by the Clergy of both Provinces Henry the seventh succeeding resumed in the 3. of this Reign most of the grants of Office made by the Usurper his brother assessed upon the land onely of his Subjects but one Aide in an. 19. out of their Goods and Lands a tenth peny and of their Goods onely 3. times the tenth five Fifteens besides a Tenth and Fifteenth arising to 120000. l. He took three Subsidies whereof the last was not above 36000. l. a and one Benevolence the proportion of every Alderman being 300. l. and the entire Summe of the City of London 9688. l. 17. shillings 4d Of the Clergie he had twice the Tenth 25000. l. by way of Subsidie b And of them and the Commons 2. Loans the City of London rated at 6000. l. the other not definite in proportion but so assessed as Commissioners and the Lenders could agree And aswell to ease the expence of wars as issue of the good money going over to Bullen a he stamped an allayed Coyn then usually termed Dandeprats A course that necessity after enforced his Son and Successors to practice and is an apparent Symptome of a consumed State But that whereby he heaped up his masse of Treasure b for he left in Bullion 4. millions and a half besides his Plate Jewells and rich attire of house was by sale of Offices redemption of Penalties dispencing with Laws and such like to a yearly value of 120000. pounds His Successour reaping the fruit of his Fathers labour gave ease of burthen to the Subjects his first two years taking within the compasse of his other 34. three Tenths of the Commons four Fifteens 6. Subsidies whereof that an. 4. amounted to 16000. l. and that an. 7. 110000. l. Tonnage he had and Poundage once for a year and after for term of Life Of the Clergy 4. Tenths by one grant and 3. by severall every of them not lesse then 25084. l. Of Subsidies he had one of the Province of Canterbury another of both the Stipendary Ministers there to be taxed according to the rate of their wages In an. 22. they granted a Moiety of all their Goods and Lands payable by equal portion in 5. years every part arising to 95000. l. to the yearly Revenues of his Crown by an inhumane spoil of sacred Monuments and impious ruine of holy Churches if Gods blessing could have accompanyed so foul an Act. And as these former Collections he grounded upon Law so did he many upon Praerogative As Benevolences and Loans from the Clergy and Commons Of the first there were two remarkable that in an. 17. acted by Commissioners who as themselves were sworn to Secrecy so were they to swear all those with whom they conferre or contract The Rates directed by instructions as the thirds of all Goods Offices Land above 20. l. and the 4th under And although the Recusants whether from Disobedience or Inability are threatned with Convention before the Councell Imprisonment and Confiscation of Goods yet in the a Designe Originall under the Kings hand it hath so fair a name as an Amicable Grant The other about b an. 36. exacteth out of all Goods Offices land from 40. shillings to 20. l. 8d in the pound and of all above 12d And amongst the many Loans there is none more notorious then that of an. 14. c which was 10. l. in the hundred of all Goods Jewels Utensils and land from 20. l. to 300. l. and twenty marks of all above as far as the Subjects Fortune revealed by the extremity of his own Oath would extend And to stop as well intentions if any had been as expectations of repayment of such Loans d the Parliament in an. 21. acquitteth the King of every Privy Seal or Letter Missive Edward the sixth his Son besides Tonnage and Poundage for life an. 1. received of his Lay-Subjects six Fifteens and of both three Subsidies leaving one of the Temporalty ungathered which his Sister Mary remitted in an. 1. of her reign yet after incited by the French King succouring her Rebells and suffering her money adulterated in his Dominions purposely to be hither transported as also to side the quarrell of Philip her husband against him being drawn into wars she was inforced to presse upon her people and besides the Loan in an. 1. for term of life granted unto her by Parliament took five Fifteens of the Commons and of them and the Clergie three years Subsidies Her Sister of happy memory succeeding besides divers Loans of her people and others in forraign parts as anno 5. when William Herle was dispatched into Germany to take up at Interest for 6. years great Summes of money the like an. 18. from the Merchants of Colen and Hamburgh upon Bond of the City of London and again of Spinello and Pallavicini upon the former security strengthened with the assurance also of many of her chiefest Councellors had by grant of her Subjects 38. Fifteens 20. Subsidies of the Commons and 18. of the Clergy All which together rose to a summe of two Millions and 800000. l. HAving thus far with as light a hand as I could drawn down the many and mighty burdens of the Common-wealth if but with a touch of the Princes Extremities beyond the ease of these former helps I heighten up this draught it will with much more life and lustre expresse the Figure of wars Misery a The Credit of Kings it hath brought to so low an ebbe that when by force of necessity they borrowed money they could not take it up but by collaterall security and extreme Interest As Edward the 3. in the Patent to b William de la Poole confesseth that propter defectum pecuniae negotia sua fuerunt periculo sissime retardata for want of money his affaires were dangerously delayed they are the words of the record and the honour of him and his Royall Army magnae fuit depressioni patenter expositus progressus non sine dedecore suo perpetuo impeditus he was brought to a manifest low condition and his proceedings to his great dishonour had been constantly hindered if De la Poole had not as well supplied him with the credit of his Security as with the best ability of his own Purse For which service he honoured him and his posterity with the degree of Baronets and 500. l. land of inheritance The interest of Henry 3. ad plus quam centum quotidie libras adscenderat ita ut immineret tam Clero quam Populo Angliae Desolatio Ruina came to more then a hundred pound a day so that present ruine desolation hung over the heads as well of the Clergy as the People Q. Mary a borrowed in Flanders at 14. in the hundred besides Brocage upon collaterall security The late Queene was inforced b to the like thrice with Strangers upon the City of Londons assurance as before
AN ANSWER made by Command of PRINCE HENRY to Certain Propositions of WARRE and PEACE Delivered to his HIGHNESSE by some of his Military Servants Whereunto is adjoyned THE FRENCH CHARITY OR An Essay written in French by an English Gentleman upon occasion of Prince Harcourt's coming into ENGLAND And translated into English by F. S. J. E. LONDON Printed by Roger Daniel Anno MDCLV PROPOSITIONS OF WARRE and PEACE Delivered to his Highness PRINCE HENRY by some of his Military servants Arguments for Warre FRames of Policy as well as works of Nature a are best preserved from the same grounds they were first founded on By Armes was layd the foundation of this State whether we respect the Saxon or the Norman It was Warre that of seven Crowns in the Heptarchy made one fit for that Monarchy that since by many glorious exploits hath made good in forreign parts the renown of her own greatnesse and crowned thereby this State with an eternall peace Times nor our owne vertues are not changed Necessity Benefit and Facility of Warre being the same that they were before â—o our forefathers Reasons of forraign War drawn from 1 Necessity for 1 Preservation of our own peace 2 Venting of factious spirits We never were so near peril by shipwrack in any tempest abroad as at home by the calm government of Henry the sixth For France by the awfull hand of his father reduced it fared with us as with the mistress of the world a Remoto Carthaginis metu et Imperii aemula when the fear of Carthage her competitour for the Empire was removed that fell not by degrees but Praecipiti cursu ab Armis ad voluptates à negotio ad otiuÌ„ rushed headlong from arms to pleasures from employment to idleness And from hence as greatest Nations cuÌ„ ab externis causis tutae videntur ipsae suis viribus onerantur when there is no longer fear of forreign enemies their own strength becomes a burthen to them so after many conquests abroad we were at home prest down wth the unnatural weight of civil armes For cum foris non habent hostem domi inveniunt when people have no enemies abroad they find some at home as all warlike fruitful Nations will no otherwise delivered either of their humours or people To add to this necessity the sending away oâ— our factious spirits it wil removâ— the seat of bloud from our own doors and prove the cheapest school to train up in armes the better dispositions whose military skil may after serve to defend the State and by the late accession of another Nation wil be now more needful a Ne novus populus otioâ—t nimia pecunia lasciviret lest that other people should grow wanton through too much wealth and idlenesse and we in the end be enforced with the Satyrist b to confesse Nune patimur longae pacis mala savior armis Luxaria incubuit We suffer now the harm of a long peace Whilst Riot worse then war doth thus increase 3 Instructing in arms our people 2 Benefits 1 Wealth by 1 Spoil of the Enemy 2 Addition of Revenue by subjectedterritories 2 Honour by addition of 1 Title 2 Dominion The benefis arise from Profit and Honour The Spoils we have brought away in our French Spanish attempts exceeding ever the charge in getting and the Revenues of the subjected Signiories as Normandy Aquitain c. supporting with much advantage the expence in keeping Our Honour as the Stile of our Kings by confluence of so many Titles increased and by accession of so many territories as we held in France our dominions and liberties so far inlarged 3 A more facility to effect then heretofore by 1 Addition of new strength 2 Substraction of diversions The facility to effect this being now more then ever by the addition of strength and substraction of diversions in this happy union of the Britain Empire AN ANSWER TO THE FORMER Arguments made by the command OF HIS HIGHNESSE AS he can give best Rules to preserve the health of a body naturall that