new commandement or the other mentioned vers 1 2. repeated Vers. 12. ANd the Lord said unto Moses c. 1. Some thinke that this is the same commandement repeated which was given unto Moses before vers 1 2. Iun. Tostatus addeth further that when the Lord said to Moses vers 2. Moses himselfe alone shall come neere to the Lord that Moses then 〈◊〉 know that he should goe up to receive the Tables for to what end should Moses have gone forth of the campe accompanied with Aaron and the rest if it had not beene to some end qu. 15. Contra. Yes it was sufficient that God called Moses and bade him come up into the mount though he at the same time had not shewed the end of his comming as chap. 19.24 when God bade him come up the cause is not shewed why he was called the Commandements of God are simplie to be obeyed though it please not the Lord alwayes to shew a reason thereof 2. Wherefore I thinke rather that this was a divers commandement from the former and given him at a divers time Piscator Osiander 1. Cajetane reason is Mandat non solùm ascendere in montem sed morari in eo He biddeth him not onely to come up into the mountaine but to abide there c. which was not said to him before 2. Calvin addeth further that after Moses with his companie were gone up and had seene this vision Altius evehitur Moses c. ut cognoscerent c. Moses is carried up higher that they should know that Moses would have gone no further but at Gods commandement c. It was requisite therefore that Moses should bee called againe and sequestred from the rest that he might not bee thought to have presumed without a warrant 3. Severus maketh a mysterie of it that Moses being gone up with Aaron and the rest Iterum aâ—diâ—â— heareth againe come up And by these two ascendings hee understandeth the two senses of the law the literall and spirituall 4. Ferus maketh this application of it Hic jam tertio vocatur Moses in montem c. Moses is the third time called into the mount to shew that he which is set over the people of God ought often to ascend in prayer 5. Rupertus also understandeth here two ascendings using this reason It is said before vers 9. that Moses and Aaron with the rest ascended but not that they ascended unto the Lord as here the Lord saith Come up to me c. So also Hugo de S. Victor Come up to me which must be so understood that De colle in quo erat ad altiora montis procedâ—ret c. From the hill where he was hee should proceed higher into the mountaine QUEST XXVI What is signified by Moses going up to the mountaine COme up to me into the mountaine 1. Beda draweth this place unto a mysticall sense Moses is called up to the mountaine Vt ex altitudine loci colligat quà m excelsa sit lex That by the height of the place he should gather how high and removed from humane capacitie the law was which he was to receive As our blessed Saviour in the Gospell called his Apostles into the mountaine Matth. 5. and after his resurrection he also appeared in the mountaine when he gave commission to his Apostles to goe and preach the Gospell to all the world but here is the difference because the law which Moses was to receive was but given unto one people therefore Moses onely was called up but the Gospell being appointed to be preached to all the world Christ called all his Apostles to him up into the mountaine 2. Rupertus maketh this ascending up of Moses into the mount a figure of Christs ascending up unto God Non in montem terrenum sed in ipsum coelum Not into an earthly mountaine but into heaven to receive not the killing letter but the quickening Spirit as the Apostle saith He ascended up on high led captivitie captive and gave gifts unto men c. 3. Ferus doth thus moralize it that he which will behold God and give himselfe to contemplation must terrena haec inferiora despicere c. despise these inferiour and terrene things as Moses leaving the campe below ascended up into the mount QUEST XXVII Of the tables of stone whereof they were made and wherefore given Vers. 12. I Will give thee tables of stone 1. The fabulous Jewes imagine that these tables of the law were made of the Saphire a pretious stone Lyran. and that when Moses had broken them comming downe from the mountaine he gathered up the fragments and broken peeces and sold them whereby he was greatly enriched Thus these blinde Jewes are not ashamed to blemish their great Prophet Moses with the note of covetousnesse from the which he was most free Tostat. quaest 16. 2. As frivolous is that other conceit because they are said to be of stone that the tables were but one stone which sometimes seemed but one sometime two for in that they are called tables it sheweth they were more than one of one stone they might bee both that is of one kinde of stone and yet the tables were two 3. These tables of stone were created of God for that speciall use as Exod. 32.16 they are said to be the worke of God it is not improbable that they were noviter creata created of God anew as Tostatus but it is not like that they were written by the Angell which Tostatus thinketh to have spoken in Gods person in the mount for as God prepared the tables themselves so hee caused the writing they were the worke of God for the matter and the writing of God for the manner Exod. 33.16 4. All the lawes which God gave his people were not there written but onely the morall precepts the rest Moses writ sustained in the dayes of his flesh Pelarg. 2. This fast was kept by Moses and the like by 〈…〉 Christi idoneum haberet 〈…〉 That the humanitie of Christ might have a sufficient testimonie for unlesse Moses and Helias had fasted fortie dayes some might have doubted of the humanitie of Christ in holding out so miraculous a fast So Rupertus and Ferus following him 3. And these fasted to this end ut tanto miraculo homines mali c. that men being moved by so great a miracle should not contemne their
cubit and an hand breadth which was foure fingers or three thumbs more than the ordinary But seeing this great cubit was used among the Persians called regius cubitus Persarum the Kings cubit or Persian cubit which was not in use among the Hebrewes before the captivity it is not like that this measure was followed in the making of the Tabernacle 4. Wherefore I thinke rather that the usuall and ordinary cubit is here to be taken which contained two hands breadth of the greater fift and six of the lesse the great or large hand breadth called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contained twelve fingers the space betweene the thumbe and the little finger stretched out the lesse called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contained but foure fingers So then whereas Iusephus saith that the Arke was five palmeâ— or hand breadths long and there broad he meaneth the large and great palme or hand breadth called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so they make two cubits and halfe in length and a cubit and halfe in breadth Beda followeth this account of Iosephus saying Nec putuâ—dum hominum Iudaum in scripturis divinis secularibus doctissimum hoc petuisse latere c. It is not like that a Jew being learned in divine and secular writings could be ignorant herein And in this sense doe Bâ—rrhaius and Ribera take the cubit here QUEST XX. Whether the rings and barres were in the length or breadth of the Arke Vers. 12. TWo rings shall be on the one side c. 1. Tostacus therein following the opinion of R. Sâ—lamo thinketh that these rings thorow the which the barres were put to carry the Arke were not in the length but the breadth of the Arke for if the barres had beene put long wayes then there had beene but a cubit and halfe the breadth of the Arke betweene barre and barre which space had beene too narrow for two to carry behinde and two before one should have hindred another But this is a slender conjecture for they which carried the Arke may be supposed to have borne it upon their neere shoulders and so they might have roome enough without hindring one another Cajetane is of the same opinion that the Arke was carried secundum latitudinem at the breadth not long wayes and his reason is for more dignity sake that it should not be carried as a thing of burthen long wayes But there is no more grace or dignity in carrying one way than another it seemeth they rather respected in the carriage easinesse and comelinesse which was performed in carrying it in length more than in breadth 2. Therefore Iosephus opinion is more probable that annuli inerant exâ—troque longiore latere the rings were set on each of the long sides So also Montanus And this is more agreeable to the text that saith the rings were in the sides of the Arke which were in the length the other were the ends not the sides Lyranus QUEST XXI Whether anything were in the Arke beside the tables of stone Vers. 16. THou shalt put in the Arke the Testimonie which I shall give thee 1. Rupertus here by this Testimony understandeth not only the Tables of stone but the pot of Manna also and Aarons Rod. But that cannot be as Tostatus reasoneth because this Testimony here spoken of was given by God himselfe so were neither of the other And although the other were in some sense testimonies also unto Israel as the pot of Manna testified unto them how God miraculously fed them in the wildernesse and Aarons Rod testified that the tribe of Levi usurped not that calling but were therein appointed of God yet the Tables of the Law were specially so called quia testes erant c. because they were witnesses betweene God and his people that they had received these precepts of God and promised obedience Lyran. 2. But though Tostatus herein dissent from Rupertus in the exposition of these words yet he thinketh that all these three were in the Arke quaest 11. and that the booke of Deuteronomie which Moses writ was there also which Moses commanded the Levites to put in the side of the Arke Deut. 31. And this they thinke to be confirmed by the Apostles testimonie Hebr. 9.3 After the second vaile was the Tabernacle which is called the Holiest of all which had the golden censer and the Arke of the Testament overlaid with gold in the which the golden pâ—t which had Manna was and Aarons rod that had budded and the tables of the Testament But in this place as Iunius Ribera Pelargus have well observed the relative 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in qua in the which is not referred to the Testament but to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Tabernacle before spoken of for it is not unusuall for the relative to be referred to the former antecedent as may be observed in divers places 3. Therefore the truth is that there was nothing in the Arke beside the tables of the Law as is evidently testified 2 King 8.9 and 2 Chron. 5.10 Some doe answer that in Moses time all these were in the Arke but not in Salomons so Catharinus and some conjecture that the enemies might have taken away the other when the Arke was in their custody sic Genevens But Iosephus evidently witnesseth that there was never any thing put within the Arke saving the tables of stone Thomas Aquinas thinketh that the tables of stone are said to be there because although the rest were there also the Arke was made specially to keepe those tables of stone But the text is plaine that there was nothing there beside Anselmus saith that they are said to be in the Arke because they were neere to the Arke But it is evident that the tables of stone were not only neere the Arke but in the Arke it selfe therefore in the same sense they are not all said to be in the Arke Lyranus in 2 King 8. Abulens qu. 6. and Cajetane affirme that the tables of the Law were only in the Arke and the other two were in a little cheâ—t or coffer in the side of the Arke But this Ribera saith is comâ—â—entitium imagined for we reade not of any such thing made without the Arke Therefore the best resolution is this that the tables of the Law were only in the Arke the other two Aarons Rod and the pot of Manna were only placed before the Arke As Exod. 16.34 the pot of Manna is said to be laid up before the Testimony to be kept So Num. 17.10 the Lord said to Moses Bring 〈◊〉 Rod before the Testimonie to be kept but we reade not that it is any where said of the two tableâ— that they were laid up before the Lord. And concerning the booke of Deuteronomie which Moses did write it was not put into the Arke but without neere unto the Arke in the Tabernacle because it was found afterward in Iosias time in the place where the treasure was 2 Chron. 34.14 Ribera
made the creatures and last of all man whom he created for his glorie So after that God had appointed the Tabernacle to be made and every thing thereto belonging he in the last place setteth downe the office and ministration of the Priests who served to set forth Gods glory in the Tabernacle as man was created to that end in the world Borrh. 5. And to this end God ordained the ministerie of man in his service to succour and releeve the imbecillitie of the people who were not able themselves to endure the Lords voice Simlerus QUEST II. Why Aaron was chosen to be the high Priest Vers. 1. THy brother Aaron 1. The Lord maketh speciall choice of Aaron Moses brother for the Priesthood Propter principatum frequentia cum Deo colloquia Because of his preeminence and for the often conference they had with God and the great works which were done in Egypt by the hands of Moses and Aaron And therefore because in these respects they were more noble and famous than the rest of the people the Lord doth single out Aaron for this high office Simler 2. And the Tribe of Levi was taken from the rest of the Tribes Ad honorem Mosis Aaron ducum populi c. For the honour of Moses and Aaron the captaines of the people Ferus 3 And Aaron was appointed to be the high and chiefe Priest to be a figure and type of Christ Simlerus The divers glorious vestures made for the Priest doe shadow forth the most heavenly graces of the Spirit wherewith Christ was adorned Ferus And he is therefore called Moses brother Quiâ— enim ampliùs alâ—eri est fraterâ—â— foedere nexus quà m Christuâ— Mosi legi gratia novum Testamentum veteri For who can be neerer allied unto another by a brotherly league than Christ to Moses grace to the law the new Testament to the old Beda QUEST III Wherein the Priesthood of Christ and of Aaron agree and disagree NOw Aaron in some things most fitly resembled Christ and in some things betweene them there is great difference First Aaron herein prefigured Christ both in his peculiar function in entring into the holy place to make attonement for the people So Christ is now entred into the heavens to appeare in the fight of God for us Hebr. 9.23 As also in those functions which were common to Aaron with the rest which were these three dâ—cendo precando offerâ—â—do in teaching praying offering or sacrificing So Christ hath taught and lightned the world with the revelation of his Fathers will and by the preaching of the Gospell Christ also prayeth and maketh intercession for his people Heb. 9.25 And he also offered up himselfe in sacrifice for our redemption Tit. 2.19 Hee gave himselfe for us that hee might redeeme us from all iniquitie But yet there is great difference betweene the Priesthood of Aaron which was the type and figure and the everlasting Priesthood of Christ. 