Selected quad for the lemma: land_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
land_n	penny_n	pound_n	shilling_n	5,001	5	11.2551	5	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A54612	A discourse of taxes and contributions shewing the nature and measures of crown-lands, assessments, customs, poll-moneys, lotteries, benevolence, penalties, monopolies, offices, tythes, hearth, excise, &c. : with several intersperst discourses and digressions concerning wars, the church, universities, rents and purchases ... : the same being frequently applied to the state and affairs of Ireland, and is now thought seasonable for the present affairs of England : humbly recommended to the present Parliament.	Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687.	1689 (1689)	Wing P1920; ESTC R20953	59,806	88

thriving men are concerning the profuseness of their Children for as they take pleasure to get even what they believe will be afterwards pissed against the wall so do I to write what I suspect will signifie nothing Wherefore the race being not to the swift c. but time and chance happening to all men I leave the Judgment of the whole to the Candid of whose correction I shall never be impatient THE INDEX AN Enumeration and Description of the several Branches of the Publick Charge Page 1 The maintenance of Governours ought to be in greater splendour than private Callings can reach to Ibidem The honour of being trusted and the pleasure of being feared is reward enough for some Offices p. 2. The Pastorage of Souls ought to be a Publick Charge even upon a Civil Account Ibid. The use of Schools and Vniversities as they are a Publick Charge p. 3 The common and general causes which encrease and aggravate the burthen of paying Taxes Ibid. The causes that excite Forreign and Offensive Wars p. 4 The causes of Defensive and Civil Wars p. 5 A cause of unnecessary Ecclesiastical Charge is the not sizing of Parishes according to the alterations which have been in Religion and Trade p. 6 That five thousand Parishes are enough for England and Wales so as to give unto each but a thousand Parishioners and so as that none need go two miles to Church Ibid. Antiquated Offices and overgrown Fees a cause of unnecessary Charge in the Government and administration of Justice p. 8 Registers for Conveyances of Land and Depositories for moveable Pawns as also Banks of Money will lessen the charge of Law-suits and Writings p. 9 How the number of such as relate to the Faculty of Medicine may be adjusted Ibid. How the number of Students in the Vniversities intending to make Learning the way of their livelihood may be adjusted p. 10 An Vse propounded for the choice Parish-Children and Foundlings to force on an useful Work which hath hitherto been but perfunctorily pursued Ibid. That the number of unnecessary Merchants and Retailers be retrenched Ibid. The careful Maintenance and Education of exposed Children and concealing their Names and Families is a matter of great consequence p. 11 A Proposal of several Imployments for Beggars and such as have now no Work. Ibid. Great works of labour though in themselves unnecessary are nevertheless of advantage to the Publick p. 12 The mending of High-ways building Bridges and Causeys and the making of Rivers Navigable in England would make English Horses an exportable Commodity and help to vend the Commodities of Ireland p. 13 The Causes of unquiet bearing of Taxes viz. Ibid. First that the Soveraign exacts too much p. 14 Secondly that Assessments are unequally laid Ibid. Thirdly that the Moneys levied are vainly expended Ibid. Fourthly or given to Favourites p. 15 Fifthly Ignorance of the Number Trade and Wealth of the people Ibid. Sixthly Obsourity about the right of imposing p. 16 Seventhly Fewness of people Ibid Eighthly Scarcity of Money and confusion of Coyns Ibid. Ninthly That scarce an hundredth part of the Riches of this Nation is Coyned Bullion Ibid. Tenthly The non-acceptance of some Commodities in specie in discharge of Taxes Ibid. The Consequences of a Tax too heavy if there be too much Money in a Nation which may be or if there be too little and that either in a State well or ill governed p. 17 p. 18 p. 19 The first way of providing for the Publick Charge is the excinding or setting apart of a proportion of the Territory in the nature of Crown-Lands p. 19 The second is taking away the same proportion of the Rents of all Lands p. 20 The Nation is happy where either of the said two ways is practised ab antiquo and upon original agreement and not exacted as a sudden contingent Surcharge upon the people Ibid. The Owners of settled Rents bear the burthen of a Land-Tax or Assessment others probably gaining thereby Ibid. A Land-Tax upon free Estates resolves into an Excize upon Consumptions p. 21 Assessment upon Housing more uncertain than that of Land Housing being of a double nature viz. either an instrument of gain or way of expence Ibid. The heavy Taxing of Housing no discouragement to new Buildings nor is the discouragement of new Buildings any means to prevent the populousness of a City p. 22 Prohibition to build upon new Foundations serves only to six the Ground-plot of a City Ibid. The reason why the City of London removes its Ground-plot Westward Ibid. That 't is probable the King of Englands Palace will in process of time be towards Chelsey p. 23 That the present Seat of London will be the greatest Conhabitation of people ever whilst this Island is inhabited Ibid. The nature and natural Measures of the Rent of Land computed in Commodities of the growth of the said Land. Ibid. The Par between Food or other proceed of Land and Bullion or