by observing the divers humours accidents and dispositions thereof findeth at length the cause from whence it is or well or ill-affected and so by mixture of Art and Observation sets to his Patient rules of exercise and dyet so is it in a Kingdome or Commonwealth If then out of the Registers of Record and Story the true Remembrancers of Art and Errour in passages of State it shall appear that those times which have been Answers to the former Arguments 1 Affections of our wisest Princes ever to peace 2 Forraign expeditions 1 Rebellions at home 2 Cause of 1 Endless taxations 2 Vassalage 3 Danger to the State 3 Confederacy alliance the means of former victories no waies to be restored as heretofore glorified with the mightiest Princes and wisest Councells would ever acknowledge that a Pax una triumphis Innumeris potior one Peace outgoes for worth Innumerable triumphs That Combustions at home were like Meteors ever kindled in another Region but spent themselves there That our men instead of Lawrell and Olive garlands to adorn with victory peace our gates and Temples have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our Cities That forreign spoyls have been summed up with Taxes and Penury That this addition of Revenue hath tyed us to a perpetuall issue of our own Treasure That by these titles of Honour we have bought Slavery and by extenture of Territories Danger And that difficulty either to undertake or pursue any forreign enterprise now is much more then in any age before I think that no Englishman will either love his own errour so much or his Country so little as to advise a course so far estranged either from judgement or security IT is manifest by warrant of our own examples that the kings of England except in some heat of Youth which is not the best directour of Counsell preferred unjust Peace before the justest War none inthralling their minds with ambitious desires of extending Territories or imaginary humours of licentious Soveraignty every one willing to passe his time with content of his private fortunes Upon this ground Henry the second gave 20000 marks a Expensarum nomine under the notion of expences to the French king ut firmior Pax haberetur that he might have a firm and setled Peace His succeeding sonne pro quieta clamatione de sorore sua ducenda for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his sister which was like to make a fraction gave to the French King b decem millia librarum ten thousand pounds Three hundred thousand marks Iohn gave to the French king to match his calme entrance to a secure peace Until the confederacy with c Scotland and invading of the land by Charls de Valoys the French king provoked Edward the first he never disquieted France with noyse of war as after he did by the d Earls of Richmond and Lancaster
town one sumptibus propriis at their own charges for 40. dayes aâ—anno 15. 1. or for 60. as anno 9. 1. or pro 7. Septimanis for 7. weeks as anno 4. d Sometimes 1000. in one Countrey as anno 3. e Sometimes an entire Army of 18300. an. 11. and f 48800 at the charge of all the Countyes anno 15. g London sumptibus civitatis at the Cities charge found 500. men for 40. dayes anno 12. and the like anno 18. contra insultus Regis Franciae against the invasions of the King of France i The King commanded anno the 16. that all of 40. shil. land upwards should rateably send to his service men k And annis 9. 10 15 and 16. that all jurati adarma sworn to Armes or from 16. to 60. secundum Statutum Wincestriae according to the Statute of Winchester should attend their Services l And anno 13. injoined all from 20. to 60. to be armed and victualled at their own charge m And commanded the Sheriffs annis 6. 7. 8. 12. 16. and 18. to see all the able men of England so furnished that Parati sint muniti ad veniendum ad Regem quando vocati fuerint they should be provided and in a readiness to march to the King when he should call them their weapons to be provided ad sumptus Incolarum at the charge of their neighbour dwellers and themselves enjoyned to muster and train every six weeks If any neglected his appointed service there was sent to the Sheriff a a writ de habendo illos coram concilio qui praemoniti non venerunt in expeditione Regis to bring them before the Councel who knowing of it before refused the expedition as anno 15. 1. the parties imprisoned and their goods seized into the Kings hands as b anno 9. et 16. or else redemption by fine as the c Sheriffes of Buckingham and Bedford did their men for 600. Marks anno 15. The owner of 40. shillings land to redeem his first default d cum tertia parte Bonorum with the 3. part of his Goods the second cum tota residua with the remaining parts at the third sint Corpora eorum ad voluntatem Regis their Bodies to be at the Kings disposall and of Knights qui non fuerunt in exercitu Regis 20. l. de qualibet Hida which were not in the Kings Army 20. l. for every Hide as e anno 13. I have the longer insisted upon this King that tanquam in speculo as in a glass we may behold the intolerable miseries of the Nobility and Commons inseparably accompanying the times of war Edward the third charged f the lands of his Subjects twice 40. shillings of every Knights Fee and 5. l. 16. shillings of every Parish in the 48. yeare of his Reign Out of the Goods of the Commons he took once the 9. part and 15th of Forest and Wast twice the tenth thirteen times a fifteenth for one yeare and twice for three yeares and once the 20. part of all moveables and 30000. Sacks of Wooll upon conditions Of the Boroughs and Cities 4. Tenths and one for three yeares From the Lords the tenth Sheaf Lambe and Fliece who with the Bishops and Knights grant 20000. Sacks of Wooll for payment of the Kings debts giving in the interim security themselves by Bond to the Earle of Brittain to whom their Soveraign stood ingaged Of the Clergy alone one Tenth for 4. yeares three for three yeares and one for one yeare Besides a Contribution in the 12. of his Reign seizing in the same yeare all the Goods of the Cluny and Cistertian Monks Of the church and Laiety together he received 6. times the 10. of all their Moveables From the Marchants and State a Subsidy of Wool for 3. yeares Imposing anno 33. 26. shil. 8d upon every Sack transported which doubled the Impositions of his Father and Grandfather Advancing it after for 6. yeares to 40. shillings and in an. 38. being the yeare he resumed his Stile of France to 46. shillings 4d the Sack of Wooll Taking Poundage 6d of all Commodities inward and outward and enjoyning the Marchants for every Sampler of Wooll transported to return in 40. shillings Bullion to his Minte a Himself becoming Merchant of all the Tinne in Devonshire and Cornwall anno 12. in auxilium supportationis onerum Belli to help him bear the burthen of his wars assessing upon the heads of his Subjects a fine of 4d severally anno 51. Besides in b anno 20. he took a Loane of the Bishops Abbots Justices et aliis potentioribus Regni de diversis pecuniarum Summis inter Summas de 1000. l. 40. l. and other wealthy men of his Realm in several summes of mony betwixt the summes of 1000. l. and 40. l. In the first of his Reign a he commandeth all the Sea-towns to attend with Ships his service sumptibus propriis duplici Eskippamento at their own proper charge and with double Skippage and to provide as many as they can of 60. Tun and upwards And the yeare following b layeth the like charge upon 76. Port-Townes for all Ships of 40. Tunne and more And anno 10. c the like at their own charge besides a contribution of mony d for payment whereof the Officers are commanded ut eas per districtiones alias punitiones prout expedire viderint compellent to force it by distraining and what other punishments they shall find expedient Injoyning such Merchants of London qui ex transmarinis passagiis lucra adquirunt who had traffic in forreign parts to furnish Ships for war at their own Charge e And anno the thirteenth the Cinque-Ports set out to sea 30. Ships and maintain them during the service half at their own half at the Councells charge Fourscore Ships being furnished defrayed by the Out-Ports the Admirall directed to embargue all other Ships for the Kings service f And although the Subject found this an infinite grievance yet could he upon humble complaint in Parliament receive no further relief then that the King would not have it otherwise then before g For Provision of his Armes the King took at one time and at a rate of losse to the Subject 19000. quarters of Grain 2200. Oxen salted 3000. Becons besides of other Provisions an infinite quantity a The like very frequent all his Reign pro guerris necessariis ubi id magis commode fieri poterat for the necessities of his wars where it could be done with more conveniency The Persons of all his meaner Subjects from 16. to 60. he causeth b to be armed in readiness ad praemonitionem 5. dierum at 5. dayes warning the Decrepite to contribute ad expensa praemissorum towards the expenses of the rest and to arrest the Bodies of the disobedient that de ipsis tanquam de inimicis
Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men pro pace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right nor jealousie of increasing power could draw Henry the 8. unto the quarrell of France until the Church complained against Lewis the 12. e who neither esteeming of God good fame nor conscience deteined the revenues of the Clergy supported the Cardinall William to aspire to the Papacy aided in the siege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara and the Bentivogli both Traytours to the Papall Sea where he intended to lay the foundation of his Empire to usurp all Italy besought him for the pitty of our Saviour and by the virtue of his famous Ancestours for I use the words of the Popes Briefe a that never forsook the Church of God in distresse and by his filiall obedience the strongest bond to enter into that holy League they having elected him against Lewis Caput foeder is Italici Head of the Italian League Edward the sixth b until urged with the touch of his honour being by his neighbours neglected in the marriage of their Mistresse never attempted any war against them The quarrells of France in the time of his succeeding sister after the marriage with Spain◠were neither properly ours nor begun by us although in the end we onely went away with the losse Her Sister of holy memory to effect the peace with France forbore c the demand of Callis for 8. years neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown d And the labours she spent to confirm amity with Spaine by many friendly offices of mediation are apparent to the whole world though in the end of her desires she failed whether happily in prevention of the Spanish Monarchy eternizing her memory or that this work of peace was by divine providence reserved for him that could and hath best effected it I know not Onely I conclude that as the first Monarch in Rome so the first in Britain might justly write Pace Populo Britanno terra marique parta Ianum clausi having setled Britain in peace by land and sea I have shut up the doors of Ianus Temple Forreign armes the ground of trouble at home by the Enemy who to divert will attempt Subjects wearied with Toyl Taxation Feared with the effect of tyranny Inured to wars can never sure after to a quiet life It is evident by our own examples that for the most part the Civil or Forreign Armies that have oppressed this State have been either bred out of our first attempting of others or out of the grievance of the Nobility people either wearied with the toil and charge or feared with the effect of Tyranny which might corrupt the good fortune of their King or else a plague no lesse of war that the better sort inured to command abroad have forgotten to obey at home and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry There is in the Register of State no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in waking an adversary as that of Edward the third Out of many examples I will select some few beginning with the tenth of his reign at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in France but diverted by Philip who mustring in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum Regnum Angliae in the parts of Britany to invade the Kingdome of England a puissant Army enforced Edward the third to fall from his first purpose and insist upon his own guard for which cause to the infinite charge of himself and people he levied 80000. men out of the Shires of this Kingdome To withdraw his forces from France in the thirteenth of his reigne they invaded the Realm and burned the Towns of Plymouth and Southampton places that suffered from the same motive the like calamity In the first of Richard the second after the Battell of Cressy when they feared our too much footing and we too much believed our own fortune for she cito reposcit quod dedit quickly calls for back what she gave us the a Duke of Normandy to draw home our forces levieth an Army of forty thousand men at armes and forty thousand foot sharing by idle contracts before-hand with his confederates not the spoils only but the Kingdome it self the Honour and some other portion of benefits he reserved as his own meed the possessions of many English Subjects in pure alms he voweth to the Church of Normandy and to the French King an yearly tributary Fee of twenty thousand pound In these termes this Realm stood almost all the time of Edward the third The Coast-dwellers were so frighted from their habitation as in the thirteenth year the king commanded the Earle of Richmond b and other Peers to reside at their border houses and was inforced in the two and twentieth to injoyn by Ordinance that none should remove that dwelt within sex leucas à mari six leagues of the sea It was no whit altered under his successour Richard the second for in his entrance the French burnt the Town of Rye and in the third year after Gravesend And in the tenth year of his reigne to change his intended journey for France in person the French King prepareth an Army to invade this land This quarrel led us almost into an eternal charge at sea and in the Northern limits they and our neighbours there being tyed of old in strict assurance of mutual aid by whose desperate and perpetual incursion for nescit Plebs jejuna timere an half-starved rabble fears nothing the fattest parts of our borders were left wast the men and cattel of England as 16. of Edw. 2. impetus Scotorum fugientes being fled for safety to the Forrests and desert places The like I find in the first of Edward the third they ever thus interrupting us in our expeditions into France as in 20. Ed. 3. in the first and second of Richard the second in the fifth of Henry the fifth and in the fourth of Henry the eighth when he undertook his holy voyage against Lewis the twelfth And either being no lesse ready to nourish the least spark of rebellion in this State as that of the French King to counterpoize King Iohn or work out Henry the third from his Dutchy of Normandy as France did or moving underhand by the Duke of Britain the Earl of Hartford to reach the Crowne of Richard the second and when he had got the garland suborning Owen Glendowr with whom he contracted as Prince of Wales to busie the same King at home that he might divert his intended purpose from France or Scotland WHen Henry the third had devoured in his mind the kingdome of Sicily the Nobility finding the expence of Treasure and fearing the exposing of their own persons grew so unwilling that by the bent and course of the record it ap a
for the future appointing peculiar Treasurers of their own to give account upon Oath the next Parliament and such Grants which they professed to proceed b ex libera spontanea voluntate Dominorum Comitatuum from the free voluntary grant of the Lords and respective Counties to be void if Conditions on the Kings part were not performed And this unfortunate King had cast upon him as an argument of his unworthiness to govern the exacting of so great Subsidies and extorting so much money from the Shires that submitted their Fortunes unto his mercy And when Henry the 6. in anno 20. would have had a Relief from his Subjects c de aliqua summa notabili of some considerable summe he had in answer Propter inopiam c. populi illud non posse obtineri that in regard of the poverty c. of the people it could not be granted The like 24. of the same King Great men have been disposed sometimes to humour the waste of Treasure in their Princes either to subject Power by Need to their devotion and awe for Princes dare most offend them whom they have least cause to use or to force Necessity to extend Praerogative so far untill by putting all into Combustion some may attain unto the end of their Ambition others the redresse of supposed Injuries d Thus did the Faction of Hen. the fourth in the one and the Nobility under Hen. the third in the other who hereby quitted the State oppressed as they thought with the Kings Half-brothers the Poictovins and other Strangers Subjects feare to have the enemies of their Soveraigns too much weakned least themselves become Tyrants And it is in the farthest respect in the a Baronage under John Henry his son and b Edward the second to feare asmuch the absolute Greatness of their Soveraign as they did the Diminution of their own estates And therefore when they found their King to grow too fast upon any neighbour Adversary then would they lend their best aid to diminish his power or fortune least by inlarging himself upon the other that poized his greatness he might forget and become a Tyrant as one saith of Henry the first c Assumpserat cornua audacia tam contra Ecclesiam quam Regni universalitatem Roberto fratre aliis inimicis edomitis having once overcome his brother Robert and other enemies with audacious and presumptuous horns he goared as well the Church as the rest of the Kingdome breaking his Seal his Charter and his Oath The memory of this caused the Nobility d to call in the French Kings Son when John their Soveraign began to know his own authority as they thought too much And the French Subjects aided on the other side Henry the third against their Mr. when he was almost cooped up in his Britain journey This as the Stories report being a practice usuall in those dayes THe last mischief is the disposition that Military education leaveth in the mindes of many For it is not born with them that they so much distate peace but proceeds from that custome that hath made in them another nature It is rarely found that ever Civil troubles of this State were dangerously undertaken but where the plot and pursuit was made by a spirit so infused King Iohn had been after a sine Regno without a Kingdome as he was at first sans terre without land if his rebenediction had not wrought more upon the disloyall designs of Fitzwalter and Marshall whom his own elective love had made great in opinion by the Norman Services then either his rebated Sword or blasted Sceptre could b If Simon Montfort had not been too much improved in Experience and his own Opinion by the many services he underwent in the government of Gascoign he had never so much dared against Duty as to come over at the first call to make head against his Master and pursue him with that fury of Ambition untill he had forced him to redeem the liberty of his person by the blasting of so many flowers of his Imperiall Crown and to set himself so far below the seat of Majesty as to capitulate with them upon even conditions which not performed I use his own words c Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos insurgere it shall be lawfull for all persons in our Kingdome to rise up against us and to do omnia quae gravamen nostrum respiciant ac si Nobis in nullo tenerentur so to act all things in reference to the grievances from us upon them as if they were by no ty obliged to us If Richard Duke of York had never learned to be so great a Souldier at the cost of his Master Henry the sixth in another State he had never disquieted the calm of his Times or given just occasion to his Opposite Somerset to say That if he had never learned to play the King by his Regencie in France he had never forgot to obey as a Subject when he returned into England Our own times can afford some whose spirit improved by Military imployment and made wanton with popular applause might have given instance of these dangers if good successe had been a relative to bad intentions And every age breeds some exorbitant spirits who turn the edge of their own sufficiency upon whatsoever they can devour in their ambitious apprehensions seeking rather a great then a good Fame and holding it the chiefest Honour to be thought the Wonder of their times which if they attain to it is but the condition of Monsters that are generally much admired but more abhorred But warre some may say mouldeth not all men thus for vertuous men will use their weapons for ornament amongst their Friends against Enemies for defence And to those men their own goodness is not safe nam Regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt for Kings suspect good men sooner then bad Kings must have their Ministers pares negotiis fit for their businesse and not supra above it or too able for it For another mans too-much sufficiency as they take it is a diminution of their respectiveness and therefore dangerous THe meaner sort having forgot the toile of their first life by inuring themselves to the liberty of Warre which leaveth for the most part the lives of men to their own looseness and the means of getting to their own justice can never again endure either order or labour and so return but to corrupt the Common-wealth with their lawlesse manners For living more riotously then the rapine of forrein victory could warrant as for the most they doe in contempt of their own private Want and Fortune they desire a change of the publick Quiet In Tumults and Uproars they take least care for their livings howere the world goes they can be no loosers for like Silla's Army making no difference between sacred and profane Robberies for the victors
