farre as the Riuer Saint Francis which are alwayes seene the Seas when there are any Spring tides doe ouerflow the land behinde moreouer if any winde blow from the East it beateth the Sea into hils of the Clifts that it maketh a great noise Wherefore the Indians call it the Land of the Bell. Here are reasonable store of Sugars and great store of Coco Nuts On the North side of Fernambuquo you shall see white Downes and when you are past all the Downes on the South you are by Capignramirinij which is a place where alwaies you shall see Fisher-men in small Boates or Iangades and from thence to Fernambuquo are fiue or six miles and so if you be vnder 8. degrees you shall see a flat land euen and bare called Capituya then you must take heede you runne not Southward for then you runne vpon a point of the land called by the Portugals Punto de Olynda which is foure leagues from the Cape and stretcheth into the Sea as farre as Cape Augustin As soone as you haue doubled this point you must take heede you put not in with the Towne of Olynda which you shall see for if you doe you will runne vpon the Sands called by the Portugals Bayhos de S. Antonio which lye at least foure or fiue miles into the Sea being neere the shoare you shall see the Shippes that lye at anker ouer the Clifts called by the Portugals Arecias this place is a league from Fernambuquo being the harbour where all the Shipping that goes from Fernambuquo doe arriue from this place to the Cape you shall see the Clifts as if it were a wall made by Bricklayers no higher in one place then in another but all euen The Towne of Fernambuquo is scituated vpon a hill and very strongly entrenched round about on the Sea side euery twelue score standeth a small Fort or defence for Soldiers with foure cast Peeces and so they scowre all the shoare from the Arecias where the Shippes lye to the point of Olynda which is the farthest part of the Towne Northwards from the Arecias where the Ships lye commeth a Riuer through the land a Harquebusse shot from the Sea coast and runneth right behinde the Towne from the South to the West and East which maketh the Towne almost an Iland all but a little part of the North side The Cape of Saint Augustin is a Point of land that runneth into the Sea two or three miles from the Sea you shall see three hils called by the Petiwares Aquare Wason Remitum they will seeme vnto you like the backe of a Camell and now you may easily know it for you may see a Church that the Portugals haue built and halfe a league towards the South you shall see the Iland of Saint Aleyxo The Iland of Saint Aleyxo is long and narrow it lieth within a league of the shore and stretcheth North-east and South-west you may anker betweene the shoare and it all weathers for the Iland hath very faire Baies where you may lye in ten or twelue fadome water Vpon this Iland you may take wood or fresh water Porto Docalno lyeth Southward of the Iland of Saint Alyyxo it is a flat land you neede not feare the comming in by the rockes for hard by them you shall haue foureteene fathome weater Here you shall haue great store of Cattell and Sugars This Countrie is plaine low land and all planted with Sugar Canes you shall know this harbor very easily from the Southerne point of the Iland Saint Aleyxo for when it ebbeth you shall see a faire Bay and all the shore bare almost to the Cape being blacke ground Eight leagues Southward from the Porto de calno is the Riuer of stones Southward of it you shall see three great red Hills which stand ouer the Riuer of Camarysuâ—a which is a league from this Riuer you shall see from Sea a great Bay run within the Land and before the mouth of it many great Rocks to come to this Bay you must come close to the shoare on the South-west side and after you bee in the Bay keepe full West and it will bring you to a Riuer that runneth into the Land at the least twentie leagues In the mouth of this Riuer dwell sixe or seuen Portugals that keepe Cattell for Iohn Pays but they are of no strength Here you may take water at pleasure and alwayes in those houses that stand in the mouth of the Riuer you shall haue good store of Cassaui meale If you be of any strength that you dare goe ten or twelue miles vp the Riuer you shall take good store of Sugars for there standeth three or foure Sugar mills onely an other on the Riuer side likewise here is good store of Brasill and Pepper Cotton and many other merchandise Camaryiâ—â—â— as I haue said lyeth a league Southward from the Riuer of stones to know it you shall see three Hills of red ground called by the Portugals Bareâ—s Vernellios this place is not inhabited the mouth of this place is narrow and hath not aboue fiue foot water but you may anchor in the Bay hard by the Riuer and send your Boat safely for fresh water without danger or to fish with your Net for there is great store of fresh fish of all kindes The Riuer of Saint Antonio lyeth seuen leagues from Camaryiâ—â—a it is a faire great Riuer lyeth some fiftie leagues within the Land hath foure fathom water at the comming in but is so narrow that no ship can come in It is a very good place for you if you stand in neede hauing salt to make your prouision for there you shall haue great store of all kinde of fish especially of a kinde of fish called by the Indians Varaâ—â— which is as bigge as an Oxe After you are within this Riuer you shall haue high land on both sides and you must be carefull and keep good watch for vp this Riuer dwelleth a kinde of people called Carayâ—â— these people if they see you vnprouided will fight with you but if they see you able to defend your selues then will they bring such things as they haue to traffick The Harbour of French-men called by the Indians A 〈…〉 piâ—sâ—â—e lyeth two leagues Southward from the Riuer of Saint Antonio It is a small Bay that may be knowne by a high Hill that standeth ouer it which is all full of Brasill trees To enter into this Harbour you must marke the Cliffes and when you are to the North of them all but one you may safely come within a stones cast to the shoare When you haue landed if you want fresh water you must seeke on the South side of the Hill and you shall finde a streame that runneth out of the Hill into a great Cisterne of stone which is made out of a Rocke you cannot misse of this place if you seeke for it for all the way you shall see small Rocks
call Topaâ—uayaperâ— before the mouth of this Rocke towardes the Sea standeth another flat Rocke that reacheth somewhat into the Sea vpon it you shall see the prints of bare feet here if you fish with Lines you may quickly lade your shippe A little behind this stone house you shall see a fine Riuer of water where you shall finde many pretie greene stones that Indians doe vse to weare in their lips You may anchor within a Musket shoâ— of the shore but it is verie dangerous if the wind be in the East Pirateningâ— is fiue leagues to the Southward of Etioca right before it standeth a small Iland it is inhabited by the Portugâ—ls It is a Bay that runneth betweene two Mountaines a mile and more within the Land There I haue seene a Mermaid and many other strange fishes You may lie with your shipping at the Iland and send your Boates ashore where you shall find great store of Cattle and you may take good 〈…〉 ore of all kind of fishes iâ— you will either with Hook or Net Here you may haue Oranges Lemmons and Cassaui Meale and all other such things that the Countrey yeeldeth but you must be alwaies sure to keepe good watch for feare of the Portugals of the Riuer of Ianuary which are hard by you The Riuer of Ianuary lieth three leagues from Pirateâ—inga it is a great Arme of the Sea that runneth into the Land at the least fourteene miles on the mouth of this place stand foure Ilands and now the best marke that it hath to be knowne is a Fort that standeth on the North side of the comming in of the Harbour vpon a Rock On the South side standeth a Hill that reacheth into the Sea which the Portugals call Câ—â—o that is The top of a ship for it seemeth like the maine top-saile of a ship from Sea Hard by the Sea side on the foote of this Hill on the North side of the Hill as you saile into the Harbour standeth a Rocke of great height made like a Sugar-loafe and is called by the Portugals the Sugar-loafe In the midst of the going in in the mouth of this Riuer lieth a Rocke plainly to bee seene to goe in you must keepe betweene the Rocke and the Fort that standeth on the North side of you When you are entred the mouth of the Riuer and are past the Fort you shall see an Iland lie right before you and euen with a Church called Santa Lucia this Iland is called the Iland of Brigalion You must be sure to passe on the North side of this Iland and assoone as you haue passed it you shall see all the Citie both on the Hill and on â—he Sea side Then you must take heed that you goe not right to the Towne for you shall run vpon certaine shelues of sand that lie right before the Towne all along to a small Iland called the Iland of Saint Bent this Iland lâ—eth a quarter of a mile from the Iland of Bragalion and Eastward of this Iland of Saint Bent standeth a great Rocke you may saile betweene the Rocke and the Iland and assoone as you haue entred betweene them you may anchor hard by the Iland and then you shall see a Church standing vpon a Hill which is called Saint Bent then you need not feare to goe right before the Towne within a Caleeuer shot of the shore from the Towne you shal see on the North-east shore a towne of Canibals called Saint Lorenzo which is in peace with the Portugals and within the Bay you shall finde many Riuers and Sugar-mils where there is great profit to be made Waratiua lieth three leagues from the Riuer of Ianuary you may know it by two Ilands that lie right before the mouth of the aforesaid Riuer At the mouth of the Riuer likewise standeth a high Hill and on either side both on the South-west and North-east is low Land in this place you cannot enter with any ship but you may anchor betweene the Ilands and send your Boats ashore If you goe vp you shall find good store of Potatoe Roots Plantons great store of Oranges and Lemmons and many other kind of fâ—uits which are very good to releeue sicke men If you will fish with youâ— Net heere you shall kill all kinde of good fishes but alwayes bee sure to keepe good watch for the Portugals are very neere you From the Riuer of Waratiâ—â— for the space of foure leagues is all sâ—ndy low Land you shall see a high Hill which the Indiaâ—s call Mâ—rambayapâ—â—â— that is in our Language the end of Warre right ouer against this point you shall see a great Iland at the comming in of this Harbour you need not feare for hard by the shore you shall haue twâ—ntâ—â— fathome wateâ— When you are in the mouth of this Harbour right before you shall see a whiâ—e Rocke which will lie full West from you you must leaue the Iland Southward from you then shall you descrie another great Iland called Epâ—oya at a point of this Iland that lieth full West towards the firme Land you shall see two small Ilands and when you are right against those two Ilands you shall see a faire Bay where you may anchor at pleasure to come into this Bay you must enter between those two Ilands that I haue spoken of I doe describe this Harbour vnto you aboue many good Harbours that you may find because you may depart from hence with any wind for the mouth of Marambaya lieth Soâ—th-eaâ—â—â—rom you when you are in this Harbour then you haue another going out that lieth North-east from you from this Port where you shall anchor called Epeoya If you want victuals for your ships you may take your Boat or your Pâ—nnâ—sse and goe out betweene the two Ilands that you entred and when you are betweene those Ilands you shall see a flat broad Iland which will lye fâ—â—t South-west from you this Iland the Indians called Sâ—peawera that is the morning and this is the Iland that I was driuen vpon when I runne away to Master Hawkins as I haue told you in the discourse of my troubles you must come with your Boat to this Iland and you must be sure to passe betweene the West shore and the Iland and assoone as you haue passed the point of this Iland you shall see three Hils of red Earth one hard by another You must leaue one of them West from you then may you land your men at pleasure when you haue landed you must goe through a little Copps for the spâ—â—e of a Harquebusse shot then shall you come into a faire Lawne where you shall find great store of Cattle and a house or two that standeth vpon a Hiâ—l where you shall haue alwayes good store of Câ—ssaâ—i meale if you will haue Rootes and Plantonâ— vpon the Iland where you anchor there are good store but there is an Iland called the Long Iland where you shall
haue of all these things in abundance To know this Hand â—ow with your Boate to the Iland of Epeoya that lieth full South from your ship and then you shall see a long Iland hard by the firme Land which is this whereof wee speake and because you shall bee sure not to misse it be attentiue When you come neere the shore beholding a Rocke that lieth a quarter of a mile from the shore vpon which Rocke standeth a Crosse this is the place where a Portugall called Manuell Antones dwelleth but now there is no bodie but a kinde of Canibals that come and goe therefore be sure alwaies in those parts to keepe good watch and be carefull if you can speake their language you may haue many things From this Iland Southwards you shall see two small Ilands halfe a league from you these Ilands are called Amâ—â—buqâ—â—â—o right against them lieth a faire Riuer where you shall haue alwaies great store of fish and by the Riuer side you shall see the Mandioca plainly and many other Roots very good to refresh your companie Southward from this place some two leagues you shall see a faire Bay called Pâ—ratâ—â—y there dwelleth a kind of Canibals called Vâ—â—â—asses of them you may buy skins of diuers wilde beasts and sometimes they haue good store of Amber which they call Pira pâ—niâ— ergaty Saint Sebastian lieth some three leagues from Great Iland It is a long and a faire Iland you may anchor betweene it and the shore After you haue entred at the North point of this Iland you shall see a great white Rocke right ouer against this Rocke you shall see a point of the fiâ—me Land runne into the Sea and right before this point lie three Rockes where commonly you shall see Indians shooting fishes with their Bowes and Arrowes if you goe with your Boate to that point you shall see a great Bay called by the Indians Iequerequere There likewise standeth a great Towne of Canibals such as those that dwell at Great Iland halfe a league from Saint Sebastians standeth a small Iland right into the Sea called by the Indians Uraritan and by the Portugals Alquatrasses heere you shall finde great store of Sea-foules and Seales Alegators that liue on the Land called by the Indians Fisewâ—soâ— Right ouer against the South point of the Iland of Saint Sebastian standeth a great white Rocke called by the Portugals Paidemilio that is the life of Ginnie Wheate then shall you see an Iland hard by the shoare callâ—d by the Indians Boâ—souconga that is the Whales head this Iland standeth in the mouth of Pertioqua which is the Riuer that goeth to Saint Vincents as you goe to this place after you haue passed the Iland you shall see North-east from you certaine houses where there dwell a kind of Canibals called Caâ—â—oses there you may haue good store of Cattle Orenges Lemmons and many kinds of Râ—ots and Fruits Right against this Towne of Canibals called Caryhos standeth the Towne of Saint Uincents called by the Indians Warapiuâ—ama as you goe farther vp the Riuer you shall see a small Iland Southward where you shall see a Sugar-mill of the Captaines of Santos called Ieronimo Letâ—â— where our Gentlemen were slaine Farther vp the Riuer you shall see a Castle stand at the foote of the Hill then you come to the Towne of Santos which standeth haâ—d by the water side Right behind the Towne of Saâ—â—os standeth a Hill wher Brascubas had a house from the top of this Hill did Iohn Dauies make a Plate of the Countrey Now the Portugals haue found Mynes of siluer in this place The third Pariena is a good Harbour for ships and here are great store of Canibals and Carijâ—os which very lately are inleagued with the Portugals you may buy of them great store of Pepper and Ginger very rich Furres and Cotton-wooll and Waxe this is the place that I came vnto after I had beene taken by the Tâ—mâ—yâ—s within the Land Here the Tamoyes were taken by the Portugals and I was giuen againe to be my Masters slaue when 10000. of the â—â—â—oyes were slaine and 20000. of them parted among the Portugals for slaues The mouth of the Riuer of Plate is wide and within it there are many Downes of sand you must bee sure to keepe very neere the North shoare till you shall see a high Mountayne white at the top then must you saile Southward at least foure leagues and shall you see another small Hill on the Northside you must saile right with it then shall you come into a faire Bay where you must be sure to keepe still along the shoare and after you haue passed the Westerne point of this Bay you shall haue the Riuer Maroer then you need not feare any shallowes till you come before the Towne of Bonâ—s Ayres There the Riuer runneth full Southward and along the Riuer side from Bonos Ayres is a small Village built by the Spaniards of Lime and stone that they brought from Brasill for all the Countrey is sandie the Indians doe make their houses all couered with earth Here are great store of wilde Horses and Cattle sheepe and Goats but for siluer and gold there is none but that which commeth from Cordiâ—a and Potasin Here likewise the Indians haue great store of Wheate twentie leagues within Land lyeth a Prouince called Tocoman now it is a Bishopricke this Countrey is the diuision of Brasill and all the Prouinces of Noâ—a Hispania Here the Indians haue Wheate and Cassaâ—i Apples Peares Nuts and all other fruites of Spaine likewise they haue all the fruites of Brasill But after you trauell Southward of this Countrey you shall not find any thing that groweth in Brasill nor any wild beasts as Leopards or Câ—piâ—â—ras Iawasenings Cat of Mountaines Aqâ—eqâ—es Wari 〈…〉 s Mâ—râ—qâ—ies Ioboyas Surâ—câ—oâ—s â—â—rarcas Boyâ—eâ—a Boyseninga Boybeua Brasill is full of all these wilde and dangerous beasts and diuers others But the Prouinces of Peru are cleere of them except it bee some chance From Tâ—coman to Saint Iâ—go is eightie leagues and you shall trauell it as you doe by Sea with a Compasse for the Countrey is all sand and as the wing bloweth so shall you haue the Mountaynes of sand to day on one side of you to morrow on the other in this passage you shall passe through many Riuers which to your thinking are not aboue a foote deepe but if you haue not good guides and great experience your waggons and horses will quickly be cast away in them and at an instant be couered with quicke sand After you haue passed this Countrey you shall come to Saint Iago then till you come to Potosin you shall trauell through great Mountaines and Valleyes and all the way as you goe you shall haue great Townes of Indians who are all in peace with the Spaniards you shall haue fiue hundred of these Indians by the way as you trauell readie with Nets to carrie you tyed
Forts on the Townes sides besides the great Fort of Saint Philip on the other when I might haue speedily haue consumed it all with fire I willingly abstained from the same knowing that though I could haue done the King of Spaine exceeding great hurt and haue vndone a number of the Inhabitants yet the good that I should haue done my selfe and mine thereby should haue beene very small in comparison of their damage Only certaine out houses wherein their Negros dwelt I caused to be burned to amaze and put them in feare I also tooke two Frigats of theirs which roade far vp within the Riuer the one of them hauing in her three pieces of Ordnance the which I likewise tooke and brought away from thence with mee with the which Ordnance we beate vpon the enemy marching vnto vs from the Wester Fort. The day being spent at the beginning of the night I embarked my men enriched with the chiefe spoile of the Towne and set saile to depart with my owne two Pinnasses and two shallops and the foresaid two Spanish Frigats which I had wonne but in going out I was shot in at the elbow and out at the wrist with a Musket shot which came from the Wester shoare whereof there were many shot ouer vs besides eight and twentie great shot from the chiefe and Easter Fort which did endanger vs often But God so wrought for vs that we safely got forth againe contrarie to all our enemies expectation who made full account to sinke vs in going forth Being safely come forth wee rode with our Pinnasses and shallops behind a small Iland which lay betwixt vs and the Wester most Fort of Saint Iago vntill my Vice-admirall Captaine Rawlins brought two ships thither which rode somewhat to the Eastward of the Castile of Saint Philip vnder the Rocke where Sir Francis Drake his Coffin was throwne ouer-boord all the while that we were busied in gaining sacking and possessing the Towne Our whole fleet beeing assembled together in the place aforesaid I set the Kings Scriuanâ— and the rest of my prisoners on shore suffering them to depart without paying any kind of ransome And the next day being the ninth of February I set saile and stood off to Sea leauing the goodly Hauen and beautifull Towne of Porto bello which standeth in ten degrees of Northerly latitude and directed my course backe againe toward Cartagena and about twelue leagues to the Eastward thereof I came into a good Bay called Sambo where I watered and staied some twelue or thirteene daies and riding there tooke certaine Frigats which were bound for Cartagena Whereupon the Gouernour Don Pedro de Coronna armed out two Gallies and a Brigandine with some two or three Frigats with a purpose to assault vs but beeing better aduised they would neuer come neere vs. When he heard that I had taken Porto bello one of the chiefest places of the West Indies with so small forces he pulled his beard and sware that he would giue his Mules lade of siluer but to haue a sight of mee and my companie From this Bay of Sambo wee stood ouer for the Iland of Iamaica and so doubled the Cape of Saint Antonio beeing the most Westerly part of Cuba and disimboked through the Gulfe of Bahama the last of March 1602 and came with good weather to the Iles of the Açores where victualling my Vice-admirall and two Pinnasses ouâ— of mine owne ship for two moneths and leauing them at Sea to take some farther purchase with mine owne ship I tooke my course for â—limmouth and arriued there in safetie the sixt of May 1602. CHAP. X. Certaine Notes of a Voyage made by mee DAVID MIDDLETON into the West Indies with Captaine MICHAEL GEARE An. Dom. 1601. THe fiue and twentieth day of May wee set saile from the Lyzard and the tenth day of Iune we fell with the Grand Canarie the Towne standeth on the North-east point of the Iland and the Road is one league to the Northward of it That night we stood of South South-west And the fiue and twentieth day of Iune we were in the latitude of twentie two degrees thirtie minutes The sixe and twentieth day of Iune wee came in companie of seuen saile of Hollanders that were bound for the West Indies to Punta delaraya to lode Salt and the seuen and twentieth day we lost sight of them The second day of Iulie we fell with Saint Vincent When you came from Saint Uincent to the Testogos you must make the way South-west by West or else you shall not fetch it for the Current sets North and by West from them Being to leeward from Caracus two leagues we stood ouer North North-west the wind being at East North-east we fell twelue leagues to the Eastward of Boinara beeing the twelfth of Iulie If you stand ouer from Boinara to Qurasao minded to goe to the South ward of the Iland you must stand South and by West or else you cannot get about because there is a Current that sets North-west and may set you vpon the Iland The three and twentieth day of Iulie wee anchored to the Westward of Qurasao and there the Land lies North and South The nine and twentieth of Iulie we landed vpon Aruba for to get fresh water and there we had seuen men slaine by the Indians of the Iland and we rid with our ship in fiue fathomes water halfe a mile from the shoare One point of the Land bare North the other South-east and by South and there is an high Hill in the midâ—le of the Iland and that bare East and by South Betwixt Coque and the Maine the course is East and West The shoale of Puntall lieth two leagues off the best of the Channell betwixt that Point and Coque is in eight nine and ten fathomes From Bracheo to the Parretaes is fiue leagues course West and by South From the Parretaes to Cape Caldera is twentie fiue leagues course North-west and by West and betwixt the Parretaes and the Maine you shall haue foure fiue six and seuen fathoms water The Road of Morecapana lieth betwixt the Maine and Boracheo within the Ilands The eight day of August we set saile from Aruba and we stood ouer South for the Maine the wind being at East and by South wee fell with Mecola being nine leagues from Aruba Saine Ann is an high Hill vpon the Maine neere vnto Mecola The seuen and twentieth day of August we came to anchor at Portete that is to the Eastward of Cape La uela foure leagues The Cape bare West a little to the Southwards at the going to Portete And on your Larboord side going into Portete there is a round Hill being in the offing it sheweth verie blacke The going into this Harbour is verie narrow but within it is a verie broad Sound and two thousand saile of ships may ride there in verie good ground
the East for they are as well found in the West and no way inferiour to those of the East Indies Other fish besides Seales and Crabbes like Shrimpes and one Whale with two or three Porpusses we saw not in all the Seraits Heere wee made also a suruay of our victuals and opening certaine Barrels of Oatten meale wee found a great part of some of them as also of our Pipes and Fat 's of bread eaten and consumed by the Rats doubtlesse a fift part my company did not eate so much as these deuoured as we found daily in comming to spend any of our prouisions When I came to the Sea it was not suspected that I had a Rat in my ship but with the bread in Caske which wee transported out of the Hawke and the going to and againe of our Boats vnto our prize though wee had diuers Cats and vsed other preuentions in a small time they multiplyed in such a manner is incredible It is one of the generall calamities of all long Voyages and would bee carefully preuented as much as may be For besides that which they consume of the best victuals they eate the sayles and neither packe nor chest is free from their surprizes I haue knowne them to make a hole in a Pipe of water and seying the Pumpe haue put all in feare doubting lest some leak had bin sprung vpon the ship Moreouer I haue heard credible persons report that ships haue beene put in danger by them to be sunke by a hole made in the bulge All which is easily remedied at the first but if once they be somewhat increased with difficultie they are to be destroied And although I propounded a reward for euery Rat which was taken and sought meanes by poison and other inuentions to consume them yet their increase being so ordinary and many wee were not able to cleare our selues from them At the end of fourteene dayes one euening being calme and a goodly cleare in the Easter-boord I willed our Anchor to be weyed and determined to goe into the Channell being gotten into the Channell within an houre the wind came good and we failed merrily on our Voyage and by the breake of the day we had the mouth of the Straits open and about foure of the clock in the afternoone we were thwart of Cape Desire which is the Westermost part of the Land on the Souther side of the Straits §. IIII. Entrance into the South Sea discouery of the South parts of the Straits to bee but Ilands by Sir FRANCIS DRAKE which the Hollanders ascribe to MAIRE and SCHOVTEN Of the Iland Mocha and the parts adioyning FRom Cape Desire some foure leagues Northwest lie foure Ilands which are very small and the middlemost of them is of the fashion of a Sugar-loafe Wee were no sooner cleere of Cape Desire and his ledge of Rockes which lie a great way off into the Sea but the wind tooke vs contrary by the North-west and so wee stood off into the Sea two dayes and two nights to the Westwards In all the Straits it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse and in many places it hieth very little water but in some Bayes where are great Indraughts it higheth eight or ten foot and doubtlesse further in more If a man be furnished with wood and water and the winde good hee may keepe the Mayne Sea and goe round about the Straits to the Southwards and it is the shorter way for besides the experience which we made that all the South part of the Straits is but Ilands many times hauing the Sea open I remember that Sir Francis Dâ—â—ke told mee that hauing shot the Straits a storme tooke him first at North-west and â—â—â—er vered about to the South-west which continued with him many dayes with that â—xtremitie that he could not open any sayle and that at the end of the storme he found himselfe in fiftie degrees which was sufficient testimony and proofe that he was beaten round about the Straits for the least height of the Straits is in fiftie two degrees and fiftie minutes in which stand the two entrances or mouthes And moreouer hee said that standing about when the winde changed hee was not well able to double the Southermost Iland and so anchored vnder the lee of it and going ashoare carried a Compasse with him and seeking out the Southermost part of the Iland cast himselfe downe vpon the vttermost point groueling and so reached out his bodie ouer it Presently he imbarked and then recounted vnto his people that he had beene vpon the Southermost knowne Land in the World and more further to the Southwards vpon it then any of them yea or any man as yet knowne These testimonies may suffice for this truth vnto all but such as are incredulous and will beleeue nothing but what they see for my part I am of opinion that the Straite is nauigable all the yeere long although the best time bee in Nouember December and Ianuary and then the windes more fauourable which other times are variable as in all narrow Seas Being some fiftie leagues a Sea-boord the Straits the winde vering to the West-wards wee cast about to the Northwards and lying the Coast along shaped our course for the Iland Mocha About the fifteenth of Aprill we were thwart of Baldiuia which was then in the hands of the Spaniards but since the Indians in Anno 1599. dispossessed them of it and the Conception which are two of the most principall places they had in that Kingdome and both Ports Baldiuia had its name of a Spanish Captaine so called whom afterwards the Indians tooke Prisoner and it is said they required of him the reason why hee came to molest them and to take their Countrey from them hauing no title nor right thereunto he answered to get Gold which the barbarous vnderstanding caused Gold to bee molten and powred downe his throate saying Gold was thy thy desire glut thee with it It standeth in forty degrees hath a pleasant Riuer and Nauigable for a Ship of good burthen may goe as high vp as the Citie and is a goodly Wood Countrey Heere our Beefe began to take end and was then as good as the day wee departed from England it was preserued in Pickell which though it bee more chargeable yet the profit payeth the charge in that it is made durable contrary to the opinion of many which hold it impossible that Beefe should be kept good passing the Equinoctiall Line And of our Porke I eate in the house of Don Beltran de Castro in Lyma neere foure yeeres olde very good preserued after the same manner notwithstanding it had lost his Pickle long before Some degrees before a man come to Baldiuia to the Southwards as Spaniards haue told mee lyeth the Iland Chule not easily to be discerned from the Mayne for he that passeth by it cannot but thinke it to bee the Mayne It is said to bee inhabited by the Spaniards but badly
Salt Sea which may be the South Sea the Sunne setting where they say it doth On Friday the tenth of the said moneth we returned to Tadousac where our ship lay ASsoone as wee were come to Tadousac wee embarqued our selues againe to goe to Gachepay which is distant from the said Tadousac about some hundred leagues The thirteenth day of the said moneth we met with a companie of Sauages which were lodged on the South side almost in the mid-way betweene Tadousac and Gachepay Their Sagamo or Captaine which led them is called Armouchides which is held to be one of the wâ—sest and most hardy among all the Sauages Hee was going to Tadousac to exchange Arrowes and the flesh of Orignars which they haue for Beauers and Marterns of the other Sauages the Mountainers Estechemaâ—ns and Algoumequins The fifteenth day of the said moneth we came to Gachepay which is in a Bay about a league and a halfe on the North side The said Bay containeth some seuen or eight leagues in length and at the mouth thereof foure leagues in breadth There is a Riuer which runneth some thirty leagues vp into the Countrie Then we saw another Bay which is called the Bay des Mollues or the Bay of Cods which may be some three leagues long and as much in bredth at the mouth From thence we come to the I le Percee which is like a Rocke very steepe rising on both sides wherein there is a hole through which Shalops and Boats may passe at an high water and at a lowe water one may goe from the maine Land to the said Ile which is not past foure or fiue hundred paces off Moreouer there is another Iland in a manner South-east from the I le Percee about a league which is called the Ile de Bonne-aduenture and it may bee some halfe a league long All these places of Gachepay the Bay of Cods and the I le Percee are places where they make dry and greene Fish When you are passed the I le Percee there is a Bay which is called they Bay of Heate which runneth as it were West South-west some foure and twenty leagues into the land containing some fifteene leagues in breadth at the mouth thereof The Sauages of Canada say that vp the great Riuer of Canada about some sixtie leagues ranging the South coast there is a small Riuer called Mautanne which runneth some eighteene leagues vp into the Countreys and being at the head thereof they carrie their Canowes about a league by land and they come into the said Bay of Heate by which they goe sometimes to the Isle Percee Also they goe from the said Bay to Tregate and Misamichy Running along the said coast we passe by many Riuers and come to a place where there is a Riuer which is called Souricoua where Monsieur Preuert was to discouer a Mine of Copper They goe with their Conowes vp this Riuer three or foure dayes then they passe three or foure leagues by land to the said Mine which is hard vpon the Sea shoare on the South side At the mouth of the said Riuer there is an Iland lying a league into the Sea from the said Island vnto the Isle Perçee is some sixtie or seuentie leagues Still following the said coast which trendeth toward the East you meete with a Strait which is two leagues broad and fiue and twenty leagues long On the East side is an Isle which is called the Isle of Saint Laurence where Cape Breton is and in this place a Nation of Sauages called the Souricois doe winter Passing the Strait of the Iles of Saint Lawrence and ranging the South-west Coast you come to a Bay which ioyneth hard vpon the Myne of Copper Passing farther there is a Riuer which runneth threescore or fourescore leagues into the Countrey which reacheth neere to the Lake of the Irocois whereby the said Sauages of the South-west Coast make warre vpon them I would be an exceeding great benefit if there might be found a passage on the Coâ—â—â— of Florida neere to the said great Lake where the winter is salt aswell for the Naâ—igation of ships which should not bee subiect to so many perâ—ls as they are in Canada as for the shortning of the way about three hundred leagues And at is most certaine that there are Riuers on the Goaâ—â— of Florida which are not yet discouered which â—â—erce vp into the Countries where the soile is exceeding good and fertile and very good Hauens The Countrey and Coast of Florida may haue another temperature of the season and may be 〈◊〉 more fertile in abundance of fruites and other things then that which I haue seene But it cannot haue more euen not better sayles then those which we haue seene The Sauages say that in the foresaid great Bay of Hete there is a Riuer which runneth vp vp some twentie leagues into the Countrey at the head whereof there is a Lake which may be about twentie leagues in compasse wherein is little store of water and the Summer it is dried vp wherein they find about a foot or a foot and an halfe vnder the ground a kind of Metall like to â—â—luer which I shewed them and that in another place neere the said Lake there is a Myne of Copper And this is that which I learned of the foresand Sauages WE departed from the I le 〈◊〉 the ninteenth day of the said moneth to returne to Tadousâ—c When we wâ—â—e within three leagues of Cape le Vesque or the Bishops Cape we were encountred with a storme which lasted two dayes which forced vs to put roomer with a great creake and to stay for faire weather The day following we departed and were encountred with another storme Being loth to pâ—â— roome and thinking to gaine way wee touched on the North shore the eight and twentieth day of Iuly 〈◊〉 creeke which is very bad because of the edges of Rockes which lie there This creeke is in 〈◊〉 degrees and certaine minutes The next day we anchored neere a Riuer which is called Saint Margarites Riuer where at a full Sea is some three fathomes water and a fathome and an halfe at a low water this Riuer goeth farre vp into the Land As farre as I could see within the Land on â—he East shoare there is a fall of water which entreth into the said Riuer and falleth some fiftie or sixtie â—athomes downe from whence commeth the greatest part of the water which descendeth downe At the mouth thereof there is a banke of Sand whereon at the ebbe is but halfe a faâ—home water All the Coast toward the East is mouing Sande there is a point some halfe league from the said Riuer which stretcheth halfe a league into the Sea and toward the West there is a small Iland this place is in fiftie degrees All these Countries are exceeding bad full of Firre-trees The Land here is somewhat high but not so high as that on the Southside
Some three leagues beyond we passed neere vnto another Riuer which seemed to be very great yet barred for the most part with Rockes some eight leagues farther there is a Point which runneth a league and an halfe into the Sea where there is not past a fathome and an halfe of water When you are passed this Point there is another about foure leagues off where is water enough All this Coast is low and sandie Foure leagues beyond this there is a creeke where a Riuer entreth many ships may passe heere on the West side this is a low point which runneth about a league into the Sea you must runne along the Easterne shoare some three hundred paces to enter into the same This is the best Hauen which is all along the North shoare but it is very dangerous in going thither because of the flats and sholds of sand which lye for the most part all along the shoare almost two leagues into the Sea About six leagues from thence there is a Bay where there is an Isle of sand all this Bay is very shallow except on the East side where it hath about foure fathoms water within the channell which entreth into the said Bay some foure leagues up there is a faire creeke where a Riuer entreth All this coast is low and sandie there descendeth a fall of water which is great About fiue leagues farther is a Point which stretcheth about halfe a league into the Sea where there is a creeke and from the one point to the other are three leagues but all are shoald where is little water About two leagues off there is a strand where there is a good hauen and a small Riuer wherein are three Islands and where Ships may harbour themselues from the weather Three leagues beyond this is a sandie point which runneth out about a league at the end whereof there is a small Islet Going forward to Lesqueuim you meete with two little low Islands and a little rocke neere the shoare these said Ilands are about halfe a league from Lesqueuim which is a very bad Port compassed with rockes and dry at a low water and you must fetch about a little point of a rocke to enter in where one Ship onely can passe at a time A little higher there is a Riuer which runneth a little way into the land This is the place where the Basks kill the Whales to say the truth the hauen is starke naught Wee came from thence to the foresaid hauen of Tadousac the third day of August All these Countries before mentioned are low toward the shoare and within the land very high They are neither so pleasant nor fruitfull as those on the South although they be lower And this for a certaintie is all which I haue seene of this Northerne coast AT our comming to Tadousac we found the Saâ—ages which wee met in the Riuer of the Irâ—cois who met with three Canowes of the Irocois in the first Lake which fought against tenne others of the Mountayners and they brought the heads of the Irocois to Tadousac and there was but one Mountayner wounded in the arme with the shot of an Arrow who dreaming of something all the other tenne must seeke to content him thinking also that his wound thereby would mend if this Sauage die his Parents will reuenge his death either vpon their Nation or vpon others or at least wise the Captaines must giue Presents to the Parents of the dead to content them otherwise as I haue said they would be reuenged which is a great fault among them Before the said Mountayners set forth to the Warre they assembled all with their richest apparell of Furres Beauers and other Skinnes adorned with Pater-nosters and Chaines of diuers colours and assembled in a great publike place where there was before them a Sagaue whose name was Begâ—â—rat which led them to the Warre and they marched one behind another with their Bowes and Arrowes Mases and Targets wherewith they furnish themselues to fight and they went leaping one after another in making many gestures of their bodies they made many turnings like a Snaile afterward they began to dance after their accustomed manner as I haue said before then they made their Peast and after they had ended it the women stripped themselues starke naked being decked with their fairest Cordons and went into their Canowes thus naked and there danced and then they went into the water and strooke at one another with their Oares and beate water one vpon another yet they did no hurt for they warded the blowes which they strooke one at the other After they had ended all these Ceremonies they retired themselues into their Cabines and the Sauages went to warre against the Irocois The sixt day of August we departed from Tadousac and the eighteenth of the said moneth we arriued at the I le Perçee where wee found Mon 〈…〉 r Preuert of Saint Malo which came from the Myne where he had beene with much trouble for the feare which the Sauages had to meet with their enemies which are the Ar 〈…〉 cois which are Sauages very monstrous for the shape that they haue For their head is little and their body short their armes small like a bone and their thigh like their legges great and long which are all of one proportion and when they sit vpon their heeles their knees are higher by halfe a foot then their head which is a strange thing and they seeme to be out of the course of Nature Neuerthelesse they be very valiant and resolute and are planted in the best Countries of all the South Coast And the Souricois do greatly feare them But by the incouragement which the said Mon 〈…〉 r de Preuert gaue them hee brought them to the said Myne to which the Sauages guided him It is a very high Mountaine rising somewhat ouer the Sea which glistereth very much against the Sunne and there is great store of Verde-grease issuing out of the said Myne of Copper He saith that at the foot of the said Mountayne at a low water there were many morsels of Copper as was otherwise declared vnto vs which fall downe from the top of the Mountaine Passing three or foure leagues further toward the South there is another Myne and a small Riuer which runneth a little way vp into the Land running toward the South where there is a Mountaine which is of a blacke painting wherewith the Sauages paint themselues Some sixe leagues beyond the second Myne toward the Sea about a league from the South Coast there is an I le wherein is found another kind of Metall which is like a darke browne if you cut it it is white which they vsed in old time for their Arrowes and Kniues and did beate it with stones Which maketh me beleeue that it is not Tinne nor Lead being so hard as it is and hauing shewed them siluer they said that the Myne of
Mountaine lye the Playnes of Samia Through these Playnes you may goe to Cumana or to the Caracaâ— which are at least one hundred and twentie leagues iust North. In these Playnes are foure Nations which are held for great men The Samias the Assawais the Wikeries and the Arroras These Nations are something blacke On the left side of this Riuer Orenoco are two small Ilands a small distance the one from the other The one is called Aroami the other Aio In the morning before the Sunne bee high the winde is still Easterly in this place Manoripano lyeth in the middle of Orenoco Aromaio is the name of Morrequito Orenoco reacheth to the Mountaines of Wacarimoc which is to the East in the Prouince of Emeria or Carapana The Vallies are called Amariocapana and the people by that name also Vpon this Riuer Orenoco there is a pleasant Riuer for many kindes of victuals which is called Caroli and the people Cassipagotos This Countrie of Morrequito lyeth in some fiue or sixe degrees to the North of the Equinoctiall Line At the Point of the Riuer Caroli is the small Iland called Caiama The Inhabitants of this Iland Caiama are enemies to the Epuremi Here is a very great fall of Land water Canuri lyeth in the Prouince of Morrequito The Gouernour is called Wanuretona The Epuremians are richest in gold onely These people called Epuremi haue many enemies but three especially which are very strong which are these the Cassipagotos Eparigotos and Arawagotos Hee that will passe the Mountaines of Curaa shall finde store of gold which is farre to the West The Riuer Arni runneth continually North and so to the Riuer Cassipa and from thence into Orenoco neere vnto the Riuer Arui are two Riuers the one is called Atoica the other Caera and also one branch which is called Caora To the Westward of Caroli is a fourth Riuer which is called Casnero it falleth into Orenoco on the side of Amapaia The first Riuer that falleth into Orenoco from the North is called Cari. Beyond it on the same side is the Riuer Limo to the West of it is the Riuer Paoo and beyond that are the Riuers Caturi and Voari and another called Capuri which is dangerous to enter To the Westward of Capuri in the Prouince of Amapaia is most vile vnwholsome and bad water to drinke it is of a bad tawnie colour it hath killed many a man both Indians and others They say this water commeth from Anebas On the North part of Peru is a way to enter into Orenoco as I haue heard by the Indians The first place whereby they are to passe is called Guicar the second Goanâ—â— and so to the Riuer of Papemena which is the Riuer that runneth toward the Iland of the Amazones Neere vnto the Iland of the Amazones is the famous Iland of Athul The Riuer Ubra beating to the West of Carthagena beareth to the Southward of the Iland of the Amazones This Riuer Vbra if you stand to the South-west leadeth to a part of Aromaijo which is called Eregoodawe This Countrie of Eregoodawe is very Mountainous and nothing fruitfull it is inhabited by the Coman Ibes They haue Ginny wheat but no store and very little Cassaui Venison Hogs and Conies they haue in great abundance The King or chiefe Gouernour of this Prouince or part of Aromaijo which is called Eregoodawe is one which beareth great sway in those parts whose name is Oromona But all are chiefly commanded by Tapuawary King of Morrequito In mine vndertaking the discouerie of the North part of Orenoco I was aduertised by certaine Indian Pilots that I should finde a perfect and readie way to goe to Peru. In which my trauell I fell by reason of a great storme into a Riuer which is called by the Indians Salma This Riuer is not great in three dayes I passed through this Riuer and entred into the Riuer of Papemena This Riuer of Papemena is more in my iudgement then fiue or sixe Leagues broad North North-west of this Riuer is the Iland of the Amazones But leauing that course I came to the most sweete pleasant and temperate Iland which is called Athul If I had had companie to my liking I could haue found in mine heart to haue stayed there and spent my life Athul is not rich in mettals but some stones I found in the fresh-water Riuers for there are great store of fresh-water Riuers and no want neither of Fish Tortoyses which the Indians name Catsepames Foules nor other good things It hath Wood great store Fruites all the yeere in abundance many good places to make a Towne if you will Cotton and Balsamum Brasill Lignum vitae Cypresses and many other sweete trees The earth of this Iland doth promise to the eye to be good it is very sad and much like to Oare which I found in diuers places I cannot report of the goodnesse of the stones because my knowledge in them is nothing Athul is not inhabited by any The Iland is small and for feare of the Caribes there is no body I returned from this good Iland Athul toward the Riuer of Orenoco because I found my labour was lost For to finde the way to Peru that way was impossible And to make my iourney the shorter I returned by the Riuer Papemena but left the Riuer of Salma cleane and came my directest way to Orenoco which mine Indian Pilots held to bee through the Riuer of Limo and so I came into the Riuer of Orenoco Then I went from Orenoco and held my course altogether Westerly because I found the West most rich although it was most dangerous to trauaile thither I meane farre into the Countrie by reason of the Epuremi which liue continually in armes and hold warres against many Nations but against three Nations especially These are as I wrote before the Cassipagotos the Eparigotos and the Arawagotos My desire was to goe to Curaa and from Orenoco I first entred into the Riuer of Cosnero and so coasted to Amapaia where is the bad tawnie water which before I mentioned from thence I went to the Riuer Paoo and within sixe weekes after I departed out of the Riuer of Orenoco I came to the rich Countrie of Curaa The Countrie of Curaa is in the Prouince of Guiana or Manoa where are the mynes of white stone in which mynes is much naturall and fine gold which the Indians call Callicurij The gold in this place I say in Manoa or Guiana runneth betweene the stones like veines of which gold I had some store but now the Spaniard is the better for it In Curaa is also gold in small graines which lye in the sands in the little Riuers or Brookes I alwayes tooke those graines for the finest gold In these Riuers where gold lyeth are many Aligattos or Crocodiles I heard by the Nation of the Tiuitiuans that a place called Tulahe had many good things in it but I
found it nothing so Some bad fresh-water pearles I found there which were nothing round Orient nor very great I brought of them with me to the Spaniards and they said they were no Pearles but Topasses Camalaha is a place where they sell Women at certaine times in the manner of a Faire And there you shall buy colours such as the Saluages paint themselues with In this Faire which is called Camalaha which is to the South of Orenoco I bought eight young Women the eldest whereof I thinke neuer saw eighteene yeeres for one red-hafted knife which in England cost mee one halfe-peny I gaue these Women away to certaine Saluages which were my friends at the request of Warituc the Kings Daughter of Murrequito Tar or Taroo is an Iland which is to the South South-west of Orenoco To which place I went because they said there was neuer any that inhabited in this Iland but that it was in the manner of a bayting place for the Caribes when they had stollen people which they meant to eate One Captaine Caramatoij was my guide to this place whither we went somewhat strong with intent if wee could finde any Caribes on this Iland to kill them but wee found none Many houses wee found there couered with straw which wee set on fire And there I found close by the water side going about the Iland which was but small many stones of diuers colours To the West of this Riuer and Iland which is called Tar or Taroo is a Riuer which is called Habuc There are about this Riuer in most places eight ten seuenteene and thirtie fathomes water This Riuer of Habuc commeth from the Sea The entrance of this Riuer at the mouth is barred but at a full Sea you shall haue fourteene and fifteene foot water but in the Channell in which the Canoas enter which is but narrow there is more then sixe fathoms but I doubt that ships cannot enter there This Riuer Habuc is the best and surest harbour that I could finde for our ships and freest from the danger of the enemie and is not full eight dayes iourney from Orenoco The Riuer Europa lyeth to the East of Orenoco as you come from Trinidad you may as I certainly know going some twentie leagues in the Riuer of great Amana discouer the great and high Mountaine which is called Oecopa being there you shall plainly see the Playnes or Downes of Samia through which Playnes you may safely march ouer the Land within ten or twelue leagues of Cumana or to the Caracas From Orenoco also it is very easie to goe to the Towne of Santo Domingo which beareth North North-west directly but you must passe of force the Riuer Amapaia leauing the Iland called Amazones South and beare your course as neere as you can North-west or North North-west By this course you shall passe and escape the force and danger of the Towne and land some sixe dayes iourney from Santo Domingo The Riuer Wiaumli is to the North of Orenoco To goe into this Riuer which is little worth you may goe in the Land till you come to another small Riuer which is called Maccah directing your course South you shall within two dayes if your Canoa bee good enter the Riuer of Wiaumli The Land taketh the name of the Riuer The Gouernours name is Woripur Worrok Halaha Carrabouca is in the firme Land of the great Iland called Murrequito it is the common trade to goe to the rich Guiana or Manoa Drano is a faire Riuer but it is dangerous to goe farre in it by reason it lyeth due South-east from Orenoco and the Southermost part of the Moores of Anebas is very low so that the tanie waters issue in great abundance into this Riuer of Drano The danger for entring this Riuer is nothing but the doubt is onely of the bad water and most terrible dewes which fall from the Moores which are vnhealthfull and kill the Indians daily for that continually when they trauell they lie in the open aire The Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria There is a small Riuer which lyeth farre East in Emeria and beareth North North-west Through this Riuer called Capurisol is a sure a perfect and most safe way to goe to Peru but the iourney will aske eight or ten weekes to finish it Through these Riuers of force wee must passe with Canoas or Ship-boats or such like for there is alway very little water The Riuer of Capurisol lyeth in eight degrees and two terces to the North of the Equinoctiall Line But the North starre keepeth his degree and altitude 11. degrees and two terces In this Riuer is still a fine small brise of winde which lightly bloweth at West but at noone you shall hardly finde any winde CHAP. XII Captaine CHARLES LEIGH his voyage to Guiana and plantation there THe one and twentieth of March 1604. Captaine Charles Leigh in the Oliue Plant a proper Barke of some fiftie Tunnes accompanied with six and fortie men and boyes departed from Wolwich with intention to discouer and inhabit some part of the Countrie of Guiana where he had beene in a former voyage they stayed in the Downes vntill the eight and twentieth of the said moneth and passing thence they touched in the I le of Mogador on the coast of Barbarie in the moneth of Aprill where we stayed about some fiue dayes and watered on the mayne land in despite of the rebell Moores which would haue had money for our watering Thence with prosperous winde coasting the Iles of Cape Verde we passed ouer to the West Indies and vpon the tenth of May comming in change of water which shewed thicke and white by the next day we were in fresh water and the next day following about fiue in the morning wee saw two Ilands in the mouth of the Riuer of Amazones making account that we were fortie leagues vp the Riuer and came to an anchor in three fathoms vnder them which wee found low land couered with high Trees Then the Captaine with some eight of the best men of the ship went toward the shoare and finding many Indians comming toward them they returned aboard and found the ship almost aground but sounding the Bay brought their ship into the Channell which they found very narrow Within awhile after foure Indians in a small Canoa shewed themselues vnto vs to whom we sent our Boat with some of our commodities as Hatchets Kniues Glasses Beades they had nothing but Maiz and small blue-headed Parrots for which we gaue them some of our triffles Not long after another Canoa comming out our Boat clapt betweene them and the shoare to take some of them to learne the state of the Riuer by them but they freed themselues all saue one youth which was brought aboard which next day after escaped leaping into the Sea twelue leagues as we iudged from land Thus we tooke our leaue of the Riuer of Amazones
where the Spaniards entertained him and his companie very kindely for they gaue them Tobacco for all such commodities as they had and suffered them to lade Pitch which goeth out of the ground there for that our Master durst not goe to Point de Ree to lade Sault there as he determined because hee heard that the Spaniard did lye there with their men of warre and had taken certaine Holland Shippes and had flung ouer boord all the men that were in them our Master tooke his course from Trinidado to Amsterdam where he arriued on the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and were in number of vs eight besides my selfe named Owen Goâ—ldwell Robert Gardner William Crandall Robert Becke Richard Pren William Frier Gilbert Browne and Richard Bonocke Since my being here I vnderstand that one of our company which we left at Vlishinge named William Crandall is gone in a Shippe of Holland for Wyapoco which voyage they would haue hired my selfe and others to haue gone with them by reason we haue the Indians languages such is the diligence of that Nation vnto whom I wish well for the great kindenesse they shewed my selfe and others of our Nation CHAP. XV. Part of a Treatise written by Master WILLIAM TVRNER Sonne to Doctor TVRNER of London a Phisitian touching the former Voyage THe foureteenth of August about two in the afternoone we had sight of the Barbados which bore of vs South South-west The Land hath two points bearing East and West one from another and from the middle of it it riseth like Tenerife and is tenne leagues broad and is barbarous without any inhabitants hauing great store of Hogges Piggeons and Parrats We bore for the Westermost part of this Iland and so wee steered away West North-west and North-west and by West amongst for Saint Lucia The fifteenth day being thursday we had sight of Saint Lucia bearing West North-west of vs. This Iland of Saint Lucia is a very fertile I le bearing many sorts of fruites as Plantons Potatoes Pinos Guanos Pompins Cassado and many other fruites It hath also great store of Cotten wooll and Tobacco but their Tobacco is not very good It hath also many wilde Beasts in it as Tygars Guanes Alagartos and other Beasts which time would not permit vs to see It hath also great store of Pigeons Parrats Pellicans Cats and Dogges The people goe naked hauing very long haire and are very honest kinde hearted people In this Iland wee set our passengers ashoare and furnished them with all things necessary that our distressed Shippe could afford them But they like treacherous idle disposed people not regarding our kindenesse nor pittying our necessitie betraied our Boate from vs one morning as wee went ashoare my selfe and three or foure other Gentlemen being in her and then they detained three Saylers which were drawing in the Boate keeping them for their owne vse and afterward sent vs aboord in a Canoa which we were faine to buy of them for Kniues The Master and the Captaine seeing this their treacherous dealing and being out of all hope to get their Boate againe about thursday in the euening being the three and twentieth of August gaue them a Peece of Ordnance with intent to beate downe their houses We had no sooner let flye at them but presently they shot at vs againe the bullet whereof came betweene our maine Mast and our Poope but it hurt no body So that night we waied and went to a Baye some two leagues to leeward of this roade where we first ankored In this Bay there are halfe a dosen of Indian houses very pleasantly scituated vpon the top of a hill with a fresh water Riuer at the foote of the same hill and in this Baye we had very good trafficke of linnen cloath and many pleasant fruites for our Hatchets and Kniues After we had roade here some sixe houres we might plainly discerne our Boate vndersaile whereupon we presently fitted our small shot hoping that their intent was to come aboord and betray our Shippe but they tacked in and rowed alongst the shoare till they came to the very Bay where we roade and there they stopped and we were in good hope to recouer our Boate againe but they tarried there trading for their commodities in the face of our Ordnance whereupon we seeing their daring boldnesse to be so great that they presumed to trafficke in our owne Boate before our noses and to goe about as it were to stop vs from trafficke we let flye at them sixe peeces of Ordnance and a vallie of small shot but what harme we did amongst them we know not for they rowed away and got out of sight of vs. We tearmed the Baye where we put these men a shoare Rogues Baye the Cape we called Cape Knaue and the Riuer Riuer of Rascols This very same day being the foure and twentieth of August we waied anchor and steered away South South-east and South-east and by South amongst for Saint Uincents And vpon Saturday the fiue and twentieth day in the afternoone we arriued at the Iland of Saint Vincents where we came within a Ships length very nigh the shoare which put vs all in great feare for if God had not sent vs a gale from the shoare we had runne a ground and we had had all our throates cut by the Indians of that Iland So that night we tried it off at Sea with our fore-top-saile and fore-saile intending next day being Sunday to stand it in againe for the shoare because we had good hope of good trafficke there But the current had driuen vs so farre off at Sea by the next morning and the winde blew so vehemently from the shoare that we could by no meanes fetch the land whereupon being foure leaues from the shoare of Saint Vincents we steered away South South-west and South-west and by South amongst for the Testigoes And the next morning being monday we had sight of the Granados bearing of vs South-east but we could not fetch the Testigos The nine and twentieth being Wednesday morning we had sight of fiue small Rocks which bore of vs West and by North some fiue leagues off wee had also sight of the Iland of Blanco whereby wee found that the Current had set vs and doth set to the North-east and therefore your best course to goe from the Granados to the Testigos is to steere away South-west The first of September being Friday morning wee had sight of Margarita and at night wee cast anchor at the Westermost Point of this Iland called Point Macanao The second day the next morning wee went ashoare with our Canoa to see if wee could meete with any Spaniards with whom wee might bargaine for some Beeues But wee could neither see Spaniards Beeues nor fresh-water onely we found the dung of Beeues In this Iland of Margarita also there are great store of Pelicans This morning wee weighed and as soone as wee had doubled
the Point of Macanao we had sight of the Rangeria which is as it were a little towne contayning in it some fortie or fiftie houses Here wee did not land because wee saw no people but stood it away South South-east and South and by East amongst for the Burdones About mid-night wee came close aboard the shoare by an Iland called Fâ—bacco and then wee sounded and had ground at fortie fathome The third day being Monday morning wee were becalmed some three leagues off from the mayne About twelue at noone the same day wee had sight of Point de Ray. The winde and breeses blew so strongly of the shoare that we could not come to anchor that night to the Burdones These Burdones are no Towne nor hath any houses but belongeth to the Towne of Comana The fourth day being Wednesday at foure in the afternoone wee came to an anchor at the Burdones so that wee were three dayes in getting to the shoare being in sight of it all the while About twelue at mid-night the same day wee put out our sayne-Net into the Sea for to catch some fish And about foure in the morning wee found a great Sword-fish shut into the Net which was fourteene foot long and he had a sword some three foot long The sword is square and blunt at the end hauing great prickles vpon each side of the bignesse of a wilde Bores tuske We sent our Canoa ashoare here to parley with them hauing a flagge of truce The Gouernour of Comana perceiuing our Canoa comming ashoare sent a Molato to parley with our men who saluted them very kindly inquiring of vs what newes in England and whether the Constable of Spaine were gone home into Spaine or no we told him he was gone into Spaine before we set out of England we asked of him what newes in Comana of any English men and when any had beene here hee told them about a moneth agoe and that one of them had like to haue beene taken by a French Pirat if a Flemming had not tooke his part This night there came foure Spaniards aboard our ship from a Caruell which was at an anchor halfe a league from vs. These Spaniards burged with vs some Tabacco and told vs that Captaine Lee had a Towne built for himselfe and that the Pinnasse had beene here a moneth agoe The seuenth of September in the afternoone there came the Aide of Master Eâ—dreds to an anchor in the road where we rode and then we welcommed them with a shot and they gaue vs three for one after these our salutations the Captaine of the Aide called Squire came aboard vs and told vs that Sir Oliph Lee his Pinnasse was come home before they set out of England and that Captaine Lee dyed in the Pinnasse comming into England others of his companie said that they heard he was betrayed and killed in his Hamaca in Wiapoco He also told vs that he had left some thirtie men behind him which were in great miserie and extremitie both for lacke of health and scarcitie of victuals The nineteenth of September Captaine Squire weighed and left vs going for Comonagota The Spaniards dare not trucke with vs for any thing but when that they steale aboard in the night for if that they should be espyed they should be hanged Cloth of Tissue and Gold cloth of Siluer Veluet Sattins Silkes fine woollen cloth and linnen as Cambrick Lawne Holland new Trunkes Pistols Fowling peeces and Muskets are very good commodities to truck with the Spaniards and all other places in the Indies I noted one thing amongst many things concerning the nature of that climate of Comana It is monstrous hot all the day long till it be noone and then there blowes a coole breese and at noone you shall alwayes haue thundering and lightning without any raine for the most part The towne of Comana stands two miles from the Sea-side and cannot be seene by reason of the trees which couer the sight of it but you may see the Gouernours house for it stands vpon the top of a Hill looking ouer the trees which eouer the towne The eight and twentieth of September being Saturday wee espyed seuen faile of Flemmings bound for Ponitra The thirtieth day being Monday we weighed for Loyntra and wee steered away North and North and by West for Ponitra from Camana and about sixe of the clocke in the morning we arriued there safely The fourteenth of October Captaine Catlin and two other Gentlemen went out of our ship vpon some discontentments misliking of the Master of our ships vsagâ— towards them and had their passage in two Hollanders that were riding at Ponitra The fiue and twentieth about eight a clocke at night wee weighed at Ponitra hauing two Flemmish ships our consorts with vs. On the thirtieth we had sight of the Westermost end of Porto Rico called Cape Roxo and of a little Iland some foure leagues off called Echro Here we stayed till Friday and Saturday hoping for to haue gotten the shoare for fresh water and Oranges but we had no winde at all to serue our turnes About Saturday at noone there came vnto vs a Flemmish boat with a dozen men in it these men told vs that vpon Sunday the seuen and twentieth day of this moneth there came nineteene saile of Spaniards and that they had taken all the ships which we left behinde vs in number ten sauing two ships of Captaine Mogerownes which scaped by their swift sayling and that they themselues being ashoare with their Boat made an escape from Ponetra and so came to vs at Porto Rico which is one hundred and threescore leagues where wee refreshed our selues with fresh water and Oranges The ninth of Nouember being Saturday wee disembogued from Porto Rico. The two and twentieth of December we saw Flores one of the Ilands of the Asores CHAP. XVI A Relation of a voyage to Guiana performed by ROBERT HARCOVRT of Stanton Harcourt in the Countie of Oxford Esquire To Prince CHARLES IN the yeere of our Lord 1608. and the 23. of March when I had furnished my selfe with one ship of fourscore tunnes called the Rose a Pinnasse of sixe and thirtie tunnes called the Patience and a Shallop of nine tunnes called the Lilly which I built at Dartmouth and had finished my other business there and prepared all things in readinesse to begin my voyage the winde reasonably seruing I then imbarked my companie as followeth In the Rose I was accompanied with Captaine Edward Fisher Captaine Edward Haruey Master Edward Gifford and my Cousin Thomas Harcourt and besides them I had of Gentlemen and others one and thirtie Land-men two Indians and three and twentie Mariners and Saylers In the Patience my brother Captaine Michael Harcourt had with him of Gentlemen and others twentie Land-men and eleuen Mariners and Saylers In the Lilly Iasper Lilly the Master had one Land-man and two Saylers so that my iust number
Indies vnder my Fathers charge and the principall cause of taking the great Carack brought to Dartmouth by Sir Iohn Borrow and the Earle of Cumberlands ships Anno 1592. with others of moment in her other Voyages To vs shee neuer brought but cost trouble and care Hauing made an estimate of the charge of Victuals Munition Imprests Sea-store and necessaries for the said ship consorting another of an hundred tunnes which I waited for daily from the Straites of Giberalter with a Pinnace of sixtie tunnes all mine owne And for a competent number of men for them as also of all sorts of merchandises for trade and traffâ—cke in all places where we should come I began to wage men to buy all manner of victuals prouisions and to lade her with them and with all sorts of commodities which I could call to minde fitting and dispatched order to my seruant in Pilmouth to put in a readinesse my Pinnace as also to take vp certaine prouisions which are better cheape in those parts then in London as Beefe Porke Bisket and Sider The eight of Aprill 1593. I caused the Pilot to set sayle from Black-wall and to vaile downe to Graues-end whither that night I purposed to come And for that shee was very deepe loden and her Ports open the water beganne to enter in at them which no bodie hauing regard vnto thinking themselues safe in the Riuer it augmented in such manner as the weight of the water began to presse downe the side more then the winde At length when it was seene and the sheete flowne she could hardly be brought vpright But God was pleased that with the diligence and trauell of the Companie shee was freed of that danger whiâ—h may be a gentle warning to all such as take charge of shipping euen before they set sayle either in Riuer or Harbour or other part to haue an eye to their Ports and to see those shut and calked which may cause danger for auoiding the many mishaps which daily chance for the neglect thereof and haue beene most lamentable spectacles and examples vnto vs Experiments in the Great Harrie Admirall of England which was ouer-set and sunke at Portsmouth with her Captaine Carew and the most part of his companie drowned in a goodly Summers day with a little flaw of winde for that her Ports were all open and making a small hele by them entred their destruction where if they had beene shut no winde could â—aue hurt her especially in that place In the Riuer of Thames Master Thomas Candish had a small ship ouer-set through the same negligence And one of the Fleet of Sir Francis Drake in Santo Domingo Harbour turned her keele vpward likewise vpon the same occasion with many others which we neuer haue knowledge of Comming neere the South fore-fore-land the winde began to vere to the South-east and by South so as we could not double the point of the Land and being close aboord the shoare and putting our ship to stay what with the chapping Sea and what with the Tide vpon the Bowe she mist staying and put vs in some danger before we could flat about therefore for doubling the Point of any Land better is euer a short boord then to put all in perill Being cleere of the race of Portland the winde began to suffle with fogge and misling raine and forced vs to a short sayle which continued with vs three dayes the winde neuer vering one point nor the fogge suffering vs to see the Coast. The third day in the fogge we met with a Barke of Dartmouth which came from Rochell and demanding of them if they had made any land answered that they had onely seene the Ediestone that morning which lieth thwart of the Sound of Plimouth and that Dartmouth as they thought bare off vs North North-east which seemed strange vnto vs for we made account that wee were thwart of Exmouth within two houres after the weather beganne to cleere vp and wee found our selues thwart of the Berry and might see the small Barque bearing into Torbay hauing ouer-shot her Port which errour often happeneth to those that make the land in foggie weather and vse not good diligence by sound by lying off the land and other circumstances to search the truth and is cause of the losse of many a ship and the sweete liues of multitudes of men That euening wee anchored in the range of Dartmouth till the floud was spent and the ebbe come wee set sayle againe And the next morning early being the sixe and twentieth of Aprill we harboured our selues in Plimouth And in this occasion I found by experience that one of the principall parts required in a Mariner that frequenteth our coastes of England is to cast his Tides and to knowe how they set from point to point with the difference of those in the Channell from those of the shoare After the hurts by a cruell storme in which the Pinnace was sunke and the Daiaties Mast cut ouer-boord repaired I beganne to gather my companie aboord which occupied my good friends and the Iustices of the Towne two dayes and forced vs to search all lodgings Tauerns and Ale-houses For some would euer bee taking their leaue and neuer depart some drinke themselues so drunke that except they were carried aboord they of themselues were not able to goe one steppe others knowing the necessitie of the time faigned themselues sicke others to bee indebted to their Hosts and forced mee to ransome them one his Chest another his Sword another his Shirts another his Carde and Instruments for Sea And others to benefit themselues of the Imprest giuen them absented themselues making a lewd liuing in deceiuing all whose money they could lay hold of which is a scandall too rife amongst our Sea-men by it they committing three great offences First Robberie of the goods of another person Secondly Breach of their faith and promise Thirdly Hinderance with losse of time vnto the Voyage all being a common iniurie to the owners victuallers and companie which many times hath beene an vtter ouerthrow and vndoing to all in generall An abuse in our Common-wealth necessarily to be reformed Master Thomas Candish in his last Voyage in the Sound of Plimouth being readie to set sayle complained vnto mee that persons which had absented themselues in Imprests had cost him aboue a thousand and fiue hundred pounds These Varlets within a few dayes after his departure I saw walking the streetes of Plimouth whom the Iustice had before sought for with great diligence and without punishment And therefore it is no wonder that others presume to doe the like Impunitas peccandi illecebra The like complaint made Master George Reymond and in what sort they dealt with mee is notorious and was such that if I had not beene prouident to haue had a third part more of men then I had need of I had beene forced to goe to the Sea vnmanned or to giue ouer my
West Indies for they are of a russet or gray colour and great speakers §. II. Considerations of Currents the Scorbute fire in Ships Fishes which attend them Sea-hawking and hunting their comming to Brasil and obseruations thereof WIth a faire and large winde we continued our course till we came within fiue degrees of the Equinoctiall line where the winde tooke vs contrary by the South-west about the twentieth of Iuly but a faire gale of winde and a smooth Sea so that wee might beare all a tawt and to aduantage our selues what we might we stood to the Eastwards being able to lye South-east and by South The next day about nine of the clock my company being gathered together to serue God which we accustomed to doe euery morning and euening it seemed vnto me that the colour of the Sea was different to that of the daies past and which is ordinarily where is deepe water and so called the Captaine and Master of my Ship I told them that to my seeming the water was become very whitish and that it made shew of Sholde water Whereunto they made answere that all the lines in our Ships could not fetch ground for we could not be lesse then threescore and ten leagues off the Coast which all that kept reckoning in the Ship agreed vpon and my selfe was of the same opinion And so we applied our selues to serue God but all the time that the seruice endured my heart could not be at rest and still me thought the water began to waxe whiter and whiter Our prayers ended I commanded a leade and a line to be brought and hauing the lead in foureteene fathoms wee had ground which put vs all into a maze and sending men into the top presently discouered the land of Guynne some fiue leagues from vs very low Land I commanded a Peece to be shot and lay by the lee till my other Ships came vp Which hailing vs we demanded of them how farre they found themselues off the land who answered some threescore and ten or fourescore leagues when we told them we had sounded and found but foureteene fathoms and that we were in sight of Land they began to wonder But hauing consulted what was best to be done I caused my Shallop to be manned which I towed at the Sterne of my Shippe continually and sent her and my Pinnace a head to sound and followed them with an easie sayle till we came in seuen and six fathome water and some two leagues from the shore anchored in hope by the Sea or by the Land to finde some refreshing The Sea wee found to be barren of fish and my Boates could not discouer any landing place though a whole day they had rowed alongst the coast with great desire to set foote on shore for that the sedge was exceeding great and dangerous Which experienced we set saile notwithstanding the contrariety of the winde sometimes standing to the West-wards sometimes to the East-wards according to the shifting of the winde Here is to be noted that the errour which we fell into in our accompts was such as all men fall into where are currants that set East or West and are not known for that there is no certain rule yet practised for triall of the longitude as there is of the latitude though some curious and experimented of our Nation with whom I haue had conference about this point haue shewed me two or three manner of wayes how to know it This some yeares before was the losse of the Edward Cotton bound for the coast of Brasil which taken with the winde contrarie neere the line standing to the East-wards and making accompt to be fiftie or sixtie leagues off the coast with all her sailes standing came suddenly a ground vpon the sholes of Madrebomba and so was cast away This currant from the line Equinoctiall to twentie degrees Northerly hath great force and setteth next of any thing East directly vpon the shore which we found by this meanes Standing to the Westwards the winde Southerly when we lay with our Ships head West and by South we gained in our height more then if we had made our way good West South-west for that the currant tooke vs vnder the bow but lying west or West by North we lost more in twelue houres then the other way we could get in foure and twentie By which plainly we saw that the currant did set East next of any thing Whether this currant runneth euer one way or doth alter and how we could by no meanes vnderstand but tract of time and obseruation will discouer this as it hath done of many others in sundry Seas The currant that setteth betwixt New-fonnd-land and Spaine runneth also East and West and long time deceiued many and made some to count the way longer and others shorter according as the passage was speedie or slow not knowing that the furtherance or hinderance of the currant was cause of the speeding or slowing of the way And in Sea Cards I haue seene difference of aboue thirtie leagues betwixt the Iland Tercera and the Maine And others haue recounted vnto me that comming from the Indies and looking out for the Ilands of Azores they haue had sight of Spaine And some haue looked out for Spaine and haue discouered the Ilands The selfe same currant is in the Leuant Sea but runneth trade betwixt the Maines and changeable sometimes to the Eastwards sometimes to the West-wards In Brasil and the South Sea the currant likewise is changeable but it runneth euer alongst the Coast accompanying the winde and it is an infallible rule that twelue or twentie foure houres before the winde alters the currant begins to change In the West Indies onely the currant runneth continually one way and setteth alongst the coast from the Equinoctiall line towards the North. No man hath yet found that these currants keepe any certaine time or runne so many dayes or moneths one way as another as doth the course of ebbing and flowing well knowne in all Seas onely neere the shoare they haue small force partly because of the reflux which the coast causeth and partly for the ebbing and flowing which more or lesse is generall in most Seas When the currant runneth North or South it is easily discouered by augmenting or diminishing the height but how to know the setting of the currant from East to West in the maine Seas is difficult and as yet I haue not knowne any man or read any Author that hath prescribed any certaine meane or way to discouer it But experience teacheth that in the maine Sea for the most part it is variable and therefore best and safest rule to preuent the danger which the vncertaintie and ignorance hereof may cause is carefull and continuall watch by day and night and vpon the East and West course euer to be before the Ship and to vse the meanes possible to know the errour by the rules which
little to the Southwards of the Iland of Pearle betwixt seuen and eight degrees is the great Riuer of Saint Buena Ventura It falleth into the South Sea with three mouthes the head of which is but a little distant from the North Sea In the yeere 1575. or 1576. one Iohn Oxnam of Plimouth going into the West Indies ioyned with the Symarons These are fugitiue Negroes and for the bad intreatie which their Masters had giuen them were then retired into the Mountaines and liued vpon the spoyle of such Spaniards as they could master and could neuer bee brought into obedience till by composition they had a place limited them for their freedome where they should liue quietly by themselues At this day they haue a great habitation neere Panama called Saint Iago de los Negros well peopled with all their Officers and Commanders of their owne saue onely a Spanish Gouernour By the assistance of these Symarons hee brought to the head of this Riuer by piecemeale and in many Iourneyes a small Pinnace hee fitted it by time in warlike manner and with the choice of his Companie put himselfe into the South Sea where his good happe was to meete with a couple of shippes of trade and in the one of them a great quantitie of Gold And amongst other things two pieces of speciall estimation the one a Table of massy Gold with Emralds sent for a present to the King the other a Lady of singular beautie married and a mother of children The latter grew to bee his perdition for hee had capitulated with these Symarons that their part of the bootie should be onely the prisoners to the end to execute their malice vpon them such was the rancour they had conceiued against them for that they had beene the Tyrants of their libertie But the Spaniards not contented to haue them their slaues who lately had beene their Lords added to their seruitude cruell intreaties And they againe to feede their insatiable reuenges accustomed to roast and eate the hearts of all those Spaniards whom at any time they could lay hand vpon Iohn Oxnam I say was taken with the loue of this Lady and to winne her good will what through her teares and perswasions and what through feare and detestation of their barbarous inclinations breaking promise with the Symarons yeelded to her request which was to giue the prisoners libertie with their shippes for that they were not vsefull for him notwithstanding Oxnam kept the Lady who had in one of the restored shippes either a Sonne or a Nephew This Nephew with the rest of the Spaniards made all the haste they could to Pamana and they vsed such diligence as within few houres some were dispatched to seeke those who little thought so quickly to bee ouertaken The pursuers approaching the Riuer were doubtfull by which of the afore-remembred three mouthes they should take their way In this wauering one of the Souldiers espied certaine feathers c. Comming in sight of the Ilands of Pearles the winde beganne to fresh in with vs and wee profited our selues of it but comming thwart of a small Iland which they call La Pacheta that lieth within the Pearle Ilands close aboord the Mayne and some eight or tenne leagues South and by West from Panama the winde calmed againe This Iland belongeth to a priuate man it is a round humocke contayning not a league of ground but most fertile Insomuch that by the owners industrie and the labour of some few slaues who occupie themselues in maâ—uring it and two Barkes which he employeth in bringing the fruit it giueth to Panama it is said to be worth him euery weeke one with another a barre of siluer valued betwixt two hundreth and fiftie or three hundreth Pezos which in English money may amount to fiftie or threescore pound and for that which I saw at my being in Panama touching this I hold to be true In our course to fetch the Port of Panama we put our selues betwixt the Ilands and the Main which is a goodly Channell of three foure and fiue leagues broad and without danger except a man come too neere the shoare on any side and that is thought the better course then to goe a Sea-boord of the Ilands because of the swift running of the tides and the aduantage to stop the ebbe As also for succour if a man should happen to be becalmed at any time beyond expectation which happeneth sometimes The seuenth of Iuly wee had sight of Perico they are two little Ilands which cause the Port of Panama where all the shippes vse to ride It is some two Leagues West North-west of the Citie which hath also a Pere in it selfe for small Barkes at full Sea it may haue some sixe or seuen foot water but at lowe water it is drie The ninth of Iuly wee anchored vnder Perico and the Generall presently aduised the Audienoia of that which had succeeded in his Iourney which vnderstood by them caused Bonfires to be made and euery man to put Luminaries in their houses the fashion is much vsed amongst the Spaniards in their feasts of ioy or for glad tidings placing many lights in their Churches in their windowes and Galleries and corners of their houses which being in the beginning of the night and the Citie close by the Sea shoare shewed to vs being farre off as though the Citie had beene on a light fire About eight of the clocke all the Artilerie of the Citie was shot off which wee might discerne by the flash of fire but could not heare the report yet the Armado being aduised thereof and in a readinesse answered them likewise with all their Artilerie which taking end as all the vanities of this earth doe The Generall setled himselfe to dispatch aduice for the King for the Vice-roy of Peru and the Vice-roy of Noua Spana for hee also had beene certified of our being in that Sea and had fitted an Armado to seeke vs and to guard his coast But now for a farewell and note it Let mee relate vnto you this Secret How Don Beltran shewed mee a Letter from the King his Master directed to the Vice-roy wherein hee gaue him particular relation of my pretended Voyage of the shippes their burden their munition their number of men which I had in them as perfectly as if hee had seene all with his owne eyes Saying vnto mee Hereby you may discerne whether the King my Master haue friends in England and good and speedy aduice of all that passeth Whereunto I replyed It was no wonder for that hee had plenty of Gold and Siluer which worketh this and more strange effects for my Iourney was publique and notorious to all the Kingdome whereunto he replyed that if I thought it so conuenient leaue should be giuen me to write into England to the Queens Maiestie my Mistresse to my Father and to other personages as I thought good and leauing the Letters open that
hee would send some of them in the Kings Packet others to his Vncle Don Rodrigo de Castro Cardinall and Archbishop of Seuill and to other friends of his Not making any doubt but that they would bee speedily in England For which I thanked him and accepted his courtesie and although I was my selfe vnable to write yet by the hands of a seruant of mine I wrote three or foure copies of one Letter to my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins In which I briefly made relation of all that had succeeded in our Voyage The dispatches of Spaine and New Spaine went by ordinarie course in ships of aduice but that for the Peru was sent by a kinsman of the Generals called Don Francisco de la Cuena Which being dispatched Don Beltran hasted all that euer he could to put his ships in order to returne to Lyma Hee caused the Daintie to be grounded and trimmed for in those Ilands it higheth and falleth some fifteene or sixteene foot water And the Generall with his Captaines and some Religious men being aboord her and new naming her named her the Uisitation for that shee was rendred on the day on which they celebrate the Visitation of the Virgin Marie In that place the ground being plaine and without vantage whereby to helpe the tender sided and sharpe Ships they are forced to shoare them on either side In the middest of their solemnitie her props and shores of one side fayled and so shee fell ouer vpon that side suddenly intreating many of them which were in her very badly and doubtlesse had shee beene like the ships of the South Sea shee had broken out her bulge but being without Masts and emptie for in the South Sea when they bring aground a shippe they leaue neither Mast Balast nor any other thing aboord besides the bare Hull her strength was such as it made no great showe to haue receiued any dâ—mage but the feare shee put them all into was not little and caused them to runne out of her faster then a pace In these Ilands is no succour nor refreshing onely in the one of them is one house of straw and a little spring of small moment For the water which the Shippes vse for their prouision they fetch from another Iland two leagues West North-west of these which they call Tabaga hauing in it some fruit and refreshing and some few Indians to inhabite it What succeeded to mee and to the rest during our Imprisonment with the rarities and particularities of the Peru and Tierra firme my Voyage to Spaine and the successe with the time I spent in prison in the Peru in the Tercera in Seuill and in Madrid with the accidents which befell mee in them I leaue for a second part of this discourse if God giue life and conuenient place and rest necessarie for so tedious and troublesome a worke desiring God that is Almightie to giue his blessing to this and the rest of my intentions that it and they may be fruitfull to his glorie and to the good of all then shall my desires bee accomplished and I account my selfe most happie To whom be all glory and thankes from all eternitie CHAP. VI. A briefe Note written by Master IOHN ELLIS one of the Captaines with Sir RICHARD HAWKINS in his Voyage through the Strait of MACELAN begunne the ninth of Aprill 1593. concerning the said Straite and certaine places on the coast and Inland of Peru. THe second of Februarie 1593. wee fell with the Land of Terra Australis in 50 degrees fiftie fiue leagues off the Straite of Magelan which Land lay East and by North or East North-east from the Straite which is a part of Terra Australis from which Land wee entred the Straite vpon the West South-west course then we ran ten leagues West North-west other ten leagues West South-west then eight leagues South-west and came to an anchor on the starboord side in a hooke where you may moore any ship in twelue fathomes water From thence wee ranne South-west and by South seuen leagues where we came to an Iland called Penguin Iland and tooke in fiue or sixe tunnes of Penguins and flayed them and salted them Thence twelue leagues South South-west and found good riding in twelue fathoms fine sand from thence to Port Famine the new Towne of Pedro Sarmiento fiue leagues South-west Then West North-west sixteene leagues where we anchored in good riding Then North-west and by West till wee came to the Riuer of Geneuera on the starboord side eight leagues Then fiue leagues North-west Then North-west and by West thirtie leagues till wee came out of the Straite which is in length one hundred and eleuen leagues The mouth or entrance of the Straite is in thirtie two degrees and an halfe and the Out-let is in the same heigth The middle is in fiftie foure degrees and a terce After wee were come out of the Straite wee went away North-west and by North fortie leagues into the Sea then North vntill wee came to the Iland of Mocha which is in thirtie eight degrees and thirtie minutes where we had good trade with the People This I le is three leagues long where great reliefe of Mutton Mais and other things may bee had from the Indians This I le is twelue leagues from the mayne Land From thence wee went North and past by the I le of Saint Marie from thence vnto Valparaiso which standeth in thirtie three degrees into which Hauen I went with our Boate and tooke foure shippes in which wee had Wines and other good prouition and there wee remayned the space of twelue dayes And in this time I went on shoare and tooke fiue houses which were full of Wine and other good things And in this time there came a shippe by the Harbour which the Generall went to take but hee did not yet I with twelue men did take her and within one houre the Generall came to vs. The shippe had clothes of Cotton for men to weare of the Indian making and some Gold Valparaiso is a Port and a 〈◊〉 in the bottome of the Bay where they make excellent Wine From thence eighteene leagues into the Land is Saint Iago a great Towne of Spaniards From thence wee passed to Arica which is in twentie degrees as I take it All this Coast lieth North and South From thence wee passed to Pisco and Chincha where the Generall and the Master Hugh Cornish went to goe on shoare but they did not Heere wee met with sixe of the Kings shippes which came to seeke vs but at that time wee escaped them These places are in fourteene degrees and an halfe From thence wee passed by the Citie of Lima which is in twelue degrees and an halfe From thence by Paita which is an Hauen and a Towne and standeth in fiue degrees From thence wee passed by the Equinoctiall Line and went to Atacame where wee were taken the two and twentieth