Coyn. p. 24 The Par between Gold and Silver Ibid. Gold and Silver are not natural Standards of the Values of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 25 The prime Denomination of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are but two viz. Land and Labour as the Denominations of Money in England are Pounds Shillings Pence Ibid. Of the Par between Land and Labour Ibid. The reason of the number of years Purchase that Land is worth in several Countries p. 26 Why Land in Ireland is worth fewer years Purchase than in England Ibid. 27 The Description and Ratio formalis of Vsury p. 28 The same of Exchange Ibid. The Measures of both Ibid. Why Vsury hath been limited more than Exchange p. 29 A parallel between the Charges of the price of Money and that of Land. Ibid. How to compute and compare the Rents of Lands in order to a just Land-Tax or Assessment p. 30 The intrinsick value of Land is found by Surveys of the Quantity Figure and Scituation Ibid. And by the Survey of the Quality viz. its aptitude to bear first precious Commodities secondly the best of the kind thirdly most in quantity Ibid. The extrinsick or accidental value depends upon the plenty of Money luxurious or frugal living the Opinions Civil Natural and Religious of the People It is necessary to these Enquiries to know how to tell the Gold and Silver Coyns of this present Age and compare the same with that of former times Ibid. How to compare not only the Money of this present Age with that of the former but the entire riches of the present with the former People Ibid. By the numbers of People and the proportion of Money amongst them the accidental values of Lands are to be computed p. 32 How to proportion the Rates of a Commodity in one place unto the Rates of the same in another place Ibid. That the Day-wages of Labourers and several other of the most vulgar Trades-men ought to be ascertained and well adapted to the changes of time Ibid. That

of Lent because their goodness and delicacy decays before Lent be done being worth little in some Popish Countries nor Swines flesh among the Jews nor Hedgehogs Frogs Snails Mushrooms c. to those that fear to eat them as poysonous or unwholesome nor Currans and Spanish Wines if they were all to be destroyed as the great Thieves of this Nation by an Edict of the State. 10. This I call a Survey or Inquisition into the former intrinsick values of Land this latter of extrinsick or accidental follows We said that the change of the store of Money would change the rates of Commodities according to our reckoning in names and words Pounds Shillings and Pence being nothing else as for example If a man can bring to London an ounce of Silver out of the Earth in Peru in the same time that he can produce a Bushel of Corn then one is the natural price of the other now if by reason of new and more easie Mines a man can get two ounces of Silver as easily as formerly he did one then Corn will be as cheap at ten shillings the Bushel as it was before at five shillings caeteris paribus 11. It behoves us therefore to have a way whereby to tell the Money of our Country which I think I have and that in a short time and that without cost and which is more without looking into particular mens Pockets of which hereafter Now if we know what Gold and Silver we had in England two hundred years ago and could tell it again now and though we also knew the difference of our denominations then when thirty seven shillings were made out the same quantity of Silver as sixty two are now also that of the alloy labour in Coynage remedies for weight and fineness and duties to the King nay if we also knew the Labourers wages then and now yet all this would not shew the difference of the Riches of our Nation even in Money alone 12. Wherefore we must add to the premises the knowledge of the difference of the numbers of the people and conclude that if all the Money in the Nation were equally divided amongst all the people both then and now that that time wherein each Devisee had wherewith to hire most labourers was the richer So that we want the knowledge of the People and Bullion which is now in this Land and which was heretofore all which I think may be found out even for the time past but more probably for the time present and to come 13. But to proceed suppose we had them then we would pitch the accidental values upon our Lands about London as thus viz. We would first at hazard compute the materials for food and covering which the Shires of Essex Kent Surrey Middlesex and Hertford next circumjacent to London did communibus annis produce and would withal compute the Consumptioners of them living in the said five Shires and London The which if I found to be more than were the Consumptioners living upon the like scope of other Land or rather upon as much other Land as bore the like quantity of Provisions then I say that Provisions must be dearer in the said five Shires than in the other and within the said Shires cheaper or dearer as the way to London was more or less long or rather more or less chargeable 14. For if the said five Shires did already produce as much Commodity as by all endeavour was possible then what is wanting must be brought from afar and that which is near advanced in price accordingly or if the said Shires by greater labour than now is used as by Digging instead of Ploughing Setting instead of Sowing picking of choice Seed instead of taking it promiscuously steeping it instead of using it wholly unprepared and manuring the ground with Salt instead of rotten Straw c. could be fertilized then will the Rent be as much more advanced as the excess of encrease exceeds that of