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A27515 The history of the late revolution of the empire of the Great Mogol together with the most considerable passages for 5 years following in that empire : to which is added, a letter to the Lord Colbert, touching the extent to Indostan, the circulation of the gold and silver of the world, to discharge it self there, as also the riches, forces, and justice of the same and the principal cause of the decay of the states of Asia / by Mons. F. Bernier ... English'd out of French.; Histoire de la dernière révolution des Etats du Grand Mogol. English Bernier, François, 1620-1688.; Oldenburg, Henry, 1615?-1677. 1676 (1676) Wing B2044; ESTC R16888 130,833 407

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colour and the soft humour of the Countrey are not so much esteem'd as the new comers being also seldom raised to publick Offices but counting themselves happy if they may serve as simple Horsemen or Foot Of these Armies I am now going to give you some description that thereby knowing the great expences which the Grand Mogol is obliged to be at you may the better judge of his true Riches let us first take a view of the Field Militia he is necessitated to maintain The chief thereof are the Rajas such as Jesseignae Jessomseignae and many others to whom he allows very great pensions to have them always ready with a certain number of Ragipouts esteeming them like Omrahs that is like other Strangers and Mahumetan Lords both in the Army that is always about his person and in those also that are in the Field These Rajas are generally obliged to the same things that the Omrahs are even to the point of keeping guard yet with this distinction that they keep not the guard within the Fortress as those but without under their Tents they not liking to be shut up twenty four hours in a Fortress nor so much as ever to go thither but well attended with Men resolute to be cut in pieces for their service as hath appeared when they have been ill dealt withal The Mogol is obliged to keep these Rajas in his service for sundry reasons The first because the Militia of the Rajas is very good as was said above and because there are Rajas as was intimated also one of whom can bring into the Field above 25000 men The Second the better to bridle the other Rajas and to reduce them to reason when they cantonize or when they refuse to pay tribute or when out of fear or other cause they will not go out of their Country to the Army when the Mogol requireth it The third the better to nourish jealousies and keenness amongst them by Favouring and Caressing the one more than the other which is done to that degree that they proceed to fight with one another very frequently The fourth to employ them against the Patans or against his own Omrahs and Governours in case any of them should rise The fifth to employ them against the King of Golkonda when he refuseth to pay his tribute or when he will defend the King of Visapour or some Rajas his neighbours which the Mogol hath a mind of rifle or to make his tributaries the Mogol in the those cases not daring to trust his Omrahs overmuch who most are Persians and not of the same Religion with him but Chias like the Kings of Persia and Golkonda The sixth and the most considerable of all is to employ them against the Persians upon occasion not daring then also to confide in his Omrahs who for the greatest part as was just now said are Persians and consequently have no stomach to Fight against their natural King and the less because they believe him to be their Imam their Caliph or high Priest descended from Aly and against whom therefore they believe they cannot make War without a crime or a great sin The Mogol is farther obliged to entertain some Patans for the same or somewhat like reasons that he doth the Rajas At last he must entertain that stranger Militia of the Mogols that we have taken notice of And as this is the main strength of his State and which obliges him to incredible charges me thinks it will not be amiss to describe to you of what nature it is though I should be somewhat long in doing it Let us therefore consider if you please this stranger Militia both Cavalry and Infantry as divided into two the one being always near the Mogol's Person the other dispersed up and down in the several Provinces And in the Cavalry that is about his Person let us first take notice of the Omrahs then of the Mansebdars next of the Rousindars last of all of the simple Horsemen From thence let us proceed to the Infantry in which we shall consider the Musquetiers and all those men on foot that attend the Ordnance where something will occur to be said of their Artillery It is not to be thought that the Omrahs or Lords of the Mogol's Court are Sons of great Families as in France All the Lands of that Empire being the Mogol's propriety it follows that there are neither Dutchies nor Marquisats nor any Family Rich in Land and subsisting of its own income and patrimony And often enough they are not so much as Omrahs Sons because the King being Heir of all their Estates it is consequent that the Houses cannot subsist long in their greatness on the contrary they often fall and that on a sudden insomuch that the Sons or at least the Grandsons of a Potent Omrah are frequently after the death of their Father reduced in a manner to Beggery and obliged to list themselves under some Omrah for simple Horsemen 'T is true that ordinarily the Mogol leaves some small pension to the Widow and often also to the Children or if the Father liveth too long he may by particular favour advance them sooner especially if they be proper men white of Face having as yet not too much of the Indian Complexion and temper and so passing yet for true Mogols Though this advancement by favour do always proceed in