Selected quad for the lemma: land_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
land_n	lord_n	manor_n	tenement_n	2,271	5	10.9998	5	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A59100	Tracts written by John Selden of the Inner-Temple, Esquire ; the first entituled, Jani Anglorvm facies altera, rendred into English, with large notes thereupon, by Redman Westcot, Gent. ; the second, England's epinomis ; the third, Of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdictions of testaments ; the fourth, Of the disposition or administration of intestates goods ; the three last never before extant.; Selections. 1683	Selden, John, 1584-1654.; Littleton, Adam, 1627-1694.; White, Robert, 1645-1703.; Selden, John, 1584-1654. Jani Anglorum facies altera. English.; Selden, John, 1584-1654. England's epinomis.; Selden, John, 1584-1654. Of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdiction of testaments.	1683 (1683)	Wing S2441; ESTC R14343	196,477	246

we find there Centum solidi dentur vel marca auri where if solidi stand for shillings for they may be taken for soulx as the French call them a Mark of Gold is made of equal value with 5 l. Sterling And thus three hundred Marks of Gold come to Fifteen hundred pound I confess after all most of these accounts of the Mark Gold or Silver may be admitted of as having possibly at some time or other been true since mony both in its Coyns and Summs hath in several Ages of the World risen and fallen according to its plenty or scarcity Lin. 42. Being arighted and accused of any matter Or rather in the Law-spelling arrested in Latin rectatus that is ad rectum vocatus convened before a Magistrate and charged with a crime Thus ad rectum habere is in Bracton to have a man forth coming so as he may be charged and put upon his tryal It may be also rendred taken upon suspicion It is written sometime retatus and irretitus Pag. 70. lin 33. To give suretiship for the Remainder I confess I do not well know how to apply to this place that sense which our Common Law takes the word Remainder in for a power or hope to enjoy Lands Tenements or Rents after anothers estate or term expired when an estate doth not revert to the Lord or Granter of it but remains to be enjoyed by some third person What if we say that as Bishops could not because their estates are of Alms grant any part of their Demeans ad remanentiam for ever or to perpetuity so here Excommunicate persons were not obliged dare vadium ad remanentiam to find sureties for continuance or for perpetuity that is for their future good behaviour but only to stand to the judgement of the Church in that particular case for which they were at present sentenced CHAP. XI Pag. 72. lin 24. If a Claim or Suit shall arise In the Latin si calumnia emerserit a known and frequent word in our Law which signifies a Claim or Challenge otherwise termed clameum Lin. 37. Till it shall by Plea be deraigned or dereyned which is in French dereyné in the Latin disrationatum which as it hath several significations in Law so here it imports after a full debate and fair hearing the determination of the matter by the judgement of the Court. CHAP. XII Pag. 75. lin 2. By the name of Yumen The same say some as the Danes call yong men Others derive the word from the Saxon geman or the old Dutch Gemen that is common and so it signifies a Commoner Sir Tho. Smith calls him Yoman whom our Laws term legalem hominem a Free-man born so Camden renders it by Ingenuus who is able to spend of his own free Land in yearly Revenue to the summ of Forty Shillings such as we now I suppose call Free-holders who have a Voice at the Election of Parliament-men But here the word is taken in a larger sense so as to include servile Tenure also or Villenage CHAP. XIII Pag. 77. lin 5. Leude-men From the Saxon Leod the common people It signified in Law a Subject a Liege man a Vassal a Tenant hence in High-dutch a Servant was called Leute in Old English a Lout But in common acception Lewd was formerly taken for a Lay-man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of the people or for any illiterate person Now it is used to denote one who is wicked or loose and debauched CHAP. XIV Pag. 79. lin 8. The States of the Kingdom the Baronage He means the whole Parliament and not only the House of Lords by the word Baronage For though by Barons now we properly understand the Peers of the Realm yet anciently all Lords of Manours those who kept Court-Baron were styled Barons Nay Spelman tells us that all Free-holders went by that name before the Free-holds were quit letted out into such small pittances as now they are while Noble-men kept their Lands in their own hands and managed them by their Vassals Cowell gives this further account of those Lords of Manours that he had heard by men very learned in our Antiquities that near after the Conquest all such came to Parliament and sate as Nobles in the Upper House But as he goes on when by experience it appeared that the Parliament was too much pestered with such multitudes it grew to a custom that none should come but such as the King for their extraordinary wisdom or quality thought good to call by Writ which Writ ran hâc vice tantùm that is only for this turn So that then it depended wholly upon the Kings pleasure And then he proceeds to shew how after that they came to be made Barons by Letters Patents and the Honour to descend to their posterity Lin. 27. By way of safe pledge That is to oblige them to give security for the parties appearance against the day assigned who in case of default were to undergo the dammage and peril of it Pag. 80. lin 7. St. Peter's pence These Peter-pence were also called in Saxon Romescot and Romefeoh that is a Tribute or Fee due to Rome and Rome-penny and Hearth-penny It was paid yearly by every Family a Penny a house at the Feast of S. Peter ad Vincula on the first day of August It was granted first sayes our Author out of Malmesbury by Ina or Inas King of the West-Saxons when he went on Pilgrimage to Rome in the year of our Lord 720. But there is a more clear account given by Spelman in the word Romascot that it was done by Offa King of the Mercians out of an Author that wrote his Life And it is this That Offa after thirty six years Reign having vowed to build a Stately Monastery to the memory of St. Alban the British Protomartyr he went on Pilgrimage to Rome Adrian the First then Pope to beg Indulgences and more than ordinary Priviledges for the intended work He was kindly received and got what he came for and the next day going to see an English School that had been set up at Rome he for the maintenance of the poor English in that School gave a Penny for every house to be paid every year throughout his Dominion which was no less than three and twenty Shires at that time only the Lands of S. Alban excepted And this to be paid at the Feast of S. Peter because he found the body of the Martyr on that day for which reason it was also called S. Peter's Penny And although at last these Peter-pence were claim'd by the Pope as his own due and an Apostolical right yet we find that beside the maintenance of a School here mentioned for which they were first given they have by other Kings been appropriated to other uses Thus we read that Athelwolf Father to King Alured who was the first Monarch of this Isle granted three hundred Marks the summ total of the Peter-pence here bating only an odd Noble to be paid yearly