City duos palfridos totidem summarios 2. horses and as many summaryes and of every Abbot half asmuch Then loosing of purpose his great Seale proclaimed that f Omnes Chartae Confirmationes novi Sigilli impressione roborarentur all Charters and Assurances should be confirmed by the new Seal Whereby anew he drew from all men a composition for their Liberties This fashion was afterwards taken up by some of his Successours as g of Henry the 3. when all again were enjoyned qui suis volebant libertatibus gaudere as many as would enjoy their Liberties ut innovarent Chartas suas de novo Regis Sigillo to renew their Charters from the Kings new Seal Some reason h Richard had in the end to become a gatherer that had not long before by accompt of Chancellour Hubert then Archbishop spent infra biennium undecies centena millia Marcarum argenti de Regno Angliae within less then 2 yeares eleven hundred thousand Marks of silver current English money His brother Iohn succeeding a took in the first of his Reign a Scutage assessed at two Marks b For the two next years 3 shil. of every Plough c and the year following besides a Scutage as before the 40. part of the Revenues of the Clergie and Layety d In the 4. year hee took the like Scutage and the e seventh part of the moveable goods of the Baronage Clergie A Scutage assessed at Marks f in an. 5. g The like in the 6. and 7. years 20 shil. Scutage and the 13 part of Moveables aswell of the Church as Layety in the year following In h an. 9. he exacted by redemption of the Concubines of the Clergie a great summe In the 11. i extor sit tributum grave scil. 140 millia librarum à viris Ecclesiasticis he extorted a great tribute viz. 140000 pounds of the Church-men And to furnish his Army k Clericorum Horrea invadit he came upon the Barns of the Clergy In l the 12. a Scutage assessed at two marks besides an exaction m of 22000l from the Cistertians He took n in the 13. year a Scutage assessed at 20 sh pro exercitu Walliae for his Welsh Army exacting o from the Ministers of the Church in the year following 40000 marks p And in the 16. year Scutagium assessum fuit pro exercitu Pictaviae ad 3 Marcas a Scutage was assessed at 3 Marks for the Army in Poictou Thus in the space of 17 years the State was delivered but thrice from Impositions In the time of Henry the third q upon the Clergie Nobility and Gentry there was assessed 15 Scutages one at 10 shillings two at 20 eight at two Marks and 4. at 40 shillings the Knights Fee a The land of the inferiour sort twice taxed first at 2 shillings after at half a Mark the Plough b And two Tallages upon the land of the Crown c From out of the Lay Subjects moveable goods hath been taken 5 times as the 40. the 30. 20. and 15. parts d and once the 16. of the Clergie for this King e A Tenth he 9. times imposed upon the Church six times for a yeare onely and by it self once accompanied with the First-Fruits once for 3. yeares and once for 5. f Besides 2. Aides the one moderate the other called g gravis exactio a heavy exaction and worthily if to the 800. Marks imposed upon h S. Edmunds Bury all the other Abbeyes were rated accordingly i And by the accompt of Willihelmus de Midleton k he received in the time of his government de exitu Iudaismi 4020000l And as in all the 56. yeares of his reign excepting five either the Church or Common-wealth were charged with contribution-money to relieve the expence of war so were they grieved with other Exactures either for Cariages or Victualls or personall attendance In the 16. yeare the inhabitants of Winchelsey were enjoyned l ut providerent decem bonas naves magnas ad transfertandum in Pictaviam in servitium Regis to provide ten good and stout ships for the Kings service in Poictou m And at another time 20. Dunwich and Ipswich 5. a piece and the Ports proportionable all at their own charge In the same yeare n and for the same service there was transported 10000 quart of wheat 5000 of oates and many Bacons The Church not forborn in those charges For from Winchester a a 2000 quarters of Wheat and Oates and 1000 of Bacons was taken b The other Bishops and Clergie bearing their parts of victualls in the like Exactions coming ut unda supervenit undae ac si esset Anglia puteus inexhaustus as wave follows wave as if England were a pit never to be drawn dry c In the 12. and 14. the King levieth Souldiers for his wars beyond Sea collecting pro Exercitu suo de singulis duâ—bus Hidis our upon every two Hides so much for his Army and to bring secum victualia victualls with them and those for whose service the King dispenced et quos Rex vult remanere in partibus suis and such as he pleased should continue at home to contribute victualls to those that went for 40. dayes commanding the Sheriffs d to sweare all ad Arma qui post eum remanebant in Anglia in forma qua jurati fuerant tempore Ioannis Patris sui to Armes who stayed behind him in England after the manner they were sworn in the time of King Iohn his father by which Ordinance of King Iohn all able Subjects from Youth to decrepite Age were bound to arme themselves and be in continuall readiness e à sero usque ad mane from night to morning for so the Record is to attend the Kings pleasure And therefore Henry the third in anno 14. f mandavit Vicecomitibus quod venire faciant ad excercitum Regis homines juratos ad ferrum commanded the Sheriffs to send all those to his Army who had been so sworn bringing with them Loricas Habergiones c. Coaâ—s of Maile Habergeons c. And to such as neglected this service he sent his Writs reprehending them at first a jurgatorie e quòd c. tartly for that c. and after fining them according to their abilities and Tenures Taking b an. 26. of Willihelm de Umfrevile pro quietatione passagii for the securing of his passage into Gascoign 100 Marks and so in proportion of many others Edward the first exacted from the land of his Subjects 4. times Scutage assessed every time at 40. shillings the Knights Fee And once an Aide called Auxilium novum a new Aide which he farmed out for ready money Of the Rents of the Ciergie he took a Tenth part twice for one yeare and once for sixâ— and the
20. part twice from both the Provinces and once for two yeares from Canterbury only The possessions of the Priors Aliens he seized once into his own hands putting the Monks to a bare Pension of 18. pence a week Of the goods of the Clergie he took the 30. the 15. and the 5. part once the Moietie three times and the Tenth seven times whereof the Grant was first for two yeares and then for three yeares and once for six yeares c Of the goods of the Commons the 8. the 9. and the 12. part he took once twice severally the 10. and 11. the Sessors being sworn to levy and rate truly Three times he had the 15. part and once the moiety of a 15. From the Clergie and Laietie together the King had granted of their Moveables a 10. a 15. and a 30. part Of the Cities and Boroughs besides a great Loan once the 7. and 8. and twice the 6. part From the Merchants a 20. and a 7. portion once of their Commodities imposing a new Custome of a Noble upon every Sack of Wooll which he let out to Farm And under pretence of some breach of Amity with those parts whether his Merchants traded he seized anno 22. a all the Woolls into his hands and made of them instant Sale to the best value leaving them upon security to a short price and a long day of payment He took b the same yeare to the distaste of the Pope and murmure of the Clergie all the money gathered in subsidium Terrae Sanctae for the succour of the Holy Land to furnish his Journeyes Upon the persons of his Subjects he imposed one Tallage c sessed either in communi in generall or per capita by the Poll. And twice the like upon the Iews whereof the one amounted to 50000 Marks Neither were his people by continuall payment for there was but one yeare of intermission all his Reign freed from attendance in their Persons For in record there appeareth plentifully his writs to the Sheriffes as d an. 31. de peditibus el gendis de tota Anglia for the chusing of foot-Souldiers throughout all England and to be found and furnished by their severall Countryes calling e his Earls Barons and Knights to personall service according to their Tenures His Son the second Edward assessed upon the lands of his Subjects twice Scutage once at two Marks once at 40. sh the Knights Fee From the Revenues of the Clergie rated by the book of Tenths he at distinct times took 4d 5d and 12d in the Mark and once the â—5 part of the whole From the goods of the Clergie a Tenth for three yeares And twice f a Loan from the Abbots and Bishops From the Layetie besides a Tallage of their Moveables in Cities and Boroughs once a Tenth twice a 15. and twice a 20. part of their goods Besides a Loan from