a slow pace it being almost a general custom that a man must pass from small Pays and small Places to great ones These Omrahs then are commonly but Adventurers and Strangers of all sorts of Nations such as I have said which draw one another to this Court men of a mean descent some of them slaves most of them without instruction which the Mogol thus raiseth to dignities as he thinks good and degrades them again as he pleaseth Amongst these Omrahs some are Hazary others Dou Hazary others Penge Hecht and Deh Hazary and even such as was the the Kings eldest Son Dovazdeh Hazary that is to say Lord of a thousand Horse of two thousand five thousand seven ten and tweive thousand their pay being less or more in proportion to the number of Horses I say of Horses because they are not paid in respect of the Horsemen but of the Horse the Omrahs having power to entertain Horsemen of two Horses a man to be the better able to serve in the hot Countrys where 't is a common saying that the Horseman that hath but one Horse is more than half a Footman Yet we must not think that they are obliged to entertain or that the King effectively pays so many Horse as these great names of Dovazdeh or Hecht Hazary do impart that is 12000 or 8000 Horse These are specious Names to amuse and attract Strangers the King determines the number of Horses in actual service which they are bound to entertain pays them according to this number and besides that he payes them a certain number which they are not bound to entertain
thence In a word you may take notice that this Great Mogol makes himself heir of the Omrahs or Lords and of the Manseb-dars or petty Lords that are in his Pay and which is of very great consequence that all the Lands of that Expire are his propriety excepting some Houses and Gardens which he giveth leave to his Subjects to sell divide or buy amongst them as they shall think fit These are the things which sufficiently show both that there must needs be a very great store of Gold and Silver in Indostan though there be no Mines and also that the Great Mogol the Soveraign of the same at least of the best part of it hath immense Revenues and Riches But on the other hand there are also many things to be observed which are a poise to these Riches The first that among those vast tracts of Land there is much which is nothing but sand and sterill Mountains little Tilled or Peopled That even of those that would be fertile there is much that is not used for want of Workmen some of which have perish'd by the too evil treatment of the Governours who often take from them their necessary lively-hood and sometimes their very Children whom they make slaves when they are not able or are unwilling to pay Others have abandoned the Field for the same reason and desponding out of the consideration that they labour'd only for others have cast themselves into Towns or into Armies to serve there for Porters or waiting men and many have fled to the lands of the Rajas because there they found less tyranny and more kindness The second is That in this same extent of Country there are sundry Nations which the Mogol is not full Master of most of them retaining yet their particular Sovereigns and Lords that obey him not nor pay him tribute but from constraint many that do little some that do nothing at all and some also that receive tribute from him as we shall see anon Such are those petty Sovereigns that are seated on the Frontiers of Persia who almost never pay him any thing no more than they do to the King of Persia As also the Balouches and Augans and other Mountineers of whom also the greatest part pay him but a small matter and even care but very little for him witness the affront they did him when they stopp'd his whole Army by cutting off the Water which they kept back within the Mountains when he passed from Atek on the River Indus to Caboul to lay siege to Kandahar not suffering the Water to run down into the Fields where was the High-way 'till they had received presents although they asked them by way of Alms. Such are also the Patans a Mahumetan People issued from the side of the River Ganges towards Bengale who before the Invasion of the Mogols in India had taken their time to make themselves potent in many places and chiefly at Dehli and to render many Rajas thereabout their Tributaries These Patans are fierce and warlike and even the meanest of them though they be waiting men and porters are still of a very high spirit being often heard to say by way of swearing Let me never be King of Dehli if it be not so A People that despise the Indians Heathen and Mogols and mortally hate the last still remembring what they were formerly before they were by them driven away from their large Principalities and constrained to retire hither and thither far from Dehli and Agra into the Mountains where now they are setled and where some of them have made themselves petty Sovereigns like Rajas but of small strength Such an one also is the King of Visapour who pays to the Magol nothing and is always in War with him maintaining himself in his Country partly by his own forces partly because he is very remote from Agra and Dehli the ordinary places of Residence of the Great Mogol partly also because his Capital City Visapour is strong and of difficult access to an Army by reason of the ill Waters and the want of Forrage on the way and partly because many Rajas joyn with him for their common defence as did the famous Seva-gi who not long since came pillaging and burning that rich Sea-port Suratte and who sometimes will pay little or no Tribute Such is likwise that potent and rich King of Golkonda who under-hand gives Money to the King of Visapour and hath always an Army ready on the Frontiers for his own defence and for the assistance of Visapour in case he find him too much pressed