the Citie of Mexico by reason of their shipping although not in so great quantitie as they carry for Lisbone not for that they of Mexico either want shipping or abilitie but because the Spaniards would conquer it with the Sword as he hath done other Lands and not by the way of Traffique as the Portugall doth the principall Port from whence this Merchandize doth come is called Aguatorke in the Coast of China on the North side After the Conquest of this Kingdome of Mexico the order how the Spaniard did diuide this Land was this The principall Cities they refined to the King of Spaine and to the Generall of this Conquest who was renowmed Ferdinando Curtis they assigned vnto him a great Valley or as we call it a low Land betweene two Mountaines which was called Cornouake by which Valley he had the name of Marquesse of the Ualley where there were great Townes in which some affirme to be about 400000. fire houses whereby the rent was to him better worth then three hundred thousand Duckets by the yeere These Rents were confirmed to him and his for euer The other part of the Land that remayned was parted among the rest of the Captaines and Souldiers which were at this Conquest some had a hundred thousand Duckets by yeare and other fortie thousand Duckets and some fiftie thousand Duckets and hee that had least had ten thousand Duckets by the yeare so that now there are very few which haue this Rent for that they are most of them dead so that great part of the said Rents are fallen into the Kings hand wherefore there are many insurrections against the King which cost many a mans life And now to proceed farther along the Coast which is a Land full of great Mountains and very hot with much raine for which cause it is a very vnholsome Countrey where breedeth all noisome wormes and beasts therefore there are very few Indians dwelling there and no Spaniards so that the Countrey is almost desolate The first Land that is inhabited by the Spaniards along the Coast is called Veragua this is the most richest Land of Gold then all the rest of the Indies therefore it is inhabited with Spaniards In this place the people are alwayes sicke and it raineth continually and the Land yeeldeth no fruit so that all their sustenance commeth from other places all which necessities the Spaniards suffer with great patience for the couetousnesse of the Gold the which Gold they get out of the Riuers with the helpe of a number of Negroes I doe verily beleeue that if this Land were now the ancient Romanes or else the Egyptians they would surely make a channell from the end of this Riuer de Carinas which issueth from the Lake of Nicaragua to the South Sea for that there is no more but foure leagues betweene the Sea and the Riuer so that there they might Trade to the Moluccas and to the Coast of China so would it be sooner and easier done then the long and troublesome Voyages of the Portugals and sooner made then to goe through the Straits of Magellan which is almost vnpossible to passe thorow From this Land of Veragua vnto the Iland of Margereta the Coast along is called the firme Land not for that the other places are not of the firme Land but because it was the first firme Land that the Spaniards did conquer after they had past the Ilands This Land is very hot and hath much raine and for this cause is very vnhealthfull and the most vilest place of all the rest is called Nombre de Dios which is the first place inhabited after you haue passed Veragua There may be in Nombre de Dios about foure hundred houses and hath a very good Port for shipping The cause why the Spaniards inhabited here in this place was for that it should bee the way by Land to the South Sea and for the Trade of Peru that is from hence vnto the Citie of Panama eighteene leagues And Panama standeth on the Coast of the South Sea To this Towne of Nombre de Dios doth come all Spanish shipping and there discharge them then put they the goods into small Barkes that goe vp a Riuer to a house which is called The house of Crosses where the small Barkes doe discharge the goods againe And then they put it on Mules so to carrie it to Panama which is seuen leagues from This house of Crosses all which they doe with much labour and great charge because the Land hath great store of raine and full of Mountaines and very vnhealthfull therefore they often want victuals for the victuals they haue come from Peru and Noua Hispania This Towne of Nombre de dios since they haue had the traffike out of Spaine are growne maruellous rich and very well inhabited but in short time the people left the Towne sauing onely the Merchants because of the vnhealthfulnesse thereof The King of Spaine hearing of the affaires of Drake and Oxenham sent out of Spaine three hundred Souldiers which should make warre against those Negros that had aided the Englishmen which were slaues vnto the Spaniards but runne away from their Masters and ioyned with the Englishmen thinking that way to be reuenged of the Spaniards crueltie But when these three hundred Souldiers were arriued in the Countrie at their first comming they tooke many of the Negros and did on them great iustice according to their faults committed but afterwards the Souldiers were a long time before they could get one Negro Which newes being sent vnto the King by his Captaines as also how the Countrie was full of Mountaines and Riuers and very vnhealthfull insomuch that his Souldiers died he did write to his Captaines to make agreement with those Negros to the end the Countrie might bee in quiet And the Negros inhabited two places where the Spaniards willed them so was the Kings pardon proclaimed to all those Negros from the time that they fled from their Masters into the Mountaines vnto that present day on condition that all those Negros that did runne from their Masters that day forward they should be bound to bring them dead or aliue but if they brought them not that then they should pay for them and to make all quiet in the Mountaines and on these conditions all things were concluded and agreed vpon So the Negros dwell in great Townes where they haue Spaniards for their Teachers and a Spaniard for their Iudge and with this they hold themselues very well contented and are obedient vnto their Rulers The King of Spaine hearing that Englishmen as well as Frenchmen haue vsed that Coast hee caused two Gallies to be made and well appointed to keepe the Coast the first yeere that they were made they tooke sixe or seuen French shippes and after this was knowne there vsed few Englishmen or French men of warre to come on the Coast vntill this yeere 1586. that the
haue done their vttermost yet can they not bring that People wholly in subiection And although the Spaniards haue in this Prouince eleuen Townes and two Bishoprikes yet haue they little enough to maintayne themselues by reason of the Warres for they spend all the Gold that the Land yeeldeth in the maintenance of their Souldiers which would not bee so if they had peace for then they might worke in all their Mines Thus hauing spoken somwhat of the situation of Chili and of the troublesome conquest thereof I will returne to my former discourse where I left Baldiuia therefore being of 150. houses hath twice beene burnt and spoyled by the Indians so that now it is waxen poore but before the Indians sacked it it was very rich and it standeth vp a Riuer foure leagues from the Sea Passing from hence you come to the plaine Countrie of Arauco being situate ouer against the Iland La Mocha on which Iland the Indians that inhabite belong to the maine Land Hauing passed this Plaine of Arauco the next Towne of the Spaniards that you come vnto is La Concepcion which hath beene the greatest and the richest Towne in all Chili but by reason that the Indians haue burned the same foure times it is now growne very poore and hath small store of people it containeth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the Plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this Towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a Fort built hard by it and here are fiue hundred Souldiers continually in Garrison Betweene this place and Ualparizo the Indians call the Coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing fiue and twentie leagues vp into the Countrie is the principall Towne of all Chili and the seat of the Gouernour it consisteth of about eight hundred houses The Port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next Towne neere the Sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the Land and containeth about two hundred houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a Port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a Gentleman which is Gouernour of the Towne hath an Ingenio for Sugar at this place endeth the whole Prouince of Chili Here also the Mountaines ioyning hard vpon the Sea are the cause why all the Land betweene Capiapo and Peru contayning one hundred and sixtie leagues lieth desolate The first Towne on the Coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any further I will here also declare vnto you the first Discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the Sea-coast againe and to the end you may vnderstand me the better I will beginne with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this mayne Land passing ouer the Mountains they discouered the South Sea where because they found Indian people with Gold and Pearles they built a Towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the Sea side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the Coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by Sea to the Coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly windes blowing on this Coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to ships sayling that way and by Land the passage was impossible in regard of Mountaines and Riuers Yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Iland of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Pizarro borne in the Citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a companie vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the Coast of Peru and hauing obtayned licence of the Gouernour of that place Francisco Pizarro set forth with the two foresaid Carauels and an hundred men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him Victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Pizarro sayling along the Coast met with contrary windes and raine which put him to great trouble and hee began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sayling of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery Riuer and Bay that hee saw along the Coast which was the chiefe cause that he stayed so long on his Voyage also thirtie of his companie died by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last he came to an Iland called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine Land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supplie of victuals and of men which ship being departed fortie of his men that remayned behinde made a mutinie and passed vp into the Countrie meaning to returne by Land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Pizarro was left vpon the said Iland onely with thirteene men who although hee had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would hee rather die then goe backe and his thirteene men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine Land in the night season Thus hee continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with fortie men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecuted his Voyage till hee came to the first plaine Countrie of Peru called Tumbez where hee found a Fort made by the King of Peru against the Indians of the Mountaines Wherefore Pizarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a People of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in Gold and Siluer and well apparelled At this Port of Tumbez hee tooke thirtie thousand Pezos of Gold in trucke of Merchandise and hauing two few men to proceed any further he carried two Indians with him to learne the Language and returned backe for Panama Vpon this Discouerie Francisco Pizarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to craue of the King the Conquest of this Land Whither being come the King granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a Fleet of shippes and brought also along with him foure of his Brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his Voyage for Peru being accompanied with his Partner Diego de Almagro They sayled first to the Iland called
him on the face and tooke the Cazique But he hauing his men so neere escaped away and left a Mantle of his of the skinnes of the Martinet Sables which in my iudgement are the best of all the World and haue a scent whereunto the scent of Ambergrise and Muske is not comparable and the scent thereof was smelt very farre off We saw also other but none like vnto that Now seeing the Gouernour wounded we set him aboord and caused him to bring with him the greater part of the men vnto the Boats and fifty of our men only remayned on land to fight with the Indians who that night assaulted vs three times and with so great violence that euery time they made vs retyre a stones cast so that there was not one of our men that was not wounded After this we returned to imbarke our selues and sayled three dayes and hauing taken a little water as much as the few vesiels we had were able to carrie wee returned to fall into the same necessitie wherein we were first And going on our Voyage we entred into a Strait where abiding we saw a Canow of the Indians comming and as we called vnto them they came and the Gouernour to whose Boat they were neerest demanded water of them who offered it him if he would giue them vessels wherein to carrie it so a Greeke Christian called Theodoro of whom mention is made before said that he would goe with them And although the Gouernour and many other laboured to disswade him yet he would needs goe thither and carried a Negro with him and the Indians left for hostages two of their men Those Indians returned in the Euening and brought vs our vessels without water but brought not our two Christians againe and those two men of theirs who remayned for pledges as soone as they spake vnto them would haue cast themselues into the water but our men who had them in the Boat held them and so the other Indians fled and left vs much confounded and sorrowful for the two Christians which we had lost The morning following many other Canoas of the Indians came vnto vs demanding their two companions which they left vs for hostages The Gouernour answered that he would giue them vnto them so that they would restore vs our two Christians Fiue or sixe Lords came with those people and it seemed to vs that they were of a very good disposition and of greater authority and retinue then all the rest wee had found hitherto although they were not of so tall a stature as the other before mentioned They wore their haire loose and very long and were couered with mantles of Martinets of the same sort whereof we spake before and some of them were made of a very strange fashion hauing certaine laces of the worke of Lions skinnes which seemed very faire They prayed vs that we would goe with them and they would giue vs our two Christians and water and many other things and many Canoas came continually vpon vs endeauouring to take the mouth of that passage and so therefore because the place was very dangerous we went out to Sea where we stayed with them vntill noone But not being willing to restore our Christians and therefore we also would not restore their two hostages they began to cast stones at vs with slings making shew also that they would shoot at vs although we saw not aboue three or foure Bowes among them And while wee continued thus a fresh gale of winde beganne to blowe and they went their way So we sayled all that day vntill the euening at what time my Boat that went before discouered a point which the Land made and at the other end I saw a Riuer then I anchored at a small Iland which maketh that point to stay for the other Boats The Gouernour would not come neere it but put into a flat shoare very neere thereunto where many small Ilands were and there wee all met together and tooke fresh water within the Sea because the Riuer ranne into the Sea continually and with great violence And that wee might bee able to bake a little Maiz which wee brought because for two dayes before we had eaten it raw we went aland on that Iland but finding no wood there we agreed to goe vnto the Riuer which was behind the Point one league from thence And as wee went the current of the Riuer was so great that by no meanes it suffered vs to arriue but droue vs backe from the Land §. II. Misery pursues them at Sea and betrayes them to the Indians their miserable liues and death WEe sayled foure dayes euery one eating halfe a handfull of raw Maiz a day by ratement At the end of these foure dayes a tempest tooke vs which made vs recouer the Boat of Captaine Telles and through the great mercy which God shewed to some of vs we were not wholly drowned And being Winter and exceeding cold and so many dayes wherein we had sustained hunger with many blowes which wee receiued from the Sea the day following the men began very much to faint in such manner that when the Sunne went downe all those that were in my Boat were fallen one vpon the other so neere vnto death that few of them had any sense and among all them there were not fiue that could stand on their feete and when night came there remained no more but the Master and my selfe that could mannage the Boat and two houres within night the Master said vnto mee that I should take charge of my Boat because he was in such case that he held it for certainty that hee should die that night And so I tooke the rudder and midnight being past I went to see if the Master were dead who said vnto me that suddenly he was better and that hee would guide the Boat vntill day Then surely I found my selfe in such state that much more willingly I would haue receiued death then see so many men before me in that manner wherein they were and after the Master tooke charge of the Boat I rested my selfe a little but very vnquietly because at that time nothing was further from me then sleepe And about the morning me thought that I heard the noise and roaring of the Sea because being a very lowe Coast it raged much whereupon when I heard this I called to the Master who answered me that he supposed we were now neere vnto the Land and sounding we found our selues in seuen fathome and he thought it fit that we should abide at Sea vntill the day appeared And so I tooke an Oare and rowed to the Lands side which we found one league distant and put the stearne to the Sea And being neere to the Land a waue tooke vs which cast the Boat backe againe into the Sea as farre as a man might well fling a stone and with the great blowe which it gaue almost all the men who remained there as dead
he approued that which I said I asked him what ceremony they vsed in praying to their God He told me that they vsed none other ceremonies but that euery one praied in his heart as he thought good This is the cause why I beleeue they haue no law among them neither doe they know how to worship or pray to God and liue for the most part like brute beasts and I thinke in short space they would be brought to be good Christians if their Countrie were planten which they desire for the most part They haue among them certaine Sauages which they call Pilotoua which speak visibly with the Diuell which telleth them what they must doe as well for the warre as for other things and if he should command them to put any enterprise in execution either to kill a French man or any other of their Nation they would immediately obey his commandement Also they beleeue that all the dreames which they dreame are true and indeede there are many of them which say that they haue seene and dreamed things which doe happen or shall happen But to speake truely of these things they are visions of the Diuell which doth deceiue and seduce them Loe this is all their beliefe that I could learne of them which is brutish and bestiall All these people are well proportioned of their bodies without any deformitie they are well set and the women are well shapen fat and full of a tawnie colour by abundance of a certaine painting wherewith they rubbe themselues which maketh them to be of an Oliue colour They are apparelled with skins one part of their bodies is couered and the other part vncouered but in the winter they couer all for they are clad with good Furres namely with the skins of Orignac Otters Beuers Lea-boores Stagges and Deere whereof they haue store In the winter when the Snowes are great they make a kinde of racket which is twice or thrice as bigge as one of ours in France which they fasten to their feete and so goe on the Snow without sinking for otherwise they could not hunt nor trauaile in many places They haue also a kinde of Marriage which is that when a Maide is foureteene or fifteene yeares old shee shall haue many seruants and friends and she may haue carnall company with all those which she liketh then after fiue or six yeares she may take which of them she will for her husband and so they shall liue together all their life time except that after they haue liued a certaine time together and haue no children the man may forsake her and take another wife saying that his old wife is nothing worth so that the Maides are more free then the married Women After they be married they be chaste and their husbands for the most part are iealous which giue presents to the Father or Parents of the Maide which they haue married loe this is the ceremonie and fashion which they vse in their marriages Touching their burials when a man or woman dieth they make a pit wherein they put all the goods which they haue as Kettels Furres Hatchets Bowes and Arrowes Apparell and other things and then they put the corps into the graue and couer it with earth and set store of great peeces of wood ouer it and one stake they set vp on end which they paint with red on the top They beleeue the immortality of the Soule and say that when they be dead they goe into other Countries to reioyce with their parents and friends THe eleuenth day of Iune I went some twelue or fifteene leagues vp Saguenay which is a faire Riuer and of incredible depth for I beleeue as farrâ— as I could learne by conference whence it should come that it is from a very high place from whence there descendeth a fall of water with great impetuositie but the water that proceedeth thereof is not able to make such a Riuer as this which neuerthelesse holdeth not but from the said course of water where the first fall is vnto the Port of Tadousac which is the mouth of the said Riuer of Saguenay in which space are fortie fiue or fiftie leagues and it is a good league and a halfe broad at the most and a quarter of a league where it is narrowest which causeth a great currant of water All the Countrie which I saw was nothing but Mountaines the most part of rockes couered with woods of Fâ—r-trees Cypresses and Birch-trees the soyle very vnpleasant where I found not a league of plaine Countrey neither on the one side nor on the other There are certaine hils of Sand and Isles in the said Riuer which are very high aboue the water In fine they are very Desarts voide of Beasts and Birds for I assure you as I went on hunting through places which seemed most pleasant vnto mee I found nothing at all but small Birds which are like Nightingales and Swallowes which come thither in the Summer for at other times I thinke there are none because of the excessiue cold which is there this Riuer commeth from the North-west They reported vnto me that hauing passed the first fall from whence the currant of water commeth they passe eight other sants or fals and then they trauaile one dayes iourney without finding any then they passe ten other sants and come into a Lake which they passe in two dayes euery day they trauaile at their ease some twelue or fifteene leagues at the end of the Lake there are people lodged then they enter into three other Riuers three or foure dayes in each of them at the end of which Riuers there are two or three kinde of Lakes where the head of Saguenay beginneth from the which head or spring vnto the said Port of Tadousac is ten dayes iournee with their Canowes On the side of the said Riuers are many lodgingings whither other Nacions come from the North to trucke with the said Mountainers for skins of Beuers and Marterns for other Merchandises which the French Ships bring to the said Mountainers The said Sauages of the North say that they see a Sea which is salt I hold if this be so that it is some gulfe of this our Sea which disgorgeth it selfe by the North part between the lands and in very deede it can be nothing else This is that which I haue learned of the Riuer of Saguenay ON Wednesday the eighteenth day of Iune we departed from Tadousac to go to the Sault we passed by an I le which is called the Ile dulieure or the I le of the Hare which may be some two leagues from the Land on the North side and some seuen leagues from the said Tadousac and fiue leagues from the South Coast. From the I le of the Hare we ranged the North Coast about halfe a league vnto a point that runneth into the Sea where a man must keepe farther off The said point
me that they beare Fruit like ours In passing further we met an Ile which is called Saint Eloy and another little Ile which is hard by the North shoare we passed betweene the said Ile and the North shore where betweene the one and the other are some hundred and fiftie paces From the said Ile we passed a league and an halfe on the South side neere vnto a Riuer whereon Canowes might goe All this Coast on the North side is very good one may passe freely there yet with the Lead in the hand to auoid certaine points All this Coast which we ranged is mouing Sand but after you be entred a little into the Woods the soile is good The Friday following we departed from this I le coasting still the North side hard by the shoare which is low and full of good Trees and in great number as farre as the three Riuers where it beginneth to haue another temperature of the season somewhat differing from that of Saint Croix because the Trees are there more forward then in any place that hitherto I had seene From the three Riuers to Saint Croix are fifteene leagues In this Riuer are sixe Ilands three of which are very small and the others some fiue or sixe hundred paces long very pleasant and fertile for the little quantitie of ground that they containe There is one Iland in the middest of the said Riuer which looketh directly vpon the passage of the Riuer of Canada and commandeth the other Ilands which lye further from the shoare aswell on the one side as on the other of foure or fiue hundred paces it riseth on the South side and falleth somewhat on the North side This in my iudgement would be a very fit place to inhabit and it might bee quickly fortified for the situation is strong of it selfe and neere vnto a great Lake which is aboue foure leagues distant which is almost ioyned to the Riuer of Saguenay by the report of the Sauages which trauell almost an hundred leagues Northward and passe many Saults and then goe by Land some fiue or sixe leagues and enter into a Lake whence the said Riuer of Saguenay receiueth the best part of his Spring and the said Sauages come from the said Lake to Tadousac Moreouer the planting of The three Riuers would be a benefit for the liberty of certaine Nations which dare not come that way for feare of the said Irocois their enemies which border vpon all the said Riuer of Canada But this place being inhabited we might make the Irocois and the other Sauages friends or at least wise vnder the fauour of the said Plantation the said Sauages might passe freely without feare or danger because the said place of The three Riuers is a passage All the soyle which I saw on the North shoare is sandy Wee went vp aboue a league into the said Riuer and could passe no further by reason of the great current of water We took a Boate to search vp further but we went not past a league but we met a very Strait full of water of some twelue paces which caused vs that we could not passe no further All the ground which I saw on the bankes of the said Riuer riseth more and more and is full of Firre-trees and Cypresse Trees and hath very few other Trees ON the Saturday following we departed from The three Riuers and anchored at a Lake which is foure leagues distant All this Countrey from The three Riuers to the entrance of the said Lake is low ground euen with the water on the North side and on the South side it is somewhat higher The said Countrey is exceeding good and the most pleasant that hitherto we had seene the Woods are very thinne so that a man may trauell easily through them The next day being the nine and twentieth of Iune we entred into the Lake which is some fifteene leagues in length and some seuen or eight leagues broad At the entrance thereof on the South-side within a league there is a Riuer which is very great and entreth into the Countrey some sixtie or eightie leagues and continuing along the same Coast there is another little Riuer which pierceth about two leagues into the Land and commeth out of another small Lake which may containe some three or foure leagues On the North side where the Land sheweth very high a man may see some twentie leagues off but by little and little the Mountaynes beginne to fall toward the West as it were into a flat Countrey The Sauages say that the greatest part of these Mountaynes are bad soyle The said Lake hath some three fathoms water whereas we passed which was almost in the middest the length lieth East and West and the breadth from North to the South I thinke it hath good fish in it of such kinds as we haue in our owne Countrey Wee passed it the very same day and anchored about two leagues within the great Riuer which goeth vp to the Sault In the mouth whereof are thirtie small Ilands as farre as I could discerne some of them are of two leagues others a league and an halfe some lesse which are full of Walnut-trees which are not much different from ours and I thinke their Walnuts are good when they bee ripe I saw many of them vnder the Trees which were of two sorts the one small and the others as long as a mans Thumbe but they were rotten There are also store of Vines vpon the bankes of the said Ilands But when the waters be great the most part of them is couered with water And this Countrey is yet better then any other which I had seene before The last day of Iune wee departed from thence and passed by the mouth of the Riuer of the Irocois where the Sauages which came to make warre against them were lodged and fortified Their Fortresse was made with a number of posts set very close one to another which ioyned on the one side on the banke of the great Riuer of Canada and the other on the banke of the Riuer of the Irocois and their Boates were ranged the one by the other neere the shoare that they might flie away with speed if by chance they should bee surprised by the Irocois For their Fort is couered with the barke of Okes and serueth them for nothing else but to haue time to embarke themselues We went vp the Riuer of the Irocois some fiue or sixe leagues and could passe no farther with our Pinnasse by reason of the great course of water which descendeth and also because we cannot goe on Land and draw the Pinnasse for the multitude of Trees which are vpon the bankes Seeing we could not passe any further we tooke our Skiffe to see whether the current were more gentle but going vp some two leagues it was yet stronger and wee could goe no higher Being able to doe no more we returned to our
Pinnasse All this Riuer is some three hundred or foure hundred paces broad and very wholsome Wee saw fiue Ilands in it distant one from the other a quarter or halfe a league or a league at the most one of which is a league long which is the neerest to the mouth and the others are very small All these Countries are couered with Trees and low Lands like those which I had seene before but here are more Firres and Cypresses then in other places Neuerthelesse the soile is good although it bee somewhat sandy This Riuer runneth in a manner South-west The Sauages say that some fifteene leagues from the place where we were vp the Riuer there is a Sault which falleth downe from a very steepe place where they carry their Canowes to passe the same some quarter of a league and come into a Lake at the mouth whereof are three Ilands and being within the same they meete with more Iles This Lake may containe some fortie or fiftie leagues in 〈…〉 gth and some fiue and twentie leagues in breadth into which many Riuers fall to the number of ten which carrie Canowes very far vp When they are come to the end of this Lake there is another fall and they enter againe into another Lake which is as great as the former at the head whereof the Irocois are lodged They say moreouer that there is a Riuer which runneth vnto the Coast of Florida whether it is from the said last Lake some hundred or an hundred and fortie leagues All the Countrey of the Irocois is somewhat Mountaynous yet notwithstanding exceeding good temperate without much Winter which is very short there AFter our departure from the Riuer of the Irocois wee anchored three leagues beyond the same on the North side All this Countrie is a lowe Land replenished with all sorts of trees which I haue spoken of before The first day of Iuly we coasted the North side where the wood is very thinne and more thinne then wee had seene in any place before and all good land for tillage I went in a Canoa to the South shoare where I saw a number of Iles which haue many fruitfull trees as Vines Wal-nuts Hasel-nuts and a kinde of fruit like Chest-nuts Cheries Oskes Aspe Hoppes Ashe Beech Cypresses very few Pines and Firre-trees There are also other trees which I knew not which are very pleasant Wee found there store of Strawberries Rasp-berries Goos-berries red greene and blue with many small fruits which growe there among great abundance of grasse There are also many wilde beasts as Orignas Stagges Does Buckes Beares Porkepickes Conies Foxes Beauers Otters Muske-rats and certaine other kindes of beasts which I doe not knowe which are good to eate and whereof the Sauages liue Wee passed by an I le which is very pleasant and containeth some foure leagues in length and halfe a league in breadth I saw toward the South two high Mountaines which shewed some twentie leagues within the Land The Sauages told mee that here beganne the first fall of the foresaid Riuer of the Irocois The Wednesday following wee departed from this place and sayled some fiue or sixe leagues Wee saw many Ilands the Land is there very lowe and these Iles are couered with trees as those of the Riuer of the Irocais were The day following being the third of Iuly we ranne certaine leagues and passed likewise by many other Ilands which are excellent good and pleasant through the great store of Medowes which are thereabout as well on the shoare of the maine Land as of the other Ilands and all the Woods are of very small growth in comparison of those which wee had passed At length we came this very day to the entrance of the Sault or Fall of the great Riuer of Canada with fauourable wind and wee met with an I le which is almost in the middest of the said entrance which is a quarter of a league long and passed on the South side of the said I le where there was not past three foure or fiue foot water and sometimes a fathome or two and straight on the sudden wee found againe not past three or foure foot There are many Rockes and small Ilands whereon there is no wood and they are euen with the water From the beginning of the foresaid I le which is in the middest of the said entrance the water beginneth to runne with a great force Although we had the wind very good yet wee could not with all our might make any great way neuerthelesse wee passed the said Ile which is at the entrance of the Sault or Fall When wee perceiued that wee could goe no further wee came to an anchor on the North shoare ouer against a small Iland which aboundeth for the most part with those kinde of fruits which I haue spoken of before Without all delay wee made ready our skiffe which wee had made of purpose to passe the said Sault whereinto the said Monsieur de Pont and my selfe entred with certaine Sauages which we had brought with vs to shew vs the way Departing from our Pinnace we were scarse gone three hundred paces but we were forced to come out and cause certain Mariners to goe into the water to free our Skiffe The Canoa of the Sauages passed easily Wee met with an infinite number of small Rockes which were euen with the water on which wee touched oftentimes There he two great Ilands one on the North side which containeth some fifteene leagues in length and almost as much in breadth beginning some twelue leagues vp within the Riuer of Canada going toward the Riuer of the Irocois and endeth beyond the Sault The Iland which is on the South side is some foure leagues long and some halfe league broad There is also another Iland which is neere to that on the North side which may bee some halfe league long and some quarter broad and another small Iland which is betweene that on the North side and another neerer to the South shoare whereby wee passed the entrance of the Sault This entrance being passed there is a kinde of Lake wherein all these Ilands are some fiue leagues long and almost as broad wherein are many small Ilands which are Rockes There is a Mountaine neere the said Sault which discouereth farre into the Countrie and a little Riuer which falleth from the said Mountaine into the Lake On the South side are some three or foure Mountaines which seeme to be about fifteene or sixteene leagues within the Land There are also two Riuers one which goeth to the first Lake of the Riuer of the Irocois by which sometimes the Algoumequins inuade them and another which is neere vnto the Sault which runneth not farre into the Countrey At our comming neere to the said Sault with our Skiffe and Canoa I assure you I neuer saw any streame of water to fall downe with such force as this doth although it
Prouince in America 1560 Acuti a beast of Brasile like a Coney 1301 Adams Tree in Brasile 1310 L. Admirall of England his deserued commendations 1962 Adultely how punished by the Indians 1159. by the Aethiopians 1234. by the Guianians 1272 Aquacay a Prouince in Florida 1553 Aquatorke a place situate in the Coast of China on the North 1433 Age reuerenced among the Sauages 1333 Ague a speciall medicine for the same 1311 Aio an Iland in Orenoco 1248 Aire causing swelling in the legges 1222 Alaqua a riuer in Brasile the depth thereof and how passed 1239 Alimama a Town in Florida 1545 Allcatrace a rauenous Sea-fowle described 1376 Alegranca one of the most northerly Ilands of the Canaries 1155. the inhabitants and commodities therof 1267 St. Alexio an Iland described 1238 Alexandro Vrsino his relations of Terra Firma and Peru 1418 c. Alexander viz. Sir William Alexander Knight his patent for the Plantation of Noua Scotia 1871 Alfonso Gabrero his comming to the riuer of Plate 1350 Algernoone-Fort in Virginia kept by Captaine Dauies 1748 All Nesico a tree in Brasil very precious and rich good against bruises 1239 Allen the Cardinall promiseth the Crowne of England to the Duke of Parma 1907 Alo a kinde of drinke vsed by the Spaniards in the West Indies like Braggat made of hot spices 1174 Altamaca-towne 1536 Aluarez Nunnez made Generall of the Spaniards in Brasile his memorable explâ—â—ts c. 1356 sequ His ship-wracke land-trauell and famine ibid. His disrespect among his souldiers 1357. sedition among his men 1359. His dissembled sicknesse and trecherous cruelty toward the Indians 1360. Hee is captiuated and sent into Spaine and the dissention ensuing ibid. Vide Nunnez Amaie a towne in Florida 1553 Amam Buquano two Ilands in Brasile 1241 Amapajo Riuer 1248 Amana Riuer 1247 Amariocapana vallies and the inhabitants thereof 1248 Amazons country 1559 1218. The names of all the Riuers and Nations betweene it and the Brabisses 1286. The description of their nature country customes and commodities at large 1287 Amazon women their fashions and countrie 1358. Vide Women Amber how called by the Indians 1241 Ambergreece where found 1224 1237 1240 1313 1377 1796 Ambition among Sauages 1212 Ambroa a beast in Aethiopia 1233 Ambush of the Caribes 1256 Amecaxo Indians of Brasâ—le 1310 Amiebas-towne in the riuer Marwin 1283 America 1223. How diuided betweene the Sp 〈…〉 ds and Portingals 1435. The strife about it 1437 Americaes strange beasts plants c 1325 1326. sequ Strange Birds 1329 1330. Bees and Butterflies ibid. The enuy of the Americans 1330. Americaes medicinable plants and venemous 1330. With leaues of incredible bignesse 1332. The cause of their warres 1333. Their irreconciliation with their aduersaries ibid. Their assemblies weapons skill archery stratagems their clamorous fiercenesse captines 1335 1336. vid. Indians and Brasilians Anato a berry or cod wherewith the Indians paint 1251 Anapermia a riuer how situate 1247 Anaquia sauages so called 1299 Ancica a place in Affrica 1234 The inhabitants thereof the stubbornest vnder the Sunne most blacke of any their religion concubines countrie and commodities they are right vnder the line 1237 Anebas a place in the Indies 1248. certaine Moores so called 1250 Angola a place in Aethiopia 1212 The inhabitants markets lawes King pompe rites of obeysance controuersies c. 1233. Their Religion ibid. Description of the Country their slauery to the Portingals their coloured cloathes greatest disgrace their feeding lodging 1233 1234. their manner of taking Elephants their cole-blacke colour stature punishment of adultery circumcision how easily their country may bee taken from the Portingals 1234. yeerly shipped from it 28000 slaues 1243 Anhelim Sauages in the Maine of Brasile 1299 Anchors that are vnserniceable how mended without iron 1390 Angra the chiefe towne of Tercera one of the Azores the description and fortification thereof 1668 1143 Anima a bird in Brasile that hath on his beake a medicinable horne 1306 Anneda a tree very soueraigne against the scuruy 1625 Annes Hill the situation of it 1242 S. Annes Iland 1379 Anoixi a Towne in Florida the inhabitants whereof were taken by the Spaniards 1550 Ant-Beare a beast with a nose of a yard long deceiuing Ants with putting forth his tongue 1214. It is also called Tamandros 1216 1301 Ante a place in Florida the commodities thereof 1503 1504 Anteperistase and the effects thereof 1627 S. Anthonie a garison towne of the Spaniards in Florida 1182 Sr. Antony Ralife forced to returne for England 1941 St Antonio a Riuer 1223. the description commodities c. 1239 Antis a Prouince neere Peru whose inhabitants worshipped Tygres and great Snakes of 25 and 30 foot long and harmlesse 1457 Apalachen a place supposed very well stored with gold in Florida 1501 The chiefe towne thereof described their manner of building and fortification their commodities of beasts fowles and plants a geographical description of their countrie their assault of the Spaniards c. 1502 1503 Apamatica a country in Uirginia 1688 Apamatucke-riuer 1692 Apanawaspek a great riuer in Mawooshen lying West and by South of Ramassoc 1874 Apanmenseck a great riuer in Mawooshen ibid. Apes with beards and mustachoes 1243 Apetupa certaine Indians so called 1299 Apigapigtanga certaine sauages so called in Brasile 1298 Aponig a great riuer not far from Aponik 1874 Aponik a great riuer in Mawooshen ibid. Appisham a towne on the riuer Aponik ibid. Apples of America 1332 Apples at Angola and Auanas pleasant and wholesome but eating iron like Aqua-fortis 1243. Apples in Guiana causing sleepe to death 1276 Aquirini Indians 1299 Aquiguira-Brasilians 1299 Aquixo a great Lord in Florida 1546 Aracawa Riuer 1251. The commodities and inhabitants thereabout 1251 1263 Aracuaiati certaine Indian sauages 1299 Araomi an Iland in Orenoco 1248 Ararape certaine Brasilian inhabitants 1298 Arawagatos certaine Indians neere Orenoco 1248 Arbadaos-Indians their hungry life 1517 Archers very expert and strong 1503. Archers that kill birds flying fishes swimming beasts running 1771 Archers-hope a point of land in Virginia so called 1688. Archers relation of a Fleet sent to Virginia 1733 1734 Arecias certaine clifts in Brasile so called 1238 Capt. Argals voyage and successe 1758 seq His relation of his acts in Virginia anno 1613. his getting store of corne for the plantation 1764 1765. His taking prisoner Powhatons daughter and freeing Englishmen 1765. his returne ibid. His valour in displating the FreÌ„ch 1768 1808 Armada furnished against the English in the West Indies their fight 1398 seq An armada prepared against the Lord Howard Admirall of her Maiesties fleet at the Azores 1144 Arrow running in at the mouth of a man and comming out at his poale yet the man saued 1206. Arrowes fiue or sixe in one body escaping ibid. One and twenty arrowes in one man that liued after 4 houres 1219. A hundred arrowes in two men before they fell 1256. Arrowes of Indians that runne through a Target Pistoll proofe 1688 Arrowhotacks certaine Indians
And description ibid. Etapusick a place in the Indies with singular mynes of gold 1222 Etechemins Savages of New-France that are theeues and treacherous 1626 Etoica a River in Brasile its dangerous Navigation 1240 Euill-peace a towne so named by the Spaniards in Florida and the reason thereof 1533 Europa a River that commeth into Orenoco 1248 Example prevaileth more then precept 1743 F. FAls of water very violent and strange 1610 False-heartednesse how auoided in the treacherous Indians by Spanish policie 1552 False-heartednesse of the Savages called Massacheusets 1859 Of the Indians towards Master Westons men 1865 Famine very vrgent in the Indies 1214. Miserable in the same countrey 1258 Famine among the French-men 1325. Among the Dutch and Spaniards at the River of Plate the vnnaturall effects thereof 1348. Famine among Spaniards 1401 1477 1508. Among the Indians and some few hungry Spaniards 1517 1518. Incredible famine 1526. Famine and mortalitie of the English in Virginia 1690. Famine in great extremitie enforcing man-slaughter and man-eating 1732 Famishing strangely escaped by Andrew Hillyard all his fellowes perishing 1802 1803 Faraon a towne burnt vp by the English in their returne from Cadiz 1934 Fast publikely instituted and observed by the English in New England being in distresse for want of raine 1867 Fasts instituted in England and Zeland for Gods gracious deliverance in 88. 1911 Father Martin Perez of the societie of Iesus his relation of his travels and description of Ginoloa 1562 1563 seq His baptizing many Indians and instructing them in a knowne tongue c. 1564. What kinde of Christianitie hee taught them 1564 1565 Fayael one of the Ilands of the Azores the description and taking thereof by the Earle of Cumberland 1672. Their feare of the English Nauy 1676 The Feags a strange sicknesse in the Bermudas much annoying the English 1797 Feare the cause of Tyrannie 1437 Feare causing death in the Indians 1522 Feasts of Savages 1607 Feathers vsed for cloathes 1212 Feuers how eased by plants 1311 How gotten in hot Countries and auoided 1370 1371 Febacco Iland 1266 Ferdinando Gorge his employment in the plantation of New-Scotland 1842 Captaine Fenton his expedition and ouerthrow 1141 1142 Fernambue aport in America 1190 1202 1438 Fernandes Gires his discouery of a Land in the south Sea with the rare commodities thereof 1422 Fetherstons Bay in Virginia why so called 1716 Figs of Brasile 1332 Fight betweene the English and and Spaniards in Saint Iohn Port-Ricco 1161. Betweene English and Indians with Portingals 1197. Fighting against a natiue countrie rewarded 1404 Fighting betweene two Indian nations in Peru very extreame and bloody 1458. Betweene the English and Spaniards in the narrow Seas 1906. A fight betweene the English and Spaniards before Greeueling 1908. A fight by sea betweene the English and Spanish before Cadiz 1930 Fire burning in the woods for the space of three dayes 1890. Great danger by fire 1145 1918 A Fish endangering a boat and men 1142. Fishes flying 1157 1314 Their danger of deuouring in Sea or Ayre 1376 Fishing of New England very commodious to the plantation of Virginia 1842 Fishing how commodious and especially to the Hollanders 1821 Fishing with swords 1714 Fishing with golden hookes 1216 Fishing with wood 1251 Fish great store in Guiana 1275. A fish with foure eyes two aboue water and two vnder a fish also with warme blood like flesh ibid. Fish made drunke with wood 1276 Fish like beefe in taste and proportion 1283. It is called the Ox-fish the description thereof at large 1313 1314. It hath eyes which it may close and shut at will armes and hands in his head it hath 2 stones of approued soueraignnesse for the stone in the body ibid. A Fish that snorteth and thereby is apprehended ibid. A fish that hath two broad stones in his mouth ibid. fish good against the poison of a Snake and very wholesome 1313. Fish that maketh the holders hands benummed or shaking as one that hath the palsie Fish that maketh all that touch it to sticke fast vnto it Fishes like men and women their fearfulness to the Indians their manner of killing men Fish that dyes the water and euadeth the Fisher Fish that proues a remedy for the Spleene a Fish that easts his mouth shell and feet 1314 1315 seq A Fish with fingers and vttering a squeaking sound 1331 Fish so plentifull that it may bee kild in the water with clubs 1549 Fishes that haue voices like Owles 1639. Good fishing 1640 Fits-Morrice slaine in Ireland 1893 Flatterers base kind of people 1957 A Flemmish Ship burnt at the fight before Cadiz 1930 Flores a place in the Azores 1144 The description thereof 1175 1672 Florida possessed by the Spaniards 1501. The inhabitants many of them tall of stature and expert archers 1503. The townes and inhabitants thereof variously described 1503 1504. seq Florida hath gold and pretious stones on the sea coast 1554. The distance of sundry places one from the other necessary for trauellers 1556. Losse of inhabitants in Florida by Spanish cruelty 1589. The great age of some men there 1604. They liue in the woods 3 months in the yeare vpon hunting 1604. English men the first discouerers of Florida 1813 Flutes made of Reedes 1687 Fluxes stayed by fruits as Guianas Papaias and wild Grapes 1172. by a berry 1276 1308. by a plant 1311 Fooles-coat a liuery of the Spanish Inquisition 1179 Forests trauelled by compasse 1636 Fort Mora summond befieged and taken by the Lord of Cumberland 1163 1164. The strength and danger of passage for ships by it 1164 Fort St. Iohn of the Spaniards in Florida 1182 Fortileza a towne in Port-Ricco 1164 Fountaines of pitchy substance very hot that serue to calke ships withall 1481 A Fountaine that turneth wood into stone 1670 Fox-Iland on the north of Virginia 1654 Francis Bouadilla chiefe Marshall of the Fleet in 88 sent for England 1901 Francisco de Zeres his relation of the conquest of Peru and Cusco called New Castile 1491. sequ Francisco Pizarro a Spaniard his discouery of Peru and successe 1444 1451 1452 1489 1490 1491 1492 1493 1494. St. Francis a riuer in America â—â—23 A towne there with Châ—â—â—ery Bishop Deane and Uniuersity of Spaniards 1421 Franciscan Fryers of great esteeme in the West Indies 1242 French-Bay in New France 1621 French-Pox cured with Sassafras 1655 French nauigations to the north America 1603. Their discouery of Cape Francois the Riuer Moy taking possession there and discouering eight riuers more their dissention and ouerthrow ibid. French famine on the Seat their miserable distressed scarcity in Florida mutiny and ease by Sir Iohn Hawkins 1604. Fâ—â—nchmen remoue their plantation from St. Croix to Port Royall 1626. Frenchmen settle themselues within the limits of the English in the Newfound-Land though to their small aduantage 1828. FrenchmeÌ„s courtesie to the English nation 1834. Frenchmens couetousnesse and their infamy in that regard 1638. Frenchmens mutiny against their Captaine discouered and reuenged
now changed from a peopled Countrey to a desert by Spanish crueltie 1583 1584 Martha's Uineyard a dis-inhabited I le 1648 Saint Martha a towne taken by Sir Francis Drake 1183 Marwin River and the Regions therevnto adioyning 1283 Massasoys a company of Savages in New-England 1849 Massasoyt his acknowledgement of King Iames to be the Gouernour of his Countrey and himselfe his man his kinde entertainment of English and prohibiting the French 1852 1862 Massangono a Portingall Fort in Affrica the description thereof 1220 1234. Gold therein taken by the Portingals 1237 Mastiues much regarded in Virginis 1655 Matauzas the situation and description thereof 1246 1247 Matiniâ— a haven in America 1146 1157 Saint Matthews Bay 1401 Matta diabolo a Fort in Port-Ricco 1162 Mattaick a Rocke which with the brightnesse thereof dazeleth the eyes 1285 Mattouri an Ilandin Guiana 1272 Mauriapigtanga Inhabitants of Brasile 1298 Mawooshen a Countrey discovered by the English Anno 1622. 1873 Maids how distinguished from maried women in Virginia 1689. Their habite and behauiour when they are to be taken to mariage 1869 1159 Henry Mays his voyage and shipwracke on the Bermudas or Summer-Ilands 1795. The losse and saving of some men ibid. Meat made of Snakes 1210. Meat how kept from corrupting among the Savages 1326. Meat not eaten by the Indians vnlesse sanctified by the Spaniards 1522 Meecombe a towne on the River Apanawapesk 1874 Mechuacan a place in New-Spaine 1557 1580 Mechuacan a place neere the South Sea 1559 Mecola the situation thereof 1246 Mendozaes Indian voyage and successe 1347 1348. seq Hee builds the citie Buenos Ayres the miserable famine there and warres with the Indians the death of his souldiers his returning and death by the way 1348 1349 1350 Men of three hundred yeares age in Florida 1604 Mendoza his intended treason against Queene Elizabeth 1892. Hee being Embassador from Spaine is commanded to depart the English coast 1893 Menehighon Iland how situate 1829 Mepenes a Nation in the River Parana in the Indies their description strength and multitude 1351 Mermaids seene in Brasile 1240 on the coast of New-found-land 1887 Mermen or men of the Sea that kill men with embracing and then seeme to sigh 1315. Some are as little as children and doe no hurt 1318 Mesquiquez an Indian fruit 1519 1520 Mestizo one that is halfe a Sauage and halfe a Portingall 1207 Metall like Lead found in Canada on the South 1618 Meuis Ile the situation excellent bathes and commodities thereof 1685 Mexico Navigations 1177. The bignesse of the Citie the nature and docibilitie of the naturals the company of Spaniards there 1421 The populousnesse thereof 1432. Mexico and all the adioyning Provinces vnpeopled by Spanish crueltie 1578. Two millions of Indians slaine by them there ibid. Saint Michael a place in the Azores 1142. A strange Hill and wels there 1142. It s description 1671 Saint Michael a River in America neere the River of Toads 1223. It is dangerous for Navigation 1239 Saint Michaels Strait in Florida 1505 Saint Michaels towne triumpheth at the departure of the English 1966 Mico a river in Florida which at the mouth is called Rio Grand 1552 Middletons voyage 1246. 1247 Miles Standish his travell in New-found-land 1848 Military orders established in New-England 1849. Military discipline as well shewed in making a faire and safe retreit as in giving a fierce and furious onset 1962 Will. Millington drawne into the Sea by a Fish and never seene more 1802 Mines of gold in Port-Ricco 1165. Where the richest Mines 1177. At Etapusick very rich Mines of gold and silver 1222 1229. Mines in plenty 1230. Likewise 1231 1248. Mines of Apalatci in Florida 1604. Mines of Copper of a metall like silver in Canada 1617. Other Mines there where to be found 1618 1619. Mine of Steele 1639 Minoya a place in Florida 1554 Miracles wrought by the Spaniards as themselues report in the West Indies 1516 Mirth a preservatiue against the scuruy 1625 Mists store and thicke neere the Banke very cold and the cause thereof 1628. It is then faire at land though at sea foggie 1629 Mocha an Iland in the South sea 1391. The description and commodities thereof 1392 Mochocho an Indian Gouernour in Florida 1531 1532 Mogador a place on the coast of Barbary 1250 Mehotse a populous Indian Province 1562 Melopaques certaine Savages of Brasile 1229. They haue store of gold but esteeme it not except to fish withall ibid. A Monasterie in Saint Iohn de Port Ricco 1165. Monasteries in Peru and Cozco 1456 1457 Moneta Ile its difficult landing and vnspeakable abundance of Fowle 1686 Monkeys rosted and eaten 1213 Monkeys in Brasile called Wariua by the Inhabitants as bigge as a Spanyell with long broad beards 1226 1302. Their King his fashion and other seats of actiuitie ibid. Some that are men-deuourers ibid. Their care in providing the safety of their yong 1328 Monserotta Iland 1281 Monseur de Montz voyages related 1620. seq His societie broken and is enuied at 1638 Monte Christo a weake towne of the Spaniards in the Indies 1418 Monte de Plata 1432 Mooremoreno Iland 1397. Its inhabitants description their loue to the English and hate of Spaniards 1398 Master Moores Plantation and government in the Bermudas Ilands 1802. His building Forts ibid. dispelling Spanish ships and other acts ibid. His death and disposition ibid. Moratiggon an I le about a dayes sayle from New-England 1849 Morecapana Road the situation thereof 1246 Moreeshego a place in the River Marwin 1283 Morrequito a certain country neere Orenoco 1248 Morou a towne of Canibals 1227 Morrowina a Guyanian Province 1271 Captaine Morgan slaine in Brasile 1197 Morouishaua the Kings name among some Savages of Brasile 1229 Mosco a Savage famous for his loue to the English 1715 Mosse a certaine beast as bigge as an Oxe headed like a Deere with a broad Palme which hee mewes euery yeare his haire is long like an Elke hee hath a great bunch vnder his throat his legges long his skin maketh very good Buffe his flesh is excellent food very vsefull to the Savages in New-England 1832 Motto of the King of Spaine in Saint Domingo 1182 Mottayas certaine Canibals in Brasile their loue to the English feeding on Frogges Snakes Monkeys and Dogs their man eating haire beasts and commodities 1229 1230 Mourning expressed by cutting of the haire among Indians 1291 Mourning of the Indians for those that die 1869 Mount-mansell an Iland on the coast of New-England abounding with the Beast called Mâ—ssâ— 1832 Mount Howard 1260 1254 Mount Huntly 1261 Mount Aldworth in Virginia 1655 Mountainiers Savages so called in Canada that make warres with the Irocos 1607 Mountaines stored with gold 1284. A mighty mountaine snowy on the top and torrid at the foot 1156. A mountaine exceeding steepe 1214. A glittering mountaine 1216. A mountaine of Crab-Lice 1228. Mountaine of metals 1232. Mountains abounding with silver and gold 1248. Mountaines covered with Snow that for their height may
characters sort not to terrestriall fabrikes instanced in the Reuenge Thunderbâ—lt and this Resentance with the Iesus of Sir Io. Hawk Considerations for pretended Voyâ—ges Prouisions bâ—â—ter prouided at Plimoutâ— then at London Note Danger of Porâ—s open Parts requisite in a good Mariner Abuses of some Sea faring men Master Thomas Candish Master George Reymond Note He addes another remedie in taking away imprâ—sts The consequence of Instructs at departure False calking For preuention thereof Example See Cap. â—rings last Voyagâ— in which the Great Iames was oft endangered thereby Aduice for shooting at Sea Two English shâ—ps haue hâ—â—eby much wroâ—ged each other by mistaking The Madera Ilands Canarie Ilands Gorgosho The descâ—iâ—tion of Tenerif and the Pike Of a Tree in Fierro One M. Lewis Iackson now dwelling in Holboâ—â—e told me that A. 1618. he had beene in this Iland and seene this Tree which he thus described It is as big as an Oake of middle size the barke white like Haâ— dbeame sixe or seuen yards high with ragged boughs the leafe like that of the Bay white on the bottome and greene on the other side It beareth neither fruit nor flower It is scituate in the decliuitie of a Hill in the day it is withered dropping â—n the night a cloude hanging thereon yeelding water sufficient for the whole Iland which containeth 8000. soules and aboue 100000. beasts Camels Mules Goats c. It falls into a Pond made of bricke floored with stones very thight by pipes of â—ead conueighed from the Tree to it and thence diuided into seuerall Ponds through all the Iland They which dwell vp-hill fetch â—t in barrels They water therewith also their Corne-grounds The Pond holds 20000. tuns and is filled in a night He added a report perhaps deuised to keepe off busie fingers or with busie tongues to multiplie wonders that the Moores hauing taâ—en that Iland from the Christians went to fell that Tree but each blowe recoyled on the striker Hee affirmed also that hee had beene â—p the Pike of Teneriff two miles He saith the South side is healthfull the North very Aguish and subiect to Calentures and the Inhabitants on one side looke lustie on the other withered The first discouerers of these Ilands Exercises vpon the Southwards of the Canaries â—â—pe de Verde The vnwholsomnesse thereof The heate The Breze Another cause of Feuers is the dâ—wes which fall euery night so that the exceeding moisture and vnsoundnesse thereof causeth men lying or watching in the open aire to fall sicke The remedie The influence of the Moone in hot Countries Saint Iago Sacked by Manuel Serades Sir Francis Drake and Sir Anthony Sherley Fuego Fiery hill Brano good watering The Palmito The Plantan great leaues Placentia The Cocos their kindes Coquillos A third kinde Cyuet-Cats Munkeyes Parrots * Tawt or taught a Sea-terme sig stiffe and fast Morning and euening praier Change of water Error in reckoning Note The lesse of Edward â—otton Current-consideration New found-found-land Current Leuant Sea Brasil and South Sea Currents of smaller force neere the shore A discourse of the Scuruey or Scorâ—â—â—â— The signes Azores Strange effect of calmes The remedies By Diet. By shift By labour By early eating and drinking Ten thousand English dead of the Scuruie in 20. yeeres By sowre Oranges and Lemmons By Doctor Steuens water By Oyle of Vitry By the Aire of the Land The company sicke and dismayed Prouerbe Brasill Cape Saint Augustine Farnambuca Todos Santos De Vitoria Dangers of fire By heating of Pitch Vse of â—ugge Gownes Preuention Diuers ships as the Primrose Iesus of Lubeck Robuck Blacke Lion c. haue beene burned By hooping scuâ—ling of Caske Note By natures of waters By swearing An excellent order for shipswearing Custome feedâ— vice which seuerity starueth Pi hy discourse of diuers fishes and their description The Dolphin The Bonito The Sharke His mouth Superstition All-deuouring Three rowes of teeth Whelping Pilats â—â—shes Sea hawking and hunting Flying fishes Alcatrace The fight of the Whale with the Sword-fish and Thresher The strokes heard two leagues Of Whales see our Greeneland discourses li. 3. c. 2. 〈◊〉 Amber-greece Amber Corall Best times to passe the line froÌ„ the Northwards to the Southward Port of Santos For preuention of annoyances c. in Harbours S 〈…〉 rds periury Their punishment Note for that harbour The vertue of Oranges Distilling of Salt water Vnskilfulnesse of the Masters Mâ—te Prouidence of God and the caâ—â— of the Master Care of Steeridge Exquisit in the Spaniards and Portugals Cape Blanco Saint Ialmes Ilands alias Saint Annes Gannets Purslane Cherries Palmitos Purgatiues Artechoques or Prick-pears A good note to take or refuse vnknowâ— fruits Contagious water Waste losse of mâ—n Hawke burnt Sholes of Abrcoios Industry of the 〈…〉 ans They surprise 〈◊〉 French G 〈…〉 at Canoa San sebastian Wise stratagem The merry euents of a care full watch 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 Palmito Iland The creatures Cape Frie. Ienero Little Iland Isla Grand Shels of mother of Pearle Price of Negroes Cassaui meale And for Beuerage The manner of planning Iuca With the labour of the women The description of Brasil Its Hauens Strang worme Variation of the Compasse The ouerthrow of the Voyage by a perfidious man The cunning of Runnawayes Birds like Swans Such the Hollanders found in the Straits which they called Mayres Caughâ— with Line Hooke Proue good refreshment Care of the Patagones Land vnknowne A descriâ—tion of the same A caueat for comming suddenly to neâ—re an vnknowne Land Point Tremountaine Faire Iland Conduit-head Hawkins Maidenland Beds of Oreweed with white flowres Our comming to the Straits Description thereof Pedro Sarmiento buildeth San Philip. Hogs Ilands of Pengwins Note Since it hath bin plainly found that all the South part are Ilands Good prouision in the Straits The description of the Pengwin Hunting the Pengwin The keeping for store The Guls. Ducks Cunning Architecture Their neatnes Of Seales or Sea-woolues Description of the Seale Their Sentinel The second peopling of the Spaniards Elizabeths Bay The Riuer of Ieroniâ—â— Another channell Blanches Bay Obiection of waste Answere Warning against wormes which eate througâ—sâ—aps Of sheathing ships In Spaine and Portugall with double plankes With Canuas With burnt plankes In china with Varnish in England Best manner of sheathing The Naturaâ— Long Reach Mouth of the Straits Note Tempest English Bay The natiues houses Sloth cause of imagination Tobias Coue. Setting of the ship vpon a Rocke To the laborious God propitious Crabby Coue. Gods gracious deliuerance Voyage ouerthrowne by giuing way to murderers Edward Fenton and Master Thomas Candish Master William Hawkins The mending of an vnseruiceable Anchor Entertainment of time to auoid idlenesse A kind of hot Spice in the Straits In gathering of Wiâ—ters Barke Of Pearles in the Straits Discourse of Pearles how they breed Preuention of Rats The calamities they bring to a ship Backwardnes in the company Cape Desire South part of the Straits Ilands
course of water Great Lake described and Riuer of the Irocois Chap. 7. The Lake of Argolesme 15. leagues A great Riuer Another small Riuer Two leagues 30. maâ— Ilands Wal nuts of two sorts Store of Vines Good Countries The Riuer of the Irocois Their manner of fortification with stakes Fiue Ilands This Riuer runneth almost South-west A Lake some fortie or fiftie leagues long in the Countrey of the Irocois The goodnesse and short winter of the Countrey of the Irocois Their arriual at the Sault or Fall of the Riuer of Canada the description thereof Cha. 8. Fruitfull Trees of many sorts Orignas are before said to bee like oxen perhaps Buffes Lâ—sâ—arbot that Orignacs are Ellans Wild beasts A pleasant I le Many Ilands Iuly 3. Many more Ilands The entrance of the Sault or Fall Anlle A greatt current of water Monâ—â—eur du Pont â—nd Monsicur du Champlaine search the Sanâ—â— Two great Ilands A kind of Lake some 5. leagues long 3. or 4. Mountaines on the South side Two Riuers The surie of the fall of water The Sault a league broad The swift current of the water aboue the Fall Ten Saults mâ—râ— Temperate aire and good soyle The Sault is in 45. degrees and certaine minutes A draught of the Sauages The first report of the Sauages touching the Head of the Riuer A Riuer running 60. leags into the Countrie of the Algeumequins A Lake of 15. leagues Another Lake of 4. leagues Fiue other Saults A Lake of 80. leagues long Brackish water * It seemeth hereby to trend soâ—thward The last Sault Another Lake 60. leagues long very brackish A Strait of 2. leagues broad Another mightie Lake The southerne situation of a great Lake The water as salt as sea water Many Riuers running south and north Hudsons Riuer may be one of these An exceediug great Riuer The south Sea Of Canada and of the number of the Fals and Lakes which it passeth by Chap. 9. Iuly 4. The Riuer of the Irocois Another report of the Algoumequin Sauages A Riuer or Lake 6. or 7. leagues long A Lake 150. leagues long A Riuer on the North side going toward the Algoumequins A Riuer on the south side Another exceeding great Lake A Sea the end whereof the Sauages neuer saw It seemeth to lie southward The I le Coudres The Ile Du Lieure or Of the Hare The third report made by a great Traueller A Lake 15. leagues long An exceeding great Lake 300 luagues long A very great Iland Brâ—ckish water More brackish water Whole salt water A great and maine Sea A Riuer which goeth to the Algoumequins A Mine of fine Copper Some 400. leagues from the first Sault to the South-sea Their Voyage from Tadousac to the I le percee of many Riuers Lakes and Câ—uâ—â—ries wherein are found sundry sorts of Mines Chap. 10. 100. leagues from Gachepay to â—adousac Armouchides Sagaâ—o The description of the Port of Cachepay The Bay of Cods The I le Percee The I le de Bonaduenture The Bay of Heate The Riuer of Mautanne Trâ—gate and Misamichy The Riuer Sourâ—ua A Mine of Copper An Iland A Strait betweene the Iles of Cape Breâ—oâ— and the maine Land Souricois A great Riuer on the South-west coast whereby th 〈…〉 e sauages inuade the 〈◊〉 Great Riuers and goo 〈…〉 〈…〉 ns on the câ—â—st◠〈◊〉 â—â—â—ridâ— or Virginiâ— A Riuer A Lake twenty leagues in compasse A metall like Siluer A Mine of Copper Our returne from the I le Percee to Tadousac with the description of the I le Grecks Ports Riuers 〈◊〉 R 〈…〉 Bayes 〈◊〉 Shoalds which are aâ—ong the North coast Chap 11. The North shoare The Riuer of Saâ—â—â— â—â—â—gâ—ret A sandy coast Very b 〈…〉 Countries A point that sunneth into the sea A good Creek where many ships may ride A Bay A Creeke Two little low Ilands Lesqueuim a very bad Port The Riuer where the Basks kill the whales Our arriuall at Tadousac the 3. of August Of the Aâ—mouchâ—cois Sauages and of their monstrous shape The discourse of Monsteur de Preâ—â—re of Saint Malo touching the discoucrie of the South-west Coast. Câ— 12. The Ceremonies which they vse before they go to the warres Their departure from Tadousac Armoâ—â—hicâ—iâ— deformed Sauages The Souricois The Relation of the Copper Myne on the South Coast. Another Mine Blacke painting An I le wherein another kind of Metall is found which is white being cut Other Mynes The description of the place where the said Myne is A good Hauen at the Copper Mynes Their returne Chap. 13. Câ—pe Rase The Banke The sounding Vshant The rest of thi Pâ—rentis here for breuitie omitted with the Prouisoes c. And let not Englishmen feare want of roome for French Plantations or Sauage habitations these being very thin the other scarse worrhy the name of being or plantation hauing so many interruptions and more frequented by the French in way of Trade with Sauages then otherwise I haue omitted many digressions and discourses of the Authour only for knowledge of those parts presenting the briefe summe of his most ample Worke. His Map but for cost I would haue here added I haue diuers by me which I take more exact I am sure with many many particulers wanting in his And both his Mappe and Discourse shew that the French discouered not so neere Virginia as Hudsons Riuer and that the French Plantations haue beene more Noreherly farte then our Northerne Virginia and to the Southerne not a shadow in compa 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 and numbers Lay Baye Francoise The Riuer of L' Equille Port Royall A Copper Myne In the 28. and 29. Chap. of the second Booke of the whole Volume vntranslated Things first to be prouided in new plantation Note This French Author was a Romish Catholike which yet speakes thus freely of the Spaniards Esay 52. vers 〈◊〉 Hatâ—â—â—y see sup Casâ—s Diamonds Turkie stones S. Iohns Riuer 1608. Vines Great Crapes among the Armouchiquois Abundance of fishes The commoditie of Voyaging by the Riuer The I le of S. Croix twâ—ntie leagues from S. Iohns Riuer Returne to the Bay of S. Mary where the lost man was fouÌ„d againe The Long I le Cheries The description of the I le of Saint Croix The fruitfulnesse of the soyle The Iland halfe a league in compasse Store of Muscles The returne of Monsieur du Poutrincourt into France The building at the I le of S. Croix Three discommodities in wintering at S. Croix Wickednesse of many Christians The Riuer of Roan Vnknown sicknesses viz. the Scorbute or Scuruie the greatest plague of Nauigations and new Plantations Fortifications and Garrisons besieged where want of fresh diet and of bodily labour or too much labour and watching with grosse aires in the Countries ouergrowne with wood or with marishes bogs and vnwholâ—ome waters are chiefe breedersthereof The Author hath made a long discourse of this disease the chiefe points whereof are here expressed for the benefit of our English Colonies in America in which I doubt not many
fellow Aâ— 14. or 〈◊〉 miles Christall Rock Ayre and Seasons Note well Feare is the beginning of piety ciuility What vse may be made of the Natiues Possown a strange beast Flying Squirrels Fowle Fish Nets The Lottery * To 100. 200. 300. 1000. 2000. and the highest 4500. crownes Spanish Ships aâ— Virginia English Pilatâ— oâ— Iudas rather suspended and exalted together according to his meâ—â—â— Cap Y 〈…〉 〈◊〉 ◠〈◊〉 Hitherto from Capt. Smith See my Pil. l. 8. c. 5. See my Pilg. vbi sup Powhatans remoue Virginian yeers which perhaps occasioned the conceits of their longevity A. 1617. Cap. Argolls gouernment 1618. Great drought L. De-la-Wars last voyages and death Plowing and Corne in Virginia Killingbeck slain Powhatans death Sir Edwin Sands Treasurer Sir George Yerdley Gouernour Profit to be made in Virginia Seuerall Burroughs Patent three times renewed Ships People Commodities Gifts Patents Cap. I. Smith Sir Edw. Sands was Treasurer from Ap. 1619. till Iun. 16â—0 Master Stockams Letter to Master Whitaker before 1620. Hollanders colours The Spaniards shot at the boat They shot at the Ship English vnprepared for fight Spanish aduantages Spanish colors Their conference Insolence of the Spaniards The English fight Spaniards seeke to enter Their repulse Second charge Third charge Their Captain slaine Lucas his braue act The case altered Omnium reâ—urâ— vicissitudo The English could 〈◊〉 but foure Ordnance Spaniards fall off Brauado turned English Next dayes fight The Vice-Admirall seeketh to recouer the Iland and the qualitie Sana Doctor Bohune and seuen others slaine out-right Spanish losse Spanish ships described Beads Maids Magazine Furre-trade Boat-builders East Indie Schoole Iron Cotton Indico Vines Silke and Mulberies Plum-drinke Salt-workes New Discoueties by M. Pory Copper Mine Summer Iland Plants 3570. people sent to Virginia in the three last yeeres 42. Saile of ships 1200. Mariners imployed 1500. To the Summer Ilands Nine ships 240. Mariners imployed Forrest of Pines M. Hariot in his Booke of Virginia A. 1585. Vines planted Note A China Boxe seene with the Sauages M. Berkley M. G. Sandys French Vignerous Mulberies The Booke is printed containing many good rules both for Silk works Vines othâ—r husbandry but too long here to be inserted Hasty security Opachankanoes dissimulation occasioned by English security 347. slaine and basely murthered some think more He had written letters the year before May 17 testifying the plentiful comming vp of the Cotten seede c. attributing the ill successe of things to the not seeking of Gods glory in conuerting the Natiues which he said were peace able wanted but meanes indeed to murther them which this conceit procured Sure binde sure find Pitty such an Abel should be so Kaiâ— deceiued Conuerted Indian Manner of the Sauages life Gunpowder sowne practised before in Captain Smiths time Cap. Ioh Smith M. Pâ—rie Naked breast concealed beast Prouident Sauages Iack of the Feather Câ—uâ—e of the Massacre M. Gookins M. Iordan Mistris Procter Sup. cap. 6. Saint Georges Iland Three men had staied behind and went not to Virginia Harter Water and Chard Commodites of the Countrie Fishes Tortoises great and of great vse Fowle Hogs by reason of their food there and our mens stomackes extraordinarily sweet The weather Fruits Peares not hurtfull Cedar Berries Palmitos Pepper Palme-liquor Ambergreece and Pearle Tobacco Silk-spider Timber Trees * I haue omitted the rest of this discourse as being better knowne to later Writers Ambergreece Rat-plague How vaine a thing is man whose best wits and industry are triumphed ouer by silly Rats Great God giue vs grace to feare thee that we may feare nothing else else shall we feare with Pharao Frogs Lice Flies Grashopper or with others Fleas Sparrowes â— Yea a few Rats in despite of Cats Dogs Traps poisons shall starue vs. The Feagâ— Cap. Tucker Whales Shares Wels. The Aire TeÌ„perature of the Countrey Spiders Inueniuntur opes irritamenta malorum Flies Ants. Wormes Lizards Spiders Fowles Moores Forts Master Keath Church built Supplies sent An. 1613. M. Barklie Increase of Potatos Spanish Ships Escapes from dangers Rats M. Barklies second coming 1614. Famine and sicknesse Rauens Contrary extreme Gouernment by a Counsell Caldicots lot M. Keath and M. Hughes Strange accident Andrew Hilliaras aduentures M. Tucker 1616. Tribes laid oâ—â— Assises The Gouernours Admirable voyage His course was neerer shoare with all prouisions fitting Small Boat from Bermudas commeth to Ireland Sanders his fortunes Cap. Powell 1617. Hurt by Rats filling all the Iland Gallowes clappers fate 1618. Magazines not so profitable as intended Escapers not escaping Two ships sent Cap. Butler Gouernour 1619. Great stormes Ambergreece New platforme Ministers scruples Sir George Summers memorial Their first Parliament Spanish Wrack These made false reports in England the Spanish Embasadoâ—r also vrging the same till the contraâ—ie was manifested Weauells cure Forts Ordnance in Bermudas M. Bernard Gouernour 1622. M. Harrison Gouernour 1623. Wormes noysome He mentions in other letters 3. s. a pound of Butter 6. d. rea dy monie for a pinte of Milke 10 s. or 12. s. a day for a workman Carpenter besides meate and lodging Corteregalis made a voiage to thosâ— parts An. 1500. and another 1501. After that his brother but both lost Gomes another Portugal sought straits ther. An. 1525. The land was called Terra Corteregalis from 60. deg to S. Laurence Iesuites * I haue heard that Sir T. Dale was the Gouernor of Virginia and â—â—â—t him Iesuite killed The South Sea suspected as before in Dermers l 〈…〉 ter by Sauages relations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aâ—at Of God and the image of God in Man Gen. 1. 1. Eph. 4. 24. Gen 1. 28. Gen. 9. 2. Gen. 2. Esay 53. 1. Cor. 3. Apoc. 21. 〈◊〉 Cor. 15. Of the right of Christians and that of Heathens to the world See these things more fully handled in To. 1. l. 1. c. 1. §. 3 4. 5. Ioh. 8. 35. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Tim. 1. 6. Christians may not spoile Heathens Gal. 3. 17. Tit. 1. Matth. 5. Iohn 19. 36. 2. Cor. 10. 4. Matth. 16. Iud. 8. 2. Pet. 2. 19. Iohn 19. 11. Rom. 13. 1. Gen. 11. Acts 17. 27. Deut. 2. 9 19. 1. Cor. 3. 1. Cor. 13. Matth. 5. 1. Pet. 3. Mans naturall right in places either wholly or in great part not inhabited Abraham Lot Iacob c. I haue heard by one which I thinke hath more searched the Countrie then any other Cap. Smith that in â—eere so much as all England they haue not aboue 5000. men able to bear armes which manured and ciuilly planted might well nourish 1500000. and many many more as appeareth by this oâ—â— câ—untrie not hauing so rich a naturall Inheritance Right of Merchandise 1. Cor 11. 21. Securitie of Ports Gen. 10. Rom. 2. 14. Right Nationall Ius gentium Lucan Right by righâ— conquest 2. Sam. 10. Deut. 2. 19. Englands ma 〈…〉 〈…〉 hts to Virginia First discouery Mercator D. d ee Ortel c. M. Thorne
and reuerend Diuine Doctor LAYFIELD his Lordships Chaplaine and Attendant in that expedition very much abbreuiated §. I. The Shippes emploied in the Voyage and accidents on the Coasts of Spaine in the Canaries and the Nauigation thence to Dominica HIs Lordship being authorised by Letters Patents giuen at Westminster the foureteenth of Ianuary to leuie Forces seruiceable by Sea and Land came downe to Portesmouth the eight of February wherein nothing memorable happened till Munday being the thirteenth of March. While we were at Morning Prayer his Lordship happened to see a Gallant of the company purposely I name him not reading of Orlando Furioso to whom himselfe in person went presently after Seruice all the Company being by and hauing told him that we might looke that God would serue vs accordingly if we serued not him better bad him be sure that if againe he tooks him in the like manner he would cast his Booke ouer-boâ—â—d and turne himselfe out of the Ship The next day by obseruation it was found that towards the euening we had runne within fiue or sixe and twenty leagues of the North Cape whereupon his Lordship gaue direction to the Vice-admirall that he should carry his Flagge in the Maine-top and with a peece of Ordnance should hale in the rest of the Fleete to his Lee and that they all with him as their Admirall for the time should this night winde South and by West and there they should ride off and on scattering themselues to the North and South in the height of the Burlings till his Lordshippe should come to them In the meane season himselfe attended onely with the Guiana and the Scourges scoâ—t run to fall in with the North Cape meaning by the taking of some Caruell or some Fisherman to haue some certaine intelligence in what forwardnesse the fiue Carracks were which at this very time his Lordship knew were outwards bound The defect of his maine Maste caused him to stand in for the Burlings The Burlings is an Iland something longer then broad and by the violent beating of the Sea it selfe almost made two Ilands and within few yeares it will be so exceeding rockie it is and barren aboue measure We found no liuing thing in it but Lysards and some few Conies Vpon thursday being the thirteenth of Aprill we had sight of the Ilands The first that was within kenning was Alegrança the most Northerly of the Canaries we left it on the star-boord side as also three little hils rather then the Islands hauing all one name of the Grange In the afternoone we had Lancerota one of the six great Canaries in cleere kenning The next morning twixt fiue and six we were come to an anchor in the Roade which beareth East South-east of the Iland His Lordship had taken colde with watching the last night whereupon he found himselfe so ill the next morning being good Friday that he kept his Cabbin and was glad to take some strong Physicke He sent therefore for Sir Iohn Barkley his Lieutenant generall and gaue him order to land with certaine Companies to the number of betweene fiue and six hundred men They were in their March by ten that morning and marched the next way as they thought to the chiefe Towne of the Iland but their foremost desire was if they might to haue surprised the Marquesse who commandeth both that and the next Iland called Fortenentura as his owne possession The Towne is from the place they landed at as they coniecture some ten miles at the least By fiue in the afternoone they entered the Towne which besides the expectation they found clearely quitted of the enemy and nothing in a manner left sauing good store of very excellent Wine and Cheese After the Towne was assured Sir Iohn sent a troope to a strong Hold some halfe a mile of from the Towne called the Castle a place which the Marquesse had fortified with good store of Munition and Ordnance When our Troopes were come vp the Hill they found twixt 80 and 100. Ilanders and Spaniards within and about the house but without fight they quitted the place so that our men entered it without losse or danger They found in it a dozen or more cast Peeces of Brasse the least Bases the most whole Culuering and Demiculuering and an innumerable company of Stones laid in places of greatest aduantage The House it selfe built of squared stone flanked very strongly and cunningly both for defence and offence the entrance thereunto not as in our Forts of equall height with the foundation and ground but raised about a Pikes length in height so that without the vse of a Ladder there could be no entrance there I haue heard sundry of our wisest Commanders say that if they had drawne in their Ladder and onely shut the doore twenty men victualled might haue kept it against fiue hundred The Towne consisteth of somewhat more then a hundred houses whose building is rude being commonly but of one Storie their Roofes flat and something sloping to cast of raine couered onely with Canes or Straw laid vpon a few rafters and very dirt cast vpon all which being hardned by the Sunne becommeth of showre-proofe The Inhabitants are of very able and actiue bodies their stature commonly tall of swiftnesse in that Mountainous Countrie not farre behinde their Horses and Cammels their Armes are Pikes and Stones when a Peece is presented to them so soone as they perceiue the cocke or match to fall they cast themselues flat to the ground and the report is no sooner heard but they are vpon their feete their stones out of their hands and withall they charge with their Pikes and this in scattered incounters or single fight for either they know not or neglect orderly baâ—talion oftner giueth then receiueth hurt The Iland it is not round but stretched somewhat in length to the North-east and South-west parted by a ridge of Hils from end to end as Italie is by the Mountaines Apennine These hils are barren otherwise then that in prettie store they feede flocks of Sâ—eepe and Goates Their Vallies promise no fruitfulnesse being very sandy and dry something like Rye-fields in England and yet they yeelde passing good Barley and Wheate Their beasts be Sheepe and Goates few Neate many Asses fewer Camels but fewest Gennets and these of no great stature The Iland is thought to exceede the Wight both in breadth and length of the Temper a man may iudge besides that it lyeth in 28. degâ—ees and some minutes by the complexion of the Inhabitants which is blackish and by their Haruest-time which was past before the middest of Aprill and looke for a second about Michaelmas their landing there was vpon good Friday The next day the fifteenth of Aprill Sir Iohn Barkeley being out of hope to finde the Marquesse not knowing where to seeke him whom feare had taught to hide himselfe closely marched backe to the Nauie without farther
â—arme to the Towne or Castle then borrowing some necessaries There is in the Towne a Church of old and a Frierie not yet finished Their Church hath no windowes nor admitâ—eth light otherwise then by the doores it hath no Chancell but is one vndeuided roome stone seates along the sides and in the one end an Altar with the appurtenants for the people seemeth full of ignorant Superstition many Buls and Pardons being found in diuers houses The Friery is a prettie square with more commodities of fresh water and Gardens then any other place of the Towne euen the Marquesse his house They came that night to the waters side yet thought it better to lodge abroade then aboord though there were Boates to receiue them The next day being Easter day his Lordship hauing something recouered his strength after dinner went ashore to the Companies hauing seene them trained knowing that the enemy watched for aduantage of scatterers saw all his men shipt first and then himselfe tooke Boate. The next day being Munday all the Captaines dined aboord the Admirall and after dinner his Lordship caused his Commission which was exceeding large in many points to be openly reade and Articles of gouernment were giuen for Sea-matters to the Captaine of euery Ship and for seruice by Land to the Captaine of euery company besides which Articles to the Sea Captaines was deliuered a sealed letter which they should open if vpon any accident they lost the Fleete and thereby learne direction where to seeke his Lordship But withall it was expresly articled that in no other case they should aduenture to open it and that if they came into any danger of being taken by the enemy they should not faile to cast the Letter ouer-boord sealed as it was deliuered for in no sort would his Lordship haue his purpose disclosed no not by examination nor torture While his Lordship was coasting neere Teneriffa the breathes rather then windes were so diuers that it was doubled on euery side almost and came so close aboord the shore that we did easily see into Santa Cruz and some other coasting Townes and might discerne the men vpon the hils the rather by coniâ—cture by reason of the eminencie and height thereof among which there is one aboue the rest incomprable generally held to be much higher then the Pyke of the Açores being then couered with Snow when the bottome was as hot as at Midsummer it is in England The Iland though to the Sea a very high land yet is full of many very fruitfull Plaines and Vineyards yeelding to the King yearely by credible mens report 28000. Buts of Canary-Sacke Certaine it is that in common reputation it is held richer not onely then the rest but euen then the grand Canaria it selfe though it seeme not so goodly a champion Countrie for we had that also in very neere kenning And that the King esteemeth it more no man can doubt seeing he keepeth a farre greater Garrison there then in the Canaria Captaine Charles Leigh which hitherto had commanded of the Alcedo on the fourth of May last the Fleete and in his owne Barke called the Blacke Lee runne himselfe alone for the Riuer of Orenoque His Lordship after diuers consultations determined that the Fleete should goe for Dominico His speeches Captaine Slingsbies employment and other particulars are here for breuity omitted An old Portugall Pilot told his Lordship that he had beene in eight and twentie voyages into Brasil but at this time of the yeere onely in one wherein hee saith the windes were so contrarie and they had so many other difficulties that they were forced to put in againe and loose that yeeres voyage so that the windes being in these parts at set times of the yeere themselues also constantly set we might well thinke wee should bee encountred with the same difficulties All this while we held on our course for the West Indies running West and by South and West South-west but bearing still to the Westward both because we are likelier to keepe the fresher gale that way though some were of contrarie opinion and because the later wee entred within the Tropick we should bee the likelier to meet with the Brasil fleet whose course homewards must of necessitie be much to the North. By Wednesday the tenth of May for till then wee met not with any memorable accident seeing to tell of the flocks of flying fishes might iustly seeme triuiall we were come so directly vnder the Sunne that none could see euidently the shadow of a stile set perpendicularly but if there were any it inclined rather to the due South For by obseruation by the Astrolabe the vse of the staffe now fayling we were found to haue passed our Tropick three degrees and a halfe and the Sunnes declination that day was precisely twentie degrees This was more cleerly perceiued at night by taking the height of the Crosier a starre which of all other distinctly to be perceiued neere the Antartick Pole serueth for those Southerly parts as the lesser Beare doth to the Northerly countries It is a long step from the Canaries to the West Indies which first of all wee had in our kenning vpon Sunday being the one and twentieth of May. But to lay if it be but a handfull of peeble stones in this gap Vpon Saturday being the thirteenth of May we had the first gust and it had many followers for few dayes passed without raine When this raine began immediately wee all felt a very noysome sauour it was very sulphurous and lasted so long as the raine did Whether this proceeded of the nature of the water that fell from so neere the Sunne or from the ship being very drie as on land after a great drought there will rise a hot sauour it is not cleerly knowne nor yet determined but that others may the better this obseruation is expressed This sauour was not felt vpon the decks or any where else besides the Cabbin or at least not any where so much The reason whereof may happily bee that the aire being suddenly beaten in and that by narrow passages came the more violently and by consequent the more sensibly into the Cabbin then into other parts of the ship and therefore whatsoeuer qualitie it bore with it it was there the strongliest felt In the following of as great gusts as that which came first there was no such sauour felt the fleet going still farther and farther from the Sunne And which may be most to the purpose not any of them that felt it found any distemper after it onely the sense was much displeased therewithall his Lordship had at this time aken much physick but still rather to preuent sicknesse then for to recouer health for God be thanked his body was very able to obey his minde finding no difference in the world in the working of physick there and in England Nauigators may helpe themselues by his Lordships obseruation That vpon Friday being
to yeelde her increase then that hillocke for you may take with your hands onely as much as you will to the filling of Bushels and Quarters That euening we cut sailes and ranne through the Passages in the night time Vpon Monday afternoone we made our selues to be not farre from Puerto rico and our desire was to beare in with it in the morning before day that by that meanes we might least of all be discouered For this cause therefore the Scout and the Anthony were sent before to make our landing place and that done to returne which was about midnight His Lordships greatest care was and had bin some dayes to set his men safely and well on land for he doubted not to make them a way if once they were landed without impeachment Himselfe therefore hauing commanded that Sir Iohn Barkley should come aboord with him tooke a Boate and wâ—nt himselfe no otherwise accompanied then with Sir Iohn and the Cocksons gyng to discouer a landing place Without long stay he returned againe so wet that he was forced to change his apparell but withall gaue present commandement that euery Captaine and Ship should put their men into Boates and that they should follow his bloudy colours which he would haue presently landed By eight of the clocke that tuesday being the sixt of Iune his Lordships regiment and most part of Sir Iohn Barkleys were landed which amounted neere to the number of a thousand men We began to march as soone as we could be brought into any order the forlorne hope drawne out which was led by Captaine Andrewes the Commander of his Lordships priuate Company which that day was brought vp in the the Battell by Captaine Powell Lieutenant Colonell of his Lordships regiment The way we marched was along the Sea side commonly on firme sometime on loose sand but yet it was a faire march for three leagues at the least till we met with a blacke-Moore who we hoped should haue bin our Guide and so he was willing to be but he neither spake good English nor good Spanish and besides was affrighted so that a great while he did mislead vs for through most vnpassable rocks and clifts he brought vs for betwixt the clifts where we stood and the Iland wherein the Towne stood there we saw an arme of the Sea in breadth not Calieuer shot but on the other side was a fort with fiue peece of great Ordnance and some though not many Musketeers for both the euening before they had discouered our Nauie and this morning our landing as we were sure by diuers Horsemen whom we saw come forth to view our strength Here there was offer made by some so to plant a number of Musketeers in these rockes as that they might beate them in the fort from their Ordnance this was thought possible and afterwards was done but now deferred because though we had no annoyance of the fort yet we knew not how to get ouer for the depth of the passage meerly vnknown and our Boats yet had not found any landing place neere the fort And while here we were at a flat bay euen at our wits end what course we might take to come to the Towne there was sent a Peece or two of great Ordnance but without any hurt from another fort which standeth vpon the narrowest part of the same arme of the Sea and was the onely passage that was vsed from the maine Iland where we were to the Iland where the Towne is Here the Nigro was so nething comforted and brought to the little wit he had at length with much adoe being made to vnderstand we tooke our selues to be out of the way because wee could not passe that way partly with threatning and partly with promises if he brought vs into a better way to the Town he began againe to leade and we to follow with as nimble mindes as weary bodies for we had marched from morning till now that it was euen in the edge of the euening but we would not be weary At length through many vntroden pathes or rather no pathes but such wodden holes as would haue taught the most proud body to stoope very humbly he brought vs into a beaten sandy way But for all this we were not neere the Bridge which must be passed and diuers euen of our leaders began after so long and troublesome a march to faint so that order was giuen to stay the Vantgard when it pleased God to helpe by one meane or other to as many Horses as kept vs from staying our march There might be seene a poore tyred Iade without Saddle or Bridle onely with a match in his mouth very welcome to them that commanded the best Horses of England But at length we ouercame the length of the way and euen to the Bridge were come but it was so late that that night we were out of hope to passe it being as we had great reason to thinke fortified against vs. Onely the Companies were commanded to keepe their guard till his Lordship in person with Sir Iohn Barkley went as quietly as they could to take view of the place which they found to be narrow and a long Cawse-way leading to a Bridge reaching from the one Iland to the other The Bridge they perceiued to be pulled vp and on the other banke was there a strong Barricado a little beyond which was a Fort with Ordnance But how much or what we could not learne nor by how many men it was held yet perceiued they it absolutely not to be passed but at a low water Our Mariners and Sea-men could say little to the ebbing and flowing in this Countrie and therefore the onely way to know the fit time of assault was to set a continuall watch to giue present information of the ebbe The meane time the Armie was led backe to repose themselues a while In a great Lawne we all sat or lay downe and with fresh water which the first Negro and another that was afterwards taken in this wood led our men to they refreshed themselues some had some Bread his Lordship was no niggard of that he had His lodging that night was his Target I lay at his head and to my remembrance neuer slept better In the morning two houres at least before day the allarum was giuen very quietly and was readily taken for we needed not but to shake our eares The Companies were streight ranged and euery man had forgotten how weary he had bin the last night so forward they were to be in seruice Euen betwixt his Lordship and Sir Iohn Barkeley there grew a little question whether of them should haue the point that day Sir Iohns answer was that his Lordship might command them all and therefore it was at his pleasure to haue or leaue the point but since it had pleased him to diuide the Armie into two Regiments and his Lordshippes Leaders had all the last day had the Point he