the Commons and 10. shillings borrowed upon every Sack of Wooll from Merchant Strangers and a Noble from others a From the Clergy and Layetie together of their goods a Tenth a 15. and twice an 18. part besides a Loane He augmented his fathers new Custome with an Imposition of a Noble more upon every Sack of Wool And anno 10. b quia exitus Regni sui terrarum because the profits of his Realm and dominions elsewhere together with all the money granted by the Church and Layetie ad sumptus Belli sufficere noluit was not enough to defray the charges of his wars and that he must infinitam pecuniam effundere spend a vast deal of mony he sesseth and increaseth an Imposition upon all Commodities inward and outward to an extreme Rate and caused the Commons in every Shire to lay down money in deposito to pay his Souldiers and took from the Nobility and Gentry a large contribution towards his wars and seized c omnes Lanas Coria Mercatorum data securitate Possessoribus derationabili pretio postea solvendo All the Woolls and Hides of the Merchants giving security to the Owners that a reasonable price should be paid for them afterwards He charged the Ports and Sea-Townes 12. severall yeares ad costos suos sumptibus villarum at their own costs and the charge of the Villages about them as the Record saith to set to Sea in his service Ships furnished Armis victualibus with Armes and Victualls sometimes for one month as anno 11. d sometimes for 4. as e 12. and sometimes for 7. as anno f 4. the number of Ships more or lesse as occasion required In an. 17. a Southampton was charged with six and 118. Sea-Towns more with rateable proportions for the Kings service Sometimes as anno 18. b embarguing all the Ships in any Port that were of forty Tunnes or upwards or of 50. Tunnes and upward as an. 20. c contra hostiles aggressus Gallorum against the hostile attempts of the French Causing the town of Southampton anno 6. d to build a Galley for himself of 120. Oares Commanding all the Sheriffes for provision of Victuall as anno e 1 2 3 4 9. to provide de Exitibus Comitatuum certum pretium at the charge of the County a certain Rate to the proportion sometimes of 30500 Quarters of Corn and many Bacons as anno 16. f and to send them to the Kings Army As also g Carrecta Carra cum Equis Bobus Carts and Waggons with Oxen and Horses out of the Countyes severally for the use of war Sometimes he made the Ports to send provision themselves as anno 7. h and not to suffer any Ships with victualls i ibidem d scariari to be there unladed but to order them by security for those parts where the Kings Army was lodged And not sparing the Church exacted k his three first yeares Frumenta alia victualia pro exercitu suo Corn and other Victualls for his Army from them Besides the former Charges the Persons of Men aswell of the Nobility as meaner rank were at their own Charge often enjoyned to serve by reason of the wars l As in 6 7 8 9 10. and 16. m of this King when they were called singulatim man by man as well Widowes as Knights n and Noblemen and such as held 40. l. land according to their Tenures a sub forisfactura terrarum Catallorum Equis Armis sumptibus propriis to appear with Horse and Armes at their own charge under penalty of forfeiting their Lands and Chattels to provide de hominibus ad Arma ultra famulos suos consuetos men for the service besides their ordinary Servants according to Augustus b rule Viri Foeminaeque ex Censu coactae dare Militem both men and women were forced to find their Souldiers And of this the Clergie was not exempted c anno 16. of this King And out of every
sumat vindictam they might be dealt withall as enemies c The Gentry and Nobility supplying the King in his wars and at their own Charge d sometimes with 7. or 800. men at Armes and 2. or 3000 Archers as anno 13. with other proportions at divers yeares following And the Bishops ordered e to furnish Armis Equis competentibus serviceable Armes and Horses so many as occasion required and their Persons together with the Laye Nobility commanded f quod sint parati Equis Armis toto servitio debito with Horse and Armes and all necessary accoutrements to attend the King in his wars These wars which as Edward the third professeth himself in Parliament g could not without his great danger and losse of Honour be maintained unlesse by perpetuall Aide from the Subjects were so grievous to them that in anno 22. they complain in Parliament of the miseries they underwent thereby As of their Aides advanced to 40. shillings Fine that by law should be but 20. shil. Their setting forth of men and the Kings taking of their Victualls without payment The Sea left to the charge of their keeping and from their woolls by way of Subsidy 60000. l. yearly exacted without Law besides the lending of 2000. Sacks and themselves restrained from transporting any But such was the Necessity of these times that neither they had redresse of their Complaint nor the State one yeare discharged of Contribution all his Reign Richard succeeding his Grandfather declareth both a anno 2. and 14. that the great Wars he was left in and the Territories he inherited beyond Sea could not be maintained except the Subject of this Realm gave supply of means thereto He therefore of the Clergie and Laiety took once the tenth of all their lands and thrice of the goods of the Commons the like entirely and six times the half twelve times a fifteenth and six times the Moiety And had anno 21. granted one Tenth to him and a 15. and a half of either of them yearly for term of life From out the Boroughs and Cities thrice a full Tenth and once a Moiety Out of all Merchandises he received three years 6d in the pound and once twelve pence And for every Tunne of Wine and such Commodities for 2. yeares 6d doubling it for as many and trebling it for three yeares after The Custome of Woolls c. by Edward the first rated at a Noble the Sack and under his son increased as much more was to this King advanced to 22. shil. 8d which singly for 8 yeares he had granted unto him besides once for 3. yeares and once for 4. having it after improved to 34. shil. 4d and again to 43. shil. 4d the Sack The summe of one of these Subsidies in anno 14. amounted to 160000. l. From out of the goods of the Clergie he had 8. Tenths and a half and one out of those and the Laiety together besides a Loan anno 5. of 60000. l. By the poll or heads of all his people from above 15. yeares he collected twice a Contribution assessed proportionall from the Begger to the Duke Besides in strength of Praerogative only of every Ship and Fisherman 6d the Tun the like of Newcastle Coals and of every Last of Corn inwards or outwards the like Summe To furnish his journey for Ireland he took their Horses Armour Cattell a Hinc factus est suis Subditis invisus Hereupon he came to be hated by his People saith the Bishop of London And so it seemed For at his deposing it was one of the objected Articles against him He the first yeare of his Reign imposed upon his Subjects as formerly his Ancestours had done a personall service ab anno primo That all the Clergy should array Armis Equis competentibus with serviceable Horses and Armes from the age of 16. to 60. et eos in Millenis Centenis poni faciant and cause them to be entred into Regiments and Companyes And two yeares after commanded all according to their Tenures by service to fit themselves Equis Armis with Horse and Armes to attend the wars But these the courses of elder times were about this time much altered and the King for the most part ever supplied in his wars by contract with the Nobility and Gentry to serve him with so many men and so long and at such a rate as he and they by Indenture accorded of which there are in the Pell plenty yet remaining Thus under grievous burdens did the State labour continually all his time for his Treasury being wastfully emptied was as Tacitus saith of Tiberius a Scelere replendum to be filled some ill way by which he meant intolerable racking of the people Hence was it that often in this Kings time b the Subjects humbly beg some ease of the insupportable Tallages But he little regarding the tears or groans of his heartlesse People answered them as an. 4. That their Petition and his Honour could not consist together c They again plead extreme poverty in barre of further relief complaining that good mony was transported and the State enforced to use base and that the price of Wooll by warrs to their utter impoverishing was fallen and that the Kings want was onely the ill government of his Revenues and therefore crave to have his present Officers removed and very hardly would be drawn any more to taxe themselves but conditionally and with this Limitation That their mony should be received expended and accompted for to themselves and by Treasures of their own election and are content to lend in the end loading this poor Kings dejected Fortune with the reproachfull weight of these their many Burthens Henry the fourth in 13. yeares out of the land of his people received twice relief once auxilia de medietate Feodorum an Aide of the Moiety of the Fees and again a Noble out of every 20. l. throughout all the Realm Out of the Goods of the Commons 4 times a Tenth besides one for 3. yeares and the like one and a half for 2. By severall grants and yeares five Fifteens besides one for 2. and one for 3. yeares Out of Staple Commodities of Wooll Fells c. one Subsidy for one yeare foure for two apiece and one for 3. yeares A Poundage at 8d once four times 12d whereof the last was for 2. yeares The like number and yeares of the Tunnage the first onely rated at 2. shil. the rest at 3. shil. the Tun Out of the Moveables of the Clergie thrice a Tenth and twice a Moiety as also of every stipendary Minister Frier and such manner persons 6. shil. 8d apiece Besides all these of all he took an. 8. a a Contribution it a gravis so heavy that it was granted ea conditione ne trahatur in Exemplum ut Evidentiae post datum Computum cremarentur upon this condition that it should not be made