1. In the dignitie of their persons Aaron was a meere man Christ was both God and man 2. In their condition the Priests of the Law were men compassed with many infirmities and subject to sinne but Christ was holy harmelesse undefiled separate from sinners Heb. 9.26 3. In the excellencie of the sacrifice they offered the sacrifices of beasts but Christ offered up his owne bodie as the Apostle saith Heb. 9.12 Neither by the bloud of goats and calves but by his owne bloud entred he once into the holy place 4. In the effect they differ the Priests of the law did not perfectly reconcile but onely shadowed forth by that typicall reconciliation the true remission of sinnes by the bloud of Christ who hath obtained eternall redemption for us and hath redeemed us from the curse of the law Galath 3.13 5. In the continuance the Priesthood of Aaron was not to continue for ever but as the Apostle saith This man because he endureth for ever hath an everlasting Priesthood Heb. 2.24 6. In the manner of confirmation They were made Priests without an oath But this is made with an oath by him that said unto him The Lord hath sworne and will not repent thou art a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedeck Heb. 5.21 Marbach QUEST IV. Why Christ is called a Priest after the order of Melchisedeck and not of Aaron ANd although Aaron were a type and figure of Christ yet he is called a Priest after the order of Melchisedeck and not after Aaron not because there was no resemblance betweene Christ and Aaron but for that Melchisedeck and his Priesthood did in three things more lively set forth Christs Priesthood than did Aarons 1. In the eternitie thereof 2. Office and function 3. And name 1. As Melchisedeck is set forth without father and mother without beginning of his dayes or end of his life not that he was so indeed but they are concealed in storie to make him a more lively type and figure of Christ who was in respect of his Divinitie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without mother in regard of his humanitie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 without father 2 As Melchisedek was both a King and a Priest so Christ was a Priest in the expiation of our sinnes by the sacrifice of himselfe upon the crosse and a King both in gathering his Church together by the scepter of his word and governing them by his Spirit as also in that all power over all creatures and over the universall world is committed unto him 3. The name of Melchisedek fitly agreeth unto Christ which signifieth the King of righteousnesse and the place whereof he was King which was Salem that betokeneth peace did also set forth the peaceable Kingdome of Christ both making peace betweene God and us and taking away the wall of partition that was betweene the Jewes and Gentiles making of both one as the Apostle sheweth Ephes. 2.13 Now in Christ Iesuâ— yee which were once a farre off are made neere by the bloud of Christ for he is our peace which hath made of both one Marbach QUEST V. Why these Priestly garments are commanded to be made Vers. 2. HOly garments c. glorious and beautifull 1. These garments were called holy in two respects both because in respect of the end they were consecrated and ordained onely to holy uses and therefore the Priests onely were to put them on and none other beside and they were not at all times to use them but onely when they went into the Tabernacle when they went out they put them off as also in respect of the manner of consecration they were anointed with the holy oyle chap. 30. and so set apart for holy uses Tostat. quaest 2. 2. This apparelling of Aaron with such glorious apparell was commanded both in respect of themselves that they by these ceremonies might bee assured that their calling was of God Ferus 3. And in regard of the people hereby the Lord would have their ministerie the more reverenced and had in
for all offer up himselfe in sacrifice for us and still continueth our Mediatour Borrh. 4. Now the inferiour Priests garments are fitly applied to set forth the qualities and conditions of the faithfull which are the members of Christ as the other did shadow forth Christ our head 1. Beda by the linen garment interpreteth decorem castitatis the comelinesse of chastitie by the girdle vigilantem mentis custodiam the diligent watchfulnesse of the minde to keepe the same by the bonnets visus anditus gustus custodiam the diligent keeping of the sight hearing taste and of all the senses 2. Thomas maketh a more generall use Castitas significatur per femoralia c. Chastitie is signified by the breeches Puritas vita per lineam tunicam Puritie of life by the linen garment Moderatio discretionis per cingulum Moderate discretion by the girdle Rectitudo intentionis pertiaram And a right intention by the bonnet 3. But this application is more fit The linen garment signifieth our innocencie and righteousnesse which we receive in the lavacre of regeneration being cloathed with Christs righteousnesse as the Apostle saith All yee that are baptized unto Christ have put on Christ the girdle signifieth constancie in the truth as S. Paul saith Stand therefore your loines girded about with veritie Tiara protectionis divinae signa erant The bonnets were signes of the divine protection the linen breeches shew what care should be had of comelinesse and what reverence is to be used in the service of God Pelarg. Marbach Who addeth this further that as we put more comelinesse upon our uncomely parts as the Apostle saith 1 Cor. 2.23 So our Saviour hath respect unto the vile and abject members of the Church such as are despised and counted base in the world 4. And like as we use three kinde of garments some for necessitie to cover our naked parts some for ornament and comelinesse and some for defence as militarie garments as here the Priests had their linen breeches of the first sort their linen coat of the second and their girdle of the third So unto a Christian are necessarie three kinde of spirituall garments the first is the garment of faith whereby our sins are covered secondly the ornaments of the soule are requisite whereby Christians must be adorned in the sanctitie and integritie of life thirdly they must put on their spirituall armour and take the sword of the Spirit the word of God whereby they may fight against Satan Simler Borrhaius 4. Places of Doctrine 1 Doct. None must intrude themselves into the callings of the Church Vers. 1. CAuse thou thy brother Aaron to come In that Aaron intruded not himselfe into the Priests office but was thereunto called Procopius giveth this note Qui temerario ansu ad se trahere sacerdotium c. He that will rashly draw unto himselfe the Priesthood shall suffer punishment So also Oleaster So the Apostle observeth upon this very example of Aaron No man taketh this honour to himselfe but he that is called of God as Aaron Heb. 5.4 2. Doct. The agreement which ought to be betweene the Civill and Ecclesiasticall state OLeaster noteth here further in that Moses who was the chiefe Magistrate called Aaron to the Priesthood the concord and amitie that ought to be betweene the Civill and Ecclesiasticall state is commended that as Ioash prospered while hee followed the direction of Iehoiadah so both the Ecclesiasticall state should imitate Iehoiadah to give holy counsell and direction unto the Magistrate and the Magistrate to be like Ioash in following the same 3. Doct. Profitable arts are the gift of God Vers. 3. SPeake unto all cunning men whom I have filled with the Spirit of wisdome c. Gallasius hereupon thus writeth Omnem artem industriam c. Dei donum agnosco Every art and industrie which bringeth utilitie unto man I acknowledge to be the gift of God as the Prophet Isaiah saith that God instructeth the husbandman to have discretion Isa. 28.26 Men therefore to whom God hath given the knowledge of profitable and commendable arts should have a care to employ them to Gods glorie and not to abuse them to wantonnesse 4. Doct. Whatsoever is instituted in Gods service must proceed from his wisdome Vers. 3. SPeake unto all cunning men in the Hebrew wise in heart Whatsoever is instituted in the service of God à sapientia Dei proficisci debet must proceed from the wisdome of God no humane device must have place or bee admitted there Simler Sauls policie in transgressing Gods Commandement in saving the best things of the Amalekites though hee thought hee did therein well and wisely yet was displeasing unto God 5. Doct. The sound of the Word in the Gospell exceedeth the sound of Aarons bels under the law Vers. 35. HIs sound shall be heard c. Herein as Lippoman well observeth appeareth the excellencie of the Gospell beyond the Law they heard then but the sound of Aarons bels Nunc audimus clarum sonitum Evangelii Now we heare the cleere sound of the Gospell c And as the understanding of a man exceedeth the capacitie of a childe and the cleere day the dawning so the cleere light of the Gospell excelleth the shadowes of the Law God providing better things for us as the Apostle saith that they without us should not be perfect Heb. 11.40 6. Doct. There ought to be order among the Ministers of the Church Vers. 40. THou shalt make for Aarons sons coats In that Aaron the high Priests coats were made more costly and glorious than his sons the inferiour Priests therein commendatur ordo inter Ecclesiae ministros is commended order among the Ministers of the Church that although Christ doe forbid bid his Disciples Luk. 22. to exercise dominion one over another as the Princes of the world doe Neutiquam tamen ordinem abrogat Yet he doth not abrogate order seeing he hath not onely distinguished them himselfe in gifts but in offices as the Apostle saith Ephes. 4. He hath given some to be Apostles some Prophets some Evangelists some Pastors and Doctors c. Marbach 5. Places of Controversie 1. Controv. Against the superstitious apparell of the Romish Priests Vers. 4. THou shalt make a breast-plate an Ephod and a robe and a broidered coat These Priestly garments being ceremoniall and typicall are now abolished Christ the true high Priest being come with his ornaments Therefore the Romanists doe plainly Iudaize in bringing againe into the Priestly order such varietie of garments as the Pall the Miter the Crozier staffe the Albe the Chimere the gray amice the Stoale with such like Their Priests come forth as though Aaron addressed himselfe with his attire to sacrifice at the Altar S. Paul hath given us a rule concerning these things which are but a shadow of things to come but the bodie is in Christ Coloss. 2.17 But it will bee here further asked if it bee not lawfull now for the
Ribera further by the girdle which compasseth the loines understandeth the continencie and single life of Priests out of Beda Contra. 1. If it had any such signification wherefore was not single life injoyned Aarons sons first to whom this girdle was prescribed 2. Beda indeed hath such a collection but he addeth withall Quod videlicet genus virtutis nulli per legem Dei necessario imperatum sed voluntaria est devotione Deo offerendum Which kinde of vertue is necessarily injoyned none by the law of God but it must with a voluntarie devotion be offered unto God the Lord thus saying hereof Non omnes capiunt verbum hoc All cannot receive this saying c. Why then doe they impose necessarily upon their Priests solitarie and single life which forced chastitie hath brought forth and yet doth many foule fruits among them as adulterie fornication Sodomitrie and such like uncleannesse 6. Morall Observations 1. Observ. Apparell commendeth not one to God Vers. 2. THou shalt make holie garments for Aaron c. glorious and beautifull Wee reade of divers glorious garments made in the world As of the costly vesture of Alcisthenes the Sybarite which Dionysius sold for 120. talents unto the Carthaginians Demetrius King of Macedon had a robe set forth sumptuously with the representation of the heaven and starres which no King durst put on quòd invidiosa nimis esset impendii magnificentia because it was too envious because of the magnificent cost But Aarons glorious apparell exceeded all these not so much in the sumptuous cost and cunning workmanship as in respect of the institution which was from God and the signification which was to set forth the glorious Priesthood of Christ and as this was typicall in it selfe so morally it shewed with what varietie of vertues first the Ministers of God then all his faithfull people and worshippers should be adorned not with putting on of gold or outward apparell but with the spirituall ornaments of the inward man as S. Peter teacheth how women should be adorned 1 Pet. 3.4 2. Observ. Ministers must be adorned with veritie of doctrine and holinesse of life Vers. 30. VRim and Thummim Which signifie knowledge and perfection whereby the Minister and man of God is set forth that he ought to be adorned with soundnesse of doctrine and integritie of conversation B. Babing As Saint Paul requireth that his Bishop for the one should be apt to teach for the other unreproveable 1 Tim. 3. 3. Observ. Ministers must not be dumbe or idle Vers. 35. ANd his sound shall be heard c. Gregorie well noteth upon this that the Priest dieth if his sound be not heard when he goeth in and out before the Lord Iram contra se occulti judicis excitat si sine sonìtu praedicationis incedit Hee stirreth up the anger of the secret Judge against him who goeth on without the sound of preaching c. So the holy Apostle saith Wee is unto me if I preach not the Gospell 1 Cor. 9.16 This maketh against two sort of Ministers the ignorant and unskilfull that cannot sound forth the voice of preaching and the idle and slothfull that doe not CHAP. XXIX 1. The Method and Argument THe Tabernacle with the parts thereof being thus finished with the garments and apparell of the Priests now followeth the consecration of them in this Chapter which consisteth of two parts first of the consecration of the Priests to vers 37. Then the sanctifying of the Altar and Tabernacle for the publike service of God In the consecration 1. Is set downe the preparation it selfe both of the things wherewith they should be consecrated to vers 5. then of the persons Aaron and his sons who are first attired and apparelled with their severall rayments to vers 10. 2. The consecration followeth first of Aaron and the rest for that time to vers 28. then the generall manner is prescribed to be observed afterward vers 28. to vers 37. In the speciall consecration for that time 1. The manner is prescribed how the calfe or bullocke shall be used 1. How and where he should be killed vers 10 11. 2. What shall be done with the bloud vers 12. with the fat vers 13. with the flesh and skin vers 14. 2. How the ramme of burnt offering should be sacrificed is shewed vers 16. to vers 19. 3. The ramme of consecration which was the third beast must be thus bestowed 1. The bloud part must be laid upon certaine parts of Aaron with part the Altar and Aaron and his sons with their garments must be sprinkled vers 20 21. 2. The flesh and parts some must bee burnt upon the Altar with the manner how they must bee first put into Aarons hands and shaken to and fro before the Lord to vers 26. some as the breast and shoulder shall be for Aaron and his sons to vers 28. In the generall prescription these things are declared 1. The perpetuall law of the heave offering vers 28. 2. The use of the Priestly garments vers 29 30. 3. How the ramme should be dressed and eaten to vers 34. 4. And nothing must be reserved vers 34. The second generall part belongeth unto the daily and publike service of God 1. The instrument thereof is declared the Altar with the manner of consecration to vers 38. 2. The matter of the daily offering two lambs one at morning the other at even to vers 42. 3. The place is described at the doore of the Tabernacle vers 42 43. 4. The Ministers vers 44. 5. The effect Gods dwelling among them vers 45 46. 2. The divers readings Vers. 1. Take a young bullocke under the damme or sucking I. ben bakar the son of a bullocke A.P.H. better than a young calfe B.G. for here ben bachar is not interpreted phar of it selfe signifieth a young calfe or than a young bullocke from the oxen V.S. or a calfe from the heard L.C. See qu. 2. following Vers. 5. And shall gird them with the broidered girdle of the Ephod I.B.C.P. or broidered gard of the Ephod G.V.A. better than thou shalt gird them with a girdle L. for here Ephod is wanting or thou shalt couple the breastplate to the superhumerall or Ephod S. for here bechesheb with the broidered gard or girdle is omitted Vers. 10. Shall stay his hands upon the head of the calfe fulcient A. or shall rest with his hands upon c. better than put to their hands V. or joyne their hands upon c. P. or put on their hands c. G.L.S.C. samac signifieth sustentare to stay Oleaster Vers. 14. It is sinne S.A.H. c. that is an offering for sinne I.G.B. as S. Paul saith in the same sense that Christ was made sinne for us 2 Cor. 5.21 V. better than it is an expiation C. or it is for sinne L. for is added the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chatath sinne Vers. 25. And thou shalt burne them in the