the labour 15. Now the price of labour must be certain as we see it made by the Statutes which limit the Day-wages of several work-men the non-observance of which Laws and the not adapting them to the change of times is by the way very dangerous and confusive to all endeavours of bettering the Trade of the Nation 16. Moreover the Touch-stone to try whether it be better to use those improvements or not is to examine whether the labour of setching these things even from the places where they grow wild or with less Culture be not less than that of the said improvements 17. Against all this will be objected that these computations are very hard if not impossible to make to which I answer only this that they are so especially if none will trouble their hands or heads to make them or give authority for so doing But withal I say that until this be done Trade will be too conjectural a work for any man to imploy his thoughts about for it will be the same wisdom in order to win with fair Dice to spend much time in considering how to hold them how much to shake them and how hard to throw them and on what Angles they should hit the side of the Tables as to consider how to advance the Trade of this Nation where at present particular men get from their Neighbours not from the Earth and Sea rather by hit than wit and by the false opinions of others rather than their own judgments Credit every where but chiefly in London being become a meer conceit that a man is responsible or not without any certain knowledge of his Wealth or true Estate Whereas I think the nature of Credit should be limited only to an opinion of a mans faculties to get by his Art and Industry The way of knowing his Estate being to be made certain and the way of making him pay what he owes to the utmost of his ability being to be expected from the good execution of our Laws 18. I should here inlarge upon a Paradox to prove that if every mans Estate could be always read in his forehead our Trade would much be advanced thereby although the poorer ambitious man be commonly the more industrious But of this elsewhere 19. The next objection against this so exact computation of the Rents and worth of Lands c. is that the Soveraign would know too exactly every mans Estate To which I answer that if the Charge of the Nation be brought as low as it may be which depends much upon the people in Parliament to do and if the people be willing and ready to pay and if care be taken that although they have not ready Money the Credit of their Lands and Goods shall be as good and lastly that it would be a great discommodity to the Prince to take more than he needs as was proved before where is the evil of this so exact knowledge And as for the proportion of every Contributor why should any man hope or

was by design of the Soveraign but of some temporary Assessor whose turn it may be to receive the Talio upon the next occasion from the very man he has wronged 5. 4. Men repine much if they think the Money leavied will be expended on Entertainments magnificent Shews triumphal Arches c. To which I answer that the same is a refunding the said Moneys to the Tradesmen who work upon those things which Trades though they seem vain and only of Ornament yet they refund presently to the most useful namely to Brewers Bakers Taylors Shoemakers c. Moreover the Prince hath no more pleasure in these Shews and Entertainments than 100000 others of his meanest Subjects have whom for all their grumbling we see to travel many miles to be Spectators of these mistaken and distasted vanities 6. 5. The people often complain that the King bestows the Money he raises from the People upon his Favourites To which we answer that what is given to Favourites may at the next step or transmigration come into our own hands or theirs whom we wish well and think do deserve it 7. Secondly as this man is a Favourite to day so another or our selves may be hereafter Favour being of a very slippery and moveable nature and not such a thing as we need much to envy for the same way that leads up an Hill leads also down the same Besides there is nothing in the Laws or Customs of England which excludes any the meanest mans Child from arriving to the highest Offices in this Kingdom much less debars him from the Personal kindness of his Prince 8. All these imaginations whereunto the vulgar heads are subject do cause a backwardness to pay and that necessitates the Prince to severity Now this lighting upon some poor though stubborn stiff-necked Refuser charged with Wife and Children gives the credulous great occasion to complain of Oppression and breeds ill blood as to all other matters feeding the ill humours already in being 9. 6. Ignorance of the Number Trade and Wealth of the people is often the reason why the said people are needlesly troubled viz. with the double charge and vegation of two or many Levies when one might have served Examples whereof have been seen in late Poll-moneys in which by reason of not knowing the state of the people viz. how many there were of each Taxable sort and the want of sensible marks whereby to rate men and the confounding of Estates with Titles and Offices great mistakes were committed 10. Besides for not knowing the wealth of the people the Prince knows not what they can bear and for not knowing the Trade he can make no Judgment of the proper season when to demand his Exhibitions 11. 7. Obscurities and doubts about the right of imposing hath been the cause of great and ugly Reluctances in the people and of involuntary severities in the Prince an eminent example whereof was the Ship-money no small cause of twenty years calamity to the whole Kingdom 12. 