an Example to following times and that after the Account the Evidences should be burnt Next him succeeded his Son the 5. Henry in whose 9. yeares Reign I find no charge imposed upon the Land of the Subjects Out of the Goods of the Commons he received 6. times the 10. and the 15. entirely and once two thirds onely of Staple wares a Subsidy once for 4. yeares and after for life three shillings Tunnage and 12d Poundage for the like terms as the former Subsidies Thrice he had the Tenth of his Clergie And in the eighth of his Reign when the Chancellour bewailed to him in Parliament the Feeblenesse and Poverty of the People by reason of wars and scarcity of mony he who of as many attempts as he undertook totidem fecit Monumenta victoriae raised himself so many Monuments of Victory yet for redresse and ease of those miseries as Livy saith of an excellent Souldier Pacem voluit etiam quia vincere potuit he preferred Peace because he knew he could overcome And left in the 9. yeare of his Reign a peaceable succession and Heire nimium felix malo suo too happy to his own undoing as the event proved For retaining nothing ex paterna Majestate praeter speciem nominis of his Father's Greatness more then the specious Name of a Great King by Fear and Facility he laid the way open to his Factious Ambitious kindred to work themselves into popular Favour and himself into Contempt which was soon done by leading the easy King by Expence into Extremity For besides the Resumptions he took of his own and Fathers Grants which was of purpose plotted to make a consumption of Duty and Affection towards him he out of the old inheritance of his Subjects exacted 6d in the pound anno 14. and doubled twice that valuation not onely on all lands purchased from the entrance of Edward the first but of all Free-hold and Coppy-hold under 200. l. and two in twenty of all above He further imposed first 6 shil. 8d and then 20. shil. upon every Knights Fee Out of the goods of the Commons he had 6. Tenths whereof one for 3. yeares besides 3. Moieties and one third of fifteens 3. halfs one third and eight entire of which there was of two a 3 yeares grant Besides these former out of the woolls he had 37107l raised by a Moiety of a 10th and 15th and again of all goods 6. shil. 8d in the pound Of the Merchant of Subsidies rated as in former times he had then by grant once but for a yeare trebled for three and a half This Subsidy advanced to 33. shil. 4d of Denisons and 53. shil. 4d of Aliens The Sack of Wooll was twice granted for 4. years at a time and an. 31. for term of the Kings life Besides a Subsidy alone of Aliens goods Tonnage and Poundage improved to six shillings 8d he took in his 18. yeares And after the Rates of his Fathers time he had it first thrice by his severall grants and yeares then as often for two yeares and again by a new grant for 5. yeares and in the end for term of his life Of the Clergy he had besides one half of Dismes 4. entire Tenths And by the State in generall anno 31. 2000. Archers maintained for half a yeare at the common Charge By the Poll he exacted anno 18. of every Merchant Stranger if a householder 16. shillings a piece if none 6d And anno 27. 6. shillings 8d every such stranger and 20d of their Clerks An. 13. he had granted for term of life ten pounds a year of all Inhabitants mere Aliens and a third lesse of Denizons and 20. shil. of every Stranger Merchant that came into the land The first Monopolies I find were grounded upon the extremities of these times for in anno 29. the Spinellos Merchants of Genua had by grant for 8000. l. the sole Trade of many Staple-Commodities As the Merchants of Southampton had all Allome for the like summe Yet for all the Contributions Taxes and Shifts whereby the impoverished People were enforced to petition redresse for which a Parliament was anno 10. summoned onely the Kings Coffers were so empty and the yearly Revenues so short as the Lord Treasurer was constrained a an. 11. to complain in Parliament of the one and declared there the other to want 35000. l. of the needfull expence as the best motive to work a Relief from the Common-wealth which was by the people in part effected a But by an. 18. the debts were swoln again so great that the Parliament was reinforced not onely to see them but to support and victuall his houshold Thus was this unhappy Princes Reign all war and waste and in the end as one saith of b Lepidus à Militibus à fortuna deserebatur being forsaken both of Souldiers and Fortune he was left a while to a disgraced life spoliata quam tueri non poterat dignitate and despoiled of that Dignity which he was not able to maintain Edward the fourth c besides two resumptions not only of the Grants of such Kings as he accounted de facto and not de jure to Reign but also of those made by d himself and that Sea of profit that by infinite Attaintures flowed daily into his Treasury took notwithstanding of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall onely a Tenth of their yearly possessions and of the Commons six Tenths three quarters and the like proportion of Fifteens A Benevolence in an. 14. which e Fabian calleth a new Contribution And charged them f anno 12. with wages of his Archers to a Summe of 51117. l. Of the Merchant he had Tonnage and Poundage for term of life Besides of Strangers as well Denizons as others a Subsidie the g 22. yeare of his Reign Leaving his Kingdome in the next to the few dayes of his son Edward the fifth For Ostendunt terris hunc tantum Fata nec ultra Esse sinunt The Fates only shewed him to the world and took him away again Richard his Uncle succeeded homo ingeniosissime nequam facundus malo publico a man most ingeniously mischievous and full of Art to beguile the people He to make a just semblance of his unjust entry besides his Act of Parliament full of dangerous Untruths dissembled the part of an excellent Prince making the Commons believe by a Statute to which he gave first form as life discharging them for ever from all exactions called Benevolences that his opinion was Ditare majus esse Regium quam ditescere that it was more King like to enrich his Subjects then to grow rich himself Whereas he did but lively imitate Nero that took away the law Manlia de vectigalibus only ut gratiosior esset populis to ingratiate himself the more with the people And so all his short Reign I find recorded but once any Tax upon the people and that was Tenths granted
and with her c own Subjects after upon Mortgage of Land A course more moderate then either that of the first William that took out of Churches such money as severall men had committed thither for more security d or that of Charles the fifth that to repaire the waste of his Italian wars went in person to Barcilona to seize into his hands a Masse of money called Deposuum Tabulae which as well Strangers as Subjects had there laid up in Sanctuary But these are not the conditions of Princes of our times onely for in the lives of Caligula Nero and Vespasian Suetonius of them severally writeth Exhaustus egenus calumniis rapinisque intendit animum being drawn dry and grown poor they bent their minds to Calumnies and Rapines For Perniciosa res est in Imperante tenuitas Want in a Prince is a dangerous thing and as Theodoricus said Periculosissimum animal est Rex pauper a Poor King is the most dangerous creature living It hath abated the Regalties of Houses an. 16. of Richard the second and 18. a of Henry 6. when as well from want of means as the Subjects Petitions in Parliament for Expeditissima est ratio augendi Census detrahere Sumptibus the readiest way to raise the Revenue is to take down Expenses they have much lessened their Hospitality their Tables being either defrayed by their Subjects as of Henry the 6. or as Henry the 3. when by necessity b ita consueta Regalis Mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit ut pos posita solita verecundia cum Abbatibus Clericis viris satis humilibus hospitia quaesivit prandia the wonted hospitality of the Kings Table was sunk so low that without farther shame he many times lodged and dieted with Abbots Clerks and very mean Persons It hath caused our Kings to sell and alienate the possessions of the Crown as Henry the c 3. who gave to Edward his son Licentiam impignorandi terram Vasconiae leave to pawn the Dutchie of Gascoign And caused himself not long after by the like occasions to sell for 300000. l. except some pittances reserved the d entire Signiorie of Normandie What our late Mistris and her Father did is yet fresh in memory But this mischief hath trenched deep into the Fortunes and Affections of the Subjects when Princes to repair the breach of their own Revenues have often resumed the possessions of their people as a Edward the second anno 5 8 10. Omnes donationes per Regem factas ad damnum diminutionem Regis Coronae suae all the Grants made by the King to the lessening and prejudicing of the King and his Crown b Richard the second an. 1. did the like of all Grants made to unworthy persons by his Grandfather and recalled all Patents dated since 40. of Edward 3. Thus did Henry c the 5. an. 1. and d Henry the 6. in the 28. of his Reign Edward the 4. in an. 3. with all Offices of his Crown granted either by the Usurper or his Brother Neither is this in it self unjust since as well by reason of State as Rules of best Government the Revenues and Profits e quae ad sacrum Patrimonium Principis pertinent which belong to the sacred Patrimony of the Prince should remain firme and unbroken But when neither Credit Frugality or Sale of Lands would stop the gulf of want our Princes have been so neer beset as with Nerva and Antonius the Emperors to sell and pawn their Jewells The Archbishop of York had power from Henry 3. an. 26. f in wars beyond Sea impignorandi Iocalia Regis ubicunque in Anglia pro pecunia perquirenda to pawn the Kings Jewells anywhere in England to raise money g Edward the first sendeth Egidius Andevar ad Iocalia sua impignoranda to pawn his Jewells h Edward the 3. pawneth his Jewells to pay the L. Beaumont and the Strangers their wages in war The Black i Prince was constrained to break his Plate into Money to pay his Souldiers a Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea diversa Iocalia vessels of Gold and divers Jewells to Sir Robert Knowles b Henry the 4. an. 3. to a Merchant for money invadiavit Tabellam Trisellas suas Argenteas de Hispania ingaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain c Henry the 6. gageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester and others an. 10th 12th