Of the like sort are more than an hundred Rajas or considerable Heathen Sovereigns dispersed through the whole Empire some near to others remote from Agra and Dehli amongst whom there are about fifteen or sixteen that are very rich and puissant such as is Rana who formerly was as 't were Emperour of the Rajas and who is said to be of the Progeny of King Porus Jesseignae and Jessom seignae which are so great and powerful that if they three alone should combine they would hold him tack each of them being able in a very short time to raise and bring into the Field Twenty five thousand Horse better Troops than the Mogols These Caveliers are called Ragipouts or the Children of Rajas They are men who as I have elsewhere said carry Swords from Father to Son and to whom the Rajas allot Land on condition to be always ready to appear on Horseback when the Raja commands They can endure much hardship and they want nothing to make them good Souldiers but good Order and Discipline The third thing to be noted is that the Mogol is a Mahumetan not of the Sect called Chias who follow Aly and his off-spring such as the Persians are and consequently the greatest part of his Court but of that which follows Osman and thence are called Osmanlys such as the Turks are Besides that he is a stranger being of the Race of Tamerlan who was the head of those Mogols that about the year 1401 over-ran India where they made themselves Masters so that he is in a Country almost all hostile and that the more because not only for one Mogol but in general for one Mahumetan there are hundreds of Gentiles or Heathen which obligeth him constantly to entertain for his defence among so many Domestick and Potent Enemies and against the Persians and Usbecks his Neighbours very great Armies whether in time of Peace or War as well about his Person as in the Field as well of the People of the Countrey Rajas and Patans as chiefly Mogolians or at least esteemed such because they are White and Mahumetans which sufficeth at present his Court being no more now as 't was at first consisting altogether of true Mogols but a mixture of all sorts of strangers Usbecks Persians Arabians and Turks or their Children but with this distinction that the Children of the third or fourth generation and that have taken the Brown
such as our Pont-neuf is where hundreds of men are found pel-mel together with their Horses Mules and Camels where one is stifled with heat in Summer and starved of cold in Winter if it were not for the breathing of those Animals that warm the place a little But it will be said we see some States where the Meum and Tuum is not as for example that of the Grand Seignor which we know better than any without going so far as the Indies that do not only subsist but are also very powerful and encrease daily 'T is true that that State of the Grand Seignor of such a prodigious extent as it is having so vast a quantity of Lands the Soil of which is so excellent that it cannot be destroyed but very difficultly and in a long time is yet rich and populous but it is certain also that if it were cultivated and peopled proportionably to ours which it would be if there were propriety among the Subjects throughout it would be a quite different thing it would have people enough to raise such prodigious Armies as in old times and rich enough to maintain them We have travelled through almost all the parts of it we have seen how strangely it is ruin'd and unpeopled and how in the Capital City there now need three whole Months to raise five or six thousand men We know also what it would have come to ere this if it had not been for the great number of Christian Slaves that are brought into it from all parts And no doubt but that if the same Government were continued there for a number of years that State would destroy it self and at last fall by its own weakness as it seems that already it is hardly maintained but only by that means I mean by the frequent change of Governors there being not one Governor nor any one man in the whole Empire that hath a penny to enable him to maintain the least thing or that can almost find any men if he had Money A strange manner to make States to subsist There would need no more for making an end of the Seditions than a Brama of Pegu who killed the half of the Kingdom with hunger and turned it into Forests hindring for some years the Lands from being tilled though yet he hath not succeeded in his Design and the State have afterwards been divided and that even lately Ava the Capital Town was upon the point of being taken by an handful of China-fugitives Mean time we must confess that we are not like to see in our dayes that total ruine and destruction of this Empire we are speaking of if so be we see not something worse because it hath Neighbors that are so far from being able to undertake any thing against him that they are not so much as in a condition to resist him unless it be by those succours of strangers which the remoteness and jealousie would make slow small and suspect But it might be yet further objected that it appears not why such States as these might not have good Laws and why the people in the Provinces might not be enabled to come and make their complaints to a Grand Visir or to the King himself 'T is true that they are not altogether destitute of good Laws and that if those which are amongst them were observed there would be as good living there as in any part of the world But what are those Laws good for if they be not observed and if there be no means to make them to be executed Is it not the Grand Visir or the King that appoints for the people such beggarly Tyrants and that hath no others to set over them Is it not He that sells those governments Hath a poor Peasant or Tradesman means to make great journeys and to come and seek for Justice in