and ministerie was to be executed 3. And there betweene the doore and the Altar was the brasen Laver where Aaron and the Priests were to wash themselves before they put on the holy garments thither therefore are they called because there they were to be washed with water Tostat. qu. 1. QUEST V. Why Aaron and the rest are washed and how Vers. 4. ANd wash them with water 1. Not with common or every water but with that which was in the brasen Laver chap. 30.18 Iun. 2. But here we must consider that alwayes the order of time is not set downe in Scripture in setting downe the storie of such things as were done for the brasen Laver wherein they were to be washed is afterward appointed to bee made chap. 30. Tostat. quast 2. 3. They were washed not onely their hands and feet as in their daily ministerie chap. 40.33 but in their whole bodie as thinketh Rab. Salomon because their first consecration required a more solemne oblation and washing than their daily ministration And like as the oyle was powred upon Aarons head but ran downe along upon his beard and other parts so it is like the water was applied to his whole bodie Lyran. Tostat. And this washing was a figure of Christs baptisme who went into the water when he was baptised Matth. 3. Simler 4. It was fit they should be washed before they put on the holy garments both for decencie and comelinesse that the soile of their bodie might be cleansed before they applied the precious and glorious apparell and for signification that they might thereby be admonished to cleanse and purge themselves from their sins and corruptions QUEST VI. Of the Priestly apparell which Aaron put on and why the girdle is omitted Vers. 5. PVt upon Aaron the tunicle c. 1. Tostatus thinketh that this was the linen garment which was common to Aaron and the inferiour Priests But it is shewed before chap. 28.39 that the high Priests linen coat was embroidered and so were not the other Priests linen coats 2. Tostatus also hath another conceit that the high Priest did put on this linen coat supervestes communes upon his common wearing apparell qu. 2. But that is not like for Aaron put off his cloaths when he was washed and then he is immediatly cloathed with his Priestly apparell 3. Because no mention is here made of the girdle Cajetan thinketh that cingulum erat commune pontifici sacerdotibus that there was one common girdle for the high Priest and the rest and therefore afterward vers 9. mention is made once for all of the girdles of the Priests But it is evident chap. 28.39 that the high Priests girdle was embroidered of needle worke whereas the common girdles were onely of linen Levit. 16.4 This rather is to be supplied out of Levit. 8.8 where he is girded with a girdle upon his coat and so Oleaster thinketh well that Aaron hath seven ornaments put upon him beside the linen breeches the tunicle the robe the Ephod the pectorall the girdle the miter and golden crowne 4. And whereas it is said and shall cleanse them with the broidered gard of the Ephod Tostatus following Iosephus thinketh that this was the girdle wherewith his garments were girded all together qu. 2. whereas it was the broidered gard which was in the nether part of the Ephod the laps whereof below did gird the Priest in the waste as a girdle Iun. Lippoman Simler Vatab. QUEST VII How Aaron was anointed and with what Vers. 7. ANd thou shalt take the anointing oyle 1. Though it be called oile yet was it more than oile for it was a precious ointment made of Rosin Myrrh Cinamom and other things as it is prescribed chap. 30. Iun. 2. The high Priest was anointed in his head but it is not expressed how the inferiour Priests were anointed it is like but in their hands though Tostatus useth but a slender conjecture to prove it because now their Bishops use to be anointed in the head the inferiour Priests but in the hands to signifie that the one receive a superioritie in their consecration the other but a kinde of service and ministerie for what warrant have they to use the Jewish rites and ceremonies under the Gospell in their consecrations 3. Now because it would seeme an uncomely thing that all Aarons garments should be besmeared with this ointment if it had beene powred on Aarons head R. Salomon thinketh that Moses tooke his finger and dipped it in the oile and so strake it on Aarons forehead But the text is against his conceit both in this place because it is said and shalt powre it upon his head and likewise Psal. 133. where it is expressed that the ointment ran downe upon Aarons beard and so to the skirts of his cloathing Tostat. qu. 2. QUEST VIII How the ordinance of the Priesthood is said to be perpetuall Vers. 9. THe Priests office shall be theirs for a perpetuall law 1. Whereas the like phrase is used chap. 28.43 This shall be a law for ever c. which some restraine unto the particular precept of wearing linen breeches because the law of comelinesse and decencie is perpetuall here it is evident that it is generally meant of the exercising and execution of the whole Priesthood Calvin 2. Therefore this ordinance is said to be eternall and perpetuall in respect of the subject because it was to continue toto tempore quo durarent sacrificia all the time that the sacrifices were to continue the sacrifices then in Christ being determined for the Jewes themselves at this day forbeare to sacrifice nay they would chuse rather to die than offer sacrifice out of the land of Canaan and especially because they have no Tabernacle nor Temple where onely by the law they were to sacrifice the law of the Priesthood must also cease the sacrifices wherein the Priesthood was exercised being abolished Tostat. cap. 28. qu. 21. 3. Augustine giveth another reason why it is called perpetuall quia res significaret aeternas because it signified eternall things So also Gloss. interlin it is so called quia perpetuam futuram id est Christianam religionem significabat because it signified the Christian religion which should be perpetuall And Calvine also approveth this sense Hac vera est ceremoniarum perpetuitas c. This is the true perpetuitie of the ceremonies that they have their being in Christ the substance and truth of them QUEST IX The spirituall application of Aarons manner of consecration NOw this manner of consecrating of Aaron by offering sacrifices washing putting on the Priestly apparell in being anointed hath this signification 1. The presenting of the bullocke to be sacrificed Aspersionem designat sanguinis Domini nostri doth signifie the sprinkling of Christs bloud Beda The two rams doe set forth Christ ex anima corpore c. consisting in his humane nature of bodie and soule Strabus or they signifie duplicem populum c. the two people
done upon that day he materially breaketh it who doth a worke like unto that which is forbidden but yet is permitted by the law As if there were a law that no citizen should sell any thing to a stranger but such as were licensed to do it hee that so selleth being not allowed transgresseth the law formally he that doth it being thereunto licensed doth transgresse onely materially in that he doth the same thing which he committeth that transgresseth the law but not in that manner The same difference there was betweene the workes of the Priests which were allowed by the law upon the Sabbath day and the like workes of those which laboured in the building of the Tabernacle upon that day which were forbidden 3. Another difference is this the sacrifices belonged to the service of God which if they should have been intermitted upon the Sabbath the service of God should therby have been neglected But though the workes about the Tabernacle did cease upon the Sabbath Gods worship was not thereby neglected for they might as well be made upon other daies and so were 4. They were to do no servile works upon the Sabbath but many works necessarie for the building of the Sanctuarie were servile so were not the sacrifices and other duties performed by the Priests upon the Sabbath therefore the one were permitted upon the Sabbath and not the other Tostat. qu. 9. QUEST XIII How the Sabbath is said to bee a signe that the Lord did sanctifie them Vers. 13. IT is a signe betweene me and you that I the Lord do sanctifie you Which words are diversly expounded 1. Some make this the sense It is a signe that I sanctifie you in that I have separated you from other people selected you unto my self Vatab. Lyran. 2. Oleaster thus Sanctitas Sabbatâ— signum est munditia c. The holinesse of the Sabbath is a signe of cleanenesse which I require of you Vt ex dicato tempore Deo credamus magis nos ipsos dicuri Deo c. That by the time dedicated to God wee should know that wee our selves much more should be dedicated Cajetan But more is here signified than so the words implie an actuall sanctification not signified onely 3. Hierom saith it is so said because it was signum veri Sabbati a signe of the true Sabbath wherein wee shall rest from the labours of the world 4. So also Irenam Non sine symbole erant signa the signes were not without some symbole and signification Sabbatâ— perseverantiam totim diâ—i c. The Sabbaths holding our the whole day did signifie our continuance in Gods serâ—â—ce But here the Lord speaketh of an actuall sanctification not of a typicall signification 5. Some say it is so called quia signum erat â—udâ—ris because it was a signe of the Covenant whereby the people did bind themselves to worship the Lord for their God and such signes were all the other ceremonies Marbach But there is a morall consideration in the sanctifying of the Sabbath therefore it was otherwise a signe than the other ceremonies 6. It was then a common signe betweene God and them they holding God to be their God Creator and sanctifier because the Sabbath was a commemoration of the creation and the Lord taking them for his people whom he created redeemed and sanctified Iun. Tostat. 7. Beside the keeping of the Sabbath was a signe of difference between them and all other prophane people of the world who derided the Jewes for their Sabbaths as 〈◊〉 derided them for this Quod septimâ—m partem 〈…〉 Because they lost the seventh part of their age in resting every seventh day Tostat. qu. 10. 8. And specially it was a signe of their sanctification because that day they were sequestred by an holy rest from thinking or studying upon prophane things and in respect of the exercises of religion upon that day whereby they were sanctified sanctificaâ—â—r verbo Dei we are sanctified by the word of God Simler And they did meet together ad confirmandam 〈…〉 to confirme their faith by the sacraments Osiander And because every Sabbath discatiâ— doctrinam meam you learne my doctrine c. Iunius QUEST XIV The reasons why the Sabbath must be observâ—d Vers. 13. FOr it is a signe c. There are here divers reasons yeelded for the observation of the Sabbath 1. The first is à sine from the end it was a signe betweene God and them 2. Ab â—tili it is holy unto you that is ordained for your benefit and commoditie as our blessed Saviour saith Mark 2.27 The Sabbath was made for man and not man for the Sabbath Pelarg. So also Cajetan It is holy unto you that is ad vestrum bonum mandatur custodiendum it is appointed to be kept for your good 3. A necessarie from the necessitie of it because if they did not keepe it they should surely die as thrice the punishment of death is here threatned to those that defile the Sabbath and doe any worke therein Pelarg. 4. From the authoritie of the Institutor quia dicatur Domino c. because it is consecrated unto God vers 15. It is the Sabbath of the holy rest unto the Lord therefore it ought to be observed Cajetan 5. A facili from the easinesse of the precept the Lord appointeth but one day for the holy rest whereas he alloweth six for labour Pelargus 6. Ab exemplo Dei from Gods example who created the world in six daies and rested the seventh Pelarg. Simlerus 7. A consequenti from the event or consequent in observing the Sabbath efficient in succedentibus generationibus c. They shall procure that a perpetuall covenant shall be established in their generations betweene the Lord and their posteritie for ever Cajetan QUEST XV. What death is meant in this phrase He shall die the death Vers. 14. SHall die the death Whereas there are divers kinds of death there is everlasting death both of bodie and soule in the next world and the temporall death in this life either of the soule in being deprived of the life of grace or of the bodie either by the hand of God by sudden and extraordinarie death or by the hand of the Magistrate according to these divers kinds of death so is this place diversly interpreted 1. Some referre it to everlasting death and excluding from the societie of Gods servants Iun. 2. Some understand it of being deprived of the life of grace Vita gratiae destituetuâ— hic infuturo seculo c. He shall be destitute of the life of grace both here and in the next world Lippoman 3. Some of being excluded from the people of God no more to be counted an Israelite Eâ— Oleastr 4. Some of the violent death by the Magistrate Osiander Simler 5. Some of extraordinarie death when God cutteth one off and so punisheth him by death unlooked for as God is said to offer a man into ones hand when he is suddenly killed