the elder part of that Law regularly the Probate or Aperture of Wills was before the Praetor And afterward the obsignation insinuation and Probate of them in Rome was before the Magister Census or apud officium Censuale as it were before the Barons of our Exchequer and that continued into later time And the same Officer by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or generalis in Constantinople had the same authority But also afterwards as well the Questor's Seal as that of the generalis became to be used at the obsignation and his authority also in the Probate or Aperture And the Emperour Leo about the year 890. transferred all that herein belonged to the Generalis into the Questor's place yet so that some other Civil Magistrates had the like authority and what was done before these in Rome and Constantinople was in other Cities before their Chief Governours as Defensores or Praefides neither was the Church permitted to have to do with the Insinuation of Testaments but expresly forbidden by a rescript of the Emperour Justin nor is any thing that gives it either among the Novells of the Greek Empire or in the Lombarda or Capitulares which have been reputed as parts also of the Imperial Law CHAP. II. Nor by the Canon Law NEither in any General Council or other part of the received Canon Law doth any Testimony occurr that gives the Church this Intrinsecal Jurisdiction But in the fourth Council of Carthage holden in the year 398. it was ordained Vt Episcopus tuitionem testamentorum non suscipiat And this being then established by two hundred and fourteen Bishops was afterwards made a part of the Decrees or Canon Law collected by Gratian and published and authorized by Pope Eugenius the Third about 1150. and the Gloss upon that Canon interprets tuitio for Aperture or Probate So also Pope Innocent the Fourth understands it publicatio saith he fieri non debet apud Episcopum and he vouches that Law Consulta ducalia tit de Testament to prove it Speculator Hostiensis and others of the same time and generally the rest that follow them make the Civil Law only the square of the Jurisdiction of the Probates and so it is truly affirmed in our Books that the Probate belongs not to the Church by the Spiritual Law neither is any such thing given by any later Bull or Decretal from the Bishop of Rome CHAP. III. The Extrinsecal Jurisdiction by the Civil Law in whom FOr the Extrinsecal Jurisdiction that gave Recoveries of Legacies by the Imperial Civil Law where the Legacies were in pios usus the Bishop of the Diocess sometimes by himself sometimes with the Civil Magistrate provided for the execution of the Testators meaning otherwise the Jurisdiction of Legacies and what else falls under Testamentary disposition was and is the Magistrates only CHAP. IV. In whom by the Canon Law BUt by the Canon Law the general care of execution of Testaments is committed to the Bishop yet I find not any Canon to that purpose received into the Body of that Law now in authority before the time of the Decretals which have out of some Council of Mentz these words viz. Si haeredes jussa Testatoris non impleverint ab Episcopo loci illius omnis Res quae eis relicta est Canonice interdicatur cum fructibus caeteris emolumentis ut vota defuncti impleantur Out of what Council of Mentz this is taken I have not yet learned but in the same syllables it occurrs in Burchard that lived about six hundred years since with the Marginal Note of ex Concilio Moguntino What other Texts are touching the power of the Canons over performance of Testaments have reference to that course ordained by the Civil Law where any thing was given in pios usus not to a general Jurisdiction for so is the Canon Nos quidem extr tit de testam Neither is that Canon Vltima Voluntas in C. 13. q. 2. taken out of S. Gregory otherwise to be understood if you interpret it as you ought by those places of Gregory whence it is taken but the Canonists generally upon that Canon Si haeredes take it that executio testamentorum ad Episcopos spectat And so those old ones Pope Innocent the Fourth Bernard and others of the rest deliver and the latter follow them yet they commonly restrain it and that in practice in other States to Legacies given in pios usus And in the Council of Trent where twice the Bishops power over Testaments is provided for nothing is spoken of but Commutations of Legacies and of such as are given in pios usus yet from Ancient time both the Intrinsecal and Extrinsecal Jurisdiction of Testaments made of personal Chattels in England hath been and is in the Church except in places where special Custom excludes it the original whereof being not sufficiently found in either of these Laws the Civil and Canon divers parts of which according to the various admission of several Estates have been much dispersed through Christendome and some remain now exercised by imitation among us It rests that disquisition be made for it in the Monuments of the Kingdom that according as they together with the Canons afford light some conjecture may be had touching the Antiquity and ground of it CHAP. V. Of the Intrinsecal Jurisdiction in the Saxons time THe Eldest Testament that I have seen made in England is that of King Edgar's time made by one Birthric a Gentleman or Thane it seems of great worth and his Wife Elswith wherein they devise both Lands and Goods and in the end of the Will sayes her husband 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And I pray for Gods love my leefe Lord that he doe not suffer that any man our Testament do break It may perhaps thence be collected that the Protection or Execution of this Testament was within the Jurisdiction of the Lords Court as also the Probate and that especially because divers Lords of Mannors have to this day the Probate of Testaments by Custom continued against that which is otherwise regularly setled in the Church But the same Testament being for Lands as well as for Goods it may be that this Clause had reference to the Lord in regard of the Land only to the Alienation of which his Assent might be requisite or to denote him for the Testators best friend as one chosen Overseer of his Will and indeed he desires all other good people to see his Will be not broken which makes me only offer it as what another mans fancy may work on but I conceive not out of it enough to prove either way any thing touching the Jurisdiction of Testaments Nor in the Saxon times appears any thing that can sufficiently direct us to know how it was exercised here unless out of that example of Siwerth of Durham's Testament in the