8. Fewness of people is real poverty and a Nation wherein are eight Millions of people are more than twice as rich as the same scope of Land wherein are but four for the same Governours which are the great charge may serve near as well for the greater as the lesser number 13. Secondly If the people be so few as that they can live Ex sponte Creatis or with little labour such as is grazing c. they become wholly without Art. No man that will not exercise his hands being able to endure the tortures of the mind which much thoughtfulness doth occasion 14. 9. Scarcity of Money is another cause of the bad payment of Taxes for if we consider that of all the Wealth of this Nation viz. Lands Housing Shipping Commodities Furniture Plate and Money that scarce one part of an hundred is Coyn and that perhaps there is scarce six millions of Pounds now in England that is but twenty shillings a head for every head in the Nation We may easily judge how difficult it is for men of competent Estates to pay a sum of Money on a sudden which if they cannot compass Severities and Charges ensue and that with reason though unlucky enough it being more tolerable to undo one particular Member than to endanger the whole notwithstanding indeed it be more tolerable for one particular Member to be undone with the whole than alone 15. 10. It seems somewhat hard that all Taxes should be paid in Money that is when the King hath occasion to victual his Ships at Portsmouth that sat Oxen and Corn should not be received in kind but that Farmers must first carry their Corn perhaps ten Miles to sell and turn into Money which being paid to the King is again reconverted into Corn fetcht many miles further 16. Moreover the Farmer for haste is forced to under-sell his Corn and the King for haste likewise is forced to over-buy his Provisions Whereas the paying in kind Pro Hic Nunc would lessen a considerable grievance to the poor people 17. The next consideration shall be of the consequences and effects of too great a Tax not in respect of particular men of which we have spoken before but to the whole people in general To which I say that there is a certain measure and proportion of money requisite to drive the Trade of a Nation more or less then which would prejudice the same Just as there is a certain proportion of Farthings necessary in a small retail Trade to change silver money and to even such reckonings as cannot be adjusted with the smallest silver pieces For money made of Gold and silver is to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to the matter of our Food and Covering but as Farthings and other local extrinsick money is to the Gold and silver species 18 Now as the proportion of the number of farthings requisite in commerce is to be taken from the number of people the frequency of their Exchanges as also and principally from the value of the smallest silver pieces of money so in like manner the proportion of money requisite to our Trade is to be likewise taken from the frequency of commutations and from the bigness of the payments that are by Law or Custom usually made otherwise From whence it follows that where there are Registers of Lands whereby the just value of each mans interest in them may be well known and where there are Depositories of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as of Metals Cloth Linnen Leather and other Usefuls and where there are Banks of money also there less money is necessary to drive the Trade For if all the greatest payments be made in Lands and the other perhaps down to ten pound or twenty pound be made by credit in Lombars or Money-Banks It follows that there needs only money to pay sums less then those aforementioned just as fewer Farthings are requisite for change where there be plenty of silver two-Pences then

say the Silver of the one must be esteemed of equal value with the Corn of the other the one being perhaps twenty Ounces and the other twenty Bushels From whence it follows that the price of a Bushel of this Corn to be an Ounce of Silver 15. And forasmuch as possibly there may be more Art and Hazard in working about the Silver then about the Corn yet all comes to the same pass for let a hundred men work ten years upon Corn and the same number of men the same time upon Silver I say that the neat proceed of the Silver is the price of the whole neat proceed of the Corn and like parts of the one the price of like parts of the other Although not so many of those who wrought in Silver learned the Art of Refining and Coyning or out-lived the dangers and diseases of working in the Mines And this also is the way of pitching the true proportion between the values of Gold and Silver which many times is set but by popular errour sometimes more sometimes less diffused in the world which error by the way is the cause of our having been pestred with too much Gold heretofore and wanting it now 16. This I say to be the Foundation of equalizing and ballancing of values yet in the superstructures and practices hereupon I confess there is much variety and intricacy of which hereafter 17. The World measures things by Gold and Silver but principally the latter for there may not be two measures and consequently the better of many must be the only of all that is by fine Silver of a certain weight but now if it be hard to measure the weight and fineness of Silver as by the different reports of the ablest Say-masters I have known it to be and if Silver granted to be of the same fineness and weight rise and fall in its price and be more worth at one place than another not only for being farther from the Mines but for other accidents and may be more