Confut. No festivall daies to be dedicated to Saints Vers. 17. IT is a signe betweene me and the children of Israel c. If this festivall day of the sabbath was consecrated unto the Lords honour and it was a signe betweene the people and him hence it is evident that holy and festivall daies are not to be erected to the honour of Saints The Lord is the Creator of time and daies and therefore he only must have the honour of them Simler 4. Confut. Against the observation of the Iewish festivalâ— Vers. 17. FOr ever c. Hence the Ebionites grounded their heresie that Christians were bound now to keepe the Jewish Sabbath because the Lord calleth it here and in the former verse an everlasting covenant But this is a weake and slender ground Augustine thinketh it is called an everlasting covenant because the Sabbath was a signe of that which was eternall namely our spirituall rest in Christ or because there is no time prefixed or determined for the continuance of it But rather it is so called not simply but in respect of the policie and state of that Common-wealth that as long as it stood and the time of ceremonies did hold so long should the law of the Sabbath be in force for otherwise they may as well urge the celebration of the Jewish Passeover which is established by an ordinance for ever Exod. 12.17 and Aarons Priesthood by the same reason should continue still of the which the Lord saith Exod. â—8 43 This shall be a law for ever unto him and his seed after him 6 Morall observations 1. Observ. Arts not to be abused to any unlawfull purpose Vers. 2. WHom I have filled with the Spirit of God Seeing humane Arts are the gift of God artificers must take heed that they do not profane Gods good gifts and abuse their trades to pride wantonnes superstition or such like Gallas B. Babingâ— As in these daies many doe make their handicrafts to attend as handmaids upon pride And some thereby set forth superstition and idolatrie as Esay describeth the foolishnes and vanitie of such as carved images to make them gods thereof to worship Isai. 44.13 Such an one was Demetrius who made silver shrines for Diana Act. 17. 2. Observ. Against vaine pompe in the multitude of servant and officers Vers. 4. TO worke in gold silver brasse c. The Lord could have raised up a cunning workman in every one of these but hee rather thought it good to give unto one man skill in all these whereby the pompe of many vaine glorious persons in the world is reproved that will have a severall officer for every service as Oleaster noteth Alius culinam curat aliuâ— equos c. One looketh to the kitchin another to the horse a third waiteth on the table another attendeth in the chamber c. Bernard reproved this pompe in the Abbats of his time whereof some hee noteth to have ridden in the way accompanied with threescore horse Aâ— non unus aliquis minister posset saith he jâ—mentuâ— ligare ad mensam servire lectulum praeparare May not one minister suffice to saddle the horse serve at the table and make the bed But Oleaster here is overseene to checke Princes for this their magnificence and state in having many officers for it is seemely for their high place and calling to bee served in different sort from others In meaner persons it may worthily be noted for a fault if any in the vaine ostentation of servants and officers shall exceed the bounds of their calling 3. Observ. Gifts to be mutually communicated Vers. 6. I Have joyned with him Aholiab Oleaster hereupon giveth another good note Serui Dei societatem admittunt The servants of God refuse not societie though they have never so good gifts yet they desire the helpe of others as Moses envied not that Eldad and Medad prophesied in the campe So then as in the bodie one member standeth in need of another so is it in the diversitie of gifts which are given to the members of Christs mysticall bodie they should communicate them one to another and so use them as best may serve for the common good of the Church CHAP. XXXII 1. The Method and Argument IN this Chapter is set forth the sinne of Israel in committing most grosse idolatries whereof there are foure parts 1. The narration of their wicked fact to Vers. 7 2. The examining of their fact and the knowledge thereof to vers 26. 3. The punishment inflicted thence to vers 30. 4. A preparation to their repentance vers 30. to the end 1. Their sin is described 1. Both by the counsell and advice which they tookes first the people in propounding the matter to Aaron to make them gods with the occasion moving them therto the absence of Moses then Aaron in setting them a course what to doe vers 2. 2. By the fact it selfe which is either of them apart of the people in bringing their jewels vers 3. of Aaron in making thereof a Calfe and setting up an Altar vers 4 5. or of them both together Aaron proclaimeth an holy day vers 5. The people offer sacrifices eat drinke and play vers 6. 2. The examination cognizance or taking knowledge of this sinne was either while Moses was with God to vers 15. or when he was departed from God and returned to the campe 1. In the first there is first the Lords complaint of the people in generall that they had corrupted their waies vers 7. so also vers 9. in particular by the description of their sinne vers 8. Secondly Moses intercession with the effect thereof Moses intercession is grounded upon three reasons The deliverance of the people vers 11. The blasphemie of the Egyptians which is feared vers 12. The covenant made with their fathers vers 13. Then the effect is God changed his minde vers 14. 2. In the second cognizance there are two degrees first Moses confused knowledge when they were yet a farre off as he went and conferred with Ioshua to vers 19. Then his certaine knowledge 1. By the sight of his eyes vers 19. whereupon followed two effects of his indignation the breaking of the Tables and the burning of the golden Calfe vers 20 21. 2. By Aarons confession whom Moses fifteth and examineth to vers 25. 3. The punishment is thus set forth 1. The reason that moved Moses to take revenge the nakednes of the people vers 26. 2. Moses charge to the Levites vers 26.27 3. The execution vers 28 29. 4. The preparation to their repentance and reconciliation consisteth 1. of Moses admonition to the people vers 30. Of Moses supplication unto God his petition which containeth the confession of their sinne vers 32. and the craving of pardon with a disjunction or else himselfe to bee blotted out c. 2. And of Gods answer wherein the Lord refuseth Moses disjunctive request concerning himselfe and yeeldeth to his request for the people
place unto faith and yet take away all occasion of doubting God would not have them eye witnesses of all but to beleeve some thing And yet there was no doubt to be made that Moses received the law of God for they saw Moses to carrie up the tables bare without any writing and in the mount there was no graving instrument beside Moses face shined at his comming downe which shewed that hee had talked with God Calvin And the cloud in the mountaine testified that God was present and the Lord by his owne voice before had published the law Simler QUEST VI. Why their cattell are forbidden to come neere the mount Vers. 3. NEither let the sheepe or cattell feed c. 1. Rabanus whom Pelargus followeth by sheepe and cattell here understandeth Simplices terrenis operibus incubantes The simple and earthly minded which are not fit for celestiall contemplation but it is evident that the text meaneth not men here but cattell for they were excluded before Let not any man bee seene throughout all the mount 2. Some thinke that the cattell are restrained lest by the sight of them Moses might have beene interrupted in his contemplation but if this had beene the reason they should as well have beene kept off the first fortie dayes when Moses received all those ordinances of God and when Moses saw this glorious sight hee was set in the cleft of the rocke that no such object could withdraw his sight Tostat. quaest 4. 3. Therefore this was inquired for more reverence sake that the very place where the Lord appeared in this glorious manner should be reverenced though God be every where present yet hee at all times and in all places doth not require such reverence for then it were impossible for men to attend their necessarie worldly affaires but onely there where it pleaseth him to manifest himselfe as now in mount Sinai 4. And though the cloud never departed all this time from mount Sinai yet the Lord at sometimes shewed more conspicuous signes of his presence as in the giving of the law so that not at all times they and their cattell were forbidden to come neere the mountaine And now they are forbidden rather than before when Moses was the first fortie dayes with God because now the Lord shewed himselfe in more glorious manner than at any time before Tostat. qu. 4. 5. Beside by occasion of the sheepe and cattell the shepherds and heard-men might come neere also unto the mountaine and therefore this restraint is made to stay their curiositie Oleaster 6. And by this the men were admonished to be more carefull seeing the beasts should not be spared if they transgressed Marbach 7. Cajetan thinketh that the cattell were onely kept off on one part of the mountaine where the going up was but rather on every side the mountaine was to be cleared so farre as any fight might be had of that place where the Lord appeared unto Moses Tostat. qu. 4. For the whole mountaine was holy because of Gods presence QUEST VII Who is said here to descend and how Vers. 5. ANd Iehovah descended 1. Tostatus thinketh that an Angell of God which he thinketh assumed that glorious bodie which was shewed unto Moses thus proclaimed the name Iehovah quast 5. But seeing this name is not communicable to any creature as Burgensis calleth it nomen proprium divinum the proper name of God and this that here speaketh is said to be Iehovah could not be an Angell 2. Therefore their opinion is sounder which thinke this to bee the Lord Christ himselfe the Son of God who appeared to the Fathers Simler Qui Dominus est Angelus Testamenti promissus Who is both the Lord himselfe and the great Angell of the Testament which was promised Lippomen Pellican For the Apostle sheweth that this Angell whom they tempted and provoked in the wildernesse was Christ 1 Cor. 10.9 3. He is said to descend not that God doth either ascend or descend or goe from place to place but Symbolice Symbolically that is in respect of the signes of his presence as here God descended in a cloud likewise God is said to descend ratione nostri intellectus in respect of our understanding when he descendeth to our capacitie Simlerus And these are correspondent one to the other Moses ascendeth God descendeth Moses fecit quod praceptum erat Deuâ— implevit quod promiserat Moses doth as he is bidden the Lord fulfilleth what he promised Perâ—â— QUEST VIII Who proclaimed the name Iehovah God or Moses Vers. 6. IEhovah passed before his face and cried Iehovah Iehovah c. 1. The vulgar Latine readeth this in the Vocative case so also the Chalde paraphrast and inferreth in the former verse the name of Moses which is not in the Hebrew Moses 〈◊〉 nomen Domini And Moses invocated the name of God and putteth the verbs in the second person vers 7. Which keepest mercie unto thousands So also Ferus and Mathias Thoring defending Lyranus against Burgensis and Simlerus because they say it is not so fit that the Lord should be said to invocate his owne name as for Moses to doe it But the Latine translation upon the which this opinion is grounded doth evidently crosse the originall where vers 5. the name Moses is not found neither is it put in the second person in the Hebrew but onely in the participle notzer reserving pokedh visiting and so in the rest the word karah also signifieth not alwayes to invocate but to crie call or proclaime as Oleaster translateth elamavit he cried out 2. Some thinke that God first said these words and proclaimed his titles and names and then Moses statim sermonem assumpsit did presently take up the the same forme of speech Lippom. And thus he would reconcile the Hebrew text and the Latine translation The like he alleageth out of the new Testament that whereas one Evangelist after the parable rehearsed of the husbandmen that killed the heire and Christ demanded the question what will the Lord of the vineyard doe to those husbandmen one hath They said unto him he will come and destroy those husbandmen as though these words should be uttered by the standers by Matth. 21.41 yet both Mark chap. 12.9 and Luk. 20.16 these words are rehearsed as uttered by Christ himselfe Lippoman giveth this solution that after the Jewes had made answer in that manner to our Saviours demand Dominus mox sermonem reassumpsit the Lord presently reassumeth that speech and so he thinketh it is here that first the Lord spake these words and then Moses But this instance is nothing like 1. For the text may beare it in the Evangelists that those words were uttered first by the Jewes and afterward by our Saviour but here the text will not beare it that Moses uttered these words for it is said vers 6. The Lord passed by and cried He then that passed by Moses the same thus cried 2. Neither yet doe the two