and other like cases Nay and if Leland an Eye-witness may be believed our great Prince Arthur had his Seal also which he saith he saw in the Church of Westminster with this very inscription PATRITIUS ARTHURIUS BRITANNIAE GALLIAE GERMANIAE DACIAE IMPERATOR That is The Right Noble ARTHUR Emperor of Britanny France Germany and Transylvania But that the Saxons had this from the Normans is a thing out of all question Their Grants or Letters Patents signed with Crosses and subscribed with Witnesses names do give an undoubted credit and assurance to what I have said John Ross informs us that Henry Beauclerk was the first that made use of one of Wax and Matthew of Canterbury that Edward the first did first hang it at the bottom of his Royal Writings by way of Label whereas before his Predecessors fastned it to the left side Such a writing of Henry the first in favour of Anselm the last Author makes mention of and such an one of William's Duke of the Normans though a very short one and very small written Brian Twine in his Apology for the Antiquity of the famous University of Oxford the great Study and support of England and my ever highly honoured Mother saith he had seen in the Library of the Right Honourable my Lord Lumley But let a circumcised Jew or who else will for me believe that story concerning the first Seal of Wax and the first fastning of it to the Writing A great many waxen ones of the French Peers that I may say something of those in wax and Golden ones of their Kings to wit betwixt the years 600 and 700 we meet with fashioned like Scutcheons or Coats of Arms in those Patterns or Copies which Francis de Rosieres has in his first Tome of the Pedigree or Blazonry of the Dukes of Lorain set down by way of Preface Nor was it possible that the Normans should not have that in use which had been so anciently practised by the French Let me add this out of the ancient Register of Abendon That Richard Earl of Chester who flourished in the time of Henry the first ordered to sign a certain Writing with the Seal of his Mother Ermentrude seeing that being not girt with a Soldiers Belt i. e. not yet made Knight all sorts of Letters directed by him were inclosed with his Mothers Seal How what is that I hear Had the Knightly dignity and Order the singular priviledge as it was once at Rome to wear Gold-Rings For Rings as 't is related out of Ateius Capito were especially designed and ingraven for Seals Let Phoebus who knows all things out of his Oracle tell us For ●ervants or Slaves so says Justus Lipsius and remarks it from those that had been dug up in Holland and common Soldiers were allowed iron ones to sign or to seal with which therefore Flavius Vopiscus calls annulos sigillaricios i. e. seal-Rings and so your ordinary Masters of Families had such with a Key hanging at it to seal and lock up their provision and utensils But saith Ateius of the ancient time Neither was it lawful to have more than one Ring nor for any one to have one neither but for Freemen whom alone trust might become which is preserved under Seal and therefore the Servants of a Family had not the Right and Priviledge of Rings I come home to our selves now CHAP. III. Other ways of granting and conveying Estates by a Sword c. particularly by a Horn. Godwin's trick to get Boseham of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Pleadings in French The French Language and Hand when came in fashion Coverfeu-Laws against taking of Deer against Murder against Rape 3. AT first many Lands and Estates were collated or bestowed by bare word of mouth without Writing or Charter only with the Lords Sword or Helmet or a Horn or a Cup and very many Tenements with a Spur with a Currycomb with a Bow and some with an Arrow But these things were in the beginning of the Norman Reign in after times this fashion was altered says Ingulph I and these things were before the Normans Government Let King Edgar his Staff cut in the middle and given to Glastenbury Abbey for a testimony of his Grant be also here for a testimony And our Antiquary has it of Pusey in Berkshire That those who go by the name of Pusey do still hold by a Horn which heretofore had been bestowed upon their Ancestors by Knute the Danish King In like manner to the same purpose an old Book tells this story That one Vlphus the Son of Toraldus turned aside into York and filled the Horn that he was used to drink out of with Wine and before the Altar upon his bended knees drinking it gave away to God and to St. Peter the Prince of the Apostles all his Lands and Revenues Which Horn of his saith Camden we have been told was kept or reserved down to our Fathers memory We may see the conveyance of Estate how easie it was in those days and clear from the punctilio's of Law and withal how free from the captious malice of those petty-foggers who would intangle Titles and find flaws in them and from the swelling Bundles and Rolls of Parchments now in use But commend me to Godwin Earl of Kent who was to use Hegesander's word too great a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 catcher at Syllables and as the Comedian says more shifting than a Potters wheel Give me saith he to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Boseham The Arch-Bishop admiring what it was he would be at in that question saith I give you Boseham He straight upon the confidence of this deceit without any more ado entred upon an Estate of the Arch Bishops of that name on the Sea-coasts of Sussex as if it had been his own by Inheritance And with the testimony of his people about him spoke of the Arch-Bishop before the King as the donor of it and quietly enjoyed it Those things I spoke of before to wit of Sword Horn c. smell of that way of investing into Fees which we meet with in Obertus de Orto but are very unlike to that solemn ceremony which is from ancient time even still used in conveying of an Estate and delivering possession wherein a green Turf or the bough of a growing Tree is required 4. They did so much abhor the English tongue 't is the Abbot of Crowland saith it that the Laws of the Land and the Statutes of the English Kings were handled or pleaded in the French language For till the thirty sixth year of Edward the third all businesses of Law were pleaded in French That also in Schools the Rudiments of Grammatical Institution were delivered to Boys in French and not in English Also that the English way and manner of Writing was laid aside and the French mode was made use of in all Charters or Instruments and Books Indeed it was such a fault to

came in his way as he was passing by holding up their Ploughshares in token that their Husbandry was running to decay for they were put to a world of trouble upon occasion of the provisions which they carried from their own quarters through several parts of the Kingdom Thereupon the King being moved with their complaints did by the resolved advice of his Lords appoint throughout the Kingdom such persons as he knew were for their prudence and discretion fit for the service These persons going about and that they might believe their own eyes taking a view of the several Lands having made an estimate of the provisions which were paid out of them they reduced it into a sum of pence But for the total sum which arose out of all the Lands in one County they ordered that the Sheriff of that County should be bound to the Exchequer Adding this withal that he should pay it at the Scale Now the manner of paying the tryal of the weight and of the metal by Chymical operation the Melter or Coyner and the surveyor of the Mint are more largely handled and explained by my self in some other work of mine 13. That he might the more firmly retain Kent to himself that being accounted as it were the Key of England 't is the famous Mr. Camden tells the Story he set a Constable over Dover-Castle and made the same person Warden of the Cinque Ports according to the old usage of the Romans Those are Hastings Dover Hith Rumney and Sandwich to which are joyned Winchelsey and Rye as Principals and other little Towns as Members 14. To put the last hand to William I add out of the Archives this Law not to be accounted among the last or least of his William by the Grace of God King of the English to all Counts or Earls Viscounts or Sheriffs and to all French born and English men who have Lands in the Bishoprick of Remigius greeting