the Capital City remote perhaps 150 or 200 Leagues from the place of his abode Will not the Governour cause him to be made away in his journey as it hath often hapned or catch him sooner or later And will he not provide his Friends at Court to support him there and to represent things quite otherwise than they are In a word this Governour hungry as well as the Timariots and Farmers that are all men for drawing Oyl out of Sand as the Persian speaks and for ruining a world with their heap of Women-harpies Children and Slaves this Governor I say is he not the absolute Master the Super-intendant of Justice the Parliament the Receiver and all It may perhaps be added that the Lands which our Kings hold in Domaine are no less well tilled and peopled than other Land But there is a great difference between the having in propriety some Lands here and there in a great Kingdom which changes not the Constitution of the State and Government and the having them all in propriety which would alter it altogether And then we in these parts have Laws so rational which our Kings are willing to be the first to observe and according to which they will that their particular Lands shall be governed as those of their Subjects are so as to give way that Actions of Law may be laid against their own Farmers and Officers so that a Peasant or Tradesman may have means to obtain Justice and to find remedy against the unjust violence of those that would oppress him Whereas in those parts of Asia I see almost not any refuge for those poor people the Cudgel and the Hammer of the Governour being in a manner the only Law that rules and decides all Controversies there Lastly It may be said that 't is at least certain that in such States there is not such a multitude of long-lasting sutes of Law as in these parts nor so many Lawyers of all sorts as amongst us It is in my opinion very true that one cannot too much applaud that old Persian Saing Na-hac Kouta Beter-Ez hac Deraz that is Short Injustice is better than long Justice and that the length of Law-Sutes is unsufferable in a State and that it is the indispensable duty of the Sovereign by all good means to endeavour a remedy against them And 't is certain that by taking away this Meum and Tuum the root would be cut of an infinite number of Law-processes and especially of almost all those that are of importance and long and perplexed and consequently there would not need so great a number of Magistrates which our Sovereigns do employ to administer Justice to their Subjects nor that swarm of men which subsist only by that way But 't is also manifest that the remedy would be an hundred times worse than the Disease considering those great inconveniences that would follow thereupon and that in all probability the Magistrates would become such as those of the Asiatick States who deserve not that Name for in a word our Kings have yet cause to glory upon the account of good Magistracy under them In those parts some Merchants excepted Justice is only among the meanest sort of people that are poor and of an unequal condition who have not the means of corrupting the Judges and to buy false Witnesses that are there in great numbers and very cheap and never punished And this I have learn'd every where by the experience of many years and by my solicitous enquiries made among the people of the Country and our old Merchants that are in those parts as also of Ambassadors Consuls and Interpreters whatever our common Travellers may say who upon their having seen by chance when they passed by two or Porters or others of the like Gang about a Kady quickly dispatching one or other of the parties and sometimes both with some lashes under the sole of their feet or with a Maybalé Baba some mild words when there is no wool to sheer who I say upon sight of this come hither and cry out O the good and short Justice O what honest Judges are those in respect of ours Not considering in the mean time that if one of those wretches that is in the wrong had a couple of Crowns to corrupt the Kady or his Clerks and as much to buy two false witnesses he might either win his process or prolong it as long as he pleased In conclusion to be short I say that the taking away this Propriety of Lands among private men would be infallibly to intoduce at the same time Tyranny Slavery Injustice Beggery Barbarism Desolation and to open a high way for the ruine and destruction of Mankind and even of Kings and States Aud that on the contrary this Meum and Tuum accompanied with the hopes that every one shall keep what he works and labours for for himself and his Children as his own is the main foundation of whatever is regular and good in the World Insomuch that whosoever shall cast his eyes upon the different Countries and Kingdoms and taketh good notice of what follows upon this Propriety of Sovereigns or that of the People will soon find the true source and chief cause of that great difference we see in the several States and Empires of the world and avow that this is in a manner that which changes and diversifieth the Face of the whole Earth FINIS THe Relation of a Voyage into Mauritania in Africk by Roland Frejus of Marseilles by the French King's Order 1666. To Muley Arxid King of Tafiletta c. For the establishment of a Commerce in the Kingdom of Fez and all his other Conquests With a Letter in Answer to divers curious Questions concerning the Religion Manners and Customs of his Countries Also their Trading to Tombutum for Gold and divers other Particulars by one who lived five and twenty years in the Kingdom of Sus and Morocco Printed at Paris 1670. Englished 1671. 8 Price 1 s 6 d. Sold by M. Pitt at the Angel near the Little North-Door of St Paul A Roupy is about half a Crown So that the six Kourours would make about seven Millions and an half English Money