And therefore it was the old use in the consecration of Bishops to aske of him that was consecrated vtrum velit Episcopatum whether he would have a Bishoprike who was twice to say nay but if any such desired a Bishopricke induceret illum ad mentiendum he that asked such question should enduce him to lie Thus farre Tostatus proceedeth well 2. But whereas that place of the Apostle will be objected If any man desireth the office of a Bishop he desireth a good worke 1 Tim. 3.1 he answereth he desireth indeed bonum opus a good worke but not bene he desireth it not well whereas the Apostle in these words as Hierom expoundeth them Ad operis desiderium non ad honoris ambitum provocat doth rather provoke and stir up unto the desire of the work not ambitiously to seek the honour c. The Apostle then in these words reprehendeth not but alloweth their desire which affect the callings of the Church rather prodesse quam praesse to profit others than to rule as Augustine saith 3. Wherefore this further may be added that in seeking or desiring the places and offices of the Church there are two extremes to be shunned the one was the fault of former times when they which otherwise were well qualified and enabled for Ecclesiasticall functions did altogether decline them and utterly refused to take that calling upon them as one Ammonius when he should have been ordained a Presbyter cut off one of his eares and threatned if they would not let him alone to cut out his tongue to make himselfe altogether unfit for that calling The other fault is incident to this age ambitiously to sue and seeke for the preferments of the Church such an one was Diatrephes who loved to have preeminence Wherefore that a meane may bee kept in desiring the places in the Church three things must bee considered 1. Hee that hath any mind to an Ecclesiasticall calling must first examine himselfe whether hee bee fitted and enabled with gifts and that in an humble opinion not in a blind selfe-love but such an one as is not furnished with gifts sinneth in putting himselfe forward to that place for the which he is not meet 2. He must propound unto himselfe as the chiefe and principall end the glorie of God and the edifiing of the people and not for maintenance or living sake offer himselfe 3. Hee must take heed that he use no indirect or unlawfull meanes by flatterie or briberie to creepe in and intrude himselfe 4. These conditions being well observed and these times withall considered wherein partly because of the great number and choice to bee had of sufficient men but most of all because vertue and learning is not duely respected and rewarded preferment is not offered unasked and undesired he that desireth a place in the Church as the Apostle saith desireth a good thing and therein is not to be discommended QUEST V. When the Tabernacle began to be set up Vers. 17. THus was the Tabernacle reared up the first day of the first moneth c. 1. Cajetane hereupon noteth that the Tabernacle was set up before one yeare was expired since their comming up out of Egypt whence they departed upon the fifteenth day of the first moneth so that there wanted fifteene daies of a full yeare This collection is verie evident out of the text and therefore Lippoman following the Septuagint had no reason to reject it 2. Simlerus thinketh that the Tabernacle which could not be set up in one day was begun to be set up before and now finished on the first day of the moneth which used to be a solemne day and it is like they kept not that solemnitie untill the Tabernacle was erected But it is evident by the text that Moses began now only to set up the Tabernacle upon the first day of the first moneth because the Lord appointeth that day for Moses to set it up in vers 2. therefore he began not before And the day wherein they began to set it up might be kept as a solemne day as well as the day wherein it was finished yet it may be thought that the feast of the new moone was not yet observed the Priests being not yet consecrated to whose office it belonged to solemnize that day with sacrifices 3. R. Salomon saith there were two erections and setting up of the Tabernacle one was quotidiana every day when it was set up in the morning and taken downe againe at night the other was stabilis erectio the sure or firme erecting of it which continued till the campe removed the first erecting of it began seven daies before but the second solemne and stable erecting was upon the first day of the first moneth Contra. This is the Rabbines owne device that the Tabernacle was every day set up and taken downe againe for it is contrarie to the text which saith that the cloud of the Lord was upon the Tabernacle by day and fire by night vers 37. untill the cloud ascended and then they went forward but if the Tabernacle were taken downe in the night the fire could not rest upon it 4. Calvine taketh this erecting of the Tabernacle for the removing of it from without the campe where it was set up and bringing of it within the host for his opinion is that the Tabernacle was set up before Moses going up the second time into the mount when he removed it without the host chap. 33.7 Contra. But that Tabernacle was not this great Tabernacle but another where Moses used to consult with God as is further shewed in the handling of that place And the great Tabernacle was made after Moses second comming downe as it is set downe in storie which without great necessitie is not to be transposed and as soone as the work was finished they brought it to Moses and then the Lord spake to Moses to set it up 5. Wherefore I encline rather to thinke that Moses according to the Lords commandement began onely upon the first day of the first moneth to set up the Tabernacle and so continued untill he had finished for in one day it was not all set up as it may be gathered chap. 7.1 VVhen Moses had finished the setting up of the Tabernacle hee did not then begin and finish in one day QUEST VI. What Testimonie was put into the Arke Vers. 20. HE tooke and put the testimonie in the Arke c. There were in and beside the Arke these foure things the tables of the Law the pot of Manna Aarons rod and the booke of the Law which Moses writ but none of these are heere understood by this Testimonie but only the tables of the Law 1. The pot of Manna was a testimonie of Gods mercie that he had fed the Israelites with the bread of heaven fortie yeares in the wildernesse but that was not this Testimonie for Aaron is bid to take the pot of Manna and put it there chap. 16.33 who was
light from Moses bookes 26. qu. Of the name of God Iehovah whether it be ineffable 27. qu. VVhy Moses is bid to gather the Elders together 28. qu. Why they make request but for three daies journey 29. qu. How the people is said to have sacrificed in the wildernesse 30. qu. How it is said Pharaoh should not let them go no not with strong hand Questions upon the fourth Chapter 1. QUest Whether Moses offended in charging the people 2. qu. What the first signe meaneth of turning the rod into a serpent 3. qu. What is signified by the leprosie of Moses hand 4. qu. VVhat kind of leprosie Moses hand was stricken with 5. qu. Whether the third signe of turning water into bloud were shewed at this time 6. qu. Whether in these miracles there were a substantiall change 7. qu. VVhether Moses indeed had an impediment of speech and what it was 8. qu. How God is said to make the deafe and dumbe 9. qu. How and wherefore the Lord was present with Moses mouth 10. qu. VVhom Moses meaneth that hee would have sent 11. qu. Whether Moses sinned in his so often refusall seeing God was angrie with him and wherein Moses sinned and how God is angrie with his children 12. qu. Why Aaron is called the Levite 13. qu. How Moses is said to be as God to Aaron 14. qu. VVhether Moses did well being called of God in taking his leave of his father in law 15. qu. VVhy Moses concealed from Iethro the principall end of his going 16. qu. Whether God spake to Moses in Midian beside that vision in Horeb. 17. qu. Of Moses wife and children and of his provision for his journey 18. qu. VVhy Moses staffe is called the rod of God 19. qu. How God is said to harden Pharaohs heartâ— that God man and Satan are said to harden the heart but diversly 20. qu. How Israel is called the first borne sonne of God 21. qu. Who smote Moses in the Iune and how 22. qu. For what sin the Lord would have killed Moses 23. qu. Whether the Israelites transgressed in omitting circumcision fortie yeares in the wildernesse 24. qu. VVhat moved Moses to deferre the circumcision of his child 25. qu. Why the Lord meeteth Moses by the way and not before 26. qu. VVhether Zipporah circumcised her sonne with a sharpe knife 27. qu. Whether both Moses sonnes or one only were uncircumcised and upon what occasion 28. qu. At whose feete Zipporah and what shee cast 29. qu. Why Zipporah called Moses husband of bloud 30. qu. VVhether those words of Zipporah rehearsed againe were uttered by Zipporah or by Moses the writer 31. qu. How Zipporah knew that Moses was stricken for the neglect of circumcision 32. qu. VVho it was that departed from Moses 33. qu. Of the mysticall application of the historie 34. qu. VVhat manner of faith it was which the people had in beleeving Moses Questions upon the fifth Chapter 1. QUest Why the Lord sent Moses so often to Pharaoh 2. qu. Whether Moses and Aaron went in alone to Pharaoh 3. qu. Whether Pharaoh were altogether ignorant of God 4. qu. Why mention is onely made of going three dayes journey 5. qu. What other things were said and done by Moses before Pharaoh 6. qu. In what sense Pharaoh saith they were much people 7. qu. Why they used straw in making of bricke 8. qu. Whether Moses sinned in expostulating with God 9. qu. How the Lord is said to afflict his people Questions upon the sixth Chapter 1. QUest Of the divers names which are given unto God in the Scripture 2. qu. Of the divers kinds of names given unto God 3. qu. Of the excellencie of the name Jehovah 4. qu. Whether the name Jehovah bee understood of Christ. 5. qu. Of the right pronuntiation of the name Jehovah 6. qu. Whether the name Jehovah be ineffable that is not to be pronounced 7. qu. How the Lord was not knowne by his name Jehovah to Abraham Isaak and Jacob. 8. qu. Why the Genealogie of Reuben Simeon and Levi is inserted 9. qu. How Reuben is said here to be the first borne 10. qu. Of the age of Levi. 11. qu. Of the age of Kohath 12. qu. Of the age of Amram 13. qu. Why the sonnes of Korah and Ithamar are set downe 14. qu. Why Aaron tooke a wife of the tribe of Judah 15. qu. How Moses without ostentation setteth forth his owne commendation 16. qu. In what sense Moses saith he was of uncircumcised lips Questions upon the seventh Chapter 1. QUest The divers appellations of the name of God 2. qu. In what sense Moses is called Aarons God 3. qu. In what sense Aaron is called Moses Prophet 4. qu. Why the tribes of Israel are called Armies 5. qu. Of Moses age 6. qu. Whether Pharaoh asked a signe and whether a signe may be required 7. qu. Of the divers names of the Egyptian Magicians here used 8. qu. Of divers kinds of Magicke 9. qu. Of the first author and inventor of art Magicke 10. qu. Who were the ringleaders and chiefe of the Egyptian Magicians where also of the place where Jannes and Jambres were buried 11. qu. Whether things done by magicke and inchantment are in truth or in shew onely 12. qu. What things are permitted to Satan to doe 13. qu. How divers wayes Satans power is limited 14. qu. Whether the devill by his owne power can cause thunder and lightning 15. qu. Of the power of spirits in naturall works and of divers strange and admirable works in nature 16. qu. What works in naturall things are forbidden unto spirits to doe and how Satan two wayes maketh things to appeare that are not 17. qu. Whether Satan can raise the spirits and soules of the dead where these particulars are handled of the fabulous reports of the Heathen of the imagined force of Necromancie 2. Reasons against Necrâ—mancie 3. In what cases the dead have been raised and appeared 18. qu. Why Satan doth counterfeit the spirits of the dead 19. qu. Of the divers kinds of miracles 20. qu. Of the difference betweene true miracles and false 21. qu. Whether the Sorcerers brought forth true serpents 22. qu. By what meanes Satan deluded Pharaoh with a shew of serpents 23. qu. Why the Lord suffered the Sorcerers of Egypt to shew such contrarie signes 24. qu. VVhether Pharaoh being deceived by the Magicians false signes be thereby excusable 25. qu. Of the number of the plagues of Egypt 26. qu. Of the greatnesse of the plagues of Egypt how the Egyptians were every way punished 27. qu. Where the plagues of Egypt and to what place they were sent at the first 28. qu. At what time the plagues were sent upon Egypt 29. qu. In what time all the plagues were finished 30. qu. Whether the good Angels or the Lord were the ministers of the Egyptian plagues 31. qu. For what ends and causes the Lord wrought such wonders in Egypt 32. qu. Who were exempted from the plagues of Egypt 33. qu.
yeare this was the third moneth 2. qu. What day of the moneth the same day was 3. qu. VVhether this first day of the third moneth were the 47. day from the Passeover 4. qu. Of the place where they incamped 5. qu. VVhether the Israelites incamped on the East side of the mount Sinai 6. qu. How Moses is said to goe up unto God 7. qu. VVhy both these names of Jacob and Israel are joyned together 8. qu. How the Lord is said to carrie them upon Eagles wings 9. qu. How they are said to bee the Lords chiefe treasure 10. qu. How they are said to be a Kingdome of Priests 11. qu. By what reasons the Lord perswaded the people and why 12. qu. VVhether the people unfeinedly here promise obedience 13. qu. How the Lord is said to come in the thicke cloud when and in what thicke cloud it was 14. qu. VVhy the Lord talketh with Moses in the hearing of the people 15. qu. VVhy Moses is said twice to have reported the peoples words unto God 16. qu. Why they are bidden to wash their garments 17. qu. Whether this were the third day of the moneth when the law was given 18. qu. VVhether the fifteenth day of the moneth were one of the fiftie which went before the giving of the law 19. qu. VVhether our Saviour with his disciples and the Iewes kept the Passeover together 20. qu. How the Apostles Pentecost and the Iewes Pentecost fell out all upon one day 21. qu. How the Lord is said here to descend 22. qu. VVhether Jehovah Christ Iesus appeared not in the old Testament but onely or usually the Angels 23. qu. VVhether it were Jehovah the Lord Christ or an Angell that came downe upon mount Sinai 24. qu. VVhy the people are forbidden to come up into the mountaine 25. qu. VVhy hee shall bee killed that toucheth the mountaine 26. qu. VVhy no hand was to touch him that came neere the mountaine 27. qu. VVhy the beast that toucheth the mountaine is commanded to be slaine 28. qu. VVhether at any time it were lawfull for the people to goe up to the mountaine 29. qu. VVhy Moses is not set downe to have reported all to the people which was given him in charge 30. qu. VVith what water they washed their cloaths 31. qu. VVhy they are commanded not to come at their wives 32. qu. VVhy Moses maketh such an ample and full declaration and description of the Lords glorious appearing in mount Sinai 33. qu. VVhy it pleased the Lord in this trouble and fearefull manner to appeare with thunder and lightning 34. qu. VVhether this thunder and lightning were naturall 35. qu. VVhy the Lord appeared in a thicke cloud 36. qu. Of the blowing of the trumpet at the giving of the law what it signifieth 37. qu. Of the different manner of the delivering the law and the Gospell 38. qu. VVhat it was that Moses spake and the Lord answered 39. qu. VVhether God himselfe or an Angell spake to Moses in the mount 40. qu. VVhy Moses is commanded to charge the people againe 41. qu. VVhat Priests are here understood 42. qu. Why Moses replieth as unwilling to go downe 43. qu. VVhy the Lord not withstanding Moses answer still chargeth him to goe downe 44. qu. VVhy Aaron is bid to come up with Moses wherefore he went up and when Questions upon the twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Whether this be a Commandement I am the Lord. 2. qu. Of the distinction and difference of the lawes of Moses in generall 3. qu. Of the validitie of the lawes Morall Ceremoniall and Iudiciall which are abrogated which are not 4. qu. Of the difference betweene the Morall and Evangelicall law 5. qu. Of the manifold use of the law in the fourefold state of man 6. qu. Why it pleased God now and not before to give his written law to the world 7. qu. How the Lord spake all these words and why 8. qu. Why it pleased God himselfe to speake to his people in the giving of the Law 9. qu. Of the division of the Morall Law 10. qu. Whether foure Commandements or three onely belong to the first table 11. qu. Whether all morall precepts as of loving of God and our neighbour bee reduced to the Decalogue 12. qu. Of generall rules to be observed in expounding the Commandements 13. qu. Why the Commandements are propounded negatively 14. qu. Of the speciall manner of accenting and writing observed in the Decalogue more than in any part of the Scripture beside 15. qu. Why this preamble is set before I am Jehovah thy God 16. qu. Why their deliverance out of Egypt is here mentioned Questions upon the first Commandement 1. QUest Whether it is better read strange gods or other gods 2. qu. Why they are called strange gods 3. qu. Whether any kinde of externall idolatrie be forbidden in the first Commandement 4. qu. Of the meaning of these words Before me 5. qu. What reasons ought chiefely to move us to acknowledge the Lord onely to be our God Questions upon the second Commandement 1. QUest What a graven image is 2. qu. What things a similitude must not bee made of to worship 3. qu. Of the difference betweene bowing downe and serving 4. qu. In what sense the Lord is called a jealous God 5. qu. Of the titles which the Lord here giveth himselfe and wherefore 6. qu. Of the general commination promise annexed 7. qu. How it standeth with Gods Iustice to punish the children for the fathers sins 8. qu. Why mention is made of the third and fourth generation 9. qu. Why mercie is promised to be shewed to a thousand generations 10. qu. How men are said to hate God Questions upon the third Commandement 1. QUest What is signified by the name of God and how diversly it is taken 2. qu. That it is more to abuse the name of Iesus than simplie of God 3. qu. How many wayes the name of God is taken in vaine 4. qu. What is required in taking of a right oath 5. qu. Whether men be bound to sweare often 6. qu. Whether it be lawfull to use cursing 7. qu. For what things an oath is not to be taken 8. qu. Whether all kinde oaths are to be kept 9. qu. Of the commination added to the third Commandement Questions upon the fourth Commandement 1. QUest Of the order of the fourth Commandement why it is put after the other 2. qu. Why it is said onely in this Commandement Remember c. 3. qu. VVhy the Lord thought good to appoint a day of rest and that upon the seventh day 4. qu. VVhether the precept of keeping the Sabbath were altogether ceremoniall 5. qu. To observe one day of seven unto the Lord is morall 6. qu. VVhat things in the Sabbath were ceremoniall what morall 7. qu. VVhat it is to sanctifie the Sabbath day 8. qu. Of the labouring six dayes whether it bee a Commandement 9. qu. VVhat works are permitted to be done upon the Sabbath 10. qu. VVhy