his Lordship would passe ouer into the Mayne For without him I had no great desire and indeed I should haue beene quickly missed seeing it pleased his Honor to vse mee in the dispatch of all things which were to be done by warrant or direction vnder his hand So that whatsoeuer I shall say here I must be content to report vpon the report of others and I will not tell you any thing which mee thought my selfe did not first see reason to beleeue The plat and figure of the Iland is a square altera parte longius the length exceeding the breadth neere the proportion of seuen to foure for it is told me to be sixe and thirtie leagues long and twentie leagues broad bearing it selfe out from end to end neere in the same distance It lyeth East and West at the West end the two corners doe so jut out that they make a goodly Bay betwixt them but yet not so profitable because a goodly Riuer which would gladly disburden it selfe into the Bay is choaked with sands which the Sea casteth vp into the mouth of the Riuer which being nauigable a good way vp into the Land is within a stones cast of losing his old name and being called the Sea made shallow and vnfit for the receit of Vessels of burthen There are indeed in the same Bay other lesser Riuerets whereat Passengers vse to take in fresh water as Sir Francis Drake did after hee was beaten from the Citie of Puerto Rico and put forth thence to Nombre de Dios. Vpon this part of the Iland which is commonly called La Aquada in English The watering place the greatest Commander and of largest possessions is or of late hath beene one Chereno whose proper land is thought to containe in compasse and circuit neere the quantitie of ten leagues The other end the Easterly end is knowne by the name of La cabeça de San Iuan in English Saint Iohns head The Citie of Puerto Rico is his right side or arme and the South side about the Countrie of Choama whither the Bishop at our comming had carried himselfe will be answerable to the left side or left arme as being lesse fit for action and his feet is the watering place The most famous Riuers of this Iland are Toa and Baiamond the rather because they runne into the Harbour of the Citie of Puerto Rico whereof Toa is by much the greater and falleth more with the West of the Towne This Riuer riseth out of a Mountaine called Guiamo being on the South side of the mayne Iland some fifteene or sixteene leagues from Ricoâ—o â—o the Eastward from Guiamo it runneth North in one streame till it come to another Mountaine called Cawas and though in this way it receiue many Riuerets into it yet it cannot bee said either to lose or retaine his name for thus farre it is not knowne certainly what name it had as they say but here parteth it selfe into two streames the one whereof runneth Northerly to Luisa a Towne not great but somewhat fortified standing some sixe leagues to the Eastward of Puerto Rico. Whether the Towne doe giue or take his name of this arme of the Riuer it is vnknowne But well knowne it is that they haue both one name The other streame being once diuorced from Luisa runneth North North-west and falleth into the Harbour of Puerto Rico where it is called Toa Baiamond riseth betwixt the parting of Toa and Luisa and runneth a Northerly but more Easterly course withall till it mingleth it selfe with salt water on the South-west side of Puerto Rico. The Iland is watered with very many other Riuers and Riuerets and Springs without number or names but those that giue or take names of the Villages and Townes which stand vpon them for the most part runne Northerly For besides Guiamo which riseth in the Countrie of Coama and runneth into the Southerly Sea and the Riuer whereon Saint German which also is called Salamanca and Guadianilla is situate towards the West end of the Iland neere to Cape Roxo all the other of name runne to the leeward of the Iland and fall into the Northerly Sea As first and next to Puerto Rico to the Westward the Riuer and Towne of Saâ—uco next to it Guiamo then the Recibo twixt which and the Laguada is another whose name I could not learne The Laguada whereof I spake before and which giueth name to the Westerly end of the Iland where Sir Francis Drake as I said watered is next vnto the choaked Bay before mentioned in which Bay at the North-west Point is the Gawaraba which the Seas violence hath made something vnprofitable for nauigation so that the passage to Saint Domingo and the other leeward parts of the West Indies are most ordinarily from the Laguada if they of the Westerly part of the Iland haue any businesse that way For as Saint Germans or Salamanca though I haue heard it to be a Harbour and a Sea-faring Towne yet I am told so much to the contrarie as makes me doubt of the former report though I dare not absolutely assent to this later though a Spaniard of good vnderstanding told it me Now in euery one of these Riuers which I haue named is there gold found ordinarily before it be sought And I know it to bee true when the Spaniards perceiued by his Lordships manner of leauing the Citie of Puerto Rico that hee went not away without purpose to returne one of them told his Honor in plaine termes that he could not thrust his spade into any of these named Riuers and many other besides these but hee should finde gold This certainly is true and I haue seene the experience that some of the grauell of one of these Riuers being brought to his Lordship because it looked rich when triall was made onely by washing away the sand and grauell there was cornes of very good gold found in it and that for the quantitie and proportion in great measure Where because we are againe fallen into this argument I will report vnto you a certaine truth whereby the richnesse of the mynes in Puerto Rico may be esteemed One Ioancho de Luyando a Mint-master in this Iland dwelling in the Guadianilla neere to Saint Germans or at the least hauing workes there tooke a bullion or masse of gold so pure as it needed no further triall that being sent to the King it was found worth three thousand and fiue hundreth Duckets and diuers times he found such plates that onely splitting them he made himselfe trenchers of gold to eate his meat on This man may bee judged to haue beene of no great either wit or care for it is certainly reported that oftentimes meeting his owne slaues comming out of the Countrie to his house in Puerto Rico with store of gold hee did not know them to be his owne till themselues told him so and yet this man dyed so very rich that he left euery of his
the paiues to continue tillage For drinks the Spaniard doth here as in Spaine hee doth vse water for most of his drinke which in so hot a climate would well agree with the English after some acquaintance yet the Spaniard hath two other sorts of drinke the one called Gâ—acapo made of Molasses that is the coursest of their Sugar and some Spices the other kinde and vsed by the better sort of them is called Alâ— which is a kinde of Bragget made with many hot spices And if both these fayled yet haue they good store of wines indeed brought in from other Countries not that this Iland will not nourish Vines for I haue seene some grow here in Pâ—erto Rico very flourishingly But I haue heard the King will not suffer them to plant and dresse Vineyards as a matter of policie I might here and so would I make an end of speaking of the fruits of this Iland for me thinks what hath beene said sheweth it to be selfe sufficient to liue well and happily but their Yerua vina will not haue me forget it This hearbe is a little contemptible weed to looke vpon with a long woodden stalke creeping vpon the ground and seldome lifting it selfe aboue a handfull high from ground But it hath a propertie which confoundeth my vnderstanding and perhaps will seeme strange in the way of Philosophers who haue denyed euery part of sense to any plant yet this certainly seemeth to haue feeling For if you lay your finger or a sticke vpon the leaues of it not onely that very piece which you touched but that that is neere to it will contract it selfe and run together as if it were presently dead and withered nor onely the leaues but the very sprigs being touched will so disdainfully withdraw themselues as if they would slip themselues rather then be touched in which state both leafe and sprig will continue a good while before it returne to the former greene and flourishing forme And they say that so long as the partie which touched it standeth by it it will not open but after his departure it will this last I did not my selfe obserue and if it be so it must be more then sense whence such a sullennesse can proceed but for the former I haue my selfe beene often an eye-witnesse to my great wonder for it groweth in very many places in the little Iland His Lordship made some of it bee put in pots with earth and yet it liueth and how farre it will so continue is vncertaine There hath beene Cinamon and something else giuen me as fruits of the Ilands but I doe thinke they are but rarities at the most and therefore they shall not come in my bill But now to returne to the slow steps we made towards the Ilands of the Açores §. V. Accidents by Sea in their way to the Azores and there ON Saint B 〈…〉 es eue wee had store of lightning and thunder which besides the obseruation put vs more out of doubt of our neerer approach to the Bermuda The next day about noone wee began to steere East North-east and better Vpon Friday the fiue and twentieth wee were melted with a greater and more smothering calme then any time before and yet which made it strangest wee had out of the North-west higher Seas then before that time I had euer seene in the greatest windes that we had had The hugenesse of this Sea was perceiued not onely by the view of our sight but rather by the extraordinarie heeling of our ship certainly as much or more impatient of a high Sea in a calme as of any other weather This calme was so extremely hot that wee were in hope it would bee like other extreames of no long continuance but behold it lasted obstinately thirteene dayes sauing that sometimes there would be some shew of a gale but it would so instantly and frowardly leaue vs as if it had beene come onely to let vs see wee needed not to despaire There had beene often spench of a Current that wee were to haue and some thought that they had found it the most durst not be â—pprehensiue But vpon Wednesday the thiâ—tieth it began to be cleere for though the winde was not worthy to be called so nor scarce by the name of a breath and besides so narrow that we stood vpon abowling yet we were found in that last passed artificiall day to haue run aboue fiftie leagues at the least For whereas vpon Tuesday wee were by obseruation found to bee almost precisely in thirtie two vpon Wednesday at noone wee had the Sunne in thirtie three and two terces and eight minutes So that in foure and twentie houres we had raysed one degree and fortie eight minutes which if we had run due North or South had risen to about foure or fiue and thirtie leagues But seeing our course was three parts of the time at East North-east and East and by North the ship could not bee allowed lesse way then fiâ—tie leagues at the least and this being without winde argueth a violent Current and the rather because for the time we had a hard Sea This was made yet more certaine by obseruation of the Pole-star vpon Thursday at night This opinion for a Current was vpon Saturday Sept. 2. made vndoubted for the substance of the thing I meane that there was a Current but the circumstance seemed â—o varie somthing For the Current was then iudged to set rather to the East by South though this would fill the former obseruations with greater difficulties This was perceiued by many drags which howsoeuer the ship scaped yet they still runne or were carried to the East Southerly And then many other things purposely cast into the Sea to make further triall all went the same way and that a good pace though directly ahead the ship And yet farther if there were any breath at all it was at South-east so that they went against the winde that was And now I come to that the remembrance whereof rather then present apprehension yet maketh me quake like the man that dyed vpon the fearfull knowledge of how great danger he had passed at Rochester bridge It was a fearfull storme which I truly not knowing how dangerfull it was feared not much while we were in it but since hearing old Sea-men and of long experience speake of it I perceiue it is good to be ignorant sometime Vpon Thursday the seuenth of September the gale began to be very fresh and to keepe the sailes stiffe from the Masts and so continued all that day Vpon Friday it began to speake yet lowder and to whistle a good in the shrowdes insomuch that our Master made the Drablers bee taken off and before night it had blowne the fore-top-saile in pieces by the board this was taken for the beginning of a storme and the storme it selfe was looked for which came indeed about the shutting in of the day with such furie
they staid it made the intelligence of the Mexico fleet more probable And therefore if this were the cause of their stay our hope to make some purchace of it made vs more willing to haue their neighbourhood Mary it might bee they were sent to looke for our comming home which they might thinke would be straggling and weake and yet on the other side the vncertaintie of our comming either at this time or certainly this way made this something vnlikely His Lordship therefore commandeo Captaine Slingsby a fine Gentleman to goe ashoare and to learne more certaintie what was become of the Kings fleet and why they came This relation was from the men of Santa Cruz but the intelligence which Captaine Slingsby brought the same night late was from Uilla de la punta Delgada another Towne of the Ilands The summe of his report for I was by when he made it was that his Excellencie should haue any thing where withall they could doe him seruice and if it would please him to come ashoare they would take it as a great fauour For the Kings men of Warre they said that they iudged them certainly to bee gone home for they were gone hence vpon a fortnight before The cause of their comming was to waft the Caracks which all foure were gone by before the Kings fleet came hither with purpose indeed to stay till the end of this moneth for them But since the Caracks were come home there had beene sent a Caruell of Aduise to recall them As for the Mexico fleet there was not at the Ilands any newes of their comming this yeere This report made by Captaine Slingsby ouer-night was confirmed early the next morning by the Gouernour himselfe of the place a poore Gouernour scarce so good as an English Constable But this Captaine Iuan de Fraga de Mandoça came himselfe and made the same offer to his Lordship and withall brought both Hennes and Muttons with him which hee knew hee should not giue for nothing though hee would seeme vnwilling to receiue any thing He hauing beene sometime with my Lord and told all the newes hee remembred was licensed hauing first asked and obtayned a Passe for himselfe and a Protection for the Ilanders to keepe them from spoile by ours His Lordship granted his suit and which hee farther desired that they might bee conceiued in the same forme as those were which the Earle of Essex had giuen him within two dayes of the same day twelue moneth and which himselfe had carefully kept euer since When this fellow was gone the flagge of Counsell was hanged out c. The returne of this fleet vpon consultation after the newes aforesaid I forbeare to mention in regard of the length of this discourse They set forth from Flores Septemb. 16. 1598. On Michaelmas day they sounded and the ground on the fallow did still more assure vs of being in the sleeue and the Scollop shells confirmed their opinion which held vs rather on the Coast of France by the Master and others iudged otherwise whose iudgement if his Lordship out of his iudgement and authoritie had not contradicted and caused them to take a more Northerly course all had perished in all likelihood on the Vshent and Rocks For the next morning we saw the land of Normandie CHAP. IIII. The first Voyages made to diuers parts of America by Englishmen Sir SEBASTIAN CABOT Sir THO. PERT also of Sir IOHN HAWKINS and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE and many others collected briefly out of Master CAMDEN Master HAKLVYT and other Writers SIr Sebastian Cabota wee haue alreadie mentioned in the former Booke as a great Discouerer of that which most iustly should haue beene called Columbina and a great deale better might haue beene stiled Cabotiana then America neither Uesputius nor Columbus hauing discouered halfe so much of the Continent of the new World North and South as be yea the Continent was discouered by him when Columbus had yet but viewed the Ilands this Herrera for the South part hath mentioned in his Relation of the Riuer of Plate before naming him an Englishman and for the North is by vs in the fourth Booke deliuered A second time Sir Thomas Pert and the said Cabota were set forth with a fleet to America by King Henrie the eighth in the eight yeere of his reigne the same perhaps which Herrera hath also mentioned of an English ship at Hispaniola and other American Ilands in the yeere 1517. Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of many English into those parts as namely of Master Robert Tomson Merchant and Iohn Field which together with Ralph Sarre and Leonard Chilton in a ship of Iohn Sweeting dwelling at Cadiz all Englishmen An. 1555. sayled to Hispaniola and thence to Mexico in New Spaine where they found Thomas Blake a Scottishman who had dwelt there twentie yeeres At Mexico Robert Tomson and Augustine Boatio an Italian were imprisoned many moneths by the Inquisition and then brought out in a Saint Benito or fooles coat to doe penance a thing neuer seene there before which caused much concourse of people giuen to vnderstand of I know not what enemies of God and expecting to see some Monsters of vncouâ—â— shape They were much pitied by the people seeing such personable men but sentenced by the Archbishop to be sent back to Spaine where Tomson did his three yeeres enioyned penance at Siuil Boatio found the meanes to escape and dyed after in London Tomson after his libertie married with a rich Spanish heire The historie at large and his description of Mexico with the cause of his imprisonment about speaking freely of Images his Master had made an Image of our Ladie of aboue 7000. pezos price each pezo being foure shillings and eight pence of our money the Reader may see in Master Hakluyt Where also is deliuered the voyage of Roger Bodenham Englishman 1564. to Mexico also of Iohn Chilton 1568. thither and from thence to Nueua Biscaâ—a and to the Port of Naâ—idad on the South Sea to Sansonate in Guatimala to Tecoantepec to Sâ—conusco to Nicaragua to Nombre de Dios to Potossi Cusco Paita to Vera Paz Chiapa three hundred leagues from Mexico From Chiapa he trauelled thorow Hills till he came to Ecatepec that is The Hill of winde in the end of that Prouince supposed the highest Hill that euer was discouered from the top whereof are seene both the North and South Seas deemed nine leagues high They which trauell vp it lye at the foot ouer-night and about midnight begin their iourney that they may trauell to the top before the Sunne rise the next day because the winde bloweth with such force afterwards that it is impossible for any man to goe vp From the foot of this Hill to Tecoantepec the first Towne of New Spaine are fifteene leagues From Mexico he trauelled againe to Panuco and there fell sick which sicknesse in his returne benefited him for he fell amongst Caniball Indian which
a Captayne also and with a ship of one hundred and fortie tunnes and seuentie men came to the said Sound of Dariene Anno 1575. and had conference with those Negroes But hearing that the Mules were now conducted with Souldiers hee resolued on a new Enterprize which neuer any had attempted and landed in that place where Captayne Drake had had conference with the Negros and hauing brought his ship aground and couered her with boughes and hid his Ordnance in the ground he tooke two small Peeces of Ordnance and Calieuers with store of victuals and went twelue leagues with sixe Negros into the mayne Land to a Riuer which runneth into the South Sea There he cut wood and made a Pinnasse fortie fiue foot by the keele and therewith went into the South Sea to the Iland of Pearles fiue and twentie leagues distant from Panama to watch for shippes comming from Peru thither he tooke a Barke with 60000. Pezos of Gold comming from Quito and staying sixe dayes longer tooke another which came from Lima with 100000. Pezos of Siluer in barres and delaying somewhat long sent away his Prizes and went with his Pinnasse vp the Riuer This delay gaue opportunitie of intelligence and Iohn de Ortega was sent to pursue him at a partition of the Riuer into three when he was taking vp the greatest feathers of Hennes which the English had plucked diuerted him vp the lesser streame whereby hee lighted on the treasure first Oxenham beeing gone to get Negros to helpe him carrie his treasure his owne men quarrelling for larger pay Some of the English were taken which bewrayed the ship and the rest were betrayed by the Negros whiles they were making Canoas for the North Sea there to take some Barke They confessed that they had no license from the Queene and were all executed but two Boyes Thus perished Oxenham a man if his Case had beene iust worthy of lasting memory for an attempt so difficult Quem sinon tenuit magnis tamen exâ—idit ausis The King of Spaine sent Souldiers to take those fugitiue Negros which had assisted the English and two Gallies to guard the Coast. This and Captayne Barkers frustrated attempts giue greater lustre to Drakes glory Andrew Barker of Bristoll much wronged by the Inquisition Anno 1576. sought to right himselfe in those parts and came with two ships to Nombre de Dios and the Riuer of Chagre eighteene leagues distant to the North-west landed ten men to seeke intelligence of Negros which they could not find and most of the men also died of the Calentura Betwixt that and Veragua he tooke a Prize and another in the Gulfe of Honduras Mutuall quarrels betwixt Coxe and the Captayne betrayed them to the Spaniards which assayling them slue the Captayne and eight men at the I le Francisco After this Coxe went with his Pinnasse and tooke the Towne of Truxillo but eight men were by reason of men of warre chasing the ship thus forced to shift for themselues left there to their fortunes Fourteene others and the Frigat with the treasure were cast away Diuers of the rest after their returne were long imprisoned These indeed are pettie things to Captayne Drakes expedition in December 1577. wherein he encompassed first of any Generall and except Candish more fortunately then all of them together this whole Terrestriall Globe He set forth with fiue ships and one hundred sixtie three Mariners The whole Voyage you haue before at large The Carkasse of the shippe or some bones at least of that glorious Carkasse yet remayne at Deptford consecrated to Fame and Posteritie in which Queene Elizabeth being feasted Knighted this noble Mariner at which time a bridge of boords made for her Maiestie to passe fell with one hundred men thereon of which none were hurt as if Good Fortune had both sayled abroad and feasted at home in that ship The goods taken were sequestred by her Maiestie for answere to the Spaniard if need should bee Some principall Courtiers are said to haue refused the offer of some of this as Piratically gotten Bernardine Mendoza made demand for the King of Spaine whose Embassadour hee was and receiued answere from the Queene that the Spaniards had vniustly prohibited commerce to the English that Drake should legally answere if any thing were prooued against him the goods being to that purpose sequestred howsoeuer the Spaniard had put her Maiestie to greater charges against the Rebels which the Spaniard had raised in England and Ireland Neither did she know why her subiects and others were prohibited the Indies which she knew no reason to thinke proper to the Spaniards by vertue of the Popes Bull which could nothing oblige Princes which owed him no obedience nor by reason that the Spaniards had arriued here and there had directed Cottages and giuen names to Capes and Riuers Neither might these things hinder other Princes from commerce or to transport Colonies to places not inhabited by the Spaniards the Law of Nations not infringed hereby seeing prescription without possession is nothing worth the vse of the Sea and Aire being exposed to all Nor might any people or person challenge right ouer the Ocean whereof neither nature nor course of publike vse permitted possession Yet a great part of the money was repaied after to Peter Sebura the Spanish Agent which he repaid not to the owners but made vse thereof against the Queene in the affaires of the Spanish Netherlands as was afterwards found Thus farre briefly collected out of Master Camden and Lopez Vaz a Portugall Men noated to haue compassâ—d the world with Drake which haue come to my hands are Thomas Drake brother to Sir Francis Thomas Hood Thomas Biaccoler Iohn Gripe George a Musician Crane Fletcher Cary T. Moone Iohn Drake Iohn Thomas Robert Winterly Oliuer the Gunner c. A little before this the Prince of Orange had beene murdered and Parry had vndertaken the same on her Maiestie hauing the Cardinall Comensis instigation and the Popes absolution to that purpose The Spaniards had giuen great distaste in English and Irish rebellions and had lately arrested the English Ships and goods in Spaine with other vnkindenesses in Belgian businesses The Belgians had offered the confederate Prouinces to her Maiesties Protection and dominion This she refused but their Protection she accepted hauing discouered the Spaniards hatred to her Religion and Nation which how easie were it to put in extreamest execution if the Low-Countries were subdued to his full power their ancient priuiledges being all swallowed vp and so England should be exposed to Spanish machinations with such opportunities of neighbouring Forts Forces Harbours and Shippings She therefore to remoue present warre and future perils from her owne Countrie with masculine magnanimitie aduentured not for vainglory but necessitie to vndertake a businesse which made the world to wonder being little lesse then denouncing warre to so mighty a Monarke She agreed with the States to minister to their
Schoutens Ship and men attached and be and his had a seruile returne Cano came or rather â—â—â—d homes like Magalianes ghost hardly and with a few escaping Noort scarsly escaped taking drowning firing trechery and hostilitie Spilbergen got blowes in the South Sea where Drake and Candish were made rich and returned an Indian Merchant Three Dutch worthies but all lighted their candles at these two English Torches Thus may we magnifie Drakes swimming and can die the memorie of our Candish But where it is said ye are Gods it is added ye shall dye like men The Sea is a â—aâ—ing wauering foundation the windes theatre both for Comedies and Tragedies You haue seene Drake acting both and in both you here finde Candish Christ is yesterday to day the same for euer God is without shadow without passibilitie or possibilitie of change a light in whom is no darkenesse but sublunarie things are like the Moone their neerest Planet which neuer viewes the earth two dayes together with one face God hath made our way to him so full of chances and changes that our vnstedie slippery way on this earth and calme-storme-voyage in these Seas may make vs more to meditate and thirst after that hauen of instabilitie and heauen of eternity Some passionate speeches of Master Candish against some priuate persons not employed in this action I haue suppressed some others I haue let passe not that I charge Captaine Dauis or others but that it may appeare what the Generall thought of them Master Hakluyt hath published Master Ianes report of this Voyage which makes more fauourable on Captaine Dauis his side If hee did deale treacherously treacherie found him out as in his last Voyage before is declared If any thinke the Captaine here to conceiue amisse I shall be willing to haue the most charitable conceit and therefore remit the Reader to Master Hakluyts Relation afore said for his apologie the sum whereof and of that Voyage is this Master Iane there relateth that Aug. 26. 1591. Captaine Candish set forth from Plimmouth with three tall Shippes the blacke Pinnace and a Barke Nouemb. 29. they fell with the coast of Brasile They tooke the Towne of Santos and burnt Saint Vincent After a cruell storme they arriued at Port Desire and after fell with the Magellan straites Occasionally saith Iane they lost Captaine Candish and went backe to Port Desire to seeke him and whiles Captaine Dauis further intended to seeke out the Generall a dangerous conspiracie was plotted to murther him by Parker and Smith There is also a testimoniall subscribed by fortie men Thence they returned to the Straits and had sight of the people which were very strong nimble and naked Sep. 13. they came in sight of the South Sea and being forced backe the next day put forth againe and being eight or ten leagues free from land were repelled into the Straits Octob. 2. they put into the South Sea againe and were free of all land and there in a storme lost the blacke Pinnace The Shippes company were in despaire of life but by Gods grace recouered the Straits and a third time came to Port Desire and there lost nine of their men of which Parker and Smith were two being on Land for Wood and Water they knew not what became of them but guessed that the Saluages had deuoured them For the eleuenth of Nouember while most of the men were at the I le of Pengwins onely the Captaine and Master with sixe others left in the Shippe there came a great multitude of Sauages to the Shippe there on ground on the oaze throwing dust in the ayre leaping and running like bruite Beasts hauing vizors on their faces like Dogges faces or else their faces are Dogges faces indeede We feared they would set our Shippes on fire for they would suddenly make fire whereat wee maruelled setting the bushes on fire but scared with Peeces they fled Here they found much Scuruie-grasse which recouered them and dried 20000. Pengwins making some salt by laying the salt water on rockes in holes The sixt of February many reported to each other their dreames of killing and the like and that day they lost 13. men at Placentia Their dried Pengwins when they came neerer the Sun began to corrupt and there bred in them a most loathsome and vgly worme which deuoured their victuals cloathes timbers and all but Iron not sparing their flesh when they were asleepe so that they could scarcely sleepe Their multitude was such that they could not destroy them Another disease tooke them with swelling in their anckles two daies after which shortnesse of breath then falling into their cods and yards so tormenting them that diuers fell mad and died on fiue onely did the labour of the Ship relye and Iune 11. 1593. without victuals sailes or men God guided them to Beare-hauen in Ireland But let vs heare Master Candish himselfe more then acting his owne part Discite justitiam moniti Let not prosperitie poyson the soule with the sting of the old Serpent swelling in pride ingratitude or contempt of God or Man let not any magnifie himselfe in whatsoeuer exploits or trust in vncertaine riches or promise to himselfe the perpetuall smiles of the world and then it shall seeme no new thing nor cause of despaire if shee hites in stead of kissing Shee is a Witch which transformeth men into Swine with her Cyrcaean cups if the minde learne not by Religion to fasten it selfe to God to account him her treasure and make her selfe the treasurie as a Pilgrime pressing toward the prize of our high calling that inheritance of the Saints in light for which Robes to bee stripped of these Rags is a blessed purchase meanwhile knowing that nothing doth shall can happen but by his providence which is a Father most wise louing bountifull and mercifull which alreadie hath giuen vs his Sonne doth now giue his Spirit and will giue vs himselfe No Rocks can wrack that Soule no stormes oppresse no Seas can sinke no fortunes can either puffe vp with successe or sinke and make to shrinke in it selfe by any pressures to despaire which hath thus made God her portion yea the worst of aduersities by a holy Antiperistasis doe contract and more vnite the soules forces to greater acts of fortitude in doing and suffering his Will to whos 's ours ought alway to be subordinated It is the voice of a Pagen but the vertue of a Christian Omnia mea mecum porto and with Iob to say The Lord hath giuen the Lord hath taken blessed bee the Name of the Lord. I haue giuen Master Kniuets Relation after this of Master Candish as before Peter Carder after Sir Francis Drake that at both serued vnder them in their Discoueries so they may in this our Discouerie of those Discoueries as Pages to those Worthies the one a Mariner wayting on a Mariner the other a Gentleman following a Gentleman both vnmatchable by any English for the rare aduentures
from the Coast of England we met with nineteene saile of Flemmings in the night Not regarding what they were our Vice-admirall tooke one of them and all the rest escaped In the morning the Master of our Flemmish prize was brought before the Generall and of him wee had newes of a fleet of ships that was departed out of Lisâ—one for Brasile the which newes we were very glad of The Flemmish shâ—p was laden with Salt whereof the Generall tooke three â—unne for his prouision This Flemming also shewed vs a licence that hee had to passe the Seas vnâ—er her Maj stâ—es hand and seale the which as our Generall had seene he presently commanded that euery man should returne all such things as they had taken from the Flemming and hee himselfe payed for the Salt that he had taken and so we departed from them with a saâ—e winde holding our courâ—â— from the Coast of Portugall to the Ilands of Canaria Thus in twenâ—ie dayes we had sight of the said Ilands which when our Generall knew of â—roth to be the same he coâ—mâ—nded his two smallest ships the Daintie and the Blacke Pinnasse to be sent along the shoare to see if they could espie any Caruels fishing or any ships betweene the Ilands and not discrying any thing the next morning they returned backe vnto vs. Vnder the Equinoctiall â—â—ne we lay seuen and twentie dayes driuing too and fro without puffe of winde In which time most of our men fell sicke of the Scuruie by reason of the extreme heat of the Sunne and the vapours of the night notwithstanding our great danger of sicknesse did not appause the hardnesse of our hearts being in as great extremitie as euer men were it happened that two men of Iapon which the Generall had taken in his first voyage beâ—ring enuie to a poore Portugall that went with vs from Plimmouth accused him to the Generall hauing before conspired his death in this sort The Generall being at dinner these two Iaponers came to his Cabbâ—n telling their tale so loud that euery one might heare the report which was thus that the Portugall of the ship was a Traytor and that he had often giuen them counsell to run away wiâ—h him at Brasil moreouer quoth he if it so had pleased God wee had taken the Towne of Santos as our Generall had pretended from thence that hee would guide them to the South Sea where they should be well rewarded for their intelligence vpon the which accusations the poore Portugall was hanged And as for his going from Santos by land through America to the South Sea had beene a thing impossible for the Countrie is all Wildernesse and full of Sauagâ—s After we had beene so long becalmed vnder the Line we had a faire North-west winde and in twentie dayes saile we had sight of Land on the coast of Brasile but no man knew certainly what part it should be At length comming neere the shoare we espied two small ships the one of them we tooke the other escaped that wee tooke was laden with Blackamores and some merchandise they came from Fernambaquo and were determined to â—aue gone to the Riuer of Plate By the Pilot of this ship we knew we were at Cape Frio that is Cold Cape This Cape lyeth twelue leagues from the Riuer of Ienero and thirtie leagues from Santos which was the Towne we meant to take In this ship we tooke a Friar that hid himselfe in a Chist of meale the night following by the directions of our new taken Pilot wee came to a place called Ilha Grande twelue leagues from Santos at this place we tooke fiue or sixe houses with Portugals and Sauages of the Countrie Here wee had good store of Potatoes and Plantons diuers kindes of good rootes with some Hogs and Hennes which was very good and comfortable for the refreshing of our men Here we had such disorder amongst our selues that if the Portugals had beene of any courage they might haue killed many of vs for our men would fight for their victuals as if they had beene nâ— Christians but Iewes and they that got the best would get them into some hole or into the Wildernesse vnder some Tree and there they would remaine as long as they had meat For mine owne part there was such shaâ—king I could in that place get neither meat nor mony and pure hunger compelled me to goe into the Woods to see if wee could kill any thing with our pâ—eces or if we could finde some Potatoes And as wee went wee encountred with seuen or eight of our coâ—panie that were together by the 〈…〉 es abouâ— a Hogge they had killed and the stâ—ife was who should haue the best share we comming in at that time when euery one vsed their fists stole away a quarter and went a good way into the Wildernesse where we were merry for that night the next day wee came backe â—gâ—ine with good store of Potato rootes and going into the house where the Generals musicians were wee found them dressing of eight yong Whelpes for their dinner wee giuing them of our rootes they were contented that wee should dine with them In the afternoone we set fire on a new ship and burned all the houses leauing the Merchant and all his Moores ashoare we departed from thence and hauing a faire winde about sixe of the clocke we came to the Iland of San Sebastian where wee anchored being fiue leagues from Santos As soone as the ships were in the 〈◊〉 euery Master and Captaine came aboard of the Generall to know how hee pretended to take the Towne of Santos and they all resolued that our long Boat and our Shallop onely with one hundred men was enough for the taking of it Fâ—â— the Portugall Pilot told vs that it was of no strength On Christmas-eue about ten a clocke in the night when the Boats were to goe ashoare there were so many that would haâ—e gone that wee began to fight and cast one another ouer-board into the Sea but as soone as our Generall heard the noise he commanded euery man to come aboard the ship againe I fearing the General and being desirous to goe ashoare with the first for I had seene before that they which came last got nothing crept vnder the seate of our Shallop where I was for the space of two houres and the Boat being full of men I could not get out but there had beene smothered if it had not beene for William Waldren that was our Boatsman and steered the Boat who hearing me crie vnder him tore vp the boords and saued my life About three a clocke in the morning wee met with a Canoa which is a Boat that they make of a whole Tree in which wee tooke foure Portugals and two Women the one of them was going to be married that morning After we had taken this Boat we went close to the shoare and hauing tarried for our Boat
Blacke Pinnasse and the into the aforesaid Riuer of Plate but it was not the will of God that we should execute our pretence For the same day wee thought to haue descried Land the winde beganne to blow South-west and the Seas were very darke swelling in waues so high that we could not perceiue any of our accompanied ships although we were very neere one to another the Seas brake ouer the Poope of our shippe and washed our men astonisht with feare into the Skippers the Roe-bucke in this storme ranne her against our Poope and brake downe all our Gallerie all things were cast into the Sea that stood aboue Hatches heere miserable Fortune began to frowne on vs all especially on mee for all that I had both in clothes and money were cast into the Sea all our ship with the Seas that brake ouer her sides Here our Generall shewed himselfe to bee of a noble courage for hee did nothing but runne vp and downe encouraging his men which were all amazed thinking that to bee their last houre this storme continued three dayes in which time wee lost most of our sayles blowne away from the yards It was the will of God that after we had been three dayes in the storme the wind ceased but the Seas continued so great that wee were not able to beare any sayle We lying thus tost with Seas without sight of any of our fleet the company murmured and wished themselues againe at Santos and indeed we al thought that the rest of our company were driuen back with the storme to the Coast thinking it best for vs to returne againe The Generall hearing what speeches passed in the shippe came forth vpon the halfe decke and commanded all the company to come before him and after he had heard them speake he answered that he had giuen directions to all the Masters and Captaines of the fleete that what weather soeuer should part them that they should vse their indeuour to take Port Desire and that they should tarry a fortnight so if none of the company came they should leaue some marke on the shoare and goe on their Voyage with that euery man was satisfied the Generall promising twentie pounds to whomsoeuer could first spie a sayle we made our course to Port Desire and in ten dayes we safely arriued at our desired Port where we found all our fleet but the Daintie which was no little comfort to vs all because the time of our yeere was almost past we stayed here but two dayes taking a few Penguins from an Iland right before Port Desire When we came to the mouth of the Straits wee found the winde contrary and were forced to lye beating before the Harbour of Port Famine three dayes ere wee could double that Cape for many times we did cast anchor without the Cape in twentie fathomes water but on a sudden the current would carrie away the ships with Cables and Anchors afloat in the night in this current the Roe-bucke driuen with the current fell crosse ouer the haze there wee had no other remedy but were forced to cut our cables and so lose our Anchors In the end with much adoe we doubled the Cape and got into Port Famine where wee lay a seuennight for want of winde and weather to goe forward It the time that wee were at Port Famine euery day our men went on shoáre to get Muscles and Fruits of the Countrey to eate and the barke of a tree that was like Sinamon One day the Boate being ashoare there came to vs aboue a thousand Canibals naked with feathers in their hands but they would not come so neere vs as we could touch them If we offered them any thing they would reach to vs with a long Pole and whatsoeuer we gaue them they would returne vs feathers for it wee made our signes to them for victuals and they would shew vs by signes that they had none but what they could kill with their Darts I haue told you how my chist and all my clothes were cast ouer-boord now comming to this cold Climates and wanting clothes my hope of life was little for here men were well at morning and by night frozen to death It was my fortune to goe ashoare to get some food for the allowance of our ship was little and comming aboord againe with my feete wette and wanting shift of clothes the next morning I was nummed that I could not stirre my legs and pulling off my stockings my toes came with them and all my feete were as blacke as soote and I had no feeling of them Then was I not able to stirre Thus I continued for the space of a fortnight till wee came into a faire Bay where there were many faire Ilands and on the rockes of some of these Ilands wee found Scouts made of the barkes of trees and afterwards wee found many Indians but none of them would come to vs. On the South-west side of the Mayne we found a Riuer which wee thought had gone to the South Sea Our long Boate was sent vp this Riuer and found it to be very straite and deepe On the sides thereof they found great Muscles and in them good store of Pearles and we named it the Riuer of Pearles the Bay had the name of the Master of our Pinnasse because he first found it and did discouer it called it Tobias Bay From this place wee went further into the Straites hauing the winde against vs and with the cold there died euery day out of our ship eight or nine men Here one Harris a Gold-smith lost his Nose for going to blow it with his fingers cast it into the fire This Iohn Chambers Caesar Ricasen and many that are now in England can testifie The Generall hauing experience that the wind would tarry at the least two moneths his men died so fast that hee thought best to returne for the Coast of Brasill and there to separate our fleete to the Hauens of Santos that lye on the Coast Riuer of Iennary Spirito Santo determining by this meanes to furnish himselfe with Ropes Sayles and Victuals of such prices as hee did not doubt but to take and likewise determining to take Santos againe The Generall came backe with this pretence for Brasill came to Port Famine where wee anchored two dayes and there tooke a note of all his men that were liuing and finding some of them very sicke commanded them to be set on shoare I was so ill in the Straites that no man thought I would haue liued and twice I was brought vpon the Hatches to bee cast into the Sea but it was the will of God that when they had said Prayers as they accustomed when any man died and that they laid hands on me to cast me ouer-boord I spake desiring them not to cast me ouer-boord till I was dead At this Port Famine comming backe the Generall would haue set me on shoare but Captaine
one a Cane from Towne to Towne for a fish-hooke or a few beads of glasse or any such trifle and there is no trauelling in the World so easie as this for you may lye or sit and play on a Gitterne all the way if you will for so the Spaniards doe you shall passe by many Mynes of Gold and traffique with the Indians for Gold and diuers kinds of precious Stones but not in that plentie as you shall at Potâ—sin by reason that there the Mynes are open and wrought on and those betweene Santiago and Potossin are not At Potossin there is no want of any thing although the Countrey of it selfe bee very barren but by reason of the great traffique that they haue from Lyma and all the Townes of the South Sea they haue alwayes prouision enough for from those Townes they bring Oyle and Wine in great Iarres of earth vpon great sheepe which are called sheepe of fiue quarters for their tailes haue almost as much as a quarter To tell the particulars of the Mynes would bee a new Storie only this they find the Oare like blacke Lead then they grinde it in Ingines then they wash it through fine Sieues in paued Cisternes that are made for the purpose the Moores are all naked as long as they worke because he shall not hide any precious stone The Spaniards herâ— are all very rich and in truth as gallant fellowes as can be The Francisco Friers carrie a great sway in this Countrey by reason that they were the first that preached in this part of India CHAP. VIII Relations of Master THOMAS TVRNER who liued the best part of two yeeres in Brasill c. which I receiued of him in conference touching his Trauels IN Saint Michael one of the Açores they ascend vp in a forenoones iourney vnto a hill into a Chappell wherein they need a fire in Summer for the cold there being a little off three Springs the one whereof casteth vp waters in a continual boyling with a terrible noise and of great heate the second of heate intolerable which in short time scaldeth any liuing thing to death the ground also hote to stand on but the water calme The third is warme and a fit Bathe In these Ilands in Caues bee found men buried before the Conquest whole c. Brasilian Indians are Canibals and not for reuenge only but for food also deuoure mans flesh The Portugals make not slaues of them nor can enioyne them worke by reason of a commission to the contrarie obtained by the Iesuites neither doe they winne of them ought but by faire meanes They are most excellent Archers goe starke naked the womens haire long and blacke barsh as a Horse-taile He did see vp the Riuer of Plate one twelue foot high and report was of higher in that Countrey Their Weapons are two massie bowles at the two ends of a string cast c. He saw also men there with the hinder parts of their heads not round but flat and a little before this Relation about Anno 1610. he said that at London he had seene carried to the Court a thigh bone of a man a yard and halfe in length Their beasts in Brasill are great Apes with beards and Mustachioes Kine like vnto ours of both sexes but liuing in the waters and resorting to land to feed Hauing no Vdders nor hornes long legs harmelesse lesse somewhat then ours their flesh like beefe but eaten in the name of fish Tigres like Grey-hounds spotted like Ounces exceeding swift the force of whose paw at a blow killeth his prey Their beast by some called Hay which yet he saith eateth leaues of trees and not Aire only the louely prettie Segouin The Serpent Cobrus whereof he saw one almost as bigge as himselfe twentie foot long killed by their Indian boy of colour like an Adder Of whom they report and a Father gaue him instance of the proofe that watching his prey ' that is whatsoeuer commeth by it windeth about and getteth the taile into the fundament drawing the guts after it and so preyeth on the same deuouring all till that it be not able for fulnesse to stirre but rotteth as it lyeth the flesh quite away the head and bones remaining in which the life continuing recouereth at last his former â—â—ate One was thus found in the rottennesse and being bound for proofe by the Portugals with a withe to a Tree at their returne was so found repaired The beast that baggeth vp her young ones c. as in others Relations heere therefore omitted The Indian is a fish in the Sea and a Foxe in the Woods and without them a Christian is neither for pleasure or profit fit for life or liuing Out of Angola is said to bee yeerely shipped eight and twentie thousand slaues and there was a Rebellion of slaues against their Masters tenne thousand making a head and barracadoing themselues but by the Portugals and Indians chased and one or two thousand reduced One thousand belonged to one man who is said to haue tenne thousand slaues Eighteene Ingenios c. his name is Iohn de Paâ—s exiled out of Portugall and heere prospering to this incredibilitie of wealth There are Apples called Ananas pleasant in colour and exceedingly in taste and holesome but eating Iron as Aquafortis Brasill is full of Mines if the King would suffer the digging them CHAP. IX The taking of Saint Vincent and Puerto Bello by Captaine WILLIAM PARKER of Plimmouth the seuenth of February 1601. IN the beginning of Nouember 1601. I departed from Plymmouth with two ships one Pinnasse and two shallops in quarters toward the West Indies My chiefe ship wheieâ—n I went my selfe as Admirall was named the Prudence of an hundred tuns wherein I had an hundred and thirtie tall men the second was the Pearle a small ship of sixtie tonnes wherein went as my Vice-admirall Master Robert Rawlin accompanied with sixtie lustie fellowes my Pinnasse of twentie tuns was manned with eighteene men In this Consort were Master Edward Giles and Philip Ward Gentlemen Captaines by Land with Captaine Antonie Fugars Captaine Loriman Captaine Ashley and diuers other Gentlemen of much towardlinesse and valour as they made good proofe in the successe of this Voyage In our passing by the Câ—pe of Saint Vincent in Spaine commonly called the South Cape I was encountred with such a terrible Ternado or gust of winde that my Pinnasse with fifteene of our men to our great griefe was vtterly cast away wee being not able with the vttermost of our endeauours to saue aboue three of the rest From thence I shaped my course to the Iles of Cape Verde and immediately vpon my arriuall there I set vpon one of them called Saint Vincent with an hundred men and tooke the Iland and the Towne thereof which was a prettie place the spoile wâ—eâ—eof I gaue to my Souldiers which after they had pillaged it set the same on fire Hence
we haled ouer to the Coast of Tierra firma and arriued first at the I le of Margarita and comming to the Rancheria or fishing of Pearles in the small Iland of Cubagua we found the Gouernour of Cumana there with a company of Souldiers neuerthelesse we made bold to land and in our landing we receiued a great fight wherein diuers of our men on both sides were wounded but in the end I tooke the place with diuers of the stoutest of our Enemies Prisoners and thirteene Periaguaes and Canoes which are Barkes and Boats of the Countrey for ransome of all which I receiued fiue hundred pounds in Pearle This done I proceeded on my iourney sayling directly for Cape dela Vela and there meeting with a Portugall shippe of two hundred and fiftie tuns laden with three hundred and seuentie Negros brought from Congo or Angola and going to Cantagena with little resistance I tooke the same And sayling along with my prize Westward not able to double the Iles called Las Cabeças I was driuen farre downe to the Southward into the Gulfe of Acle in Spanish called Eusenada de Acle where we landed all our Portugals and Negros keeping only the Captaine which afterward paid â—â—e fiue hundred pounds for his owne and their ranâ—omes Within a while after we stood Westward with our shippes and went into the Iles called the Cabeças where I embarked an hundred and fiftie of my men in two small Pinnasses and two fine shallops and went for the Iles de Bastimentos and landing there vpon the said Ilands which are peopled and very fruitfull I tooke sixe or seuen Negroes for guides and so presently with our Pinnasses and Boates entred the mouth of the Riuer of Porto bello the seuenth of Februarie about two of the clocke after midnight the Moone shining very brightly At our first entrance into the Hauen which is aboue twelue score ouer and very deepe at the mouth and farre vpward we were halled by the strong and stately Castle of Saint Philip hauing thirtie fiue great pieces of Brazen Ordnance and fiftie Souldiers in the same to know whence we were wee hauing aboord vs such as could speake Spanish excellent well answered that we were of Cartagena then they commanded vs to anchor which we did accordingly About one houre afterwards with my two shallops which lay close by my Pinnasses and some thirtie of my principall men I went vp the Riuer hauing some of the smaller Fort called the Fort of Saint Iago which is directly ouer against the great Castle of Saint Philip running still on the shoare and crying out on me to stay but neglecting their out-cryes I landed at the first Towne called Triana where the alarme was presently giuen which neuerthelesse I set on fire and marched ouer a little Brooke into the great rich Towne of Porto bello and comming directly vp to the Kings Treasure-house which is very faire and large we found a squadron of souldiers whereof there are two hundred and fiftie alwayes belonging to the Towne and another company of the Inhabitants with two brasse Pieces of field Ordnance well mounted on their carriages which we presently possessed and fiercely set vpon the Souldiers At which alarme Captaine Antonie Fugars and Captaine George Lawriman of Ratcliffe came vp with my two Pinnasses with an hundred and twentie men to my rescue which was very hardly laid vnto At this house at our first comming into the Towne my Lieutenant Samuel Barnet was shot on the side of his head and through his eare and Captaine Giles comming to second him was likewise shot ouer the brest and through his arme In this meane space Pedro Melendes the Gouernour of the Towne had gathered sixtie Souldiers together and was comming toward a certaine bridge to encounter me I hauing not then aboue eight or nine men with mee to withstand them but God did prosper our proceedings mightily For the first two shot that went from vs shot Melendes through his Target and went through both his armes and the other shot hurt the Corporall of the field Whereupon they all retired to the house which they made good vntill it was almost day Against whom I sent Captaine Ward with some Souldiers who entred the house killing diuers of them and wounded Melendes in eight places more himselfe being shot through both his thighes in entring and some of his men hurt but in the end he tooke Melendes Prisoner and became Master of the house My selfe with others went to the Kings house wherein were many of the Souldiers who would not come to any composition but stoutly defended the same against Captaine Giles and our Lieutenant Samuel Barnet who in the end flue diuers of them and hurt many others taking the Kings Scriuano prisoner This fight endured for the space of foure or fiue houres The fight being ended and we being Masters of the Kings Treasure-house and all the Towne and hauing the Gouernour Melendes and the Scriuano with many others of the chiefest my Prisoners except the Alcalde which fled out of the Towne with a chaine of Gold about his necke Such Treasure as was found in the Kings house to the value of some nine or ten thousand Duckets I reserued to my selfe which was nothing to that which wee did expect that being the receite at one time of the yeere of all the Treasure that commeth from Peru and Chile amounting at least to fiue or sixe Millions of Duckets and had I come but seuen dayes sooner I had taken heere an hundred and twentie thousand Duckets which were newly laden in two Frigats for Cartagena The rest of the spoile of the Towne which came to no small value in Money Plate and Merchandize I gaue wholy to my Souldiers which being done I disposed my Corpses du guard in diuers places for keeping the Towne all that day and at the end of the streete leading toward Panama on the South Sea being full of all Artificers we made a barricado where Captaine Giles stood with another Corps du guard being diuers times assaulted by the enemy whom still hee valiantly repulsed and put to the worse Pedro Melendes the chiefe Gouernour of the Towne being my Prisoner in regard that he had valiantly carried himselfe in making resistance vntill he had tenne or eleuen wounds vpon him I did not only at length dismisse without any peny for his ransome but also caused my Chirurgion very carefully to dresse and trimme his wounds vsing him and his farre otherwise then Pedro Melendes his great Vncle vsed Iohn Ribault Landoniere and the French Nation in Florida whom they most cruelly murdered and massacred as many as they could lay any hands vpon Thus being Master for one whole day of the stately and new builded Towne of Porto bello which had two goodly Churches in it fully finished and sixe or seuen faire streets whereof two were full of all necessarie Artificers and of Merchants with three small
and you may ride from fiue fathomes to twentie but wee ridde in three a little within the point on our Larboord side going in The eighteenth of Ianuary wee parted from our Man of Warre at Cape Saint Anthony and set saile for England in a Prize a ship of some one hundred and fortie tunnes laden with Campeche Wood and Hides the Master of the Prize was William Goobreath and from Cape Saint Anthony we stood off North-west and by North. The nine and twentieth day at noone we had sight of the Westermost Land of the Organes being East South-east from vs and then we stood North-east and the twentieth day we were in latitude 23. degrees 15. minutes the winde being at East North-east we stood off North and from the twentieth day to the one and twentieth day wee made our way West and by North and this day we were in latitude 23. degrees 20. minutes then we stood to the Eastward The two and twentieth day we were North-west and by North from the Crowne in Cuba fourteene leagues then we stood to the North-ward these fourteene leagues we turned vp and downe with the winde Easterly The three and twentieth day wee were in laâ—itude of 24. degrees no minutes the wind being at East North-east and we lay North with the stemme and this night we came in twelue fathomes being then in latitude of 24. degrees 35. minutes the winde being at East and by South we stood to the Southward The fiue and twentieth day wee fell with Cobey twelue leagues to the Eastward of the Hauana and this day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we had the Pam of the Matanças South-east and by South from vs some sixe leagues the winde being at East and we stood North North-east three Watches and brought the Pan vpon the Matanzas South of vs the winde being at East North-east we stood to the Northward for so we made the ships way The seuen and twentieth day at foure of the clocke in the afternoone wee fell with the South-east part of the Martyrs then wee stood off South-east and by South three watches with a low saile and so cast about and stood North-east and by North three watches and then obserued and found the ship to bee in the latitude of 24. degrees and 55. minuts being then South-west and by South of the Cape of Florida about three leagues the winde being at South-east and by East we stood off South and by West three watches and then cast about and stood North-east two watches and then obserued and found the ship to be in 25. degrees 36. minutes being the nine and twentieth day of Ianuarie 1602. and then two watches North and by East and foure North North-east and the thirtieth day at noone wee had the Cape Canaueral West and by North from vs sixe and twentie leagues by supposition being now in latitude 28. degrees 14. minutes the winde being at South wee stood North-east and by East into the Sea The eighteenth day of March at noone being Thursday wee fell with Silley and wee were South from it three leagues or ten miles the winde being at West South-west wee stood for the Lizzard and the twentieth day of this moneth we came to winde being at anchor in Dartmouth this was my first voyage which I haue to the West Indies CHAP. XI The description of the I le of Trinidad the rich Countrie of Guiana and the mightie Riuer of Orenoco written by FRANCIS SPARREY left there by Sir WALTER RALEIGH 1595. and in the end taken by the Spaniards and sent prisoner into Spaine and after long captiuitie got into England by great sute 1602. The description of the I le of Trinidad POrta la Spaniola lyeth North-east The Spaniards name themselues Conquerabians Anapâ—rima is the name of the Riuer which goeth to Corona the Spanish Towne The North part is very mountainous The Indians of Trinidad haue foure names 1. Those of Parico are called Iaios 2. Those of Punta Carao Aruacas 3. Those of Curiadan are called Saluages 4. Those betweene Punta Carao and Punta de la Galera Nepoios But those which are seruants to the Spaniards name themselues Carinapagâ—tos The chiefest of the Indians I meane the Kings and Lords of the Ilands in times past named themselues Acarewanas but now Captaines The description of Guiana and of the great Riuer Orenoco GViana beareth directly East from Peru and lyeth almost vnder the Equinoctiall Line The entrance to the Riuer Orenoco through the Riuer Capuri at the mouth at a full Sea hath nine foot water and at the ebbe but fiue foot The water floweth but a small time but increaseth much and the ebbe goeth but slowly for it continueth sixe houres In the bottome of the Gulfe of Guanipa there is the Riuer of Amana which leadeth into Orenoco also In this Riuer which wee named the Riuer of the Red Crosse wee tooke an old Tinitiuan for our Pilot to Orenoco The Riuer of Orenoco or Barequan hath nine mouthes which lye on the North-side of the mayne land but I could heare but of seuen mouthes vpon the South-side So that betweene Ilands and broken Lands it hath some sixteene mouthes in all The Ilands are somewhat bigge so as I can hardly ghesse how many leagues it is from the North-side to the South-side At the entrance of this Riuer are two great Lords Tiuitiuans which hold warre one with the other continually The one Nation are called the Tiuitiuans of Pallamos and the other of Hororotomaca He that entreth the Riuer of Amana from Curiapan cannot possibly returne the same way hee came by reason of the Easterly windes and the great Currents but must of force goe in a Riuer within the Land which is called Macurio To goe from the I le of Trinidad to the great Riuer Orenoco the Riuer of Amana beareth South But parting from that Riuer by a branch which beareth to the West we entred Orenoco Toparimaca is the chiefe Gouernour vnder Topiawari of the entrance of the Eastermost part of the Riuer Orenoco The Towne of this Gouernour is called Arwacan These are friends to the Carapanans Tiuitiuans and all Nations the Caribes excepted Carapana lyeth in the Prouince of Emeria and the Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria Assapana is the first Iland in Orenoco it is but small The second Iland is called Iwana There is another entrance into Orenoco which I discouered not but the Indians name it Arraroopana Europa is a Riuer which commeth into Orenoco but the head of it I know not In the middest of Orenoco there is a pretie bigge Iland which is somewhat mountainous and the name of it is Ocawita One Putima commandeth vnder Topiawari in the Confines of Morrequito which lyeth in the Prouince of Arromaia The Iland of Putapaima is farre vp within the Riuer of Orenoco and standeth right against the high Mountaine called Oecope Ouer this
hereafter For where the Topas is found on the Mountaines of Tenaseren in the East Indies the greatest store of Diamonds are also found When my kinsman returned Daptaine Leonard came with him to Wiapoco being aboue an hundred miles from his owne Country onely to visite me and my company for the great loue he did beare to Sir Walter Raleigh and our Nation I much maruelled to see him for assuredly he is the brauest Indian of all those parts After he had beene with me a day or two he earnestly requested me to send some of my company into his Countrey which he greatly commended for the wholesome ayre and plenty of victuals alleading that the place where then wee liued by his owne experience was very vnhealthfull that our men would there be subiect to sickenesse and die and for an instance he named Captaine Lee and his company who formerly were planted there and almost all dyed by sicknesse in the same place But he assured me that his own Country Cooshebery was of a good ayre pleasant and healthfull that there they might haue roome sufficient to build English houses in for those were the words hee vsed that thither they should be welcome and should want nothing Much he perswaded to draw me to his desire which by his importunity I granted and accordingly performed it finding his Country answerable to his report being for the most part champian ground naturally intermixt of plaine fields fruitefull meadowes and goodly woods in such admirable order as if they had beene planted artificially by handy labour The fields appearing aboue the meadowes in pleasant and delightfull manner presenting here and there vnto the eye from stately Mounts most beautifull and liuely prospects the meadowes bordering on euery side betweene the fields and woods the woods growing in the lowest valleys betwixt the meadowes and commonly are â—watered with sweete and pleasant fresh streames running through them which strange and rare mixture of Mounts Valleyes Meadowes Fields and Woods afford as excellent and healthfull habitations as can be wished or desired but is not greatly peopled From the Riuer of Cassipurogh N. Westward to the Riuer of Arracow and vp further into the Land towards the West and South-west as farre as the Riuer of Arwy which falleth into Wiapoco aboue the ouerfalles extend the Prouinces of Arracoory and Morownia which also to the landward by the relation of my Brother Captaine Michael Harcourt and Captaine Haruey who haue trauelled and discouered those parts are pleasant and delightfull plaine Countries like vnto Cooshebery The Arracoory Countrie is well pleopled and their chiefe Captaine is called Ipero Betwixt the Wiapocoories and Arracoories there is no hearty loue and friendship yet in outward shew they hold good quarter In Morrownia there is also store of people which are friendly Indians In that Prouince there is a very high Hill called Callipuny fashioned like a Sugerloafe or a Pyramis which oueruieweth and discouereth all the Territories adioyning aboue an hundred miles Beyond the Country of Morrowni to the Southward bordering the Riuer of Arwy is the Prouince of Norrak the people thereof are Charibes and enemies both to the Morrowinnes the inhabitants of Morrownia and to the Wiapopoories who are also vnder the subiection of Anaky-v-ry the principall and greatest Lord or Cassique of all the Yaios in those Prouinces bordering vpon the Sea betwixt the Amazones South-eastward and Dessequebe North-westward From the Riuer of Amazones to the Bay of Wiapoco there fall into the Sea these Riuers following Arrapoco a branch of Amazones Arrawary Micary Conawini and Cassipuroph In the Bay of Wiapooco to the East of the said Riuer there falleth into the Sea the Riuer of Arracow and into Arracow falleth the Riuer of VVatts To the North of VViapoco there is a small creeke called Wianary which letteth into the Sea a dayes iourney Westward vp into the land some take this creeke to be a Riuer but they doe erre in that opinion it hauing neither Spring nor Fountaine from whence it falleth To the North and North-west of the said creeke there is a ridge of high Mountaines running towards the Riuer of Apurwaca the soile whereof is excellent and fertile for Tobacco and beareth the best of all those parts so are the Sugar-canes there growing the best and fairest that are found vpon the Coast and all the tract of Land betwixt the Riuer of VViapoco and Apurwaca is accounted the Prouince of VViapocoory containing the Signiories of VViapoco and VVianary Beneath the ouerfals in VViapoco which are forty miles distant from the Sea there is much people both of Yaios and Arwaccas of the Yaios in this Riuer Carasana is chiefe Of the Arwaccas Arriquona is principall In Wianary there are few Indians and Casurino is their chiefetaine To the North-west of the Bay of Wiapoco there fall into the Sea the Riuer of Apurwaca Cowo Wio and Caiane Apurwaca is a goodly Riuer and well inhabited Cowo is voide of inhabitants Wio is a faire Riuer and leadeth many dayes iourney into the high land â—and discouereth a fertile and hopefull Countrey At Caiane there is an excellent harbour for shipping of any burden which heretofore by Captaine Lawrence Keymis was called Port Howard On the Starbood side as you enter this harbour there is an Iland of low land called Muccumbro scituate betwixt the Riuer of Caiane and Meccoria containing in circuit about sixteene leaues In this Iland there are two hils the one called Muccumbro whereof the Iland taketh the name the other called Cillicedemo from these hils the greatest part of the Iland may be oueruiewed which containeth many goodly Pastures and Meadowes intermixt with some Woods and is full of Deere both red and fallow On the Larboord side as you enter Caiane there is another Iland of high Land called Mattoory in quantitie much like vnto the first this Iland for the commodious scituation is of great effâ—ct for the defence of the harbour affording naturally two such notable conuenient places for the planting of Ordnance for that purpose as no industry of art could deuise better or more auaileable The Inhabitants of this Prouince of Caiane are Charibes their principall commander is called Arrawicary who dwelleth at Cillicedemo before mentioned we haue found him trusty and faithfull to our Nation but to our friend Leonard of Cooshebery he is a mortall enemy At this mans house I left foure or fiue of my company thereby to hold amity and friendship with the Charibes to learne their language and to keepe peace betweene them and the Yaios Arwaccas and other Narions their allies To the South-westward of these Prouinces aboue mentioned towards the high land there be many others which hereafter shall be more exactly described by a second discouery These Prouinces Signiories to the landward are not plentifully inhabited the greatest numbers of people are seated neare vnto the Riuers trauell from place to place in
their eares I forbeare to mention vntill by experience wee shall discouer the truth thereof Moreouer hee learned that there fall into Marrawini diuers great Riuers called Arrenne Topannawin Errewin Cowomma Poorakette Arroua Arretowenne Waoune Anape Aunime and Carapio whereof some he hath seene himselfe That it was twentie dayes iourney from Taupuramune to the head of Marrawini which is inhabited by Arwaccas Sappaios Paragotos and some Yaios and that a dayes iourney from thence to the Land-ward the Countrey is plaine and Champian ground with long grasse Hee passed in this iourney aboue eightie ouerfals of water and many of them very dangerous of some of them I had experience the yeere before He proceeded no further at that present being vnprouided for so long a iourney supposing that it had beene neerer then he found it to the head of the Riuer by a fortnights trauell and so returned backe in sixe dayes space intending better preparation for a second iourney but his purpose was preuented by an vntimely death for shortly after hee was drowned by misfortune whereby we see that man determineth but God disposeth THe tenth day of September being Sunday I left the maine of Guiana and in my ship-boat stood off into the Sea to seeke my ships which were forced to ride foure leagues from shore by reason of the shoales but as we passed ouer them we were in danger to bee cast away by the breach of a Sea which verily had sunke our Boat if with great celeritie wee had not lightned her by heauing ouer-boord many baskets of bread of Cassain Maix Pinas Platanas Potatoes and such like prouision wherewith our Boat was loden by which means it pleased God to deliuer vs from present destruction and to bring vs safe vnto our ships When I came aboord we weighed anchor and steered away from the Iland of Trinidado and vpon the eighteenth day in the morning we arriued at Punta de Galea where wee found three English ships at anchor which was no small comfort vnto vs considering our great defects and wants One of these shippes was called the Diana belonging to Master Lâ—l a Dutch Merchant dwelling in London The other two the Penelope and the Indeuour belonging to Master Hall a Merchant also of London We stayed at this place sixe daies to mend our bad Caske and to take fresh water during which time I was kindly intreated and feasted by the Merchants and had supply of all such things as I stood in neede of which courtesie I requited in the best manner I could for the present Vpon Sunday the twentie foure of September we weighed anchor so likewise did the Diana the other two shippes beeing gone two or three daies before vs but the winde shifting to the North-east inforced vs backe againe almost to the same place from whence wee departed The twentie fiue we weighed againe and plied along the shoare towards Cape Brea about three leagues This Cape is so called of the Pitch which is there gotten in the earth whereof there is such abundance that all places on this side of the World may bee stored there with It is a most excellent Pitch for trimming of shippes that passe into these Regions and hot Countries for it melteth not with the Sunne as other Pitch doth The twentie sixe day we stood along againe the winde being still contrarie and variable intermixt with many calmes and so continued vntill the second of October when we arriued at Port de Hispania Within two daies after our arriuall there Don Sanches de Mendosa the Teniente for that yeere with certaine other Spaniards came aboord vs wee gaue them the best entertainment that our meanes the time and place would affoord and had much friendly conference together They told me that they lately had a conflict with the Charibes where in they had lost seuen or eight of their men and had many others hurt and wounded whereof some came to my Chirurgion to haue their wounds dressed during our abode there And they plainly confessed that they are very much molested by the Charibes and knew not how by any meanes to suppresse them We staied at Porte de Hispania vntill the seuenth day in hope to get some good Tobacco amongst the Spaniards who daily fed vs with delaies and faire words but in truth they had none good at that present for vs which we perceiuing departed thence vpon the seuenth day about one of the clocke in the morning leauing the other ships to attend their trade and stood away for the passages called Les sciot boccas de Drago and disembogued about eight of the clocke the same morning Then wee steered away for an Iland called Meues and leauing the Ilands of Granado Saint Vincent Guadalupa and Monserate in our starboord side wee arriued there the twelfth day where we stopped to take in ballast and more water for our ships were very light In this Iland there is an hot Bath which as well for the reports that I haue heard as also for that I haue seene and found by experience I doe hold for one of the best and most souereigne in the World I haue heard that diuers of our Nation haue there beene cured of the Leprosie and that one of the same persons now or lately dwelt at Woolwich neere the Riuer of Thames by whom the truth may be knowne if any man desire to bee further satisfied therein As for my owne experience although it was not much yet the effects that I found it worke both in my selfe and others of my company in two daies space doe cause mee to conceiue the best of it For at my comming thither I was grieuously vexed with an extreame cough which I much feared would turne me to great harme but by bathing in the Bath and drinking of the water I was speedily cured and euer since that time I haue found the state of my body I giue God thankes for it farre exceeding what it was before in strength and health Moreouer one of my company named Iohn Huntbatch seruant to my brother as he was making a fire burned his hand with Gunpowder and was in doubt thereby to loose the vse of one or two of his fingers which were shrunke vp with the fire but he went presently to the Bath and washed and bathed his hand a good space therein which soopled his fingers in such manner that with great ease he could stir and stretch them out and the fire was so washed out of his hand that within the space of twenty foure houres by twice or thrice washing and bathing it the sorenesse thereof was cured onely the eye-sore for the time remained Furthermore two or three other of my company hauing swellings in their legs were by the Bath cured in a day Hence we departed the sixteenth day of October in the afternoone and leauing the Ilands of Saint Christopher Saint Martin and Anguilla on the
wee spoke before The women make them gownes or vpper garments of thinne Cotton almost like our clothes which are some part silke which we call Arras or Burschet They weaue in these diuers shapes of Stags Estridges and Indian sheepe according as euery of them is more skilfull in the art of weauing In these garments they sleepe if the Aire happen to be somewhat cold or putting them vnder them they sit vpon them or vse them at their pleasure for other seruices These women are very faire and venerous When we had stayed there foure dayes this pettie King demanded of our Captaine what our puâ—pose was and whether we would goe to whom he made this answere that he sought Gold and Siluer Therefore he gaue him a Crowne of Siluer weighing a pound and an halfe He gaue him also a plate of Gold of a spanne and an halfe long and halfe a spanbroad and certaine other things made cunningly wrought of Siluer and told our Captaine that he had no more Siluer nor Gold And that these thingâ— wherewith he presented him were the spoiles which in time past he had gotten in war against the Amazones That he made mention of the Amazones and of their riches was very pleasing to vs to heare Our Captaine therefore presently demandeth of the King whether we might come to them by Sea or by the Riuer and how much further we had to goe when wee were to take our journey towards them whereunto he answered that we could not goe to them by water but by land and that in two whole moneths journey 37. These women the Amazones haue only one of their pappes their Husbands come vnto them three or foure times in the yeere And if the woman beeing with child by her Husband bring forth a Male child she sendeth him home again to his Father but if it be a Female she keepeth it with her and seareth the right pap of it that it may grow no more which she doth for this purpose that they may be more fit to handle their Weapons and Bowes For they are warlike women making continuall war with their Enemies These women inhabit an Iland that is very large on euery side compassed with water to whom there is no accesse but by Canoas or Boats The Amazones haue neither Gold not Siluer in this Iland but they are reported to haue great Treasures in the firme land which the men inhabit It is a very populous Nation and is said to haue a King called Iegues and the King of Scherues told vs the name of the place Therefore the Captaine Ernandus Riâ—ffiere desired the King of Scherues to ioyne certaine of his men with vs to carry our bagge and baggage for vs and then we would enter the heart of the Country to seeke those Amazones He willingly assenteth thereunto yet in the meane time admonishing vs that the whole Countrie was now ouerflowed with waters and therefore we should haue a very difficult and vneasiy Iourney vnto them and that wee could not easily at this time come vnto them But we would not giue credite to his words but were instant to haue the Indians ioyned with vs. He therefore gaue twentie men to our Captaine for his owne person to carrie his prouision and necessaries and to euery one of vs he gaue fiue Indians to serue vs and carrie that little which we had For wee were to goe eight dayes Iourney wherein wee should not see any Indian But afterward we came to a certaine Nation called Siberis who in their language and other things were like the Scherues Wee were to goe for these eight whole dayes day and night in the water vp to the knees and sometimes reaching as high as the waste nor could we by any meanes get out of them And if we would make fire we were of necessitie to put it vpon a pile or stacke made of great blockes or pieces of wood and it fell out often that when wee were about to boile our meate both the pot and the fire fell into the water so that after that wee were faine to be without our meate And Gnats also troubled and vexed vs day and night so that we could not doe our necessarie worke or businesse Wee therefore demanded of those Siberis whether wee should yet haue any more waters who answered that wee were yet foure dayes to walke in the waters and afterward were to trauell fiue dayes by Land and at length wee should come to a Nation called Orethuisâ—n They signified also vnto vs that wee were too few in number and therefore that wee should returne But the Scherues would not doe this for wee thought rather to send them backe vnto their Towne who had hitherto accompanied vs but they refused to doe it saying they were enioyned by their King not to leaue vs but should continue with vs vntill wee came out of the Countrie againe These Siberis ioyned ten men with vs who together with the Scherues should shew vs the way to the fore-said Orethuisen Wee were yet seuen dayes more to trauell in the waters which were so hot as if they had beene heat vpon the fire which water also hauing no other wee were compelled to drinke But some might peraduenture thinke that it was Riuer water but at that time showres of raine were so common and vsuall that they filled the whole Countrie with water which is altogether very plaine and euen The ninth day we came vnto a certaine Village of the Nation Orethuisen betweene ten and eleuen of the clocke And at twelue of the clocke being come into the middest of the Towne we came vnto the Princes house At that time a cruell and mightie Plague was very hot whereof Famine was the cause for two yeeres together the Gras-hoppers had so eaten and corrupted all manner of Corne and the fruits of trees that almost nothing was left them which they might eate But our Captaine asked the Petie-King of this Nation how many dayes Iourney we yet had to the Amazones from whence he receiueth answere That wee must yet trauell one whole moneth besides that all the Countrie was full of water The King of these Orethuisen gaue our Captaine foure Plates of gold and foure siluer Rings which they put about their armes but the Indians weare the Plates of gold on their foreheads for ornament as our Nobles doe their Chaines or Câ—llars of Esses hanged about their neckes For these things our Captaine gaue the King of the Indians an Hatchet Kniues and Beades or Pater-nosters Barbers Scizzars and such lâ—ke Wee would willingly haâ—e craued more of them but wee durst not attempt it because wee were but few in number so that wee were forced to stand in feare of them For the multitude of these Indians was very great and the Towne huge in so much as I haue not seene any greater or more populous throughout all India For the Towne was very long
by reason of the want of prouision For we had scarce victuall for one moneth In performing this Iourney we spent a yeere and an halfe doing nothing else but making continuall warre And in this Iourney we had brought into our subiection about twelue thousand men women and children who were compelled to serue vs as bond-slaues as I for mine owne person did possesse about fiftie men women and children 50. Wee with our Generall Martin Don Eyollas came vnto the Citie Assumption but Abriego a Captaine which had rebelled against Captaine Mendoza and slaine him would neither open the Citie to our Generall nor yeeld it vp vnto him nor acknowledge him for Generall and his Gouernour But the said Diego Abriego being forced to forsake the Citie with fiftie Christians who ioyned themselues with him fled thirtie leagues from vs so that we could atchieue nothing against him This warre continued two whole yeeres space betweene vs the two Captaines so opposing themselues one against the other that neither was safe from danger of other 51. In the meane season while these things were thus done I receiued Letters out of Spaine and shewed to Martin Don Eyollas I presently desired a friendly and curteous dismission from him I tooke my Iourney in the name of God vpon Saint Stephens Day which was the sixe and twentieth of December in the yeere 1552. and departing from the Assumption of Marie carried vpon the Riuer of Plate with my twentie Indians in two Canoas or Boats when wee had now gone sixe and fortie leagues we first arriued at a certaine Towne called Iuberic Sabaie In that Towne foure others also together with two Portugals ioyned themselues with vs hauing gone fifteene leagues we came to a Towne called Gaberetho After this hauing gone sixteene leagues further in foure dayes we came to a certaine Village called Barotij Whence departing againe hauing gone foure and fiftie leagues in nine dayes wee came to a Towne called Barede where staying two dayes we sought prouision and Boats to carrie vs for wee were to goe one hundred leagues vp the Riuer Parana by Boat At length being brought to a certaine Towne called Gingie wee abode there foure dayes And thus farre the Countrie and Empire of Caesars Maiestie extendeth it selfe all which places in former time were subiect to the People Carios 52. After this therefore all the Nation Toupin beginneth the Countrie and Iurisdiction of the Portugall and we were compelled leauing Parana and our Boats to trauell by land vnto these Toupin which continued sixe whole moneths in which Iourney we were to goe ouer Desarts Mountaines and Valleyes and for the feare waxed of wilde and rauening beasts we durst not safely take our sleepe c. Wee wandred eight whole dayes through Woods and Thickets so that although hauing trauelled farre and wide yet in all my life time I had neuer gone so rough troublesome and tedious a way nor had we any thing which we might eate so that wee were compelled to sustaine our selues with Honie and Roots wheresoeuer we could get them and for the danger also to wit that we feared lest our enemies would pursue vs we had not so much time as to take any venison After this wee came to a Nation called Biesaie where staying foure dayes wee prouided our selues againe of victuall but durst not come neere their Towne because we were so few In this Countrie there is a Riuer called Vrquam wherein we saw Water-snakes and Serpents called Tuesca in the Spanish Tongue Scheue Eyba which were sixteene paces long and foure fathome thicke These Serpents doe much hurt for if a man wash himselfe in that Riuer or any beast swim ouer forthwith such a Serpent swimming to them windeth his tayle about the man or beast and drawing them vnder water deuoureth them Proceeding further hence we trauelled about one hundred leagues in a continued Iourney of a whole moneths space and at length came into a large Towne called Scheuetveba and rested there three dayes Going againe further we came into a certaine Towne of Christians whose Captaine was Iohn Reinueill 53. Moreouer proceeding further thence we came to the Towne of Saint Uincent From the Citie of the Assumption of Marie to the Towne of Saint Uincent in Brasill are reckoned three hundred and seuentie leagues Setting sayle from the Towne of Saint Uincent on Saint Iohn Baptists Day which was the foure and twentieth of Iune in the yeere of our Lord 1553. wee arriued at Lisbon the third of September in the yeere 1553. and while wee abode fourteene dayes there two of my Indians died which I brought with me out of those Countries I had thought here to haue added the Voyages of Iohannes Stadius another German which serued the Portugals in Brasill about Schmidels later time published in Theodore de Bry and had the same by me translated But contayning little light for the Countrie and People and relating in manner onely his owne Tragedies in his taking by the Sauages and often perils of being eaten by them as some of his friends were before his face with other like Sauage arguments wherewith wee haue glutted you alreadie I being alreadie too voluminous haue omitted the same and hasten to other Relations CHAP. V. The Obseruations of Sir RICHARD HAWKINS Knight in his Voyage into the South Sea An. Dom. 1593. once before published now reuiewed and corrected by a written Copie illustrated with notes and in diuers places abbreuiated §. I. What happened in this Voyage before they came neere the Aequinoctiall Line with diuers accidentall Discourses vsefull for Nauigators WIth the Counsels consent and helpe of my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins Knight I resolued a Voyage to be made for the Ilands of Iapan of the Philippinas and Moluccas the Kingdome of China and East Indies by the way of the. Straites of Magelan and the South Sea For this purpose in the end of the yeere 1588. returning from the Iourney against the Spanish Armado I caused a Ship to bee builded in the Riuer of Thames betwixt three and foure hundred tunnes which was finished in that perfection as could be required For shee was pleasing to the eye profitable for stowage good of sayle and well conditioned On the day of her lanching shee was named The Repentance The Repentance being put in perfection and riding at Detford the Queenes Maiestie passing by her to her Palace of Greâ—nwich commanded her Barge-men to rowe round about her and viewing her from Post to Stemme disliked nothing but her Name and said that shee would Christen her a new and that thenceforth shee should bee called the Daintie which name shee brooked as well for her proportion and grace as for the many happie Voyages shee made in her Maiesties seruices Hauing taken for her Maiestie a great Bysten of fiue hundred tunnes loden with Iron and other Commodities vnder the conduct of Sir Martin Furbusher A Carack bound for the East
Voyage And many of my companie at Sea vaunted how they had cousened the Earle of Cumberland Master Candish Master Reymond and others some of fiue poundes some of tenne some of more and some of lesse And truely I thinke my Voyage prospered the worse for theirs and other lewd persons companie which were in my ship which I thinke might be redressed by some extraordinarie seuere and present Iustice to bee executed on the offenders by the Iustice in that place where they should bee found The greater part of my companie gathered aboord I set sayle the twelfth of Iune 1593. I cannot but aduise all such as shall haue charge committed vnto them euer before they depart out of the Port to giue vnto their whole Fleet not directions for ciuill gouernment but also where when and how to meete if they should chance to lose companie and the signes how to knowe one another afarre off with other points and circumstances as the occasions shall minister matter different at the discretion of the wise Commander by publication of that which is good and necessarie for the guide of his Fleet and people but all secret instructions to giue them sealed and not to be opened but comming to a place appointed Lanching out into the channell the winde being at East and by South and east South-east which blowing hard and a floud in hand caused a chapping Sea and my Vice-admirall bearing a good sayle made some water and shooting off a Peece of Ordnance I edged towards her to knowe the cause who answered me that they had sprung a great leake and that of force they must returne into the Sound which seeing to be necessarie I cast about where anchoring and going aboord presently found that betwixt winde and water the Calkers had left a seame vncalked which being filled vp with Pitch onely the Sea labouring that out had beene sufficient to haue sunke her in short space if it had not beene discouered in time And for more securitie I hold it for a good custome vsed in some parts in making an end of calking and pitching the ship the next tide to fill her with water which will vndoubtedly discouer the defect for no pitcht place without calking can suffer the force and peaze of the water In neglect whereof I haue seene great damage and danger to ensue The Arke Royall of his Maiesties may serue for an example which put all in danger at her first going to the Sea by a trivuell hole left open in the post and couered onely with Pitch In this point no man can be too circumspect for it is the securitie of ship men and goods This being remedied I set sayle in the morning and ranne South-west till wee were cleare of Vsshent and then South South-west till wee were some hundred leagues off where wee met with a great Hulke of some fiue or sixe hundred tunnes well appointed the which my companie as is natural to all Mariners presently would make a prize and loden with Spaniards goods and without speaking to her wished that the Gunner might shoot at her to cause her to amain Which is a bad custome receiued and vsed of many ignorant persons presenâ—ly to gunne at all whatsoeuer they discouer before they speake with them being contrarie to all discipline and many times is the cause of dissention betwixt friends and the breach of Amitie betwixt Princes the death of many and sometimes losse of ships and all making many obstinate if not desperate Comming within the hayling of the Hulke we demanded whence she was whither she was bound and what her loding Shee answered that she was of Denmarke comming from Spaine loden with Salt we willed her to strike her Top-sayles which shee did and shewed vs her Charter-parties and Bils of loding and then saluted vs as is the manner of the Sea and so departed Wee directed our course to the Maderas The Madera Ilands are two the great called La Madera and the other Porto Santo of great fertilitie and rich in Sugar Conserues Wine and sweet Wood whereof they take their name Other commodities they yeeld but these are the principall The chiefe Towne and Port is on the Souther side of the Madera well fortified they are subiect to the Kingdome of Portugall the Inhabitants and Garrison all Portugals The third of Iulie wee past along the Ilands of Canaria which haue the name of a Kingdome and containe these seuen Ilands Grand Canaria Tenerifa Palma Gomera Lancerota Fortenentura and Fierro These Ilands haue abundance of Wine Sugar Conserues Orcall Pitch Iron and other commodities and store of Cattell and Corne but that a certaine Worme called Gorgosho breedeth in it which eateth out the substance leauing the huske in manner whole The head Iland where the Iustice which they call Audiencia is resident and whither all suits haue their appellation and finall sentence is the Grand Canaria although the Tenerifa is held for the better and richer Iland and to haue the best Sugar and the Wine of the Palma is reputed for the best The Pitch of these Ilands melteth not with the Sunne and therefore is proper for the higher workes of shipping Betwixt Fortenentura and Lancerota is a goodly Sound fit for a meeting place for any Fleet. Where is good anchoring and abundance of many sorts of Fish There is water to be had in most of these Ilands but with great vigilance For the naturals of them are venturous and hardie and many times clime vp and downe the steepe Rockes and broken Hills which seeme impossible which I would hardly haue beleeued had I not seene it and that with the greatest arte and agilitie that may bee Their Armes for the most part are Lances of nine or ten foot with a head of a foot and halfe long like vnto Boare-speares saue that the head is somewhat more broad Two things are famous in these Ilands the Pike of Tenerifa which is the highest Land in my iudgement that I haue seene and men of credite haue told they haue seene it more them fortie leagues off It is like vnto a Sugar loafe and continually couered with Snowe and placed in the middest of a goodly Valley most fertile and temperate round about it Out of which going vp the pike the cold is so great that it is vnsufferable and going downe to the Townes of the Iland the heat seemeth most extreme till they approch neere the coast The other is a tree in the Iland Fierro which some write affirme with the dropping of his leaues to giue water for the sustenance of the whole Iland which I haue not seene although I haue beene on shoare on the Iland but those which haue seene it haue recounted this mysterie differently to that which is written in this manner That this Tree is placed in the bottome of a Valley euer flourishing with broad leaues and that round about it are a multitude of goodly high Pines
which ouer-top it and as it seemeth were planted by the Diuine prouidence to preserue it from Sunne and winde Out of this Valley ordinarily rise euery day great vapours and exhalations which by reason that the Sunne is hindered to worke his operation with the height of the Mountaine towards the South-east conuert themselues into moisture and so bedew all the trees of the Valley and from those which ouer-top this Tree drops downe the dew vpon his leaues and so from his leaues into a round Well of stone which the Naturals of the Land haue made to receiue the water of which the people and cattell haue great reliefe but sometimes it raineth and then the Inhabitants doe reserue water for many dayes to come in their Cisternes and Tynaxes which is that they drinke of and wherewith they principally sustaine themselues The Citie of the Grand Canaria and chiefe Port is on the West side of the Iland the head Towne and Port of Tenerifa is towards the South part and the Port and Towne of the Palma and Gomera on the East side In Gomera some three leagues Southward from the Towne is a great Riuer of water but all these Ilands are perilous to land in for the siege caused by the Ocean Sea which alwaies is forcible and requireth great circumspection whosoeuer hath not vrgent cause is either to goe to the Eastwards or to the Westwards of all these Ilands as well to auoide the calmes which hinder some times eight or ten dayes sayling as the contagion which their distemperature is wont to cause and with it to breede Calenturas which wee call burning Feuers These Ilands are said to be first discouered by a Frenchman called Iohn de Betancourt about the yeere 1405. They are now a Kingdome subiect to Spaine Being cleare of the Ilands and seeing my selfe past hope of returning backe without some extraordinarie accident I began to set order in my Companie and victuals And for that to the Southwards of the Canaries is for the most part an idle Nauigation I deuised to keepe my people occupied as well to continue them in health for that too much ease in hot Countries is neither profitable nor healthful as also to diuert them from remembrance of their home from play which breedeth many inconueniences and other bad thoughts and workes which idlenesse is cause of and so shifting my companie as the custome is into Starboord and Larboord men the halfe to watch and worke whilest the others slept and take rest I limited the three dayes of the weeke which appertained to each to be employed in this manner the one for the vse and cleansing of their Armes the other for roomaging making of Sayles Nettings Decking and defenses of our Ships and the third for cleansing their bodies mending and making their apparell and necessaries which though it came to be practised but once in seuen dayes for that the Sabboth is euer to be reserued for God alone with the ordinarie obligation which each person had besides was many times of force to be omitted and thus wee directed our course betwixt the Ilands of Cape de Verde and the Maine These Ilands are held to bee scituate in one of the most vnhealthiest Climates of the world and therefore it is wisedome to shunne the sight of them how much more to make abode in them In two times that I haue beene in them either cost vs the one halfe of our people with Feuers and Fluxes of sundrie kindes some shaking some burning some partaking of both some possest with frensie others with slouth and in one of them it cost mee sixe moneths sicknesse with no small hazard of life which I attribute to the distemperature of the aire for being within fourteene degrees of the Equinoctiall Line the Sunne hath great force all the yeere and the more for that often they passe two three and foure yeeres without raine and many times the earth burneth in that manner as a man well shod cannot indure to goe where the Sunne shineth With which extreme heate the bodie fatigated greedily desireth refreshing and longeth for the comming of the Breze which is the North-east winde that seldome fayleth in the afternoone at foure of the clocke or sooner which comming cold and fresh and finding the pores of the bodie open and for the most part naked penetrateth the very bones and so causeth sudden distemperature and sundrie manners of sicknesse as the Subiects are diuers whereupon they worke Departing out of the Calmes of the Ilands and comming into the fresh Breze it causeth the like and I haue seene within two dayes after that wee haue partaked of the fresh aire of two thousand men aboue an hundred and fiftie haue beene crazed in their health The Inhabitants of these Ilands vse a remedie for this which at my first being amongst them seemed vnto mee ridiculous but since time and experience hath taught to bee grounded vpon reason And is that vpon their heads they weare a Night-cap vpon it a Moutero and a Hat ouer that and on their bodies a sute of thicke Cloth and vpon it a Gowne furr'd or lined with Cotton or Bayes to defend them from the heate in that manner as the Inhabitants of cold Countries to guard themselues from the extremitie of the cold Which doubtlesse is the best diligence that any man can vse and whosoeuer proueth it shall finde himselfe lesse annoyed with the heate then if he were thinly cloathed for that where the cold aire commeth it pierceth not so subtilly The Moone also in this climate as in the coast of Guynne and in all hot Countries hath forcible operation in the body of man and therefore as the Plannet most preiudiciall to his health is to he shunned as also not to sleepe in the open Ayre or with any Scuttle or Window open whereby the one or the other may enter to hurt For a person of credit told me that one night in a Riuer of Guynne leauing his window open in the side of his Cabin the Moone shining vpon his shoulder left him with such an extraordinary paine and furious burning in it as in aboue twenty houres he was like to run mad but in fine with force of Medicines and cures after long torment he was eased Of these Ilands are two pyles the one of them lyeth out of the way of Trade more Westerly and so little frequented the other lyeth some fourescore leagues from the Maine and containeth sixe in number to wit Saint Iago Fuego Mayo Bonavisto Sal and Brano They are belonging to the Kingdome of Portugall and inhabited by people of that Nation and are of great trade by reason of the neighbourhood they haue with Guynne and Bynne but the principall is the buying and selling of Negros They haue store of Sugar Salt Rice Cotten-wooll and Cotton-cloth Ambergreece Cyuit Olyphants teeth Brimstone Pummy stone Spunge and some Gold but little and that from the mayne Saint Iago is the head