worth at present than a Month or other small time hence and if it differ in its proportion unto the several things valued by it in several Ages upon the increase and diminution thereof we shall endeavour to examine some other natural Standards and Measures without derogating from the excellent use of these 18. Our Silver and Gold we call by several names as in England by Pounds Shillings and Pence all which may be called and understood by either of the three But that which I would say upon this matter is that all things ought to be valued by two natural Denominations which is Land and Labour that is we ought to say a Ship or Garment is worth such a measure of Land with such another measure of Labour forasmuch as both Ships and Garments were the Creatures of Lands and mens Labours thereupon This being true we should be glad to find out a natural Par between Land and Labour so as we might express the value by either of them alone as well or better than by both and reduce one into the other as easily and certainly as we reduce Pence into Pounds Wherefore we would be glad to find the natural values of the Fee-simple of Land though but no better than we have done that of the usus fructus above-mentioned which we attempt as followeth 19. Having found the Rent or value of the usus fructus per annum the question is how many years purchase as we usually say is the Fee-simple naturally worth If we say an infinite number then an acre of Land would be equal in value to a thousand acres of the same Land which is absurd an infinity of Unites being equal to an infinity of Thousands wherefore we must pitch upon some limited number and that I apprehend to be the number of years which I conceive one man of fifty years old another of twenty eight and another of seven years old all being alive together may be thought to live that is to say of a Grandfather Father and Child few men having reason to take care of more remote Posterity for if a man be a great Grandfather he himself is so much the nearer his end so as there are but three in a continual line of descent usually co-existing together and as some are Grandfathers at forty years yet as many are not till above sixty and sic de caeteris 20. Wherefore I pitch the number of years purchase that any Land is naturally worth to be the ordinary extent of three such persons their lives Now in England we esteem three lives equal to one and twenty years and consequently the value of Land to be about the same number of years purchase Possibly if they thought themselves mistaken in the one as the Observator of the Bills of Mortality thinks they are they would alter in the other unless the consideration of the force of popular error and dependance of things already concatenated did hinder them 21. This I esteem to be the number of years purchase where Titles are good and where there is a moral certainty of enjoying the purchase But in other Countries Lands are worth nearer thirty years purchase by reason of the better Titles more people and perhaps truer opinion of the value and duration of three lives 22. And in some places Lands are worth yet more years purchase by reason of some special Honour Pleasures Priviledge or Jurisdiction annexed unto them 23. On the other hand Lands are worth fewer years purchase as in Ireland for the following reasons which I have here set down as unto the like whereof the cause of the like cheapness in any other place may be imputed First In Ireland by reason of the frequent Rebellions in which if you are conquered all is lost or if you conquer yet you are subject to swarms of Thieves and Robbers and the envy which precedent Missions of English have against the subsequent Perpetuity it self is but forty years long as within which time some ugly disturbance hath hitherto happened almost ever since the first coming of the English thither 24. 2. The Claims upon Claims which each hath to the others Estates and the facility of making good any pretence whatsoever by the favour of some one or other of the many Governours and Ministers which within forty years shall be in power there as also by the frequency of false testimonies and abuse of solemn Oaths 25. 3. The paucity of Inhabitants there being not above the fifth part so many as the Territory would maintain and of those but a small part do work at all and yet a smaller work so much as in other Countries 26. 4. That a great part of the Estates both real and personal in Ireland are owned by Absentees and such as draw over the profits raised out of Ireland refunding nothing so as Ireland exporting more than it imports doth yet grow poorer to a paradox 27. 5. The difficulty of executing Justice so many of those

reckon As for example if such Money were depressed but ten eleven or twelve per cent then the two pence piece would be worth but three half pence which is twenty five per cent and so of other proportions 9. Thirdly In case the inconvenience of this Money should be so great as to necessitate a new Coynage of it then will happen all the losses we mentioned before in melting it down by Bullioners 10. Fourthly If the two pence piece contained but the eighth part of the silver usually in a shilling then Dealers would have fifteen pence paid in this Money for the same Commodity for which they would take a shilling in Standard Silver 11. Raising of Money is either the cutting the pound Troy of Standard Silver into more pieces than formerly as into above sixty whereas heretofore the same was made but into twenty and yet both sorts called shillings or else calling the Money already made by higher names The reasons or pretences given for such raising are these viz. That