the children servants and cattell are commanded to rest 11. qu. VVhat strangers were injoyned to keepe the Sabbaths rest 12. qu. Why a reason is added to this Commandement 13. qu. How the Lord is said to have rested 14. qu. Of the changing of the Sabbath from the seventh day to the first day of the weeke 15. qu. How the Lord is said to have blessed and sanctified the day Questions upon the fifth Commandement 1. QUest Whether this precept belong to the first table 2. qu. VVhy the precepts of the second table are said to be like unto the first 3. qu. VVhy the precept of honouring parents is set first in the second table 4. qu. VVhy speciall mention is made of the mother 5. qu. VVhether the child is more bound to the father or mother 6. qu. Why the Lord commandeth obedience to parents being a thing acknowledged of all 7. qu. VVho are comprehended under the name of fathers and mothers 8. qu. VVhy the Lord here useth the name of father and mother to signifie the rest 9. qu. VVhat is meant by this word Honour 10. qu. Certaine doubts removed how and in what cases parents are to be obeyed 11. q. In what sense Christ biddeth us hate our parents 12. qu. How farre children are bound to obey their parents 13. qu. At what age it is most convenient for men to marrie to get children 14. qu. VVhether the reciprocall dutie also of parents toward their children be not here commanded 15. qu. VVherein the dutie of parents consisteth toward their children 16. qu. VVhether all the duties of mercie and charitie are commanded in this precept 17. qu. Of the true reading and meaning of these words That they may prolong it 18. qu. In what sense the Apostle calleth this the first Commandement with promise 19. qu. Why the promise of long life is made to obedient children 20. qu. What other blessings are promised under long life 21. qu. This promise of long life did not onely concerne the Iewes 22. qu. Whether long life simplie be a blessing and to be desired 23. qu. VVhy wicked and disobedient children are suffered to live long 24. qu. How this promise of long life is performed seeing the righteous seed are many times soone cut off Questions concerning the dutie of Subjects unto Civill Magistrates 23. QUest Of the dutie of Subjects toward their Prince 24. qu. How farre Subjects are to obey their Governours 25. qu. Whether it had beene lawfull for David to have killed Saul against Bucanus Questions upon the sixth Commandement 1. QUest Why this precept is set before the other that follow 2. qu. Whether it be here forbidden to slay any beast 3. qu. Of the divers kinds of killing 4. qu. How the soule is killed by evill perswasion 5. qu. That it is not lawfull for a man to kill himselfe 6. qu. The inward murder of the heart forbidden 7. qu. What things are to be taken heed of in anger 8. qu. Of rayling and reviling 9. qu. VVhether beating and wounding though there be no killing be not forbidden here 10. qu. VVhy actuall murder is such an haynous sinne before God 11. qu. How diversly murder is committed 12. qu. Of the divers kinds of murder 13. qu. Magistrates are not guiltie of murder in putting malefactors to death Questions upon the seventh Commandement 1. QUest Of the order and negative propounding of this Commandement 2. qu. Whether the uncleane desire of the heart be forbidden in this precept 3. qu. Other acts of uncleannesse beside adulterie here forbidden 4. qu. Of the sinnes of unnaturall lust 5. qu. VVhy some kinde of uncleannesse is not forbidden by humane lawes 6. qu. Of the greatnesse of the sinne of adulterie 7. qu. Adulterie as well forbidden in the husband as in the wife 8. qu. VVhether adulterie be a more grievous sinne in the man or in the woman 9. qu. VVhether adulterie be now necessarily to be punished by death 10. qu. VVhether it be lawfull for the husband to kill his wife taken in adulterie 11. qu. Simple fornication whether a breach of this Commandement 12. qu. Spirituall fornication is not a breach of this precept 13. qu. Of the lawfulnesse and dignitie of mariage 14. qu. Of the espousals and contract of mariage with the difference and divers kinds thereof 15. qu. Of mariage consummate and the rites and orders therein to be observed 16. q. What conditions are required in lawfull mariage 17. qu. Of the ends of the institution of matrimonie 18. qu. Of the mutuall matrimoniall duties betweene man and wife 19. qu. VVhether mariage be left indifferent to all Questions upon the eighth Commandement 1. QUest Whether the stealing of men onely be forbidden in this precept 2. qu. Of the order and phrase used in this precept 3. qu. Of the generall heads of the things here prohibited 4. qu. Of Sacrilege 5. qu. Whether it bee lawfull to convert things consecrated to idolatrie to other uses sacred or prophane 6. qu. Of the sacrilege of spirituall things 7. qu. Of Simonie 8. qu. Of common theft with the divers kinds thereof 9. qu. Of the divers kinds of transactions and contracts 10. qu. Of the divers kinds of fraud and deceit used in contracts 11. qu. Of unlawfull and cosening trades 12. qu. How this precept is broken by procuring our neighbours hurt 13. qu. Of the abuse of mens goods and substance another generall transgression of this precept Questions upon the ninth Commandement 1. QUest What it is to answer a false testimonie 2. qu. Whether false testimonie in judgement be here onely forbidden 3. qu. How divers wayes a false testimonie is borne 4. qu. Who is to be counted our neighbour 5. qu. What conditions must concurre to convince one of falsehood 6. qu. Of the divers kinds of lies 7. qu. Some cases wherein the truth is not uttered and yet no lie committed 8. qu. How the truth may bee uttered and yet this Commandement broken 9. qu. Of the divers kinds of false testimonies 10. qu. Of a false testimonie in matters of religion 11. qu. Of falsehood and error in Arts. 12. qu. How falsehood is committed in judgement 13. qu. Of the danger of bearing false witnesse in judgement 14. qu. Of the detorting and wresting of words to another sense another kinde of false testimonie 15. qu. Of the violating of faith in leagues and covenants 16. qu. Whether are more grievous publike or private false witnesse bearing 17. qu. Of the divers kinds of private false testimonies 18. qu. Of a false testimonie which a man giveth of himselfe Questions upon the last Commandement 1. QUest The last precept whether two or one 2. qu. What manner of concupiscence is here forbidden and how this precept differeth from the former 3. qu. Whether involuntarie concupiscence having no consent of the will is here forbidden 4. qu. Why there is no precept to direct the inward passion of anger as of coveting 5. qu. Whether sinne properly consist in the internall or
externall act 6. qu. The law of Moses did not onely restraine the hand but the minde 7. qu. Whether any morall and naturall duties were to be restrained by positive law 8. qu. Of the perfection and sufficiencie of the Morall law 9. qu. Of the abrogation of the law Questions upon the rest of this twentieth Chapter 1. QUest In what sense the people are said to have seene the voices which are properly heard and not seene 2. qu. What is meant here by voices whether the thunder or other voices 3. qu. VVhether there were a sound of the trumpet beside the voices 4. qu. Of the feare of the people and their going backe 5. qu. VVhy they desire that Moses would speake unto them 6. qu. VVhy the people are afraid they shall die 7. qu. How the Lord is said to come unto them and why 8. qu. How the Lord is said to tempt and prove his people 9. qu. VVhy the people stood afarre off and where 10. qu. How Moses is said to draw neere to the darknesse 11. qu. VVhy the Lord saith he spake unto them from heaven 12. qu. Why this precept is repeated of not making any graven image 13. qu. Of the meaning of these words Yee shall not make with me 14. qu. VVhy mention is made onely of images of silver and gold 15. qu. VVhy the Lord commanded an Altar of earth to be made 16. qu. VVhy the Altar was not to be made of hewen stone 17. qu. VVhy the lifting up of the toole is said to pollute the Altar 18. qu. How Jeremie is made to agree with Moses who saith the Lord commanded not any thing concerning sacrifices 19. qu. Of the difference betweene burnt offerings and peace offerings 20. qu. Whether it was lawfull to sacrifice in no other place than before the Arke or Tabernacle 21. qu. Whether it was lawfull to sacrifice before the Arke at the Tabernacle while they were asunder 22. qu. How long the Arke was severed from the Tabernacle 23. qu. Of the removing of the Tabernacle 24. qu. Of the places where it was lawfull or unlawfull to sacrifice 25. qu. How God is said to come and goe and how he is said to be in the world 26. qu. Whether it were not lawfull to goe up by steps to the Altar 27. qu. Why they were forbidden to use steps up to the Altar 28. qu. Of the abominable Idoll of the Gentiles called Priapus and the filthie usages thereto belonging 29. qu. Why the secret parts are counted uncomely Questions upon the one and twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Of the necessitie of the Iudiciall lawes 2. qu. The difference of the Morall Iudiciall and Ceremoniall lawes 3. qu. How the Ceremonials are abolished 4. qu. How far the Iudicials are now to be retained 5. qu. Why these lawes are called Iudgements 6. qu. How Moses propounded these lawes by speaking or by writing 7. qu. Why the Israelites were called Hebrewes 8. qu. How the Hebrewes became servants 9. qu. The difference betweene Hebrew servants and strangers 10. qu. Of three kinds of libertie and how servitude is agreeable to the law of nature 11. qu. How these six yeares are to be accounted 12. qu. The reasons why they ought to set their servants free 13. qu. Why the space of six yeares is limited for their service 14. qu. How the servant is said to come in with his bodie 15. qu. What manner of wise the master was to give to his servant 16. qu. Whether such separation betweene the servant and his wife were lawfull 17. qu. Why the servant was brought before the Iudges and what doore he was set to 18. qu. Of the divers kinds of punishments used among the Israelites 19. qu. What is meant here by Ever 20. qu. When the servant was to goe out free in the seventh yeare when in the fiftieth yeare 21. qu. Certaine cases put when the yeare of Iubile came before the yeare of remission 22. qu. Whether it were lawfull among the Israelites for the parents to sell their children 23. qu. In what sense it is said She shall not goe out as other servants 24. qu. Whether it must be read betrothed or betrothed not 25. qu. How shee was to be redeemed 26. qu. Why it was not lawfull to sell their maids to strangers 27. qu. What the meaning is of these words He hath despised her 28. qu. What kinde of betrothing is here understood 29. qu. Whether it were lawfull to take another wife to the former 30. q. Of the true reading and meaning of the 10. vers 31. qu. What these three things are mentioned in the text 32. qu. Whether maid servants were set free in the seventh yeare and not sometime before sometime after 33. qu. The summarie sense of this law concerning maid servants 34. qu. Of the end scope and intent of this law 35. qu. What kinde of smiting is here meant 36. qu. Why the murtherer was to die the death 37. qu. In what sense the Lord is said to offer a man into ones hand 38. qu. What places of refuge were appointed 39. qu. Why the Lord appointed places for such to flie unto 40. qu. What is to be counted wilfull murder 41. qu. Of the difference betweene voluntarie and involuntarie murder and the divers kinds of each 42. qu. Why the wilfull murderer was to be taken from the Altar 43. qu. What manner of smiting of parents is forbidden 44. qu. Of the grievous sin of paricide 45. qu. The law of manstealing expounded 46. qu. The reason why manstealing was punished by death 47. qu. What kinde of cursing of parents is here understood 48. qu. What manner of strife the law meaneth 49. qu. What punishment the smiter had if he which were smitten died 50. qu. VVhat should become of the smiter if the other died after he walked upon his staffe 51. qu. Of the equity of this law in bearing of the charges 52. qu. VVho should beare the charges if a servant had done the hurt 53. qu. VVhat servants this law meaneth and what kinde of chastisement is forbidden 54. q. The meaning of this clause For he is his money 55. qu. VVhether this law meane the voluntarie or involuntarie hurt done to a woman with child 56. qu. VVhether the death of the infant be punished as well as of the mother 57. qu. VVhether this law extendeth it selfe to infants which miscarie being not yet perfectly formed 58. qu. VVhy the action is given unto the husband 59. qu. VVhether the law of retalion be literally to be understood 60. qu. VVhether the law of retalion were just and equall 61. qu. Of servants freedome for the losse of an eye or tooth 62. qu. VVhat manner of smiting and goaring of a beast is here understood 63. qu. VVhy the ox that goareth was commanded to be stoned to death 64. qu. VVhy the flesh of the ox was not to be eaten 65. qu. In what case the owner is to die when his ox goareth any to death 66.