Iland and hath one Citie and two townes with their Ports The Citie called Saint Iago whereof the Iland hath his name hath a Garrison and two Forts scituated in the bottome of a pleasant Valley with a running streame of water passing through the middest of it whether the rest of the Ilands come for Iustice being the seate of the Audiencia with his Bishop The other Townes are Playa some three leagues to the Eastwards of Saint Iago placed on high with a goodly Bay whereof it hath his name and Saint Domingo a small Towne within the Land They are on the Souther part of the Iland and haue beene sacked sundry times in Anno 1582. by Manuel Serades a Portugall with a Fleete of French-men in Anno 1585. they were both burnt to the ground by the English Sir Francis Drake being Generall and in Anno 1596. Saint Iago was taken and sacked by the English Sir Anthony Sherley being Generall The second Iland is Fuego so called for that day and night there burneth in it a Uulcan whose flames in the night are seene twentie leagues off in the Sea It is by nature fortified in that sort as but by one way is any accesse or entrance into it and there cannot goe vp aboue two men a brest The Bread which they spend in these Ilands is brought from Portugall and Spaine sauing that which they make of Rice or of Mayes which we call Guynne wheate The best watering is in the I le of Brano on the west part of the Iland where is a great Riuer but foule Anchoring as is in all these Ilands for the most part The fruits are few but substantiall as Palmitos Plantanos Potatos and Coco Nuts The Palmito is like to the Date tree and as I thinke a kinde of it but wilde In all parts of Afrique and America they are found and in some parts of Europe and in diuers parts different In Afrique and in the West Indies they are small that a man may cut them with a knife and the lesser the better But in Brasil they are so great that with difficulty a man can fell them with an Axe and the greater the better one foote within the top is profitable the rest is of no value and that which is to be eaten is the pith which in some is better in some worse The Plantane is a tree found in most parts of Afrique and America of which two leaues are sufficient to couer a man from top to toe It beareth fruite but once and then drieth away and out of his root sprouteth vp others new In the top of the tree is his fruit which groweth in a great bunch in the forme and fashion of puddings in some more in some lesse I haue seene in one bunch aboue foure hundred Plantans which haue weighed aboue fourescore pound waight They are of diuers proportions some great some lesser some round some square some triangle most ordinarily of a span long with a thicke skinne that peeleth easily from the meate which is either white or yellow and very tender like Butter but no conserue is better nor of a more pleasing taste For I neuer haue seene any man to whom they haue bred mislike or done hurt with eating much of them as of other fruites The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree but in most parts they cut them off in branches and hang them vp in their houses and eate them as they ripe For the Birds and Vermine presently in ripâ—ing on the tree are feeding on them The best that I haue seene are in Brasil in an Iland called Placentia which are small and round and greene when they are ripe whereas the others in ripening become yellow Those of the West Indies and Guynne are great and one of them sufficient to satisfie a man the onely fault they haue is that they are windie In some places they eate them instead of bread as in Panama and other parts of Tierra firme They grow and prosper best when their rootes are euer couered with water they are excellent in Conserue and good sodden in different manners and dried on the tree not inferior to Suckets The Coco nut is a fruit of the fashion of a Hasell-nut but that it is as bigge as an ordinary Bowle and some are greater It hath two shels the vttermost framed as it were of a multitude of threds one laid vpon another with a greene skin ouer-lapping them which is soft and thicke the innermost is like to the shell of a Hasell-nut in all porportion sauing that it is greater and thicker and some more blacker In the top of it is the forme of a Munkies face with two eyes his nose and a mouth It containeth in it both meate and drinke the meate white as milke and like to that of the kernell of a Nut and as good as Almonds blancht and of great quantity The water is cleare as of the Fountaine and pleasing in taste and somewhat answereth that of the water distilled of Milke Some say it hath a singular property in nature for conseruing the smoothnesse of the skin and therefore in Spaine and Portugall the curious Dames doe ordinarily wash their faces and necks with it If the holes of the shell be kept close they keepe foure or six moneths good and more but if it be opened and the water kept in the shell in few daies it turneth to Vinegar They grow vpon high Trees which haue no boughes onely in the top they haue a great cap of leaues and vnder them groweth the fruite vpon certaine twigges and some affirme that they beare not fruite before they be aboue forty yeares old They are in all things like to the Palme trees and grow in many parts of Asia Afrique and America The shels of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking cups and much cost and labour is bestowed vpon them in caruing grauing and garnishing them with Siluer Gold and precious stones In the Kingdome of Chile and in Brasil is another kinde of these which they call Coquillos as we may interpret little Cocos and are as bigge as Wal-nuts but round and smooth and grow in great clusters the trees in forme are all one and the meate in the nut better but they haue no water Another kinde of great Cocos groweth in the Andes of Peru which haue not the delicate meate nor drinke which the others haue but within are full of Almonds which are placed as the graines in the Pomegrannet being three times bigger then those of Europe and are much like them in taste In these Ilands are Cyuet-Cats which are also found in parts of Asia and Afrique esteemed for the Ciuet they yeelde and carry about them in a cod in their hinder parts which is taken from them by force In them also are store of Monkies and the best proportioned that I haue seene and Parrots but of colour different to those of the
to euery place And we were certified in Isla Grand that they had sent an Indian from the Riuer of Ienero through all the Mountaines Marishes to take a view of vs and accordingly made a Relation of our Ships Boates and the number of men which wee might haue But to preuent the like danger that might come vpon vs being carelesse and negligent I determined one night in the darkest and quietest of it to see what watch our Company kept on the shore manned our Light-horsman and Boat armed them with Bowes and Targets and got ashore some good distance from the places where were our Boothes and sought to come vpon them vndiscouered we vsed all our best endeuours to take them at vnawares yet comming within fortie paces we were discouered the whole and the sicke came forth to oppose them selues against vs. Which we seeing gaue them the Hubbub after the manner of the Indians and assaulted them and they vs but being a close darke night they could not discerne vs presently vpon the Hubbub From our Ship the Gunner shot a peece of Ordnance ouer our heads according to the order giuen him and thereof we tooke occasion to retire vnto our Boates and within a little space came to the Boothes and landing places as though we came from our Ships to aide them They began to recount vnto vs how that at the Wester point of the Iland out of certaine Canoas had landed a multitude of Indians which with a great out-cry came vpon them assaulted them fiercely but finding better resistance then they looked for and seeing them selues discouered by the Ships tooke them selues to their heeles and returned to their Canoas in which they imbarked themselues and departed One affirmed he saw the Canoas another their long haire a third their Bowes a fourth that it could not be but that some of them had their paiments And it was worth the sight to behold those which had not moued out of their beds in many moneths vnlesse by the helpe of others had gotten some a bow-shot off into the woods others into the top of trees and those which had any strength ioyned together to fight for their liues In fine the Booths and Tents were left desolate To colour our businesse the better after we had spent some houre in seeking out and ioyning the Company together in comforting and commending them I left them an extraordinary Guard for that night and so departed to our Shippes with such an opinion of the assault giuen by the Indians that many so possessed through all the Voyage would not be perswaded to the contrary Which impression wrought such effect in most of my Company that in all places where the Indians might annoy vs they were after most carefull and vigilant as was conuenient In these Ilands it heigheth and falleth some fiue or sixe foote water and but once in two and twentie houres as in all this Coast and in many parts of the West Indies as also in the coast of Peru and Chely sauing where are great Bayes or indraughts and there the tydes keep their ordinary course of twice in foure and twenty houres In the lesser of these Ilands is a Coue for a small Ship to ride in Land-lockt and she may moore her selfe to the trees of either side this we called Palmito Iland for the abundance it hath of the greater sort of Palmito trees the other hath none at all A man may goe betwixt the Ilands with his Ship but the better course is out at one end In these Ilands are many Scorpions Snakes and Adders with other venemous Vermine They haue Parots and a certaine kinde of fowle like vnto Phesants somewhat bigger and seeme to be of their nature Here we spent aboue a moneth in curing of our sicke men supplying our wants of wood and water and in other necessary workes And the tenth of December all things put in order we set saile for Cape Frio hauing onely sixe men sicke with purpose there to set ashore our two Prisoners before named and anchoring vnder the Cape we set our Boate ashoare but they could not finde any conuenient place to land them in and so returned the winde being Southerly and not good to goe on our voyage we succoured our selues within Isla Grand which lyeth some dozen or foureteene leagues from the Cape betwixt the West and by South and West Southwest the rather to set our Prisoners on shore In the mid way betwixt the Cape and this Iland lyeth the Riuer Ienero a very good Harbour fortified with a Garrison and a place well peopled The Isla Grand is some eight or tenne leagues long and causeth a goodly harbour for shipping it is full of great sandie Bayes and in the most of them is store of good water within this Iland are many other smaller Ilands which cause diuers sounds and creekes and amongst these little Ilands one for the pleasant scituation and fertilitie thereof called Placentia This is peopled all the rest desert on this Iland our Prisoners desired to be put ashore and promised to send vs some refreshing Whereto wee condescended and sent them ashore with two Boates well manned and armed who found few Inhabitants in the Iland for our people saw not aboue foure or fiue houses notwithstanding our Boates returned loaden with Plantines Pinias Potatoes Sugar-canes and some Hens Amongst which they brought a kinde of little Plantine greene and round which were the best of any that I haue seene With our people came a Portugall who said that the Iland was his hee seemed to be a Mistecho who are those that are of a Spanish and an Indian brood poorely apparelled and miserable we feasted him and gaue him some trifles and hee according to his abilitie answered our courtesie with such as he had The winde continuing contrary we emptied all the water we could come by which we had filled in Saint Iames his Iland and filled our Caske with the water of this Isla Grand It is a wildernesse couered with Trees and Shrubs so thicke as it hath no passage through except a man make it by force And it was strange to heare the howling and cries of wilde Beasts in these Woods day and night which we could not come at to see by any meanes some like Lyons others like Beares others like Hogs and of such and so many diuersities as was admirable Here our Nets profited vs much for in the sandy Bayes they tooke vs store of fish Vpon the shore at full Sea-marke we found in many places certain shels like those of mother of Pearles which are brought out of the East Indies to make standing cups called Caracoles of so great curiositie as might moue all the beholders to magnifie the maker of them and were it not for the brittlenesse of them by reason of their exceeding thinnesse doubtlesse they were to be esteemed farre aboue the others for more excellent workmanship
point South-west it riseth in three Mounts or round Hillockes bringing it more Westerly they shoot themselues all into one and bringing it Easterly it riseth in two Hillockes This we called Point Tremountaine Some twelue or fourteene leagues from this point to the Eastwards faire by the shoare lyeth a low flat Iland of some two leagues long we named it Faire Iland for it was all ouer as greene and smooth as any Meddow in the Sping of the yeare Some three or foure leagues Easterly from this Iland is a goodly opening as of a great Riuer or an arme of the Sea with a goodly low Countrey adjacent And eight or tenne leagues from this opening some three leagues from the shoare lyeth a bigge Rocke which at the first we had thought to be a ship vnder all her sayles but after as we came neere it discouered it selfe to bee a Rocke which we called Conduit-head for that howsoeuer a man commeth with it it is like to the Conduit-heads about the Citie of London All this Coast so farre as we discouered lyeth next of any thing East and by North and West and by South The Land for that it was discouered in the Reigne of Qâ—eene Elizabeth my Souereigne Lady and Mistris and a Mayden Queene and at my cost and aduenture in a perpetuall memory of her chastitie and remembrance of my endeuours I gaue it the name of Hawkins Maiden-land Before a man fall with this Land some twenâ—y or thirty leagues he shall meet with beds of Oreweed driuing to and fro in that Sea with white flowres growing vpon them and sometimes farther off which is a good shew and signe the Land is neere whereof the Westermost part lyeth some threescore leagues from the neerest Land of America With our faire and large wind wee shaped our course for the Straits and the tenth of February wee had sight of Land and it was the head-land of the Straits to the Northwards which agreed with our height wherein wee found our selues to bee which was in 52. degrees and 40. minutes Within a few houres we had the mouth of the Straits open which lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes It riseth like the North foreland in Kent and is much like the Land of Margates It is not good to borrow neere the shoare but to giue it a faire birth within a few houres we entred the mouth of the Straits which is some sixe leagues broad and lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes doubling the Point on the starbood which is also flat of a good birth we opened a faire Bay in which we might descry the Hull of a ship beaten vpon the Beach It was of the Spanish Fleet that went to inhabit there in Anno 1582. vnder the charge of Pedro Sarmiento who at his returne was taken Prisoner and brought into England In this Bay the Spaniards made their principall habitation and called it the Citie of Saint Philip and left it peopled But the cold barrennesse of the Countrey and the malice of the Indians with whom they badly agreed made speedy end of them as also of those whom they left in the middle of the Straits three leagues from Cape Forward to the Eastwards in another habitation We continued our course alongst this Reaâ—h for all the Straits is as a Riuer altering his course sometimes vpon one point sometimes vpon another which is some eight leagues long and lieth West North-west From this we entred into a goodly Bay which runneth vp into the Land Northerly many leagues and at first entrance a man may see no other thing but as it were a maine Sea From the end of this first Reach you must direct your course West South-west and some fourteene or fifteene leagues lyeth one of the narrowest places of all the Straits This leadeth vnto another Reach that lyeth West and by North some six leagues Here in the middle of the Reach the wind tooke vs by the North-west and so we were forced to anchor some two or three dayes In which time we went ashoare with our Boats and found neere the middle of this Reach on the starboord side a reasonable good place to ground and trimme a small ship where it higheth some nine or ten foot water Here we saw certaine Hogs but they were so farre from vs that we could not discerne whether they were of those of the Countrey or brought by the Spaniards these were all the beasts which we saw in all the time we were in the Straits In two tides we turned through this reach and so recouered the Ilands of Pengwins they lye from this reach foure leagues South-west and by West Till you come to this place care is to be taken of not comming too neere to any point of the land for being for the most part sandy they haue sholding off them and are somewhat dangerous These Ilands haue beene set forth by some to be three we could discouer but two And they are no more except that part of the Mayne which lyeth ouer against them be an Iland which carrieth little likelihood and I cannot determine it A man may saile betwixt the two Ilands or betwixt them and the Land on the Larboord side from which Land to the bigger Iland is as it were a bridge or ledge on which is foure or fiue fathom water and to him that commeth neere it not knowing thereof may justly cause feare for it sheweth to be shold water with his ripling like vnto a Race Betwixt the former Reach and these Ilands runneth vp a goodly Bay into the Countrey to the North-wards It causeth a great Indraughty and aboue these Ilands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the Straits to these Ilands the Land on the Larboord-side is low Land and sandy for the most part and without doubt Ilands for it hath many openings into the Sea and forcible Indraughts by them and that on the Starboord side is all high Mountaynous Land from end to end but no wood on either side Before we passed these Ilands vnder the Lee of the bigger Iland we anchored the winde beeing at North-east with intent to refresh our selues with the Fowles of these Ilands they are of diuers sorts and in great plentie as Pengwins wild Ducks Guls and Gannets of the principall we purposed to make prouision and those were the Pengwins The Pengwin is in all proportion like a Goose and hath no feathers but a certaine downe vpon all parts of his bodie and therefore canot flee but auayleth himselfe in all occasions with his feet running as fast as most men He liueth in the Sea and on the Land feedeth on fish in the Sea and as a Goose on the shore vpon grasse They harbour themselues vnder the ground in Burrowes as the Conies and in them hatch their young All parts of the Iland where they haunted were vndermined saue onely one Valley which it seemeth they reserued for their food for it
was as greene as any Medow in the moneth of Aprill with a most fine short grasse The flesh of these Pengwins is much of the sauour of a certaine Fowle taken in the Ilands of Lundey and Silley which we call Puffins by the taste it is easily discerned that they feed on fish They are very fat and in dressing must be flead as the Byter they are reasonable meate rosted baked or sodden but best rosted We salted some doozen or sixteene Hogsheads which serued vs whilest they lasted insteed of powdred Beefe The hunting of them as wee may well terme it was a great recreation to my company and worth the sight for in determining to catch them necessarily was required good store of people euery one with a cudgell in his hand to compasse them round about to bring them as it were into a Ring if they chanced to breake out then was the sport for the ground beeing vndermined at vnawares it failed and as they ranne after them one fell here another there another offering to strike at one lifting vp his hand sunke vp to the arme-pits in the earth another leaping to auoid one hole fell into another And after the first slaughter in seeing vs on the shoare they shunned vs and procured to recouer the Sea yea many times seeing themselues persecuted they would tumble downe from such high Rocks and Mountaines as it seemed impossible to escape with life Yet as soone as they came to the Beach presently we should see them runne into the Sea as though they had no hurt Where one goeth the other followeth like sheepe after the Bel-weather but in getting them once within the Ring close together few escaped saue such as by chance hid themselues in the borrowes and ordinarily there was no Droue which yeelded vs not a thousand and more the manner of killing them which the Hunters vsed beeing in a cluster together was with their cudgels to knocke them on the head for though a man gaue them many blowes on the body they dyed not Besides the flesh bruized is not good to keepe The massacre ended presently they cut of their heads that they might bleed well such as we determined to keepe for store we saued in this manner First wee split them and then washed them well in Sea-water then salted them hauing laine some sixe houres in Salt we put them in presse eight houres and the bloud being soaked out wee salted them againe in our other caske as is the custome to salt Beefe after this manner they continued good some two moneths and serued vs in steed of Beefe The Guls and Gannets were not in so great quantitie yet we wanted not young Guls to eate all the time of our stay about these Ilands It was one of the delicatest foods that I haue eaten in all my life The Duckes are different to ours and nothing so good meate yet they may serue for necessitie They were many and had a part of the Iland to themselues seuerall which was the highest Hill and more then a Musket shot ouer In all the dayes of my life I haue not seene greater arte and curiositie in creatures voide of reason then in the placing and making of their Nests all the Hill being so full of them that the greatest Mathematician of the World could not deuise how to place one more then there was vpon the Hill leauing onely one path-way for a Fowle to passe betwixt The Hill was all leuell as if it had beene smoothed by arte the Nests made onely of earth and seeming to be of the selfe-same mould for the Nests and the soile is all one which with water that they bring in their Beakes they make into Clay or a certaine dawbe and after fashion them round as with a compasse In the bottome they containe the measure of a foot in the height about eight inches and in the top the same quantitie ouer there they are hollowed in somwhat deep wherein they lay their Egges without other preuention And I am of opinion that the Sun helpeth them to hatch their young their Nests are for many yeares and of one proportion not one exceeding another in bignesse in height nor circumference and in proportionable distance one from another In all this Hill nor in any of their Nests was to be found a blade of grasse a straw a sticke a feather a moat no nor the filing of any Fowle but all the Nests and passages betwixt them were so smooth and cleane as if they had bin newly swept washed One day hauing ended our hunting of Pengwins one of our Mariners walking about the Iland discouered a great company of Seales or Sea-wolues so called for that they are in the Sea as the Wolues on the Land aduising vs that he left them sleeping with their bellies toasting against the Sunne we prouided our selues with staues and other weapons and sought to steale vpon them at vnawares to surprize some of them and comming downe the side of a Hill we were not discouered till wee were close vpon them notwithstanding their Sentinell before wee could approach with a great howle waked them we got betwixt the Sea and some of them but they shunned vs not for they came directly vpon vs and though we dealt heere and there a blow yet not a man that withstood them escaped the ouerthrow They reckon not of a Musket shot a sword pierceth not theirskinne and to giue a blowe with a staffe is as to smite vpon a stone only in giuing the blowe vpon his snout presently he falleth downe dead After they had recouered the water they did as it were scorne vs defie vs and daunced before vs vntill we had shot some Musket shot through them and so they appeared no more This fish is like vnto a Calfe with foure legs but not aboue a spanne long his skinne is hairy like a Calte but these were different to all that euer I haue seene yet I haue seēne of them in many parts for these wee greater and in their former parts like vnto Lions with shagge haire and mostaches They liue in the Sea and come to sheepe on the Land and they euer haue one that watcheth who aduiseth them of any accident They are beneficiall to man in their skinnes for many purposes In their mostaches for Pick-tooths and in their fatte to make Traine-oyle Wee embarqued our selues and set sayle with the winde at NOrth-west which could serue vs but to an end of that reach some dozen leagues long and some three or foure leagues broad It lieth next of any thing till you come to Cape Agreda South-west from this Cape to Cape Froward the coast lieth West South-west Some foure leagues betwixt them was the second peopling of the Spaniards and this Cape lieth in 55. degrees and better Thwart Cape Froward the winde larged with vs and we continued our course towards the Iland of Elizabeth which lieth from
yet rich of Gold The nineteenth of Aprill being Easter-euen we anchored vnder the Iland Mocha It lyeth in thirty nine degrees it may bee some foure leagues ouer and is a high mountaynous Hill but round about the foot thereof some halfe league from the Sea-shore it is Champaine ground wel inhabited and manured From the Straits to this Iland we found that either the Coast is set out more Westerâ—y then it is or that we had a great current which put vs to the Westwards for wee had not sight of Land in three dayes after our reckoning was to see it but for that wee coasted not the Land I cannot determine whether it was caused by the current or lying of the Land But Spaniards which haue sayled alongst it haue told me that it is a bold and safe Coast and reasonable sounding of it In this Iland of Mocha we had communication and contractation with the Inhabitants but with great vigilancie and care for they and all the people of Chily are mortall enemies to the Spaniards and held vs to bee of them and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake when hee was in this Iland whâ—ch was the first Land also that hee touched on this Coast. They vsed him with so fine a treachery that they possessed themselues of all the Oares in his Boat sauing two and in striuing to get them also they slue and hurt all his men himselfe who had fewest wounds had three and two of them in the head Two of his company which liued long after had the one seuenteene his name was Iohn Bruer who afterward was Pilot with Master Candish and the other aboue twentie a Negro Seruant to Sir Francis Drake And with me they vsed a policie which amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined although I wrought sure for I suffered none to treate with me nor with my people with Armes Wee were armed and met vpon a Rocke compassed with water whether they came to parley and negotiate Beeing in communication with the Casiques and others many of the Indians came to the heads of our Boates and some went into them Certaine of my people standing to defend the Boats with their Oares for that there went a bad sege were forced to lay downe their Muskets which the Indians perceiuing endeauoured to fill the barrels with water taking it out of the Sea in the hollow of their hands By chance casting mine eye aside I discouered their flynesse and with a Truncheon which I had in mine hand gaue the Indians three or foure good Lambeskinnes The sheepe of this Iland are great good and fat I haue not tasted better Mutton any where They were as ours and doubtlesse of the breed of those which the Spaniards brought into the Countrey Of the sheepe of the Countrey wee could by no meanes procure any one although we saw of them and vsed meanes to haue had of them This Iland is situate in the Prouince of Arawea and is held to bee peopled with the most valiant Nation in all Chily though generally the Inhabitants of that Kingdome are very couragious They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie all of woollen their Cassockes made like a Sacke square with two holes for the two armes and one for the head all open below without lining or other art but of them some are most curiously wouen and in colours and on both sides alike Their houses are made round in fashion like vnto our Pidgeon houses with a louer in the top to euacuate the smoake when they make fire They brought vs a strange kinde of Tobacco made into little cakes like Pitch of a bad smell with holes through the middle and so laced many vpon a string The people of this Iland as of all Chily are of good stature and well made and of better countenance then those Indians which I haue seene in many parts They are of good vnderstanding and agilitie and of great strength Their weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Macanas their Bowes short and strong and their Arrowes of a small Reed or Cane three quarters of a yard long with two Feathers and headed with a flint-stone which is loose and hurting the head remaineth in the wound some are headed with bone and some with hard wood halfe burnt in the fire We came betwixt the Iland and the Mayne On the South-west part of the Iland lieth a great ledge of Rockes which are dangerous and it is good to be carefull how to come too neere the Iland on all parts Immediatly when they discouered vs both vpon the Iland and the Mayne wee might see them make sundry great fires which were to giue aduice to the rest of the people to bee in a readinesse for they haue continuall and mortall warre with the Spaniards and the shippes they see they beleeue to be their Enemies The Citie Imperiall lyeth ouer against this Iland but eight or ten leagues into the Countrey for all the Sea-coast from Baldiuia till thirtie sixe Degrees the Indians haue now in a manner in their hands free from any Spaniards Hauing refreshed our selues well in this Iland for that little time we stayed which was some three dayes we set sayle with great ioy and with a faire winde sayled alongst the Coast and some eight leagues to the North-wards wee anchored againe in a goodly Bay and sent our Boats ashoare with desire to speake with some of the Indians of Arawca and to see if they would be content to entertaine amitie or to chop and change with vs. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person and so we set saile againe and towards the Euening the wind began to change and to blow contrary and that so much and the Sea to rise so suddenly that wee could not take in our Boats without spoyling of them This storme continued with vs tenne dayes beyond expectation for that wee thought our selues out of the Climate of fowle weather but truely it was one of the sharpest stormes that euer I felt to endure so long The storme tooke end and we shaped our course for the Iland of Saint Maries which lyeth in thirtie seuen degrees and fortie minutes and before you come vnto the Iland some two leagues in the Trade way lieth a Rocke which afarre off seemeth to be a ship vnder sayle This Iland is little and low but fertill and well peopled with Indians and some few Spaniards in it Some ten leagues to the Northwards of this Iland lieth the Citie Conception with a good Port from this wee coasted alongst till wee came in thirtie three degrees and forty minutes In which height lay the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes betwixt threescore and fourescore leagues from the shoare plentifull of fiâ—h and good for refreshing I purposed for many reasons not to discouer my selfe vpon this Coast till we were past Lyma otherwise called Ciuidad de los Reyes for that it
inuidias y a su pessar de todas ellas V. M. ha de conseguir el mas principal intento que es solo hazer la guerra al infierno que tanto estrago haze en vn numero tan copiâ—so de almas redimidas por la persona de Christo con la esperanea que queda de quantas se han de saluar andando tiempos siendo la saluacion de vna sola de tanto precio quae si necessario fuera el mismo Christo viniera a dar la vida por ella Y con esto queda Sennor bien entendido de quanto valor es este hecho y quantos premios dara Dios por auerlo contanto amor y feruor intentado y quantos mas grados de gloria tendra V. M. si da fin a esta obra de tanta piedad y misericordia y tan digna de recebir en la memoria de las gentes aduirtiendo que no sera con tanto gasto de dâ—neros ni de hombres ni con Aquellos estragos ruynas y escandalos que suele auer para auerigar el derecho de muy pequennos estados sino poner debaxo de la proteccion Real con medios todos muy suaues y iustificados quanto los puedo mostrar vna tan gran parte de toda la tierra poblada para en ella sembrar bienes y costellos frutos que yo espero en Dios han de ser muchos muy dulces muy ricos y muy duraderos y solo quiero por paga de tanto quanto tanto vale que V. M. crea la mportancia del caso y quanto conuiene loque pido y que en todo trato verdad y que es animo de vender todo lo passado presente y venidero por vn precio y este es Sennor de valde A note of Australia del Espiritu Santo Written by Master HAKLVYT SImon Fernandez a Pilot of Lisbone told me Richard Hakluyt before other Portugals in London the eighteenth of March 1604. That he hauing beene in the Citie of Lima in Peru did perfectly vnderstand that foure ships and barkes departed from the said Citie of Lima about the yeere 1600. in the moneth of February toward the Philippinas Their Generall was a Mestizo that is to say the Sonne of a Spaniâ—râ— and an Indian woman And that seeking to make way toward the Philippinas they were driuen with strong Northerne winds to the South of the Equinoctiall Line and fell with diuers rich Couâ—treyes and Ilands as it sâ—emeth not farre from the Iles of Salomon One chiefe place they called Monte de Plata for the great abundance of siluer that is like to be there For they found two crownes worth of siluer as he reported in two handfuls of dust And the people gaue them for Iron as much and more in quantitie of siluer They report that this place is two moneths sayling from Lima and as much backe againe Concerning this Voyage also the Licentiate Luis de Tribaldo a Gentleman of qualitie in the Conde de villa Mediana the Spanish Ambassadours house told me Richard Hakluyt that two yeeres past he saw at Madrid a Captaine of quality suâ—ng for license to conquer this place that he obtained the same And that diuers religious men and Fathers were to goe to conuert them to Christianitie They arriued at their returne from this Voyage at Peru in the moneth of August CHAP. XI The Historie of LOPEZ VAZ a Portugall taken by Captaine WITHRINGTON at the Riuer of Plate Anno 1586. with this Discourse about him touching American places discoueries and occurents abridged NOua Hispania was called so by the Spaniards when they made Discouery of it for that it was like the Country of Spaine though the people of the Country termed the Land after their owne Countrey Language some one part after one some after another the most part of the people called it Eucata This Countrey hath sundry great Prouinces in it so fruitfull of all kinde of necessaries in it for man that there is neither Africa Asia nor Europe that is better for that of sustenance for mans bodie there lacketh no store as Wheat and all other Graines all beasts necessary for man to eate or to vse with great store of Silkes Mynes of Gold Siluer Stones and Pearle The Countrey is very well inhabited so that it is thought there is no part of the World better The King of Spaine because hee hath many other Countries vnder him hee doth little esteeme of this Countrey but doth take out of it all things that are for his profit hauing vsed those people with great crueltie and taking of them much Tribute this Land hath many Ports in the North Sea and much more in the South Sea the principall Ports in the North side is Saint Iuan de Lua At this place doth he discharge the Armadas that come from Spaine and from this place they carrie their Merchandize to the great Citie of Mexico which Citie is sixtie leagues within the Land and knowne by the Parishes in the same to haue a hundred and fiftie thousand faire houses of Indians and six thousand faire houses the Spaniards haue in it The feare and reuerence that they vse towards the Spaniards is such that one Spaniard may goe among a thousand of them and strike the chiefest of them and vse his pleasure without any word giuen by the Indians to the contrarie such is the feare that these silly people haue of the Spaniards But now thankes be to Almightie God the Indians of that Country and Kingdome are become Christians yet notwithstanding now and then the old men hauing not forgotten their former Law doe vse their Idolatry which being knowne are very cruelly corrected by the Friers for the same offence The people of this Kingdome are of a sharpe wit and good vnderstanding for whatsoeuer it be Sciences or other Arts these people are very apt to learne it with small instructing the Indians of this Countrie doe make great store of Woollen Cloth and Silkes so that they now beginne to carrie of these Silkes for Spaine And haue all other things necessarie that any other Kingdome of the Christians haue onely Wine and Oyle which the King of Spaine denieth to haue made there but such as commeth from Spaine because of his customes notwithstanding the King doth allow them to plant Vineyards for to eate of the Grapes This Land is greatly commended not for that aboue mentioned nor yet for the Gold and Siluer Mynes that it hath but for the great number of Ports for shipping it hath in the South Sea where they make many great ships with the which ships they haue traffique with them of Peru and Parawna and then they haue a Trade to the Philippinas and to the Ilands of Moluccas and China so that the commodities which the Portugall carrieth for Portugall out of the East Indies are likewise brought to
aforesaid Francis Drake came with a strong Fleet of about foure and twentie ships and did such harme as it is well knowne to all Christendome but God sparing the King of Spaines life he will sufficiently prouide to keepe his Subiects from the inuasions of other Nations Now to goe forward with our begunne worke the first People that is in this Coast being past Nombre de Dios is called Cartagena it is a healthfuller Countrie and a greater Towne then the other and a better Countrie with plentie of Victuals and a very good Port for shipping passing any of the rest and is called Cartagena for that it resembleth very much the Citie of Cartagena in Spaine there are in it about foure hundred fire houses in the Citie it is very rich by reason of the ships staying there when they goe or come from Spaine And if the ships chance to winter before they goe home then they lie at Cartagena also it is greatly enriched by the Merchandise that here they doe discharge for to carrie to the new Kingdome of Granada and much Gold commeth from the said Kingdome vnto Cartagena This new Kingdome of Granada is two hundred leagues within the Land From Cartagena to this Kingdome they cannot trauell by Land because of the Mountaines and standing waters which lie in their way so that they carrie their goods vp a Riuer called The great Riuer of Magdalene they can goe with their Barques vp this Riuer but twentie leagues yet the Riuer is both large and very deepe but there runneth a great current so that the Barques discharge the goods at a place in the Riuer called Branco de Malambo into small Canoas which rowe close by the shoare side There is a passage by the New Kingdome and Popayan from Cartagena to Peru by Land which is about fiue hundred leagues so that taking the two hundred leagues which they goe vp the Riuer the other three hundred leagues is a Countrie well inhabited and quiet trauelling so that oftentimes the Posts passe to and fro but because the way is long the Merchants doe not trauell that way but when they are forced thereunto if any forraine Nations should take and keepe the South Sea the King might haue his treasure brought to this place from Peru and so into Spaine For in times past there was a rebellion in Peru by the Spaniards against the King and thorow these Prouinces he sent his power to suppresse them Santa Marta is a very poore Towne because it bath beene often robbed of the Frenchmen and hath no trade but by a few Indians that dwell about them Here beginneth the great Mountaines couered all with snow which compasseth all the Countrie of India and Peru vntill you come to the further end of the Straites of Magelan these Mountaines are seene with the snowe vpon them aboue thirtie leagues into the Sea in the bottome of this Wildernesse or Mountains there is a Valley called Tagrona which is the richest place that is knowne but because the Land that is ioyning to it is full of Mountaines and the Inhabitants are very many and withall of a good courage and they vse to poison their Arrowes so that in striking of a man hee cannot escape death Therefore it lieth vncoâ—quered and many Spanish Captaines there haue beene slaine On this Coast of The Firme Land there are aboue seuentie Ilands of Sante Domingo and Cuba and Porto Rico although it be not very great yet it is inhabited by the Spaniard the rest of all the Ilands haue beene inhabited by Indians where was good store oâ— Gold and Pearles and Emeralds but the Spaniards haue destroyed all those Indians from off the Earth and in many of those Ilands is nothing of any value therefore I haue small cause to intreat of them but Santa Domâ—ngo is an Iland of great bignesse and hath beene very full of people and rich Mines of Gold and Peaâ—les but now all is wasted away for it was as full of people as any place of that bignesse in the world yet now are there none left for they were men of so hard a heart that they killed themselues rather then they would serue the Spaniards It happened on a time that a Spaniard called certaine Indians to goe to worke in the Mines which kinde of labour did most grieue them and would rather doe violence on themselues then to goe which the Spaniard perceiuing he said vnto them seeing you will rather hang your selues then to goe and worke I will likewise hang my selfe and goe with you because I will make you worke in the other world but the Indians hearing this said wee will willingly worke with you because you shall not goe with vs so vnwilling they were of the Spaniards companie so that of all the Inhabitants of this Iland there was none escaped death but onely these few which was by the meanes of this Spaniard or else they would haue hanged themselues also There is neere this Iland another Iland greater then Santa Domingo called Cuba it is like vnto Santa Domingo although there is not such store of Sugar the chiefest place in this Iland is called La hauana and is a very good Harbour these people are very rich by reason of the shipping that doth touch there which are bound for Noua Hispania and Peru therefore there is a Castle in this Harbour kept with Spanish Souldiers for there is no other Castle in all the Land nor Souldiers but onely here and in Florida There is also another Iland inhabited with Spaniards neere vnto this which is called Porto Rico it is but little and euery way as plentifull as the other two are I will follow my Discourse of the Port Townes along the Coast of the maine Land and passing once the Iland of Margareta there are no Townes inhabited by the Spaniards till you come to Fernanboke which is on the Coast of Brasill yet betweene the Iland and Fernanboke there is the great Riuer of Maranoyn This Riuer is one of the greatest in the world it was first found when as the Spaniards did seeke out the other Coast but none can goe into this Riuer because of the great current that commeth downe and withall there are many shelues of sand lying about the mouth of it whereby it was long before that the Riches which is in the Riuer was knowne vntill the time that the Land of Peru was conquered at which time a Captaine called Gonsalo Pizarro entring into the Countrie of Peru came into a Land which they named La Canela because there came from thence great store of Cinnamon but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the Indies Proceeding further into the Countrie he came to a great Riuer where he saw many of the Countrie people come vp in Canoas bringing Gold to buy and sell with the Spaniards The Captaine seeing this was desirous to see the
their Daggers as also they sloe all the Captains friends and they made a great crie saying Liue the King liue the King wherwith all the Campe was in an vprore Then Lope de Agira made vnto the Souldiers a long Oration got them all to consent with him some by force some because they durst not say to the contrarie and others with their good will in the end they all agreed vnto his determined purpose So they made the gentleman their head and Lope de Agire was made Captaine this done and because the people should the better hold their opinion hee did as great a villanie as euer any Spaniard did for hee made an Altar on which hee and all the Souldiers did denie their seruice vnto the King of Spaine and so as people without a King they chose the said Don Fernando to be their King and did vnto him homage These matters being finished they agreed among themselues which should be the best way for them to goe to Peru for they could not goe vp the Riuer from whence they came for the great currant and also if they should goe thorough the land they should be very weake for want of Horsemen therefore they determined to goe downe the Riuer Then said this Lope de Agire that they would carry nothing with them but the Pinnaces and Souldiers which should fight and that it were best to leaue behinde them all the Indians that they brought from Peru with the women and sicke men vnto which their Generall Don Fernando would not agree for that he knew that when they were gone the people of the Countrie would kill them all Lope de Agire hearing this and longing to be chiefe Gouernour himselfe ouer all and taking vnto him thirtie of his owne Countrie men of his own disposition he sodainly killed Don Fernando whom not twentie daies before hee had sworne to obey But now by his subtile working and being withall eloquent in his talke he caused the people to make himselfe Gouernour and made the people beleeue that all these cruelties were done to saue themselues but the tyrannie of this man did not end here he was of the Countrie of Bisca a land ioyning vnto France therefore I rather beleeue that he was a Frenchman then a Spaniard for that in the heart of a Spaniard there is not so much crueltie as this man had Now he being ready to goe his way he determined not to carrie with him any Gentleman or other of high degree and therefore hee slew all those which hee did know to be of high degree or Gentlemen and then departed onely with the common Souldiers and left behinde him all the Spanish women and sicke men with all other creatures If I should rehearse all the cruell murders of this wicked man one by one I should be ouer much tedious vnto you onely I say in as few words as I may that this man proceeded downe the Riuer and had with him onely foure hundred men but before he passed this Riuer and came to Margareta he had no more left but two hundred and thirtie men for the rest hee had done to death and left ashore among the people of the Countrie he vsed this tirannie because hee alwaies stood in feare of his life for that if he had seene but two Souldiers talke together hee thought that he had alwaies consulted on his death and therefore hee vsed the order aboue said now he neuer went any way but that they had in his companie thirtie Biscains of his owne will and minde for to execute his cruell desire As these Souldiers with their Captaine came downe the Riuer they saw many Canoas with Gold in them going to and fro and people on both sides the Riuer where in their passage many times they landed and got good store of Gold and victuals Now did they see also that which Oryllana had reported which was that there were Amazones women that fight in the warre with Bowes and Arrowes but these women fight to helpe their husbands and not by them selues as Orillana reported from the company of men there were of these women in diuers parts of the Riuer and saw the Spaniards fight with their husbands and came and helped them and shewed themselues more valiant then their husbands and therefore is named the Riuer of the Amazones the Spaniards intent onely was to passe downe the Riuer and therefore neuer sought to know the Countrie within the land yet tooke they good store of Gold and put it into one of the Pinnaces where he went himselfe which Pinnace at the mouth of the Riuer was cast away but he himselfe escaped because as yet he had not made an end of his bloudie minde But comming to the Iland of Margareta the Gouernour thereof thought he had beene one of the Kings Captaines receiued him with Pinnaces and brought to him good store of victuals but he put him to death presently and landed on the Ilands and tooke it and two Shippes that were in the Ilands and tooke perforce one hundred and fiftie men to goe with him and others that went willingly with good store of victuals and many Horses and then returned to the maine land saying that with his small force hee would subdue the whole Indies thinking that all the old Souldiers and poore people in seeing of him would all turne to his side and take his part and so hee went deceiued in his owne conceit for he had not gone two dayes Iourney vp in the Land when the Captaine of new Granado came against him with a power of men but Lope de Agire hoping that the other Souldiers would haue come all vnto him whereby his strength might bee the more but hee was deceiued for his owne men left him and tooke the Kings Captaines part Now seeing himselfe destitute of his Souldiers and voide of all helpe he then shewed himselfe more cruell then did the tyrant Nero for this man killed his owne daughter being but sixteene yeeres of age which he brought with him from Peru for that she should not be made the bed of Villains nor be called the daughter of a Traitor these words he vsed vnto her after he had giuen her her deaths wound but before hee could finish this cruell deed the Souldiers came vpon him and cuchim in pieces yet his daughter did die of her wound in that place and thus you haue heard the euill end of this cruell man for hee was the cause likewise that the King would neuer suffer to haue this Riuer discouered so that the riches resteth to this day vnknowne that is in this Riuer Now hauing ended with this Riuer of Marannon all the Coast between this Riuer and the Riuer of Plate is called the Coast of Brasill taking the name of the wood in the Countrie which is called Brasill wood for there is great store of it Brasill was first found by Pedro Arnales Cabrall in the second time that
which standeth on the North side of the Riuer These foresaid Spaniards were twentie yeeres in this place before any of them in Spaine heard of these poore mens dwelling in this Riuer But the Spaniards now waxing old and fearing that if they were dead that then there Sonnes which they had in this Countrey which were very many should liue without the knowledge of any other Christians determined among themselues to make a ship and so to send newes into Spaine with Letters vnto the King of all things that had passed within the Riuer among them Vpon this newes the King sent them three ships with a Bishop Friers and Priests and more men and women to inhabit with all kind of cattell When this succour was come they inhabited in two places more on the North side of the Riuer and trauelled three hundred leagues beyond the Ascension but found neither Gold nor Siluer but returned backe againe to Ascension the people are so multiplyed in this Citie that it is now one of the greatest Cities in all the Indies and hath aboue two thousand houses it is a fruitfull Countrey of all kind of victuall and there is Sugar and Cotton from this Citie of Ascension one hundred and fiftie leagues toward the Riuers mouth there is another Towne which they call Santa Fee Also fiue yeeres past they haue inhabited againe the Towne of Bonos Ayres on the South side because they would haue some Trade with them on the Coast of Brasill but there fortune was such that the first time that they went to Brasill and would haue returned to the Riuer of Plate againe they were taken by two shippes of England that were going to the Straits of Magellanes The Coast along from this Riuer to the Straits of Magellanes is a Land which hath not beene discouered neither by Sea nor Land sauing only certaine Ports which they haue seene going to the Straits The next that sought to passe the Straits after Magelanes were two shippes of Genoa which came to the mouth of the Straits and with a great storme were put back againe and one of them whose Master was called Pancaldo put into the Riuer of Plate and was cast away about Bonos Ayres and to this day there is part of the ship to be seene and some of the men are yet liuing in the Riuer among the Spaniards and the other ship went home to Genoa againe Also there was a Bishop of Placencia in Spaine coueting Riches made a fleet of foure ships to passe the Straits and so to goe vnto the Moluccas and getting license of the Emperour he sent his ships to the Straits and had very faire wind til they came thither and entring the Straits twentie leagues the storme of Westerly windes tooke them and droue three of them ashoare and the other went into the Sea and the storme being past hee returned into the Strait to seeke his companions and found many men going on the shoare side but the ships were â—eaten all in pieces and they on the Land called vnto the ship But the Captaine seeing that his ship was but little and had small store of victuals he would not goe to them ashoare but went on his Voyage and passed the Straits and because he was alone he would not goe to the Moluccas but went to the Coast of Peru vnto the Citie of Lamâ— where the ship is yet vnto this day the men that were in the Straits where the three ships were cast away were to the number of two hundred and fiftie men whose Captaine was called Queros being Kinsman to the Bishop of Placentia it is fortie yeeres since these men were left there but neuer heard of vnto this day A yeere after this certaine Merchants of the Groine in Galizia set forth other three ships which ship also came to the Straits mouth where one of them was cast away withall the men and the other returned for Spaine also I haue had intelligence that there hath beene certaine Portugall ships which haue come to the mouth of the Straits and loft two of their Pinnasses which they sent to know the Land and so the ships returned and after these other two French ships were sent from the Riuer of Ienero by Monsieur de villagagnon ouer for the Straits but when they came into the height of fortie fiue degrees they put backe againe by a great storme of contrary winds After all this the Gouernour of Chili called Don Garcia de Mendoza Sonne to the Marquesse of Taneta would also discouer the Straits from the South Sea and sent from Chili two ships with a Captaine called Latherelio but the danger to seeke the Straits by the South Sea is more then by the North Sea because all the stormes on the North Sea come from the Land and in the South Sea the wind and stormes came all out of the Sea and forceth the ship on the shoare so that these two ships were lost in fiftie degrees The seeking of the Straits of Magelanes is so dangerous and the Voyage so trouble some that it is almost vnpossible to be obtained so that for the space of thirtie yeeres no man made account of it till of late yeeres one Francis Drake an Englishman c. Captaine Drake carried from the Coast of Peru eight hundred sixtie sixe thousand pieces of siluer which is eight hundred sixtie sixe Kintals at a hundred pound waight the Kintall and euery Kintall is worth twelue hundred Duckets of Spaine which is a Million thirtie nine thousand and two hundred Duckets besides this he carried away a hundred thousand pieces of Gold which is ten Kintals and euery Kintall is worth fifteene hundred Duckets of Spaine which amounteth to a hundred and fiftie thousand Duckets besides that which hee had in the ship that was not customed which I doe not know of as well Pearles Precious stones and other things of great value besides the money he had in coine with all this he went towards Noua Hispania and at an Iland which is before you come there called The Iland of Cockles he discharged all things out of his ship and graued her there and remayned there fiftie dayes from hence he went along the Coast of Hispania where he tooke many ships laden with Spices Silkes and Veluets but no Gold nor Siluer for here is none on this Coast. Pedro Sarmiento was sent to the Straits with two ships and at the Straits met with a storme and he not knowing how nor which way in a night he was put into the Straits the other ship runne more into the Sea and came into fiftie eight degrees the storme being past he found many Ilands ioyning to the maine Lands and so returned with faire weather all along the shoare and neuer found any other way to enter the Straits but only that which Magellanes did discouer which is thought to be otherwise by the sayings of others which affirme the Straits to be full of Ilands to
the Southwards Pedro Sarmiento entred the Straits where his men were in a mutinie and would haue returned for Lima but he hanged one of them and so went on his Voyage for Spaine and told the King that there were two narrow points in the Straits where he might build a Fort and that the Straits was a very good Countrey and had great store of Riches and other necessaries and very well inhabited with Indians Vpon whose words and for that there were more ships making readie in England to passe the Straits The King sent Diego Floris de Valdes with three and twentie ships and three thousand fiue hundred men as also the Gouernour of Chili with fiue hundred old Souldiers new come out of Flanders These ships had the hardest hap of any ships that went out of Spaine since the Indies were found for that before they came from the Coast of Spaine a storme tooke them and cast away fiue of the shippes and lost in them aboue eight hundred men and the rest put into Calls notwithstanding the King sent them word that yet they should proceed and so did with sixteene saile of ships for that other two ships were so shaken with the storme that they could not goe and in the sixteenth saile Pedro Sarmiento was sent to bee Gouernour in the Straits and had committed vnto him fiue hundred men for to stay in the Straits he had also all kind of Artificers to make his Forts and other necessaries with great store of Ordnance and other Munition This fleet because it was late did winter on the Coast of Brasill in the Riuer of Ienero and from hence they went where the Winter was past and about the height of fortie two degrees they had a storme so that Diego Flores beat vp and downe about two and twentie dayes in which time he had one of his best ships sunke in the Sea and in her three hundred men and twentie women that went to inhabit the Straits and also most part of the munition that should bee left in the Straits In the end the storme grew so great that the ships might not indure it any longer but were put back againe vnto an Iland called Saint Catalina and there he found a Barke wherein were certaine Friers going for the Riuer of Plate which Friers told him of two great ships of England and a Pinnasse that had taken them but tooke nothing from them nor did them any harme but only asked them for the King of Spaines shippes Now Diego Flores knowing that these English shippes would goe to the Straits hee also was determined to goe to the Straits although it was the moneth of February and choosing ten ships of the fifteene that were left hee sent three ships that were old and shaken with the storme he put in them all the women and sick men that were in the fleet and sent them to the Riuer of Ienero and left two other ships which were not for the Sea at the Iland and he with the other ten ships returned againe for the Straits Now the three ships in which the sicke men and women were came to the Port of Saint Uincent where they found the two English ships so they would haue the Englishmen gone out of the Harbour and hereupon they fell at fight and because that these three ships were weake with the foule weather that they had as also the men were the refuse of all the fleet the Englishmen easily put them to the worst and sunke one of them and might haue sunke another if they would but they minded not the destruction of any man for it is the greatest vertue that can be in any man that when he may doe hurt he will not doe it Vpon this the Englishmen went from this Port to Spirito Sancto where they had victuals for their Merchandize and so returned home to England without doing any harme in the Country Iohn Drake went from them in the Pinnasse the cause why I know not but the Pinnasse came into the Riuer of Plato and within fiue leagues of Seale Iland not far from the place where the Earle of Cumberlands ships tooke in fresh water this said Pinnasse was cast away vpon a ledge of Rockes but the men were all saued in the Boate. They were eighteene men and went ashoare vpon the North shoare and went a dayes iourney into the Land where they met with the Sauage people these people are no man-eaters but take all the Christians that they can and make them there slaues but the Englishmen fought with them and the Sauages slâ—e fiue Englishmen and tooke the other thirteene aliue which were with the Sauages about fifteene monethes But the Master of the Pinnasse which was Richard Faireweather beeing not able to indure this misery that hee was in and hauing knowledge that there was a Towne of Christians on the other side of the Riuer he in the night called Iohn Drake and another young man which was with them and tooke a Canoa which was very little and had but two Oares and so passed to the other side of the Riuer which is aboue nine leagues broad and were three dayes before they could get ouer and in this time they had no meate and comming to land they hit vpon a high way that went towards the Christians and seeing the footing of Horses they follow it and at last came to a House where as there was Corne sowed and there they met with Indians which were Seruants vnto the Spaniards which gaue them to eate and clothes to couer them for they were all naked and one of the Indians went to the Towne and told them of the Englishmen so the Captaine sent foure Horsemen which brought them to the Towne behind them then the Captayne clothed them and prouided for them lodging and Iohn Drake sate at the Captaines Table and so intreated them very well thinking to send them for Spaine But the Vice-roy of Peru hearing of this sent for them so they sent him Iohn Drake but the other two they kept because that they were married in the Countrey Thus I know no more of their affaires But vpon this newes there were prepared fiftie Horsemen to goe ouer the Riuer to seeke the rest of the Englishmen and Spaniards that were also among these Sauage people but I am not certaine where they went forward or not But now let vs returne to Diego Flores who passed from the Iland of Santa Catalina towards the Straits in the middle of February and comming in the height of the Riuer of Plate hee sent the Gouernour of Chili with three ships vp the Riuer Bonas Ayres and so to go ouer land to Chili Of these three ships they lost two but saued the men and the other prouision and the third returned for Spaine Then Diego Flores with the other seuen ships came as high as fiftie two degrees which is the mouth of the Straits and because it was the end
for a bastard-sonne of Diego de Almagro to bee reuenged of his fathers death slue Pizarro for which act he lost his head In this controuersie betweene these two partners were slaine also two brothers of Pizarro and the third was carried prisoner into Spaine and there died in Prison but the fourth called Gonsaluo Pizarro rebelled with the whole Countrie and became a cruell Tyrant vanquishing many of the Emperours Captaines in battell and possessing the Countrie in peace for two yeeres howbeit being in the end ouercome hee lost his head like a Traitour And thus died they all an euill death that were causes of the death of that innocent King Atabalipa And yet there are mutinies raised oftentimes by the Spaniards but the Indians neuer rebelled after they had once peace granted vnto them The Indian people of this Land are parted among the Spaniards some being slaues vnto the Gentlemen that conquered their Land other some to others and the residue to the King and these Indians pay each man for his tribute seuen Pezos of fine Gold which is about ten Ducats and an halfe There are in this Countrie aboue fortie Cities and Townes inhabited by the Spaniards also they haue here erected nine Bishopricks and one Archbishopricke Now after this Countrie was fully conquered and brought in good order certaine Spaniards being desirous to discouer the land on the other side of the snowie Mountaines found a very wholesome Countrie and there inhabited The said Prouince situate behinde the Mountaines is called The Prouince of Tucuman wherein are fiue townes inhabited by the Spaniards the last of them called Cordoua from which towne vnto Santa Fee situate vpon the Riuer of Plate it is seuentie leagues This towne of Santa Fee was built in that place to seeke a way to Peru by the Riuer of Plate And from hence downe the said Riuer to Buenos Ayres are 120. leagues and from Buenos Ayres vnto Seal-Island you haue 40. leagues Now hauing put down all that I know concerning the Countrie of Peru and of the way from the Riuer of Plate vnto Tucuman I will returne vnto Atacama the Southermost town vpon the coast of Peru where I left From this towne of Atacama till you come to Arica all the coast is inhabited by Indians subiect vnto the Spaniards But since Captain Drake was here they haue built Towers by the Sea side whereon seeing any saile that they doe mistrust they presently make smoakes and so from Tower to Tower they warne all the Countrey Hauing before spoken of Arica all that I can I will now proceede to the next Port called Camana being a Towne of Spaniards and containing about two hundred houses Here they make store of Wine and haue abundance of Figges and Reisins The next Towne called Acari containeth about three hundred houses and here is made the best and greatest store of Wine in all Peru. From hence passing along the coast you come to El Calao the Port of Lima consisting of about two hundred houses and here was a strong Fort built since Captaine Drake was vpon the coast The Citie of Lima standing two leagues within the land and containing two thousand houses is very rich and of more trade then all the Cities of Peru besides and this Citie is the seate of the Viceroy the Archbishop and the Inquisition Next vnto this standeth a small towne of the Spaniards by the Sea side called Santa and next vnto Santa is another small towne of Christians called Cannete From hence they saile vnto a rich Citie called Truxillo being one of the principall townes of Peru and containing about fiue hundred houses Then followeth Paita which hath to the number of two hundred houses Leauing this towne they passe to Guaiaquil which standeth fortie leagues vp into a great Bay or Riuer at the entrance of which Riuer standeth Tumbez a towne of the Indians All this coast along from Atacama to Tumbez it neuer raineth as I haue before said so that all the houses in their townes are not tyled but couered with boords to keepe off the heate of the Sunne for they feare no raine at all Guaiaquil is the first place where it raineth and here they gather Salsaperilla Here is also great store of timber and at this place they build many Ships Hence they saile along the coast to a small and poore towne called Puerto Vieio which in times past hath beene rich with Emralds but now since these stones in regard of their plenty are growne nothing worth this towne likewise is waxen very poore Below this Village standeth another called La Buena Uentura but whosoeuer goe thither must needes meete with euill fortune the place it selfe is so waterish and vnholesome Here abide not aboue twentie men who serue onely to transport goods into a Citie standing fiftie leagues within the maine in a Prouince called La gouernacion de Popaian From Buena ventura and Popaian till you come to Panama there is no other towne by reason of the high Mountaines the manifold Riuers and the vnholesomenesse of the Countrie In this place doe inhabit the Negros that run from their Masters and vpon these Mountaines was Oxenham the English Captaine and his men taken as is before mentioned Beyond these Mountains standeth the Citie of Panama being a rich place by reason that all the treasure which commeth from Peru is brought thither and it consisteth of about foure hundred houses The coast running along betweene this Citie and Nueua Espanna is called Costa rica Next vnto Costa rica which is a Mountainous and desolate place lieth the coast of Nicaragua being inhabited by the Spaniards and hauing many good ports belonging to it and is frequented with trade of Merchandize but hauing no knowledge of the situation thereof nor of the towns therein contained I surcease to speake any more of it A certaine Viceroy of Nueua Espanna called Don Luis de Velasco caused certaine Ships to be built for the discouery of the Malucos and of the coast of China which Ships in sailing thitherward from certaine Islands eightie leagues distant from the maine land which the Spaniards according to the name of their King called The Philippinas and hauing conquered one of these Ilands called Manilla inhabited with a barbarous kinde of people they built a fort and a towne thereupon from whence they haue trade with the people of China Vnto these Islands they haue foure great Ships that vsually trade two of them continually going and two comming so that such Spices and Silkes as the Portugals bring home out of the East Indies the very same doe the Spaniards bring from these Islands and from China for Mexico the chiefe Citie of Nueua Espanna The principall Port townes of the coast of Nueua Espanna are Guatulco and Acapulco All the Viceroyes and Gouernours that the King of Spaine sendeth for Peru and Nuena Espanna haue a custome for the obtaining of his
fauour to seeke and discouer new Countries But the greatest and most notable discouery that hath beene from those parts now of late was that of the Isles of Salomon which were found in manner following The Licenciate Castro being gouernour of Peru sent forth a Fleete of Ships to discouer certaine Islands in the South Sea vpon the coast of Peru appointing as Generall of the same Fleete a kinsman of his called Aluares de Mendanio and Pedro Sarmiento as Lieutenant and in the Viceadmirall went Pedro de Ortega This Fleete departing forth of the hauen of Lima and sailing 800. leagues Westward off the coast of Peru found certaine Islands in eleuen degrees to the South of the Equinoctiall inhabited with a kinde of people of a yellowish complexion and all naked whose weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Darts The Beasts that they saw here were Hogs and little Dogs and they found some Hens Here also they found a muster of Cloues Ginger and Sinamon although the Sinamon were not of the best and here appeared vnto them likewise some shew of Gold The first Island that the Spaniards discouered they named Santa Izabella and here they built a small Pinnace with the which and with their Ships Boate they found out betweene nine and fifteene degrees of Southerly latitude eleuen great Islands being one with another of eightie leagues in compasse The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder called Guadalcanal on the coast whereof they sailed 150. leagues before they could know whether it were an Island or part of the maine land and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it but thinke that it may be part of that continent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellan for they coasted it to eighteene degrees and could not finde the end thereof The Gold that they found was vpon this Island or maine land of Guadalcanal whereas they landed and tooke a towne finding small graines of Gold hanged vp in the houses thereof But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the Countrey and also for that the Indians were very stout men and fought continually against them they could neuer learne from whence that Gold came nor yet what store was in the Land These Indians vse to goe to Sea in great Canoas that will carrie one hundred men a piece wherein they haue many conflicts one against another howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt for that with a small Pinnace and two Falcons a few may ouercome one hundred of them At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing rowed to land to take in fresh water whom on the sodaine certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon tooke the Ships Boate and slew all the men therein wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong nor yet be too warie in a strange land Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their Pinnace and burnt the Towne and in this towne they found the small graines of Gold before mentioned They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths at the end of which time because that vpon the coast where they were the winde continuing still in one place might be an occasion of longer tarrying they consulted which way to returne Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall wherefore sayling to the North of the line they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna on which coast they met with such terrible stormes that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-boord and to lye nine moneths beating it vp and downe in the Sea before they could get into any harbour of the Christians In which time by reason of euill gouernment and for lacke of victuals and fresh water most of the men in their Admirall dyed for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water nor meate but in the other Ships they behaued themselues so well that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land He that passeth the Straits of Magellan or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needes runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish your selfe with plenty of victuals as Hogs Hennes excellent Almonds Potatos Sugar-canes with diuers other sorts fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of Gold which the Indians will giue you in trucke for other commodities For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of Gold brought home notwithstanding 40000. pezos with them besides great store of Cloues and Ginger and some Sinamon also which is not so good as in other places The discouerer of these Islands named them the Isles of Salomon to the end that the Spaniards supposing them to be those Isles from whence Salomon fetched Gold to adorne the Temple at Ierusalem might be the more desirous to goe and inhabit the same Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Islands Captaine Drake entered the South Sea whereupon commandement was giuen that they should not be inhabited to the end that such Englishmen and of other Nations as passed the Straits of Magellan to goe to the Malucos might haue no succour there but such as they got of the Indian people CHAP. XII Briefe extracts translated out of IEROM BENZOS three Bookes of the New World touching the Spaniards cruell handling of the Indians and the effects thereof ANno 1641. Ierom Benzo went from Millaine to Siuill in Spaine and thence to the New World where he was entertained of the Spaniards and practised with them the huntings of the Indians which they did by lurking in couerts till some of the Natiues came within their reach by bribing the Cacikes with trifles to procure captiues and other meanes Peter Chalice came while we were there to Amaracan with aboue 4000. slaues and had brought many more but with labour wearinesse hunger and griefe for losse of their Countrie and friends many had perished in the way Many also not able to follow in the Spaniards swift march were by them killed to preuent their taking armes A miserable spectacle to see those troopes of slaues naked with their bodies rent maimed starued the mothers dragging or carrying on their shoulders their children howling the neckes of all armes and hands chained not any growne Maide amongst them which the spoilers had not rauished with so profuse lust that thence grew contagion and pernicious diseases The Spanish horsemen in those warres vsed quilted Iackes with Launces and Swords the footemen Sword Shield and Crosse-bow with lighter Iackes The moisture and great dewes made Peeces vnseruiceable in those parts The Islanders in Hispaniola seeing no hope of better or place for worse killed their children and then hanged themselues The women
off any or no he puffed to the Idoll in signe of adoration and offering this they did not to their Kings but only to their Idols or Trees or places where the Deuill gaue answeres Their Priests and Witches did the like when they went into their corners or secret places to conferre with the Deuill This I dolatry I haue also seene them performe The Priests of the house of the Sunne in Cozco were all Incas of the Royall bloud for other seruice of the Temple were Incas of those which were such by priuiledge They had a High or Chiefe Priest which was Vncle or Brother to the King or atleast legitimate of the bloud The Priests had no peculiar Vestment In other Prouinces where were Temples which were many the Natiues were Priests the Kinsmen of the Lords of those Countries notwithstanding the principall Priest or Bishop as it were was to bee an Inca that so they might hold conformitie of Rites with the Metropolitan for in all preeminent Offices of Peace or Warre they had Incas their Superiours They had many houses of Virgins which obserued perpetuall Virginitie without going out of their house and others of the Concubines for the King All their Lawes Ciuill and Sacred were attributed to Manco Capac saying that hee had left and perfected some himselfe the others for his Successors to accomplish in their times so to giue authoritie to all as from the Sunnes Ordnance And though some of the Incas were great Law-makers yet no memory is left of any particulars vnder their name but all is attributed to the first Inca. The Incas deuided their Empire into foure parts they called it Tauantinsuya that is the foure parts of the World Hereof Cozco was the Centre which in that Inca-language signifieth the Nauill of the Earth or Land The East-diuision they called Antisuyu of the Prouince Anti a name also giuen to the Rew of Snowie Mountaines in the East the West Cuntisuyu the North Chinchasuyu the South Collasuyu each name deriued of some Prouince therein so called and continued to the furthest extent that way as Collasuyu to Chili sixe hundred leagues from Colla and Chinchasuyu to Quitu foure hundred leagues from Chincha to the North. They ordained that in euery Towne great or small of their Empire the Inhabitants should be registred by Tithings and one of them should take charge of the other nine as a Decurion or Tithing man called Chunca Chancapa Fiue of these Decurions had another Superiour which had the charge of fiftie Ouer two of those was another Superiour or Centurion Fiue Centuries were subiected to one which had charge of fiue hundred and two of those charges had a Chiliarch or Captaine of one thousand higher they went not The Tithingman gaue account to the Gouernour of those in his charge to prouide them Seed or Bread-corne or Wooll or House-reparations or other necessaries He also was to informe of thir faults to the Iudges which according to the greatnesse of the offence were also diuersified in order for dispatch of Iustice and to take away need of Appeales except in cases betwixt one Prouince and another for which the Inca sent a speciall Iudge If the Decurion neglected to informe the fault was now made his owne and hee corrected for it as also in the other case of prouision Hence there were no Vagabonds nor idle persons The Father was corrected which did not educate or correct his children the children also were punished in correspondence of their age and the Tithingman was to informe of both The Iudges punished them they said not for the fact but the fault in transgressing the Incas commandement which they respected as Gods They had no purse-punishments Fines or Confiscations for to leaue them poore was but to giue them more libertie to euill If any Câ—â—aca rebelled and deserued death his sonne succeeded notwithstanding to his State In warre they had Natiues for Captaines ouer their owne Countrimen hauing Incas for their Superiours The Iudge durst not arbitrate but execute the Law 〈…〉 e hee died for breaking the Royall commandement This seueritie of the Officers and of the Lawes which for light offences inflicted death prooued rather gentle then cruell and barbarous few daring to transgresse so that all that Empire extended thirteene hundred leagues and consisting of so many Nations and Languages was gouerned by one Law as if it had beene one house the rather because they held the same diuine and from the Sunnes ordinance by the 〈◊〉 And the Law-breaker was therefore accounted sacrilegious and accursed insomuch that some accused by their owne consciences haue made confessions without other accusers fearing to bring publike plagues on the State as Diseases or Dearths which they sought to preuent by appeasing God with their deaths And I conceiue that from these publike confessions the Spanish Historians haue wâ—itten that the Indians of Peâ—â— had confession in secret like Christians and Confessours appropriated which is false for in Peru they had no other then I haue mentioned and the Indians which told the Spaniards thus answered so to their questions as they thought might best please them Neither had they any Appeales Ciuill or Criminall Euery Towne had a Iudge and for higher matters they went to the Superiour Iudge in the Mother Citie The Sentences of ordinary Iudges were euery moneth related to the Superiour Iudges and theirs to others their Superiours which were in the Court in diuers degrees according to the qualitie of Cases The Supreame were the Presidents or Vice-royes of the foure parts of the World This report was made to examine Sentences which had passed and if they were found vniust the Authors were seuerely punished The manner of rendring these reports to the Inca and to those of his Counsell was by knots in liâ—es of diuers colours which serued them as it were Ciphers for the knots of such or such colours declared the offences and certaine threads of diuers colours fastned to the lines shewed the punishment This was their Arithmetike in which they were expert and certaine some applying themselues to nothing else If any Prouinciall controuersie could not be decided by those whom the King sent it was suspended till his Visitation of those parts and then hee himselfe would see heare and sentence The Tithingmen also gaue account euery moneth of all which were borne or died and likewise at the end of the yeere such as perished in the warres they also related The like Officers and Orders were in the Campes of warre as in the Townes of peace They permitted not to sacke the Townes which they conquered by force For euery of those foure diuisions of the Empire the Inca had Councels of Warre of Iustice of necessary businesse These had subordinate Officers in diuers degrees which rendred accounts of all to the Supreme Councell Each had a President or Vice-roy which receiued those accounts and rendred the same â—o
him and twelue other with the horse Two dayes after the Gouernour came vnto vs wee imbarked our selues and were in the whole foure hundred men and fourescore horses in foure Ships and one Brigantine The Pilot which we had newly taken brought the Ships through the quicke sands which they call Canerreo so that the day following we found our selues on dry land and so remained fiue dayes the keele of the Ships oftentimes striking vpon the ground At the end of those fiue dayes a storme from the South brought so much water vpon the sands that wee might come out although not without much danger Departing thence we arriued at Guanignanico where another tempest assailed vs so fiercely that we stood in great danger to be lost at the head of the currents we had another where we staid three dayes And these being ouerpassed we went about the Cape of Saint Anthony and with a contrary winde we went till wee came within twelue leagues of the Hauana and standing the day following to put in there a Southerne gale of winde tooke vs which droue vs farre from the land so that wee crossed ouer by the coast of Florida and arriued the twelfth of Aprill at the land of Martes so coasting the way of Florida vpon holy Thursday in the same coast we ancored in the mouth of an open roade at the head whereof we saw certaine houses and habitations of the Indians The same day Alonso Euriquez the Auditor went out of the Ship and landed vpon an Iland which is in the same open roade and called to those Indians who came and abode with vs a good space and by way of ransome gaue him fish and certaine peeces of Deeres flesh The day following which was good Friday the Gouernour imbarked himselfe with as many men as the Boates could carry and we went to the Villages or houses of the Indians which wee had seene which we found all emptie and desolate because that night the people were gone in their Canoes One of those houses was very great and able to containe more then three hundred persons the other were much lesser and there we found a little Bell of Gold within the Nets The next day the Gouernour aduanced the Ensigne for your Maiesty and tooke possession of the Village in your royall name and presented the Commissions and was receiued and obayed as Gouernour according to your Maiesties appointment And so in like manner we presented our other prouisoes vnto him which he accepted and obeyed according to the contents thereof and presently caused the rest of the men to be shipped and the horses which were not aboue two and fortie because the other through the many tempests and beating of the Sea and length of time were dead And these few that remained were so weake and wearied as at that time we could doe little seruice The day following the Indians of those places came vnto vs and although they spoke vnto vs yet notwithstanding we vnderstood them not The Gouernour commanded that the Brigantine should goe coasting the way of Florida and search for the hauen which the Pilot Miruelo said he knew but was now astonished and knew not in what part we were nor where the hauen was and the Brigantine was appointed that if they found not the hauen to crosse ouer to the Hauana and finde the Ship wherein Aluaro della Querda was and hauing taken in some victuall to returne to finde it The Brigantine being deing departed we returned to enter into the Village of the same people where we had bin before with some other more and we coasted the gulfe which wee had found and hauing gone about foure leagues we tooke foure Indians and shewed them Maiz because vntill that day wee had not yet seene any token thereof they said they would bring vs where it grew and so they brought vs to their Village which was not farre from thence at the head of the gulfe and there they shewed vs a little Maiz which was not yet ripe to be gathered There wee found many chests of the Merchants of Castile and in euery one of them was the body of a dead man all which were couered with Deeres skins painted The Commissary thought that it was a kinde of Idolatry so he burned the chests with all the bodies We also found peeces of webs of cloath and Pennacchi which they had gotten out of Noua Hispaniola and certaine mosters of Gold Whereupon we demanded of those Indians by signes from whence they had such things They by signes shewed vs that very farre from thence there was a Prouince called Apalachen wherein there was great quantity of Gold Departing from thence wee went further carrying for guides those foure Indians which we had first taken and so ten or twelue leagues off from that place wee found another people of fifteene houses where was a goodly Plaine sowed with Maiz which now was ready to be gathered and we found some also dry There we abode two dayes and after returned May the first the Gouernour caused two pound of Biscuit and halfe a pound of Porke to be giuen to euery one of them who were to goe with vs and so we departed to enter within the land The summe of all them who went was three hundred men in all among whom was the Commissary Frier Iohn Sciuarez and another Frier called Frier Iohn de Palis and three Clarkes and the Officers Forty of vs were on horsebacke and so with that prouision which wee had brought wee went fifteene dayes without finding any other things to eate except Dates like those of Andaluzia In all this time we found not any Indian nor saw any house nor place inhabited and in the end we found a Riuer which wee passed with much danger and trouble by swimming and vpon rafts and staied a day to passe ouer it because it ranne with much fury Hauing passed to the other side of the Riuer two hundred Indians came against vs and the Gouernour went before and after he had spoken to them by signes they made much signes againe vnto vs that we should ioyne our selues with them taking fiue or sixe who brought vs vnto their houses which were about halfe a league off and there wee found great quantity of Maiz which staod now ready to be gathered After some search of the Countrey to the Sea wee departed from that place alwayes as we went inquiring for that Prouince which the Indians said was called Apalachen and brought for guides them that we had taken and so went forward vntill the seuenteenth of Iune and found no Indians that durst abide our comming There a y Cacique came vnto vs whom an Indian carried vpon his necke and hee was couered with a Deeres skinne painted and brought with him many people who went before him playing vpon certaine Flutes made of canes and so came vnto the Gouernour and abode with him an houre and we gaue him to vnderstand by
stead of Ockam for the Boats And we vsed so great diligence therein that beginning the fourth of August the twentieth of September next fiue Boates were finished of two and twenty Cubits a piece and we stopped the chinkes and calking with Ockam of the Palmiti and pitched them with a certaine Gumme which a Grecian called Don Theodoro brought from certaine Pine-trees and with the same barke of the Palmiti and of the traines and haire of Horses we made cordage and tackling and made sayles of out shirts and of the Sauine trees which were there we made such Oares as we thought necessary and such was that Countrey whereinto our sinnes conducted vs that no stones were found there to ballast the Boates nor saw wee any throughout all that Countrey Wee likewise flayed the whole legges of horses and sewed the skinne together to make bottles to carrie water In this meane time some of our men went to gather Tamarindi in the strond of the Sea where the Indiâ—â—s at two seuerall times wherein they incountred them slue ten Christians so neere to our Tents that we saw them and could not helpe them and found them shot through from side to side with Arrowes so that although our men had excellent Armour they were not able to resist their strokes those Indians shooting with such dexteritie and force as aforesaid And our Pilots said and swore that from the flat shoare which we called by the name of the Crosse vnto this place we had gone about two hundred and fourescore leagues little more or lesse and in all that Countrey we saw no Mountaines nor had any notice by any meanes that there were any and before that we imbarked besides those which the Indians had slaine there were more then forty other men dead through sicknesse and famine The two and twentieth day of September they ceased to eate horses so that only one remayned and on that day wee imbarked in this order In the Gouernours Boate went nine and fortie men and in the other which hee gaue to the Auditour and Commissary went as many more The third he gaue to Captaine Alonzo del Castiglio and Andrea Durante with eight and forty men and another he gaue vnto two other Captaines the one called Telles and the other Pigualosa with seuen and forty men and the fift he gaue to the Controuler and mee with nine and forty men And after the victuals and furniture and other things were shipped they arose no more then a fourth part aboue the water and beside this we were so streighted that we could not guide nor turne in the Boats Necessitie was so powerfull that it made vs aduenture to goe in this manner and commit our selues vnto so dangerous a Sea without hauing any one among vs who knew the art of Nauigation That flat shoare from whence we departed is called the shoare of the Horses and we went seuen dayes through those gulfes with the water vp to the girdle without seeing any signe of the Coast and at the end of those seuen dayes we arriued at an Iland which standeth neere vnto the Land My Boat went before and we saw fiue Canowes of Indians comming who forsooke them all and left them in our hands seeing vs come towards them Our other Boates went before and lighted vpon certane houses in the same Iland where they found many of their Egges and Thorn-back were dry and greatly releeued vs in the necessitie wherein we were After this we went further and two leagues from thence we passed a Strait which that Iland maketh with the Land and called it the Strait of Saint Michael because we passed it vpon that holy day Being gotten out of that Strait wee arriued at the Coast where with the fiue Canowes which I had taken from the Indians we remooued some things out of our Boats making them fast and ioyning them to ours so that they arose two handfuls aboue water and therewithall we turned to goe along the Coast by the way of the Riuer of Palmes thirst and famine alwayes increasing because the victuals were very scant and almost at an end and we wanted water because the bottles which we had made of the skinnes of horses became suddenly putrified and mustie and were good for nothing and many times wee entred into certaine gulfes and flat shoares which went farre within the Land and found them all shallow and dangerous And so we went thirty dayes and sometimes found some Indian fishers a poore and miserable people and at the end of these thirty dayes when our necessitie for want of water was extreame going to the Coast one night we perceiued a Canow comming and seeing her wee expected that she would haue arriued but although we called vnto her she would not come nor behold vs and because it was night we followed her not but held on our course When day began to appeare we saw a small Iland and went thither to see if wee could find any water there but wee laboured in vaine because there was none While wee stayed there a mightie tempest arose vpon vs whereupon we abode there sixe dayes not daring to put out to Sea againe and hauing passed fiue dayes without drinking our thirst was so great that we were forced to drinke the Sea-water and some dranke so largely that fiue of our men dyed suddenly We went out the same way which we had seene the Canow goe the night before we departed thence This day we saw our selues many times drowned and so cast away that there was none of vs who did not assure himselfe of death But it pleased our Lord God who in the greatest necessities vseth to shew his fauour that about Sunne set we weathered a point which the Land maketh where wee found it very calme and quiet Heere many Canowes came towards vs and the Indians that were in them spake vnto vs and without wondring at vs returned They were a people of a great bodie and well set and carried neither Bowes nor Arrowes Some of vs followed them vnto their houses which stood neere vnto the water side and leaped aland and before the entrance of the houses we found many pots of water and great quantitie of fish and the Lord of that Countrey offered it all vnto the Gouernour and taking him by the hand brought him to his house their houses are of Mats very well made And after we entred into the house of their Cazique or Lord he gaue vs much fish and we gaue them bread of Corne which we brought and they eat it in our presence and demanded more which we gaue them and the Gouernour gaue the Cazique many small trifles and abiding with him in his house about halfe an houre within night the Indians assaulted vs and the rest of our men who road very ill beeing cast vpon that Coast they assaulted also the house of the Cazique where the Gouernour was and with a stone smote