This Remigius was the first who translated the Episcopal See from Dorchester to Lincoln Be it known unto you all and the rest of my Liege Subjects who abide in England that I by the common advice of my Arch-Bishops and the rest of the Bishops and Abbots and all the Princes of my Kingdom have thought fit to order the amendment of the Episcopal Laws which have been down to my time in the Kingdom of the Angles not well nor according to the Precepts of the holy Canons ordained or administred Wherefore I do command and by my Royal Authority strictly charge that no Bishop or Arch-deacon do henceforth hold Pleas in the Hundred concerning Episcopal Laws nor bring any cause which belongs to the Government of Souls i.e. to spiritual affairs to the judgment of secular men but that whosoever according to the Episcopal Laws shall for what cause or fault soever be summoned shall come to a place which the Bishop shall chuse and name for this purpose and there make answer concerning his cause and do right to God and his Bishop not according to the Hundred but according to the Canons and Episcopal Laws For in the time of the Saxon Empire there were wont to be present at those Country Meetings the Hundred Courts an Alderman and a Bishop the one for Spirituals the other for Temporals as appears by King Edgar's Laws CHAP. V. William Rufus succeeds Annats now paid to the King Why claimed by the Pope No one to go out of the Land without leave Hunting of Deer made Felony AFter the death of William his second Son WILLIAM sirnamed RVFVS succeeded in his room All Justice of Laws as Florentius of Worcester tells us was now husht in silence and Causes being put under a Vacation without hearing money alone bore sway among the great ones Ipsaque majestas auro corrupta jacebat that is And Majesty it self being brib'd with gold Lay as a prostitute expos'd to th' bold 15. The right or duty of First-Fruits or as they are commonly called the Annats which our Kings claimed from vacant Abbies and Bishopricks Polydor Virgil will have to have had its first original from Rufus Now the Popes of Rome laid claim to them anciently a sort of Tribute which upon what right it was grounded the Council of Basil will inform us and by what opinion and resolution of Divines and Lawyers confirmed Francis Duarenus in his Sacred Offices of the Church will instruct us 'T is certain that Chronologers make mention that at his death the Bishopricks of Canterbury Winchester and Salisbury and twelve Monasteries beside being without Prelates and Abbots paid in their Revenues to the Exchequer 16. He forbad by publick Edict or Proclamation sayes the same Author that any one should go out of England without his leave and Passport We read that he forbad Anselm the Arch-Bishop that he should not go to wait upon Pope Vrban but that he comprehended all Subjects whatsoever in this his Royal order I confess I have not met with any where in my reading but in Polydor. 17. He did so severely forbid hunting of Deer saith William of Malmesbury that it was Felony and a hanging matter to have taken a Stag or Buck. CHAP. VI. Henry the First why called Beauclerk His Letters of Repeal An Order for the Relief of Lands What a Hereot was Of the Marriage of the Kings Homagers Daughter c. Of an Orphans Marriage Of the Widows Dowry Of other Homagers the like Coynage-money remitted Of the disposal of Estates The Goods of those that dye Intestate now and long since in the Churches Jurisdiction as also the business of Wills Of Forfeitures Of Misdemeanors Of Forests Of the Fee de Hauberk King Edward's Law restored WIlliam who had by direful Fates been shewn to the World was followed by his Brother Henry who for his singular Learning which was to him instead of a Royal Name was called Beau-clerk He took care of the Common-wealth by amending and making good what had slipt far aside from the bounds of Justice and by softning with wholsome remedies those new unheard of and most grievous injuries which Ralph afterwards Bishop of Durham being Lord Chief Justice of the whole Kingdom plagued the people with He sends Letters of Repeal to the High Sheriffs to the intent that the Citizens and people might enjoy their liberty and free rights again See here a Copy of them as they are set down in Matthew Paris HENRY by the Grace of God King of England to Hugh of Bockland High Sheriff and to all his Liege people as well French as English in Herefordshire Greeting Know ye that I through the mercy of God and by the common advice of the Barons of the Kingdom of England have been crowned King And because the Kingdom was opprest with unjust exactions I out of regard to God and that love which I bear towards you all do make the holy Church of God free so that I will neither sell it nor will I put it to farm

nor upon the death of Arch-Bishop or Bishop or Abbot will I take any thing of the domain of the Church or of the men thereof till a Successor enter upon it And all evil Customs wherewith the Kingdom of England was unjustly oppressed I do henceforward take away which evil usages I do here in part set down 18. If any one of my Barons Counts or others that hold of me shall dye his Heir shall not redeem his Land as he was wont to do in the time of my Father but relieve it with a lawful and due relief In like manner also shall the Homagers or Tenants of my Barons relieve their Lands from their Lords with a lawful and just relief It appears that in the times of the Saxons a Hereot was paid to the Lord at a Tenants death upon the account of provision for War for here in Saxon signifies an Army and that which in our memory now in French is called a Relief Henry of Bracton sayes 't is an engagement to recognize the Lord doth bear a resemblance of the ancient Hereot Thereupon it is a guess saith William Lambard that the Normans being Conquerors did remit the Hereot to the Angles whom they had conquered and stripped of all kind of Armour and that for it they exacted money of the poor wretches To this agrees that which is mentioned in the State of England concerning the Nobles of Berkshire A Tain or Knight of the Kings holding of him did at his death for a Relief part with all his Arms to the King and one Horse with a Saddle and another without a Saddle And if he had Hounds or Hawks they were presented to the King that if he pleased he might take them And in an ancient Sanction of Conrade the First Emperour of Germany If a Souldier that is Tenant or Lessee happen to dye let his Heir have the Fee so that he observe the use of the greater Vavasors in giving his Horses and Arms to the Seniors or Lords John Mariana takes notice that the word Seniors in the Vular Languages Spanish Italian and French signifies Lords and that to have been in use from the time of Charlemain's Reign But these things you may have in more plenty from the Feudists those who write concerning Tenures 19. If any of my Barons or other men Homagers or Tenants of mine I return to King Henry's Charter shall have a mind to give his Daughter or Sister or Niece or Kinswoman in marriage let him speak with me about it But neither will I take any thing of his for this leave and licence nor will I hinder him from betrothing her except he shall have a design of giving her to an enemy of mine 20. If upon the death of a Baron or any other Homager of mine there be left a Daughter that is an Heiress I will bestow her with the advice of my Barons together with her Land 21. If upon the death of the Husband his Wife