and 29. d many parcells of his rich Jewells And the late Queen in the end of her dayes to ease her Subjects did the like with many in the Tower And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings to so high a stain of Shift that Edward the third e invadiavit magnam Coronam Angliae pawned his Imperiall Crown 3. severall times an. 17. in partibus transmarinis in forreign parts and twice to Sir Iohn Wesenham his Merchant first in the f 24. and after g an. 30. in whose custody it remained 8. yeares To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the 5. invadiavit magnam Coronam auream gaged his imperiall Crown of Gold in the 5. of his Reign And when Henry the third had laid to gage h omnia Insignia Regalia all his Robes and Kingly Ornaments and upon assurance of re-delivery or satisfaction had pawned Aurum Iocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confessoris the Gold and Jewells belonging to the Shrine of S. Edward the Confessour A course more moderate then by force to have taken as William the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines of other Churches or as i Clement the 7. who to pay the Souldiers of Charles the fifth melted the Consecrated Vessels was in the end when he had neither means of his own left nor reputation with others constrained to beg relief of his Subjects in this low strain a Pauper sum omni destitutus Thesauro necesse habeo ut me juvetis nec aliquid exigo nisi per gratiam I am poor and have no Treasure left ye must needs relieve me neither do I demand any thing but of your mere love and courtesy And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey to say Amice obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas mihi centum libras conferendo My friend I beseech thee for Gods sake to help me with 100. pound adding withall majorem Eleemosynam fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve quam alicui ostiatim mendicanti that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants then to give to one that begged from door to door So that of the waste of these times and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satyrist say Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoi'ld of their Marrow IT now resteth by some few particulars to observe with what Wealth we have returned
home loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies since no motives are so powerfull to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain which will easily enforce them b Ire super gladios superque Cadavera patrum Et caesos calcare Duces Tread upon Swords and on their Fathers Graves And spurn their slaughter'd Captains In the Expeditions of Henry 3. their purchases were so great that the a Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back then for the expence of their own monyes For Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas When Toil brings Loss Begg'ry must needs increase The same King although called in by the Nobility of France b in Faction against their Master returned no better rewarded then Consumpta pecunia infinita Nobilibus Militibus innumeralibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati vel fame attenuatis vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem with the having spent an infinite deal of money his Nobles and Souldiers without number being either slain or sickly or maimed or half-starved or else reduced to extreme poverty Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence of Henry the 3. and his people in his Sicilian Service with no better wages then this Scoffe That England was c Puteus inexhaustus quem nullus poterat exsiccare a Well not to be emptied which no man could draw dry What the succeeding times afforded may be well gathered out of the many Petitions in Parliament 22. Edward 3. 4 and 7. of Richard 2. 8. of Henry 5. and 10. of Henry 6. ever complaining of the extreme Beggery the people brought home and desiring some speedy Relief The Treasure d Henry the 8. spent in aide of Maximilian about recovery of Verona nullum aliud factum nisi damnum dedecus peperit brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour For the Emperour having his turn served delivered contrary to Contract that City to the French threatning to confederate with them ni Rex ei continuo per solveret unless the King would forth with pay him down a great summe of money believing as the words are Minis terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam posse haberi that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words For the great Army of this King sent over into France and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Burbon with in their wars of Millan his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad he was himself at the last of all their ends effected having spent the Treasure of his Father and the Bounty of his Subjects forsaken and left as the Pasquill painted him inter Moysem Christum Mahumetem betwixt Moses Christ and Mahomet with this word Quo me vertam nescio Which way to turn me I know not For 2. Millions of a Crowns bestowed in purchase of Tournay not without suite of his own he delivered it with little or no recompence rated his potentiall Interest of France at no greater Summe then an Annuity b of 100000. Crowns What from the 30. of this King untill the last of his son Edward the sixth for c 3173478. l. 15s 4d spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars this State received of inrichment it seemeth so mean as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts Untill the late Queen was drawn into wars she had in Treasure 700000. l. but after she was once intangled it cost her before the 30. of her Reign 1517351. l. at which time she was but entering into the vastness of her future Charge For the annuall expence of 126000. l. in the Low-Countries from 1587. untill 1593. the yearly disbursment for a Flushing and the Brill 28482. l. the debts of the States 800000. l. and the Aides of the French King since he attained to that Crown to above 401734. l. was after that time Thus by reason of warre besides Taxes upon her People to the Summe of two Millions and 800000. l. by Subsidies Tenths Fifteens she hath spent of her Lands Jewells and Revenues an infinite proportion As for the imaginary Profit grown by the many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain it may be well cast up by two examples of our best Fortunes The Journey of Cales b defrayed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000. l. And our times of most advantage by Prizes between c anno 30. and 34. of the Queen wherein we received but 64044. l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy arising in the same yeares to 275761. l. As to the greatest Losse expence of Christian Blood it may well suffice to be moan with * Horace Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam nisi in dispar feris Is there as yet so little Latine Bloud Spilt on the Fields and Flouds Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find So cruel to their kind THe last motive from Utility is increase of Revenues to the publick Treasury by addition of Forreign Dominions Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction as to instance the particular Summes exhausted in every Age to retain them Beginning first with the Dutchie of Normandy For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence as the a Author saith laden Thesauris innumeris with uncountable Treasure exacted sive per fas sive per nefas in Normanniam transfretavit gathethered together by hook or by crook wafted over into Normandy His Son b ad retinendam Normanniam Angliam excoriavit to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin The same end by c Henry the first Anglia fuit bonis spoliata England was despoiled of its Goods His d Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae a Scutage for his army in Normandy 3. times at a high rate and was inforced then against incursions of the French to build and man e 13 Castles de novo integro intirely new Richard the first f exacted heavily upon his people ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi conciliaret ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerfull Courtiers of France so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy King Iohn g as wearied with the Charge neglected it And his Son h feeling a burden more then benefit resigned his interest there for a little Money When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth i the judgement in Councel was That the keeping of it would be no lesse of expence then to war forth for all France In the quiet possession of his Son Henry a Iohn Duke of Bedford then Regent this Dutchie cost the Crown of England 10942. l. yearly In an. 10. it appeareth by