and then they wash themselues and shift all the apparell which they wore They bewayle all their dead in this manner except the aged whom they esteeme not for say they that they haue now passed their time and are no more good for any thing but occupie the earth and take away the maintenance from Infants and little children They vse to bury the dead vnlesse they be such as are Physicians among them whom they burne and while the fire flameth they stand all dancing with great ioy and make powder of the bones and when the yeere is past wherein they performe the honourable rites vnto their dead they all tumble and wallow vpon the earth and giue that powder of the bones to the kinsfolke to drinke in water Euery one haue their proper and peculiar wiues The Physicians are they that haue most libertie who may keepe two or three wiues and among them there is great friendship and conformitie When any marrieth his daughter hee that taketh her bringeth vnto the wife whatsoeuer he taketh by hunting or fishing euen vnto the day wherein he is espoused vnto her who carrieth it vnto the house of the father without daring to take or eate any thing thereof and afterward they bring food to the house of the father-in-law for him to eate and in all this time neither father-in-law nor mother-in-law enter into their house nor are they to enter inâ—o their house nor the houses of their kindred And if by chance they meete each other in the way they goe a Cros-bow shot off one from the other and so long time as they thus goe farre off they hang downe their heads and cast their eies on the ground for they hold it a wicked and an euill thing to be seene and to be spoken vnto The women haue libertie to conuerse with the fathers-in-law and other kinsfolke and they of that Iland haue this custome more then fiftie leagues within the Land They haue another custome and that is this that when any of their brethren or children die for three moneths they prouide nothing to eate for them of the house where they died but let them die through hunger if the kinsfolke and neighbours prouide them not somewhat to eate Whereupon at the time that we were there many people dying there was very great famine In the most part of the houses because they strictly obserue their customes and ceremonies and they who prouided food for them it being a very hard time could finde but a little And vpon this occasion those Indians that had mee went out of the Iland and in their Canoas passed ouer vnto the firme Land vnto certaine flat shoares where they had many Oysters and for three moneths in the yeere they eate no other thing and drinke very bad water They haue great scarcitie of wood and great multitudes of Flies their houses are made of mats spread vpon the sh lls of Oysters and ouer them they sleepe vpon the hides of beasts which yet they haue not but by a chance And so we continued vntill the middle of Aprill that wee went to the Sea-coast where wee eate Mulberries all that moneth wherein they end their sports and festiuall iollitie In that Iland whereof I haue spoken they would make vs Physicians without examining vs or demanding the titles of our profession and because they heale the infirmitie with blowing vpon the diseased and cure them with that and with their hands they would that wee also should doe the like and serue them in any thing whatsoeuer But wee laughed thereat saying it was a iest and mockery and that wee knew not how to heale whereupon they tooke away our food vntill we did that which they said And seeing our vnbeliefe an Indian said vnto me that I knew not what I said because stones and herbes that growe in the fields haue vertue and that he with an hot stone laying it vpon the stomacke cured the paine and that wee who are men must of a certaintie haue greater vertue then all other things of the world In the end seeing our selues in so great necessitie we were constrained to doe it yet not hoping to helpe any at all the manner and meanes which they obserue in curing is this that seeing themselues sicke they send for the Physitian to whom after they are cured they giue all that they haue and besides procure other things from their kindred to giue them The cure which the Physitians doe vnto them is to cut certaine gashes where the disease or griefe is and sucke it round about They seare it also with fire which among them is held a verie profitable thing and I haue proued it and it succeeded well After this blowing in the place where the griefe is they suppose the disease thereby to be remoued The meanes whereby we cured them was to blesse them and blow vpon them and say a Pater noster and an Auâ— Mary and pray the best we could vnto our Lord God that he would giue them their health and put it into their hearts to vse vs well It pleased his mercy that all they for whom he praied as soone as wee had blessed and hallowed them said vnto the rest that they were sound and well and for this they vsed vs verie curteously and left eating themselues to giue it vnto vs and gaue vs skins and other trifling things The famine was so exceeding great in that place that many times I continued three dayes without eating any thing at all and so did they also insomuch as I thought it impossible to bee able to liue although afterward I found my selfe in farre greater famine and necessitie as I shall hereafter speakeÌ„ The Indians who had Alonso del Castiglio and Andrea Dorante and the rest that remayned aliue being of another Language and other parentage passed ouer to another part of the firme Land to eate Oysters where they abode vntill the first day of Aprill and presently after they returned vnto an Iland neere vnto it about two leagues for that it yeelded more water and the Iland is halfe a league ouer and fiue in length All the people of that Countrey goe naked and the women only haue some parts of their bodie couered with a certaine kind of Cotton which they gather from certaine trees and the Damsels couer themselues with the skinnes of wild beasts The people differ much one from another in their Garments There is not any Lord or Cazique among them and all they who are of one Family and stocke goe together Two sorts of Languages dwell there one of them that are called Capoques and the other Han they haue a custome that if at any time they see such as they know they stand halfe an houre lamenting before they speake and after that he that is visited ariseth first and giueth vnto the other whatsoeuer hee possesseth and he receiueth it and a little after he goeth away with that Garment and
sometimes after they haue receiued it they depart without speaking a word After Dorante and Castiglio returned to the Iland they gathered together all the Christians who were somewhat dispersed and found them fourteene in all I as I said abode on the other side in the mayne Land whither my Indians had brought me and where a great sicknesse tooke me Now when the Christians knew that they gaue the Mantle of Martinets which wee had taken from the Cazique as aforesaid vnto an Indian that he might bring them where I was to see me and so twelue of them came because the other two were so weake that they feared to bring them with them And when they were come to the firme Land they found another of our men called Francesco del Leon. All these thirteene went along the Coast and as soone as the Indians who kept me were gone they aduised mee and told mee that Ieronimo d' Alaniz and Lope d' Ouiedo were yet remayning in that Iland My infirmitie hindered mee that I could not follow them and so I saw them not otherwise and I was of necessitie to stay with those same Indians of the Iland more then a yeere But by reason of the great trauell and paines whereunto they put me as also their euill vsage of me I determined to flye from thence and passe ouer vnto them who abide in the Mountaines and firme Land whom they call the Indians of Carrâ—co because I could not indure the life which I led with the other For among many other painfull labours I was compelled to digge Roots vnder the water and among the Canes where they grew vnder the ground And herewith I had my fingers so spoyled that a straw that should haue touched me would haue drawne bloud and the Canes being full of splinters tare mee in diuers parts among which I was to goe with the Garment aforesaid which I wore Whereupon I endeuoured to goe from thence vnto those other and with them I continued somewhat better And because I made my selfe a Merehant I was carefull to performe that office with the best knowledge I had And for this cause they gaue mee food and vsed mee well and prayed mee to goe from place to place for such things as they needed because in respect of the Warres which they continually make among themselues there is neither trauelling nor much trading among them so that now with my trafficke and Merchandise I went throughout the whole Countrie as farre as I would and trauelled along the Coast fortie or fiftie leagues The principall trafficke I had were pieces of shels of the Sea and their hides and shels wherewith they knit a certaine fruit like vnto Beech mast with the which they prouide for their dancings and festiuall sports and this is the greatest thing of price among them and crownes of the Sea and such other like things And this is that which I carried within Land I afterward carried hides in exchange and red Ocre with the which they anoint and die their faces and their haire I also carried flint stones to make Arrow heads and Glue and stiffe Canes to make Arrowes and certaine flockes which they make of Deeres haire so died that it remayneth coloured And this office greatly auailed me because I had libertie to goe whither I would and was not bound to doe any thing for I was not a slaue and whithersoeuer I went they vsed mee well and gaue mee somewhat to eate in respect of my Merchandize but that which most imported mee was that going thus I searched and saw how I might goe further and among them I was very well knowne And such as knew mee not desired my company and procured meanes to know mee for the fame which I had among them I continued about six yeeres with them in that Countrie alone and naked as they all goe I got Lope de Ouiedo to trauell with me to seeke out the Christians but hearing by the Indians that only three were left of our company he left me and I remained alone with those Indians who were called Queuenes and they with whom Lope went were called Dragnanes Two daies after Lope de Ouiedo was gone the Indians who kept Alonso del Castiglio and Andrea Dorante came vnto the place as those other Indians had foretold vs to eate of certaine Nuts wherewith they maintaine themselues grinding certaine graines with them two monethes in the yeere without eating any other thing although they haue them not euery yeere because some yeeres they grow and some not They are of the bignesse of those of Galicia and the trees are very great and are there in great number Being now neere vnto the place where they lodged Andrea Dorante came forth to see who it was because the Indians had now told him that a Christian was come And as soone as he saw me he remained much astonished because they supposed I had beene long since dead for so the Indians told them Wee gaue God heartie thankes to see one another and that day was one of them wherein wee had the greatest ioy and pleasure in our liues And after comming where Castiglio was they asked mee whether I would goe I answered that my purpose was to passe into the Land of the Christians and that I went seeking and searching how I might doe it Andrea Dorante answered that long since hee intreated Castiglio and Esteuamico that we might go further but they durst not venter to do it because they could not swimme and greatly feared the Riuers and Gulfes which they were to passe ouer there being many in those Countries Wherefore seeing it had pleased our Lord God to preserue mee among so many dangers and diseases and in the end to bring mee into their company they determined to flie and that I should carrie them ouer the Riuers and Gulfes which wee found And they aduertized mee that by no meanes I should let the Indians know that I would goe further because they would presently kill me and that for this cause I was of necessitie to stay with them sixe monethes which was the time in the which those Indians went into another Countrie to eate Tune These Tune are certaine Fruits of the bignesse of an Egge red and blacke and of a very good taste They eate them three monethes in the yeere wherein they eate no other thing and because at the time when they gathered them other Indians beyond would come with Bowes to contract and barter with them we when they returned might escape from our Indians and goe with them With this determination I remained there and yeelded my selfe a slaue vnto an Indian with whom Dâ—rante abode These Indians are called Mariane and Castiglio remained with other of their Neighbours called Iguales And while we continued there they reported vnto mee that after they were come out of the Iland of Malhado vpon the Sea Coast they found the Boat wherein the Auditor and the Friers crossed
perceiue their women to be great with childe they lye not with them vntill two yeares be passed after the children be borne to the which they giue sucke vntill they be of the age of twelue yeares that they are now of vnderstanding to prouide foode for themselues We demanded of them for what reason they did thus nourish them who answered vs that they did it for the great famine which was in that Countrey where as wee our selues saw they were faine to continue sometimes three or foure dayes without eating and therefore they let them sucke that in that time they might not dye through hunger and if notwithstanding some should escape they would become too delicate and of little strength If by chance it happen that any among them be sicke they let them dye in those fields if he be not a childe and all the rest that cannot goe with them remaine there but for a childe or a brother of theirs they lay them vpon their necke and so they carry them They haue all this custome to be seperated from their wiues when there is no agreement betweene them and that both they and she may marry againe with whom they please And this is vsuall among the yonger sort but such as haue children neuer forsake their wiues And when they contend with other people or be at variance one with another they buffet and beate each o 〈…〉 r with cudg 〈…〉 ls vntill they be very weary and then they part and sometimes the women part them going betweene them because the men come not in to part them and what choller or passion soeuer they haue they fight not together with their Bowes and Arrowes And after they haue â—â—ffetted and cudgelled each other the braule being ended they take their houses and women and goe to liue in the fields seperated from the rest vntill their anger and choller be past and when they are now pacified it is not needefull that others interpose themselues to make peace and friendship because in this manner they make it themselues And if they who be at variance haue no wiues they goe to other of their neighbours who although they were their enemies receiue them courteously and doe them much flattering kindnesse and giue them such as they haue so that when their choller is past they returne rich vnto their people They are all warlike people and vse as great subtilty to defend them from their enemies as they would doe if they had bin brought vp in Italy and in continuall warre The horses are they that onely ouercome them and which the Indians generally feare They who are to fight with them must be very wary that they know not that they be faint or cowardly and while the battaile continueth they are to vse them the worst they can For if they perceiue them to be timerous or cowards it is a people that very well knoweth the time to auenge themselues and to take courage and strength from the feare of their enemies When they are shot in the warres and haue spent Arrowes they returne euery one their way without any pursuit of the enemy although the one part be few and the other many and this is their custome They goe many times away shot cleane through with Arrowes and dye not if they touch not the bowels or heart nay they quickely heale them They see and heare and haue the sharpest sences I thinke of any men in the world They are very well able to endure hunger thirst and cold as they who are more acquainted there with then any other In the Iland of Malhada there are two languages the one called Canoques and the other Han. In the firme land afront that Iland are others called Carruco who take their name from the Mountaines where they liue Further vpon the Sea coast are others called Deguenes and afront them are others called Mendica Further vpon the coast are the Queuâ—nes and afront these within the firme land are the Marianes and going further vpon the coast are other called Guaicones and afront those within the firme land the Iegunzes at the end of them are other called Ataâ—â—s and behinde them other called Acubadaos and of these there are many along this banke further Other called Quitoles liue on the coast and afront them within the firme land are the Auauares and with these the Maliacones vnite themselues and the Cultalculebes and other called Susolus and other called Comos and further vpon the coast abide the Cumoles and on the same coast beyond are others whom we called them of the Figtrees All these Nations haue habitations and people and diuers languages Among them there is one language in the which when they say vnto men looke there they say arraca and to the Dogs they say Xo and in all that Countrey they make themselues drunke with a certaine smoake and giue whatsoeuer they haue to get it Likewise they drinke another thing which they take from the leaues of trees like vnto the Mulberry trees and boile it in certaine vessels on the fire and after they haue boyled it they fill the vessels with water and so keepe it ouer the fire and when it hath beene twice boiled they poure it out into certaine vessels and coole it with halfe a goord and when it gathereth much â—ome they drinke it as hot as they are able to suffer it and while they put it out of the vessell and vntill they drinke it they stand crying who will drinke And when the women perceiue these exclamations they presently settle themselues not daring once to moue although they finde that they are very well beloued And if by chance any of them moue they accompt her shamelesse and cudgell her and with much choller and anger cast away the water or drinke which they haue made and if they haue drunke it they vomit it out againe which they doe very easily The reason of this their custome they say is this that if when they will drinke of that water the women moue themselues from the place where they heare that voyce some bad thing might be put into that drinke which entring into the body in short space would cause them to dye And all the time that that water is boyled the vessell must be well closed and shut and if peraduenture it should stand vncouered and any woman should come and passe by they cast it away and drinke no more of it It is of the colour of Saffron and they drinke it three dayes without eating and euery day they drinke one amphora and an halfe And when the women haue their naturall purgation they prouide no meate but for themselues because no other person will eate of that which she carrieth In the time that I continued among them I saw a most brutish and beastly custome to wit a man who was married to another and these be certaine effeminate and impotent men who goe cloathed and attired like
before me Al these fears which they haue of vs they yet put into the heads of those who came lately to know vs because they should giue vs whatsoeuer they haue for they know that we tooke nothing for our selues but gaue euerie thing to them This was the most obedient people and best conditioned that we found in all that Countrie and commonly they are well disposed Those that were sicke being recouered and restored vnto health and wee hauing continued there three daies the women that we had sent came vnto vs and said that they had found verie few people because they were gone to the kine which was now their time Then we commanded them that were weake to remaine behinde and those that were well to come with vs and that two daies iourney from thence those two women should goe with two of our men to cause the people to come forth to the highwaies to receiue vs. And so the morning following all those that were the lustiest departed with vs and after three daies iourney wee setled our selues and the day following Alonso del Castiglio and Esteuanicco the Negro together with those two women for their guides and that who was their prisoner brought them vnto a Riuer which ranne within a mountaine where a people abode among whom their father was and these were the first houses that wee saw which had the forme and manner of true houses There Castiglio and Esteuanicco arriued and after they had spoken with those Indians at the end of three dayes Castiglio returned to the place where they left vs and brought fiue or sixe of those Indians and said That hee had found houses of people and of artificiall building and that the people eate pulse and gourds and that hee had seene Maiz there There wee abode one day and the next wee departed they bringing vs with them to other built houses where wee did eate of the same food that they eate And after from thenceforth there was another custome that they who knew of our comming came not forth into the high-way to meete vs as the other did but wee found them in their houses and they did nothing else for vs. And they were all sitting and all held their faces towards the wall hanging downe their heads with their haire ouer their eyes and all their clothes were hanged vp aloft in the middle of the house and from thence forward they began to giue vs many mantles of hides and they had not any thing which they gaue vs not It is a Nation of the best and goodliest proportion of bodie that euer wee saw there and of a more liuely spirit and agilitie and that vnderstood vs better and answered vs to whatsoeuer wee demanded them and wee call them The people of the Kine because the greater part of the Kine which dye in those Countries is neere thereabouts and vp that Riuer more then fiftie leagues they goe killing many These people goe all naked after the manner of those whom wee found first The women goe couered with certaine Deere skinnes and so doe some few men also and particularly the aged who are not seruiceable for the warres It is a verie populous Countrey and being demanded why it did not sowe Maiz they said They did it because they would not leese that which they should sowe for two yeeres since their water failed and the seasons was so dry that they all lost the Maiz that they had sowed and that they could not by any meanes be assured to sowe vnlesse first it had rained very much and they prayed vs to speake vnto the Heauens that they might send downe raine they boyle pulse in this manner They fill a great pot halfe full with water and put many of those stones in the fire which will quickely burne and when they seeth them on fire they take them vp with certaine tongs of Wood and cast them into that water in the gourd vntill they make it boyle with that fire of those stones and when they perceiue that the water boyleth they put in that which they haue to boyle and all this time they doe nothing else but take out one stone and put in another fired redde hot to make the water boyle §. IIII. They come to the South Sea and trauell through a plentifull Countrey till they meet with Spaniards whose crueltie and manner of conuerting Sauages is related WE went Westward on our iourny crossed ouer all the land vntil we came forth at the South Sea and the feare wherein they had put vs of the great famine which we were to passe as surely we passed it for seuenteen daies together as they had told vs was not able to diuert vs from our intended purpose Throughout all that Countrey vp the Riuer they gaue vs many Mantles of the hides of Kine and wee did not eate of those their fruites but our sustenance was euery day a piece of the fat of Deere of the bignesse of a mans hand which for this necessitie wee prouided alwaies to haue in a readinesse and so wee passed all those seuenteene daies iourney and at the end of them wee crossed ouer the Riuer and trauelled other seuenteene daies more to the West through certaine plaines and verie great mountaines which are found there and there wee met with a people who the third part of the yeere eate no other thing saue the powder of straw and because wee passed that way at that season of the yeere wee also were constrained to eate it vntill hauing finished those daies iourney wee found setled houses where there was great quantitie of Maiz and of that and Meale they gaue vs enough and Gourds and Pulse and Mantles of Bombasin Cotton withall which we laded them whom wee had hyred there who returned the most contented men in the world Wee yeelded many thankes vnto God who had brought vs thither where we found such plentie of sustenance Among these houses they had some that were of earth and all the rest were of mats and from thence wee passed more then an hundred leagues into the Countrey and alwaies found setled houses and much sustenance of Maiz and Pulse and they gaue vs many Deeres skinnes and Mantles of Bombasin Cotten better then those of New Spaine and gaue vs also many Garlands and certaine Corall which grow in the South Sea and many Turkie stones which come from toward the North. And finally they gaue vs whatsoeuer they had and vnto Dorante they gaue Emeralds made into Arrow heads and with those Arrowes they make their sports and festiuall iollitie seeming to mee very good I demanded of them whence they had them who told me that they brought them from certaine very high mountaines which lye towards the North and that they got them by exchange and barter for quills and Parrats feathers and there were many people there and very great houses Among them wee saw the women more honourably
Sacrificers haue Siluer and some Gold but I made shew not to care for it and said I had no need of Gold but that they should serue and not sacrifice as before In the place of the victorie was erected a faire Church called The victorie of the Crosse and a Crosse of sixtie foot long there erected Zapatula receiued me in peace Aximocuntla people fled yet sent store of victuals as did also Ixtatlan Our Indians in our march had slaine and sacrificed certaine women and children the signes whereof I found it being a thing impossible to remedie notwithstanding all the punishment I inflicted howsoeuer some say they are good Christians And let your Maiestie beleeue that they doe at this present time as they did before but secretly And for this and for other iust causes which I haue written to your Maiestie there ought not so much libertie be giuen them nor more then that which is accustomed to their state and liuing for to doe otherwise is to giue occasion to them to be bad and especially this People is of such nature that they must be very much holden vnder and made to feare that they may be good Christians From Xalpa three Embassadors came to me with offer of peace subiection and certaine Siluer plates and an Idoll made of Cotton and full of bloud and a Rasor of stone in the midst wherewith they sacrificed which was burned in their sight to their great amazement who thought it would haue destroyed all Against Mandie Thursday a Church was erected of reeds in a day and deuout Procession was then made of more then thircie Disciplinants On Easter Tuesday I departed thence to Tespano thence by Mount Amec to Teulinchano a strong place being all of stone cut round where euery Lord of the Prouince ought to haue a house wherein to sacrifice there had beene a great Idoll of Gold destroyed in other warres The Palaces were of stone engrauen some pieces of eighteene spannes with great Statues of men with other things like those of Mexico The Courts of the Palaces were spacious and faire with Fountaines of good water Thence I sent Captaine Verdugo to Xaltenango thorow a Valley of sixe leagues but the people were fled to the Mountaines A Crosse was planted and Masse said for the seruice of God there where the Deuill had so long beene serued and had receiued so many Sacrifices I diuided the Armie one part to goe to Mechuacan another Prouince not that of New Spaine neere to the South Sea I marched with the other to Guatatlan and there planted a Crosse on a Hill and thence to Tetitlan accompanied with the Caciques of the Countrie thence to Xalisco Heere the way was so bad that in fifteene dayes I rode not three and many beasts were lost I sent to the principall Lords of Xalisco to whom I made the request accustomed They were all retired to the Mountaines Finding my selfe neere the Sea I tooke possession thereof for your Maiestie At Tepique two of the Lords of Xalisco came to me in peace and to yeeld obedience as three other Townes had done neere the Sea where are said to bee Mines of Gold There I made Officers in your Maiesties name as being a new Discouerie and Conquest separate from New Spaine that there might be some to receiue your Maiesties fifths Two Crosses were erected in Xalisco and two in Tepeque a place well watered and very fertile In marching from thence a great and dangerous battell was giuen vs by the Indians wherein we obtained victorie They wounded fiftie Horses of which onely sixe died one Horse I assure your Maiestie is worth aboue foure hundred Pezos diuers of the principall Commanders were wounded also The next day I made a Procession with a Te Deum Thence I passed the great Riuer of the Trinitie to come to Omitlan the chiefe of that Prouince The Countrie is very hot and the Riuer full of Crocodiles and there are many venomous Scorpions Here was erected one Church and two Crosses Aztatlan is three dayes iourney hence where they prepare to giue mee battell From thence ten dayes further I shall goe to finde the Amazons which some say dwell in the Sea some in an arme of the Sea and that they are rich and accounted of the people for Goddesses and whiter then other women They vse Bowes Arrowes and Targets haue many and great Townes at a certaine time admit them to accompanie them which bring vp the males as these the female issue c. From Omitlan a Prouince of Mecuacan of the greater Spaine on the eighth of Iuly 1530. I had thought but for prolixitie here to haue added Aluarados Conquests the other way from Mexico two of whose Letters are extant in Ramusio The later of them is dated from the Citie of Saint Iago which hee founded Hee writes that hee was well entertained in Guatimala and passed alongst with diuers fortunes foure hundred leagues from Mexico conquering and let your Lordship beleeue mee this Countrie is better inhabited and peopled then all that which your Lordship hath hitherto gouerned In this Prouince I haue found a Vulcan the most dreadfull thing that euer was seene which casteth forth stones as great as a house burning in light flames which falling breake in pieces and couer all that fiery Mountaine Threescore leagues before wee saw another Vulcan which sends forth a fearefull smeake ascending vp to Heauen and the body of the smoake encompasseth halfe a league None drinke of the streames which runne downe from it for the Brimstone sent And especially there comes thence one principall Riuer very faire but so hot that certaine of my companie were not able to passe it which were to make out-roades into certaine places and searching a Ford found another cold Riuer running into it and where they met together the Ford was temperate and passable I beseech your Lordship to grant mee the fauour to bee Gouernour of this Citie c. From Saint Iago Iuly 28. 1524. §. II. The Voyages of Frier MARCO de Niça Don FR. VASQVEZ de Coronado Don ANTONIO de Espeio and diuers into New Mexico and the adioyning Coasts and Lands THere arose some strife betwixt Don Antonio de Mendoza Vice-roy of New Spaine and Cortes each striuing to exceed the other in New-Discoueries and complaining of each other to the Emperour Whiles Cortez went to that end into Spaine Mendoza hearing somewhat by Dorantez one of Naruaez his companions in the former inland Discoueries from Florida sent both Frier Marco de Niça with Steph. a Negro of Dorantez and afterwards Captaine Francis Vasquez de Coronado by Land as likewise Ferdinando Alarchon by Sea Cortez also sent Francis Vlloa with a Fleet of three ships for discouerie of the same Sea commonly called the South Sea The Voyages Ramusio hath published at large in Italian and Master Hakluyt out of him in English I shall borow leaue to collect out of
fore-parts then behind which is like wooll a mane like a Horses on their backe bone and long haire from the knees downward with store of long haire at the chinne and throat a long flocke also at the end of the males tailes The Horses fled from them of which they slue some being enraged They are 〈…〉 eat drinke shooes houses fire vessels and their Masters whole substance Other creatures as big as Horses the Spaniards for their fiue wooll called Sheepe one of their hornes ordinarily weighed fiftie pounds There are also great Dogs which will fight with a Bull able to carrie fiftie pounds weight in their huntings and remouals A N 〈…〉 1581. Frier Augustine Ruiz with two other Friers and eight Souldiers trauelled from the Mines of Saint Barbara to Los Tiguas two hundred and fifty leagues Northwards where vpon occasion of one of the Friers being slaine the Souldiers returned The two Friers and a Mestizo stayed Whereupon the Franciscans carefull of their two Brethren procured Antonio de Espeio a rich Mexican with Frier Bernardine Beltran and others licensed to follow him to set â—orth on the said Discouerie in Nouember An. 1582. with an hundred and fifteene Horses and store of prouisions Hee passed the Conchos and the Passaguates and Tobâ—sos and Iumanos finding many Siluer Mines in the way and then came to people which for want of Language they could not name and heard by one of the Conchos of a great Lake and Townes neere it with houses of three or foure stories but went not thither Fifteene dayes they trauelled thorow Woods of Pine-trees and two thorow Woods of Poplars and Walâ—uts still keeping by the Riuer of the North as they called it till they came to a Countrie which they called New Mexico They came to ten Townes situate on both sides the Riuer which vsed them kindly Their houses are of foure stories well built with Stoues for Winter their apparel of Cotton and Deeres skinnes both men and women ware Boots and Shooes with soles of Neats leather Each house had an Oratorie for the Deuill where they set him meate for whose ease as they say they erect Chappels also in the high-way Thence they came to Tiguas in which were sixteene Townes in Poala they had slaine the two Friers and now therefore fled to the Mountaines They fouâ—d many Hennes in the Countrey and many metals Hearing that there were rich Townes Eastwards they trauelled two dayes and found eleuen Townes and as they thought fortie thousand people There are signes of rich Mines They heard of a Prouince Quires sixe leagues higher vp the Riuer which they visited and found fiue Townes They saw there a Pie in a Cage and certaine tirasols or shadowes such as they vse in China in which were painted the Sunne Moone and Starres They found themselues in 37. degrees and a halfe Fourteene leagues more to the North they came to the Cunames which had fiue Townes the greatest was Câ—a with eight Market places the houses plaistered and painted with diuers colours the people many and more ciuill then any they had seene They trauelled thence North-westward to a Countrie which had seuen great Townes and in them thirtie thousand soules Fifteene leagues further Westward they came to Acoma a Towne of sixe thousand persons seated on a Rocke fifty paces high without any passage to it but by staires hewen in the Rocke all their water was kept in Cisternes They trauelled hence foure and twentie leagues Westward to Zuny or Cibola where Vasquez had beene and erected Crosses still standing Three Indians of his Armie were still aliue here which told Espeio of a great Lake sixtie dayes iourney thence vpon the bankes whereof were many Townes which had store of Gold Whereupon the rest returning hee with nine companions determined to goe thither and came to a populous Prouince called Mohotze and being well entertained hee perswaded the Indians to build a Fort to secure them from the Horses which hee said would otherwise eate them which they did Here he left some of his companie and went to discouer certaine rich Mines whereof he had heard fiue and fortie leagues Westward which hee found rich of Siluer He had further intelligence also of that great Lake and hauing trauelled twelue leagues to the Hubates and Tamos populous Prouinces being so few they returned in Iuly 1583. by another way downe a Riuer called De las Vaccas or Of Kine an hundred and twenty leagues still meeting with store of those cattell and thence to Conchos and so to the Valley of Saint Bartholmew in New Biscay Bartholmew Canâ— writ from Mexico in May 1590. that Rodrigo del Rio Gouernour of New Biscay was sent by the Vice-roy with fiue hundred Spansards to the conquest of Cibola NOw for Cortez his three ships they set forth from Acapulco the eighth of Iuly 1539. and sayled alongst the coast Northwards to Cape Roxo as they stiled it and so to the Riuer of Saint Crosses which coast some thought to bee part of the Continent others to bee but broken Lands or Ilands and sayled so farre in the same that I am loth to follow them the particulars being both in Ramusio and Master Hakluyt Fernando Alarchon Anno 1540. was sent by Mendoza the Vice-roy with two ships who sayth hee went to the bottome of the Bay of California and sayled vp the Riuer farre into the Countrie I remit the desirous Reader to the Authours aforesaid To mee Ullua the Marquesses Generall seemes to make California nothing but Ilands and to haue sayled within a great way and after out of them this other aemulous Discouerer would seeme to finde it a Bay and therefore goeth vp the Riuer later Maps make it an Iland as wee haue said a Letter 1595. from Los Angelos calleth them Ilands and sayth they are rich and that the Vice-roy sent to conquer them But I am Sea-sicke and therefore returne to our Land-discouerers In which wee haue a Iesuite first to entertaine you and after that a Letter of later Newes of Onnates Discoueries in those Northerne parts of America All which may be of vse one day when our Virginian Plantation which blusheth to see so little done after eighteene yeeres continued habitation with so much cost and so many liues and liuelihoods spent thereon shall lift vp her head with more viue alacritie and shake her glorious lockes and disparkle her triumphant lookes thorow the inland Countries to the Westerne Ocean And indeed for Uirginias sake wee haue so long held you in Spanish discourses of whose Acts this Chapter had beene the last but that the leauen which leaueneth in so great part the Spanish lumpe may be knowne to awaken English vigilance to preuent it in themselues they had a faire caueat 1588. and to auoide the like with others I shall adde to these their Discoueries a Spanish Traueller Frier Bishop to discouer their Discouerers which shall cast vp
they entred to inhabite was the great and most fertile I le of Hispaniola which containeth sixe hundred leagues in compasse There are other great and infinite Iles round about and in the Confines on all sides which we haue seene the most peopled and the fullest of their owne natiue people as any other Countrie in the World may be The firme Land lying off from this Iland two hundred and fiftie leagues and somewhat ouer at the most containeth in length on the Sea Coast more then ten thousand leagues which are alreadie discouered and daily be discouered more and more all full of people as an Emmote hill of Emmots Insomuch as by that which since vnto the yeere the fortieth and one hath beene discouered It seemeth that God hath bestowed in that same Countrie the gulfe or the greatest portion of Mankind God created all these innumerable multitudes in euery sort very simple without subtletie or craft without malice very obedient and very faithfull to their naturall Liege Lords and to the Spaniards whom they serue very humble very patient very desirous of peace making and peacefull without brawles and strugglings without quarrels without strife without rancour or hatred by no meanes desirous of reuengement They are also people very gentle and very tender and of an easie complexion and which can sustaine no trauell and doe die very soone of any disease whatsoeuer in such sort as the very children of Princes and Noblemen brought vp amongst vs in all commodities ease and delicatenesse are not more soft then those of that Countrie yea although they bee the children of Labourers They are also very poore folke which possesse little neither yet doe so much as desire to haue much worldly goods and therefore neither are they proud ambitious nor couetous Their diet is such as it seemeth that of the holy Fathers in the Desert hath not bin more scarce nor more straight nor lesse daintie nor lesse sumptuous Their apparelling is commonly to goe naked all saue their shamefast parts alone couered And when they be clothed at the most it is but a of a Mantle of Bombacie of an ell and a halfe or two ells of linnen square Their lodging is vpon a Mat and those which haue the best sleepe as it were vpon a Net fastened at the foure corners which they call in the Language of the I le of Hispaniola Hamasas They haue their vnderstanding very pure and quicke being teachable and capeable of all good Learning very apt to receiue our holy Catholike Faith and to be instructed in good and vertuous manners hauing lesse incumberances and disturbances to the attaining thereunto then all the folfe of the world besides and are so enflamed ardent and importune to know and vnderstand the matters of the faith after they haue but begunne once to taste them as likewise the exercise of the Sacraments of the Church and the diuine Seruice that in truth the religious men haue need of a singular patience to support them And to make an end I haue heard many Spaniards many times hold this as assured and that which they could not denie concerning the good nature which they saw in them Vndoubtedly these folkes should bee the happiest in the World if onely they knew God Vpon these Lambes so meeke so qualified and endued of their Maker and Creator as hath bin said entred the Spanish incontinent as they knew them as Wolues as Lions and as Tigres most cruell of long time famished and haue not done in those quarters these fortie yeeres past neither yet doe at this present ought else saue teare them in pieces kill them martyr them afflict them torment them and destroy them by strange sorts of cruelties neuer neither seene nor read nor heard of the like of the which some shall be set downe hereafter so far forth that of aboue three Millions of soules that were in the I le of Hispaniola and that we haue seene there are not now two hundred natiues of the Countrey The I le of Cuba the which is in length as farre as from Vallodolid vntill Rome is at this day as it were all waste Saint Iohns Ile and that of Iamayca both of them very great very fertill and very faire are desolate Likewise the Iles of Lucayos neere to the I le of Hispaniola and of the North side vnto that of Cuba in number being aboue threescore Ilands together with those which they call the Iles of Geante one with another great and little whereof the very worst is fertiler then the Kings Garden at Siuill and the Countrie the healthsomest in the World there were in these same Iles more then fiue hundred thousand soules and at this day there is not one only creature For they haue beene all of them slaine after that they had drawne them out from thence to labour in their Minerals in the I le of Hispaniola where there were no more left of the Natiues of that Iland A ship riding for the space of three yeeres betwixt all these Ilands to the end after the inning of this kind of Vintage to gleane and cull the remainder of these folke for there was a good Christian moued with pittie and compassion to conuert and win vnto Christ such as might be found there were not found but eleuen persons which I saw other Iles more then thirty neere to the I le of Saint Iohn haue likewise bin dispeopled and marred All these Iles containe aboue two thousand leagues of land and are all dispeopled and laid waste As touching the maine firme land we are certaine that our Spaniards by their cruelties and cursed doings haue dispeopled and made desolate more then ten Realmes greater then all Spaine comprising also therewith Aragon Portugall and twise as much or more land then there is from Seuill to Ierusalem which are aboue a thousand leagues which Realmes as yet vnto this present day remaine in a wildernesse and vtter desolation hauing bin before time as well pâ—opled as 〈◊〉 possible We are able to yeelde a good and certaine accompt that there is within the space of 〈◊〉 said fortie yeares by those said tyrannies and diuellish doings of the Spaniards doen 〈◊〉 death 〈◊〉 iustly and tyrannously more then twelue Milions of soules men women and children And I doe verily beleeue and thinke not to mistake therein that there are dead more then fifteene Millions of soules The cause why the Spanish haue destroyed such an infinite of soules hath beene onely that they haue held it for their last scope and marke to get Gold and to enrich themselues in a short time and to mount at one leape to very high estates in no wise agreeable to their persons or to say in a word the cause hereof hath beene their auarice and ambition And by this meanes haue died so many Millions without faith and without Sacraments Of the I le of Hispaniola In the I le Hispaniola which was the first as we haue said where
will soone take an end c. And a little below he saith Whereby your Maiestie shall know cleerely how those which gouerne in those quarters doe deserue to be dismounted and deposed from their gouernment to the end that the Common-weales may be relieued That if that be not done in mine aduise they can neuer be cured of their diseases His Maiestie shall vnderstand moreouer that in those Regions there are not any Christians but Deuils that there are no Seruants of God and the King but Traitors to the state and their King And in truth the greatest incumbrance that I find in reducing the Indians that are in warre and to set them at peace and to lead those which are at peace to the knowledge of our faith is vnnaturall and cruell entreatie which they that are in peace receiue of the Spanish being so deeply altered and launced that they haue nothing in more hatred and horror then the name of Christians the which in all these Countries they call in their Language Yares that is to say Deuils For the acts which they committed here are neither of Christians nor of men which haue the vse of reason but of Deuils Whereof it commeth to passe that the Indies which doe see these behauiours to be generally so farre estranged from all humanitie and without any mercie aswell in the heads as in the members they esteeme that the Christians do hold these things for a Law and that their God and their King are the Authors thereof And to endeuour to perswade them otherwise were to endeuour in vaine and to minister vnto them the more ample matter to deride and scorne Iesus Christ and his Law The Indians that are in war seeing the intreatie vsed toward the Indians that are in peace would choose rather to die once for all then to endure sundrie deaths beeing vnder the command of the Spanish I know this by experience most victorious Caesar c. He calleth the Indians in warre those which saued themselues by flying into the Mountaines from the slaughters of the mischieuous Spaniards And hee calleth the Indians in peace those which after hauing lost an infinite of their people by the Massacres haue beene thralled into the Tyrannicall and horrible seruitude aforesaid and whereof in the end they haue beene fined out desolated and slaine as appeareth by that which hath beene said by the Bishoppe which notwithstanding speaketh but little in comparison of that which they haue suffered The Indians in that Countrie haue accustomed to say if when they are trauelled and driuen vp the Mountaines loden they happen to fall downe and to faint for feeblenesse and for paine for at that time they lay on vpon them blowes with their feet and with their staues and they breake their teeth with the pummels of their Swords to make them rise and march on without taking of breath with these words Out vpon thee what a Uillaine art thou they I say the Indians for their parts are wont to say I can no more kill me here right I doe desire to die heere and this they say with great sighes and being scarce able to speake for hauing their heart drawne together declaring a great anguish and dolour Of the Prouince of Carthagene THis Prouince of Carthagene is situate vnder and a fiftie leagues distant from the same of Saint Martha towards the West confining with the Prouince of Ceu vnto the Gulph of Araba which are a hundred leagues all along the Sea-side and is a great Countrie within Land towards the South These Prouinces since the yeere 1498. or ninetie nine vntill now haue beene euill entreated martyred massacred desolated like vnto that of Saint Martha Of the Coast of Pearles and of Paria and of the I le of the Trinitie FRom the Coast of Paria vnto the Gulfe of Venesuela without forth which are two hundred leagues the Spanish haue wrought great and strange destructions rioting vpon that people and taking aliue as many as they could to the end they might sell them for slaues and oftentimes making them prisoners against the assurance and the promise of friendship made vnto them It cannot bee well told nor particularly exprest the sundrie kindes and greiuous vexations wrongs hurts and spoiles which those people indured at the Spaniards hands from the yeere 1510. vntill this present I will onely rehearse two or three acts by the which it may be iudged of the rest innumerable and excessiue and worthy all torments and fire In the I le of the Trinitie which is farre greater and more fertile then the I le of Sicile and ioyneth with the firme Land of the Coast of Paria and where the people are the best disposed and most enclined to vertue in their kind of all the Indians as they went there a Captaine Rouer in the yeere 1510. accompanied with sixtie or seuentie other pettie Theeues well appointed they published among the Indians by Proclamations and other publike Summons that they should come and dwell and liue with them in that I le The Indians receiued them as their owne bowels and babes and as well the Lords as Subiects serued them with exceeding readinesse bringing them to eate from day to day as much as might suffice to feed as many moe people For this is the liberalitie of all these Indians of the new World to bestow on the Spaniards of all that they haue in great abundance The Spanish build a great house of Timber in the which the Indians should dwell altogether for the Spanish would haue it so that there should bee one only house for all and no more to compasse that which they had alreadie premeditate to doe and did it When they laid the Thatch vpon the binding staues or sparres and had alreadie couered to the height of two mens length to the end that those that were within might not see those that were without vnder colour to hasten forward the worke that it might bee the sooner dispatched they set a great number of people within the Spaniards deuiding themselues the one part of them being bestowed without compassing the house round about with their weapons because of those that might get forth the other part of them presse into the house Thus laying hands on their Swords they beganne to threaten the Indians naked as they were to kill them if they did stirre and then bound them And those which fled they hewed them in pieces Howbeit some of the Indians which fled both of the hurt and not hurt with others that had not come within the house tooke their Bowes and Arrowes and assembled themselues in another house about an hundred or two hundred persons And as they kept the gate the Spaniards set fire on the house and burned them aliue After with their purchase which might bee of an hundred or fourescore persons of them which they had bound they get them to the I le of Saint Iohn where they sold the one moitie and thence to the I le
more then Rockie Spaniards which massacred him and all his companie This butcherie was reuenged in a fourth Floridan Voyage made from France by Captaine Gaurgues Anna 1567. who borrowed and sold to set forth three ships and entring the Riuer Tacaâ—acourn which the French called Seine he made league with eight Sauage Kings which had beene much dispighted by the Spaniards and were growne as dispightfull to them The Spaniards were accounted foure hundred strong and had diuided themselues into three Forts vpon the Riuer of May the greatest begun by the French two smaller neerer the Riuers mouth to fortifie each thereof with twelue hundred Souldiers in them well prouided for Munition In Aprill 1568. he tooke these two Forts and slue all the Spaniards the vindicatiue Sauages giuing him vehement and eager assistance especially Olotocara Nephew to Saturioua As they went to the Fort he said that he should die there and therefore desired Gourgues to giue that to his wife which he would haue giuen himselfe that it might bee buried with him for his better welcome to the Village of the Soules departed This Fort was taken the Spaniards some slaine others taken and hanged on the same trees on which the French hung fiue of which on of these Spaniards confessed he had hanged and now acknowledged the Diuine Iustice. In steed of the Writings which Melendes had hanged ouer them I doe not this as to Frenchmen but as to Lutherans Gourgues set vp another I doe not this as to Spaniards or Mariners but as to Traitors Robbers and Murtherers The Forts he razed not hauing men to keepe them and in Iune following arriued in Rochel Comming to the King with expectation of reward the Spanish King had so possessed him that he was faine to hide himselfe This Dominicke de Gourgues had beene an old Souldier once imprisoned and of a Captaine made a Gally-slaue by the Spaniards and grew for his seruice in reputation with the Queene of England he died Anno 1582. And thus much of the French Voyages in Florida for Virginias sake worthy to be knowne of the English Now for their more Northerne Voyages and Plantations Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of Iaques Cartier who in Aprill 1534. departed from Saint Malo with two ships and in May arriued at Newfoundland On the one and twentieth of May they came to the Iland of Birds a league about so full of Birds as if they were sowed there and a hundred times as many houering about it some as bigge as Iayes blacke and white with beakes like Crowes lying alway on the Sea their wings not bigger then halfe ones hand which makes that they cannot flie high In lesse then halfe an houre they filled two Boat with them These they named Aporatz another lesse Port which put themselues vnder the wings of others greater they called Godetz a third bigger and white byting like Dogges they called Margaulx Though the Iland be fourteene leagues from the Continent Beares come thither to feed on those Birds One white one as bigge as a Kow they killed in her swimming and found her good meate Three such Bird Ilands they also discouered the fiue and twentieth of Iune which they called the Ilands of Margaulx There also they found Morses Beares and Wolues But these Northerne Coasts are better knowne to our Countrymen then that I should mention his French names which from Cabots time almost forty yeeres before had beene knowne to the English The next yeere Cartier set forth with three ships to Saint Lawrence his Bay and so to the Riuer of Hochelaga They went to Canada and to the Towne of Hochelaga They saw the great and swift fall of the Riuer and were told of three more therein The Scorbute that Winter killed fiue and twentie of their men in their Fort the rest recouered by the vse the sap and leaues of a tree called Hameda which was thought to be Sassafras These reports of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga caused King Francis to send him againe Anno 1540. purposing also to send Iohn Francis de la Roche Lord of Robewall to be his Lieutenant in the Countries of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga Hee went Anno 1542. his chiefe Pilot was Iohn Alphouso of Xantoigne whose Notes as also the Relation of that Voyage with three shippes and two hundred persons men women and children Master Hakluyt hath recorded He built a Fort and wintered there and then returned These were the French beginnings who haue continued their Trading in those parts by yeerly Voyages to that Coast to these times for fishing and sometimes for Beauers skinnes and other Commodities One Saualet is said to haue made two and forty Voyages to those parts Marke Lescarbot hath published a large Booke called Noua Francia and additions thereto part of which we haue here for better intelligence of those parts added with Champleins Discoueries CHAP. VI. The Voyage of SAMVEL CHAMPLAINE of Brouage made vnto Canada in the yeere 1603. dedicated to CHARLES de Montmorencie c. High Admirall of France WE departed from Houfleur the fifteenth day of March 1603. This day we put into the Roade of New Hauen because the winde was contrary The Sunday following being the sixteenth of the said moneth we set saile to proceed on our Voyage The seuenteenth day following we had sight of Iersey and Yarnsey which are Iles betweene the Coast of Normandie and England The eighteenth of the said moneth wee discryed the Coast of Britaine The nineteenth at seuen of the clocke at night we made account that we were thwart of Ushent The one and twentieth at seuen of clocke in the morning we met with seuen ships of Hollanders which to our iudgement came from the Indies On Easter day the thirtieth of the said moneth wee were encountred with a great storme which seemed rather to be thunder then winde which lasted the space of seuenteene dayes but not so great as it was the two first dayes and during the said time we rather lost way then gained The sixteenth day of Aprill the storme began to cease and the Sea became more calme then before to the contentment of all the Company in such sort as continuing our said course vntill the eighteenth of the said moneth we met with a very high Mountaine of Ice The morrow after we discried a banke of Ice which continued aboue eight leagues in length with an infinite number of other smaller peeces of Ice which hindred our passage And by the iudgement of our Pilot the said flakes or Ice were one hundred or one hundred twenty leagues from the Country of Canada and we were in 45. degrees and two third parts we found passage in 44. deg The second of May at eleuen of clocke of the day we came vpon The Banke in 44. degrees one third part The sixt of the said moneth we came so neere the land that we heard the Sea beate against the shore
but we could not descrie the same through the thicknesse of the fogge whereunto these coasts are subiect which was the cause that we put farther certaine leagues into the Sea vntill the next day in the morning when we descried land the weather being very cleere which was the Cape of Saint Marie The twelfth day following we were ouertaken with a great flaw of winde which lasted two dayes The fifteenth of the said moneth wee descried the Isles of Saint Peter The seuenteenth following we met with a banke of Ice neere Cape de Raie sixe leagues in length which caused vs to strike saile all the night to auoide the danger we might incurre The next day we set saile and descried Cape de Raie and the Isles of Saint Paul and Cape de Saint Laurence which is on the South side And from the said Cape of Saint Laurence vnto Cape de Raie is eighteene leagues which is the breadth of the entrance of the great Gulfe of Canada The same day about ten of the clocke in the morning we met with another Iland of Ice which was aboue eight leagues long The twentieth of the said moneth we discried an Isle which containeth some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues in length which is called the Isle of Assumption which is the entrance of the Riuer of Canada The next day we descried Gachepe which is a very high land and began to enter into the said Riuer of Canuda ranging the South coast vnto the Riuer of Mantanne which is from the said Gachepe sixtie fiue leagues from the said Riuer of Mantanne we sailed as farre as the Pike which is twenty leagues which is on the South side also from the said Pike we sailed ouer the Riuer vnto the port of Tadousac which is fifteene leagues All these Countries are very high and barren yeelding no commoditie The foure and twentieth of the said moneth we cast anker before Tadousac and the six and twentieth we entred into the said Port which is made like to a creeke in the entrance of the Riuer of Saguenay where there is a very strange currant and tide for the swiftnesse and depth thereof where sometimes strong windes do blow because of the cold which they bring with them it is thought that the said Riuer is fiue and forty or fiftie leagues vnto the first fall and it commeth from the North North-west The said Port of Tadousac is little wherein there cannot ride aboue ten or twelue Ships but there is water enough toward the East toward the opening of the said Riuer of Sagenay along by a little hill which is almost cut off from the maine by the Sea The rest of the Countrie are very high Mountaines whereon there is little mould but rockes and sands full of woods of Pines Cypresses Fir-trees Burch and some other sorts of trees of small price There is a little Poole neere vnto the said Port enclosed with Mountaines couered with woods At the entrance of the said Port there are two points the one on the West side running a league into the Sea which is called Saint Matthewes point and the other on the South-east side containing a quarter of a league which is called the point of all the Diuels The South and South South-east and South South-west windes doe strike into the said hauen But from Saint Matthewes Point to the said Point of all the Diuels is very neere a league Both these Points are dry at a low water THe seuen and twentieth day we sought the Sauages at the Point of Saint Matthew which is a league from Tadousac with the two Sauages whom Monsieur du Pout brought with him to make report of that which they had seene in France and of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them As soone as we were landed we went to the Caban of their great Sagamo which is called Anadabijou where we found him with some eightie or a hundred of his companions which were making Tabagie that is to say a Feast Hee receiued vs very well according to the custome of the Countrey and made vs sit downe by him and all the Sauages sat along one by another on both sides of the said Cabine One of the Sauages which we had brought with vs began to make his Oration of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them and of the good vsage that they had receiued in France and that they might assure themselues that his said Maiestie wished them well and desired to people their Countrey and to make peace with their enemies which are the Irocois or to send them forces to vanquish them He also reckoned vp the faire Castels Palaces Houses and people which they had seene and our manner of liuing He was heard with so great silence as more cannot be vttered Now when he had ended his Oration the said grand Sagamo Anadabijon hauing heard him attentiuely began to take Tobacco and gaue to the said Monsieur du Pont Grane of Saint Malo and to mee and to certaine other Sagamos which were by him after he had taken store of Tobacco he began to make his Oration to all speaking distinctly resting sometimes a little and then speaking againe saying that doubtlesse they ought to be very glad to haue his Maiestie for their great friend they answered all with one voyce ho ho ho which is to say yea yea yea He proceeding forward in his speech said That he was very well content that his said Maiestie should people their Countrey and make warre against their enemies and that there was no Nation in the world to which they wished more good then to the French In fine hee gaue them all to vnderstand what good and prefit they might receiue of his said Maiestie When hee had ended his speech we went out of his Cabine and they began to make their Tabagie or Feast which they make with the flesh of Orignac which is like an Oxe of Beares of Seales and Beuers which are the most ordinary victuals which they haue with great store of wilde Fowle They had eight or ten Kettels full of meate in the middest of the said Cabine and they were set one from another some six paces and each one vpon a seuerall fire The men sat on both sides the house as I said before with his dish made of the barke of a tree and when the meate is sodden there is one which deuideth to euery man his part in the same dishes wherein they feede very filthily for when their hands be fattie they rub them on their haire or else on the haire of their dogs whereof they haue store to hunt with Before their meate was sodden one of them rose vp and took a dog danced about the said Kettels from the one end of the Cabin to theother when he came before the great Sagamo he cast his dog perforce vpon the ground and then all of them with one voice cried ho ho ho
is within a league of the I le which is called the Ile du Coudre or the I le of Fâ—lberds which may be some two leagues in length And from the said I le to the Land on the North side is a league The said Ile is some what euen and groweth sharpe toward both the ends on the West end there are Medowes and Points of Rockes which stretch somewhat into the Riuer The said Ile is somewhat pleasant by reason of the Woods which enuiron the same There is store of Slate and the soyle is somewhat grauelly at the end whereof there is a Rocke which stretcheth into the Sea about halfe a league We passed to the North of the said I le which is distant from the I le of the Hare twelue leagues The Thursday following we departed from thence and anchored at a dangerous nooke on the Northside where there be certaine Medowes and a little Riuer where the Sauages lodge sometimes The said day wee still ranged the Coast on the North vnto a place where wee put backe by reasons of the winds which were contrary vnto vs where there were many Rockes and places very dangeous here we stayed three dayes wayting for faire weather All this Coast is nothing but Mountaynes as well on the South side as on the North the most part like the Coast of the Riuer of Saguenay On Sunday the two and twentieth of the said moneth wee departed to goe to the I le of Orleans in the way there are many Iles on the South shoare which are low and couered with trees shewing to be very pleasant contayning as I was able to iudge some two leagues and one league and another halfe a league About these Iles are nothing but Rocks and Flats very dangerous to passe and they are distant some two leagues from the mayne Land on the South And from thence wee ranged the I le of Orleans on the Southside It is a league from the North shoare very pleasant and leuell contayning eight leagues in length The Coast on the South shoare is low land some two leagues into the Countrey the said lands begin to below ouer against the said Ile which beginneth two leagues from the South Coast to passe by the North side is very dangerous for the bankes of Sand and Rockes which are betweene the said Ile and the mayne Land which is almost all dry at a low water At the end of the said Ile I saw a fall of water which fell from a great Mountaine of the said Riuer of Canada and on the top of the said Mountaine the ground is leuell and pleasant to behold although within the said Countries a man may see high Mountaynes which may bee some twenty or fiue and twenty leagues within the Lands which are neere the first Sault of Saguenay We anchored at Quebec which is a Strait of the said Riuer of Canada which is some three hundred pases broad there is at this Strait on the North side a very high Mountayne which falleth downe on both sides all the rest is a leuell and goodly Countrey where there are good grounds full of Trees as Okes Cypresses Birches Firre-trees and Aspes and other Trees bearing fruit and wild Vines So that in mine opinion if they were dressed they would be as good as ours There are along the Coast of the said Quebec Diamants in the Rockes of Slate which are better then those of Alonson From the said Quebec to the I le of Coudre or Filberds are nine and twenty leagues ON Munday the three and twentieth of the said moneth we departed from Quebec where the Riuer beginneth to grow broad sometimes one league then a league and an halfe or two leagues at most The Countrey groweth still fairer and fairer and are all low grounds without Rockes or very few The North Coast is full of Rockes and bankes of Sand you must take the South side about some halfe league from the shore There are certaine small Riuers which are not nauigable but only for the Canowes of the Sauages wherein there be many fals Wee anchored as high as Saint Croix which is distant from Quebec fifteene leagues This is a low point which riseth vp on both sides The Countrey is faire and leuell and the soyles better then in any place that I haue seene with plenty of wood but very few Firre-trees and Cypresses There are in these parts great store of Vines Peares small Nuts Cheries Goose-beries red and greene and certaine small Roots of the bignesse of a little Not resembling Musheroms in taste which are very good roasted and sod All this soyle is blacke without any Rockes saue that there is great store of Slate The soyle is very soft and if it were well manured it would yeeld great increase On the Northside there is a Riuer which is called Batiscan which goeth farre into the Countrey whereby sometimes the Algoumequins come downe and another on the same side three leagues from the said Saint Croix in the way from Quebec which is that where Iacques Quartier was in the beginning of the Discouery which he made hereof and hee passed no farther The said Riuer is pleasant and goeth farre vp into the Countries All this North Coast is very leuell and delectable On Tuesday the foure and twentieth of the said moneth wee departed from the said Saint Croix where we stayed a tyde and an halfe that we might passe the next day following by day light because of the great number of Rockes which are thwart the Riuer a strange thing to behold which is in a manner dry at a low water But at halfe flood a man may beginne to passe safely yet you must take good heed with the Lead alwayes in hand The tyde floweth heere almost three fathomes and an halfe the farther we went the fairer was the Countrey We went some fiue leagues and an halfe and anchored on the North side The Wednesday following wee departed from the said place which is a flatter Countrey then that which we passed before full of great store of Trees as that of Saint Croix We passed hard by a little I le which was full of Vines and came to an Anchor on the South side neere a little Hill but beeing on the top thereof all is euen ground There is at other little Ile three leagues from Saint Croix ioyning neere the South shore Wee departed from the said Hill the Thursday following and passed by a little I le which is neere the North shoare where I saw sixe small Riuers whereof two are able to beare Boats farre vp and another is three hundred pases broad there are certaine Ilands in the mouth of it it goeth farre vp into the Countrey it is the deepest of all the rest which are very pleasant to behold the soyle being full of Trees which are like to Walnut-trees and haue the same smell but I saw no Fruit which maketh me doubt the Sauages told
bee not very high being not in some places past one or two fathoms and at the most three it falleth as it were steppe by steppe and in euery place where it hath some small heigth it maketh a strong boyling with the force and strength of the running of the water In the breadth of the said Sault which may containe some league there are many broad Rockes and almost in the middest there are very narrow and long Ilands where there is a Fall as well on the side of the said Iles which are toward the South as on the North side where it is so dangerous that it is not possible for any man to passe with any Boat how small soeuer it be We went on land through the Woods to see the end of this Sault where after wee had trauelled a league wee saw no more Rockes nor Falls but the water runneth there so swiftly as it is possible and this current lasteth for three or foure leagues so that it is in vaine to imagine that a man is able to passe the said Saults with any Boats But he that would passe them must fit himselfe with the Canoas of the Sauages which one man may easily carrie For to carrie Boats is a thing which cannot be done in to short time as it should bee to bee able to returne into France vnlesse a man would winter there And beside this first Sault there are ten Saults more the most part hard to passe So that it would be a matter of great paines and trauell to bee able to see and doe that by Boat which a man might promise himselfe without great cost and charge and also to bee in danger to trauell in vaine But with the Canoas of the Sauages a man may trauell freely and readily into all Countries as well in the small as in the great Riuers So that directing himselfe by the meanes of the said Sauages and their Canoas a man may see all that is to be seene good and bad within the space of a yeere or two That little way which wee trauelled by Land on the side of the said Sault is a very thinne Wood through which men with their Armes may march easily without any trouble the aire is there more gentle and temperate and the soyle better then in any place that I had seene where is store of such wood and fruits as are in all other places before mentioned and it is in the latitude of 45. degrees and certaine minutes When we saw that we could doe no more we returned to our Pinnace where we examined the Sauages which we had with vs of the end of the Riuer which I caused them to draw with their hand and from what part the Head thereof came They told vs that beyond the first Sault that we had seene they trauelled some ten or fifteene leagues with their Canoas in the Riuer where there is a Riuer which â—unneth to the dwelling of the Algoumequins which are some sixty leagues distant from the great Riuer and then they passed fiue Saults which may containe from the first to the last eight leagues whereof there are two where they carrie their Canoas to passe them euery Sault may containe halfe a quarter or a quarter of a league at the most And then they come into a Lake which may be fifteene or sixteene leagues long From thence they enter againe into a Riuer which may be a league broad and trauell some two leagues in the same and then they enter into another Lake some foure or fiue leagues long comming to the end thereof they passe fiue other Saults distant from the first to the last some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues whereof there are three where they carrie their Canoas to passe them and thorow the other two they doe but draw them in the water because the current is not there so strong nor so bad as in the others None of all these Saults is so hard to passe as that which we saw Then they come into a Lake which may containe some eighty leagues in length in which are many Ilands and at the end of the same the water is brackish and the Winter gentle At the end of the said Lake they passe a Sault which is somewhat high where little water descendeth there they carrie their Canoas by land about a quarter of a league to passe this Sault From thence they enter into another Lake which may be some sixty leagues long and that the water thereof is very brackish at the end thereof they come vnto a Strait which is two leagues broad and it goeth farre into the Countrie They told vs that they themselues had passed no farther and that they had not seene the end of a Lake which is within fifteene or sixteene leagues of the farthest place where themselues had beene nor that they which told them of it had knowne any man that had seene the end thereof because it is so great that they would not hazard themselues to sayle farre into the same for feare lest some storme or gust of winde should surprise them They say that in the Summer the Sunne doth set to the North of the said Lake and in the Winter it setteth as it were in the middest thereof That the water is there exceesalt to wit as salt as the Sea water I asked them whether from the last Lake which they had seene the water descended alwaies downe the Riter comming to Gaschepay They told me no but said that from the third Lake onely it descended to Gaschepay But that from the last Sault which is somewhat high as I haue said the water was almost still and that the said Lake might take his course by other Riuers which passe within the Lands either to the South or to the North whereof there are many that runne there the end whereof they see not Now in my iudgement if so many Riuers fall into this Lake hauing so small a course at the said Sault it must needs of necessitie fall out that it must haue his issue forth by some exceeding great Riuer But that which maketh me beleeue that there is no Riuer by which this Lake doth issue forth considering the number of so many Riuers as fall into it is this that the Sauages haue not seene any Riuer that runneth through the Countries saue in the place where they were Which maketh me beleeue that this is the South Sea being salt as they say Neuerthelesse we may not giue so much credit thereunto but that it must bee done with apparent reasons although there be some small shew thereof And this assuredly is all that hitherto I haue seene and heard of the Sauages touching that which we demanded of them VVEe departed from the said Sault on Friday the fourth day of Iuly and returned the same day to the Riuer of the Irocois On Sunday the sixth of Iuly wee departed from thence and anchored in the Lake The Monday following wee
that I le was like vnto it which they found in the earth about a foot or two deepe The said Monsieur Preuert gaue the Sauages Wedges and Cizers and other things necessarie to draw out the said Myne which they haue promised to doe and to bring the same the next yeere and giue it the said Monsieur Preuert They say also that within some hundred or one hundred and twentie leagues there are other Mynes but that they dare not goe thither vnlesse they haue Frenchmen with them to make warre vpon their enemies which haue the said Mynes in their possession The said place where the Myne is standeth in 44. degrees and some few minutes neere the South Coast within fiue or sixe leagues it is a kind of Bay which is certaine leagues broad at the mouth thereof and somewhat more in length where are three Riuers which fall into the great Bay neere vnto the I le of Saint Iohn which is thirtie or fiue and thirtie leagues long and is sixe leagues distant from the South shoare There is also another little Riuer which falleth almost in the mid way of that whereby Monsieur Preuert returned and there are as it were two kind of Lakes in the said Riuer Furthermore there is yet another small Riuer which goeth toward the Mountaine of the painting All these Riuers fall into the said Bay on the South-east part neere about the said Ile which the Sauages say there is of this white Metall On the North side of the said Bay are the Mynes of Copper where there is a good Hauen for ships and a small Iland at the mouth of the Hauen the ground is Oze and Sand where a man may run his ship on shoare From the said Myne to the beginning of the mouth of the said Riuers is some sixtie or eightie leagues by Land But by the Sea Coast according to my iudgement from the passage of the I le of Sain Lawrence and the Firme Land it cannot be past fiftie or sixtie leagues to the said Myne All this Countrey is exceeding faire and flat wherein are all sorts of trees which wee saw as wee went to the first Sault vp the great Riuer of Canada very small store of Firre-trees and Cypreâ—â—es And this of a truth is as much as I learned and heard of the said Monsieur Preuert BEfore we departed from Tadousac to returne into France one of the Sagamoz of the Mountayners named Bechourat gaue his Sonne to Monsieur du Pont to carrie him into France and he was much recommended vnto him by the Great Sagamo Anadabijou praying him to vse him well and to let him see that which the other two Sauages had seene which we had brought backe againe We prayed them to giue vs a woman of the Irocois whom they would haue eaten whom they gaue vnto vs and we brought her home with the foresaid Sauage Monsieur de Preuert in like manner brought home foure Sauages one man which is of the South Coast one woman and two children of the Canadians The foure and twentieth of August we departed from Gachepay the ship of the said Monsieur Preuert and ours The second of September we counted that wee were as farre as Cape Rase The fift day of the said moneth we entred vpon the Banke whereon they vse to fiâ—â— The sixteenth we were come into the Sounding which may be some fittie leagues distant from the Ushant The twentieth of the said moneth we arriued in New Hauen by the grace of God to all our contentments with a continuall fauourable wind CHAP. VII The Patent of the French King to Monsieur de MONTS for the inhabiting of the Countries of La Cadia Canada and other places in New France HEnry by the grace of God King of France and Nauarre To our deare and well beloued the Lord of Monts one of the ordinarie Gentlemen of our Chamber greeting As our greatest care and labour is and hath alwayes beene since our comming to this Crowne maintaine and conserue it in the ancient dignitie greatnesse and splendour thereof to extend and amplifie as much as lawfully may bee done the bounds and limits of the same We being of a long time informed of the situation and condition of the Lauds and Territories of La Cadia moued aboue all things with a singular zeale and deuout and constant resolution which we haue taken with the helpe and assistance of God Author Distributour and Protectour of all Kingdomes and Estates to cause the people which doe inhabit the Countrey men at this present time Barbarous Atheists without Faith or Religion to be conuerted to Christianitie and to the Beliefe and Profession of our Faith and Religion and to draw them from the ignorance and vnbeliefe wherein they are Hauing also of a long time knowne by the Relation of the Sea Captaines Pilots Merchants and others who of long time haue haunted frequented and trafficked with the people that are found in the said places how fruitfull commodious and profitable may be vnto vs to our Estates and Subiects the Dwelling Possession and Habitation of those Countries for the great and apparent profit which may be drawne by the greater frequentation and habitude which may bee had with the people that are found there and the Trafficke and Commerce which may be by that meanes safely treated and negotiated We then for these causes fully trusting on your great wisdome and in the knowledge and experience that rou haue of the qualitie condition and situation of the said Countrie of La Cadia for diuers and sundry Nauigations Voyages and Frequentations that you haue made into those parts and others neere and bordering vpon it Assuring our selues that this our resolution and intention being committed vnto you you will attentiuely diligently and no lesse couragiously and valorously execute and bring to such perfection as we desire Haue expresly appointed and established you and by these Presents signed with our owne hands doe commit ordaine make constitute and establish you our Lieutenant Generall for to represent our person in the Countries Territories Coasts and Co fines of La Cadia To begin from the 40. degree vnto the 46. And in the same distance or part of it as farre as may bee done to establish extend and make to be knowne our Name Might and Authoritie And vnder the same to subiect submit and bring to obedience all the people of the said Land and the Borderers thereof And by the meanes thereof and all lawfull wayes to call make instruct prouoke and incite them to the knowledge of God and to the light of the Faith and Christian Religion to establish it there And in the exercise and profession of the same keepe and conserâ—â— the said people and all other Inhabitants in the said places and there to command in peace rest and tranquillâ—â—ie as well by Sea as by Land to ordaine decide and cause to bee executed all that which you shall iudge fit and necessarie to be done for
to maintaine keepe and conserue the said places vnder our Power and Authoritie by the formes wayes and meanes prescribed by our Lawes And for to haue there a care of the same with you to appoint establish and constitute all Officers as well in the affaires of Warre as for Iustice and Policie for the first time and from thence forward to name and present them vnto vs for to be disposed by vs and to giue Letters Titles and such Prouisoes as shall be necessarie c. Giuen at Fountain-Bleau the eight day of Nouember in the yeere our Lord 1603. And of our Reigne the fifteenth Signed Henry and vnderneath by the King Potier And sealed vpon single labell with yellow Waxe The Voyage of Monsieur de MONTS into New France written by MARKE LESCARBOT MOnsieur de Monts hauing made the Commissions and Prohibitions before said to bee proclaimed thorow the Realme of France and especially thorow the Ports and maritine Townes thereof caused two shippes to bee rigged and furnished the one vnder the conduct of Captaine Timothy of New-hauen the other of Captaine Morell of Honfleur In the first hee shipped himselfe with good number of men of account as well Gentlemen as others And for as much as Monsieur de Poutrincourt was and had beene of a long time desirous to see those Countries of New France and there to finde out and choose some fit place to retire himselfe into with his Family Wife and Children not meaning to be the last that should follow and participate in the glorie of so faire and generous an enterprize would needs goe thither and shipped himselfe with the said Monsieur de Monts carrying with him some quantitie of Armours and Munitions of Warre and so weighed Anchors from New-hauen the seuenth day of March 1604. But being departed some what too soone before the Winter had yet left off her frozen Weed they found store of Icie bankes against the which they were in danger to strike and so to be cast away The Voyage was long by reason of contrarie winds which seldome hapneth to them that set out in March for the New-found lands which are ordinarily carried with an East or Northerne winde fit to goe to those Lands And hauing taken their course to the South of the I le of Sand or Sablon or Sand for to shunne the said Ices they almost fell from Caribdis into Scylla going to strike towards the said Ile during the thicke mists that are frequent in that Sea In the end the sixt of May they came to a certaine Port where they found Captaine Rossignol of New-hauen who did trucke for skinnes with the Sauages contrary to the Kings Inhibitions which was the cause that his ship was confilcated This Port was called Le Port du Rossignol hauing in this his hard fortune this onely good that a good and fit Harborough or Port in those Coasts be areth his name From thence coasting and discouering the Lands they arriued at another Port very faire which they named Le Port de Moutton by reason that a Mutton or Weather hauing leaped ouer-board and drowned himselfe came aboard againe and was taken and eaten as good prize Neere the said Moutton Port there is a place so replenished with Rabbets and Conies that they almost did eate nothing else During that time Monsieur Champlein was sent with a shallop to seeke farther off a fitter place to retire themselues at which Exploit he carried so long that deliberating vpon the returne they thought to leaue him behind for there was no more victuals and they serued themselues with that that was found in the said Rossignols ship without which they had beene forced to returne into France and so to breake a faire enterprize at the very birth and beginning thereof or to starue hauing ended the hunting of Conies which could not still continue All New France in the end being contained in two ships they weighed Anchors from Port du Moutton for to imploy their time and to discouer Lands as much as might before Winter Wee came to Cape de Sable or the Sandie Cape and from thence we sailed to the Bay of Saint Marie where our men lay at Anchor fifteene dayes whilest the Lands and passages as well by Sea as by Riuer might be descried and knowne This Bay is a very faire place to inhabit because that one is readily carried thither without doubling There are Mynes of Iron and Siluer but in no great abundance according to the triall made thereof in France A Priest losing his way in the Woods was missing sixteene dayes Whereupon a Protestant was charged to haue killed him because they quarrelled sometimes for matters of Religion Finally they sounded a Trumpet thorow the Forrest they shot off the Canon diuers times but in vaine for the roaring of the Sea stronger then all that did expell backe the sound of the said Canons and Trumpets Two three and foure dayes passed he appeareth not In the meane-while the time hastens to depart so hauing tarried so long that hee was then held for dead they weighed Anchors to goe further and to see the depth of a Bay that hath some fortie leagues length and fourteene yea eighteene of breadth which was named La Baye Francoise or the French Bay In this Bay is the passage to come into a Port whereinto our men entred and made some abode during the which they had the pleasure to hunt an Elian or Stagge that crossed a great Lake of the Sea which maketh this Port and did swimme but easily This Port is enuironed with Mountaines on the North side Towards the South bee small Hills which with the said Mountaines doe powre out a thousand Brookes which make that place pleasanter then any other place in the World there are very faire falles of waters fit to make Milles of all sorts At the East is a Riuer betweene the said Mountaines and Hilles in the shippes may saile fifteene leagues and more and in all this distance is nothing of both sides the Riuer but faire Medowes which Riuer was named L' Equille because that the first fish taken therein was an Equille But the said Port for the beautie thereof was called Port Royall Monsieur de Poutrincourt hauing found this place to bee to his â—â—king demanded it with the Lands thereunto adioyning of Monsieur de Monts to whom the King had by Commission before inserted granted the distribution of the Lands of New France from the fortieth degree to the sixe and fortieth Which place was granted to the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt who since hath had Letters of confirmation for the same of his Maiestie intending to retire himselfe thither with his Family and there to establish the Christian and French Name as much as his power shall stretch and God grant him the meanes to accomplish it The Port contayneth eight leagues of circuit besides the Riuer of L' Equille There is within it two Iles very faire and pleasant the one
Corne of that which two yeeres before was sowed by Monsieur de Monts which was faire bigge weighty and well filled Hee sent vnto vs some of that Corne to Port Royall where I was requested to stay to looke to the house and to keepe the rest of the companie there in concord Whereunto I did agree though it was referred to my will for the assurance that wee had among our selues that the yeere following wee should make our habitation in a warmer Countrie beyond Malebarre and that wee should all goe in companie with them that should bee sent to vs out of France In the meane while I employed my selfe in dressing the ground to make inclosures and partitions of Gardens for to sowe Corne and Kitchin herbes Wee caused also a Ditch to bee made all about the Fort which was very needfull to receiue the waters and moistnesse that before did runne vnderneath among the rootes of trees that had beene fallen downe which peraduenture did make the place vnhealthfull I will not stand in describing heere what each of our other workmen and labourers did particularly make It sufficeth that wee had store of Ioyners Carpenters Masons Stone-caruers Lock-smithes Taylors Boord-sawyers Mariners c. who did exercise their Trades which in doing their duties were very kindly vsed for they were at their owne libertie for three houres labour a day The ouerplus of the time they bestowed it in going to gather Mussels which are at lowe water in great quantitie before the Fort or Lobsters or Crabbes which are in Port Royall vnder the Rockes in great abundance or Cockles which are in euery part in the oze about the shoares of the said Port All that kinde of fish is taken without Net or Boat Some there were that sometimes tooke wilde-fowle but not being skilfull they spoyled the game And as for vs our Table was furnished by one of Monfieur de Monts men who prouided for vs in such sort that wee wanted no fowle bringing vnto vs sometimes halfe a dozen of birds called by Frenchmen Outards a kinde of wilde Geese sometimes as many Mallards or wilde Geese white and gray very often two or three dozen of Larkes and other kindes of birds As for Bread no body felt want thereof and euery one had three quarts of pure and good Wine a day Which hath continued with vs as long as wee haue beene there sauing that when they who came to fetch vs in stead of bringing commodities vnto vs helped vs to spend our owne For our allowance wee had Pease Beanes Rice Prunes Raisins drie Codde and salt Flesh besides Oyle and Butter But whensoeuer the Sauages dwelling neere vs had taken any quantitie of Sturgions Salmons or small fishes Item any Beuers Ellans Carabous or fallow Deere they brought vnto vs halfe of it and that which remained they exposed it sometimes to sale publikely and they that would haue any thereof did trucke Bread for it Wherein is to be noted a thing that now I remember It is that being necessary to cut turfes to couer the Piles of wood heaped to make the said Coales there was found in the Medowes three foote deepe of earth not earth but grasse or herbes mingled with mudde which haue heaped themselues yeerely one vpon another from the beginning of the world not hauing beene mooued Neuerthelesse the greene thereof serueth for pasture to the Ellans which wee haue many times seene in our Medowes of those parts in herds of three or foure great and small suffering themselues sometimes to bee approached then they râ—nne to the Woods But I may say moreouer that I haue seene in crossing two leagues of our said Medowes the same to bee all troden with trackes of Ellans for I knowe not there any other clouenfooted beasts There was killed one of those beasts not farre off from our Fort at a place where Monsieur de Monts hauing caused the grasse to bee mowed two yeeres before it was growne againe the fairest of the world Some might maruell how those Medowes are made seeing that all the ground in those places is couered with Woods For satisfaction whereof let the curions Reader knowe that in high Spring tides specially in March and September the floud couereth those shoares which hindereth the trees there to take roote But euery where where the water ouerfloweth not if there bee any ground there are Woods LEt vs returne to Monsieur de Poutrincourt whom we haue left in the I le Saint Croix Hauing made there a reuiew and cherished the Sauages that were there hee went in the space of foure dayes to Pemptegoet which is that place so famous vnder the name of Norombega There needeth not so long a time in comming thither but hee tarried on the way to mend his Barke for to that end he had brought with him a Smith and a Carpenter and quantitie of boords Hee crossed the Iles which bee at the mouth of the Riuer and came to Kinibeki where his Barke was in danger by reason of the great streames that the nature of the place procureth there This was the cause why hee made there no stay but passed further to the Bay of Marchin which is the name of a Captaine of the Sauages who at the arriuall of the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt beganne to crie out aloud He He whereunto the like answere was made vnto him Hee replied asking in his Language What are yee They answered him Friends And thereupon Monsieur de Poutrincourt approaching treated amitie with him and presented him with Kniues Hatchets and Matachiaz that is to say Scarfes Karkenets and Bracelets made of Beades or Quills made of white and blue Glasse whereof hee was very glad as also for the confederacy that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt made with him knowing very well that the same would bee a great aide and support vnto him Hee distributed to some men that were about him among a great number of people the Presents that the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt gaue him to whom hee brought store of Orignac or Ellans flesh for the Baskes doe call a Stagge or Ellan Orignac to refresh the companie with victuals That done they set sayles towards Chouakoet where the Riuer of Captaine Olmechin is and where the yeere following was made the warre of the Souriquois and Etechemins vnder the conduct of the Sagamos Membertou which I haue described in Verses which Verses I haue inserted among the Muses of New France At the entry of the Bay of the said place of Chouakoet there is a great Iland about halfe a league compasse wherein our men did first discouer any Vines for although there bee some in the Lands neerer to Port Royall notwithstanding there was yet no knowledge had of them which they found in great quantitie hauing the trunke three and foure foote high and as bigge as ones fist in the lower part the Grapes faire and great and some as big as Plummes