be left without Children she shall have her Dowry and right of Marriage as long as she shall keep her body according to Law and I will not bestow her but according to her own liking And if there be Children either the Wife or some one else near of kin shall be their Guardian and Trustee of their Land who ought to be just 22. I give order that my Homagers do in like manner regulate themselves towards the Sons and Daughters and Wives of their Homagers 23. The common Duty of Money or Coinage which was taken through all Cities and Counties which was not in the time of King Edward I do utterly forbid that henceforward this be no more done 24. If any one of my Barons or Homagers shall be sick and weak according as he himself shall give or order any one to give his money I grant it so to be given but if he himself being prevented either by Arms or by Sickness hath neither given his money nor disposed of it to give then let his Wife or Children or Parents and his lawful Homagers for his souls health divide it as to them shall seem best And in Canutus his Laws Let the Lord or Owner at his own discretion make a just distribution of what he hath to his Wife and Children and the next of kin But at this time and long since Church men have been as it were the Distributors and Awarders of the Goods of such persons as dye Intestate or without making their Wills and every Bishop as Ordinary in his own Diocess is the chief Judge in these cases John Stratford Arch-Bishop of Canterbury saith it and it is averred in the Records of our Law that this Jurisdiction also concerning Wills was of old long time ago in an ancient Constitution intrusted to the Church by the consent of the King and Peers However in what Kings time this was done neither does he relate nor do I any where find as William Lindwood in his Provincial acknowledgeth It is a thing very well known that after Tryal of right Wills were wont to be opened in the Ecclesiastical Court even in the Reign of Henry the Second Ralph Glanvill is my witness contrary to what order was taken in the Imperial Decrees of the Romans And peradventure it will appear so to have been before Glanvill as he will tell you if you go to him although you have quoted by my self some where a Royal Rescript or Order to a High Sheriff That he do justly and without delay cause to stand i. e. appoint and confirm a reasonable share to such an one that is that the Legatee may obtain and enjoy his right what was bequested to him by the Sheriffs help I come back now to my track again 25. If any one of my Barons or Homagers shall make a forfeit he shall not give a pawn in the scarcity of his money as he did in the time of my Brother or my Father but according to the quality of his forfeiture nor shall he make amends as he would have done heretofore in my Brothers or Fathers time 26. If he shall be convicted of perfidiousness or of foul misdemeanors as his fault shall be so let him make amends 27. The Forests by the common advice of my Barons I have kept in mine own hand in the same manner as my Father had them 28. To those Souldiers or Knights who hold and maintain their Lands by Coats of Male that is per fee de Hauberke that they may be ready to attend their Lords with Habergeons or Coats of Male compleatly armed Cap a pee I grant the plough-Plough-lands of their Domains acquitted from all Gelds and from every proper Gift of mine that as they are eased from so great a Charge and Grievance so they may furnish themselves well with Horse and Arms that they may be fit and ready for my service and for the defence of my Realm 29. I restore unto you the Law of King Edward with other amendments

rules ne gouvernes per la Loy Civil that is inasmuch as the Realm of England was not before this time nor in the intention of our said Lord the King and the Lords of Parliament ever shall be ruled or governed by the Civil Law And hereupon the persons impleaded are sentenced to be banished But here is an end of Stephen He fairly dyed CHAP. X. In King Henry the Seconds time the Castles demolished A Parliament held at Clarendon Of the Advowson and Presentation of Churches Estates not to be given to Monasteries without the Kings leave Clergymen to answer in the Kings Court A Clergyman convict out of the Churches Protection None to go out of the Realm without the Kings leave This Repealed by King John Excommunicate Persons to find Surety Laymen how to be impleaded in the Ecclesiastical Court A Lay-Jury to swear there in what case No Homager or Officer of the Kings to be Excommunicated till He or his Justice be acquainted AT length though late first Henry the Son of Jeoffry Plantagenet Count of Anger 's by the Empress Mawd came to his Grandfatherrs Inheritance Having demolished and levelled to the ground the Castles which had in King Stephen's time been built to the number of eleven hundred and fifteen and having retrieved the right of Majesty into its due bounds he confirmed the Laws of his Grandfather Moreover at Clarendon in Wiltshire near Salisbury John of Oxford being President by the Kings own Mandate there being also present the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and Peers of the Realm other Laws are recognized and passed whilst at first those who were for the King on one side those who were for the Pope on the other with might and main stickle to have it go their way these latter pleading that the secular Court of Justice did not at all suit with them upon pretence that they had a priviledge of Immunity But this would not serve their turn for such kind of Constitutions as we are now setting down had the Vogue 44. If any Controversie concerning the Advowson and Presentation of Churches arise betwixt Laymen or betwixt Laymen and Clergymen or betwixt Clergymen among themselves let it be handled and determined in the Court of the Lord our King 45. The Churches which are in the Kings Fee cannot be given to perpetuity without his assent and concession Even in the Saxons times it seems it was not lawful without the Kings favour first obtained to give away Estates to Monasteries for so the old Book of Abington says A Servant of King Ethelred's called Vlfric Spot built the Abby of Burton in Staffordshire and gave to it all his Paternal Estate appraised at seven hundred pounds and that this donation might be good in Law he gave King Ethelred three hundred Marks of Gold for his confirmation of it and to every Bishop five Marks and over and above to Alfric Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Village of Dumbleton 46. Clergymen being arighted and accused of any matter whatsoever having been summoned by the Kings Justice let them come into his Court there to make answer to that of which it shall be thought fit that there answer ought to be made So that the Kings Justice send into the Court of Holy Church to see after what manner the business there shall be handled 47. If a Clergyman shall be convicted or shall confess the Fact the Church ought not from thenceforth to give him protection 48. It is not lawful for Arch-Bishops Bishops and Persons of the Kingdom to go out of the Realm without leave of our Lord the King And if they do go out if the King please they shall give him security that neither in going nor in returning or in making stay they seek or devise any mischief or damage against our Lord the King Whether you refer that Writ we meet with in the Register or Record NE EXEAS REGNVM for Subjects not to depart the Kingdom to this