qu. VVhether the owner might redeeme his life with money 67. qu. VVhat servants this law meaneth Hebrewes or strangers 68. qu. VVhy a certaine summe of money is set for all servants 69. qu. VVhat kinde of welles this law meaneth where and by whom digged 70. qu. How the live and dead ox are to be divided where they were not of equall value Questions upon the two and twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Of the divers kinds of theft 2. qu. VVhy five oxen are restored for one and for a stollen sheepe but foure 3. qu. Of the divers punishment of theft and whether it may be capitall 4. qu. VVhy the theefe breaking up might be killed 5. qu. How it is made lawfull for a private man to kill a theefe 6. qu. After what manner the theefe was to be sold. 7. qu. VVhy the theefe is onely punished double with whom the thing stollen is found 8. qu. How man is to make recompence of the best of his ground 9. qu. Of the breaking out of fire and the damages thereby 10. qu. VVhy the keeper of things in trust is not to make good that which is lost 11. qu. How the fraud in the keeper of trust was to be found out and punished 12. qu. VVhat is to be done with things that are found 13. qu. How this law of committing things to trust differeâ—h from the former 14. qu. How the cause of theft differeth from other casualties in matters of trust 15. qu. VVhether it were reasonable that the matter should be put upon the parties oath 16. qu. VVhat was to bee done if the thing kept in trust were devoured of some wilde beast 17. qu. Of the law of borrowing and lending when the thing lent is to be made good when not 18. q. Why such a strait law is made for the borrower 19. qu. Why the hirer is not to make good the thing hired as when it is borrowed 20. qu. Whether the fornicator by this law is sufficiently punished 21. qu. Why the woman committing fornication bee not as well punished by the law 22. qu. What kinde of dowrie this law speaketh of 23. qu. How this law differeth from that Deut. 22.29 24. qu. What was to be done if the fornicator were not sufficient to pay the dowrie 25. qu. What if the fornicator refused to take the maid to wife 26. qu. Whether this law were generall without any exception 27. qu. How farre this positive law against fornication doth binde Christians now 28. qu. Why the law doth require the consent of the father to such mariages 29. qu. Why next to the law of fornication followeth the law against witchcraft 30. qu. What kinde of witchcraft is here understood 31. qu. Whether love may be procured by sorcerie 32. qu. Whether witches can indeed effect any thing and whether they are worthie to bee punished by death 33. qu. Of the odious sinne of bestiall and unnaturall lust 34. qu. The reasons why men are given over to unnaturall lust 35. qu. What is meant by sacrificing to other gods 36. qu. Whether idolatrie now is to bee punished by death 37. qu. Why idolatrie is judged worthie of death 38. qu. Of kindnesse how to be shewed toward strangers and why 39. qu. Why widowes and Orphanes are not to be oppressed 40. qu. How and by what meanes prayers are made effectuall 41. qu. Why usurie is called biting 42. qu. What usurie is 43. qu. Of divers kinds of usuries 44. qu. That usurie is simplie unlawfull 45. qu. Certaine contracts found to be usurie not commonly so taken 46. qu. Whether all increase by the lone of money be unlawfull 48. qu. Whether it were lawfull for the Iewes to take usurie of the Gentiles 49. qu. What garment must bee restored before the Sun set which was taken to pledge and why 50. qu. Who are understood here by gods and why 51. qu. VVhy the Magistrate is not to be reviled and with what limitation this law is to be understood 52. qu. VVhether S. Paul transgressed this law Act. 23. when hee called the high Priest painted wall and whether indeed he did it of ignorance 53. qu. VVhat is understood here by abundance of liquor 54. qu. Of the difference of first fruits and tithes 55. qu. Of the divers kinds of tithe 56. qu. Reasons why tithes ought to be payed 57. qu. VVhether this law bee understood of the redemption of the first borne or of their consecration to Gods service 58. qu. VVhy the first borne of cattell were not to bee offered before the eighth day 59. qu. Of the meaning of this law whether it were mysticall morall or historicall 60. qu. VVhy they are forbidden to eat flesh torne of beasts 61. qu. Of the use and signification of this law Questions upon the three and twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Of raysing or reporting false tales 2. qu. What it is to put to the hand to be a false witnesse 3. qu. How great a sin it is to be a false witnesse 4. qu. VVhether in this law we are to understand the mightie or the many 5. qu. How the poore is not to be esteemed in judgement 6. qu. How person are accepted in judgement and how far the poore may be respected 7. qu. VVhy mercie is to bee shewed toward the enemies oxe and asse 8. qu. VVhether it is to bee read Thou shalt helpe him or lay it aside with him 9. qu. How the poore mans cause is perverted in judgement 10. qu. Against lying in judgement and how it may be committed 11. qu. VVho are meant here by the just and innocent 12. qu. In what sense God is said not to justifie the wicked 13. qu. VVhether a Iudge ought alwayes to follow the evidence when he himselfe knoweth the contrarie 14. qu. A Iudge is not bound of his knowledge to condemne a man not found guiltie in publike judgement 15. qu. VVhat a dangerous thing it is for a Iudge to take gifts 16. qu. VVhether all kinde of gifts are unlawfull 17. qu. VVhy strangers are not to bee oppressed in judgement 18. qu. Of the divers festivals of the Hebrewes 19. qu. VVhy the land was to rest the seventh yeare 20. qu. What the poore lived upon in the seventh yeare 21. qu. VVhether the seventh yeare were generally neglected in Israel 490. yeares together as Tostatus thinketh 22. qu. Why the law of the Sabbath is so oft repeated 23. qu. VVhat manner of mention of strange gods is here forbidden 24. qu. VVhy it is forbidden to sweare by the name of strange gods 25. qu. Whether a Christian may compell a Iew to sweare by his Thorah which containeth five books of Moses 26. qu. VVhether a Iew may be urged to sweare by the name of Christ. 27. qu. VVhether a Saracon may be urged to sweare upon the Gospell or in the name of Christ. 28. qu. VVhether a Christian may sweare upon the the Iewes Thorah 29. qu. That it is not lawfull for a Christian to sweare upon the Turkes Alcaron or
beare their iniquities 37. qu. The mysticall signification of the golden plate 38. qu. Of the imbroidered coat the fashion and making thereof 39. qu. Of the high Priests miter 40. qu. Of the girdle of needle worke and imbroidered 41. qu. How the high Priests attire differed from the apparell of the inferiour Priests 42. qu. Whether Aaron did alwayes put on the common Priestly garments 43. qu. What it is to fill the hands of the Priests 44. qu. Of the fashion and use of the linnen breeches 45. qu. How this precept and charge concerning the linnen breeches agreeth with that law Exod. 23.26 46. qu. Of the mysticall application of the inferiour Priests garments Questions upon the nine and twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Why it pleased God to have the Priests thus consecrated 2. qu. Why the Calfe is said to bee the sonne of a bullocke 3. qu. Why a Bullocke two Rammes and other things were offered at Aarons consecration 4. qu. Why Aaron and the Priests were called to the doore of the Tabernacle 5. qu. Why Aaron and the rest are washed and how 6. qu. Of the Priestly apparell which Aaron put on and why the girdle is omitted 7. qu. How Aaron was anointed and with what 8. qu. How the ordinance of the Priesthood is said to be perpetuall 9. qu. The spirituall application of Aarons manner of consecration 10. qu. Why the Priests lay their hands upon the head of the beast 11. qu. Of the divers kinds of sacrifices and why some kinde of beasts were taken for sacrifice and not other 12. qu. Why the bloud was laid upon the hornes of the Altar 13. qu. What became of the bloud which was powred at the bottome of the Altar 14. qu. Why the fat was burned upon the Altar and how 15. qu. VVhy the flesh skinne and dung was burned without the host 16. qu. Of the mysticall application of the sacrifice of the bullocke with the rites thereof 17. qu. VVhy the sacrifice for sinne was offered first 18. qu. How the bloud of the burnt offering was bestowed upon the Altar 19. qu. Why the hornes of the Altar are not here touched with bloud 20. qu. Why the dung in the sinne offerings being an uncâ—eane thing was prescribed to be burned 21. qu. Why the burnt offering was so called and how it differed from other sacrifices 22. qu. VVhy the burnt offering is called a sweet savour 23. qu. Of the mysticall sense of the ramme of burnt offerings 24. qu. Of the third ramme why it is called the ramme of consecration 25. qu. Why the bloud was put upon the right eare thumbe and toe of Aaron 26. qu. How the bloud was sprinkled upon the Altar round about 27. qu. How the bloud and oyle was sprinkled upon their garments without spotting 28. qu. The mysticall signification of the ramme of consecration with the rites thereof 29. qu. How these things were put into the Priests hands and shaken to and fro 30. qu. Whether Moses were indeed a Priest 31. qu. Whether Aaron had the breast and shoulder of the ramme of consecration 32. qu. What difference there was betweene the shake offering and heave offering 33. qu. What is here understood by the heave offering 34. qu. Of the mysticall application of the shaking to and fro and of the breast and shoulder of the ramme given unto the Priests 35. qu. Of the consecrating of Aarons successor in his garments 36. qu. By whom the high Priests succeeding Aaron were consecrated 37. qu. Whether Eleazar was consecrated after the manner here prescribed 38. qu. What services the high Priest was bound to doe in the Sanctuarie 39. qu. Of other rites belonging to the ramme of consecration 40. qu. Whether all these rites were of the necessitie of the consecration 41. qu. Why the consecration of the Priests continued seven dayes 42. qu. Whether all the sacrifices the first day were iterated seven dayes together or the sacrifice for sinne onely 43. qu. To what end the sinne offering was offered every day of the seven 44. qu. How the Altar was cleansed and why 45. qu. How the Altar sanctified whatsoever touched it 46. qu. Of the dayly sacrifice with the rites thereof 47. qu. How much the Hin contained 48. qu. Of the spirituall application of the Altar and dayly sacrifice 49. qu. How the Lord appointed with the children of Israel 50. qu. What the Lord promiseth to sacrifice 51. qu. What is meant here by Gods glorie 52. qu. How the Lord is said here to sanctifie Aaron 53. qu. How the Lord is said to dwell among them Questions upon the thirtieth Chapter 1. QUest Why the narration of the making of the golden Altar is transposed 2. qu. Wherefore the Altar of incense had hornes comming out of it 3. qu. Wherein this Altar of incense differed from the other 4. qu. How the incense was burned upon the golden Altar 5. qu. Of the placing of the bars and how the Altar was carried 6. qu. Where the Altar of incense was placed 7. qu. What the Apostle meaneth by the golden Censer which the most holy place is said to have 8. qu. Why incense was commanded to be burned morning and evening 9. qu. Whether any of the lamps burned by day 10. qu. What things were inhibited to be offered upon the golden Altar 11. qu. Whether the high Priest entred more than once in a yeare upon any occasion into the most holy place 12. qu. How Aaron made reconciliation upon the hornes of the Altar 13. qu. The spirituall sense of the Altar of incense 14. qu. How this Altar of incense differed from Salomons 15. qu. Whether it were lawfull to number the people and wherein David offended 16. qu. Whether this collection of many were commanded onely at this time or were to continue 17. qu. VVhy this money was collected and to what end 18. qu. How much the sicle of the Sanctuarie and halfe sicle was 19. qu. Whether there were divers kinds of shekels 20. qu. Of the halfe shekel which Christ paid for tribute what it was and how it came to bee paid for tribute 21. qu. Why they were numbred onely from twentie yeares old 22. qu. Why the poore pay as much as the rich 23. qu. Whether all these things were declared to Moses at once 24. qu. Of the fashion of the brasen Laver. 25. qu. Of the use of this brasen Laver. 26. qu. Of the mysticall application of the Laver wherein the Priests washed 27. qu. The difference betweene Moses Laver and Salomons great Sea of brasse 28. qu. Of the spices that went toward the making of the oyntment 29. qu. Of the manner of making and compounding this holy oyntment 30. qu. Of the use of this oyntment in anointing the Tabernacle 31. qu. How all that touched the Tabernacle became holy 32. qu. When and how Aaron and his sons were anointed 33. qu. Who are understood here by the name of the children of Israel whether the Levites also are there comprehended
usurers unlesse they make satisfaction wee decree not worthy to bee admitted to Ecclesiasticall buriall 10. Hierome also giveth another instance in the country usury is enacted of wine corne oyle as in winter time one delivereth ten bushels Vt in messe accipiat quindecim to receive fifteene in harvest for usury may as well be of meat and other things as of money Deut. 23.19 Hereupon in that great generall Councell all usury was condemned of what kind soever 1 Ex adeâ— ventiâ—ne aliqua vel qualibet â—odo negotium transigens Hee that by any slight or device or by any meanes whatsoever made any such transaction or bargaine is condemned QUEST XLVI Whether all increase by the loane of money be unlawfull FVrther as these kinds of contracts are of the nature of usury though commonly they are not so taken so likewise there may grow some increase and advantage in the use of money and yet no usury committed Here then it must be considered whether it be unlawfull to receive any gaine at all by the use and occupation of money Where I find there are three opinions 1. The Civill and Imperiall lawes doe generally allow or tolerate all kinde of usury as is before shewed quest 43. But the unlawfulnesse of usury is likewise declared before quest 44. 2. Contrariwise the Canonists and Canon law doe condemne all usury and interest whatsoever Si quis affirmare praesumat exercere usuras non esse peccatum c. If any man presume to affirme that it is no sinne to practise usury wee decree him worthy to bee punished as an Heretike And herein the Canons consent Vt ipsum quod dedit sine ullo augmento acciptat c. That what one hath given or lent he should receive without any advantage or increase Yea the Canons are so strict that they allow not any advantage to be made of money by usury to redeeme the Christians therewith that were in captivity among the Saracens 3. But the meane betweene both may bee most safely held for as there may be certaine contracts of usury where there is no gaine or any increase above the principall as before is manifested qu. 45. 