Cape is well neere a mile broad and lieth North-east by East The Captaine went here ashoare and found the ground to be full of Pease Strawberies Hurtberies c. as then vnripe the sand also by the shoare somewhat deepe the fire-wood there by vs taken in was of Cypresse Birch Wich-hazell and Beech. A young Indian came here to the Captaine armed with his Bow and Arrowes and had certaine plates of Copper hanging at his Eares hee shewed a willingnesse to helpe vs in our occasions The sixteenth we trended the Coast Southerly which was all champaine and full of grasse but the Ilands somewhat wooddie Twelue leagues from Cape Cod we descried a point with some breach a good distance off and keeping our losse to double it wee came on the sudden into shoale water yet well quitted our selues thereof This breach wee called Tuckers Terror vpon his expressed feare The Point we named Point Care hauing passed it wee bore vp againe with the Land and in the night came with it anchoring in eight fadome the ground good The seuenteenth appeared many breaches round about vs so as wee continued that day without remooue The eighteenth being faire we sent forth the Boat to sound ouer a Breach that in our course lay of another Point by vs called Gilberts Point who returned vs foure fiue sixe and seuen fadome ouer Also a Discouery of diuers Ilands which after prooued to bee Hils and Hummocks distinct within the Land This day there came vnto the ships side diuers Canoas the Indians apparelled as aforesaid with Tobacco and Pipes steeled with Copper Skins artificiall strings and other trifles to barter one had hanging about his necke a plate of â—â—ch Copper in length a foot in breadth halfe a foot for a brest-plate the Eares of all the rest had Pendants of Copper Also one of them had his face ouer painted and his head stucke with feathers in manner of a Turkey Cocks traine These are more timerous then those of the Sauâ—ge Rocke yet very theeuish The nineteenth we passed ouer the breach of Gilberts Point in foure or fiue fadome and anchored a league or somewhat more beyond it betweene the last two Points are two leagues the interim along shoale water the latitude here is 41. degrees two third parts The twentieth by the ships side we there killed Pengwins and saw many sculs of fish The Coast from Gilberts Point to the supposed Iles lyeth East and by South Here also we discouered two Inlets which might promise fresh water inwardly whereof we perceiued much smoake as though some population had there beene This Coast is very full of people for that as we trended the same Sauages still runne along the shoare as men much admiring at vs. The one and twentieth we went coasting from Gilberts Point to the supposed Iles in tenne nine eight seuen and sixe fadome close aboord the shoare and that depth lyeth a league off A little from the supposed Iles appeared vnto vs an opening with which we stood iudging it to bee the end of that which Captaine Gosnoll descrieth from Cape Cod and as hee thought to extend some thirtie or more miles in length and finding there but three fadome a league off we omitted to make further discouerie of the same calling it Shole-hope From this opening the Mayne lyeth South-west which coasting along we saw a disinhabited Iland which so afterwards appeared vnto vs we bore with it and named it Marthaes Vineyard from Shole-hope it is eight leagues in circuit the Iland is fiue miles and hath 41. degrees and one quarter of latitude the place most pleasant for the two and twentieth we went a shoare and found it full of Wood Vines Gooseberie bushes Hurtberies Raspices Eglentine c. Heere we had Cranes Hearnes Shoulers Geese and diuers other Birds which there at that time vpon the Cliffes being sandie with some Rockie stones did breed and had young In this place we saw Deere heere we rode in eight fathome neere the shoare where wee tooke great store of Cod as before at Cape Cod but much better The three and twentieth wee weyed and towards night came to Anchor at the Northwest part of this Iland where the next morning offâ—red vnto vs fast running thirteene Sauages apparelled as aforesaid and armed with Bowes and Arrowes without any feare They brought Iobacco Deere skins and some sodden fish These offered themselues vnto vs in great familiaritie who seemed to be well conditioned They came more rich in Copper then any before This Iland is sound and hath no danger about it The foure and twentieth we set saile and doubled the Cape of another Iland next vnto it which wee called Douer Cliffe and then came into a faire Sound where wee roade all night the next morning wee sent off our Boate to discouer another Cape that lay betweene vs and the Mayne from which were a ledge of Rockes a mile into the Sea but all aboue water and without danger we went about them and came to Anchor in eight fadome a quarter of a mile from the shoare in one of the stateliest Sounds that euer I was in This called wee Gosnolls Hope the North banke whereof is the Mayne which stretcheth East and West This Iland Captaine Gosnoll called Elizabeths Ile where we determined our abode the distance betweene euery of these Ilands is viz. from Marthaes Vineyard to Douer Cliffe halfe a league ouer the Sound thence to Elizabeths Ile one league distant From Elizabeths Ile vnto the Mayne is foure leagues On the North side neere adioyning vnto the Iland Elizabeth is an Ilet in compasse halfe a myle full of Cedars by me called Hills Hap to the Northward of which in the mouth of an opening on the Mayne appeareth another the like that I called Haps Hill for that I hope much hap may be expected from it The fiue and twentieth it was that we came from Gosnolls Hope The six and twentieth we trimmed and fitted vp our Shallop The seuen and twentieth there came vnto vs an Indian and two women the one we supposed to be his Wife the other his Daughter both cleane and straite bodied with countenance sweet and pleasant To these the Indian gaue heedfull attendance for that they shewed them in much familiaritie with our men although they would not admit of any immodest touch The eight and twentieth we entred counsell about our abode and plantation which was concluded to be in the West part of Elizabeths Iland The North-east thereof running from out our ken The South and North standeth in an equall Parallel This Iland in the Westerâ—de admitteth some Increekes or sandie Coues so girded as the water in some places of each side meeteth to which the Indians from the Mayne doe oftentimes resort for fishing of Crabs There is eight fadome very neere the shoare and the latitude here is 41. degrees 10. minutes the breadth from Sound to Sound in the
and Shooes Sawes Pick-axes Spades and Shouels Axes Hatchets Hookes Kniues Sizzers Hammers Nailes Chissels Fish-hookes Bels Beades Bugles Looking-glasses Thimbles Pinnes Needles Threed and such like They set saile from Kingrode the twentieth day of March. We set saile from Milford Hauen where the winds had stayed vs a fortnight in which space we heard of Queene Elizabeths death the tenth of Aprill 1603. In our course we passed by the Iles of the Açores had first sight of the Pike and afterward of the Iland of Cueruo and Flores and after we had runne some fiue hundred leagues we fell with a multitude of small Ilands on the North Coast of Virginia in the latitude of 43. degrees the 〈◊〉 of Iune which Ilands wee found very pleasant to behold adorned with goodly grasse and sundry sorts of Trees as Cedars Spruce Pines and Firre-trees Heere wee found an excellent fishing for Cods which are better then those of New-found-land and withall we saw good and Rockie ground fit to drie them vpon also we see no reason to the contrary but that Salt may bee made in these parts a matter of no small importance We sayled to the South-west end of these Ilands and there rode with our ships vnder one of the greatest One of them we named Foxe Iland because we found those kind of beasts thereon So passing through the rest with our Boates to the mayne Land which lieth for a good space North-east and South-west we found very safe riding among them in sixe seuen eight ten and twelue fathomes At length comming to the Mayne in the latitude of 43. degrees and an halfe we ranged the same to the South-west In which course we found foure Inlets the most Easterly whereof was barred at the mouth but hauing passed ouer the barre wee ranne vp into it fiue miles and for a certaine space found very good depth and comming out againe as we sailed South-westward wee lighted vpon two other Inlets which vpon our search we found to pierce not farre into the Land the fourth and most Westerly was the best which we rowed vp ten or twelue miles In all these places we found no people but signes of fires where they had beene Howbeit we beheld very goodly Groues and Woods replenished with tall Okes Beeches Pine-trees Firre-trees Hasels Wich-hasels and Maples We saw here also sundry sorts of Beasts as Stags Deere Beares Wolues Foxes Lusernes and Dogges with sharpe noses But meeting with no Sassafras we left these places with all the foresaid Ilands shaping our course for Sauage Rocke discouered the yeere before by Captaine Gosnold where going vpon the Mayne we found people with whom we had no long conuersation because here also we could find no Sassfras Departing hence we bare into that great Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold ouer-shot the yeere before coasting and finding people on the North side thereof Not yet satisfied in our expectation we left them and sailed ouer and came to an Anchor on the South side in the latitude of 41. degrees and odde minutes where we went on Land in a certaine Bay which we called Whitson Bay by the name of the Worshipfull Master Iohn Whitson then Maior of the Citie of Bristoll and one of the chiefe Aduenturers and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyning wee called it Mount Aldworth for Master Robert Aldworths sake a chiefe furtherer of the Voyage aswell with his Purse as with his trauell Here we had sufficient quantitie of Sassafras At our going on shore vpon view of the people and sight of the place wee thought it conuenient to make a small baricado to keepe diligent watch and ward in for the aduertizement and succour of our men while they should worke in the Woods During our abode on shore the people of the Countrey came to our men sometimes ten twentie fortie or threescore and at one time one hundred and twentie at once We vsed them kindly and gaue them diuers sorts of our meanest Merchandize They did eat Pease and Beanes with our men Their owne victuals were most of fish We had a youth in our company that could play vpon a Gitterne in whose homely Musicke they tooke great delight and would giue him many things as Tobacco Tobacco-pipes Snakes skinnes of sixe foot long which they vse for Girdles Fawnes skinnes and such like and danced twentie in a Ring and the Gitterne in the middest of them vsing many Sauage gestures singing Io Ia Io Ia Ia Io him that first brake the ring the rest would knocke and cry out vpon Some few of them had plates of Brasse a foot long and halfe a foote broad before their breasts Their weapons are Bowes of fiue or sixe foot long of Wich-hasell painted blacke and yellow the strings of three twists of sinewes bigger then our Bow-strings Their Arrowes are of a yard and an handfull long not made of Reeds but of a fine light wood very smooth and round with three long and deepe blacke feathers of some Eagle Vulture or Kite as closely fastened with some binding matter as any Fletcher of ours can glue them on Their Quiuers are full a yard long made of long dried Rushes wrought about two handfuls broad aboue and one handfull beneath with prettie workes and compartiments Diamant wise of red and other colours We carried with vs from Bristoll two excellent Mastiues of whom the Indians were more afraid then of twentie of our men One of these Mastiues would carrie a halfe Pike in his mouth And one Master Thomas Bridges a Gentleman of our company accompanied only with one of these Dogs and passed sixe miles alone in the Countrey hauing lost his fellowes and returned safely And when we would be rid of the Sauages company wee would let loose the Mastiues and saddenly with out-cryes they would flee away These people in colour are inclined to a swart tawnie or Chestnut colour not by nature but accidentally and doe weare their haire brayded in foure parts and trussed vp about their heads with a small knot behind in which haire of theirs they sticke many feathers and toyes for brauerie and pleasure They couer their priuities only with a piece of leather drawne betwixt their twists and fastened to their Girdles behind and before whereunto they hang their bags of Tobacco They seeme to bee somewhat iealous of their women for we saw not past two of them who weare Aprons of Leather skins before them downe to the knees and a Beares skinne like an Irish Mantle ouer one shoulder The men are of stature somewhat taller then our ordinary people strong swift well proportioned and giuen to treacherie as in the end we perceiued Their Boats whereof we brought one to Bristoll were in proportion like a Wherrie of the Riuer of Thames seuenteene foot long and foure foot broad made of the Barke of a Birch-tree farre exceeding in bignesse those of England it was sowed together with strong and tough
Master THOMAS CANNER a Gentleman of Bernards Inne his companion in the same Voyage VPon Wednesday in Easter weeke the seuenteenth of Aprill after I had taken my leaue of some few of my louing and deere friends in Bernards Inne I rode toward Southampton there to be speake Bisket and some other prouision for our Barke wherein Master Bartholomew Gilbert went as Captaine which had beene in Virginia the yeere before with Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold After our businesse was dispatched here wee came into Plimmouth from whence wee put forth the tenth of May. And the six and twentieth of the same we were in the latitude of 32. degrees hoping to haue had sight of the I le of Madera whereof we missed in which course we met with two or three English men of warre The first of Iune we were in the latitude of 27. degrees and haled ouer toward the Ilands of the West Indies and the fifteenth of this moneth toward night wee saw Land Master Gilbert and the Master Henrie Suite dwelling within the Iron Gate of the Towre of London tooke it to be the Bermudas being very neere the shore they sounded many times and had no ground at the last they found good ground in fourteene or fifteene fathomes There wee cast Anchor In the morning we weighed and sounded still as we trended by the shoare but after wee were past a Cables length from our Road we had no Land againe in forty or fifty fathomes we kept still by the shore not yet being certaine what Iland it was The sixteenth in the morning wee spied the people comming from the shore who when they came neere cried out for barter or trade when they came close aboord they made signes and cried out to see our colours which we presently put forth in the maine top and told them we were Ingleses Amigos and Hermanos that is Englishmen their friends and brothers Assoone as they vnderstood we were Englishmen they were bolder to come neere we threw them a Rope and one came aboord vs wee traded with them for some Tobacco Pine-apples Piantanes Pompions and such things as they had wee gaue them Bugles Kniues Whistles and such toyes Here we kept close by the shore When this Canoa had traded with vs and vttered all they had and drunke of our Beere beeing kindly vsed they departed and then presently after diuers Canoas came we traded and vsed them as the first One of them told vs that Iland was Santa Lucia We bestowed all that forenoone shaking in the wind for we had no ground to Anchor neere the shore to trade with them Then wee set our course for Saint Vincent but finding a current against vs and the wind very scant we doubted we should not fetch it and that if we did peraduenture we might bee put to the leeward of Dominica and so consequently of Meuis or Nieues for which Iland we were specially bound for to out Lignum vitae in the same Therefore Master Gilbert thought good to let Saint Vincent alone although in it is the best Tobacco of all the Ilands yet in the end hee put roomer for Dominica whereof we had sight the seuenteenth of Iune and came close to the shore and presently one Canoa came aboord as at Santa Lucia being sent with two men belike to discouer vs and to see what entertainment they should haue we vsed them kindly and so dismissed them There came more full of men with diuers of their commodities The nineteenth in the morning being Sunday we anchored in a good Road at Meuis and after went on shore to seeke Lignum vitae Master Gilbert with the Master and diuers of the company sought farre into the Woods but found none but one little Tree and here and there where one had bin cut so we were in doubt to find enough heere to load our ship a iust plague vnto vs for prophaning the Sabbath in trauelling about our worldly businesse when there was no necessitie This day in the Euening some went out with the Boate vnto the shore and brought on boord a Tortoyse so big that foure men could not get her into the Boate but tied her fast by one legge vnto the Boat and so towed her to the ship when they had her by the ship it was no easie matter to get her on boord The next day we went on shore againe to search another part of the wood for Lignum vitae and then God be thanked we found enough This day at night we opened our Tortoyse which had in her about 500. Egges excellent sweet meate and so is all the whole fish Vpon Tuesday in the morning we went all on shore sauing the Carpenter and Thomas and Master Gilberts man to fell wood and this day we felled good store All the rest of this moneth and three dayes more we continued here euery day labouring sore first in sawing downe the great trees and sawing them againe into logs portable out of the thicke wood to the Sea-shoare so in the Boates and so to the ship where M. Gilbert his paines profited double as well in example as in worke for hee was neuer idle but either searching out more trees or fetching drinke for the Labourers or doing one thing or other so that in this iust fortnight that wee stayed here wee had gotten on boord some twenty tuns Within a few dayes after the Tortoyse was eaten God sent vs another One of these fishes were sufficient meat for twentie men for three or foure dayes if it could bee preserued but in that Climate no salting can preserue it aboue two dayes hardly so long Now the wood growing thinne and hardly to be found on this Iland he thought it best to stay no longer here but to goe for Uirginia to search for better store And so vpon Sunday the third of Iuly in the afternoone we weighed Anchor and sailed North-west and by North and that night passed by Saint Christopher and another little Iland Munday the fourth in the morning we had sight of the Iland we went into the Woods to search for Lignum vitae but found none but one tree which he cut and went on boord we fought also for fresh water but found none At Euening went on shore into the bottome of the Bay to dray the Net and there we gat good store of fine fresh fish and much more enough to haue laden our Boat we should haue gotten if at euery draught we had not had in the Net a Tortoyse which stil brak through and so carried away the fish with them At one draught among the rest we had two in the Net a yong one and an old on the Net held the young one Wee weighed and went through betweene the two Ilands into the mayne Ocean toward our long desired Countrey Uirginia distant three hundred and fiftie leagues from vs. Wee sayled North North-west The seuenth we ran still North-west and North and
breach ahead vs right along the shoare into which before we entred our Captaine thought best to hoise out his Ship-boat and sound it which if hee had not done wee had there ended our Voyage together with our liues for he bare vp the Ship as neere as he could after the Boate vntill Master Cam his Mate being in the Boat weffed and called to him to winde about and stand off for in this breach he had very shoald water two fathome vpon Rockes and sometime they supposed they saw the Rocke within three or foure foot whereon the Sea made a very high strong breach which we might discerne from the top to runne along as wee sayled by it sixe or seuen leagues to the Southward and we saw no end thereof Wherefore we were constrained to put backe againe from the Land and sounding the weather being faire wee found our selues embayed with continuall Shoalds and Rocks in a most vncertaine ground as by iudgement of our Captaine and whole companie they had neuer knowne the like from fiue and sixe fathome at the next cast of the Lead wee should haue fifteene and eighteene fathome all hard Rocke ouer many which by the vnspeakable goodnesse and mercy of God towards vs wee passed For if we had bare in with it but the day before which was exceeding tempestuous or in the night we could by no meanes haue escaped the danger But God so blessed vs that we had weather and winde as faire as poore men could wish in this distresse whereby we both perfectly discerned euery breach and with the winde were able to turne where wee saw most hope of safest passage Thus we parted from the Land which wee had not so much before desired and at the first sight reioyced as now wee all ioyfully praised God that it had pleased him so miraculously to deliuer vs from so imminent danger of death before our eyes Our Captaine found himselfe in the latitude of 41. degrees and an halfe Here we found great store of fish and saw many Whales as we had done two or three dayes before Wee stood off that night and all the next day being Wednesday but the winde still continuing for many dayes betweene the points of South South-west and West South-west so as we could not by any possible meanes make any way to the Southward in regard of our great want of water and Wood which was now spent wee much desired Land and therefore sought for it where the winde would best suffer vs to refresh our selues Thursday the sixteenth day of May we stood directly in with the Land and we much maruelled that we descried it not wherein wee found our Sea Charts very false laying out Land where none was for though we bare in directly with it according to them yet in almost fifty leagues running we found none Friday the seuenteenth of May about sixe a clocke at night wee descried Land which bare from vs North North-east but because it blew a great gale of winde the Sea very high and neere night not fit to come vpon an vnknowne coâ—st our Captaine stood off till two of the clocke in the morning being Saturday and Whitson Eâ—e then standing with it againe wee descried it by eight a clocke in morning bearing North-east from vs. It appeared a meane high Land as we after found it being but an Iland of no great compasse but I hope the most fortunate that euer men discouered as shall appeare by the sequell About twelue a clocke that day wee came to an anchor on the North side of this Iland in forty fathome water about a league from shoare This Iland is woody growne ouer with Firre Birch and Beech as farre as we saw along the shoare and so likely to be within On the Verge growe Gosseberries Strawberries wilde Pease and wilde Rose bushes The fresh water issued down the rocky Cliffes in many places and much fowle of sundry kindes breed vpon the shoare and Rockes While wee were at shoare our men aboord with a few hookes got aboue thirty great Cod and Haddocke which gaue vs a taste of the great plenty of fish which we found afterward wheresoeuer we went vpon the coast FRom hence we might discerne many Ilands and the maine Land from the West South-west to the East North-east and North North-east from vs a great way as it then seemed and as we after found it vp into the Maine we might discerne very high Mountaines although the Maine seemed but lowe Land which gaue vs a hope that it might please God to direct vs to the Discouery of some good although wee were driuen by windes farre from that place whether both by our direction and desire we euer intended to shape the course of our Voyage The next day being Whitsunday because we rode too much open to the Sea and windes wee wayed anchor about twelue a clocke and came along to the other Ilands more adioyning to the Maine and in the Road directly with the Mountaines about three leagues from the first Iland where we anchored When we came neere vnto them sounding all along in a good depth our Captaine manned his Ship-boat and sent her before with Thomas Cam one of his Mates whom he knew to be of good experience to search and sound about and between the Ilands for a place safe for our ship to ride in In the meane while we kept aloofe at Sea hauing giuen order to them in the Boat by a token to weffe in the ship if he found a conuenient Harbour which it pleased God to send vs farre beyond our expectation in a most safe birth defended from all windes in an excellent depth of water for ships of any burthens in six seuen eight nine and ten fathome vpon a clay oze very tough where is good moring euen on the Rocks vpon the Cliffe side We all with great admiration praised God who had from so apparent danger miraculously deliuered vs and directed vs vpon this day vpon which he sent the chiefe promised Director of all goodnesse vnto his Apostles and Disciples into such a place wherof here before we reade none to haue made either description or relation and then which neither our selues could wish or Nature affoord more secure In remembrance whereof our Captaine named it Pentecost Harbour Whitsun Munday the twentieth day of May by three a clocke in the morning our Captaine caused the Shalop to be carried ashoare where while some were busied about her himselfe set others to worke in digging Wels to receiue the water which we found issuing downe out of the Land in many places and rising amidst the rocky Cliffes In digging amongst other things we found in some places and not deepe clay ground blue red and white to make Bricke or Tile fit for building This day our Pinnace was fitted together and lanched in small time with two or three hookes were fished sufficiently for our whole companie three
to bee found They are also called the Flemish Ilands that is of the Netherlanders because the first that inhabited the same were Netherlanders whereof till this time there is a great number and off-spring remayning that in manner and behauiour are altogether like Netherlanders and there is yet in the same Iland a running water that issueth out of a Hill and so runneth into the Sea whereas yet those issues or off-springs of Netherlanders inhabite and is called Aribâ—ra dos Framengos that is the Flemish Riuer The principall Iland of them all is that of Tercera called Insula de Iesus Christus of Tercera It is betweene fifteene or sixteene miles in compasse and is altogether a great Cliffe of Land whereby in it there is little roome for it is as it were walled round about with Cliffes but where any strand or sand is there standeth a Fort. It hath no Hauens nor entrance of waters for the securitie and safety of the shippes but onely before the chiefe Towne called Angra where it hath an open Hauen which in forme is like a Halfe-moone by the Portugals called Angra whereof the Towne hath her name It hath on the one side in manner of an elbow sticking forth two high Hills called Bresyl which stretch into the Sea so that afarre off they seeme to bee diuided from the Iland Those Hills are very high so that being vpon them a man may see at the least tenne or twelue and sometimes fifteene miles into the Sea being cleare weather Vpon these Hills there stand two small stone Pillers where there is a Centinell placed that continually watcheth to see what shippes are at Sea and so to aduertise those of the Iland for that as many shippes as he seeth comming out of the West that is from the Spanish Indies or Brasilia Cabo verde Guinea and the Portugall Indies and all other wayes lying South or West for euery shippe hee setteth a Flagge vpon the Pillar in the West and when the shippes which hee descrieth are more than fiue then hee setteth vp a great ancient betokening a whole Fleete of shippes The like hee doth vpon the other Pillar which standeth in the East for such shippes as come from Portugall or other places out of the East or North parts these Pillars may bee easily seene in all places of the Towne by reason of the highnesse of the Hills so that there is not one shippe or sayle that is at Sea or maketh towards the Iland but it is presently knowne throughout all the Towne and ouer all the whole Iland for the watch is not holden onely vpon those two Hills jutting into the Sea but also vpon all corners Hills and Cliffes throughout the Iland and as soone as they perceiue any shippes the Gouernour and Rulers are presently aduertised thereof that they may take such order therein as neede requireth Vpon the furthest corner into the Sea standeth a Fort right against another Fort that answereth it so that those two Forts doe shut and defend the Mouth or open Hauen of the Towne where the shippes lie in the Road and so no shippe can either goe in or come forth without the licence or permission of those two Forts This Towne of Angra is not onely the chiefe Towne of Tercera but also of all other Townes within the Ilands thereabouts There in is resident the Bishop the Gouernour for the King and the chiefe place of Iudgement or tribunall Seate of all the Ilands of Açores Three miles from this Towne lieth another Towne towards the North called Villa de Praya for Praya is as much to say as Strand because it lieth hard by a great strand and for that cause there is little traffique thither as not hauing any conuenient place for shippes to come at it yet sometimes there commeth some one that by reason of contrary winde cannot get before the Towne of Angra and so by constraint discharge their goods in that Towne which from thence are carried by Land to Angra and yet some part thereof is spent and vsed there It is walled and well housed but not many people in it and such as are in it doe get their liuings most by husbandry for there are very faire Corne lands The Iland is likewise very fruitfull and pleasant it hath much Corne and Wine but the Wine is not very good to carry into other Countries thereabouts because it is small and will not long continue so that it is vsed in the Countrey by the common people but such as are of wealth for the most part drinke Wines of Madera and Canaria It aboundeth in Flesh Fish and all other necessaries and meates for mans bodie wherewith in time of need they might helpe themselues Oyle there is none but it commeth out of Portugall Also Salt Pots Pans and all kind of earthen Vessells Chalke and such like are brought thither out of other places for there they are not to bee found for fruits they haue besides Peaches of diuers kindes and in so great abundance that is is strange Cherries Plums Walnuts Hasle-nuts Chesnuts but those not very good of Apples Peares Oranges and Lemons with all such like fruits there are sufficient Of all sorts of Hearbes and Plants as Coleworts Radishes and such like they haue at their certaine times of the yeere They haue likewise in that Iland a certaine fruit that groweth vnder the earth like Radishes or other roots but the Leaues or Plants are Trees like Vines but different leaues and groweth longwise vpon the ground it beareth a fruit called Batatas that is very good and is so great that it weigheth a pound some more some lesse but little esteemed and yet it is a great sustenance and food for the common sort of people It is of good account in Portugall for thither they vse to bring it for a Present and those of the Iland by reason of the great abundance doe little esteeme it There is also another kind of stuffe that is sowed like Corne and is a fruit it groweth vpon the root of the grasse or leaues and is round and as bigge as a great Pease but not so round in eating it tasteth like Earth-nuts but harder to bite it is likewise a good meate and much esteemed in other places but by reason of the great quantitie thereof it is most vsed to fatten their Hogges and is called Iunssa There is also in the Iland a certaine Plant which is found in all places thereof in the open fieldes it groweth as high as a man and beareth no fruit onely the roote thereof is a substance of the thicknesse of a mans two fists and in shew as if it were naturall golden haire and in handling like soft Silke which is vsed there to stuffe and fill their Beddes in stead of Wooll and Feathers and I doe certainly beleeue if any man of vnderstanding would take it in hand it would well be wouen The principallest traffique of this
great numbers that they make Scutes Carts and other grosse workes thereof and is the commonest wood that they vse to burne in those Countries whereby it is the wood that with them is least esteemed by reason of the great quantity thereof There is another kinde of wood called Sanguinho and is very faire of a red colour and another sort that they call white Wood being of it selfe as white as Chalke other that is perfect yellow and all naturall without any dying and therefore there are diuers good workemen in Tercera that are skilfull in Ioyners Occupation and make many fine pieces of worke as Deskes Cupboords Chists and other such like things whereof many are carried into Portugall and much esteemed there as well for the beauty of the wood as for the workmanship And specially the Spanish Fleet which ordinarily refresh themselues in that Iland doe carrie much of it from thence for it is the best and finest that is made in all Spaine and Portugall although it bee not comparable to the Deskes and fine workmanship of Nurembergh and those Countreves but for Wood it excelleth all other Countreyes for that they haue in the Spanish Fleete besides their owne kindes of woods at the least a thousand sorts of wood of all colours that man can imagine or deuise and so faire that more fairer can not bee painted There is a certaine kinde of wood in the Iland Pico situate and lying twelue miles from Tercera called Teixo a most excellent and princely wood and therefore it is forbidden to bee cut but onely for the Kings owne vse or for his Officers The wood is as hard as Iron and hath a colour within as if it were wrought like red Chamlet with the same water and the older it is and the more vsed the fairer it is of colour so that it is worthie to bee esteemed as in truth it is All those Ilands are inhabited by Portugals but since the troubles in Portugall there haue beene diuers Spanish Souldiers sent thither and a Spanish Gouernour that keepe all the Forts and Castles in their possessions although the Portugals are put to no charges nor yet hardly vsed by them but are rather kept short so that not one Souldier dareth goe out of the Towne with out licence and therefore men may quietly trauell throughout the Iland both day and night without any trouble Likewise they will not suffer any stranger to trauell to see the Countrey and this order was not brought vp by the Spaniards but by the Portugals themselues before their troubles for they would neuer permit it and which is more all strangers that came thither were vsually appointed a certaine streete wherein they should sell their wares and might not goe out of that streete Now it is not so straightly looked vnto but they may goe in all places of the Towne and within the Iland but not about it to view the Coast which notwithstanding was granted vnto vs by the Gouernour himselfe who lent vs his Horses to ride about and gaue vs leaue to see all the Forts which at this time is not permitted to the naturall borne Ilanders neither are they so much credited Wee rode twice about the Iland which hee granted vs leaue to doe by meanes of certaine particular friendship wee had with him neither could the Portugals hinder vs therein because wee were in the Kings seruice as Factors for the Kings Pepper and for that they accounted vs as naturall borne Portugals for the Gouernour would willingly haue had mee to haue drawne a plot of the whole Iland that hee might haue sent it to the King wherein I excused my selfe yet I made him the Towne with the Hauen comming in and Forts of Angra which hee sent vnto the King the like whereof you may in this Booke behold for the which the Gouernour was greatly affected vnto mee and shewed mee much friendship Wee had in our Lodging a French Merchant and a Scot that willingly would haue gone with vs to see the Iland but could not be suffered for the Portugals thinke that they would take the proportion thereof and so seeke to defeate them of their right But returning to our matter the Ilands are very good and holesome ayre and the diseases that are most common in those Countries though not very plentifull but onely here and there one are one sicknesse called O Ar that is a kinde of bad ayre that taketh them and maketh them altogether lame or halfe lame of their limmes or of some one limme and another sicknesse that is called O Sange that is a certaine bloud that hastely commeth vpon a man as a swelling in the eyes or other places of the face or of the body and is as red as bloud for as they say it is nothing else but meere bloud these are two diseases like the plague and are commonnest sicknesses in those Countries which grow by reason of the great windinesse of the Ilands that are subiect to all stormes and foule weathers and are vnreasonable morst which is one of the principall causes of these diseases for the windes are there so strong and dangerous that they consume both the Iron and the Steele of their houses and bring them into powder for I haue seene Iron grates in the Kings Custome house as thicke as a mans arme and the windowes of hard free stone which were so consumed by the winde that the Iron in some places was become as thin as a straw and the stone in like sort and therefore in those Countries they vse to make their Roofes and Painthouâ—es of stones which they digge in the water out of sands vpon the Sea coast of those Ilands whereon the winde hath not so great a power to consume it and yet that Customehouse had not beene made aboue six or seuen yeares before at the most In this Iland besides the two Townes there are diuers great Villages as Saint Sebastians Saint Barboran Altares Gualua Villa noua with many other Parishes and Hamlets so that for the most part it is built and inhabited sauing onely the places that are wilde and full of Woods which can hardly be trauelled much lesse inhabited Their most traffique is as I said before the wood that groweth in those Countries I meane for such as deale in Merchandise and the workemen that make it but the rest waite for the fleetes that come and goe to and from the Spanish and Portugall Indies from Brasilia Cabo Verde and Guinea all which Countries doe commonly come vnto Tercera to refresh themselues as lying very fitly for that purpose so that all the inhabitants doe thereby richly maintaine themselues and sell all their wares as well handy workes as victuals vnto those Ships and all the Ilands round about doe as then come vnto Tercera with their wares to sell it there For the which cause the Englishmen and other strangers keepe continually about those Ilands being assured that all Ships for
want of refreshing must of force put into those Ilands although at this time many Ships doe auoide those Ilands to the great discommodity of the Ilands and the Ships From Tercera Southeast about seuen and twenty or eight and twenty miles lyeth the Iland of Saint Michael which is about twenty miles long and is likewise full of Townes and Villages inhabited by Portugals for ayre and all other things like vnto Tercera The chiefe Towne is called Punta del Gada where there is great traffique of English Scots and Frenchmen onely as in Tercera because of the woad which is more abundant in that Iland then in all the rest of them for that euery yeare there is made aboue two hundreth thousand Quintals of Wood. It hath likewise great abundance of Corne so that they helpe to victuall all the Ilands that are round about them It hath neither Hauens nor Riuers but onely the broad Sea and haue lesse safegard and defence then those which are of Tercera but there they lye not vnder the commandement of any Fort so that many set sayle with all the windes and put to Sea which in the road of Tercera they may not doe and therefore the strangers Ships had rather sayle to Saint Michaels for there they can not be constrained to doe any thing but what they will themselues to doe There is also a company of Spaniards in a Castle that standeth by the Towne of Punta del Gada which is made by the Spaniards for the defence and maintenance of the same towne From the Iland of Saint Michaels Southwards twelue miles lyeth the Island Santa Maria which is about ten or twelue miles compasse hath no traffique but onely of pot earth which the other Ilands fetch from thence It hath no Woad but is full of all victuals like Tercera and inhabited by the Portugals There are no Spaniards in it because it is a stony Country like Tercera and hard to boord whereby the inhabitants themselues are sufficient and able enough to defend it While I remained in Tercera the Earle of Cumberland came thither to take in fresh water and some other victuals but the inhabitants would not suffer him to haue it but wounded both himselfe and diuers of his men whereby they were forced to depart without hauing any thing there From Tercera North Northwest about seuen or eight miles lyeth a little Iland called Gratiosa and is but fiue or sixe miles in compasse a very pleasant and fine Iland full of all fruits and all other victuals so that it not onely feedeth it selfe but also Tercera and the other Ilands about it and hath no other kinde of Merchandise it is well built and inhabited by Portugals and hath no Soldiers in it because it is not able to beare the charge The Earle of Cumberland while I lay in Tercera came vnto that Iland where himselfe in person with seuen or eight in his company went on land asking certaine Beasts Hens and other Victuals with Wine and fresh water which they willingly gaue him and therewith he departed from thence without doing them any hurt for the which the inhabitants thanked him and commended him for his curtesie and keeping of his promise From Tercera West North-west eight or nine miles lyeth the Iland of Saint George It is about twelue miles long but not aboue two or three miles at the furthest in breadth it is wooddy and full of hils it hath no speciall traffique but onely some Woad and yet very little of it The inhabitants liue most by Cattell and tilling of the Land and bring much victuals to sell in Tercera it hath likewise many Cedar trees and other kindes of wood that from thence are brought vnto Tercera and sold vnto the Ioyners which for that occasion dwell onely in Tercera From Saint George West South-west seuen miles lyeth the Iland called Fayael which is seuenteene or eighteene miles in compasse it is one of the best Ilands next vnto Tercera and Saint Michaels it aboundeth in all sorts of victuals both flesh and fish so that from this Iland the most part of victuals and necessaries commeth by whole Caruels vnto Tercera it hath likewise much Woad so that many English Ships doe traffique thither The principall road and place is the Towne called Uitta dorta there the Ships likewise doe lye in the open Sea vnder the Land as they doe before all the other Ilands by this Towne there lyeth a fortresse but of small importance and because the inhabitants of themselues doe offer to defend the Iland against all enemies the Soldiers discharged from thence which before that time lay in the Fort complaining that they were not able to maintaine nor lodge them The same time that the Earle of Cumberland was in the Iland of Gratiosa he came likewise to Fayael where at the first time that hee came they began to resist him but by reason of some controuersie among them they let him land where he rased the Castle to the ground and sunke all their Ordnance in the Sea taking with him certaine Caruels and Ships that lay in the road with prouision of all things that hee wanted and therewith departed againe to Sea Whereupon the King caused the principall actors therein to be punished and sent a company of Souldiers thither againe which went out of Tercera with all kinde of warlike munition and great shot making the Fortresse vp againe the better to defend the Iland trusting no more in the Portugals In that Iland are the most part of the Netherlanders off-spring yet they vse the Portugals language by reason they haue beene so long conuersant among them and those that vsed the Dutch tongue are all dead they are greatly affected to the Netherlanders and strangers From Fayael Southeast three miles and from Saint George South-west foure miles and from Tercera South-west and by West twelue miles lyeth the Iland called Pico which is more then fifteene miles in length It is so named of a high Mountaine that standeth therein called Pico which is so high that some thinke it is higher then the Pico of Canaria When it is cleare weather it may as perfectly be seene in Tercera as if it were not halfe a mile from thence and yet it lyeth aboue twenty fiue miles from it for it is at the furthest end of the Iland towards Fayael The top of it is seene cleare and bright but the nether part is couered with clouds and with the Horizon whereby the Iland is much spoken of It is very fruitfull of all kindes of victuals like Fayael and hath great store of wood as Cedars all other kindes and also the costly wood Teixo There they build many Caruels and small Ships and from thence by reason of the abundance of wood they serue the other Ilands with wood It is also inhabited as the rest are their chiefe traffique being Cattle husbandry It hath much Wine the
best in all those Ilands and it hath the sauorest pleasantest Oranges that are throughout all Portugall so that they are brought into Tercera for a present as being there very much esteemed and in my iudgement they are the best that euer I tasted in any place Angra in the Iland of Tercera is the chiefe Towne and Ruler ouer all the Flemish Ilands From Tercera Westward to the Iland named Flores are seuenty miles it is about seuen miles compasse it is also inhabited by Portugals hath no speciall merchandise but onely some wood it is full of Cattle and other necessary prouisions and lyeth open to all the world to whosoeuer will come thither as well Englishmen as others for that the inhabitants haue not the power to resist them A mile from thence Northward lyeth a little Iland of two or three miles in compasse called DeCoruo The inhabitants are of the same people that dwell in Flores Between those two Ilands and round about them the Englishmen doe commonly stay to watch the Ships that come out of the West for those are the first Ilands that the Ships looke out for and descry when they saile vnto Tercera wherby the inhabitants dobut little prosper because they are at the pleasure commandment of all that will come vnto them and take their goods from them as oftentimes it hapneth Yet for all their pouerty not to loose both lands and goods they must content themselues and saile with euery winde The I le of Tercera lyeth vnder thirty nine degrees in the same height that Lisbone lyeth and is distant from Lisbone lying right East and West two hundred and fifty Spanish miles Of certaine notable and memorable accidents that happened during my continuance in Tercera in which are related many English fleetes Sea-fights and Prizes THe second of October Anno 1589. at the Towne of Villa daâ— Praya in the Iland of Tercera two men being in a field hard without the towne were killed with lightning The ninth of the same month there arriued in Tercera 14. Ships that came from the Spanish Indies laden with Cochenile Hides Gold Siluer Pearles and other rich wares They were fifty in company when they departed out of the Iland of Hauana whereof in their comming out of the Channell eleuen sunk in the same Channell by foule weather the rest by a storme were scattered seperated one from the other The next day there came another Ship of the same company that sailed close vnder the Iland so to get into the Road where she met with an English Ship that had not aboue three cast Peeces the Spaniard twelue They sought a long time together which we being in the Iland might stand behold wherupon the Gouernor of Tercera sent two Boats of Musketiers to helpe the Ship but before they could come at her the English Ship had shot her vnder water and we saw her sinke into the Sea with all her sailes vp and not any thing seene of her about the water The Englishmen with their Boate saued the Captaine and about thirty others with him but not one peny worth of the goods yet in the Ship there was at the least to the value of 200000. Ducats in Gold Siluer and Pearles the rest of the men were drowned which might be about 50. persons among the which were some Friers and women which the Englishmen would not saue Those that they had saued they set on land then they sailed away The 27. of the same month the said 14. Ships hauing refreshed theselues in the Iland departed from Tercera towards Siuil and comming vpon the coast of Spaine they were taken by the English Ships that lay there to watch for them two onely excepted which escaped away the rest were wholly carried into England About the same time the Earle of Cumberland with one of the Queenes Ships and fiue or six more kept about those Ilands and came oftentimes so close vnder the Iland and to the Road of Angra that the people on land might easily tell all his men that he had aboord and knew such as walked on the Hatches they of the Iland not once shooting at them although they might easily haue done it for they were within Musket shot both of the Towne and Fort. In these places he continued for the space of two Moneths and sailed round about the Ilands and landed in Gratiosa and Fayael as in the description of those Ilands I haue already declared Here he tooke diuers Ships and Caruels which he sent into England so that those of the Iland durst not once put forth their heads At the same time about three or foure dayes after the Earle of Cumberland had beene in the Iland of Fayael and was departed from thence there arriued in the said Iland of Fayael six Indian Ships whose Generall was one Iuan Doryâ—s and there they discharged in the Iland fortie Millions of Gold and Siluer And hauing with all speede refreshed their Ships fearing the comming of the Englishmen they set saile and arriued safely in Saint Lucas not meeting with the enemy to the great good lucke of the Spaniards and hard fortune of the Englishmen for that within lesse then two daies after the Gold and Siluer was laden again into the Spanish Ships the Earle of Cumberland sailed againe by that Iland so that it appeared that God would not let them haue it for if they had once had fight thereof without doubt it had beene theirs as the Spaniards themselues confessed In the moneth of Nouember there arriued in Tercera two great Ships which were the Admirall and Viceadmirall of the Fleete laden with Siluer who with stormy weather were seperated from the Fleete and had beene in great torment and distresse and ready to sinke for they were forced to vse all their Pumps so that they wished a thousand times to haue met with the Englishmen to whom they would willingly haue giuen their Siluer and all that euer they brought with them onely to saue their liues And although the Earle of Cumberland lay still about those Ilands yet they met not with him so that after much paine and labor they got into the Road before Angra where with all speed they vnladed discharged aboue 5. Millions of Siluer all in peeces of 8. and 10. pound great so that the whole Ray lay couered with plates Chests of Siluer full of Ryals of eight most wonderfull to behold each Million being ten hundred thousand Ducats besides Pearles Gold and other stones which were not registred The Admiral chief commander of those Ships and Fleete called Aluuro Flores de Quiniones was sicke of the Neapolitan disease and was brought to land whereof not long after he dyed in Syuilia He brought with him the Kings broad Seale and full authority to be Generall chiefe commander vpon the Seas and of all Fleets or Ships and of all places Ilands or Lands wheresoeuer
he came whereupon the Gouernor of Tercera did him great honor and betweene them it was concluded perceiuing the weaknesse of their Ships and the danger of the Englishmen that they would send the Ships empty with Soldiers to conuey them either to Siuil or Lisbone where they could first arriue with aduise vnto his Maiesty of all that had past and that he would giue order to fetch the Siluer with good and safe conuoy Wherepuon the said Aluaro Flores staied there vnder colour of keeping the Siluer but specially because of his disease and for that they were afraid of the Englishmen This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part aboue fifty thousand Ducats in Pearles which he shewed vnto vs and sought to sell them or barter them with vs for Spices or bils of exchange The said two Ships set saile with three or foure hundred men as well Soldiers as others that came with them and not one man saued Tke Vice-admirall cut downe her Mast and ranne the Ship on ground out of India and being at Sea had a storme wherewith the Admirall burst and sunke in thâ— Sea hard by Sentuual where it burst in peeces some of the men sauing themselues by swimming that brought the newes but the rest were drowned In the same moneth there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies and being within halfe a mile of the Road of Tercera they met with an English shippe that after they had fought long together tooke them both About seuen or eight moneths before there had beene an English ship in Tercera that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffique in the Iland there to lade wood and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the Kings vse and all the men kept prisoners yet went they vp and downe the streets to get their liuings by labouring like slaues being in deed as safe in that Iland as if they had beene in prison But in the end vpon a Sunday all the Sailers went downe behind the Hils called Bresill where they found a Fisher-boat whereinto they got and rowed into the Sea to the Earle of Cumberlands ship which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Iland and anchored with his ships about halfe a mile from the Road of Angra hard by two small Ilands which lye about a Bases shot from the Iland and are full of Goats Buckes and Sheepe belonging to the Inhabitants of the Iland of Tercera Those Saylers knew it well and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their Boats and lying at Anchor that day they fetched as many Goats and Sheepe as they had neede of which those of the Towne and of the Iland well saw and beheld yet durst not once go forth so there remayned no more on Land but the Master and the Merchant of the said English ship This Master had a Brother in Law dwelling in England who hauing newes of his brothers imprisonment in Tercera got licence of the Queene of England to set forth a ship therewith to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of them and so to redeeme his brother that lay prisoner in Tercera and he it was that tooke the two Spanish shippes before the Towne The Master of the ship aforesaid standing on the shore by me and looking vpon them for he was my great acquaintance the shipss being taken that were worth three hundred thousand Duckets he sent all the men on Land sauing only two of the principall Gentlemen which he kept aboord thereby to ransome his brother and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken with a Letter to the Gouernour of Tercera wherein he wrote that hee should deliuer him his brother and he would send the two Gentlemen on Land if not he would saile with them into England as indeed he did because the Gouernour would not doe it saying that the Gentleman might make that suite to the King of Spaine him selfe This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs and the Englishmen likewise where hee shewed vs all the manner of their fight much commending the order and manner of the Englishmens fighting as also for their courteous vsing of him but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship without paying any ransome as yet In the moneth of Ianuary 1590 there arriued one ship alone in Tercera that came from the Spanish Indies and brought newes that there was a fleet of a hundred ships which put out from the Firme Land of the Spanish Indies and by a storme were driuen vpon the Coast called Florida where they were all cast away she hauing only escaped wherein there were great riches and many men lost as it may well be thought so that they made their account that of two hundred and twentie ships that for certaine were knowne to haue put out of Noua Spaigna Santo Domingo Hauana Capo verde Brasilia Guinea c. In the yeere 1989. to sayle for Spaine in Portugall there were not aboue fourteene or fifteene of them arriued there in safetie all the rest being either drowned burst or taken In the same Moneth of Ianuary there arriued in Tercera fifteen or sixteene ships that came from Siuilia which were most Flie-boats of the low Countries and some Brittons that were arrested in Spaine these came full of Souldiers and well appointed with munition to lade the siluer that lay in Tercera and to fetch Aluares de Flores by the Kings commandement into Spaine And because that time of the yeere there is alwayes stormes about those Ilands therefore they durst not enter into the Road of Tercera for that as then it blew so great a storme that some of their ships that had anchored were forced to cut downe their Masts and were in danger to bee lost and among the rest a ship of Biscay ranne against the Land and was stricken in pieces but all the men saued themselues The other ships were forced to keepe the Sea and separate themselues one from the other where winde and weather would driue them vntill the fifteenth of March for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anchor in whereby they indured much miserie cursing both the siluer and the Iland This storme being past they chanced to meete with small English ship of about fortie tunnes in bignesse which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes so they set vpon her and tooke her and with the English flagge in their Admirals sterne they came as proudly into the Hauen as if they had conquered all the Realme of England but as the Admirall that bare the English flagge vpon her sterne was entring into the Road there came by chance two English ships by the Iland that paid her so well for her paines that they were forced to cry Misericordia and without all doubt had taken her if she had beene but a mile further
called Mathias de Alburkerke sailed had only gotten to India as afterward newes thereof was brought ouer Land hauing beene at the least eleuen monethes at Sea and neuer saw Land and came in great misery to Malacca In this ship there died by the way two hundred and eightie men according to a note by himselfe made and sent to the Cardinall at Lisbon with the names and surnames of euery man together with a description of his Voyage and the misery they had indured which was only done because he would not lose the gouernment of India and for that cause he had sworne either to lose his life or to arriue in India as indeed he did afterwards but to the great danger losse and hinderance of his company that were forced to buy it with their liues and onely for want of prouision as it may well bee thought for he knew full well that if he had returned backe againe into Portingall as the other ships did hee should haue beene casheered from his Indian Regiment because the people began alreadie to murmurre at him for his proude and loftie minde And among other things that shewed his pride the more behind aboue the Gallery of his ship he caused Fortune to be painted and his owne Picture with a staffe standing by her as it were threatning Fortune with this Poesie Quero que vencas that is I will haue thee to ouercome which beeing read by the Cardinall and other Gentlemen that to honour him aboord his ship it was thought to be a point of exceeding folly But it is no strange matter among the Portingalls for they aboue all others must of force Let the Foole peepe out of their sleeues specially when they are in authoritie for that I knew the said Mathias de Alberkerk in India being a Souldier and a Captaine where he was esteemed and accounted for one of the best of them and much honoured and beloued of all men as behauing himselfe courteously to euery man whereby they all desired that he might be Vice-roy But when he once had receiued his Patent with full power and authoritie from the King to be Vice-roy hee changed so much from his former behauiour that by reason of his pride they all began to feare and curse him and that before he departed out of Lisbon as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie The twentieth of Ianuary Anno 1591. there was newes brought out of Portingall into Tercera that the Englishmen had taken a ship that the King had sent into the Portingall Indies with aduise to the Vice-roy for the returning againe of the foure ships that should haue gone to India and because the ships were come backe againe that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be hauing likewise in ready money fiue hundred thousand Duckets in Rials of eight besides other wares It departed from Lisbone in the moneth of Nouember 1590. and met with the Englishmen with whom for a time it fought but in the end it was taken and carried into England with men and all yet when they came there the men were set at libertie and returned into Lishone where the Captaine was committed Prisoner but hee excused himselfe and was released with whom I spake my selfe and he made this report vnto me At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Myne laden with Gold and two ships laden with Pepper and Spices that were to saile into Italie the Pepper onely that was in them being worth 170000. Duckets all these ships were carried into England and made good prize In the moneth of Iuly An. 1591. there happened an Earth-quake in the Iland of S. Michaell which continued from the six and twentieth of Iuly to the twelfth of August in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields fasting and praying with great sorrow for that many of their houses fell downe and a Towne called Villa Franca was almost cleane razed to the ground all the Cloysters and houses shaken to the earth and therein some people slaine The Land in some places rose vp and the Cliffes remooued from on place to another and some Hils were defaced and made euen with the ground The Earthquake was so strong that the ships which lay in the Road and on the Sea shaked as if the World would haâ—e turned round there sprang also a Fountaine out of the earth from whence for the space of foure dayes there flowed a most cleare water and after that it ceased At the same time they heard such thunder and noise vnder the earth as if all the Diuels in hell had beene assembled together in that place wherewith many died for feare The Iland of Tercera shooke foure times together so that it seemed to turne about but there happened no misfortune vnto it Earthquakes are common in those Ilands for about twenty yeares past there happened another earthquake where in a high Hill that lyeth by the same towne of Villa Franca fell halfe downe and couered all the towne with earth and killed many men The fiue and twentieth of August the Kings Armada comming out of Farol arriued in Tercera being in all thirty Ships Biskates Portugals and Spaniards and ten Dutch flye-boates that were arested in Lisbone to serue the King besides other small Ships Pataxos that came to serue as messengers from place to place and to discouer the Seas This Nauie came to stay for and conuoy the Sâ—â—ps that should come from the Spanish Indies and the flye-boates were appointed in their returne home to take in the goods that were saued in the lost Ship that came from Malacca and to conuoy it to Lisbone The thirteenth of September the said Armado arriued at the Iland of Coruo where the Englishmen with about sixteene Ships as then lay staying for the Spanish Fleete whereof some or the most part were come and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them But when they perceiued the Kings Army to be strong the Admirall being the Lord Thomas Howard commanded his Fleete not to fall vpon them nor any of them once to seperate their Shippes from him vnlesse he gaue commission so to doe notwithstanding the Vice-Admirall Sir Richard Greenfield being in the Ship called the Reuenge went into the Spanish Fleete and shot among them doing them great hurt and thinking the rest of the company would haue followed which they did not but left him there and sailed away the cause why they could not know which the Spaniards perceiuing with seuen or eight Ships they boorded her but she withstood them all fighting with them at the least twelue houres together and sunke two of them one being a new double Flie-boate of twelue thousand tunnes and Admirall of the Flie-boates the other a Biscaine But in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her she was taken but to their great losse
for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue foure hundred men and of the English were slaine about a hundred Sir Richard Greenfield himselfe being wounded in his braine whereof afterwards he died He was borne into the Sâ—ip called the Saint Paul wherein was the Admirall of the Fleete Don Alonso de Barsan there his wounds were drest by the Spanish Surgeons but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him all the rest of the Captaines and Gentlemen went to visite him and to comfort him in his hard fortune wondring at his courage and stout heart for that he shewed not any signe of faintnesse nor changing of coloâ—r But feeling the houre of death to approach he spake these words in Spanish and said Here dye I Richard Greenfield with a ioyfull and quiet minde for that I haue ended my life as a true Souldier ought to doe that hath fought for his Countrey Queene Religion and honour whereby my Soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body and shall alwayes leaue behinde it an euerlasting fame of a valiant and true Soldier that hath done his duetie as hee was bound to doe When he had finished these or such other like words he gaue vp the Ghost with great and stout courage and no man could perceiue any true signe of heauinesse in him This Sir Richard Greenfield was a great and a rich Gentleman in England and had great yearely reuenewes of his owne inheritance but he was a man very vnquiet in his minde and greatly affected to warre in so much as of his owne priuate motion he offered his seruice to the Qâ—eene He had performed many valiant acts and was greatly feared in these Ilands and knowne of euery man but of nature very seuere so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse and spake very hardly of him for when they first entred into the Fleete or Armado they had their great saile in a readinesse and might possibly enough haue sailed away for it was one of the best Ships for saile in England and the Master perceiuing that the other Ships had left them and followed not after commanded the great saile to be cut that they might make away but Sir Richard Greenfield threatned both him and all the rest that were in the Ship that if any man laid hand vpon it he would cause him to be hanged and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight and in the end were taken He was of so hard a complexion that as hee continued among the Spanish Captaines while they were at dinner or supper with him hee would carouse three or foure Glasses of Wine and in a brauery take the Glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in peeces and swallow them downe so that often times the bloud ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him and this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him The Englishmen that were left in the Ship as the Captaine of the Souldiers the Master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish Ships that had taken them where there had almost a new fight arisen betweene the Biscaines and the Portugals while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her so that there grew a great noise and quarrell among them one taking the chiefe Ancient and the other the Flagge and the Captaine and euery one held his owne The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken and many of their men hurt whereby they were compelled to come into the Iland of Tercera there to repaire themselues where being arriued I and my chamber-fellow to heare some newes went aboord one of the Ships being a great Biscaine and one of the twelue Apostles whose Captaine was called Bertandono that had bin Generall of the Biscaines in the fleete that went for England He seeing vs called vs vp into the Gallery where with great curtesie he receiued vs being as then set at dinner with the English Captaine that sat by him and had on a sute of blacke Veluet but he could not tell vs any thing for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine which Bartandono also could a little speake The English Captaine that he might come on land with his weapon by his side and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland being of that ship whereof the sailers got away as I said before The Gouernour of Tercera bad him to dinner and shewed him great curtesie The Master likewise with licence of Bartandono came on land and was in our lodging and had at the least ten or twelue wounds as well in his head as on his body whereof after that being at Sea betweene Lisbone and the Ilands he died The Captaine wrote a Letter wherein he declared all the manner of the fight and left it with the English Merchant that lay in our lodging to send it to the Lord Admirall of England The English Captaine comming to Lisbone was there well receiued and not any hurt done vnto him but with good conuoy sent to Sentuual and from thence sayled into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prysoners The Spanish Armie staied at the Iland of Corus till the last of September to assemble the rest of the Fleete together which in the end were to the number of one hundred and forty sayle of Ships partly comming from India and partly of the Army and being altogether ready vnto saile to Tercera in good company there sodainly rose so hard and cruell a storme that those of the Iland did affirme that in mans memory there was neuer any such seene or heard of before for it seemed the Sea would haue swallowed vp the Ilands the water mounting higher then the Cliffes which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them but the Sea reached aboue them and liuing fishes were throwne vpon the land This storme continued not onely a day or two with one winde but seuen or eight dayes continually the winde turning round about in all places of the compasse at the least twice or thrice during that time and all alike with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold euen to vs that were on shore much more then to such as were at Sea so that onely on the Coasts and Clifts of the Iland of Tercera there were aboue twelue Ships cast away and not onely vpon the one side but round about it in euery corner whereby nothing else was heard but complaining crying lamenting and telling here is a ship broken in peeces against the Cliffes and there another and all the men drowned so that for the space of twenty dayes after the storme they did nothing else but fish for dead men that continually came driding on the shore Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge that was cast away vpon
a Cliffe neere to the Iland of Tercera where it brake in a hundred peeces and sunke to the ground hauing in her seuenty men Gallegos Biscaines and others with some of the captiue Englishmen whereof but one was saued that got vp vpon the Cliffes aliue and had his body and head all wounded and he being on shore brought vs the newes desiring to be shriuen and thereupon presently died The Reuenge had in her diuers faire Brasse Peeces that were all sunke in the Sea which they of the Iland were in good hope to weigh vp againe the next Summer following Among these Ships that were cast away about Tercera was likewise a Flie-boate one of those that had bin arested in Portugall to serue the King called the White Doue The Master of her was one Cornelius Martenson of Schiedam in Holland and there were in her one hundred Souldies as in euery one of the rest there was He being ouer ruled by the Captaine that he could not be Master of his owne sayling here and there at the mercy of God as the storme droue him in the end came within the sight of Tercera which the Spaniards perceiuing thought all their safety onely to consist in putting into the Road compelling the Master and the Pilot to make towards the Iland although the Master refused to doe it saying that they were most sure there to be cast away and vtterly spoiled but the Captain called him drunkard Heretick and striking him with a staffe commanded him to do as he would haue him The Master seeing this and being compelled to doe it said well then my Masters seeing it is the desire of you all to be cast away I can but loose one life and therewith desperately he sailed towards the shoare and was on that side of the Iland where there was nothing else but hard stones and Rockes as high as Mountaines most terrible to behold where some of the Inhabitants stood with long ropes and corke bound at the end thereof to throw them downe vnto the men that they might lay hold vpon them and saue their liues but few of them got so neere most of them being cast away and smitten in peeces before they could get to the wall The Ship sailed in this manner as I said before towards the Iland and approaching to the shoare the Master being an old man and full of yeares called his Sonne that was in the ship with him and hauing imbraced one another and taken their last farewell the good old father willed his Sonne not to take care for him but seeke to saue himselfe for said he sonne thou art yong and may haue some hope to saue thy life but as for me it is no great matter I am old what become of me and therewith each of these shedding many teares as euery louing father and kinde childe may well consider the ship fell vpon the Cliffes and brake in peeces the Father on the one side the sonne on the other side falling into the sea each laying hold vpon that which came next to hand but to no purpose for the sea was so high and furious that they were all drowned and onely foureteene or fifteene saued themselues by swimming with their legges and armes halfe broken and out of ioynt among the which was the Masters sonne and foure other Dutch Boyes the rest of the Spaniards and sailers with the Captaine and Master were drowned whose heart would not melt with teares to behold so grieuous a sight specially considering with himselfe that the greatest cause thereof was the beastlinesse and insolency of the Spaniards as in this onely example may well be seene whereby may be considered how the other ships sped as we our selues did in part behold and by the men that were saued did heare more at large as also some others of our Countrimen that as then were in the like danger can well witnesse On the other Ilands the losse was no lesse then in Tercera for on the Iland of Saint George there were two Ships cast away on the Iland of Pico two Ships on the Iland of Gratiosa three ships besides those there came euerywhere round about diuers peeces of broken ships other things fleeting towards the Ilands wherewith the Sea was all couered most pittifull to behold On the Iland of Saint Michael there were foure Ships cast away and betweene Tercera and Saint Michaels three more were sunke which were seene and heard to crie out whereof not one man was saued The rest put into the Sea without Masts all torne and rent so that of the whole Fleete and Armado being one hundred and forty ships in all there were but thirty two or thirty three ariued in Spaine and Portugall yea and those few with so great misery paine and labour that not two of them arriued there together but this day one and to morrow another next day the third so one after the other to the number aforesaid All the rest were cast away vpon the Ilands and ouerwhelmed in the sea whereby may be considered what great losse and hinderance they receiued at that time for by many mens iudgements it was esteemed to be much more then was leftby their Armie that came for England and it may well be thought and presumed that it was no other but a iust plague purposely sent by God vpon the Spaniards and that it might truely be said the taking of the Reuenge was iustly reuenged vpon them and not by the might or force of man but by the power of God as some of them openly said in the Isle of Tercera that they beleeued verily God would consume them and that he tooke part with Lutherans and Heretickes saying further that so soone as they had throwne the dead body of the Viceadmirall Sir Richard Greenfield ouer-boord they verily thought that as he had a diuellish Faith and Relion and therefore the Diuels loued him so he presently sunke into the bottome of the Sea and downe into Hell where he raised vp all the Diuels to the reuenge of his death and that they brought so great stormes and torments vpon the Spaniards because they onely maintained the Catholike and Romish Religion such and the like blasphemies against God they ceased not openly to vtter without that any man reproued them therein nor for their false opinions but the most part of them rather said and affirmed that of truth it must needes be so As one of those Indian Fleetes put out of Noua Spaigna there were fiue and thirty of them by storme and tempest cast away and drowned in the Sea being fiftie in all so that but fifteene escaped Of the Fleete that came from Santo Domingo there were foureteene cast away comming out of the Channell of Hauana whereof the Admirall and Viceadmirall were two of them and from Terra Firma in India there came two ships laden with Gold and Siluer that were taken by the Englishmen and before the Spanish Armie came
Captaine Gosnols death the Councell could hardly agree by the dissention of Captaine Kendall which afterward was committed about hainous matters which was proued against him The foure and twentieth day died Edward Harington and George Walker and were buried the same day The sixe and twentieth day died Kenelme Throgmortine The seuen and twentieth day died William Roods The eight and twentieth day died Thomas Stoodie Cape Merchant The fourth day of September died Thomas Iacob Sergeant The fift day there died Beniamin Beast Our men were destroyed with cruell diseases as Swellings Flixes Burning Feuers and by warres and some departed suddenly but for the most part they died of meere famine There were neuer Englishmen left in a forreigne Countrey in such miserie as wee were in this new discouered Virginia Wee watched euery three nights lying on the bare cold ground what weather soeuer came warded all the next day which brought our men to bee most feeble wretches our food was but a small Can of Barlie sod in water to fiue men a day our drinke cold water taken out of the Riuer which was at a floud verie salt at a low tide full of slime and filth which was the destruction of many of our men Thus we liued for the space of fiue moneths in this miserable distresse not hauing fiue able men to man our Bulwarkes vpon any occasion If it had not pleased God to haue put a terrour in the Sauages hearts we had all perished by those vild and cruell Pagans being in that weake estate as we were our men night and day groaning in euery corner of the Fort most pittifull to heare if there were any conscience in men it would make their harts to bleed to heare the pittiful murmurings out-cries of our sick men without reliefe euery night and day for the space of sixe weekes some departing out of the World many times three or foure in a night in the morning their bodies trailed out of their Cabines like Dogges to be buried in this sort did I see the mortalitie of diuers of our people It pleased God after a while to send those people which were our mortall enemies to releeue vs with victuals as Bread Corne Fish and Flesh in great plentie which was the setting vp of our feeble men otherwise wee had all perished Also we were frequented by diuers Kings in the Countrie bringing vs store of prouision to our great comfort The eleuenth day there was certaine Articles laid against Master Wing fiield which was then President thereupon he was not only displaced out of his President ship but also from being of the Councell Afterwards Captaine Iohn Ratcliffe was chosen President The eighteenth day died oue Ellis Kinistone which was starued to death with cold The same day at night died one Richard Simmons The nineteenth day there died one Thomas Mouton William White hauing liued with the Natiues reported to vs of their customes in the morning by breake of day before they eate or drinke both men women and children that be aboue tenne yeeres of age runnes into the water there washes themselues a good while till the Sunne riseth then offer Sacrifice to it strewing Tobacco on the water or Land honouring the Sunne as their God likewise they doe at the setting of the Sunne CHAP. III. The description of Virginia by Captaine IOHN SMITH inlarged out of his written Notes VIrginia is a Countrie in America that lieth betweene the degrees of 34. and 44. of the North Latitude The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean On the South lieth Florida on the North Noua Francia As for the West thereof the limits are vnknowne Of all this Countrie we purpose not to speake but only of that part which was planted by the Englishmen in the yeere of our Lord 1606. And this is vnder the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this Countrie doth agree wel with English constitutions being once seasoned to the Countrie Which appeared by this that though by many occasions our people fell sicke yet did they recouer by verie small meanes and continued in health though there were other great causes not only to haue made them sicke but euen to end their dayes c. The Summer is hot as in Spaine the Winter cold as in France or England The heate of Summer is in Iune Iuly and August but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemencie of the heate The chiefe of Winter is halfe December Ianuary February and halfe March The cold is extreme sharpe but heere the Prouerbe is true That no extreme continueth long In the yeere 1607. was an extraordinary Frost in most of Europe and this Frost was found as extreme in Uirginia But the next yeere for eight or ten daies of ill weather other fourteene daies would be as Summer The winds here are variable but the like Thunder and Lightning to purifie the Aire I haue seldome either seene or heard in Europe From the South-west came the greatest gusts with Thunder and heate The North-west winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it From the North is the greatest cold and from the East and South-east as from the Barmadas fogges and raines Sometimes there are great droughts other times much raine yet great necessitie of neither by reason we see not but that all the varietie of needfull Fruits in Europe may bee there in great plentie by the industry of men as appeareth by those we there planted There is but one entrance by Sea into this Countrey and that is at the mouth of a verie goodly Bay the widenesse whereof is neere eighteene or twenâ—ie miles The Cape on the South side is called Cape Henrie in honour of our most Noble Prince The shew of the Land there is a white Hilly Sand like vnto the Downes and along the shoares great plentie of Pines and Firres The North Cape is called Cape Charles in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke Thelles before it are named Smiths Iles because he first of ours set foot on them Within is a Countrey that may haue the prerogatiue ouer the most pleasant places of Europe Asia Africa or America for large and pleasant nauigable Riuers Heauen and Earth neuer agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation being of our constitutions were it fully mannured and inhabited by industrious people Here are Mountaynes Hils Plaines Vallies Riuers and Brookes all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay compassed but for the mouth with fruitful delightsome Land In the Bay and Riuers are many Iles both great and small some woodie some plaine most of them low and not inhabited This Bay lieth North an South in which the water floweth neere two hundred miles and hath a Channell for one hundred and fortie miles of depth betwixt seuen and fifteene fadome holding in breadth for the most part ten or fourteene miles From the head of the Bay at
the North the Land is mountainous and so in a manner from thence by a South-west Line So that the more Southward the farther off from the Bay are those Mountaines From which fall certaine Brookes which after come to fiue principall Nauigable Riuers These runne from the North-west in to the South-east and so into the West side of the Bay where the fall of euery Riuer is within twentie or fifteene miles one of another The Mountaines are of diuers natures for at the head of the Bay the Rockes are of a composition like Mil-stones Some of Marble c. And many pieces of Christall we found as throwne downe by water from the Mountaines For in Winter these Mountaines are couered with much Snow and when it dissolueth the waters fall with such violence that it causeth great inundations in the narrow Vallies which yet is scarce perceiued being once in the Riuers These waters wash from the Rockes such glistering tinctures that the ground in some places seemeth as gilded where both the Rockes and the Earth are so splendent to behold that better iudgements then ours might haue beene p 〈…〉 swaded they contained more then probabilities The vesture of the Earth in most places doth manifestly proue the nature of the soile to be lustie and very rich The colour of the Earth we found in diuers places resembleth Bole Armoniac terra sigillata ad lemnia Fullâ—rs Earth Marle and diuers other suâ—h appearances But generally for the most part the Earth is a blacke sandie mould in some places a fat slimie clay in other places a very barren grauell But the best best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth as by the greatnesse of Trees or abundance of Weeds c. The Countrie is not mountainous nor yet low but such pleasant plaine Hils and fertile Vallies one pretily crossing another and watered so conueniently with their sweete Brookes and Christall Springs as if Art it selfe had deuised them By the Riuers are many plaine Marishes contayning some twentie some one hundred some two hundred Acres some more some lesse Other Plaines there are few but only where the Sauages inhabit but all ouer-growne with Trees and Weeds being a plaine Wildernesse as God first made it On the West side of the Bay we said were fiue faire and delightfull nauigable Riuers of which we will now proceed to report The first of those Riuers and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his course from the West and by North. The name of this Riuer they call Powhatan according to the name of a principall Countrie that lieth vpon it The mouth of this Riuer is neere three miles in breadth yet doe the shoales force the Channell so neere the Land that a Sacre will ouer-shoot it at Point blanke This Riuer is nauigable one hundred and fiftie miles as the Channell goeth the shoales and soundings are heere needlesse to be expressed It falleth from Rockes farre West in a Countrie inhabited by a Nation that they call Monacan But where it commeth into our Discouerie it is Powhatan In the farthest place that was diligently obserued are Falles Rockes Shoales c. which makes it past nauigation any higher Thence in the running downeward the Riuer is enriched with many goodly Brookes which are maintained by an infinite number of small Rundles and pleasant Springs that disperse themselues for best seruice as doe the veines of a mans bodie From the South there fals into this Riuer First the pleasant Riuer of Apamatuck next more to the East are the two Riuers of Quiyoughcohanocke A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth three or foure pretie Brookes and Creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac then the Riuer of Nandsamund and lastly the Brooke of Chisaptack From the North side is the Riuer of Chickahamania the backe Riuer of Iames Townes another by the Cedar I le where we liued ten weekes vpon Oisters then a conuenient Harbour for fisher-boats or small Boats at Kecoughtan that so conueniently turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creekes that make that place very pleasant to inhabit their Corne fields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes The most of these Riuers are inhabited by seuerall Nations or rather Families of the name of the Riuers They haue also in euery of those places some Gouernour as their King which they call Werowances In a Peninsula on the North side of this Riuer are the English planted in a place by them called Iames Towne in honour of the Kings most excellent Maiestie vpon which side are also many places vnder the Werowances The first and next the Riuers mouth are the Cecoughtans who besides their women and children haue not past twentie fighting men The Paspaheges on whose Land is seated the English Colonie some fortie miles from the Bay haue not past fortie The Riuer called Chickahamania neere two hundred The Weanocks one hundred The Arrowhatocks thirtie The place called Powhatan some fortie On the South side this Riuer the Appamatucks haue sixtie fighting men The Quiyougcohanocks fiue and twentie The Warraskoyacks fortie The Nandsamunds two hundred The Chesapeacks are able to make one hundred Of this last place the Bay beareth the name In all these places is a seuerall Commander which they call Werowance except the Chickhamanians who are gouerned by the Priests and their Assistants of their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes In Summer no place affoordeth more plentie of Sturgeon nor in Winter more abundance of Fowle especially in the time of Frost There was once taken fiftie two Sturgeons at a draught at another draught sixtie eight From the latter end of May till the end of Iune are taken but young Sturgeons of two foot or a yard long From thence till the midst of September of two or three yards long and few others And in foure or fiue houres with one Net were ordinarily taken seuen or eight often more seldome lesse In the small Riuers all the yeere there is-good plentie of small fish so that with Hookes those that would take paines had sufficient Fourteene miles Northward from the Riuer Powhatan is the Kiuer Pamaunke which is nauigable sixtie miles but with Catches and small Barkes twentie or thirtie miles farther At the ordinary flowing of salt water it diuideth it selfe into two gallant branches On the South inhabit the people of Youghtanund who haue about sixtie men for warres On the North branch Mattapament who haue thirtie men Where this Riuer is diuided the Countrie is called Panamaunke and nourisheth neere three hundred able men About fiue and twentie miles lower on the North side of this Riuer is Werawocomoco where their great King inhabited when Captaine Smith was deliuered him prisoner yet there are not past fortie able men But now he hath abandoned that and liueth at Orapakes by Youghtanund in the Wildernesse tenne or twelue miles lower on the South side of this Riuer is Chiskiack which hath
that there had bin a generall determination to haue shut vp hatches and commending our sinfull soules to God committed the Shippe to the mercy of the Sea surely that night we must haue done it and that night had we then perished but see the goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope by our mercifull God giuen vnto vs. Sir George Summers when no man dreamed of such happinesse had discouered and cried Land Indeede the morning now three quarters spent had wonne a little cleerenesse from the dayes before and it being better surueyed the very trees were seene to moue with the winde vpon the shoare side whereupon our Gouernour commanded the Helme-man to beare vp the Boateswaine sounding at the first found it thirteene fathome when we stood a little in seuen fatham and presently heauing his lead the third time had ground at foure fathome and by this we had got her within a mile vnder the South-east point of the land where we had somewhat smooth water But hauing no hope to saue her by comming to an anker in the same we were inforced to runne her ashoare as neere the land as we could which brought vs within three quarters of a mile of shoare and by the mercy of God vnto vs making out our Boates we had ere night brought all our men women and children about the number of one hundred and fifty safe into the Iland We found it to be the dangerous and dreaded Iland or rather Ilands of the Bermuda whereof let mee giue your Ladyship a briefe description before I proceed to my narration And that the rather because they be so terrible to all that euer touched on them and such tempests thunders and other fearefull obiects are seene and heard about them that they be called commonly The Deuils Ilands and are feared and auoyded of all sea trauellers aliue aboue any other place in the world Yet it pleased our mercifull God to make euen this hideous and hated place both the place of our safetie and meanes of our deliuerance And hereby also I hope to deliuer the world from a foule and generall errour it being counted of most that they can be no habitation for Men but rather giuen ouer to Deuils and wicked Spirits whereas indeed wee find them now by experience to bee as habitable and commodious as most Countries of the same climate and situation insomuch as if the entrance into them were as easie as the place it selfe is contenting it had long ere this beene inhabited as well as other Ilands Thus shall we make it appeare That Truth is the daughter of Time and that men ought not to deny euery thing which is not subiect to their owne sense The Bermudas bee broken Ilands fiue hundred of them in manner of an Archipelagus at least if you may call them all Ilands that lie how little soeuer into the Sea and by themselues of small compasse some larger yet then other as time and the Sea hath wonne from them and eaten his passage through and all now lying in the figure of a Croissant within the circuit of sixe or seuen leagues at the most albeit at first it is said of them that they were thirteene or fourteene leagues and more in longitude as I haue heard For no greater distance is it from the Northwest Point to Gates his Bay as by this Map your Ladyship may see in which Sir George Summers who coasted in his Boat about them all tooke great care to expresse the same exactly and full and made his draught perfect for all good occasions and the benefit of such who either in distresse might be brought vpon them or make saile this way It should seeme by the testimony of Gonzalus Ferdinandus Ouiedus in his Booke intituled The Summary or Abridgement of his generall History of the West Indies written to the Emperor Charles the Fift that they haue beene indeed of greater compasse and I easily beleeue it then they are now who thus saith In the yeere 1515. when I came first to informe your Maiesty of the state of the things in India and was the yeere following in Flanders in the time of your most fortunate successe in these your kingdomes of Aragony and Casteel whereas at that voyage I sayled aboue the Iland Bermudas otherwise called Gorza being the farthest of all the Ilands that are yet found at this day in the world and arriuing there at the depth of eight yards of water and distant from the Land as farre as the shot of a Peece of Ordnance I determined to send some of the ship to Land as well to make search of such things as were there as also to leaue in the Iland certaine Hogges for increase but the time not seruing my purpose by reason of contrary winde I could bring my Ships no neerer the Iland being twelue leagues in length and sixteene in breadth and about thirtie in circuit lying in the thirtie three degrees of the North side Thus farre hee True it is the maine Iland or greatest of them now may bee some sixteene miles in length East North-east and West South-west the longest part of it standing in thirtie two degrees and twentie minutes in which is a great Bay on the North side in the North-west end and many broken Ilands in that Sound or Bay and a little round Iland at the South-west end As occasions were offered so we gaue titles and names to certaine places These Ilands are often afflicted and rent with tempests great strokes of thunder lightning and raine in the extreamity of violence which and it may well bee hath so sundred and torne downe the Rockes and whurried whole quarters of Ilands into the maine Sea some sixe some seuen leagues and is like in time to swallow them all so as euen in that distance from the shoare there is no small danger of them and with them of the stormes continually raging from them which once in the full and change commonly of euery Moone Winter or Summer keepe their vnchangeable round and rather thunder then blow from euery corner about them sometimes fortie eight houres together especially if the circle which the Philosophers call Halo were in our being there seene about the Moone at any season which bow indeed appeared there often and would bee of a mightie compasse and breadth I haue not obserued it any where one quarter so great especially about the twentieth of March I saw the greatest when followed vpon the eues eue of the Annuntiation of our Ladie the mightiest blast of lightning and most terrible rap of thunder that euer astonied mortall men I thinke In August September and vntill the end of October wee had very hot and pleasant weather onely as I say thunder lightning and many scattering showers of Raine which would passe swiftly ouer and yet fall with such force and darknesse for the time as if it would neuer bee cleere againe wee wanted not any and of raine more in