time or instance or with Polydore Virgil to William Rufus or to later times is no very great matter Nor will it be worth our while curiously to handle that question For who in things of such uncertainty is able to fetch out the truth Nor will I abuse my leasure or spend time about things unapproachable An sit hic dubito sed hic tamen auguror esse Says the Poet in another case And so say I. Whether it be here or no Is a Question I confess And yet for all that I trow Here it is too as I guess Out of King John's great Charter as they call it you may also compare or make up this Repeal of that Law in part Let it be lawful henceforward for any one to go out of our Realm and to return safely and securely by Land and by Water upon our Royal word unless in time of War for some short time for the common advantage of the Kingdom excepting those that are imprisoned and out-lawed according to the Law of the Kingdom and any People or Nation that are in actual War against us And Merchants concerning whom let such Order be taken as is afore directed I return to King Henry 49. Excommunicate Persons ought not to give suretiship for the Remainder nor to take an Oath but only to find Surety and Pledge to stand to the Judgment of the Church that they may be absolved 50. Persons of the Laity ought not to be accused or impleaded but by certain and legal Accusers and Witnesses in the presence of the Arch-Bishop or Bishop so that the Arch Deacon may not lose his right nor any thing which he ought to have therefrom 51. If they be such Persons who are in fault as no one will or dare to accuse let the Sheriff being thereunto required by him cause twelve legal men of the Voisinage or of the Village to swear before the Bishop that they will manifest or make known the truth of the matter according to their Conscience 52. Let no one who holds of the King in capite nor any one of the Kings Officers or Servants of his Domain be excommunicated nor the Lands of any of them be put under an Interdict or prohibition unless first our Lord the King if he be in the Land be spoke with or his Justice if he be out of the Land that they may do right by him And so that what shall appertain to the Kings Court may be determined there and as to what shall belong to the Ecclesiastical Court it may be sent thither and there treated of CHAP. XI Other Laws of Church affairs Concerning Appeals A Suit betwixt a Clergyman and a Layman where to be Tryed In what case one who relates to the King may be put under an Interdict The difference betwixt that and Excommunication Bishops to be present at Tryals of Criminals until Sentence of Death c. pass Profits of vacant Bishopricks c. belong to the King The next Bishop to be Chosen in

the Kings Chappel and to do Homage before Consecration Deforcements to the Bishop to be righted by the King And on the contrary Chattels forfeit to the King not to be detained by the Church Pleas of debts whatsoever in the Kings Court Yeomens Sons not to go into Orders without the Lords leave 53. COncerning Appeals if at any time there shall be occasion for them they are to proceed from the Arch-Deacon to the Bishop and from the Bishop to the Arch-Bishop and if the Arch-Bishop shall be wanting in doing of Justice they must come in the last place to our Lord the King that by his precept or order the Controversie may be determined in the Arch-Bishops Court so as that it ought not to proceed any further without the Kings assent This Law long since the famous Sir Edward Coke made use of to assert and maintain the Kings Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as a thing not of late taken up by him but anciently to him belonging 54. If a Claim or Suit shall arise betwixt a Clergyman and a Lay-man or betwixt a Layman and a Clergyman concerning any Tenement which the Clergyman would draw to the Church and the Lay-man to a Lay-fee it shall by the recognizance of twelve legal men upon the consideration and advisement of the Lord Chief Justice be determined whether the Tenement do appertain to Alms i. e. to the Church or to Lay-Estate before the Kings own Justice And if it shall be recognized or adjudged to appertain to Alms it shall be a Plea in the Ecclesiastical Court But if to a Lay-fee unless they both avow or avouch the Tenement from the same Bishop or Baron it shall be a Plea in the Kings Court But if each of them shall for that fee avouch the same Bishop or Baron it shall be a Plea in that Bishops or Barons Court so that he who was formerly seised shall not by reason of the Recognizance made lose the Seisin till it shall by Plea be deraigned 55. He who shall be of a City or a Castle or a Burrough or a Manner of the Kings Domain if he shall be cited by an Arch-Deacon or a Bishop upon any misdemeanour upon which he ought to make answer to him and refuse to satisfie upon their summons or citations they may well and lawfully put him under an Interdict or Prohibition but he ought not to be Excommunicated By the way seasonably remark out of the Pontificial Law that that Excommunication they call the greater removes a man and turns him out from the very Communion and Fellowship of the Faithful and that an Interdict as the lesser Excommunication separates a man and lays him aside only forbidding him to be present at Divine Offices and the use of the Sacraments I say he ought not to be Excommunicated before that the Kings Chief Justice of that Village or City be spoken with that he may order him to come to satisfaction And if the Kings Justice fail therein he shall be at the Kings mercy and thereupon or after that the Bishop may punish him upon his impleadment with the Justice of the Church 56. Arch-Bishops B●shops and all Persons whatsoever of the Kingdom who hold of the King in capite and have their possessions from our Lord the King in nature of a Barony and thereupon make answer to the Kings Justices and Officers and perform all Rights and Customs due to the King as other Barons do they ought to be present at the Tryals of the Court of our Lord the King with his Barons until the losing of Limbs or death be adjudged to the party tried 57. When an Arch-Bishoprick or Bishoprick or Abbacy or Priory of the Kings Domain shall be void it ought to be in his hand and thereof shall he receive all the profits and issues as belonging to his Domain And when the Church is to be provided for our Lord the King is to order some choice persons of the Church and the Election is to be made in the Kings own Chappel by the assent of our Lord the King and by the advice of those persons of the Kingdom whom he shall call for that purpose and there shall the Person Elect saving his order before he be Consecrated do Homage and Fealty to our Lord the King as to his Liege Lord for his life and limbs and for his Earthly Honour 58. If any one of the Nobles or Peers do deforce to do Justice to an Arch-Bishop Bishop or Arch-Deacon for themselves or those that belong to them the King in this case is to do justice 59. If peradventure any one shall deforce to the Lord the King his Right the Arch-Bishop Bishop and Arch-Deacon ought then in that case to do justice or to take a course with him that he may give the King satisfaction 60. The Chattels of those who are in the Kings forfeit let not the Church or Church-yard detain or keep back against the justice of the King because they are the Kings own whether they shall be found in Churches or without 61. Pleas of debts which are owing either with security given or without giving security let them be in the Kings Court. 