by a pretence of intermarriage drew Florence Earle of Holland from the French to his party f and the yeare following by mediation of the Lord of Black-mont the Earle of Flanders who in g an. 20. assisted him in the wars of Gascoign h In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans and the Earle of Gueldres tying the Nobility of Burgundie with a yearly donative of 30000. l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Franciae against the French King i He had Guido Earle of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000. l. Turonensium in pay against the French King an. 24 25 and 31. of his Reign k retaining the Earle of Gueldres by pay of 1000000. l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000. l. l the Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000. l. and Waller and Lord of Montay by 300. l. Turonensium in his service the same yeare a And in an. 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae Reginald Earle of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France Edward 2. had b auxilium tam maritimum quam terrestre à Genoensibus assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses c And in an. 18. besides his Alliance with Flanders Iohn Protectour of Castile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. cquitibus peditibus Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot and 10000 other armed men Edward the 3. d had by the Marriage of Philip the Earle of Henault Holland her Father assured to him and retained Iohn of Henault and his Followers e qui venerunt in auxilium adrogatum Regis who came to assist the King at his call with a Salary of 14000. l. yearly Before he adventured to avow and maintain his Challenge to the Kingdome of France f he made up to his partie Lodowick the Emperour who the better to countenance his enterprise elected him Vicarium Imperii Vicar of the Empire g Reginald Earle of Geldres Lewis Marquesse of Brandenburg Conrade Lord of Hard who served him with 50. men at Armes the Cardinall of Genoa and his Nephew who aided him with Galleys the Magistrates of Colen Bruxells Lorrain and Mechlin and h Iaques de Artevile head of the Gantois Faction who having quitted all duty to the banished Earle submitted themselves and most of Flanders to the service and protection of Edward 3. who to free them of two Millions of Crowns wherein as a Caution of obedience to the Crown of France a they stood bound as well by Oath as Obligation took upon him the Title of King of France and imployed Iohn Duke of Brabant and Lorrain William Marquesse of Iuliers and the Earle of Henault and Holland his assured Friends Procuratores suos ad vendicandum Regnum Franciae his Procurators to claim the Crown of France b These his Allyes not long after meeting him at Tournay with 100000. men as Robert de Artoys did with 50000. at S. Omers against the French King And thus he attired and furnished his first enterprise weaving into his Faction and support more and more as often as either pretence or just occasions would give him leave By c colour of Marriage he drew in the King of Sicilie in the 18th year the Duke of Millain and the King of Castile for mutuall aide and d Simon Butangre Duke of Genoa and his Subjects for hire and reward In the 19. yeare e the questionable Title of the Dutchie of Britain assured him of Iohn de Montford against whom the f French King maintained Charles de Bloys for that Dutchie In an. 24. g he renewed the Contract with the Genoeses and in 30. made a convention of Peace mutui auxilii cum Rege Navarrae and of mutuall aide with the King of Navarre In h the 37. with Peter King of Castile and in that and 41. i an alliance of Aide and Amity he entred with the Duke of Britain and an. 45. k again with the Genoeses and Lewis Earle of Flanders and Duke of Brabant l and an. 46. with Ferdinand King of Portugall Richard the second reneweth m in an. 1. the confederation that his Grandfather had with the Duke of Britain and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew as he had done anno 2. with Lewis a Earle of Flanders In the 6. b yeare he combineth with the Flemings c contra immicos communes against the enemies of them both with d the Kings of Naples Sicilie Navarre and Arragon de mutuis auxiliis for mutual aide e with Wenceslaus the Emperour contra Carolum Regem Franciae Robertum Regem Scotiae against Charles King of France and Robert King of Scotland In an. 8. f with the Kings of Ierusalem Sicilie Portugall In the 10. with Portugall who at his own charges aided this King with 10. Galleys And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis for mutuall aide And an. 12. g 18. and 19. with Albert Duke of Bavaria h And an. 20. with the Earle of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae against the King of France And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene an. 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King Henry 4. entred alliance i of mutuall aid in 2. yeares with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. k In the 12th with Sigismond King of Hungaria l And in the 13. by siding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans layed the basis upon which his Son that succeeded reared the Trophies of his Renown For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered strengthened himself anno 4. m by a League perpetuall with Sigismond the Emperour renewing that of Richard the 2. n with Iohn King of Portugall as his Father had done He entred a contract with the Duke of Britain and with the Queen of Ierusalem and Lewis her Son for the Dutchie of Aniou and Mayn and with the King of Portugall and Duke of Bavaria for supplie of men Munition by them performed a And the yeare before the battel of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundie b his Retinue for Wages in servitio suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae in his service in the Kingdome of France or the Dutchy of Aquitain esteeming the alliance of that house the readiest means to attaine his end Henry 6. c so long as he held the Amity of Britain for which he contracted and the confederacy of Burgundy his friend of eldest assurance and best advantage which he did to the 16th yeare of his government there was no great decline of his Fortune in France But when Burgundy d brake
Cogshall Rub. lib. in Sccrio b Ex Rog. Hoveden c Ex Math. Paris d Lib. Rub. in Sccrio e Ex Math. Paris f Ex Lib. Rub. Sccrii g Ex Rad. Cogshall h Ex Math. Paris i Walt. Coventr. Rad. Cogshall k Ex Math. Paris l Ex Rad. Cogshall m Rub. lib. in Sccrio n Ex Rad. Cogshall Rub. lib. in Sccrio o Math. Paris hist. min. p Rub. lib. in Sccrio Henry 3. q Ex Rub. lib. in Sccrio Joan. Eversden a Mat. Paris ex Rot. Claus. finium an. 12 13 15 19. Hen. 3. ex lib. Chart. Cantuar. Episc. b Rot. Pat. anno 8. â—â— 3. c Ex Tho. Walsingham Mat. Paris Claus. anno 19. H. 3. d Ex Mat. Westmonast e Ex statuto anno 4. c. 17. Dors. claus. anno 16. H. 3 Eversden f Ex lib. Cantur Episc. g Ex Eversden Paris h Ex Mat. Paris Eversden Dors. claus. anno 16. H. 3. i Ex Walt Gisborn k Rad. Cistrensis ex Eversden Paris lib. Chart. Cant. Archiep. anno 8. H. 6. l Ex Joan. Eversden Pat. â— â— 3. E. 1. m. 26. m Rot. claus. an. 26. Henr. 3. n Ex H. Mat. Par. p. 517. a Ex Rot. lib. anno 26. H. 3. b Ex Hist. Mat. Paris c Durs claus. anno 14. H. 3. n. 8. claus. 12. He. 3. m. 2. d Claus. an. 14 H. 3. n. 7. e Claus. an. 16 H. 3. m. 11. f Claus. an. 14. H. 3. m. 9. a Claus. in Dorso an. 15. Hen. 3. b Rot. finium 26. H. 3. m. 4. Edward 1. c Rot. Pat. anno 25. E. 1. m. 3. sced a Rot. Vascon. anno 22. E. 1. m. 8. b Ex Rot. Vasco an. 22. E. 1. m. 17. c Ex Rot. Vas. an. 22. E. 1. d Rot. Pat. anno 31. E. 1. e Ex Hist. Joan. Eversden Edward 2. f Claus. an. 8. E. 2. m. 9. a Claus 16. E. 2. Claus. anno 12. E. 2. b Ex memor Sccii an. 〈◊〉 E. 2. ex parte Rem Thesaur. c Rot. Vascon. anno 22. E. 2. m. 13. insced d Rot. Scot. anno 11. m. 17 e Rot. Scot. anno 12. m. 8. f Rot. Pat. anno 4. â— 2. a Dors. Claus. anno 17. E. 2. m. 11. b Claus. anno 18. m. 34. c Ex Rot. Vascon. m. 29. d Claus. an. 6. E. 2. e Rot Scot anno 1 2 3. m. 10. an. 4 m. 5. an. 9. Rot. pat anno 10. m. 12 f Rot. Pat. an. 16. m. 3. g Rot. â—cotiae anno 8. m. 9. h Rot. Scot. Dorso anno 7. m. 8. i Dorso claus. anno 16. m. 3. k Rot. Scotiae anno 1 2 3. m. 8. l Rot. Scotiae anno 8. E. 2. Dors. claus. anno 9. m Claus. an. 16 E. 2. n Ex Dors. claus. 7. E. 2. m. 7. a Claus. an. 16. m. 20. b Ex Paterculo de Aug. c Claus. an. 16. m. 11. cla an. 15. m. 19. d Rot. Scotiae anno 3. E. 2. m. 8. Dorso e Rot. Scotiae an. 11. m. 16. f Rot. 〈◊〉 an. 15. m. 19. g Rot. Scotiae anno 〈◊〉 m. 13 〈◊〉 laus an. 18. m. 13 i Rot. Pat. an. 16. m. â—7 k Rot. 〈◊〉 anno 9. m. 22. Dors Cla. 10. m. 26. claus. anno 15. m. 13. Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 27 l Rot. Scotiae anno 13. m. 2. m Dors. claus. anno 6. m. 28. Rot Scotiae anno 7. m. 2. claus. anno 8. m. 30. claus. an. 16. m. 12. Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 6. Rot. Pat. anno 18. m. 21. a Rot. claus. anno 15. E. 2. m. 14. Rot. finium anno 15. m. 16. b Rot. claus. anno 9. Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 12 c Rot. claus. anno 15. m. 19 d Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 2. m. 1. e Claus. an. 13 m. 20. Edward 3. f Pat. an. 48. E. 3. m. 10. a Ex Rot. Alman an. 12. m. 17. b Claus. an. 20 E. 3. m. 22. in dorso a Claus. an. 1. E. 3. Rot. Sco. anno 1. E. 3. b Claus. an. 2. E. 3. c Claus. an. 10 d Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 9. Rot. Alman an. 12. m. 12. e Rot. Scotiae anno 13. E. 3. m. 15. f Rot. Scotiae anno 10. E. 3. g Rot. Alman anno 1. E. 3. m. 2. a Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 17 b Rot. Scotiae anno 1. m. 2. c Rot. Scotiae anno 1. d Parla. an. 13 E. 3. Parla. anno 14. E. 3. e Rot. Franc. anno 46. f Claus. an. 1. E. 3. m. 1. g Parl. an. 22. E. 3. n. 9. Richard 2. a Parl. an. 2. 14. Rot 2. n. 8. a Rot. Pat. anno 2. R. 2. m. 3. a Tacit. lib. 2. b Rot. Parl. annis 3 4 5. R. 2. c Rot. Parl. anno 1. H. 4. n. 32. Henry 4. a Hist. Tho. VValsingham Henry 5. Henry 6. Nota First monopolies a Rot. Parl. an. 11. H. 6. a Rot. Parl. an. 18. Hen. 6. n. 38. b Ex Paterculo Edward 4. c Rot. Parl. an. 2 8. E. 4. d Placita Coronae e Chron. Fabiani f Rot. Parl. anno 12. E. 4. n. 8. g Rot. Parl. Edward 5. Richard 3. Henry 7. a Fabian b Ex litera missa Abbatiss Barking manu Regis H. 7. a Ex litera Ducis Norfolciae b Ex lib. Acquit int. Regem Dudly R. C. Henry 8. a Ex originali signat manu Regis b Ex originali Instructione c Ex instruct originali anno 14. H. 8. d Rot. Parl. an. 21. H. 8. Edward 6. Q. Mary Q. Elizabeth Princes extremities beyond the ease of their people by reason of wars Credit of Ks. so much impaired that they could not borrow but upon surety and extreme interest a Math. Paris b Rot. Pat. anno 13. E. 3. m. 13. Nota. a Ex Instruct. Thomae Gresham anno 1557. b Ex Instruct. Willielm. Herle 16. August an. 5. Eliz. Similiter c Thomae Gresham 1563. 76. d Ex litera Edw. Lee orat Regis H. 8 in Hisp. anno 28. Kings enforced to abate their hospitalitie a Ex Rot. Par. 18. H. 6. b Ex hist. majori Math. Paris Kings enforced to pawn and sell their Dominions c Rot. Pat. anno 51. H. 3. m. 17. d Ex contract orig. Hist. Norman a Rot. Vasc. 5. E. 2. Rot. finium an. 8. Rot. cui titulus ex tract. de donacionib. a. 9. 10. E. 2. Kings enforced to make Resumption of their Lands b Rot. Parl. anno 1. R. 2. c Rot. Parl. anno 1. Hen. 5 n. 12. d Rot. Parl. anno 28. H. 6. E. 4. e Ex legibus Theodos. Valentinian in Codice Ks. enforced to pawn and sell their Jewells f Rot. Pat. anno 26. H. 3. m. 1. Similiter an. 56. H. 3. in 21. m. g Rot. Pat. Claus. an. 2. E. 1. m. 7. h Claus. an. 1. E. 3. i Tho. Walsingham a Ex originali de anno 6. R. 2. Rot. 17. b Pat. anno 3. H. 4. m. 3. c Pat. an. 10. Hen. 6. Pat. anno 12.