them authoritie in their places to compell the aduersant and irregular multitude at any time to what should bee obedient and honest which if they should not execute the blame would not lye vpon the people at all times wauering and insolent but vpon themselues so weake and vnworthy in their command And moreouer intreated him by any secret practice to apprehend them since that the obstinate and precipitate many were no more in such a condition and state to bee fauoured then the murmuring and mutinie of such Rebellious and turbulent Humorists who had not conscience nor knowledge to draw in the yoke of goodnesse and in the businesse for which they were sent out of England for which likewise at the expence and charge of the Aduenturers they were to him committed and that the meanest in the whole Fleet stood the Company in no lesse then twentie pounds for his owne personall Transportation and things necessary to accompany him And therefore louingly coniured Sir George by the worthinesse of his heretofore well mayntayned reputation and by the powers of his owne iudgement and by the vertue of that ancient loue and friendship which had these many yeeres beene setled betweene them to doe his best to giue this reuolted Company if he could send vnto them the consideration of these particulars and so worke with them if he might that by faire meanes the Mutinie reconciled they would at length suruey their owne errours which hee would bee as readie vpon their rendring and comming into pardon as he did now pittie them assuring them in generall and particular that whatsoeuer they had sinisterly committed or practised hitherto against the Lawes of dutie and honestie should not in any sort be imputed against them In which good Office Sir George Summers did so nobly worke and heartily labour as hee brought most of them in and indeed all but Christopher Carter and Robert Waters who by no meanes would any more come amongst Sir Georges men hearing that Sir George had commanded his men indeed since they would not be intreated by faire meanes to surprize them if they could by any deuice or force From which time they grew so cautelous and wary for their owne ill as at our comming away wee were faine to leaue them behind That Waters was a Sayler who at his first landing vpon the Iland as after you shall heare killed another fellow Sayler of his the bodie of the murthered and Murtherer so dwelling as prescribed now together During our time of abode vpon these Ilands wee had daily euery Sunday two Sermons preached by our Minister besides euery Morning and Euening at the ringing of a Bell wee repayred all to puplique Prayer at â—hat time the names of our whole Company were called by Bill and such as were wanting we 〈…〉 duly punished The contents for thâ— most part of all our Preachers Sermons were especially of Thankefulnesse and Vnitie c. It pleased God also to giue vs opportunitie to performe all the other Offices and Rites of our Christian Profession in this Iland as Marriage for the sixe and twentieth of Nouember we had one of Sir George Summers his men his Cooke named Thomas Powell who married a Maid Seruant of one Mistris Horton whose name was Elizabeth Persons and vpon Christmasse Eue as also once before the first of October our Minister preached a godly Sermon which being ended he celebrated a Communion at the partaking whereof our Gouernour was and the greatest part of our Company and the eleuenth of February wee had the childe of one Iohn Rofe christened a Daughter to which Captaine Newport and my selfe were Witnesses and the aforesaid Mistris Horton and we named it Bermuda as also the fiue and twentieth of March the wife of one Edward Eason being deliuered the weeke before of a Boy had him then christened to which Captaine Newport and my selfe and Master Iames Swift were Godfathers and we named it Bermudas Likewise we buried fiue of our company Ieffery Briars Richard Lewis William Hitchman and my God-daughter Bermuda Rolfe and one vntimely Edward Samuell a Sayler being villanously killed by the foresaid Robert Waters a Sayler likewise with a shouell who strake him therewith vnder the lift of the Eare for which he was apprehended and appointed to be hanged the next day the fact being done in the twilight but being bound fast to a Tree all night with many Ropes and a Guard of fiue or six to attend him his fellow Saylers watching the aduantage of the Centinels sleeping in despight and disdaine that Iustice should bee shewed vpon a Sayler and that one of their crue should be an example to others not taking into consideration the vnmanlinesse of the murther nor the horror of the sinne they cut his bands and conueyed him into the Woods where they fed him nightly and closely who afterward by the mediation of Sir George Summers vpon many conditions had his tryall respited by our Gouernour Wee had brought our Pinnasse so forward by this time as the eight and twentieth of August we hauing laid her Keele The sixe and twentieth of February we now began to calke old Cables we had preserued vnto vs which affoorded Ocam enough and one barrell of Pitch and another of Tarre we likewise saued which serued our vse some little way vpon the Bâ—lg wee breamed her otherwise with Lime made of Wilke shels and an hard white stone which we burned in a Kill slaked with fresh water and tempered with Tortoyses Oyle The thirtieth of March being Friday we towed her out in the morning Spring-tyde from the Wharfe where she was built boying her with foure Caske in her runne only which opened into the Northwest and into which when the Breeze stood North and by West with any stiffe gale and vpon the Spring-tydes the Sea would increase with that violence especially twice it did so as at the first time before our Gouernour had caused a solid Causey of an hundred load of stone to bee brought from the Hils and Neighbour Rockes and round about her ribs from stemme to stemme where it made a pointed Baulke and thereby brake the violence of the Flowe and Billowe it indangered her ouerthrow and ruine beeing greene as it were vpon the Stockes With much difficultie diligence and labour we saued her at the first all her Bases Shores and Piles which vnder-set her being almost carried from her which was the second of Ianuary when her knees were not set to nor one ioynt firme We launched her vnrigged to carrie her to a little round Iland lying West North-west and close aboord to the backe side of our Iland both neerer the Ponds and Wels of some fresh water as also from thence to make our way to the Sea the better the Channell being there sufficient and deepe enough to leade her forth when her Masts Sayles and all her Trimme should bee about her Shee was fortie foot by the Keele and nineteene foot broad at the
did thinke that we did heare a Peece of Ordnance to windward which made me suppose our Admirall had set saile and that it was a warning piece from him So I set sayle and stood close by the wind and kept an hollowing and a noise to try whether I could find him againe the wind was at South-west and I stood away West North-west From the sixe and twentieth at two of the clocke in the afternoone to eight of the clocke at night I had sayled nine leagues North-west The seuen and twentieth at noone I heaued the Lead in one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I stirred away North-west till foure of the clocke at night then I heaued the Lead againe one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I tooke all my sailes and lay at Hull and I had sayled seuen leagues North-west The eight and twentieth at seuen of the clocke in the morning I did sound in one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I set sayle againe and steered away North and North by West At noone I heaued in one hundred and twenty fathoms againe and had no ground So I steered on my course still the wind shifted betweene South and South-west and the fog continued At foure of the clocke in the afternoone I heaued one hundred twenty fathoms againe and had no ground so I stood on vntill eight of the clocke by which time I had sailed twelue leagues then I heaued the Lead againe and had blacke Oâ—e and one hundred thirty fiue fathoms water Then I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull vntill the nine and twentieth at fiue of the clocke in the morning Then I set saile againe and steered away North and North by West At eight of the clocke I heaued the Lead againe and had blacke Ose in one hundred and thirty fathoms water Betweene eleuen and twelue of the clocke it began to thunder but the fogge continued not still About two of the clocke in the afternoone I went out with my Boat my selfe and heaued the Lead and had blacke Ose in ninety fathoms water by which time I had sailed six leagues North by West more Then I tooke in all my sayles sauing my Fore-course and Bonnet and stood in with those sailes onely About sixe of the clocke I founded againe and then I had sixty fiue fathoms water Assoone as I came aboord it cleered vp and then I saw a small 〈◊〉 which bare North about two leagues off whereupon I stood in vntill eight of the clocke And then I stood off againe vntill two of the clocke in the morning the thirtieth day Then I stood in againe and aboue eight of the clocke I was faire aboord the Iland Then I manned my Boat and went on shoare where I found great store of Seales And I killed three Seales with my hanger This Iland is not halfe a mile about and nothing but a Rocke which seemed to be very rich Marble stone And a South South-west Moon maketh a full Sea About ten of the clocke I came aboord againe with some Wood tha I had found vpon the Iland for there had beene some folkes that had made fiers there Then I stood ouer to another Iland that did beare North off me about three leagues this small rockie Iland lyeth in forty foure degrees About seuen of the clocke that night I came to an anchor among many Ilands in eight fathoms water and vpon one of these Ilands I fitted my selfe with Wood and Water and Balast The third day of August being fitted to put to Set againe I caused the Master of the ship to open the boxe wherein my Commission was to see what directions I had and for what place I was bound to shape my course Then I tried whether there were any fis 〈…〉 herâ— or not and I found reasonable good store there so I stayed there fishing till the twelfth of August and then finding that the fishing did faile I thought good to returne to the Iland where I had killed the Seales to see whether I could get any store of them or not for I did find that they were very nourishing meate and a great reliefe to my men and that they would be very well saued with â—alâ— to keepe a long time But when I came thither I could not by any meanes catch any The fourteenth day at noone I obserued the Sun and found the Iland to lie in forty three degrees forty minutes Then I shaped my course for Cape Cod to see whether I could get any fish there or not â—so by the fifteenth that noone I had sailed thirty two leagues South-west the wind for the most part was betweene North-west and North. From the fifteenth at noone to the sixteenth at noone I ran twenty leagues South the wind shifting betweene West and South-west And then I sounded and had ground in eighteene fathoms water full of shels and peble stâ—â—es of diuers colours some greene and some blewish some like diamants and some speckled Theâ— I 〈…〉 oke in all my sayles and set all my company to fishing and fished till eight of the clocke â—hat â—â—ght and finding but little fish there I set sayle againe and by the 〈◊〉 that noone I had sâ—yâ—ed ten leagues West by North the wind shifting betweene South and South-west From noone till sixe of the clocke at night foure leagues North-west the wind shifting betweene West and South-west Then it did blow so hard that I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull all that night vntill fiue of the clock the eighteenth day in the morning and then I set saile againe and by noone I had sailed foure leagues North-west the wind betweene West and South-west From the eighteenth at noone to the nineteenth at noone ten leagues West by West the wind shifting betweene South and South-west and the weather very thick and foggy About seuen of the clocke at night the fogge began to breake away and the wind did shift westerly and by midnight it was shifted to the North and there it did blow very hard vntill the twenty at noone but the weather was very cleere and then by my obseruation I found the ship to bee in the latitude of forty one degrees forty foure minutes and I had sailed twenty leagues South-west by West From the nineteenth at noone to the twentieth at noone about two of the clocke in the afternoone I did see an Hed-Ta 〈…〉 d which did beare off me South-west about foure leagues so I steered with it taking it to bee Cape Cod and by foure of the clocke I was fallen among so many shoales that it was fiue of the clocke the next day in the morning before I could get cleere of them it is a â—â—ry dangerous place to fall withall to the 〈◊〉 â—â—e at the least-ten leagues off from the Land and I had vpon one of them but one â—ath 〈◊〉 and an
halfe water and my Barke did draw seuen foot This Land lyeth South-west and North-east and the shoales lie off from it South and South by West and so along toward the North. At the Northwest by West Guards I obserued the North-starre and found the ship to be 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of fortie-one degrees fiftie minutes being then in the middle of the Sholdes and I did finde thirteene degrees of westerly variation then likewise Thus finding the place not to be for my turne assoon as I was cleere of these dangers I thought it fit to returne to â—ames Towne in Uirginia to the Lord De-lawarre my Lord Gouernour and there to attend his command so I shaped my course for that place And the one and twentieth day by noone I had brought my selfe South Southwest thirtie three leagues from this Cape and I had the wind shifting all this while betweene North and North-west and the weather very faire and cleere From the one and twentieth at noone to the two and twentieth at noone I ran thirtie leagues South-West by West and then by mine obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie nine degrees thirtie 〈◊〉 minutes and I had twelue degrees westerly variation and the wind â—â—ifting betweene North and North-east and the weather very faâ—re and cleere From the two and twentieth at noone to the three and twentieth at noone nine leagues South-west by West and then by obseruation I did find the ship in thirtie nine degrees twentie foure minutes and I had eleuen degrees of westerly variation and there did blow but very little wind and shifting betweene West and North and the weather very faire and cleere From the three and twentieth at noone to the foure and twentieth at noone eighteene leagues South-west and then I found the shippe to be in thirtie eight degrees fortie two minutes and I had twelue degrees of Westerly Variation and the wind shifting betweene North and West and the weather very faire From the foure and twentieth at noone to the fiue and twentieth at noone two and twentie leagues West by South the wind shifting betweene North and East And then I found the ship to bee in thirtie eight degrees fiue and twentie minutes and the same Variation that I had before and the weather very faire From the fiue and twentieth at noone to the six and twentieth at noone fiue and twentie leagues Westerly the wind all shifting betweene South and South-west And I had thirteene degrees fiue and twentie minutes of Westerly Variation About sixe of the clocke at night the water was changed and then I sounded and had red sandie ground in twelue fathomes water about twelue leagues from the shore The seuen and twentieth by day in the morning I was faire aboord the shore and by nine of the clocke I came to an Anchor in nine fathomes in a very great Bay where I found great store of people which were very kind and promised me that the next day in the morning they would bring me great store of Corne. But about nine of the clocke that night the winde shifted from South-west to East North-east So I weighed presently and shaped my course to Cape Charles This Bay lyeth in Westerly thirtie leagues And the Souther Cape of it lyeth South South-east and North North-west and in thirtie eight degrees twentie minutes of Northerly Latitude The eight and twentieth day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone I fell among a great many of shoales about twelue leagues to the Southw 〈…〉 of Cape La Warre So there I came to an Anchor in three fathomes water the winde beeing then all Easterly and rode there all that Night The nine and twentieth in the morning I weighed againe the wind being all Southerly and turned vntill night and then I came to an Anchor in seuen fathomes water in the 〈…〉 ing to Sea How the tyde did set there or whether that there did run any current or not I cannot say but I could find neither current nor tyde The thirtieth in the morning I weighed againe the wind still Southerly and turned all that day but got very little so at Euening I stood off to Sea vntill midnight and then stood in againe The one and thirtieth about seuen of the clocke at night I came to an Anchor vnder Cape Charles in foure fathomes and one third part water and rode there all that night CHAP. VIII A short Relation made by the Lord De-La-Warre to the Lords and others of the Counsell of Virginia touching his vnexpected returne home and afterwards deliuered to the generall Assembly of the said Company at a Court holden the twentie fiue of Iune 1611. Published by authoritie of the said Counsell MY LORDS c. BEing now by accident returned from my Charge at Uirginia contrary either to my owne desire or other mens expectations who spare not to censure mee in point of dutie and to discourse and question the reason though they apprehend not the true cause of my returne I am forced out of a willingnesse to satisfie euery man to deliuer vnto your Lordships and the rest of this Assembly briefly but truly in what state I haue liued euer since my arriuall to the Colonie what hath beene the iust occasion of my sudden departure thence and in what termes I haue left the same The rather because I perceiue that since my comming into England such a coldnesse and irresolution is bred in many of the Aduenturers that some of them seeke to withdraw those payments which they haue subscribed towards the Charge of the Plantation and by which that Action must be supported and mayntained making this my returne the colour of their needlesse backwardnesse and vniust protraction Which that you may the better vnderstand I must informe your Lordships that presently after my arriuall in Iames Towne I was welcommed by a hot and violent Ague which held me a time till by the aduice of my Physition Doctour Lawrence B 〈…〉 n by bloud letting I was recouered as in my first Letters by Sir Thomas Gâ—â—es I haue informed you That Disease had not long left me till within three weekes after I had gotten a little strength I began to be distempered with other grieuous sicknesses which successiuely and seuerally assailed meâ— for besides a relapse into the former Disease which with much more violence held me more thâ—â— a moneth and brought me to great weaknesse the Flux surprized mee and kept me many dayes then the Crampe assaulted my weake bodie with strong paines and afterwards the Gout with which I had heeretofore beene sometime troubled afflicted me in such sort that making my bodie through weaknesse vnable to stirre or to vse any manner of exercise drew vpon me the Disease called the Scuruy which though in others it be a sicknesse of slothfulnesse yet was in me an effect of weaknesse which neuer left mee till I was vpon the point to leaue the World These
in houses sequestred from the common course of men neither may any man be suffered to come into their house or to speake with them but when this Priest doth call him He taketh no care for his victuals for all such kinde of things both Bread and Water c. are brought vnto a place neere vnto his cottage and there are left which hee fetcheth for 〈◊〉 proper neede If they would haue raine or haue lost any thing they haue their recourse to him who coniureth for them and many times preuaileth If they be sicke he is their Physician if they be wounded he sucketh them At his command they make warre and peace neither doe they any thing of moment without him I will not be tedious in these strange Narrations when I haue more perfectly entered into their secrets you shall know all Finally there is a ciuill gouernment amongst them which they strictly obserue and shew thereby that the law of Nature dwellâ—th in them for they haue a rude kinde of Common-wealth and rough gouernment wherein they both honour and obey their Kings Parents and Gouernours both greater and lesse they obserue the limits of their owne possessions Murther is scarsly heard of Adultery and other offences seuerely punished The whole Continent of Uirginia situate within the degrees of 34. and 47. is a place beautified by God with all the ornaments of nature and enriched with his earthly treasures that part of it which we already possesse beginning at the Bay of Chaesapheac and stretching it selfe in Northerly latitude to the degrees of 39. and 40. is interlined with seuen most goodly Riuers the least whereof is equall to our Riuer of Thames and all these Riuers are so neerely ioyned as that there is not very much distance of dry ground betweene either of them and those seuâ—rall maine lands are euery where watered with many veines or creekes of water which sundry waies doe ouerthwart the land and make it almost nauigable from one Riuer to the other The commodity whereof to those that shall inhabite this land is infinite in respect of the speedy and easie transportance of goods from one Riuer to the other I cannot better manifest it vnto you but in aduising you to consider whether the water or land hath beene more beneficiall to the Low-Countries To the Riuer which we inhabit commonly called Powhatans Riuer ebbeth and floweth one hundred and forty miles into the maine at the mouth whereof are the two Forts of Henrico and Charles two and forty miles vpward is the first and Mother-Christian Towne seated called Iames-Towne and seuenty miles beyond that vpward is the new Towne of Henricâ— built and so named in the memory of Noble Prince Henry of lasting and blessed memory tenne miles beyond this is a place called the Fals because the Riuer hath there a great descent falling downe between many minerall Rockes which be there twelue miles farther beyond this place is there a Christall Rocke wherewith the Indians doe head many of their Arrowes three dayes iourney from thence is there a Rock or stony hill found which is in the top couered all ouer with a perfect and most rich Siluer oare Our men that went to discouer those parts had but two Iron Pickaxes with them and those so ill tempered that the points of them turned againe and bowed at euery stroake so that we could not search the entrailes of the place yet some triall was made of that oare with good successe and argument of much hope Six dayes iourney beyond this Mine a great ridge of high hils doe runne along the maine land not farre from whom the Indians report a great Sea doth runne which we commonly call a South Sea but in respect of our habitation is a West Sea for there the Sun setteth from vs. The higher ground is much like vnto the molde of France clay and sand being proportionably mixed together at the top but if we digge any depth as we haue done for out Bricks we finde it to be red clay full of glistering spangles There be many rockie places in all quarters more then probable likelihoods of rich Mines of all sorts though I knew all yet it were not conuenient at this time that I should vtter all neither haue wee had meanes to search for any thing as we ought thorough present want of men and former wants of prouision for the belly As for Iron Steele Antimonium and Terra sigillata they haue rather offered themselues to our eyes and hands then bin sought for of vs. The Ayre of the Countrey especially about Henrico and vpward is very temperate and agreeth well with our bodies The extremity of Summer is not so hot as Spaine nor the cold of Winter so sharpe as the frosts of England The Spring and Haruest are the two longest seasons and most pleasant the Summer and Winter are both but short The Winter is for the most part dry and faire but the Summer watered often with many great and sodaine showers of raine whereby the cold of Winter is warmed and the heate of Summer cooled Many haue died with vs heretofore thorough their owne filthinesse and want of bodily comforts for sicke men but now very few are sicke among vs not aboue three persons amongst all the inhabitants of Henrico I would to God our soules were no sicker then our bodies The naturall people of the Land are generally such as you heard of before A people to be feared of those that come vpon them without defensiue Armor but otherwise faint-hearted if they see their Arrowes cannot pierce and easie to be subdued Shirts of Male or quilted cotten coates are the best defence against them There is but one or two of their petty Kings that for feare of vs haue desired our friendship and those keepe good quarter with vs being very pleasant amongst vs and if occasion be seruiceable vnto vs. Our eldest friends be Pipisco and Choapoke who are our ouerthwart neighbours at Iames-Towne and haue beene friendly to vs in our great want The other is the Werowance of Chescheak who but lately traded with vs peaceably If we were once the masters of their Country and they stood in feare of vs which might with few hands imployed about nothing else be in short time brought to passe it were an easie matter to make them willingly to forsake the Diuell to embrace the faith of Iesus Christ and to be baptized Besides you cannot easily iudge how much they would be auaileable to vs in our Discoueries of the Countrey in our Buildings and Plantings and quiet prouision for our selues when we may peaceably passe from place to place without neede of Armes or Guard The meanes for our people to liue and subsist here of themselues are many and most certaine both for Beasts Birds and Hearbes The Beasts of the Countrey are for the most part wilde as Lyons Beares Wolues and Deere Foxes blacke and red Rakowns Beuers Possowns
we will forbeare to take the most holy name of God in vaine in ordinary swearing by it or any other thing or by scoffing or vaine abusing of his most holy Word or to vse cursing or filthy speeches or any other thing forbidden in Gods most holy Word as also to liue together without stealing one from another or quarrelling one with another or slandering one of another And to auoide all things that stand not with the good estate of a Christian Church and well gouerned Common-wealth as also to embrace the contrary as Iustice and Peace Loue and all other things that stand with the good and comfort of Societie Fourthly Whereas we are here together farre remote from our natiue soile of England and yet are indeed the naturall Subiects of our most Royall and gracious King IAMES of England Scotland France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith c. Wee doe therefore in the presence aforesaid solemnly promise euermore to continue the loyall Subiects of our said Soueraigne King his Heires and Successors and neuer to reuolt from him or them vnto any other whatsoeuer but euermore to acknowledge his Supreme Gouernment Fiftly Whereas wee were sent hither by diuers Aduenturers of the Citie of London and other parts of the Realme of England wee doe here in the presence aforesaid promise to vse all diligence for the good of the Plantation and not to purloyne or imbesell any of the prohibited commodities out of the generall estate but to vse all faithfulnesse as it becommeth Christians to doe as also to bee obedient to all such Gouernour or Gouernours or their Deputie or Deputies as are or shall be by them sent to gouerne vs As also to yeeld all reuerence towardes the Ministery or Ministers of the Gospel sent or to be sent Sixtly and lastly Wee doe here in presence aforesaid promise the Lord assisting vs that if at any time hereafter any forrain power shall attempt to put vs out of this our lawful possession not cowardly to yeeld vp the same but manfully to fight as true English men for the defence of the Common-wealth we liue in and Gospel wee professe and that whiles we haue breath wee will not yeeld to any that shall inuade vs vpon any conditions whatsoeuer I had thought hitherto to haue added a Letter of M. Hughes written from thence Dec. 21. 1614. and printed But our latter intelligence being more ample hath caused mee to omit him and others Yea all things in some and some things in all M. Norwood hath beene a diligent Surueyor of the place and accidents and hath giuen a Map of the one common to be sold and a briefe relation of the other But because his History of the Creatures is briefe I haue borrowed out of Captaine Smith what he had borrowed of Capt. Butler and others to giue the Reader more full satisfaction in that kind CHAP. XVII Relations of Summer Ilands taken out of M. RICHARD NORWOOD his Map and Notes added thereto printed 1622. The History of the Creatures growing or liuing therein being inlarged out of Capt. SMITHS written Relations SIr Thomas Gates and Sir George Summers hauing staied in Bermuda nine moneths with helpe of such things as they saued with the Sea-ven'ure and of such as they found in the Countrey had built of Cedar and rigged fit for the Sea two Vessels a Ship and a Pinnace and vpon the tenth of May 1610. departed toward Uirginia leauing onely two men behind them and carrying them store of prouision for the reliefe of the people there Vpon the foure and twentieth of May they arriued safely there and shortly after some of them returned to the Sommer Ilands againe for a further supply in the same Ship which they had formerly built there where Sir George Sommers dying his men did not according to his last charge giuen vnto them returne to Virginia but framed their course for England leauing behind them three men that staied voluntarily who shortly after found in Sommerset Iland which is a part of Sandys Tribe a verie great treasure in Ambergreece to the valew of nine or ten thousand pound sterling there hath also been found since diuers times of the best sort This new discouery of the Sommer Ilands being thus made knowne in England to the Virginian Company by these men which returned they sold it to some hundred and twentie persons of the same Company who obtained a Charter from his Maiestie and so hold it And toward the latter end of Aprill 1612. sent thither a Ship called the Plough with some sixtie persons to inhabite appointing Gouernour one Master Richard Moore a man ingenuous and carefull who since dyed in Sir Walter Rawlyes last voyage to Guiana a place as appeareth by our Moderne Geographers very rich and spatious But as I say he arriued there about the beginning of Iuly and found the foresaid three men that staied voluntarily very well Master Moore spent the three yeeres of his gouernment for the most part in fortifying the Countrey and trayning the people in Martiall exercises which custome hath beene continued by his successours hee built some nine or tenne Forts placing Oâ—dnance and Munition in them In his time the Lord sent vpon the Countrey a very grieuous scourge and punishment threatning the vtter ruine and desolation of it That it came from God I need not striue to proue especially considering it was generally so acknowledged by vs at that time The causes and occasions of it I need not name being very well knowne to vs all that then liued there which were about sixe hundred persons thought shortly after much diminished I will onely shew the thing it selfe which was a wonderfull annoyance by silly Rats These Rats comming at the first out of a Ship few in number increased in the space of two yeeres or lesse so exceedingly that they filled not onely those places where they were first landed But swimming from place to place spread themselues into all parts of the Countrey Insomuch that there was no Iland though seuered by the Sea from all other Lands and many miles distant from the Iles where the Rats had their originall but was pestered with them They had their Nests almost in euery Tree and in all places their Burrowes in the ground like Conies to harbour in They spared not the fruits of Plants and Trees neither the Plants themselues but eate them vp When wee had set our Corne they would commonly come by troupes the night following or so soone as it began to grow and digge it vp againe If by diligent watching any of it were preserued till it came to earing it should then very hardly scape them Yea it was a difficult matter after wee had it in our houses to saue it from them for they became noysome euen to the persons of men Wee vsed all diligence for the destroying of them nourishing many Cats wilde and tame for that purpose wee vsed Rats-bane and many times set fire
on the Woods so as the fire might run halfe a mile or more before it were extinct Euery man in the Countrey was enioyned to set twelue Traps and some of their owne accord set neere a hundred which they visited twice or thrice in a night Wee trayned vp our Dogs to hunt them wherein they grew so expert that a good Dog in two or three houres space would kill fortie of fiftie Rats and other meanes we vsed to destroy them but could not preuaile finding them still to increase against vs. And this was the principall cause of that great distresse whereunto wee were driuen in the first planting of the Countrey for these deuouring the fruits of the earth kept vs destitute of bread a yeere or two so that when wee had it afterwardes againe wee were so weaned from it that wee should easily neglect and forget to eate it with our meat We were also destitute at that time of Boats and other prouision for fishing And moreouer Master Moore had receiued warning from England that hee should expect the Spaniard that yeere yet they came not but with two ships attempting to come in and hauing their Boat before them to sound the way were shot at by the said Master Moore from Kings Castle and as we supposed one of them stricken through wherevpon they presently departed But as I say this expectation of them caused vs though in great necessitie to hasten the fortifications of the Countrey All these ioyntly but principally the Rats were the causes of our distresse for being destitute of food many dyed and wee all became very feeble and weake whereof some being so would not others could not stir abroad to seeke reliefe but dyed in their houses such as went abroad were subiect through weaknesse to bee suddenly surprized with a disease we called the Feages which was neither paine nor sicknesse but as it were the highest degree of weaknesse depriuing vs of power and abilitie for the execution of any bodily exercise whether it were working walking or what else Being thus taken if there were any in company that could minister any reliefe they would straightwayes recouer otherwise they dyed there Yet many after a little rest would be able to walke again and then if they found any succour were saued About this time or immediately before came thither a company of Rauens which continued with vs all the time of this mortalitie and then departed There were not before that time nor since so far as I heare any more of them seene there And this with some other reasons of more moment moued many to thinke that there was some other Ilands neere the Sommer Ilands betweene Uirginia and it and M. Moore in his time with some other of vs went forth in a Boat so far as then wee could conuemently of purpose to discouer it Since then it hath beene endeauoured by other and is yet as I heare to be further attempted And howsoeuer I am perswaded for certaine causes which I cannot here relate there is no such thing Yet would I not disanimate any from this enterprise for if they find any their labours will be well recompenced and though they find none yet might they discouer those parts so well that the passage to and from Virginia would be more safe and easie But to returne from whence wee haue digressed The extremitie of our distresse began to abate a little before M. Moores time of gouernment was expired partly by supplies out of England of victualland prouision for fishing and partly by that rest and libertie we then obtained the Countrey being fortified Yet the Rats encreased and continued almost to the end of Captaine Tuckers time although hee was prouident and industrious to destroy them but toward the end of his time it pleased God by what meanes it is not wel known to take them away insomuch that the wilde Cats and many Dogs which liued on them were famished and many of them leauing the Woods came downe to the houses and to such places where they vse to garbish their Fish and became tame Some haue attributed this destruction of them to the encrease of wild Cats but that 's not likely they should be so suddenly encreased rather at that time then in the foure yeeres before And the chiefe occasion of this supposition was because they saw such companies of them leaue the Woods and shew themselues for want of food Others haue supposed it to come to passe by the coolnesse of the weather which notwithstanding is neuer so great there as with vs in March nor scarce as it is in April except it be in the wind besides the Rats wanted not feathers of young Birds and Chickens which they daily killed and of Palmeto Mosse as wee call it to build themselues warme nests out of the wind as vsually they did Neither doth it appeare that the cold was so mortall to them seeing they would ordinarily swim from place to place and be very fat euen in the midst of Winter It remaineth then that as we know God doth sometimes effect his will without subordinate and secondary causes and sometimes against them So wee need not doubt but that in the speedy encrease and spreading of these Vermine as also in the preseruation of so many of vs by such weake meanes as we then enioyed and especially in the sudden remouall of this great annoyance there was ioyned with and besides the ordinary and manifest meanes a more immediate and secret worke of God Now to proceed M. Moores time of gouernment being expired Capt. Tucker succeeded arriuing there about mid-May 1616. who likewise gouerned according to the custome three yeeres which time hee spent for the most part in husbandring the Countrey planting and nourishing all such things as were found fit either for trade or for the sustentation and vse of the Inhabitants wherein hee trauelled with much diligence and good successe sending to some parts of the Indies for Plants and Fruâ—ts hee also adâ—ed to the Fortifications and made some Inclosures In his time viz. in the yeere 1617. was sent a Ship and prouision with men of skill for the killing of Whales but they arriued there too late to wit about the midst of April so that before they could make ready their Shallops and fit themselues the principall season for Whale-fishing was past For the Whale come thither in Ianuary and depart againe toward the latter end of May Yet they strook some but found them so liuely swift fierce after they were stricken that they could take none They yeeld great store of Oyle as appeared by one that draue to shoare on Sommerset Iland in Sandys Tribe and by another that we found not far from thence dead vpon a Rocke I also receiued by Captaine Tucker directions from the Aduenturers to diuide the Countrey and to assigne to each Aduenturer his shares or portion of Land and withall a description with notes touching the manner how they
lesse feare imbarguing detention imposts yea shall from other Nations raise by returne of our excesse in these kindes great Summes besides the furnishing of the Kingdome with greater encrease of Shipping Marriners and innumerable employments and the securing and enriching the Ports both of Ireland and England As for Tobacco I haue said little of it because it is so generally knowne which yet is said to be worth to Spaine 100000. pounds yearely and that I grieue to speak it from the fume-fome-froth-spirits of England the abundance brought from Virginia and Summer Ilands inopes nos cepia fecit exceedeth the Market and because so many by immoderate vse thereof are corrupted here at home and the present benefit thereby accrewing in quicke returne hindreth designes of better consequence there And thus much of Virginias present or very probable Commodities to which we may adde the hopes in future times by finding there as good vent for our Wools and Clothes both to the English and ciuilized Indian as the Spaniards doe in their Indies by their Wines and Oyle of which I haue already said that they permit not the generall growth in their Indian plantations for the continuance and necessitie of commerce with Spaine And who seeth not the exceeding benefit which may arise by compleat commerce in venting our owne superfluities of Men of others and specially the principall of English Commodities Cloth and Wooll with the Gospel of our Lord Iesus and returning from thence Clapboord Pipe-staues Cauiare Oade Madder Salt Cordage Pitch Tarre Sope-ashes Pot-ashes Cotton-wools Gaules Furres Hops Hides Gummes Dyes Gingers Sugars Silkes Wines Iron Timbers Fish Ships Mariners Merchants and a World of the Worlds most vseful good things thorow an open Sea obnoxious to no forreine Potentate from and to known and secure Ports and Harbours It is also not only vsefull at all times but necessary to these times as to transport superfluous numbers from hence to Virginia so to cure the diseases of the times caused by the wants of Monies the life of trading and sinewes of a great State attended with wants of sale for the Merchant and consequently of Clothiers and other subordinate professions want of worke for Spinsters Weauers and innumerable poorer Trades and Handicraftsmen want of trading for Citizens neither hath such a generall breaking beene euer knwone so many shops in the principall limmes and streets of this Citie yea in Cheapside the faire face yea in the eye of that beauteous face the Gold-Smiths Row where besides so many shoppes conuerted to other Trades I haue told this last Winter betwixt Friday-street and Bread-street the third part shut vp want of employment for decayed Gentlemen both the elder Vnthrifts and younger Gallants which want of moneyes and store of wants thence issuing is in greatest part caused by the Merchandizes sought and bought in other Countries whereby our Moneyes fall into forraine Whirle-pooles without hopes of recouery whereas if our Trade lay as we see the Spanish with our owne Colonies and Plantations else-where wee should hold them still current in our owne Nation and draw others to bring to vs both Wares and Moneyes from other Regions for the Commodities aforesaid And thus should the Vices of the Times be remedied and the vices of men or vicious men finde from Tobacco Silkes Wines and other excesses like the sting of Scorpions from the Oyle of Scorpions a cure thence whence they receiued their wounds and so many ruptures should eyther be preuented or healed prouisions also procured for employment of honest and humble pouertie at home and the inordinate spirits of others tamed by the Sea and trained at labour to better Discipline I adde further that the prosecution of the Virginian Plantation is both profitable and necessary for the strengthning of the Plantations already begun in Summer Ilands New England and New found Land and that other expected in New Scotland Now if we adde the hopefull passage to the South Sea that one argument is more then all the rest if our eyes shall once be blessed with that desired sight For the trade of the whole world is then made compendious all the rich trades of the East Indies are obuious and neerer hand and no force is able to scoure so large a Coast as that Westerne shoare of all America and secure it from our trading Hence if we finde not golden Countries before not possessed by other Christians whereof also Sir Francis Drakes Noua Albion so long since subiected by voluntary surrender to the English Crowne hath giuen vs hope yet trade will bring the Mines of the West into our ships and the Spices and other rich Merchandize of the East into our shops at easier charge and therefore saleable at easier rates But this Designe of the South Sea may seeme desperate and the Argument ridiculous I shall therefore indeuour to giue better light therein and withall to adde another Argument as weightie as it and greater then all exceptions I may adde also the case of Warre which I desire not but which may happen and Bellona may euen now seeme pregnant and alreadie conceiued whose abortion might be wished if necessitie adde not honour to the lawfulnesse I but propound a case possible The most certaine honorable and beauteous front of Peace hath a backe part of Warre and therefore in securest Peace Prudence is not so secure but she armeth her selfe against feares of War forewarning and forearming men by the Sword drawne to preuent the drawing of Swords and eyther eschewes it or reaps good out of it It is not vnknowne what expenses England hath sustained in and euer since Sir Sebastian Cabots first Discouerie as in those of Sir Hugh Willoughby Burrough Pet and Iackman by the North-east of Hudson Poole Fotherby and diuers other Nauigations by the North of Sir Martine Frobusher Captaine Dauies Sir Thomas Button Master Knight Hudson Hall Baffin and other manifold Discoueries by the North-west all seeking a compendious passage to Cathay and to the East Indies The Reasons which mooued them were far more hopefull then that of Columbus which found not with standing far better and speedier successe Successe is a seruile Argument for Sense rather then for Reason and in this whole Virginian proiect I speake to English Aduenturers and not to pettie Pedlers or Virginian Sauages to such whose eyes are in their heads and not in their hands Careat successibus opto Quisquis abeuentu facta notanda putet Yet hath not Successe beene wholy frustrate yea both Reason and Sense plead for a Passage and Virginias vsefulnesse therein I will not bring vncertaine testimonies of a Portugall taken in a Carrike in Queene Elizabeths dayes and of another Portugall in Guinie which affirmed to Sir Martine Frobusher that hee had past it nor of Garcia Loaisa which is said by the Coast of New-found-land to haue gone to the Moluccas nor of Uasco Coronado in his Letter to the Emperour Charles and other antiquated
Witnesses of Antiquitie I haue already in due place produced Thomas Cowles Iuan de Fuca Thomas Dermer Sir Thomas Button Master Brigges besides the constant and generall report of all the Sauages from Florida to the great Riuer of Canada Now for the hopes of Uirginia by a South-Sea Discouery how neere is England that way to the Trade of both Indies that is of all the remoter World It stands midway betwixt vs and the most frequented Ports of the West which perhaps may shortly come to full age and sue out her Liuerie how euer hitherto kept in close Wardship and debarred the rights of common humanite that is the commerce with other Nations without discerning Friend and Foe Strange iealousie and worthy of iealous Suspicion to admit Trade in all European Ports not Siuill and Madrid excepted and to prohibit the same in all the East and West where it can lesse be prohibited there to repute all in nature of Pyrats and accordingly to make prize of ships goods and men which shall attempt to sayle that vast Ocean or offer Trade in any of those Habitations But leauing that to consideration of my Betters in the East both English and Dutch haue maintayned their iust Trade by force which by vniust force was denied and haue paid themselues largely for all losses sustayned by the Insultings or Assaultings of those Monopolians with gaine with honour that trade being almost denied to those iniurious deniers their owne reputation and traffique now bleeding which would haue cut the throates of all others aduentures of all other aduenturers I neither prophesie nor exhort vnto the like in the West Our prudent and potent Mother Elizabeth wan renowne and wealth in their owne harbours and Cities at home and no lesse in the remotest of their Lands and Seas Yea the South Sea by furthest compasse was neere to her long and iust armes and their Cacaplata and Saint Anne with other their richest Ships and Ports were ransacked by English Cacafuegos and the charges of those warres borne by those enemies which caused them Nulla salus bello pacem te poscimus omnes He whose words and workes hath euer beene Beati pacifici knowes best when and how to exact his and the Worlds right in the World of which God hath granted a Monopoly to no man and if others can embrace the whole Globe with dispersed habitations not to suffer his long arme to be shortned and the strong armes of his to be pinioned and forced to accept of a bounded and limited commerce in a little corner at others pleasure Once in iust and euen peace Virginia stands fit to become Englands Factor in America if war should happen both it and Bermuda are fit Senâ—â—nels and Scouts yea fit Searchers and Customers fit Watch-towers and Arsenals to maintaine right against all wrong-doers And for the South Sea if a passage be found neere vnto Uirginia as Master Dermer was confident vpon relations as he writ to me of a thousand witnesses wee then see Uirginias lap open yeelding her Ports and Harbours for the Easterne treasures to be the neerest way conueied by the West Yea if it be more remote as Chacke and Fuca relate yet hath Virginia an vsefull neighbourhood both for sicke men weatherbeaten Ships and prouisions exhaust in long Voyages to make them fitter for returne And if such passage were not at all yet the Mountaines of Virginia cannot but send Riuers to that Sea so that as the wealth of Peru is brought to Panama and thence by Land conuaied to the Ports of this Sea so may the wealth of the South Sea and the Regions of the West of America be that way passed to English hands The like may be said of the Ilands of Salomon the South vnknowne Continent which after-times may discouer probably as rich as the rest that I mention not the knowne Regions of the East already traded And although the passage be not yet perfectly knowne yet may the seasons and fittest opportunities and prouisions for that discouery be most easie from Uirginia and there if crossed with stormes or other diasters they may finde securest refuge and refreshing And if which God auert we may not haue the wares of peace yet the peace of warres that is a fit rendeuous and retiring place where to cheere and hearten to repaire and supply vpon all occasions is there offered by the aduantages of both Seas For in both that vast body must needes be of slow motion where the limmes are so disioynted and one member vnfit to helpe another by remotenesse And if it should but force the aduersary to maintaine Garrisons in his Ports on both sides to secure them from inuasion and a double Nauie of War in both Seas the one to secure the Coasts the other to secure his Shippes in the South Sea passing from the Philippinas or from one Port to another and in the North Sea to wafte his Treasures and Merchandise into Europe the wings of that Eagle would be so pulled with such costs that hee could not easily make inuasiue flight vpon his neighbours in these parts vea both those and these Dominions would be exposed to the easier inuasions of others Tam Marte quam Mercurio in Peace and Warre so vsefull may Uirginia and Bermuda be to this Kingdome Now if any say Medice cura teipsum and alleadge that they themselues are not able to stand against an enemy I answere first for Bermuda or Summer Ilands that little body is all heart and hath the strentgh of Nature and Art conspiring her impregnablenesse For the Rockes euery way haue so fortified the scituation that she would laugh at an Armada at a World of Ships where the straight passage admits not two Ships abreast to enter and hath ten Forts with Ordnance to entertaine them She feares no rauishment and as little needes she famishment so that vnlesse God for our sinnes or the Diuell by the worst of sinnes treason and the worst of his Sonnes some Iudas expose her to the Enemy she can know no other loue or Lord but English And for Virginia against the Sauages greatest fright Captaine Smith maintained himselfe without losse with gaine with thirty eight men against others she hath so fit places for fortification so fit meanes and materials to secure her as eye-witnesses report that the worst of enemies to be feared is English backwardnesse or frowardnesse like Sampsons Foxes either drawing backe or hauing fire at their tongues ends Now if Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory were able from England onely to annoy her enemies so great and potent so much and farre what may we in Gods name hope of a New England New found Land Bermuda and Uirginia already planted with English When vpon newes of the fall of that great Northen Starre the Duke of Braganzas brother spake of her as the Iesuites had slandered hold your peace brother said the Duke himselfe one then present related this to me had it not beene for her
Capawuck where Epenew should haue fraughted them with Gold Ore that his fault could be no cause of their bad successe howeuer it is alledged for an excuse I speake not this out of vain glory as it may be some gleaners or some was neuer there may censure mee but to let all men be assured by those examples what those Sauages are that thus strangely doe murder and betray our Coâ—ntrie men But to the purpose What is already writ of the healthfulnesse of the ayre the richnesse of the soyle the goodnesse of the Woods the abundance of Fruits Fish and Fowle in their season they still affirme that haue beene there now neer two yeeres and at one draught they haue taken one thousand Basses and in one night twelue hogsheads of Herring They are building a strong Fort they hope shortly to finish in the interim they are well prouided their number is about a hundred persons all in health and well neere sixtie Acres of ground well planted with Corne besides their Gardens well replenished with vsefull fruits and if their Aduenturers would but furnish them with necessaries for fishing their wants would quickly bee supplied To supply them this sixteenth of October is going the Paragon with sixtie seuen persons and all this is done by priuate mens purses And to conclude in their owne words should they write of all plenties they haue found they thinke they should not be beleeued For the twentie sixe sayle of Ships the most I can yet vnderstand is M. Ambrose Iennens of London and Master Abraham Iennens of Plimmoth sent their Abraham a Ship of two hundred and twentie Tuns and the Nightingale of Porchmouth of a hundred whose Fish at the first penie came to 3150 pounds in all they were fiue and thirty saile and wherein New found Land they shared sixe or seuen pounds for a common man in New England they shared foureteene pounds besides six Dutch and French Ships made wonderfull returnes in Furres Thus you may see plainely the yearely successe from New England by Virginia which hath bin so costly to this Kingdome and so deare to me which either to see perish or but bleede pardon me though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modesty to haue bin sufficiently able to foresee it and had neither power nor meanes how to preuent it By that acquaintance I haue with them I may call them my children for they haue bin my Wife my Hawkes my Hounds my Cards my Dice and in totall my best content as indifferent to my heart as my left hand to my right and notwithstanding all those miracles of disasters haue crossed both them and me yet were there not one Englishman remaining as God be thanked there is some thousands I would yet begin againe with as small meanes as I did at the first not for that I haue any secret encouragement from any I protest more then lamentable experiences for all their Discoueries I can yet heare of are but Pigs of my owne Sowe nor more strange to me then to heare one tell mee he hath gone from Billings gate and discouered Greenwich Grauesend Tilberry Quinborow Lee and Margit which to those did neuer heare of them though they dwell in England might be made seeme some rare secrets and great Countries vnknowne except the Relation of Master Dirmer But to returne It is certaine from Cannada and New England within these sixe yeares hath come neere 20000. Beuer Skins Now had each of those Ships transported but some small quantitie of the most increasing Beasts Fowles Fruites Plants and Seedes as I proiected by this time their increase might haue bin sufficient for a thousand men But the desire of present gaine in many is so violent and the endeuours of many vndertakers so negligent euery one so regarding their priuate gaine that it is hard to effect any publicke good and impossible to bring them into a body rule or order vnlesse both authority and money assist experiences It is not a worke for euery one to plant a Colony but when a House is built it is no hard matter to dwell in it This requireth all the best parts of art iudgement courage honesty constancy diligence and experience to doe but neere well your home-bred ingrossing proiectors shall finde there a great difference betwixt saying and doing But to conclude the Fishing will goe forward if you plant it or no whereby a Colonie may be transported with no great charge that in a short time might prouide such fraughts to buy of vs there dwelling as I would hope no Ship should goe or come empty from New England The charge of this is onely Salt Nets Hookes Lines Kniues Irish Rugs course Cloath Beades Glasse and such like trash onely for fishing and trade with the Sauages beside our owne necessary prouisions whose endeuours will quickly defray all this charge and the Sauages haue intreated me to inhabite where I will Now all these Ships till this last yeare haue bin fished within a square of two or three leagues and not one of them all would aduenture any further where questionlesse fiue hundred saile may haue their fraught better then in Island New found Land or elsewhere and be in their markets before the other can haue their fish in their Ships because New Englands fishing begins with February the other not till mid May the progression hereof tends much to the aduancement of Virginia and the Bermudas whose emptie Ships may take in their fraught there and would be a good friend in time of neede to the Inhabitants of New found Land c. CHAP. IIII. A Relation or Iournall of a Plantation setled at Plimoth in New England and proceedings thereof Printed 1622. and here abbreuiated WEdnesday the sixt of September the Winde comming East North-east a fine small gale we loosed from Plimoth hauing bin kindely entertained and curteously vsed by diuers friends there dwelling and after many difficulties in boisterous stormes at length by Gods prouidence vpon the ninth of Nouember following by breake of the day we espied Land which we deemed to be Cape Cod and so afterward it proued Vpon the eleuenth of Nouember we came to an anchor in the Bay which is a good harbour and pleasant Bay circled round except in the entrance which is about foure miles ouer from land to land compassed about to the verie Sea with Oakes Pines Iuniper Saffafras and other sweete Wood it is a harbour wherein 1000. saile of Ships may safely ride there wee relieued our selues with Wood and Water and refreshed our people while our Shallop was fitted to coast the Bay to search for an habitation there was the greatest store of Fowle that euer we saw And euerie day we saw Whales playing hard by vs of which in that place if wee had instruments and meanes to take them we might haue made a verie rich returne which to our great griefe we wanted Our Master and his Mate and others experienced in fishing professed wee might haue
loosed from thence and the seuen and twentieth thereof they arriued at Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-land and from thence sailed alongst the Bay of Conception where they left the Ship and dispatched themselues home in seuerall Ships that belonged to the West part of England and doe intend this next Spring to set forth a Colony to plant there The description of the Countrey of Mawooshen discouered by the English in the yeere 1602. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. and 9. MAwooshen is a Countrey lying to the North and by East of Uirginia betweene the degrees of 43. and 45. It is fortie leagues broad and fiftie in length lying in breadth East and West and in length North and South It is bordered on the East side with a Countrey the people whereof they call Tarrantines on the West with Epistoman on the North with a great Wood called Senaglecoune and on the South with the mayne Ocean Sea and many Ilands In Mawooshen it seemeth there are nine Riuers whereof the first to the East is called Quibiquesson on which there is one Towne wherein dwell two Sagamos or Lords the one called Asticon the other Abermot In this Towne are fiftie houses and 150. men The name of which Towne is Precante this Riuer runneth farre vp into the Mayne at the head thereof there is a Lake of a great length and breadth it is at the fall into the Sea tenne fathoms deepe and halfe a mile ouer The next is Pemaquid a goodly Riuer and very commodious all things considered it is ten fathoms water at the entrance and fortie miles vp there are two fathoms and a halfe at low water it is halfe a mile broad and runneth into the Land North many daies iourney where is a great Lake of 18. leagues long and foure broad In this Lake are seuen great Ilands toward the farthest end there falleeh in a Riuer which they call Acaconstomed where they passe with their Boates thirtie daies iourney vp and from thence they goe ouer Land twentie daies iourney more and then come to another Riuer where they haue a trade with Anadabis or Anadabijon with whom the Frenchmen haue had commerce for a long time Neere to the North of this Riuer of Pemaquid are three Townes the first is Upsegon where Bashabes their chiefe Lord doth dwell And in this Towne are sixtie houses and 250. men it is three daies iourney within the Land The second is Caiocame the third Shasheekeing These two last Townes are opposite one to the other the Riuer diuiding them both and they are two daies iourney from the Towne of Bashabes In Caioc 〈…〉 dwelleth Maiesquis and in Shasheokeing Bowant two Sagamos subiects to Bashabes Vpon both sides of this Riuer vp to the very Lake for a good distance the ground is plaine without Trees or Bushes but full of long Grasse like vnto a pleasant meadow which the Inhabitants doe burne once a yeere to haue fresh feed for their Deere Beyond this Meadow are great Woods whereof more shall bee spoken hereafter The Riuer of Pemaquid is foure dayes iourney from the mouth of Quibiquesson The third Riuer is called Ramassoc and is distant from the mouth of Pemaquid foure daies iourney it is twentie fathoms at the entrance and hath a mile ouer it runneth into the Land three daies iourney and within lesse then a daies iourney of the dwelling of Bashabes vpon this Riuer there is a Towne named Panobscot the Lord whereof is called Sibatahood who hath in his Town fiftie houses and eightie men The fourth Riuer Apanawapeske lying West and by South of Ramassoc at the entrance whereof there is twentie fathoms water and it is a mile broad it runneth vp into the Countrey fiue daies iourney and within three daies of the mouth are two Townes the one called Meecombe where dwelleth Aramasoga who hath in his Towne fiftie houses and eightie men The other is Chebegnadose whose Lord is Skanke and hath thirtie houses and ninetie men The mouth of Apanawapeske is distant from Ramassoc three daies iourney To the South-west foure daies iourney there is another excellent Riuer in the entranc◠whereof is twentie fathoms water and it is a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two daies iourney and then there is a great fall at the head wherof there is a Lake of a daies iourney long and as much in breadth On the side of this Lake there is a Strait and at the end of that Strait there is another Lake of foure daies iourney long and two daies iourney broad wherin there are two Ilands one at the one end and another at the other end I should haue told you that both these Lakes as also the rest formerly spoken of doe infinitely abound with fresh water fish of all sorts◠as also with diuers sorts of Creatures as Otters Beeues sweete Rats and such like The sixt Riuer is called Apponick on which there are three Townes the first is called Appisham where dwelleth Abochigishic The second is Mesaqueegamic where dwelleth Amniquin in which there is seuentie houses and eightie men the third is Matammiscowte in which are eightie houses and ninetie men and there dwelleth Narracommique To the Westward of this there is another Riuer called Aponeg it hath at the entrance ten fathoms water and is a mile broad it runneth vp into a great Sound of fresh water Vpon the East side of this Riuer there are two Townes the one called Nebamocago the other called Ashawe In the first dwelleth Mentavrmet and hath in his Towne 160. housholds and some 300. men In the second dwelleth Hamerhaw and hath in his Towne eightie housholds and seuentie men On the West side there is another Towne called Neredoshan where are 120. housholds and 100. men There is a Sagamo or Lord called Sabenaw Three daies iourney from Aponeg to the Westward there is a goodly Riuer called Sagadohoc the entrance whereof is a mile and an halfe ouer holding that breadth a daies iourney and then it maketh a great Sound of three daies iourney broad in which Sound are six Ilands foure great and full of Woods and two lesse without Woods The greater are called Sowaghcoc Neguiwo Neiwoc And in the verie entrance of this Riuer there is another small Iland from the West of which Iland to the Maine there is a Sand that maketh as it were a bar so that that way is not passable for shipping but to the Eastward there is two fathoms water This Sound diuideth it selfe into two branches or armes the one running North-east twentie foure daies iourney the other North-west thirtie daies iourney into the Maine At the heads whereof there are two Lakes the Westermost being eight daies iourney long and foure daies iourney broad and the Eastermost foure daies iourney long and two daies broad The Riuer of Aponeg runneth vp into this Sound and so maketh as it were a great Iland
two seuerall Companies to the number of about one hundred and eightie persons to each Company being discontented stole away from him in a Shallop and tooke two Ships that were fishing in Trinitie Bay one belonging to Barnstable and one other to Plimmouth and so intend to begin to be new beads of that damnable course of life As I sailed from hence towards Renoose in a small Barke I fell into one of their hands and one of my company was hurt with a Musket there was one of their crew that wintered with me here the first yeare by whose meanes and because I was in the Barke they made shew that they were sorry that they had medled with vs And so they departed from vs without comming aboord That which they sought after was men to increase their number Before the said Captaine Eastons departure he sent three Ships into Trinitie Bay to store himselfe with victuals munition and men who are said to be worse vsed then the Ships here he taketh much ordnance from them The said Easton was lately at Saint Iones and is now as farre as I can learne at Feriland where he taketh his pleasure and thereabouts the rest are to meete him It is giuen out that we will send one Captaine Haruy in a Ship to Ireland to vnderstand newes about his pardon which if he can obtaine in i◠〈…〉 rge and ample manner as he expecteth then he giueth out that he will come in otherwise it is thought that he will get Protection of the Duke of Florence and that in his course herehence he will houer about the Westwards of the Ilands of the Azores to see whether he can light vpon any of the Plate fleete or any good rich bootie before his comming in Albeit he hath so preuailed here to the strengthening of himselfe and incouraging of others to attempt the like hereafter yet were there that course taken as I hope shall be it is a most easie matter to represse them I haue also a Diarie of the winter weather and obseruations of occurrents from August 1612. till Aprill 1613. December was very full of Snow for I dare not present the whole and the fresh-water Lake was frozen ouer and the Frost and Snow by the tenth of that moneth as in any part of the two former places Ianuary was much milder till the foureteenth from thence it was very frosty Their Beere was frozen and they dranke halfe water an ill remedy to cold The Cattell did not well thriue as comming out of a Countrie not so cold And therefore Iresh Cattell where the winter is warmer are not so fit to be transported hither George Dauis died of the Scuruie and after him Edward Garten Edward Hartland Iohn Tucker and one and twenty were sicke most of the Scuruie the whole Colonie was sixtie two February was much warmer and more temperate Toby and Grigge died in March the rest recouered Turneps being found as good to recouer from the Scuruie as the Aneda tree to Iacques Cartiers Company Nicholas Guies wife was deliuered of a lusty boy March 27. The Easterly windes and some Currents brought Ilands of Ice from the North Seas which made the weather colder that Spring then in the depth of winter when the same windes blowed namely East and Northeast those Ilands being blowne into the Baies and the windes from them euen in Aprill very sharpe and the Snow on the tenth of Aprill as thicke as any time that yeare In October Iohn Guy with thirteene others in the Indeauour and fiue in the Shallop went vpon Discouery A◠Mount Eagle Bay they found store of Scuruy-grasse on an Iland In the South bottome of Trinitie Bay which they called Sauage Harbour they found Sauages houses no people in them in one they found a Copper Kettle very bright you shall haue it as one of them writ it in his owne tearmes a furre Goune of Elke skin some Seale skins an old saile and a fishing reele Order was taken that nothing should be diminished and because the Sauages should know that some had bin there euery thing was remoued out of his place and brought into one of the Cabins and laid orderly one vpon the other and the Kettle hanged ouer them wherein there was put some Bisket and three or foure Amber Beades This was done to begin to win them by faire meanes This time of the yeare they liue by hunting for wee found twelue Elkes hoofes that were lately killed A little peece of flesh was brought away which was found to be a Beuer Cod which is forthcomming to be seene Their Houses there were nothing but Poles set in round forme meeting all together aloft which they couer with Deere skins they are about ten foote broad and in the middle they make their fire one of them was couered with a saile which they had gotten from some Christian. All things in this manner left euery one returned by the Moone-light going by the brinke of the Lake vnto the enterance of the made way and a little before they came thither they passed by a new Sauage house almost finished which was made in a square forme with a small roofe and so came to the Barke They haue two kinde of Oares one is about foure foot long of one peece of Firre the other is about ten foot long made of two peeces one being as long big and round as a halfe Pike made of Beech wood which by likelihood they made of a Biskin Oare the other is the blade of the Oare which is let into the end of the long one slit and whipped very strongly The short one they vse as a Paddle and the other as an Oare The thirtieth without any further businesse with the Sauages we departed thence to the Northerne side of Trinity Bay and anchored all that night vnder an Iland The one and thirtieth we rowed vnto an harbour which now is called Alhallowes which hath adioyning vnto it very high land Nouember the sixt two Canoas appeared and one man alone comming towards vs with a Flag in his hand of a Wolfes skin shaking it and making a loud noise which we tooke to be for a parley whereupon a white Flag was put out and the Barke and Shallop rowed towards them which the Sauages did not like of and so tooke them to their Canoas againe and were going away whereupon the Barke wheazed vnto them and flourished the Flag of truce and came to anker which pleased them and then they staied presently after the Shallop landed Master Whittington with the Flagge of truce who went towards them Then they rowed into the shoare with one Canoa the other standing aloofe off and landed two men one of them hauing the white skin in his hand and comming towards Master Whittington the Sauage made a loud speech and shaked the skin which was answered by Master Whittington in like manner and as the Sauage drew neere he threw downe the white skin on the ground the like was
furtherance of our intended designe as any other reason I shall deliuer In the yeere 1616. I had a Ship at New-found-land of a hundred tun which returning laden from thence being bound for Lisbone was met with by a French Pirace of Rochell one Daniel Tibolo who rifled her to the ouerthrow and losse of my Voyage in more then the 〈◊〉 of 860. pounds and cruelly handled the Mastes and the Company that were in her and although I made good proofe thereof at Lisbone and represented the same also to this Kingdome as appertained after my returne from thence yet for all this losse 〈◊〉 could neuer haue any recompence Shortly after my returne from Lisboue I was sent for by a Gentleman who about a yeere before by a grant from the Patentees had vndertaken to settle people in New-found-land he acquainted me with his designes after some conference touching the same we so concluded that he gaue me a conueiance vnder his hand and seale for the terme of my life with full power to gouerne within his circuit vpon that Coast whereupon being desirous to aduance that worke in Anno 1618. I sailed thither in a Ship of my owne which was victualled by that Gentleman my selfe and some others We likewise then did set forth another Ship for a fishing Voyage which also carried some victuals for those people which had beene formerly sent to inhabit there but this Ship was intercepted by an English erring Captain that went forth with Sir Walter Raleigh who tooke the Master of her the Boatswaine two other of the best men with much of her victuals the rest of the Company for feare running into the woods and so left the Ship as a Prize whereby our intended Fishing Voyages of both our Ships were ouerthrown and the Plantation hindered Now seeing it pleased your Maiestie many yeers since to take good notice of the said New-found-land and granted a Patent for a Plantation there wherein many Honorable and worthy mens endeuours and great charge therein haue deserued good commendations as is well known the which I desire to further with all my best endeuours and not to disgrace or disable the foundation and Proiects of others knowing they haue beene greatly hindered by Pâ—â—ats and some erring Subiects that haue arriued vpon that Coast it being indifferent to me whether there be a new foundation laid or whether it be builded vpon that which hath already beene begun so that the Plantation go forward Yet I may truly say that hither to little hath beene performed to any purpose by such as therein were imploied worthy the name of a Plantation or answerable to the expectationa and desert of the Vndertakers neither haue such good effects followed as may be expected from a thorow performance hereafter And seeing that no man hath yet published any fit motiues or inducements whereby to perswade men to aduenture or plant there I haue presumed plainly to lay downe these following reasons c. A Relation of the New-found-land NEw-found-land is an Iland bordering vpon the continent of America from which it is diuided by the Sea so far distant as England is from the neerest part of France lieth between 46. and 53. deg North-latitude It is neere as spacious as Ireland and lieth neere the course that Ships vsually hold in their return from the Wost Indies and neere halfe the way between Ireland and Virginia I shall not much neede to coâ—â—end the wholsome temperature of that Countrie seeing the greatest part thereof lieth aboue 3. degrees neerer to the South then any part of England doth And it hath bin well approued by some of our Nation who haue liued there these many yeeres that euen in the winter it is as pleasant and healthfull as England is And although the example of one Summer be no certain rule for other yeeres yet thus much also can I truely affirme that in the yeare 1615. of the many thousands of English French Portugals and others that were then vpon that Coast amongst whom I sailed to and â—â—o more then one hundred leagues I neither saw nor heard in all that crauell of any man or boy of either of these Nations that died there during the whole Voyage neither was so much as any one of them sicke The naturall Inhabitants of the Countrie as they are but few in number so are they something rude and sauage people hauing neither knowledge of God nor liuing vnder any kinde of ciuil gouernment In their habits customs manners they resemble the Indians of the Continent from whence I suppose they come they liue altogether in the North and West part of the Country which is seldome frequented by the English But the French and Biscaines who resort thither yeerely for the Whale-fishing and also for the Cod-fish report them to be an ingenious and tractable people being well vsed they are ready to assist them with great labour and patience in the killing cutting and boyling of Whales and making the Traine Oyle without expectation of other reward then a little Bread or some such small hire All along the coast of this Countrie there are many spacious and excellent Bayes some of them stretching into the land one towards another more then twentie leagues On the East side of the Land are the Bayes of Trinitie and Conception which stretcheth themselues towards the South-weste Toâ— Bay and Cap 〈…〉 Bay lying also on the East stretch toward the West the Bayes of Trepassoy S. Mary Bâ—rrell and Plaisâ—â—ce on the South part of the Land extend their armes toward the North The great Bay of S. 〈◊〉 lying on the South-west side of the Land and East So 〈…〉 rly from the great Riuer of C 〈…〉 being about twentie leagues distant the same stretcheth toward the East And here I pray you note that the bottoms of these Bayes doe meete together within the compasse of a small 〈◊〉 by meanes whereof our men passing ouer land from Bay to Bay may with much facilitied discouer the whole Countrie From the Bay of S. Peter round about the West side of the Land till you come to the grand Bay which 〈◊〉 on the North side of the Countrie and so from thence till you come round back to T 〈…〉 Bay are abundance of large and excellent Bayes which are the lesse knowne because not frequented by the English who seldome 〈◊〉 to the Northward of Triâ—â—tie Bay And it is to be obserued that round about the Coast and in the Bayes there are many small Ilands none of them further off the 〈…〉 league from the land both faire and fruitfullâ— neither doth any one part of the world afford greacee store of good Harbours more free from dangers or more commodious then are there built by the admirable workmanship of God I will onely instance two or three of the chiefest for some speciall reasons Trinitie Harbour â—yes fortie nine degrees North-latitude being very commodiously seasted to receiue shipping in
Wine doe long for it as a daintie that their purses could neuer reach toâ—n England and hauing it there without money euen in their houses where they lie and hold their guard can be kept from being drunke and once drunke held in any order or tune except we had for euery drunkard an Officer to attend him But who bee they that haue run into these disorders Euen our newest men our youngest men and our idlest men and for the most part our slouenly prest men whom the Iustices who haue alwayes thought vnworthily of any warre haue sent out as the scum and dregs of the Countrey And those were they who distempering themselues with their hot Wines haue brought in that sicknesse which hath infected honester men then themselues But I hope as in other places the recouery of the disease doth acquaint their bodies with the ayre of the Countrey where they be so the remainder of these which haue either recouered or past without sicknesse will proue most fit for Martiall seruices If we haue wanted Surgeons may not this rather be laid vpon the Captaines who are to prouide for their seuerall Companies then vpon the Generalls whose care hath been more generall And how may it be thought that euery Captaine vpon whom most of the charges of raising their Companies was laid as an aduenture could prouide themselues of all things expedient for a war which was alwayes wont to be maintained by the purse of the Prince But admit euery Captain had his Surgeon yet were the want of curing neuerthelesse for our English Surgeons for the most part bee vnexperienced in hurts that come by shot because England hath not knowne warres but of late from whose ignorance proceeded this discomfort which I hope will warne those that hereafter goe to the warres to make preparation of such as may better preserue mens liues by their skill From whence the want of carriages did proceed you may coniecture in that wee marched through a Country neither plentifull of such prouisions nor willing to part from any thing yet this I can assure you that no man of worth was left either hurt or sicke in any place vnprouided for And that the Generall commanded all the Mules and Asses that were laden wiâ—â— any baggage to be vnburdened and taken to that vse and the Earle of Essex and he for mony hired men to carry men vpon Pikâ—â— And the Earle whose true vertue and nobilitie as it doth in all other his actions appeare so did it very much in this threw downe his owne stuffe I meane apparell and necessities which hee had there from his owne carriages and let them be left by the way to put hurt and sicke men vpon them And the great complaint that these men make for want of victualls may well proceed from their not knowing the wants of warre for if to feed vpon good Beeues Muttons and Goates be to want they haue endured great scarcitie at Land whereunto they neuer wanted two dayes together wine to mixe with their water nor bread to eat with theâ— meat in some quantitie except it were such as had vowed rather to starue then to 〈◊〉 out of their places for food of whom we haue too many After six dayes sayling from the Coast of England and the fifth after we had the wind good being the twentieth of Aprill in the euening we landed in a bay more thâ—â— an English mile from the Groine in our long Boats and Pinnaces without any impeachmentâ— from whence we presently marched toward the Towne within one halfe mile wee were encountred by the enemy who being charged by ours retired into their gates For that night our Armie lay in the Villages Hoâ—ses and Mils next adioyning and very neere round about the Towne into the which the Galeon named S. Iohn which was the second of the last yeeres 〈◊〉 against England one Huâ—ke two smaller Ships and two Gallies which were found in the Road did beat vpon vs and vpon our Companies as they passed too and fro that night and the next morning Generall Norris hauing that morning before day viewed the Towne found the same defended on the Lâ—nd side for it standeth vpon the necke of an Iland with a wall vpon a dry Ditch whereupon hee resolued to try in two plâ—ces what might be done against it by Escâ—lade and in the meane time aduised for the landing of some Artillerie to be vpon the Ships and Gallies that they might not annoy vs which being but in execution vpon the planting of the first Peece the Gallies abandoned the Road and betooke them to Feroll not farre from therice and the Armada being beaten with the Artillery and Musketers that were placed vpon the next shoare left her playing vpon vs. The rest of the day was spent in preparing the Companies and other prouisions readie for the surprise of the baâ—e Towne which was effected in this sort There were appointed to bee landed 1200. men vnder the conduct of Colonell Huntley and Captaine Fenner the Vice-Admirall on that side next â—â—onting vs by water in long Boates and Pinnaces wherein were placed many Peeces of Artillery to beat vpon the Towne in their approach at the corner of the wall which defended the other water side were appointed Captain Richard Wing field Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Norris and Captaine Sampson Lieutenant Colonell to Generall Drake to enter at low water with fiue hundred men if they found it passable but if not to betake them to the Esâ—alade for they had also Ladders with them â—â—t the other corner of the wall which ioyned to that side that was attempted by water were appointed Colonell Umpton and Colonell Bret with three hundred men to enter by Escalade All the Companies which should enter by Boat being imbarked before the low water and hauing giuen the alarme Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson betooke them to the Escalade for they had in commandement to charge all at one instant The Boats landed without any great difficultie yet had they some men hurt in landing Colonell Bret and Colonell Vmpton entred their quarter without encounter not finding any defence made against them for Captaine Hinder being one of them that entred by water at his first entry with some of his owne companie whom hee trusted well betooke himselfe to that part of the wall which hee cleered before that they offered to enter and so scoured the wall till he came on the backe of them who maintained the fight against Captaine Wingfield and Captaine Sampson who were twice beaten from their Ladders and found very good resistance till the enemies perceiuing ours entred in two places at their backes were driuen to abandon the same The reason why that place was longer defended then the other is as Don Iuan de Luna who commanded the same affirmeth that the enemie that day had resolued in counsell how to make their defences if they were approached and therein concluded that if wee attempted it by
enemy very strongly entrenched who with out shot beaten to the further end of the Bridge Sir Edward Norris marching in the point of the Pakes without stay passed to the Bridge accompanied with Colonell Sidney Captaine Hinder Captaine Fulford and diuers others who found the way cleere ouer the same but through an incredible volley of shot for that the shot of their Army flanked vpon both sides of the Bridge the further end whereof wâ—â— barricaâ—ed with Barrells but they who should haue guarded the same seeing the proud approach wee made forsooke the defence of the barricade where Sir Edward entred and charging the first defendant with his Pike with very earnestnesse in ouerthrusting fell and was grieuously hurt at the sword in the head but was most honourably rescued by the Generall his brother accompanied with Colonell Sidney and some other Gentlemen Captaine Hinder also hauing his Caske shot off bâ—â— fiue wounds in the head and face at the sword and Captaine Fulford was shot in the left arme at the same encounter yet were they so thorowly seconded by the Generall who thrust himselfe so neere to giue encouragement to the attempt which was of wonderfull difficultie as their brauest men that defended that place being ouer throwne their whole Army fell presently into rout of whom our men had the chase three miles in foure sundry waies which they betooke themselues vnto There was taken the Standard with the Kings Armes and borne before the Generall How many two thousand men for of so many consisted our Vantguard might kill in pursuit of foure sundry parties so many you may imagine fell before vs that day And to make the number more great our men hauing giuen ouer the execution and returning to their stands found many hidden in the Vineyards and Hedges which they dispatched Also Colonell Mâ—â—kerk was sent with his Regiment three miles further to a Cloister which hee burnt and spoiled wherein he found two hundred more and put them to the sword There were slaine in this fight on our side onely Captain Cooper and one priuate Souldier Captaine Barton was also hurt vpon the Bridge in the eye But had you seene the strong barricades they had made on either side of the Bridge and how strongly they lay encamped thereabouts you would haue thought it a rare resolution of ours to giue so braue a charge vpon an Armie so strongly lodged After the fury of the execution the Generall sent the Vantguard one way and the battell another to burne and spoile so as you might haue seene the Countrey more then three miles compasse on fire There was found very good store of Munition and victualls in the Campe some plate and rich apparell which the better sort left behind they were so hotly pursued Our Sailers also landed in an Iland next adioyning to our ships where they burnt and spoiled all they found Thus we returned to the Groine bringing small comfort to the enemy within the same who shot many times at vs as we marched out but not once in our comming backe againe The next day was spent in shipping our Artillery landed for the battery and of the rest taken at the Groine which had it beene such as might haue giuen vs any assurance of a better battery or had there beene no other purpose of our iourney but that I thinke the Generall would haue spent some more time in the siege of the place The two last nights there were that vndertooke to fire the higher Towne in one place where the houses were builded vpon the wall by the water side but they within suspecting as much made so good defence against vs as they preuented the same In our departure there was fire put into euerie house of the low Towne insomuch as I may iustly say there was not one house left standing in the base Towne or the Cloister The next day being the eight of May wee embarked our Armie without losse of a man which had wee not beaten the enemie at Puente de Burgos had beene impossible to haue done After we had put from thence we had the wind so contrarie as we could not vnder nine daies recouer the Burlings in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earle of Essex and with him M. Walter Douerâ—uâ— his brother a Gentleman of wonderfull great hope Sir Roger Williams Colonell Generall of the Footmen Sir Philip Butler who hath alwaies beene most inward with him and Sir Edward Wingfield came into the Fleet. The Earle put off in the same wind from Falmouth that wee left Plimouth in where he lay because he would auoid the importunitie of Messengers that were daily sent for his returne and some other causes more secret to himselfe not knowing as it seemed what place the Generals purposed to land in had bâ—n as far as Cadâ—â— in Andalâ—zia and lay vp and downe about the South Cape where hee tooke some Ships laden with Corne and brought them vnto the Fleet. Also in his returne from thence to meet with our Fleet he fell with the Ilands of Bayon and on that side of the Riuer which Cannas standeth vpon he with Sir Roger Williams and those Gentlemen that were with him went on shoare with some men out of the Ship he was in whom the enemy that held guard vpon that Coast would not abide but fled vp into the Countrey The sixteenth day we landed at Peniche in Portugal vnder the shot of the Castle and aboue the waste in the water more then a mile from the town wherin many were in peril of drowning by reason the wind was great and the Sea went high which ouerthrew one Boat wherein fiue and twentie of Captaine Dolphins men perished The enemy being fiue Companies of Spaniards vnder the commandement of Conde de Fuentas sallied out of the town against vs and in our landing made their approach close by the water side But the Earle of Essex with Sir Roger Williams and his brother hauing landed sufficient number to make two troupes left one to hold the way by the water side and led the other ouer the Sand-hills which the enemy seeing drew theirs likewise further into the Land not as we coniectured to encounter vs but indeed to make their speedie passage away notwithstanding they did it in such sort as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonell generall vnder Captaine Iacks 〈…〉 they stood the same euen to the push of the Pike in which charge and at the pâ—sh Captaine Robert Piâ—â— was slaine The enemy being fled further then we had reason to follow them all our Companies were drawne to the Town which being vnfortified in any place wee found vndefended by any man against vs. And therefore the Generall caused the Castle to bee summoned that night which being abandoned by him that commanded it a Portugall named Antonio de Aurid being possessed thereof desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was landed whereupon he would deliuer the same
the towne wall possessed by the noble Earle himselfe being in all this action either the very first man or else in a manner ioined with the first The Town wals being then possessed and the English Ensigne being there displaied vpon them with all speede possible they proceeded on to march through the Towne making still their way with sword and shot so well as they could being still fought withall at euerie turne The noble Earle was seconded by the noble Lord Admirall in person who was accompanied with the noble Lord Thomas Howard the most worthy Gentleman his Sonne after Lord Howard Sir Robert Southwell Sir Richard Leuison and with diuers other Gentlemen his Lordships followers of good account his Colours being aduanced by that valiant resolute Gentleman Sir Edward Hobby Knight And thus he likewise marching with all possible speede on foote notwithstanding his Lâ—many yeeres the intolerable heate for the time and the ouertiring tedious deepe sands with other many impediments Yet in good time ioyned himselfe with the Earle and his companies and gaue them the strongest and best assistance that he could Thus then the two Lords Generall with their companies being ioined together and proceeding so farre as the market place there they were hotly encountered where and at what time that worthy famous Knight Sir Iohn Winkfield being â—ore wounded before on the thigh at the very entring of the Towne and yet for all that no whit respecting himselfe being carried away with the care he had to encourage and direct his Company was with the shot of a Musket in the head most vnfortunately slaine And thus before eight of the clocke that night were these two most noble Lords General Masters of the market place the forts and the whole Towne and all onely the Castle as yet holding out and from time to time as they could stil annoying them with seuen battering peeces By this time night began to grow on and a kinde of peace or intermission was obtained by them of the Castle to whom the Lords Generall had signified that vnlesse before the next day in the morning they would absolutely render themselues they should looke for no mercie but should euery one be put to the sword vpon which message they tooke deliberation that night but in the morning before breake of day they hanged out their flag of truce and so without any further composition did yeelde themselues absolutely to their mercie and deliuered vp the Castle And yet notwithstanding all this in the night time while they had this respite to pause and deliberate about the peacemaking there were diuers great and sodaine alarms giuen which did breede some great outrages and disorder in the Towne At euery which alaram the two Lords Generall shewed themselues marueilous ready and forward These things being done and this surrender being made present Proclamation was published that the fury now being past all men should surcease from all manner of bloud and cruell dealing and that there should no kinde of violence or hard vsage be offered to any either man woman or childe vpon paine of death permitting the spoyle of so much of the Towne as was by them thought meete to the common souldiers for some certaine daies This honorable and mercifull Edict I am sure was streightly and religiously obserued of the English but how well it was kept by the Dutch I will neither affirme nor yet denie For I perceiue betweene them and the Spaniards there is an implacable hartburning and therefore as soone as the Dutch squadron was espied in the fight immediately thereupon both they of Siuil and Saint Lucar and also some of some other places did not onely arrest all such Dutch ships as dealt with them friendly by the way of trafficke and merchandise and so confiscated their goods but also imprisoned the Merchants and owners of the same and as the report goeth did intreat many of them with extreame cruelty thereupon In the meane while the very next day being the two and twentie day of Iune all the Spanish ships which were left on ground in the Bay of Cadiz where the great ouerthrow had beene but the day before were by the Spaniards themselues there set on fire and so from that time forward they neuer left burning of them till euery one of them goods and all as far as we know were burnt and consumed This their doing was much maruelled at of vs. Not long after the same time three dayes as I remember the gallies that were run on ground did quit themselues also out of that place and by the Bridge of the Iland called Puente de Suaço made their way round about the same Iland and so by putting themselues to the maine Sea escaped to a towne called Rotta not farre off but something vp towards the towne of Saint Lucars and there purchased their safety by that meanes Thus was this notable victory as well by Sea as by Land both begun and in effect performed within the compasse in a manner of foureteene houres a thing in truth so strange and admirable as in my iudgement will rather be wondred at then beleeued of posteritie And if euer any notable exploit in any age was comparable to Caesars Ueni Vidi Vici certainly in my poore opinion it was this The Towne of it selfe was a very beautifull towne and a large as being the chiefe See of the Bishop there and hauing a good Cathedrall Church in it with a right goodly Abbey a Nunnery and an exceeding fine Colledge of the Iesuites and was by naturall situation as also by very good fortification very strong and tenable enough in all mens opinions of the better iudgement Their building was all of a kinde of hard stone euen from the very foundation to the top and euery house was in a manner a kinde of a Fort or Castle altogether flat-roofed in the top after the Turkish manner so that many men together and that at ease might walke thereon hauing vpon the house top great heapes of weighty stones piled vp in such good order as they were ready to be throwne downe by euery woman most easily vpon such as passed by and the streetes for the most part so exceeding narrow I think to auoide the intollerable great heat of the Sun as but two men or three at the most together can in any reasonable sort march thorow them no streete being broader commonly then I suppose Watling streete in London to be The towne is altogether without glasse excepting the Churches yet with faire comely windowes and with faire grates of Iron to them and haue very large folding leaues of wainscot or the like It hath very few Chimnies in it or almost none at all it may be some one chimney in some one or other of the lower out-roomes of least account seruing for some necessary vses either to wash in or the like or else now and then perchance for the dressing of a dish of meate hauing as it