62. The Sons of Yeomen or Country people ought not to be ordained or go into holy Orders without the assent of the Lord of whose Land they are known to have been born CHAP. XII The Statutes of Clarendon mis-reported in Matthew Paris amended in Quadrilegus These Laws occasioned a Quarrel between the King and Thomas a Becket Witness Robert of Glocester whom he calls Yumen The same as Rusticks i. e. Villains Why a Bishop of Dublin called Scorch-Uillein Villanage before the Normans time I Confess there is a great difference between these Laws and the Statutes of Clarendon put forth in the larger History of Matthew Paris I mean those mangled ones and in some places what through great gaps of sence disjointings of Sentences and misplacings of words much depraved ones whose misfortune I ascribe to the carelesness of Transcribers But the latter end of a Manuscript Book commonly called Quadrilegus wherein the Life of Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury is out of four Writers to wit Hubert of Boseham John of Salisbury William of Canterbury and Alan Abbot of Tewksbury digested into one Volume hath holp us to them amended as you may see here and set to rights It is none of our business to touch upon those quarrels which arose upon the account of these Laws betwixt the King and Thomas of Canterbury Our Historians do sufficiently declare them In the mean time may our Poet of Glocester have leave to return upon the Stage and may his Verses written in ancient Dialect comprising the matter which we have in hand be favourably entertained No man ne might thenche the love that there was Bitwene the K. H. and the good man S. Thomas The diuel had enui therto and fed bitwen them feu Alas alas thulke stond vor all to well it greu Uor there had ere ibe

the sixteen Yard-lands which make up the Fee at so much they make the summ of one hundred Shillings or five Pound which was the ancient Relief of a Knights fee. But this is a mistake either of the Author or the Citation it is six Shillings three Pence which makes that just summ from whence we learn also what proportion was observed by the Lord in setting and demanding of the Relief upon the next Heir after his Ancestor's decease Further in the Kings Writ as Glanvil cites it it is said that twelve plough-Plough-lands make one Knights fee which allowing to a Plough-land one hundred twenty Acres amounts to one thousand four hundred and forty Acres In the main as to the value of a Knights fee 't is enough what Cowell tells us that it was so much inheritance as was sufficient yearly to maintain a Knight wi●h convenient Revenue which in Henry the Thirds dayes Camden sayes was fifteen Pounds and Sir Thomas Smith rates at forty But to confirm the account which our Author here gives us we find in the Statute for Knights in the first of Edward the Second that such as had twenty Pounds in Fee or for term of life per annum might be compelled to be Knights And as to the various measure of Land of which we have had a remarkable instance in this business before us Spelman hath given us good reasons for it since where the Land was good they might probably reckon the fewer Acres to a Yard-land a Hide a Knights fee c. and where it was barren they might allow the more Beside that some Lords who lett these Fees might be more bountiful and profuse others more parsimonious and severe to their dependents and that the services which were imposed upon these Fees might in some Mannors according to custom be lighter in others upon agreement and covenant more heavy All which might strangely diversifie the account as to the quantity or measure of those Lands which were to make up a Knights fee. CHAP. XVIII Pag. 91. lin 4. A little Habergeon or Coat of 〈◊〉 In Latin Halbergellum a diminutive from the Saxon Halsberg armour for the Neck and Breast It is written also Haubergellum and Hambergellum They mistake themselves who translate it a Halbert in French Halebarde anoffensive Weapon for a Coat of Mail which is armour of defence in French Haubert or Hauberk whence Fée de Hauberk which we have already explained somewhere before Lin. 5. A Capelet of Iron A little Iron or Steel Cap instead of a Head-piece or Helmet which the better sort wore For by comparing this with the two fore-going Sections we find they were to have a difference of Arms according to their different Quality and Estate Lin. 7. A Wambais Wambasium or Wambasia so called I suppose because it reached over the belly or womb was a Jacket or Coat of defence used in stead of the Coat of Mail perhaps like unto our Buff-coats though probably not of Leather only but of any other material as the Wearer should think fit Pag. 92. lin 6. Timber for the building of Ships In Latin here Mairemia written also Meremia and Meremium and Maremium and Muremium from the French Meresme Timber to build with Lin. 14. Stercutius Saturn so called as being the first Inventer of dunging Land Lin. 28. Vnder the title of Free-men Here the Author himself hath in the Latin added a Marginal Note which I thought fit to remove to this place He saith that among the ancient Germans the Alway free the Middlemost free and the Lowermost free were as it were the Classes and several Ranks of the lesser Nobles i. e. of their Gentry For the title of Nobless as also in our Vulgar Language was given only to Princes and Great Men. And for this he quotes Munster Cosmog lib. 3. CHAP. XIX Pag. 93. l. 32. In the borders of the Carnutes A people of France whose Countrey is called Chartrain and their chief City Chartres about eighteen Leagues from Paris Eastward That Town eight Miles off called Dreux in Latin Drocum was so named from the Druids who dwelt there at first and likely enough afterward often resorted thither P. 94. l. 37. Of the three Estates the King the Lords and the Commons There are indeed three Orders or Estates acknowledged by true Divines and sound Lawyers in the English Government to wit the Lords Spiritual the Lords Temporal and the Commons of England But the fundamental mistake of our Learned Author is that he hath joyned those two sorts of Lords whose very character shews them to be of a distinct species though as to the publick Welfare and the Kings Service they ought to be of one and the same interest into one Estate and to make up the third Estate thought himself obliged to bring in the King himself for one who is Lord paramount over all the three and by this means ipsam Majestatem in ordinem redigere I call this a fundamental mistake as a most probable ground of Rebellion as it was in the Barons Wars and in our late Civil Broils inasmuch as if the King make one of the three Estates as they fancy he doth and hath as they do from thence conclude he hath no more but a co-ordinate power with both or either of the other two Estates that then it is lawful for both or either of those Estates in case of publick grievances to quarrel the King their co-ordinate if he will not give way to their redress that is if he will not consent to do what they would have him to do and upon his refusal of so doing to raise War against him to sequester and murder his Loyal adherents to destroy his Royal Person and finally if he escape the hazards of Battel when they get him into their hands to bring him to account for a pretended male administration and the violation of a trust which God and not the People put into his hands and having gone so far that they may if possible secure themselves to put the Monarch to death and to extirpate Monarchy it self This was the ground and method of our late Republican policy and practice Wherein yet they did not foresee what examples they set against themselves supposing this Doctrine of the three Estates in their sense to be true and that King Lords and Commons had an equality of trust and parity of power that the same outrage which the Rump-Commoners acted against the King to the destroying of him and against the Lords to the outing of them and voting them useless and dangerous as to their share of Government might one time or other be more plausibly promoted and more effectually put in execution by one or both of the other two Estates with the help and assistance of great numbers of the Commoners as there ever will be in such National divisions against themselves and all men whatever of such pernicious and destructive principles No. This false Doctrine I hope will