1. So Non omne mutuum quod accedit super sortem est usura c. Not every loane which bringeth some gaine above the stocke is to be counted usury As it may appeare in these particular cases 1. Concil Lateranens sub Leon. 10. sess 10. This case was put Demontibus pietatis c. Of the bankes of money which were erected by Christian Magistrates only for the benefit of the poore that they might there have money at their need it was there decreed that for the maintenance of the officers and Ministers of the banke which attended that businesse aliquid moderatum supra sortem salvatur c. that some small thing above the stocke might be paied by those which made profit of the money there borrowed to that end onely for the maintenance of the officers And all the whole Sinode consented excepting onely one Bishop who alleaged that he had learned by experience praefatos montes plus damnosos esse quam miles that the foresaid bankes were more discommodious than profitable But notwithstanding his dissenting the foresaid decree was confirmed 2. Certaine orphans have a stocke left them which will soone be spent if they should live onely of the stocke may not their tutor or guardian put out their money to them which may make some profit by the use thereof Ad res necessarias pupillo subministrandas to minister things necessary to the pupill and orphan Gallas Simler 3. Eadem ratio exulum peregrinorum est c. There is the like reason of exuls and strangers which are not permitted to use any traffique in forraine parts where they sojourne and so can have no maintenance but by the use of their stocks Simler 4. A man borroweth money for a certaine time hee maketh profit of the money and payeth it not unto the Creditor at the time appointed whereby he is much damnified Nemo certe ut arbitror negabit usur accreditori solvendacorater sortem vt pâ—rsetur ejus jactura c. I thinke surely no man will deny but that some gaine should come unto the Creditor above his principall to recompence his losse by not having his money in due time Calvin Hereunto the Civill lawes give consent Vsurâ— solvendae ex mora depositi Vsury is to bee paid for delay in matters committed to one of trust Vsurae debentur ex pensione non solum Vsury is due for a pension not paid Vsura debentâ—â— pro dâ—te ad diem non prastita c. Vsury is due for a dowrie not paid at the day 5. Si quis diviti mercatori pecâ—â—â—â—lam suam utendam dedit c. If one put forth his money to use to a rich Merchant may hee not receive part of the gaine which the Merchant maketh by the use of his money Gallasius 6. A rich man is about a purchase and borroweth a peece of money to goe thorow with his bargaine he that lendeth the mony Au non poterit ex fundi reditu fructum aliquem percipere c. may he not receive some profit by the ground untill his principall be restored Calvin These and divers such cases may bee brought wherein either the gaine and usury is not unjust or because the name of usury and interest is odious it is indeed no usury at all because in these contracts frater non laditur c. our brother is not hurt or hindered and so they are not against charity Simler And in all such transactions where that rule is observed Quod tibi non vis fieri c. That which you would not to bee done to your selfe doe not to another there can be no oppression or injustice Vrsin p. 703. So that where a man in the loane of mony offereth no other measure to his neighbour than he would be content he should mete by unto him againe the rule of equality being observed no great offence or inconvenience can ensue 4. But that we may yet grow to a more certainty in this matter and question of the loane of money there are foure circumstances to bee considered 1. Who lendeth 2. To whom 3. For what 4. In what manner 1. He that lendeth his money upon usury must not bee such an one as maketh it his trade to live by letting of money but such an one as whose necessity in some sort compelleth him to take some advantage by his money for his necessary maintenance as strangers exiles and orphans as in the second and third cases before propounded who either cannot or know not how to employ their stockes but they which have other meanes to maintaine themselves by as lands rents offices have not the like warrant And of all other trades to be a professed Usurer is most odious And therefore the law here saith Thou shalt not be an
Now followeth the third kinde of sacrifice which was of the kinde of Eucharisticall or peace offerings and in the consecration of Aaron and his sonnes divers sacrifices are used because this calling cater as omnes dignitate anteiret c. did excell all other in dignity Gallas 2. The peace offerings were of two soâ—â—s either to obtaine some blessing as to intreat for peace and prosperity or to give thankes for some blessing received in both these respects it was requisite that Aaron should offer peace offerings in his consecration botheâ— beg of God that he might prosper in the execution of his office as also to shew his thankfulnesse to God who had advanced him to such an high calling Tostat. qu. 10. 3. Yet this offering was not properly of the kind of peace offerings which are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pacifica peace offerings but this was the raâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 milluim of filling or perfection vers 22. quia illia Sacerdotum consecratio perficâ—retur because thereby the consecration of the Priests was perfected Gallas QUEST XXV Why the bloud was put upon the right eare thumbe and toe of Aaron Vers. 20. PVt upon the lap of Aarons eare 1. Not in superiore parte auris in the upper part of Aarons eare as the Chalde but the nether lap Ian. Or soft part of the eare Genevens 2. The eare hand and foot are anointed with the bloud to signifie the purging and sanctifying of all their parts to make them fit for the Priesthood as Isaias tongue was touched with a coale from the Altar and so purified Isai. 6. Tostat. qu. 10. 3. Though the right eare right hand and foot are only named because dexterae partes sunt insigniores the right parts are more excellent yet thereby the consecration of the whole man is signified Simler 4. The â—ongue of the Priest is not here mentioned but the eare which is the sence of doctrine by the which the understanding is informed and without the which the tongue cannot speake for as the Wise-man saith He that heareth speaketh continually Prov. 21.28 And beside the eare is expressed to shadow forth the obedience of Christ in hearing and obeying his Fathers will Simler Calvin also giveth another reason Hîc non attingi dâ—cendi munus sed intercedendi That Christs office of teaching is not here touched but of mediating QUEST XXVI How the bloud was sprinkled upon the Altar round about Vers. 20. ANd shall sprinkle the bloud vpon the Altar round about 1. The Latine Translater here readeth Thou shalt powre the bloud vpon the Altar but the word is zarak to sprinkle First the Altar was sprinkled and then the rest was powred at the foot of the Altar vers 12. for if it had beene all powred there now whence should Moses haue had the bloud which in the next verse is said to be upon the Altar that is in some vessell there standing wherewith he besprinkled Aaron and the rest and their garments 2. Neither is R. Salomon his conjecture probable that the bloud was laid only upon two corners of the Altar not on the same side but one contrarie to the other for this is against the Text which saith that he sprinkled upon the Altar round about then not in two corners onely And beside if the bloud had beene put onely in two corners of the Altar it should haue beene laid not powred or sprinkled but the bloud was not put upon the hornes of the Altar in any peace offering as was used to bee done in sinne offerings Tostat. quaest 11. 3. And whereas the Altar is sprinkled round about wee must not understand this to bee done at the bottome round about upon the pavement but above so that the bloud might run downe to the bottome QUEST XXVII How the bloud and oyle was sprinkled upon their garments without spotting Vers. 21. ANd he shall take of the bloud c. and of the anoynting oyle c. 1. Some may thinke that this sprinkling of the bloud and oyle was done severally one after another But because there is mention made but of one sprinkling it is more like they were tempered and mingled together and so sprinkled Lyran. 2. R. Salomon thinketh that the oile was sprinkled in remembrance of Iacobs anointing the stone in Bethel with oile and the bloud in remembrance of the striking of the bloud of the paschall Lambe upon the doore-posts in Egypt But there was small affinity betweene those ceremonies and the consecration of the Priests Therefore this rather was the reason of it because almost all things in the Law were purified with bloud that the Priests garments might by this meanes be purified and sanctified most of all which they were to use in the sanctifying of others 3. And because the sprinkling of bloud and oile might seeme to be a blemish to the priestly garments some thinke that they were washed afterward But it is not like that that was washed off wherewith the garments were consecrated Some doe bring in here a miracle in that the garments were kept from spots and blemishes notwithstanding the sprinkling of bloud and oile upon them But we are not to admit of unnecessary miracles These spots then were very smaâ—l and so made no notable markes in the garment and if they did it was magis ad honorem quam horrorem c. more for honour than horror seeing thereby the priestly vestures were consecrated Tostat. qu. 11. QUEST XXVIII The mysticall signification of the ram of consecration with the rites thereof THe mysticall signification of this ceremony is this 1. The ram of perfection or consecration signifieth Christ Christus omnes in virtutibus perfectos constituit Christ maketh us perfect in all vertues hee it is that sanctifieth our eares hands and feet and all our parts and members as here the tip of the eare the right thumbe and great toe are touched with bloud Procopius 2. Hereby also is signified the obedience of Christ by dipping the eare in bloud who was obedient to his Father Simler 3. And hereby also the high Priest was put in mind of his duty by the dipping of the eare is signified that the Priest primum oracula Divina auscultare c. should first give eare to the Divine oracles and then teach them unto others Simler By the dipping of the thumbe and toe in bloud omnes actiones vitae c. all the actions of the life are expressed Calvin By the feet also in Scripture are signified the affections this dipping then of the hands and feet doth signifie Omnem actionum externarum internarum sanctificationem the sanctifying of all both externall and internall actions Simler 4. And by this sprinkling of the bloud is signified the sprinkling of Christs bloud by faith upon the hearts of the faithfull hac enim aspergillum illud est c. for this is that sprinkle wherewith our hearts are sprinkled Marbach 5. And further whereas Aaron with the rest of
the Priests are thus sprinkled with bloud it is shewed summos Sacerdotes non fuisse ita perfectos c. that the high Priests of the Law were not so perfect that they needed not to be purged Osiand But they had need of another high Priest by whose bloud they should be sanctified QUEST XXIX How these things were put into the Priests hands and shaken to and fro Vers. 24. THou shalt put all this in the hands of Aaron and shake them to and fro c. 1. The Latine Interpreter here readeth amisse thou shalt sanctifie them which Tostatus would helpe out thus because divers ceremonies were used in the consecration of the Priests quaelibet earum sanctificaâ—io vocabatur every one of them was called a kinde of sanctifying But the word nuph signifieth to shake or move to and fro 2. Some doe translate it thou shalt lift up So Pagnin Oleaster who referreth it to the ascending and rising up of the vapour or smoake But this shaking to and fro was done before they were burned upon the Altar which followeth in the next verse and there is another word afterward used to shew the lifting up for the shaking to and fro is called tenupha and the lifting up terumah of rum to lift up 3. R. Salomon saith the manner of putting these things into the Priests hands and shaking them to and fro was this Moses did put them into their hands and then with his hands underneath theirs did shake them to and fro toward the East and West and then toward the North and South 4. And by this ceremony of putting those things into the Priests hands Moses delivered them jus talia possidendi right to enjoy such things they should be afterwards for the Priests use Lippom. QUEST XXX Whether Moses were indeed a Priest Vers. 26. ANd it shall be thy part 1. The Latine Interpreter readeth here corruptly erit in partem suam it shall be for his part that is Aarons for what Aarons part should be is afterward shewed vers 28. the word is lecha to thee as the Septuagint translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it shall be for thy part that is Moses should have the Priests part at this time 2. Lippoman hence would inferre that Moses was the high Priest both because he did consecrate the high Priest and he had the breast for his part which only belonged to the high Priest 3. I rather thinke with Osiander that Moses did at this time quodam modo fungi officio Sacerdotis c. after a sort execute the Priests office So also Simler Gallas Hee was in the Priests stead in the consecration of Aaron But if Moses had beene actually a Priest he could not afterward have resigned that office and calling neither can this be inferred upon that place Psalm 99.6 Moses and Aaron among his Priests that Moses was a Priest but it sheweth that Moses and Aaron were most excellent among the Priests as Samuel among those that called upon his name Vatabl. Or Moses was counted among the Priests because he did extraordinarily execute the Priests office as in the consecration of Aaron 4. Tostatus calleth Moses simplicem Levitam a simple or plaine Levite quaest 14 He was indeed of the tribe of Levi and in that sense Aaron also might be called a Levite but Moses was more than a Levite because hee both sacrificed and consecrated the Priests which the Levites could not doe QUEST XXXI Whether Aaron had the breast and shoulder of the ram of consecration Vers. 27. THou shalt sanctifie the breast of the shake offering and the shoulder of the heave offering 1. Whereas the right shoulder was shaken to and fro before and burnt upon the Altar this could not be the shoulder of the heave offering here spoken of for it was burnt already upon the Altar 2. Some thinke therefore that it was the left shoulder which is here called the heave offering and that Moses had that and the breast for his part at this time because he was now in the Priests stead Osiand Marbach But this is not understood of Moses that he should have them they are for Aaron and his sonnes vers 28. Moses part is set downe before what it should be vers 26. namely the breast And it was the right shoulder not the left which was given to the Priest Levit. 7.32 The left shoulder and the rest of the peace offering beside that which was due unto the Priest belonged unto the offerer 3. Therefore this Law here set downe is not concerning the ram of consecration out of the which Aaron had not now the Priests part because he and the other Priest were at that time but as the offerers and presenters but for the time to come an order is set what part they should have out of the peace offerings of the children of Israel namely the breast and the right shoulder Tostat. quaest 13. Iun. Gallas QUEST XXXII What difference there was betweene the shake-offering and heave-offering Vers 27. THe shoulder of the heave-offering c. 1. Some thinke that the breast was only shaken to and fro and therefore was called tenupha the shake-offering and the shoulder was onely lifted up so called also terumah Vatabl. Which Osiander calleth the one Movenda the sacrifice to bee moved or shaken the other Levanda to be lifted up and Iunius seemeth to be of the same opinion who readeth distinctly which was shaken to and fro that is the breast and which was lifted up that is the shoulder But the words following will not beare this sense which was heaved up of the ram of consecration Now no mention is made before of the heaving up of the shoulder but of the shaking of it to and fro with the other things which were put into Aarons hands vers 24. so that the right shoulder of the consecration ram was not onely lifted up but it was also shaken to and fro 2. The generall opinion therefore iâ— that as well the breast as the shoulder were first heaved up and downe and then shaken to and fro So R. Salomon Lyranus Simlerus Gallasius Tostatus with others But if they were both indifferently shaken to and fro and lifted up alike why are these speciall names given unto them Levit. 7.34 The breast shaken to and fro and the shoulder lifted up 3. Therefore I neither thinke that the breast was shaken onely nor the shoulder lifted up onely because the shoulder was shaken to and fro vers 24. and the breast together with the shoulder are indifferently vers 28. called an heave-offering neither yet is it like that there was no difference of motion in the shaking of them and the heaving them up seeing they have speciall names given them of their divers motions But it is most probable that the breast was more shaken to and fro than lifted up and therefore is called tenuphah of the more principall motion and the shoulder though it were moved to and fro yet was chiefly heaved up