the raising of Money will bring it in and the material thereof more plentifully for tryal whereof suppose one shilling were proclaimed to be worth two what other effect could this have than the raising of all Commodities unto a double price Now if it were proclaimed that Labourers Wages c. should not rise at all upon this raising of Money then would this Act be as only a Tax upon the said Labourers as forcing them to lose half their Wages which would not be only unjust but impossible unless they could live with the said half which is not to be supposed for then the Law that appoints such Wages were ill made which should allow the Labourer but just wherewithal to live for if you allow double then he works but half so much as he could have done and otherwise would which is a loss to the Publick of the fruit of so much labour 12. But suppose the Quart d' Escu of France commonly esteemed worth eighteen pence were raised to three shillings then 't is true that all the Moneys of England would be indeed Quart d' Escu pieces but as true that all the English Money would be carried away and that our Quart d' Escu would contain but half so much Bullion as our own money did so that raising of money may indeed change the species but with so much loss as the Forreign Pieces were raised unto above their intrinsick value 13. But for remedy of this suppose we raised the Quart d' Escu double and prohibited the Exportation of our own money in Exchange thereof I answer that such a Prohibition is nugatory and impossible to be executed and if it were not yet the raising of the said species would but make us sell the Commodities bought with raised Quart d' Escues in essect but at half the usual rate which unto them that want such commodities will as well yield the full so that abating our prices will as well allure strangers to buy extraordinary proportions of our Commodities as raising their money will do But neither that nor abating the price will make strangers use more of our Commodities then they want for although the first year they should carry away an unuseful and superfluous proportion yet afterwards they would take so much the less 14. If this be true as in substance it is why then have so many wise States in several ancient as well as modern times frequently practised this Artifice as a means to draw in money into their respective Dominions I answer that something is to be attributed to the stupidity and ignorance of the people who cannot of a sudden understand this matter for I finde many men wise enough who though they be well informed that raising of money signifies little yet cannot suddenly digest it As for example an unengaged person who had money in his purse in England and should hear that a ●●●ling was made fourteen pence in Ireland would more readily run thither to buy Land then before not suddenly apprehending that for the same Land which he might have bought before for six years Purchase he shall now pay seven Nor will Sellers in Ireland of a sudden apprehend cause to raise their Land proportionally but will at least be contented to compound the business viz. to sell at six and an half and if the difference be a more ragged fraction men under a long time will not apprehend it nor ever be able exactly to govern their practice according to it 15. Secondly Although I apprehend little real defference between raising Forreign Money to double and abating half in the price of our own Commodities yet to sell them on a tacite condition to be paid in Forreign present Money shall increase our money forasmuch as between raising the money and abasing the price is the same difference as between selling for money and in barter which latter is the dearer or between selling for present money and for time barter resolving into the nature of uncertain time 19. I say suppose English Cloth were sold at six shillings a Yard and French Canvas at eighteen pence the Ell the question is whether it were all one in order to increase Money in England to raise the French Money double or to abate half of the price of our Cloth I think the former better because that former way or proposition carries with it a condition having Forreign Money in specie and not Canvas in barter between which two waies the world generally agrees there is a difference Wheresore if we can afford to abate half our price but will not do it but for our neighbours money then we gain so much as the said difference between Money and Barter amounts unto by such raising of our Neighbours Money 17. But the fundamental solution of this Question depends upon a real and not an imaginary way of computing the prices of Commodities in order to which real way I premise these suppositions First then suppose there pe in a Territory a thousand people let these people be supposed sufficient to Till this whole Territory as to the Husbandry of Corn which we will suppose to contain all necessaries for life as in the Lords Prayer we suppose the word Bread doth and let the production of a Bushel of this Corn be supposed of equal labour to that of producing an ounce of Silver Suppose again that a tenth part of this Land and tenth of the people viz an hundred of them can produce Corn enough for the whole suppose that the Rent of Land found out as above-mentioned be a fourth part of the whole product about which proportion it really is as we may perceive by paying a fourth Sheaf instead of Rent in some places suppose also that whereas but an hundred are necessary for this Husbandry yet that two hundred have taken up the Trade and suppose that where a Bushel of Corn would suffice yet men out of delicacy will use two making use of the Flower only