might have gained Jurisdiction over all personal Legacies under colour of such as were given in pios usus But perhaps it will not be admitted for probability enough that any part of the Code being of the Imperial or Civil Law was ever so received here in England as that it could induce any alteration touching the Jurisdiction of the Crown that is touching this Extrinsecal Jurisdiction which as is shewed did belong to the Temporal Courts but whosoever will not admit of any such conjecture must yet remember that presently from King Stephen's time when the Civil Law was new born into the light it having lain forgotten by the space of Six Hundred years before in the Western Empire the Code and other parts of that Law were familiarly read by our English Lawyers and I think as well by our Common as Canon Lawyers to omit that Case of Mabile of Franchiville wherein it seems a special regard was had to the Civil Law that permits not a meer Bastard and Succession ex Testamento against a lawful Heir of Blood for otherwise how could Richard the Uncle's Institution as it seems by a former Will have made colour of right for him against the latter Will which Mabile pretended unless he relyed upon her being a Bastard But I should think it probable enough that the Original of this Jurisdiction for Legacies was out of the Canon Law And that especially from that Canon Si haeredes c. before cited for although the Decretals wherein it stands now authorized for a general Law were first published but in 24 H. 3. by Gregory the Ninth and that we see by infallible testimony already brought that Legacies before that time were recoverable in the Spiritual Court yet by likelihood that very Canon was inserted in all or some of those eight more ancient Compilations of the Canons authorized by some former Popes which is the more probable because we find it also in Burchard and so it might be long before sufficient ground of this Extrinsecal Jurisdiction in the Ordinary but I sought here for Authority more than I durst be bold in conjectures which I leave to every mans judgement PART II. OF THE Disposition or Administration OF Intestates Goods CHAP. I. In whom it was in the time of the Saxons IN the Saxons time it was in the Lord of him that dyed understand the Chief Lord in case the Intestate were a Tenant and dyed at home in peace But in case he were no Tenant or dyed in his Lords Army then it was it seems as other Inheritance under the Jurisdiction of that Temporal Court within whose Territory the goods were This may be proved out of the Laws of that time which ordain that upon the death of an Intestate whom they call cwiale awe the Lord is only to have the Heriotts due to him which are also appointed by the Laws of the same time That by his the Lords advice or judgement his the Intestates goods be divided among his Wife and Children and the next of Kin according as to every one of them of right belongs that is according to the nearness of Kindred if no Children or Nephews from them be for it must I suppose be understood that the succession was such that the Children excluded all their Kindred and of their Kindred the next succeeded according to that in Tacitus of his Germans whose Customs were doubtless mixt with our English Saxons haeredes sayes he successoresque sint cuique liberi nullum Testamentum But it seems Christianity afterward brought in the free power of making Testaments amongst them Si liberi non sunt proximus gradus in possessione fratres patrui Avunculi But this is exprest only in case the Tenant dyed at home and in peace for if he dyed in his Lords Army both the Heriott was forgiven and the Inheritance both of Goods and Lands was to be divided as it ought which was it seems by the Jurisdiction of the Temporal Court within whose Territory the Death or Goods were for in that case it is not said that the Lords Judgement was to be used but that the Heirs should divide all or as the words in the Confessor's Law are habeant h●redes ejus pecuniam terram ejus sine aliqua diminutione recte dividant interse where the right of the Heir both to Lands and Goods is expresly designed but the Judge that should give it them not mentioned Therefore it seems it remained as other parts of the Common Law under the Temporal Jurisdiction as by the Civil Law it is under the Pretors CHAP. II. In whom after the Normans until King John's time UNtil King John's time it seems the Jurisdiction over Intestates Goods was as of other Inheritance also in the Temporal Courts yet no sufficient Testimony is found to prove it expresly only when the Common Laws of those times speak of Intestates they determine the succession by like division as those of the Saxon times In Laws attributed to William the First we read Si home morust sans devise si departent les Infants l'erite inter sei per ovell And afterwards in H. 1. Laws si quis Baronum vel hominum meorum praeventus vel Armis vel infirmitate pecuniam suam nec dederit nec dare disposuerit uxor sua sive liberi aut Parentes legitimi homines sui pro anima ejus eam dividant sicut eis melius visum fuerit Here is the first mention as I remember of any thing occurring in our Laws or Histories of the disposition of the Intestates Goods pro anima ejus which indeed might have been fitly subjected to the view at least of the Church But no mention as yet being of any Ecclesiastical Power that tends that way I rather think that heretofore no use or practice was of Administration committed direction given or medling with the Goods by the Ordinaries but all was by the Friends or Kindred juxta Consilium discretorum virorum as the words are in the Statutes made for such as should dye in the Holy War with Richard the First Neither doth that of Glanvill which was written under H. 2. tell us of any thing of the Ordinaries Power in this case although it hath express mention of Testaments and the Churches Jurisdiction of them Indeed we there find that if no Executor be named then possunt propinqui consanguinei Testatoris take upon them the Executorship and sue in the Kings Court against such as hinder the due payment of Legacies which also agrees well enough with that before cited out of the Laws of H. 1. Neither is there in Gualter Mapes his Apocalypsis being a bitter Satyr against the Abuses of the Spiritual Courts in Henry the Seconds time nor in John of Salisbury's Epistles that have many particulars of the exercised Jurisdiction of the Church any thing occurring that touches upon any Ecclesiastical Powers of this nature