take in the Iland of Terçea which I held an action of equall importance to the other With this confidence I went out and to these ends but none of these three being performed it may be doubted whether we haue not through weakenesse or negligence failed of successe For which we make answere that if our whole carriage be examined from the first houre to the last it shall appeare that we haue striuen to attaine to euery one of these with as much obstinate constancie as any men in the world could doe and that onely the powerfull hand of God did binde our hands and frustrate all our endeuours The first for the enterprise of Ferel we went out of Plimmouth the third of Iune and stiered directly for that port and when most extreame stormes and contrary windes met with vs we beate it vp till all our Fleete was scattered and many of our ships in desperate case And because I the Generall thought my too soone giuing ouer would not onely depriue the Fleete of our principall ship but absolutly defeate the iourney I forced my company first to abide the continuall increasing of a most dangerous leake which I made light of because I saw that with labour of men I could free the ship as fast as the leake did grow Secondly I made them endure the craking of both my maine and fore mast the one in two places the other in three so as we still looked when they should be carried by the boord which was not enough to make me beare vp because I knew whensoeuer I should loose them both I could with iurie masts by Gods fauour carry the ship home And I continued so long that my ships Okam came all out her seames opened her deckes and vpper workes gaue way her very timbers and maine beames with her labouring did teare like lathes so as we looked hourely when the Orlope would fall and the Ordnance sinke downe to the keele then did those few whom before I had wonne to stand with mee all protest against me that if I did not within a minute of an houre beare vp the helme I did wilfully cast away the ship and whole company Then onely I suffred my selfe to be ouercome and when I came to Plimmouth halfe her Maiesties ships and more then halfe the principall officers by sea and by land were put in before mee for the extremitie their ships were in And when we were all of vs gathered together againe at Plimmouth and had repaired all the ships but mine owne which was sent home to Chatham to be new builded then were we kept in by continuall storme and contrary windes till our victuals which were at first but for three moneths were in a manner all spent and the sicknesse in the Flie boates that carried the land armie growne so great that I had order from her Maiestie to discharge the land forces all but the thousand old Souldiers which were drawne out of the Low Countries By which meanes though we were disabled to land at Ferol to beate the land Armie there and take in the forces which was the certaiue way to command the Adelantados Fleete yet I the Generall offered her Maiestie to send in certaine ships of fire and to second them with the Saint Matthew and Saint Andrew and some great flye-boates and Merchants ships with which I would destroy the most of the enemies principall shipping and leaue all the Queens own English built ships at the mouth of the harbour to assure our retreate By this meanes I should hazard to loose but two great Cartes which before I had won and for the aduenturing of those defeate the enemies whole Nauie Which counsell being allowed though with restraint of mine owne going in with those two ships and an absolute barre to hazard any other we went out the second time to put this proiect in execution But againe ere we could recouer the Spanish coast the Saint Matthew by loosing her foremast was put backe into England and the Saint Andrew had lost company till at one instant within sight of the shoare of the Groine Sir Walter Raleigh the Vice-admirall brake his maine yard which forced him to beare along to the Westward before the winde and I in this second ship had such a desperate leake sprang as when we pumped and boled with buckets as much as we could for our owne liues it grew still vpon vs and when we sought by ramming downe peeces of Beefe and bolding linnen cloath wrong together to stop the comming in of the water it came in notwithstanding so strongly as it bare downe all and beate away euery man that stood to stop it Then was I faine to lye by the lee and make my company worke vpon it all night my master Carpenter the onely skilfull man I had dying at that very instant And when by the great mercy of God we had stopped it the winde being easterly the Fleete was so farre shot a head as I could not recouer the most of them till I came to the Cape Finisterre where holding a Counsell and missing Sir Walter Raleigh who being off at Sea had no plying sailes to get vp missing him I say with thirty sailes that in the night followed his light and hearing that the Saint Matthew which was our principall ship for the execution of our intended enterprise was returned and being barred to hazard any other in her place it was by the whole Counsell of warre concluded that the enterprise of Ferol was ouerthrowne both because though the winde had serued we wanted the ships appointed for that seruice and if wee had had the ships we wanted winde to get into the harbour of Ferol for the winde blew strongly at East which would haue bin fully in our teeth as we had plied in And now wee onely could thinke of the intercepting of the Indian Fleete and defeating of the Adelantado if he had put to Sea For to take in Terçera our land army being discharged we had no meanes whereupon wee bare for the height of the Rocke hoping there because it was our second Rende-uous after Ferel to meete with Sir Walter Raleigh Into which height when I came a message was deliuered mee from Sir Walter Raleigh by one Captaine Skobbels that the Adelantado was gone out of Ferol with his Fleete to Terçera to waft home the West Indian Fleete of treasure and that hee would attend mine answere off of the Burlingas which message of Sir Walters was grounded vpon the report of the Captaine of a ship of Hampton which did confidently deliuer it I the Generall there calling a Counsell tooke a resolution both because wee hoped to meete the Adelantado there and because all our best experimented Seamen did assure vs that it was the likeliest course to meete with the Indian Fleete to goe for the Ilands of the Azores And I sent out Pinnaces both to the Burlinges and toward the South
Cape which was our third Rende-uous by our first appointment to cause Sir Walter Raleigh and all others of our Fleete to follow And being with the Iland of Terçera I looked into the roade of Brasil and saw there was no Fleete whereupon we bare alongst betwixt Saint George and Graciosa for the Island of Flores at which we might both water and take in victuals which in Merchants ships her Maiestie had sent after vs and where if the Indian Fleete did come this yeere they were likest to fall But when we had spent at Flores some ten dayes in which time Sir Walter Raleigh and his company came vnto vs by a small Pinnace come from the Indies I the Generall was told that it was doubtfull whether the Indian Fleete came from thence or not and if they did they would change their vsuall course and come in some height more to the Southward till they were past these Ilands where vsually they are attended Which newes made vs resolue in Counsell to goe for Fayal and so for Saint Michael and to haue some nimble ships to lye off and on at Sea both to the Southward and to the Northward In our passage by saile Graçiosa and Pico we tooke such commodities and refreshings as those Ilands afforded and in passing from them toward Saint Michael wee were told that a great ship was discouered off of Graciosa whereupon I the Generall gaue order to diuide and to direct the Fleete into three places the one to stirre away East North-east and to goe along the Northside of Terçera the other East South-east and to goe by the Southside of the said Iland and both to meete in the roade of Brasil so as if the Carackes or West Indian Fleete should striue to recouer Terçera they should be cut off And the third part of the Fleete should ply to the Westward which way it was said that the great ship stood and so to cut it off if it sought for the roade of Fayal which if she were kept from Terçera was her onely place she could put into and one of these three wayes she must needes stand for the winde being at North North-west shee could not goe but one of these three courses Bvt as I had giuen this direction there came to me a small Barke of Lime whose Captaine did confidently assure me that he was the man that did follow the chase and fetched it vp finding it but a small ship of our owne Fleete which made vs resolue to continue our former intended course for Saint Michael But in this meane time I the Generall hailing the Captaine of a Pinnace and willing him to call to the ships of my squadron to follow my light and those of the Viceadmirals squadron to follow his light to the Westward which direction I did presently after counter-mand hee misheard and willed some ships that were next to stand about to the Westward which direction together with his not hearing of me that which was spoken to countermand it made foure of her Maiesties ships the Garland the Marie-rose the Dread-naught and the Rainebow to stand off to the West all that night of which Sir William Mounson in the Rainebowe fell in the night with the West Indian Fleete and it being calme went off in his Boate to make and haile them which hee did and made himselfe knowne vnto them and straight rowing to his ship hee shot off his Ordnance all night and carried a light in his maine top whereupon the other three of her Maiesties ships stood off with him but could not fetch vp the Spaniards till they were gotten into Tercera Road before which after they had striued in vaine to get into them they plied till my comming which was three dayes after for I was hard aboord the Westermost part of Saint Michaell before I heard these newes And then standing about I the Generall being on head of the Fleet met in my way with a great Ship of the Gouernour of Hanana and a Frigate of the Spanish King manned with the said Kings Souldiers and another Frigate of a particular man which three I fetched out tooke and manned for the safe bringing home of the Ship and goods and fell the next night being Saturday the of with Tercera where finding the wind strong at Northwest we plyed with as much saile as euer we could bear to get vp to the road of Brasil all that night Al Sunday and Sunday night and till Munday morning wee could not weather the point of Brasil which when wee had done while I the Generall gathered such of the Fleet as were neere I sent in a Pinnace of my Lord of Cumberland and foure or fiue of very sufficient Captaines and Masters to see whether it were possible for vs to get vp where the Ships rode and they brought me backe word it was impossible With which I being not satisfied plied in with mine owne Ship keeping aboord with mee two or three of the principall Officers that wee might iudge by the eye and dispute vpon the place and when wee were in wee saw the bottome of the Bay into which they were towed and warped lay right in the eye of the wind so as to lead it in with a sayle it was impossible and to turne it vp would aske an whole day if wee had scope but both wee must vpon either boord come within a quoytes cast off their Forts and yer our Ships would wend in so narrow a place wee should haue beene on shoare Which manifest discouerie and not the idle Shot of all the Forts and Ships though they were verie liberall made mee stand off againe And as it was impossible to doe any thing for the present so when I the Generall called all the Captaines of her Maiesties Ships together and enquired the estate of their charge I found that some by the naughtinesse of their Caske and leakage of Beere had not aboue two dayes and some not one dayes drinke aboord and that which most of vs all had did so stinke as our men dyed and fell sicke continually and all men-protested that if wee stayed to attend change of windes and did not instantly seeke a watering place both men and Ships were absolutely lost Besides we saw the Galions had beene vnladen by their shewing their white bellies so much aboue water and that the Merchants Ships lay all dry on shoare so as we had abidden the extreamest hazard of her Maiesties troupes and Ships for the burning of a few dry vnladen Vessells Thus were we driuen to beare the second time with Saint Michael our chiefe end being to water but withall to sacke the Iland if we could land neere the principall Towne where wee came to an anchor before Punta Delgada the chiefe Towne and forthwith went in a little nimble Boat to discouer the landing places which we found to be exceeding dangerous For as about all those Ilands of the Acores a
Westerly wind bringeth in the hollow mother Sea so the wind then being West Southerly blew trade and made both a great Sea gate or wash vpon the shoare and a dangerous rode So as besides the apparant likelihood that our men had been all lost by the ouerturning of our Boats vpon our heads the losse of our Boates which could not haue beene in that place auoided had kept vs from watering and so had beene the manifest destruction of the whole Fleet. Whereupon I the Generall leauing commandement of the great Ships with Sir Walter Raleigh because the Lord Thomas Howard desired to land with mee accompanied with his Lords Ship and all the other principall Officers and persons of qualitie in the Army I put my selfe in the smal Ships and towed the boats at our Sterns to seeke another smal Bay on the other side of the Point to the Eastward called Punta de Galera or Galy Point where there was a Land Fange and consequently a smoother landing But we putting off in this manner at eleuen of the clocke at night I the Generall in a Pinnace of Sir Walter Raleigh called the Guiana wherein all the Officers of the Land Army did accompany me the Aduenturers of quality that came out of my Ship in another Pinnace with Captain Arthur Champernon came to an anchor in this Bay but so dangerously as wee were put from our anchor and had like to haue beene cast away all the rest of the Fleet being put to leeward very farre The next morning at the breake of the day being driuen as low as Uilla Franca and there finding a good landing place wee set our troups on shoare where wee found besides many other commodities with which we refreshed our troupes a better watering place and a safer rode then any other that was about that Iland Which together with the impossibilitie of getting our small Ships and Boats to ply backe againe fiue leagues against the wind and to meet vs that should haue marched by land and they seeing of many of the Queens principal ships driuen from their anchors about and come to Villa Franca These accidents I say made vs to resolue to draw all the Fleet to one place and there to water with all possible diligence And wee being there saw it was so dangerous for our Ships to ride the wind growing more Southerly as on Sunday the fifteenth of October wee re-imbarked all our men the Masters of the Ships hauing before protested that if they were put from their anchors as hourely they looked to bee that the Fleet and Land Forces were in danger to be seuered for this whole Winter So as to haue hazarded her Maiesties honour and so many gallant men for that which was neuer any of our ends had beene as vnwise as it was vnsafe and if the counsell of retyring were good the manner of it was without taxation for wee imbarked first of all our idle persons secondly our aduenterours and the old Companies one after another and when wee had but three hundred and fiftie men on shore the enemy marching in sight of our Guards we went out to meet him and stood two houres readie to fight with the whole Forces of the Iland till at last they retired out of sight Thus left wee that Iland the principall Commanders by Land and Sea staying to bring off the last man In this meane time while the Land Forces were at Villa Franca and the Fleet at Punta Delgada there came into that Road a Carake and a small Brasil man The Carack presently ran her selfe on the Rocks and after her men had saued themselues the last set her on fire with all the goods in her to auoid her being taken Which Sir Walter Raleigh and those with him could not possibly auoid The Brasil man was taken and the Ship being found leakie the goods were taken out and put into English Ships And now wee haue giuen account of all our whole carriage vntill we bare for England If our comming home scattering be obiected wee must plead the violence of stormes against which no fore directions nor present industry can preuaile Wee must conclude with this That as wee would haue acknowledged that wee had done but our duties if we had defeated the Adelantado interpreted the Feet of Treasure and conquered the Ilands of the Açores So wee hauing failed of nothing that God gaue vs meanes to doe wee hoped her Maiestie will thinke our painfull dayes carefull nights euill diet and many hazards deserue not now to be measured by the euent the like honourable and iust construction wee promise our selues at the hands of all my Lords As for others that haue set warme at home and descant vpon vs wee know they lacked strength to performe more and beleeue they lacke courage to aduenture so much Signed ESSEX Thomas Howard Ch Mountioy Walter Raleigh Fran Vere Antony Sherley Christ Blunt §. II. A larger Relation of the said Iland Voyage written by Sir ARTHVR GORGES Knight collected in the Queenes Ship called the Wast Spite wherein he was then Captaine with Marine and Martiall Discourses added according to the Occurrences THese Iles of the Asores are situate in the Atlantike or Westerne Ocean and doe stand betweene 37. and 40. degrees and distant from England 400. leagues They are in number nine namely Saint Maries Saint Michaels The Tercera Gratiosa S. Georges Pykes Fayall Flores and Guerno This name of Asores was giuen vnto these Ilands by the Portugues of a kind of Hawkes called by them Asores which wee name Goshawkes and the Latines Accipitres whereof there did breed great store in those Iles But Ortellius sets downe this name to bee so giuen of the French word Essorer which signifieth to dry or wither but yeeldeth no reason withall for that Etimology The Netherlanders doe call them the Flemish Ilands challenging that they were first discouered by the Merchans of Bridges who found them meerely vn-inhabited abounding with Woods and Cedar Trees whether they sent Colonies to people and manure them And afterterwards in processe of time they yeelded themselues Subiects to the Portugues who since did inhabite and gouerne there so as now with them they are fallen vnder the power of the Spanish vsurpation Amongst these Ilands the Tercera is the chiefe but is so called by the Spaniards because it heth the third Iland distant from the Coast of Spaine It is plentifull of Fruit and Corne and hath some Vines growing in it The Inhabitants doe make great benefit and trade of Oade to dye Cloth which growes there in great plentie The chiefe Towne in that Iland is called Angra and hath thereunto a very strong Fortresse called Brazill and vnder it a Roade for shipping to ride but an Hauen or safe Port for all weathers there is not one amongst these nine Ilands The Pike is so called of a sharpe Mountaine rising steeple wise some three miles in heighe and six or
seuen miles in circuit at the foot fashioned it is vpward like an Hiue and the top therof most commonly to be discerned within and aboue the clouds This Mountaine hath in it by report many great hollow Caues and deepe Vaults and it is credibly reported that oftentimes it breathes out flames and sparkes of fire as doth the Mountaine Aetna Also at the bottome of this Mountain towards the East there is a great Spring of Fresh-water which is seen many times to issue out flakes and stones of fire with great violence and of the number and bignesse of the stones that are throwne out by the force and source of this Spring and what huge workes they make of the multitudes of them they confidently doe tell strange wonders which I will neither affirme nor deny but leaue indifferent to credit as men list Fayall is so called of Faya which in the Portugues signifieth a Beech Tree wherewith that Iland is said to abound But yet I saw there more store of Iuniper and Cedar then of any other Wood or Timber For Aire and Soyle it is as pleasant and fruitfull as any of the other Ilands and in it are some fiue Townes with many pretie Villages and in this Iland there are yet remaining certaine families of the Flemish race Gratiosa is so called of the exceeding fruitfulnesse of the Soyle and pleasant temper of the Ayre Flores of the abundance of Flowers that grow in it Cueruo of the multitude of Rauens and Crowes breeding therein And that Iland doth also breed Horses Saint Maries Saint Georges and Saint Michaels were so called of those Saints names vpon whose dayes they were first discouered for such is the custome of many Nauigators and especially of the Spaniards and Portugues so to call those Landes that they first make by the Saints day and name wherein they are discouered And these three Ilands for temper and fruitfulnesse are suteable with the others But Saint Michael is the greatest of them all Tercera the strongest and Saint Maries the neerest to the Coast of Spaine But now as wee come neerer to our intended purpose for the better vnderstanding thereof I thinke it very necessary and pertinent somewhat to speake of the chiefe Commanders as well by Sea as by Land and also of the number of our Ships and Souldiers together with the proiect and designe of that iourney then vndertaken for the seruice of her late Maiestie and the Honour of our Nation It is therefore to be vnderstood that Robert Deuereux late Earle of Essex Master of the Horse and Ordnance and Knight of the Garter First commanded in chiefe as well Admirall of the Nauie by Sea as Generall of the Armie by Land His Vice-Admirall was the Lord Thomas Howard Knight of the same Order and second Sonne to the last Thomas Duke of Norfolke a Nobleman much honoured and beloued and of great experience in Sea seruice His Reare-Admirall was Sir Walter Raleigh Knight Captaine of her Maiesties Guard Lord Warden of the Stanneries and Lieftenant of Cornwall For the Land seruice his Leiftenant Generall was Sir Charles Blunt Lord Mountioy Knight of the Garter Gouernour of Portsmouth and a man in high fauour with her late Maiestie His Marshall of the Field was Sir Frauncis Vere Knight a great Souldier and Coronell Generall of the English Forces in the Low-Countries The Master of the Ordnance Sir George Carew Knight Leiftenant of the Ordnance of the Kingdome of England His Sergeant Maior Sir Ferdinando Gorges Knight Gouernour of the Forts of Plimouth The Coronell Generall of the Foot Sir Christopher Blunt Knight The Treasurer of the Armie Sir Hugh Biston Knight one of her Maiesties Receiuers Generall in the Principalities of Walles with all other Officers designed to places requisite that were needful by Land or Sea now too long to rehearse And yet of all the Noblemen I will as neere as I can record their names particularly but craue pardon if I faile in the precedencie of their places The Earles of Essex Rutland and Southampton the Lord Howard the Lord Audley the Lord Gray the Lord Mountioy the Lord Rich and the Lord Cromwell But the particular names of all the Land Captains that had charge I could neuer come to the knowledge of much lesse can I marshall them orderly in this discourse And therefore I will passe to the number of the Ships in generall and therein name some particulars of the chiefe and principall Vessells of the Royall Nauie with their Captaines The whole Nauie which was diuided into three Squadrons viz. The Admirall his Squadron The Vice-Admirall his Squadron and the Reare-Admirall his Squadron consisted of 120. sayle or thereabout whereof sixtie were good men of Warre and gallant Ships the rest Victuallers and Ships of Transportation Of her Maiesties owne Ships the number was eighteene or nineteene and these were their names The Merhoneur Admirall whereof Sir Robert Mansfield was Captaine The Due Repulse Vice-Admirall whereof Master Middleton was Captaine The Wast Spite Reare-Admirall whereof my selfe was Captaine The Garland the Earle of Southampton commanded The Defiance wherein the Lord Mountioy was shipped had for Captaine Sir Amias Preston The Saint Mathew to Sir George Carew Master of the Ordnance The Mary Rose to Sir Francis Vere Marshall whose Captaine was M. Iohn Winter The Dread-nought Sir William Brooke was Captaine of The Nonparellia Sir Richard Luson was Captaine of The Bonouenture Sir William Haruey was Captaine of The Antelope Sir Thomas Vauisâ—r was Captain of The Rainbow Sir William Mounson was Captaine of The Swiftsure Sir Gilly Mericke was Captain of The Golden Lion was sent after for a supply The Hope whereof was Captain The Foresight whereof Sir Carew Reignall was Captaine The Saint Andrew whereof Master Marcellus Throckmorton was Captain The Tramontana whereof young Master Fenner was Captain The Moone whereof Sir Edward Michelboorne was Captaine Besides that there were some other of her Maiesties small Pinnaces that attended the Fleet. The residue or the Fleet aforenamed consisted of the best shipping of London and other Port-Townes of the Kingdome with sundry stout Vestells belonging to some Lords and Gentlemen that were Aduenturers in this Voyage There were also added to this Nauie tenne sayle of good men of Warre sent from the States of the Low-Countries to attend her Maiesties Fleet in this seruice vnder the conduct of one Mounsier de Duneincorde well manned and furnished The Land Army besides Saylers that might be afforded and spared vpon occasion of landing consisted of six thousand able men well appointed with ten Peeces of Artillery for the Field and Battery with all necessary Vtensils fit for them The proportion of victuals was for four months at large allowance double apparell both for Souldier's and Mariners In this Armie there went Knights Captaines and Gentlemen voluntaries fiue hundred at the least as gallant parsonages and as brauely furnished as euer the
with as much sumptuousnesse as they could get brauing therein their conquered Foes and setting to the shew of the world the fruits of their Ualour and Trauailes Whereas wee for the most part contrariwise going out brauely and returning home againe beggarly leaue no other testimony nor records of our Enterprises and Victories either to the liuing or to posteritie then the Merchants bookes wherin we are deep plunged euen to the morgage or sale of our Inheritance to conuert the true honor of Souldery into effeminate pompe and delicacy But now to the matter We hauing in this Fort repaired and supplied the defects of our weather beaten Nauie onely attended the fauour of the winds wherein it seemed the heauens were vtter enemies to our designes For during the space of an whole moneth together after wee were againe readie the weather stood flat opposite to our course insomuch that wee were not able to worke our selues out of the Harbour And in this consumption of Time we lost the best season of the yeere for our purpose and also greatly decayed our victualls and prouisions besides the number of our Souldiers and Mariners that daily diminished And about this time the Lord Rich finding himselfe as many others did altogether vnable to indure the inconueniences of the Seas in a long and toilesome voyage tooke his leaue of our Generall and gaue ouer the iourney In this extreamitie of contrary windes and crosse fortunes against which the policie and power of man could not preuaile our Generall with the aduice of his counsell resolued vpon some other course and to fashion his enterprises according to opportunitie and the proportion of the meanes that remained And thereupon cashing the greatest part of his Land Armie hee onely retained one thousand of the best Souldiers as was thought most of them being Companies brought out of the Low-Countries And also at that time hee discharged diuers of the smaller Ships and many of the Victuallers taking out of them such prouisions and store as remained to supply that which was spent and to lengthen out the time for those lesser numbers that were to be imployed And whilest these things were thus altering and ordering and committed to the care and charge of discreet Officers Our Admirall himselfe with his Reare-Admirall resolued to ride post to the Court to receiue further directions or approbation in that he intended for her Maiestie and the Lords of the Councell Leauing the charge both of the Nauie and Souldiers in his absence with the Lord Thomas Howard his Vice-Admirall and the Lord Mountioy his Leiftenant Generall by Land whom hee authorised together with the Counsell of Warre to marshall those affaires as occasion required Here by it may be easily coniectured what it is for men to vndertake Sea-actions that haue not great meanes to follow the same with prouisions and allowance of superfluitie to meet with lets and misaduentures and not to depend on the bare ordinary prouisions of a set proportion For by this great crosse of ours wee may well take knowledge how vncertaine and difficult it is to set out and prepare a Sea Army except it bee on the purse and defraies of a Prince able and willing to supply the expences and hinderances of such wast and accidents as doe many times happen by want of windes when all things else are in readinesse wherein oftentimes the ouerslipping and not taking of six houres aduantage of winde when it hath serued hath ouerthrowne a Uoyage And it hath to my knowledge so fallen out that some Ships that haue taken a present gale of a day by the benefit thereof haue performed their Uoyage and returning againe into the Harbour finding others of their consorts bound for the same place and ready at the same time still sticking fast at ancor by leesing the same opportunitie In this absence of our Generall at the Court there fell out such extreame stormy weather as that it greatly troubled and puzled our Ships both in Plimouth Road and in the Cat Water insomuch that many of their ancors came home and a Ship of the Reare-Admiralls of three hundred Tunnes called the Roe-buck draue a ground and bulged her selfe and so became vnseruiceable for that iourney although much paines and care was taken of all hands and specially by our Vice-Admirall himselfe in his owne person to haue preserued her During all this time of our abode in Plimouth which was some six or seuen weekes we neither found eyther want or dearth of any manner of victualls either in the Towne where our Mariners were daily resident or in the Countrey where the Land Army was quartered nor yet that extreame manner of inhaunsing the prices of all things vsed in London and in other places of the Realme vpon the extraordinary assembling of any such great troupes And withall it is strange to see how happily that poore corner of England doth often receiue and sustaine so many Armies and Fleets as doe there many times meet without any of those inconueniences or alterations that vpon the like occasion are found in many other more rich and fruitfull parts of the Kingdome Our Generall as is aforesaid hauing spent now sixe or seuen dayes in that iourney to the Court returned with a resolution to continue the voyage to the Seas and there as intelligence fell out to follow the best courses in spending the rest of the Summer and the remainder of his victualls all sorts being very sorry that so great preparations should haue vtterly qâ—ailed without effecting or attempting something of worth Wee therefore now proposed to our selues that by tarrying out till the last of October for the which time we were victualled after the Land Army was discharged wee might range the Coast of Spaine and so doe seruice in some of the Kings shipping or else lying in the height betweene the Rocke and the South Cape wee might intercept some Indian Fleet or Carrackes either outwards or homeward s bound or at the least wee might meete and fight with the Adelantado who was then saide to bee preparing of a Fleet and ready to put to the Seas Besides there was a brute giuen out thaâ— our Generall meant to attempt the Groyne or Ferrall and there to distresse some of the Kings shipping that lay in the Harbour But whatsoeuer pretences and speeches were giuen out for that matter both our Generall and the wisest of his Counsell of Warre did well enough knowâ— that the Groyne or Ferrall were then no morsells fit for our mouthes our Forces being so abated and those places so well warned and prouided for by our long delayes and impediments besides there was no likelihood that wee would euer ingage so many of her Maiesties best Ships within the circuit and mercy of those Harbours vpon so great disaduantage and hazard as they must haue adâ—entured in doing any good on any of them as they were then furnished But wee daily see that it is
actions of seruice and in his times of chiefest recreations he would euer accept of his counsell and company before many others that thought themselues more in his fauour And as touching the Aduertisement that was sent into England from the Isles of Bayon by Master Robert Knolles in a Pinnace called the Guiana concerning vs that were forsaken and left alone vpon the breaking of our Maine yard whereupon was pretended that many great exploits should haue bin performed vpon the coast of Spaine if wee had not fallen from them as was vntruely suggested and reported his Lordship promised the reare Admirall then to send another aduertisement how we were all metagaine and had bin formerly seuered by misfortunes onely and not by any wilfull default in the reare Admirall as was doubted And that Aduertisement sent formerly by Master Knolles we well knew proceeded not out of any particular malice of the Generall to vs but onely to take that as a fit excuse to free himselfe from the enterprises of Ferall or the Groine which he had promised her Maiestie to vndertake but saw it impossible to performe by reason of the former crosses and our long stay in Plimmonth and therefore was glad to take the opportunity of any colour to satisfie her Maiestie and to discharge himselfe of that burthen which we did all perceiue and therefore did striue the lesse the publish our Apologies or to contest with a man of his place and credit which though in a right had bin but bootelesse and meere folly and therefore we left him to his best excuse and our apparant innocencie And for the more plaine manifesting of the Message I haue thought it not amisse here to insert the true copie of the Instructions verbatim that our Generall sent by Master Robert Knolles into England vpon these accidents before the Isles of Bayon That we weighing Ancor and setting saile from the sound of Plimmouth the seuenteenth of this moneth of August hauing sometimes calmes but for the most part Westerly and Northeasterly windes we fellon thursday the fiue and twenty of this moneth with the Land which is to the Eastward of the Cape Ortingall which land we made in the morning about ten of the clocke and stood in with the shoare till three in the afternoone Then finding the winde scant to ply to the Southward I stood all night into the Sea and the next morning in againe to the Land By which boords by reason of the head-sea and the bare winde we got nothing On Friday night I stood off againe to the Sea and about midnight the winde comming all Northerly we got a good slant to lye all along the coast on Saturday in the morning I discouered the Saint Andrew whom we had lost sight of two or three dayes before I bare with her and had no sooner got her vp but Sir Walter Rawleigh shot off a peece and gaue vs warning of his being in distresse I presently bare with him and found that he had broken his maine yard Whereupon I willed him to keepe along the coast that birth that he was till he got in the height of the North Cape and my selfe hauing a desperate leake broke out as euer ship swam withall which I was fame to lye by the lee and seele to stop it which how it held vs you can report and God be thanked that night we ouercame it and stopped it The next morning we all came to Cape Finister sauing the Saint Matthew who vpon breaking of her fore maste went home and the Wastspight with whom the Dreadnaught went without stop to the South Cape This is all that is hapned to me If her Maiestie aske you why there was no attempt vpon the Fleete at Teral you may say I neither had the Saint Matthew which was the principall ship for that execution nor the Saint Andrew till mine owne ship was almost sunke and I not able to make saile till Sir Walter Rawleigh with his owne ship the Dreadnaught and very neere twenty saile were gone Wee are now gone to lye for the Indian Fleete for by Spaniards wee haue taken wee finde the Adelantado is not put to Sea this yeere Of our successe her Maiestie shall from time to time be aduertised you shall acquaint Master Secretarie with this instruction and both to him and all our friends you must excuse our haste We being thus met all at Flores desired our Generall to giue vs and our consorts leaue to water there before we departed thence as his Lordship and the rest had done before which he yeelded vnto and very nobly lent vs his owne long Boate for our better speede willing vs there to water whilest he with the rest of the Fleete did ply vp and downe to looke out for the Adelantado or any Indian Fleete that being the very fit place and season for them Hereupon whilest our men and Mariners were prouiding to water our Reare-admirall with Sir William Brooke my selfe and diuers other Gentlemen went ashoare to stretch our legs in the Isle of Flores and to refresh our selues with such victuals as we could there get for our monie And at our first landing there we met with the Lord Gray Sir Gylly Merricke and other Gentlemen and wee altogether walked a mile or two into the Countrie and there dined in a little Village where the bare-legged Gouernour caused such things to be brought vnto vs for our monie as the Island afforded In other sort we tooke nothing which was very faire wars This Island seemes to be somewhat mountainous yet hauing very good store of Fruits Wheat and other Corne. Their Corne they doe all keepe in large hollow vaults within the earth hauing no other way nor entrance into them but by a round hole in the top of the vault onely so big as a man may creepe into it and when it is closed vp with a planke and ouerstrewed with earth is very hard to be found out by strangers for the which purpose they are so made and much like the Caues in Gascoyne and Languedocke and such as are mentioned by Caesar to be vsed in Affricke This Island lies more subiect to the inuasion of Sea-faring men then any of the rest for there all traders of the Indies doe vsually water and refresh themselues But here I must not forget to relate that before we had our leaue to water or were departed from the Generall a Counsell was called and holden for the taking in of some of the Islands and an orderly course set downe for the same which was in this sort concluded on The Admirall and Reare-admirall to vndertake Fayall the Lord Thomas Howard Vice-admirall and the Marshall Uere to vndertake Gratiosa The Lord Mountioye Lieutenant Generall and Sir Christopher Blunt Coronell Generall of the Foote to Saint Michaels and the Netherland Squadron was quartered to Pyke where the greatest store of Wines doe grow and therefore would not be taken in ill part of them as we presumed The
reason why we resolued to master and waste all these Islands was because 〈◊〉 was determined by the Generall to attempt the Tercera it selfe which enterprise was put off because the Reare-admirall and with him twenty or thirty saile were wanting But being now contrary to all expectation and to many mens hopes arriued this resolution receiued a second life but it was first thought necessary to take from them and to helpe our selues with all the victuals and other commodities that those Islands could affoord For the performance of which with the more speede we diuided our selues into foure Companies as before written But surely the fortune of those poore wretches was lamentable that fell into the Flemmings hands for I thinke no people on the earth can vse lesse mercy or greater insolencies then they doe in all the places that they maister which are subiect to the Spanish Gouernment and yet I must say truely for them that the Spaniards againe haue vsed such tyrannie and outrage in their iurisdictions ouer that industrious people as hath well merited their irreconcileable malice and withall hath cost the Spanish King many millions of Ducates besides the life of many a proud Castilian since the Execution of the Counts Egmount and Horne And it is very admirable to see what heart and courage those Netherlanders are now growne vnto and how powerfully three or foure little Prouinees doe resist the forces of that mightie King that keepes Millaine Naples and Sicill in great bondage in despight of all the Italians who doe thinke themselues for valour and for policie the Minions of the Earth and yet bow their neckes to the Spanish yoake After this consultation for taking in of the Islands as aforesaid and leaue giuen vnto vs and our consorts to water with all the speede we could at Flores we hauing prepared our Caske and all things in a readinesse to bring our fresh water aboord about midnight being the sixteenth of September there came vnto vs from our Generall Captaine Arthur Champernowne with this message That my Lord Generall was borne vp for Fyall and ment presently to take it in and therefore willed vs with all speede to follow him instantly and though wee could not ouertake him yet at least to finde him there so soone as we could and the same word was likewise deliuered to Sir William Brooke and the rest that lay there to water And further our Generall sent vs word that we should supply all our wants of water and fresh victuals at Fayall And this night as we rode at ancor â—â—fore Flores we saw another Rainebow by the Moone light as before and after the samo manner which contrary to Plinies report of Aristotels opinion was seene though not at a full Moone for the other was so seene some seuen dayes before in the which space there could not be two full Moones Vpon this Message brought by Captaine Champernowne we forbare watering and hasted all we could to weigh our anchors and to follow our Generall And therefore gaue a warning peece or two to our Consorts before wee departed and afterwards pack'd on all the sailes we could make to follow our Generall whom we could not ouertake nor finde The next morning we made Fayall and entred the roade and there missed of him also contrary to our hopes and to our great discontent Whereat we could not but greatly maruell because when he sent for vs he was six leagues neerer it then we were and besides set saile towards it sixe or eight houres before vs. Being arriued in the roade wee beheld before our eyes a very fine Towne pleasantly seated alongst the shoare side from whence presently vpon the sight of our entrance into the roade they began to packe away with bag and baggage all they could with carriages of Horses and Carts Women Children Friers and Nunnes and so continued in transporting all vp into the Countrey for two dayes together There was besides a strong Fort at one end of the Town and another on the top of a very high Mountain neere adioyning by nature very vnaccessible and steepe and artificially fenced with Flanckers Rampiers and Ditch and in it six Peeces of great Artillerie mounted vpon carriages and two hundred Spaniards in garrison beside others of the Island These made certaine shot at our Ships as they anchored in the roade but did not much harme and set vp a great red Auncient for vs to gaze at Besides there were presently sent six Companies with their Colours to intrench themselues vpon the shoare side to impeach our landing Hereupon our Reare Admirall in his Barge accompanied with my selfe onely and Captaine Morgan rowed close aboord the high Fort and all alongst the shoare side to wards the Towne to see what fit place there was to make a discent against our Generals comming From whence we were saluted with diuers musket shot that missed vs but narrowly by good fortune for we vndiscreetly had with vs neitheir Targets nor Armors but wished for them when it was to late And therefore as well by that experience as also by others in the same iourney that I saw at our landing vpon a fortified trench I saw it to be but an idle and vnseruiceable brauery for men that are to doe seruice to expose their vnarmed bodies and limbs to the mercy of a Musket or the push of a Pike whereby they can neither with that abilitie nor resolution prosecute that they haue in hand nor yet so well preserue themselues as they ought to doe for the bettering of their attempts Besides out of a Christian regard they should not desperately cast away themselues or carelesly spill their owne bloud and the liues of many others by such brauing and foolish examples This night as we roade in the Harbour there swomme aboord vs from the Towne two Portugals that discouered vnto vs many things greatly encouraging vs to this exploit And of this we may bouldly take knowledge that the Portugals and Inhabitants of those Islands doe infinitely hate and malice the Spaniards and their Gouernment and would no doubt free themselues thereof gladly if they were sure to fall vnder any other Gouernment that were able to protect them from the Spaniards And therefore if any powerfull Monarch or State did attempt it they should not be troubled as with a Conquest for all the Inhabitants would soone be perswaded to reuolt and take part with the inuaders for the aduancing of that businesse While we thus expected our Generall in vaine to our no little maruell that thought he had bin there before vs according to Captaine Champernownes report the winde being as good then for him as for vs our Reare Admirall called a counsell of many Captaines and Officers that were come thither by order to consult of the taking of the Towne if our Generall came not thinking it a great shame and pittie to let slip so faire a pray so neere at hand without attempting it in
time before they had carried all away Besides a great scorne and disgrace wee should doe our selues to enterprise nothing vpon them that had begun the warres shooting first at vs as we roade at ancor and then after their bringing downe to the water side so many Auncients did proudly as it were inuite vs to assaile them if we durst hauing withall hung out a red Flagge of defiance from the top of the high Fort. The hope of the wealth of this good Towne and the ransoming of Houses and Prisoners together with those brauadoes which they shewed did so set on fire all our Mariners and Souldiers as that they began to mutine and raile on the Reare Admirall and at all the Commanders there taxing them for these delaies as not daring to attempt the taking thereof Besides they were the more eagerly set vpon the spoile and gaining of this Towne and Fort for that they saw no great likelihood of benefit by this Voyage but what was gotten ashoare in the Islands In conclusion albeit we heard no newes of our Generall in two dayes more expectation yet at the counsell of Captaines which our Reare Admirall had assembled some of them varied much from the common desire and would by no meanes assent to the landing without my Lord Generall his knowledge And of this opinion was Sir Guilly Mericke Sir Nicholas Parker and some other Captaines Our Reare Admirall with Sir William Brooke my selfe Sir William Haruey and other Gentlemen and Commanders of our Reare Admirall his Squadron called to this consulation were of a contrary opinion iudging that my Lord Generall would repute vs but Idlers and Cowards to lye so long before so good a Towne with so many Ships and men and to doe nothing in his absence seeing them hourely before our eyes so fast to carry and packe away their goods and wealth And this was also 〈…〉 e common opinion and b 〈…〉 te as well of the multitude as of the Low Countrie Captaines But yet the violent and earnest perswasions of Sir Guillie Merricke did so preuaile with vs vrging our obedience and duetie to our Generall as that we staied from the Enterprise at that time and expected our Generals comming one day longer especially for that they perswaded vs if his Lordship came not the next day then themselues would also land with vs. Which when we had also expected in vain and the winde changing somewhat vnfit for that Roade our Reare Admirall and diuers of his Squadron and many other of the Ships following him weied and coasted about the point to the North-west side of the Island some foure miles further from the Towne then we were before and there let fall our ancors being then a better Roade then the first as the winde was changed But Sir Guillie Merricke with some fiue or sixe Ships of his consorts staied still in the first Roade and would not budge When we had in this sort changed our Roade and being now the fourth day of our arriuall before Fayall which was not aboue a daies sailing from the place from whence our Generall sent for vs wee might see before vs a very fine and pleasant Countrie full of little Villages and fruitfull fields and therefore we much desired to refresh our selues aland there with victuals and water as our Generall had promised we should doe when we came to Fayall and as diuers others had done before vs at Flores and as we had then but that we were called away to Fayall by Captaine Champernownes sodaine message from the Generall as was aforesaid And in truth we were in great want of fresh water which we had not renued since our setting out from Plimouth All these occasions considered and we being now retired from the Towne and Forts we all resolued that wee might without offence with a few of our owne men goe ashoare and refresh our selues and seeke for water whereupon we manned a Barge a long Boate and a Pinnace with threescore Muskets and forty Pikes rather to guard our selues in our landing and watering with discretion then expecting any encounter or resistance from the Towne or Forts on the other side of the Island But our men were no sooner placed in our Boates and all things ordered and we ready to put off from the Ships side but we might discouer sixe Auncients of foote and some dosen Horsemen comming on a speedy march from the Towne and Forts directly towards the place where wee were to make our discent for from one side of the high Fort on the Mountaine they might also ouerlooke vs where our ships roade and discouer all our preparation When we had a while aduised of this new Brauado that they went about and saw them still to come on faster with so many strong companies of men or at the least the bodies of men furnished with womens hearts and had made such haste as that they possessed themselues of the Trenches and Flankers where we were to land and there had placed their Companies and Collors attending our approach as they made shew by wauing their Swords and displaying their Auncients in great brauery for doubtlesse they thought we feard to land in their faces because we lay so long before the Town and neuer attempted any thing and were so shrunke aside off after they had prouoked vs so with great shot and many other affronts we seeing that pâ—â—portion of an hundred men prouided onely to guard our watering to be too few to assault and win a landing vpon so many in a place of so great disaduantage and yet disdaining to goe backe or make any shew of feare our Reare Admirall in his Barge rowed to Sir William Brookes Ship and to Sir William Harueyes and desired them and some other Sea Captaines to accompany him in landing with such men as conueniently they could furnish For said he seeing these Spaniards and Portugals are so gallant to seeke and follow vs and to keepe vs from watering wee will try our fortunes with them and either win our landing or gaine a beating Sir William Brooke Sir William Haruey and some others very willingly assented and presently there were made ready with shot and Pike one hundred and sixtie men more in Boates. And after this our Reare Admirall rowing by Captaine Bret Sidney White Berry and other Captaines of the Low Countrie Souldiers that were there abrood in other Ships they all cried out to take them and their companies with them assuring him that if he aduentured to land with Mariners and with his owne attendants without some Companies of Land Souldiers hee would receiue a disgrace He answered that he durst not take any of my Lord Generall his company of the Low Countries no knowing in what seruice he ment to vse them but he was resolued with the Gentlemen and company of his owne Squadron first to make a discent and then to call them and send Boates for them if he proceeded any further and that neither my Lord Generall nor
the benefit of the spoyle which they had carried out of the Towne for safty to that place And at this grosse errour there was much muttering But now diuers of the land officers to colour and excuse their owne default laid this blame also on vs alleadging that we should haue left a good guard vpon the Fort if we had done like men of warre vpon our first landing and then all had bin sure And although this excuse passed at first for some paiment for the common and more ignorant sort yet all men of iudgement could easily perceiue how impossible a matter it was for vs out of foure hundred and sixtie to spare so many as should sufficiently guard two hundred souldiers from sallying out of such a Fort and yet proceede with the recouering of the other Fort and Towne that was before vs. For the defence of both which the Island was able and had in readinesse as our spies and guides assured vs aboue one thousand able men well furnished vpon whom we were to haue a vigilant eye and to keepe a conuenient strength after we had once possessed the Towne But after the Generall was come this might easily haue bin performed or if he had not come they had not fled so suddainly and the same morning wee our selues had attempted the Fort and made no doubt to carry it But then with the presence of our Generall vpon his arriuall all our determinations and authorities were conciuded Afterwards when our men entred this Fort which the Spaniards had abandoned there they found diuers peeces of Artillery and an English Gentleman whose name was Hart and a Flemming with both their throates cut Then were there certaine companies sent abroad the Country to trace those Spaniards and Portugals and to make waste of all that lay in their way But of the Garrison they could neuer recouer one man Now after three or foure dayes the anger and dislikes of our Generall towards vs were well pacified and vpon further consideration and conference with the Reare Admirall of his doings hee grew againe into very kinde tearmes with him and at his suite released and restored all the disgraced Captaines that landed and were in this seruice and so hauing taken all the benefit and refreshing of this Towne and Island that we could come by our time being so short on the foureteenth of September we were all commanded to goe aboord And so for a farewell and for the funerals of our lost men and those two that were so dispitefully murthered in the high Fort the Towne was brauely set on fire and all the Ordnance of the Towne and Forts brought away with vs. And I am perswaded that if the warres had not bin by chance so began before by vs vpon that Island by their owne seeking and foolish brauery and afterwards aggrauated by their cruelty in murthering so despitefully two of our company in the high Fort Fayall had escaped as scotfree as did Cuorâ—o Flores Gratiosa Saint Michaels or any of the other For surely they were all at our mercy the Fort of Tercera onely excepted But in all these Actions I obserued and well saw that our Generall in his true disposition affected rather to be renowned for bounty clemency and valour then for the glory of a dreadfull Conquerour All this while the Flemmings were playing their parts in the Isle of Pike which was about a league from Fayall where I leaue them ransacking the Wines and burning all that was within their power The six and twentieth of September we made towards Gratiosa where wee cast ancor and presently whilest we roade before it there came aboord our Generall the chiefe men of the Island submitting themselues and crauing mercy of our Generall alleadging as they of Flores had done that the inhabitants thereof were Portugals and friends and naturall Enemies to the Spaniards though they wanted meanes and force to show it being held vnder them by strong hand To this Island our Generall shewed his accustomed mercy and required of them some prouisions of Wine Fruites and fresh victuals for the relieuing of the Fleete but of any other composition we heard not although it was supposed they did or might haue yeelded a better ransome but this was very willingly sent by the inhabitants vnto vs. Here some of the Commandets went aboord the Generall and besought him to goe a land and somewhat better to suruey this Island and for one day to let his Fleete ancor in that Roade which his Lordship shewed great willingnesse vnto But the Master of the Generals Ship whose name was Groue a dull and vnluckie fellow was vtterly against that counsell and alleadged that the yeere was farre spent and the place of anchoring there not good for the ground tackle protesting that it would be dangerous for the whole Fleete and put it in hazard and therefore very earnestly perswaded and vrged the leauing of that Roade which aduise of his our Generall then followed to our great lâ—sse and hinderance as afterwards it fell out But Grâ—ue the Master must pardon mee to say in mâ—ne opinion that it was an vndiscreete aduise so to diuert our Fleete in such haste from that Island considering the long aboade he made afterwards before Saint Michaels and at Villa Franca to lesse purpose in as ill Roades as this and later in the yeere Hereupon wee wayed leauing Gratiosa vpon Saint Michaels Eue and made for Saint Michaels Island and on Saint Michaels day early in the morning we made that land and bare in with the shoare And as wee came very neere vnto it two of the Sterne-most Ships of our Fleete shot off twice or thrice and bare vp with all sailes they could packe on towards the Admirals ship These brought newes of the Indian Fleete then by them discouered comming directly from the Roade of Gratiosa that the Generall had so vnwillingly left but the Euening before by the vnluckie aduice of Groue the Master of his ship Vpon the Intelligence giuen by these two ships our Admirall shot off a peece and presently cast about and there withall wee in the other ships perceiued casting vp of Hats and great shootes aboord the Admirall for ioy of this newes And the like afterwards was done in the Vice-Admirals ship and so passed throughout all the Fleete Within some few houres after we incountered and tooke three Spanish ships comming from the Hauana the greatest of them being about foure hundred tunnes and esteemed to be a very rich ship as well for the lading as for the passengers that were in her To this Spaniard our ship called the Wastspight being neerest gaue Chase and caused her to stricke and yeelde but yet my Lord Generall hasting after would suffer none but his owne Boate to goe aboord her being full of good prisoners and pillage besides her lading which was Cochynella and other such rich Wares This ship and the other two that were in her company
being very good prises also made to the Generall a relation of forty sailes of Indian men whereof some eight were fraughted with the Kings Treasure that did dissenbarge with them from the Hauana bound for Spaine And as we after heard the Garland the Rainebow the Dreadnaught the Marigold and others fell amongst sixteene saile of the richest of this Indian Fleete whereof they foundred one and whilest they were busie in seeking to take the spoile of her as it was credibly reported all the rest did escape and recouer Tercera But of this I speake as the generall voice went and not vpon other assurance for they were then separated from vs and the rest of the Fleete And therefore I must adde this conclusion to desire that I may of the vnderstanding sort be pardoned if in these relations I cannot truely nor at large write the accidents and courses of all their ships in particular being no eye witnesse thereof nor possibly could so be For to doe that in a land army or in a battaile is very hard and much more in a Sea Uoyage consisting of so many ships sometimes separated Vpon intelligence of this escaping and passing by so vnluckily of these Indian Ships we were all much perplexed For by that chance and by our vnfortunate hast from Gratiosa but the very night before wee saw that Euen the wrath of destiny denied to make vs so happy as to bee masters of so great a fortune as then had fallen into our laps if wee had not still followed all those counsells that fell out to the worst Notwithstanding with all the speed wee could make we instantly followed after them to Tercera where they were entred some sixe houres before vs and had moored their Ships fast vnder the Towne and Fort being one of the strongest pieres of all Europe There wee might aloofe behold them safe within the Road which was a great Inlet inuironed with a high Land in manner of Peninsula so as the Shippes lay vnder the command of two strong Fortifications a place neither fit nor possible for our Ships to follow them except we had meant that they should haue there stuck fast for comming out againe Now was there a generall counsell called aboord the Admirall what course to take heerein and many great aduentures proposed and offered to bee attempted by some Coronels and Captaines with Boates and Pinnaces for the landing of men to force those places but all in vaine and altogether vnseasonable For whereas they with one thousand fiue hundred men offered to take both the Iland and Forts some others of the chiefest Sea-Commanders in their iudgements well knowing the great difficultie to Land men and Munitions on so disaduantagious a place and in so euill a season of the yeere besides the great strength of the Fortifications so well furnished at that time by this new arriuall were vtterly against it as a matter friuolous and of more apparant danger to our selues then to the Enemy and for it yeelded sundry reasons All which these Coronels seemed to account light or and would needs in great brauery still vrge the vndertaking of it if they might haue but the proportion of one thousand fiue hundred men before spoken of which the General himselfe seemed greatly to allow and insist vpon and therefore of necessitie to be yeelded vnto by the inferiour Commanders But our Vice-Admirall the Lord Thomas Howard finding indeed the marke whereat some of our great Captaines shot to wit that it would haue serued their turnes to haue vaunted that if the Vice-Admirall and Reare-Admirall had beene willing to this enterprise and not crossed it by counter counsells the Spanish Fleet and Treasure by mastering the Ilands of Tercera might haue been recouered his Lordship resolued either to tie them to their pretended resolutions or to make them see that they could not serue themselues of him by any such finenesse pretence And therfore told the general plainly that if indeed he would so willingly haue it attempted himselfe and the Reare-Admirall for their parts would be forward and readie to aduenture as farre as any others And moreouer the better to inable the action said that they would vndertake to find him three thousand strong and able men to spare out of the Fleet and yet leaue the Nauie sufficiently manned And therefore said they if your Lordship see no other reasons to let or hinder this offered attempt there shal be no want of so many men as we speake of which is double the number that was demanded But vpon this constant offer the matter was againe debated and grew somewhat colder being better digested So as in conclusion it was deemed inconuenient and impossible to be effected as our Forces and helpes and theirs at that time stood and the time of the yeere so farre spent and the winds and the Seas growne so tempestuous for landing in Boats But if this offer had not bin made then the relinquishing of these glorious motions and attempts had bin laid vpon the backwardnesse and disswasions of the Sea-men which was well enough perceiued and therefore accordingly answered These vnseasonable offers and Brauadoes puts me in mind of the like inconsiderate vnfortunate action of Sir R. Greenfield in the Reuenge who being Vice-Admirall to the same Lord Thomas Howard Admirall in a iourney to these Ilands in certaine of the Queenes Ships they fortuned to meet with a great Fleet of the King of Spaines neere to the I le of Flores consisting of so many huge and mighty Gallions as was no way fit for them to vndertake being in number and force three times as strong as ours was And therefore fâ—â—ter to be warily dealt withall then rashly aduentured vpon Wherefore the Admirall out of the due consideration and iudgement of the office and place hee held as also for that at his returne home hee was to giue a strict account of the charge committed vnto him thought it fit to keepe still aloofe and in the weather of this powerfull Nauie and so to fight with them at his best aduantage off and on as occasion serued or else to free himselfe from them if need required For his Ships being more nâ—mble yare and swift then the Spaniards it had bin a grosse errour to haue thrust himselfe wilfully in amongst them and so to giue them the aduantage of boording being high and mighty built Ships throughly manned and full of shot and the manner of fight by boording most aduantageous for those huge Gallions Besides being as they were all men of Warre and thrice as many as the English and no other benefit to bee got by boording them but blowes and the hazard of battaile which is vncertaine victory it behooued him aduisedly to carry himselfe and rather to follow the heedy steps of a Fabius Maximus then the â—eadie fury of a Terentius Varro But his Vice-Admirall being indeed a man very wilfull and violent in his courses could in no wise
plants beasts and commodities from ours and their severall description 1325. seq Their astonishment at the hearing of God Their inconstancie naturall parts c. 1340. Their mariages and polygamie the manners of women with child c. 1341. The destruction of families and bounds of their possessions 1342. Their houshold stuffe 1343. Their entertainment 1344 1345. Their Physicke and demeanour towards the sicke their buriall attended with diuellish rites 1346. Brasils description and chiefe Havens 1382. A Brasile Ship taken by Sir Water Raleigh 1938. Brasile commodities sent for Spaine not onely gold but much other treasures as Ginger Sugar Hides Tobacco c. 1817 Brauadoes are sometimes the hinderers of successe in great proiects 194â— Braverie of the English turneth to beggerie 1942 Bridegroomes thâ—â— giue the fiâ—st hansâ—ll of their spousâ—â— to their hindred and friends 1481 Brigalian Iland the situation thereof 1240 Buena Ventura a River in the West Indies the description thereof 1413 1414 Buenoâ— Aeres a tâ—â—ne in the River of Plate 1â—41 Buccaw ganecants a towne vnder the dominion of Bashabez Sagamo of Mawooshen 1873 Building without tooles or engines miraculous by the Indians of Peru 1477 1478 Burdones a place so called 126â— Burkes rebellion in Ireland 1893 The Burlings an Iland so called 〈◊〉 soyle commodi 〈…〉 and iâ—â—abitants described 1155 Butter how made by the Indians 1539 C. CAbot viz. Sir Sebastian Cabot his American travels 1177 1178 seq he discovered so much of the continent of the New World that it deserved to bee called Caboâ—iana rather then America 1177 1112 Cabusto a towne in Florida 1544 Caaâ—tâ— certaine Brasilians so called 1298 Câ—era River 1248 Cadiz taken by the English the Castle surrendred c 1931. Cadiâ— described 1932. It is set â—â—firâ— and rased to the ground 1933 Caiama Iland the description therof 1248 Caiocame a towne in Mawocshen 1874 Caioses Cannibals so called living in Brasile 1241 Caiuari certaine Savages of Brasile living in Caues 1â—99 Cale a towne of Florida 1532 Caleformia a sea so called 1560 or an Iland or many Ilands as others say 1562 Calenture 1181 1182 Caliane a River in Guiana very aboundant with gold and silver â—â—60 Caliquen towne 1533 Callipuny a mountaine in Guyana 1â—71 Callis taken by the Spaniards 1927 Calmes the strange effects thereof in the Sea and in mens bodies 1373 Camalaha a Fayre in the Indies neere Orenoco where women are sold. 1248 Camaâ—uiars certaine Savages that haue paps reaching vnder their waste 1299 Camana a road in Brasile 1142 as also a towne in Peru 1446 Campseau a Port in New-France described 1639 Camarijiuua a River how situate 1223. It s danger or ease for Navigation and the commodities thereof 1238 Camo a Hill on the coasts of Brasile 1240 Camoni Indians 1514 Campeche the chiefe towne of Iacatan 1186 Canacum the Governour of Manomet his friendly entertainment to the English 1858 Canada River 1606. The adioyning Countrey the Inhabitants description feasts fights lodging houses Canons with other customes 1606 1607. They endure great famine lye and are false-hearted their beliefe and ridiculous relation of God ibid. 1609. vide Indians of Canada Canasagua a towne in Florida 1539 Canauerall where 1247 Canarie Ilands their number and description 1369 1370 Canariagranda 1185 1369 et seq Candish his Voyage 1971. seq he takes the towne Santos and Saint Vincent 1191. Loseth Captaine Dauies ibid. His ariuall at Port-desire and the Magellane Streights ibid. His mutinous company 1192. and distresse in the streights 1193. Returne for Brasil 1194. His company slaine 1195. His valour and proiects ibid. Losse of men by Indians and Portingals 1197. Losse of the Roe-bucke 1200. Seuerity ibid. His weaknesse and vnwillingnesse of his company for going to the Streights 1200. His voyage further discouered by Anthony â—niuer 1201 1202. seq The supposed ouerthrow of his voyage 1203 Canduacu Brasilian beastâ— that dart their bristles through a mans skin 1302 Canari a Province of Morequito 1248 Cannete iâ— towne in Peru 1446 Canri a toune in the Riuer Marwin in America 1283 Canibals with faces like dogs at Ports-desire 1191. Other strange and valorous Caunibals 1208 Canibals profer fa 〈…〉 to Candish in Santos 1203. Cannibals naked and fearfull 1204. cald Pories 1208. Their strange entertainment of strangers 1208. Canibals called Tamoyes 1228 1240. vid. Savages Cano a famous Nauigator 1191 Canoas or boats of threescore foot long with 80 men in them 1380 Cape Blanco 1379 Cape Saint Francisco 1400 Cape Saint Antonio 1147 Capawucke a place in the Indâ—â—s stored with gold 1841 Cape bona Esperâ—nza the danger of the passage there 1151 1152 Cape Rico 1170 Cape Verdi 1181 Cape de la vela 118â— 1244 Cape Frio or cold Cape its situation 1202. It s Navigation 1240 Cape Saint Augustine 1238 Cape Caldera 1â—46 Cape de verde its vnhealthinesse 1370. Its Ilands 1371 Capignramirinij a place in Brasile 1238. Cape Agreda cape froward 1386 chiqui-towne 1535. Cape Francois 1603 Cape Saint Maries Cape de Rare Cape Saint Lawrence 1606 Caperrocca a Sauage towne 1285 Capitua a flat land in Brasile 1238 Cape-cod 1647. Cape Charls 1691. Cape Henry in Virginia 1687. Cape Laware in Virginia 1762. It s adioyning Shoales ibid. Captaines for narres how chosen among the Indians 1262 Captaines errours checked 1397. patience commendable in a Captaine 1153 Captaine Listers dingerous attempt in my Lord of Cumberlands voyage 1143. Hee is drowned and his Ship in his returne ibid. Captaine Bayly slaine 1144 Captaine Munson taken captiue 1144 Captaine Nortons Uoyage ibid. Captaine Caues surprizall of in Ar gosie of Lisbone ibid. Captaine Nortons assailing a Fortingall ibid. Capt. Caue Admirall in the eighth Uoyage of the Lord of Cumberland slaine 1147 Captaine Antonie killed ibid. Captaine Dounton wounded 1148 Capurisell a River 1250 Capucaras water-Serpents in the Indies 1211 Capari a River neere Orenoque 1247 Carrabouca a place in India 1249 Carcocies Indians so called 1365 Carder viz. Peter Carder a Cornish man his hard fortune and escapes 1187. The losse of his company 1188. His living two moneths vpon a fruit like Oranges and his drinking of his owne Urine ibid. His conversing with Indians â—bid Teacheth them to marre 1189. His departure from them ibid. His imprisonment deliverance 1189 1190. His imployment 1190. His escape from the Portingals and ariuall to England after nine yeares voyage 1190 Carigue a Beast in Brasile that that carteth her yong ones in a bag about with her 1301 Cari-River 1248 A Carrak runneth a shore to avoid the English 1938 Caripo a towne in Guiana 1268 Caroli a pleasant River neere Orenoco 1248 Carraemba Sauages so called 1299 Carapana a place in the Province of Emeria 1247 Carraibas certain Ingglers in Brasile 1290 Carracus a place in the Indies 1242 1248 Caredenas a Province in America 1560 Carripapoory Ilands neere Guiana 1268 Carendies a fierce Nation of the Indies neere the River of Plateâ— their nature warlikenesse and description 1348 A Carrack runneth
in America inhabited by Sauages 1283 Congo a Region in Affrica the King thereof his great strength his Christian Religion guard pompe riding on Elephants rites of State 1234 Conibas lake 1566. Neere it a stately Citie of Indians their ornament and great fortification 1566 Connies of two sorts in Florida the manner how they are taken by the Indians there 1551 Conauacus chiefe Prince of the great people of Nanohigganset his challenge to the English men he is terrified by a present of powder and shot 1854 Coniuration vsed of the Indians being in distresse for want of raine 1867 Conversion of sinners a worke meritorious witnesse a Spanish Captaine 1558 Content a small Ship of Sir George Carews fought with three great Spanish Ships of six hundred tuns a piece 1186 Cooligoa a Province in Florida 1549 Cocunibo an excellent and safe harbor in the West Indies 1394. The markes whereby to finde it ibid. Cordoua-towne 1446 Cooropan a place ten dayes iourney from the head of the River Marrawin 1285. Directions for the iourney betwixt Marrawin and Cooropan ibid. Directions to Cooropan from the head of the River Sehnama 1286 Cooshebery a Prouince in Guiana the description pleasantnesse healthinesse and commodities thereof 7171 Corburrimore a towne of the Epuremei in the Indies 1285 Cape Corientes 1147 Corne how kept in Tercera 1669 Corn-hil a place in New-England where the Savages were went to hide their corne 1845. Corne much encreaseth in New-England 1871 Coro a towne in America 1258 The fruitfulnesse commodities thereof 1258 Corrall 1516 Combination of the English forces is New-England 1843 Complaint of a Sauage woman for her sonnes losse stolne away by Hunt an Englishman 1853 Copiapo a towne of Chili in the Indies 144â— Coquinibo an American towne 144â— Coresao Iland how situate 1146 Coro a towne and Castle burnt by Captain Preston and Captainâ— Summers 1186 Cororoespe or the River of Toads in America 1223 Cortez a Spaniard contesteth with Don Antonio de Mendoza for discoveries of land sendeth forth Francis Vllua with a Fleet of three Ships for that purpose 1560 Corupeo a spirit vsing to possesse and vexe the Americans 1213 Casnero River 1248 Costa Ricca a West Indian towne copious with gold 1419 1446 Covetousnesse the cause of the dispeopling the Indies by the Spaniards 1569 Couetousnesse is an Idoll vnto which the Spaniards haue sacrificed millions of Indians 1602 1603 Couetousnesse reproved by a Savage 1331 A provinciall Councell held at Lyma 1421 Counsaile vsed among the Indians 1270 Countries vnhealthy 1360 Countries very healthy 1274 Countries vnknowne and description of them 1383 1334 Cowab a Mountaine 1271 Cowardlinesse of the Indians 1154 Cowardlinesse of the Master of the Ree-Bucke in Brasile 1197 Cozco the Imperiall City of Peru the opinion the Inhabitants have of it the admir able Temple of the Sunne in it rich hangings images profuse ornaments Chappels roofes plates gardens heapes all Church-instruments in gold their priests and charinesse of their Temple 1464 1465. Their divers Monasteries their riches manner in mariages care of Infants 1457. Their super stition feasts braverie fasts solemn feasts for the Sunne 1472. Their adoration sacrifices solemnized at the rising thereof holy fire festivall eating drunkennesse 1473 Their sooth-saying ibid. Manner of creating Knights and Ceremonies 1474. Cozco also described with its situation fortification and splendour 1496 1497 Crabs on the land in great abundance 1172 1330 Ten or twelue sorts of Crabs 1315 Crocodiles by the Indians called Aligartos 1228. Their description and maner of fishing for them and bait ib. His Cods are muske ib. Crocodiles in America harmlesse and kept tame 1326. Crocodiles in great Scoules 1400. Saint Croix point and the countrey described 1611 1622 Crooroorere a Suppay towne in the Indies 1285 Crosses erected by the Spaniards in New-Spaine intoken of possession 1557 The Crozier a Starre neere the Pole antartick 1157 Crokemago a Province in Mawooshen neere the River Shawakotoc 1875 Cruelty is companion of cowardize 1395. And feare ibid. Requited in the Spanish Gouernour by the Indians 1449. Cruelty cruelly rewarded 1959 Cuba an Iland described 1147. It s want of fortification the chiefe Port Lahauana wherein is a castle of Spaniards 1415. The length and breadth thereof and the Christian townes thereof named 1529. The King commonaltie men women and sucking children how many murdered by Spaniards 1572 Cueremagbas Indians so called their nature strength courtesic and commodities 1351 Cueruo one of the Azories Iles taking its name from the multitude of Crows breeding in that place 1939 Cuigbe Indians 1299 Cuigtaio Brasilians so called 1299 Cuimechi warlike Indians that wander in droues in the mountains to seeke food 1561 Cuinao Province 1557 Cuinquiro a place in New Spaine 1557 Cuiseo Province taken by the Spaniards 1558 Culiazzon a Nation in the Indies 1527 Cultalculebes Indians of Florida 1519 Cumberlands first Voyage discovered 1141. The time when they set forth his ships and company ib. His arivall at Brasile 1142. Hee taketh foure Ships from the Portingall ibid. The hinderance of his Voyage for the South sea his disastrous losse of a Hulke men and goods his returne to England ibid. His second voyage his acts at Sluce the 88 service his company returne 1142 His third voyage ibid. His ariuall at Saint Michael and attempt there danger by a Fish ibid. Taketh a prize from the Spaniards the euasion of some of his men with a small Boat 1143. His surpriz all of Fiall a town in Tercera ibid. His losse of men and danger of his person ibid. His great want of drinke his clemencie and equity ibid. The number of his prizes taken in the voyage his returne 1144. His fourth voyage purchase losse returne for England ibid. His fifth voyage hindrances defeating retiring to London and committing the charge to Captaine Norton ibid. His gaines by the Portingal Carrack taken in that voyage 1145 1146. His sixth voyage purchases sicknesse returne ibid. The seuenth voyage ibid. The eighth voyage and the surprizo of a Carrack 1147. The ninth voyages successe 1148. The tenth voyage ibid. Eleventh voyage 1149. Twelfth voyage its preparation company and ships ibid. His meanes to get intelligence ill successe of his plot 1150. Ariues at the Canaries 1151. His care and government of his company 1151. His discreetnesse and guidance by reason 1152. His proiects ibid. His ariuall at Dominica and entertainment ibid. His comming to Port-Ricco 1153 1160. To the Canaries 1155. His perill at the assault of Port-Ricco 1161. Besicging Fort-Mora his iustice severitie and taking the fortresse 1162 1163. Offers the ransoming of Port-Ricco departeth hence 1168 1169. Meetes with his Fleet by Flores 1176. His returne and danger on the coast of Normandie 1176 His vnfortunate missing the Spanish ships at the Azores where hee lost forty millions 1673. And others of fiue millions ibid. Cumana a towne 1186 1248 Cumpehe Brasilian Sauages so called 1299 Cunames Indians in New Mexico their townes and faculties of painting described 1561 Cunarreo
Iarraraca venemous Serpents in Brasile whereof there bee foure kinds there mentioned 1303 1304 Iararaques Serpents that vse the water amongst the Indians 1211 Iawayri a River in America issuing from Potosin a mountain in Peru 1214 Iawayrippo a towne in the West-Indies 1208 1212 Iberacua a Snake whose vehement poison maketh the hurt persons blood distil through all the passages of his body 1304 Ibiboca a Snake very faire to looke on and of most vehement poyson but very plentifull in Brasile 1304 Ice-mountaines of eight leagues 1606. Ices of the Newfound-Land how caused 1627 Idolatry how caused among the Indians 1558 Idols sold to the Indians by Spaniards 1583 Iealousie of Sauages 1662 1272 Ienero a riuer neere the Line in the West Indies 1190. the description thereof 1240. three hundred houses on it its description 1438 Ieperos Indians so called 1361 Ieronimo-riuer 1386 Ierome Benzoes relation of the new World 1448 seq Iesuits Colledge at Santos 1203. Iesuits friends to Sauages 1243 Iesuits bring vp the children of the Brasilians 1292. are of great esteeme among them 1298. Iesuits acts in the Indies 1564 1565. Iesuits exploits and trauels either for deuotion or ambition 1807. their pride ibid. Igwabes Indians of Florida 1511 Ilha grande a place neere Brasile 1202 Ilands on the North of Virginia their description and commodities for fish and salt 1654 Iles of Salomon their discouery and description 1447 I le Malhado in Florida 1508. the inhabitants description and commodities extreame mourning for children and the neglect of age their burials and mariage-rites their Phisitians their houses beds sports manner of curing the sicke 1508 1509 Iles of Saint Peter neere Canada 1606 Iles of Saint Paul neere Canada 1606 Iland of Pearles in the South Sea 1180 Ile Francisco 1180 1411 Faire Iland 1384 Iland of Cockles 1439 Iland of Birds inâ—umerable 1605 Ile of the Hare in the Riuer Sageuay 1610 Ile of Filbeards ibid. I le of Orleans in Canada encompassed with dangerous flats and sands its description 1611 Thirty Ilands full of Walnuts neere Canada 1612 Ile of Saint Eloy the fertility of the soyle adioyning fitnesse to bee planted 1611 1612 Iles neere the Sault or fall of Canada description various fertility of beasts trees and fruits 1613. I le Percee in Canada 1616 Ile de Bonadventure ib. I le of St. Croix in New France its description and fertility in diuers kinds 1622. its three discommodities that hinder good wintering in it 1623. an Iland of Vines thereabout 1633. Iles very commodious and harborous 1884 Iland voyage vnder the Earle of Essex 1935 seq Illas de Lobos desart Ilands in the Indies abounding with Seales 1400 Illas de los Galapagos desart Ilands and fruitlesse 1400 Ile of Elizabeth the Trees Fowles Beasts Fruits Fishes Snakes Colours Metals and Stones thereof described 1651 1652 1653 Image of our Lady at Mexico 1178 Images of gold among the Indians 1285 Imperiall a City of Spaniards the inhabitants samisht 1477 Inca Roca a Peruan Emperour his acts and conquests repairing Schooles for proficiency in Arts his death and successor 1457 Incas the name of the Emperours of Peru before the Spanish inuasion 1458. their Sacrifices to the Sunne their ceremonies conceit of sicknesses idolatry Priests Monasteries diuision of Empires tythings tything-men officers education of children 1460 their Iudges and manner of deciding of controuersies Counsellors of Warre Priuie Councellors and pretended conuersion of their neighbours 1461. their Astrologie opinion of Eclipses Thunder and Rainbow their Dreames Geometry Chorography Arithmeticke Musicke Poetry Commedies Handicraftsmen 1462 1463. The Incas their Monasteries and pretious golden ornaments their life chastity and employment 1466. their manner of sharing of tillage care of widowes and souldiers tributes freedomes want of Beggars Innes hospitals treasuries courses after victories 1469 1470. stupendious riches and pomp of their Princely houses and admired superfluity of gold on their ornaments officers hunting and Postes 1470 1471. triumphes and ceremonies 1471. the Incas marrie their owne Sisters 1479. their abuse banishment trecherous conquest and finall extirpation by the Spaniards 1487 1488 Indians killing themselues because they would not serue the Spaniards 1415. A stratagem of theirs against the Spaniards 1442 1443. Indians how dealt with by the Spaniards 1448. their abusing all Christians for their sake 1449. their magnanimity and feare of horses 1449. their discreet reproofe of vnchristian Christians 1450. and opinion of them their name for them the promulgation of their liberty 1453 1454. Indians worshipping high mountaines 1459. Indians that worship the sea because it yeelds them fish and the Whale because of his greatnesse 1471. Indian policy and ouerthrow of the Spaniards 1476. Indian victories 1477. their valour and dexterity in armes ibid. Indians names beyond Moreshego 1280. Indian nations and languages almost innumerable in Florida 1521. Indian superstition 1522. Indians countries dispeopled by the Spaniards the feare they beare toward them they are sooner reclaimed by loue then cruelty 1525. Indians lazy life 1154. Indian Sodomy 1519 West Indians described 1158. Caniball Indians afraid to eate a man lest he should haue the Pox 1177 Indians at least thirtie thousand slaine and captiued by the Portingals at one time 1219 An Indians courage and Christian desire at his death 1219. Indian a Fish in the Sea and Fox in the wood 1243 Indians artillery 1261 Indians manner of punishing murther and adulterie their ielousie of their wiues 1272 Policie in their warres 1273 Indians auoyding the sight of Christians and other Indians 1271 Indians with rough skinnes like buffe 1280. Names of Indian Riuers 1281. et 1282. names of Nations 1280 et 1282. Indians how bruitishly and trecherously dealt withall by the Caniball-Portingals chusing rather to flye to the mercy of their flesh-deuouring enemies then these Christian-Antichristian Sauages 1322. Their fruitlesse baptisme by the Portingals 1323. the Indians religion of Brasile or rather irreligion the feare they haue of the Deuill 1336 1337. their solemn assembly singing 1337 sequ dancing ibid. Ceremonies superstition idolatrie ibid. Indian valour 1395. Indians worse then slaues to the Spaniards 1398. Indians gouernment disposition and state in generall 1421. Indians valour 1557. and simplicity in matters of knowledge and religion ibid. Indians in New England very tractible their manner of hunting the beast called Mosse 1832. Indians of Dominica taught to driue their Canoas with sayles 1833. Indians sore terrified at the sight of some Englishmen 1843. Indians drinking onely at the Spring head 1852. their feare of the English vpon report that they kept the plague buried in a store-house permitting it to infect as it pleased them 1855 they buy mens liues for Beuers skins ibid. Indians of Mattachiest their kinde vsage of the English 1858. Indians of Manomet much giuen to gaming will play for the skin on their wiues backes 1859. their ioyfull receiuing some religious precepts 1862 Indians in Port-Royall their courtesie in getting prouision for the French Plantation 1632. Indians oration
a Citie in the West Indies taken by the English its description aire dewes greatnesse Church want of Glasse-windowes doores standing of their Quire in the lowest part of the Church 1144. Fortification 1165. Healthinesse ibid. Its situation 1169 And fortification 1418 Saint Iohns head the easterly part of Port-Ricco 1169 Captaine Iohn Smith his discoverie of Russels Iles Point-Ployer and Limbo Iles in Virginia 1712. His entertainment by the Savages with courtesic and trcacherie his mens desire of returne 1713. His many Savage bickerings endanger by a stinging Fish and safe returne 1714. His setting forth againe and encounter with the Savages 1714 1715. The loue hee received from Mosco that Savage ibid. His fight with the Tapahonecks 1716. His great tempests yet safe returne 1716. His assuming the presidencie of Virginia 1716. His opposition by the Councell iourney to Powhatan onely with foure 1717. His strange entertainment ibid. His provision for Nansamund proiect for Powhatan and setting forth 1720. His discourse and passages with Powhatan 1721 1722. His escaping death amidst his treacherous vassals ibid. His abuse by some treacherous Dutchmen 1723. His great danger with fifteene men by a multitude of Indians ibid. His valiant evasion and forcing them to composition captinating their King in the midst of them ibid. 1724. His poysoning by the Vassals of Powhatan and escape 1725. His death plotted by Dutchmen his escape encounter and captivating the King of Paspahigh and other bickerings 1726. His progresse in the plantation hinderance and desire of remouall thereof 1727 1728. His hatred by vpstart plantationers escaping their plots and revenge on them 1729. His suppressing mutinies appeasing concluding peace endanger by powder 1730 1731. His endanger of murther grieuous torture returne for England and the cause with the consequents 1731 1732. His accusers and accusation 1731. His innocencie 1732 Master Iones his endeuours furthering the plantation of New-England 1867 Ippoa a place neere the great Iland in America 1212 Irasing a place seven leagues from Mexico 1414 Irocois Savages in Canada 1607 Their River and manner of fortification with stakes 1612. Their further description provision and townes and warres with their vanquishment and affrighting with a musket-shot 1643 Iron extolled aboue gold 1814 Isla del Gallo an Iland 1444 Itshuera a towne of the Caribes one dayes iourney from the head of the River Marwin 1285 Saint Iuan de Lua achiefe part in Noua Hispania 1432 Iuan de Ofnate his discoverie of the North from old Mexico his armie and preparation 1563. His losse and revenge of his Nephew his building a towne and possession for Spaine 1566 Iuan Fernandes Ilands their situation and plenty 1393 Iucatan how so called 1455. The inhabitants tortured and consumed by the Spaniards 1581 1582 1583 Iumanos Indians 1561 Saint Iuo de Vllua a Port towne 1418 Iuana the second Iland in Orenoque 1248 Ixtatlan a place in New-Spaine 1558 Iyanough a Governour among the Savages of Pechanochick 1853 Saint Izabella one of the Iles of Salomon 1447 K. KAiwaire a towne inhabited by the Careebees in the River Marwin in America 1283 Kebec a place in New-France wherein was a plantation of the French begun by Capt. Champlaine 1642. The naturall fruit and commodities thereof ibid. Kecoughtan a towne of Savages in Virginia 1687. The inhabitants maner of entertainment dancing Orations 1687 Kenebek a towne vnder the Dominion of Apomhamen in Mawooshen 1874 Ketangheanycke a town vnder the Sagamos Octoworth 1875 Capt. Keymish his voyage to Guiana 1269 Kiarno a towne of the Sauages 1286 Kietitan a god of the Savages 1862 Kine very strange in Brasile living in water without hornes or vdders 1243. Kine strange neere Quiuira with bunched backs 1561 A Kings distinction from others among the Amazons is by a crowne of feathers a woodden sword or a chaine of Lyons teeth 1288 Kings bodies how bestowed after death by the Peruans before the Spanish conquest 1464 Kings dying among the Floridan Indians and Tartarians two yong men are slaine to wait vpon them in the next world 1553 King Iames his name nothing respected among the Spaniards 1834. His faithfulnesse to the Queene of England his wise answere to her Embassadour 1912. His gracious letters to the Earle of Southhampton touching the Silke-wormes and Silke-grasse in Virginia 1787 I0 King Englishman one that lived fifteene yeares at Santos 1203 Kimbeki a River in New-France 1625 Knaw-saw an Iland how situate 1184 Knights how chosen and created among the ancient Emperours of Peru and who thought worthy of Knighthood 1474 Kniuets adventures accidents 1192 He finds a chest of Rials 1203. Loseth his toes by frost 1204. Narrow scaping death 1205 1206. His danger by a Sea-Monster 1207. Eateth Whale 1207. His escaping all his fellowes slaine 1207. His comming to the River Ianero and escaping from drowning by a woman his life there 1208. His slaverie in a Sugar-mill nakednesse shame and flight to the wildernesse his life there 1208. His perill by a Savage 1208. By a Sharke-fish 1209. His disastrous flight and wracke 1209. In danger of starving ibid. His imprisonment condemnation pardon 1210. His wounding the Factor flight iourney and fortune 1210. His fearfull travels through the wildernesse and manifold dangers there 1210 1211. His returne to his old master after many perils 1212. Kils a great dangerous Snake 1215. Is stocked and brought to execution saved 1216 Passeth in a weake vessell through a River that ran vnder-ground 1217. His escape all his fellowes devoured ibid. His nakednesse 1218. Returne againe to his Portingall Master his danger ibid. 1219. His adventure vnder-water 1220. His escape and voyage to Angola in Africa his sending backe againe ibid. His plot and dangerous discoverie 1221. Saveth his master from drowning ibid. Is imprisoned 1222. Escapeth drowning 1223. Ariveth at Lisbon his sicknesse there 1224. One and twenty times let blood 1225. His recoverie imployment and imprisonment ibid. Kniues and Hatchets deare sold amongst the Indians 1229 1208 A Knife bought eight women 1249 Kuskara waock a river in Virginia the inhabitants thereof 1694 L. LAbour well imployed hath its reward one time or other 1832 La Buena Ventura an vnhealthy place in Peru 1446 La Canela a Country in Peru 1415 Lacana a miserable towne in Florida 1553 Laguada a towns in Port-Ricco 1170 Lake of a hundred leagues in length 1644 A Lake wondrous great 1612. A Lake of 80 leagues 1614. Many others ib. 1615. One of three hundred leagues 1616. La Loma de Camana a very fertile soyle in America the description thereof 1420 La Mocha an Iland in America 1443 Lampere a fortified Citie of the Carios in the Indies taken by the Spaniards 1352 Lancerota the town and Castle taken by the Earle of Cumberland 1151 1155. It is one of the greatest Ilands of the Canaries 1155 The chiefe towne in it described 1156. The inhabitants armes situation commodities latitude their severall haruests Church Religion ibid. Language of Savages 1237. A thousand languages of Savages
French is they deserued 1605 Spanish irregularitie in the Indies derided by a French Catholike 1621. Spaniards arrest English Ships 1893. Spanish preparation against England Anno 1588. p. 1895. Spanish policy 1897. The Spanish A 〈…〉 ada setteth faile is discomfited by a tempest is at last descried by an English Pirat 1903 Spaniards vaine opinion concerning the English Fleet 1907 Spaniards fire their owne ships 1931. Span Armada's cut their Cables 1908. They fly for to saue their liues 1910. They suffer miserable shipwracke on the Irish Sea They seize on some Scottish Fisher-boats ib. Spanish plagues and miseries by the English 1680 There flight for feare of the English 1932. Spanish Fly-boats molest the English about the coasts of Cornwall 1698. Spanish Caruels dispersed 1698. Spanish ships at Sea for the discoverie of the state of Virginia's Colony 1773. Spaniards hated by the Portingals 1952. Spaniards variety of dispositions in various fortunes 1954. Their nature in generall ibid. Sparries relations of the I le of Trinidad Guiana and the River Orenoco 1247 1248 seq Spices excellent good hot and comfortable in the Magellane straits 1390 Spiders with silken webs and little eggs like Quick-siluer in the Bermudas 1899. Not found to bee venemous ibid. Spignard wherof is a precious oyntment made 1264 Spilpergen a famous Navigator among the Dutck 1191 Spirito Santo a Port in the West-Indies neerè the Liue 1190 1196. It s description and fortification 1197 Spleene how cased 1315 Squanto a Savage of the company of the Massasoyts very helpfull and commodious to the English 1851 Squasachin wife to the great gouernour of the Savages 1861 Squirrels flying in Virginia 1695 Capt. Standish his training vp his men in New-England to military affaires 1854. His iourney to the Masacheuasets 1863. Hee encountreth with a Savage and putteth him to flight 1865 teth him to flight 1865 Stars obserued by the Indians 1870 Stately Statues in the Indies 1463 Steering a ship requireth exquisite care 1378 1379 Stills set on worke for want of water 1967 Stingeray Ile so named of a stinging Raye 1714 Stomaccace a strange disease its cause and cure by scurvie-grasse 1624 The Stone how and with what cur'd 1310. An approued medicine for it 1312 Stones like Chrystall 1216 Rich Stones 1276 Stones transparent 1284 No Stones in some part of Florida 1504 Stones medicinable 1509 Stones how necessary in new France 1624. The benefit of them ingenerall ibid. Straits of Magellane how dangerous a passage 1439 Strawberies of rare bignesse in Virginia 1686 A Stratagem of the Indians 1442 1443 Peter Strosse in his desperate brauery taken by the Spaniards to the losse of his nauy 1962 Tho. Stukâ—ley an English fugitine his faire promise to the Popes bastard 1893 Stuesia an Indian riuer 1362 Sturgeon store in Virginia 1758 Suboris certaine Indians so called 1364 Earle of Suffolkes setting forth a Fleet 1186 Sugar-Canes 1171 Sulphry smels issuing from raine 1157 Cap. Summers voyage 1186 Sun and Moone worshipped 1233 1464. 1465. Suppayas certaine Indians inhabiting Wiapoco riuer their description 1263. Their nakednesse painting child-birth Funeralls c. ibid. Supply to the Plantation in Virginia by the English 1841. Supply to the plantation of New-England 1867 Superstition among Savages 1226 Surarer a towne of Savages called Araccaws in America 1283 Sarcucuses a Savage nation their commodities 1356 Susolas-Indians 1516 Swearing forbidden amongst the Inhabitants of Peru 1451 Swearers punished in the King of Spaines Armada 1902 Swearing and blaspheming its ill euent 1805 Sweating vsed by the Indians to expell diseases 1624 Swine with holes in their backs 1326 Sword-fish 1266 Symamios Savages in the West-Indies so called 1364 Symarons fugitiue Negroes in the West-Indies 1414. Their habitation called St. Iago de los Negros ibid. T. TAbaga Iland 1415 Tacâ—ia Savages 1299 Tagrona one of the richest valleyes in the Indies 1434 Tali a Floridan Towne 1540 Tamgara a dancing bird troubled with some disease like the falling sicknesse 1305 Tamos a populous Prouince 1562 Tamkings a peece of wood of great moment for shooting in peeces of Ordnance 1413 Taminna a mountaine in America signifying the mountaine of gold 1217 Tapatu a Floridan riuer 1552 Tapecuia Savages 1299 Tapetijwason a strange beast in in Port-famine in the streights of Magellane 1233. Portugals call them Gombe 1233 Tapati a Brasilian beast that barketh like a dog 1393 Tapia taken by Sir Francis Drake 1183 Tapuyas certaine Savages so called 1213. Many Nations vnder that name 1298 seq Their speech cannot bee vnderstood 1299. The seuerall nations ibid. Tapyrousoa au Indian beast whose skin makes Targets 1325 Taragauig Brasilians that fight w th enuenomed arrowes 1299 Tar or Taroo a place neer Orenoco 1249 Targets of Cow hides 1560 Targets made of Buff-skins eaten 1214. Targets beneficiall against Savage arrowes 1716 Tarcaluca-Prouince 1541 Taru a beast of Brasil that hath scales like plates on her back which no arrow may enter 1302 Tatalacoya a towne of the Indians in Florida surprized by Spaniards 1549 Tatarcax a rich King in America 1561 Tauparamunni a towne inhabited by Caribes in the riuer Marwin 1283 Taymayas the name of some Indian Savages 1211 1213. Tamoyes description their infinite store of gold and precius stones their nature and civilitie 1231 Tecoantepeck the first Towne in New Spaine 1177 Teeth shedding by drinking a kind of water neere the River Rhine 1622 Teixo a wood as hard as stone 1670 Temples couered with straw in Topira 1560. Temples to the Sun Moone and Stars richly adorned in the ancient City Cozco of Peru which women might not enter 1465 A horrible Tempest 1175. Extreame Tempests 1193 1194 1223 1500. Frequent Tempests 1502 A dreadfull Tempest neere Tercera throwing fishes on the ground ouer exceeding high cliffes its pittifull effects 1679 1680. An extreame Tempest brauely related 1735 1736 1737 Tenaserea a Mountatine in the East-Indies where Diamonds are found 1271 Teneriffa an Iland in the Canaries it s exceeding high mountaines great riches store of Sacke 1156 1369 1370 Tepique a Prouince neere New-Spaine taken possession of by Spaniards 1559 Tercera one of the Azores Ilands 1143. The description thereof its forts fortification mountain and sudden discouerie of ships its chiefe Towne wines prouision fruits 1668. The chiefe trafficke woad 1669. Its birds seasons Stones ibid. Corne Uines Oxen called by names like men ibid. Subiect to earth-quakes strange fountaine and wood Inhabitants are all Portingalls or Spaniards 1670 its strange diseases strong windes and other villages 1671. Whence so called and the store of Oade growing there 1938 Terra-Australis incognita its description at large 1423 seq its bignesse situation diuersity of inhabitants their manner and disposition described 1423. its commodities of fruits beasts fishes filuer pearle probability of gold spices c. 1424 Riuers and other commoditie at large its possession for the King of Spain 1425 1426 Terra Firma 1146. it hath on the coast 70 Ilands 1434 the publication of God there after the Spaniards manner
Indians neere the River Wyapoco their nature and description 1263 Yaguiana a towne in Hispaniola 1186 Capt. Yerdly Deputy Governour in Virginia 1773. His acts and exploits there ibid. 1774 Yerua viua an hearbe that is senssble and shrinkes at any mans touch not resprouting till his departure 1174 Youghtanund inhabitants of Virginia 16â—2 Youwalprenay a towne of the Caribes 1285 Ytara an America Floridan town 1533 Ytaua a towne in Florida 1541 Yupaha an Indian country in Florida ruled by a woman her great town commodities and abundance of gold 1535 Yupanqui an Emperour of Peru before the Spanish conquest his difficult attempts 1474. He subdued the Chunchus and so extended his Empire ibid. 1475. His assault of the Chirihuana a Savage Nation and successe his proceeding to conquer Chili 1475 his miraculous Fort and buildings other acts and death 1477 1478 Yuia Pari a River in America thâ— inhabitants thereabout tortured by the Spaniards 1587 Z. ZAcheo a place so called 1186 Zapatula a place of New-Spaine 1558 Zemie an Indian Nation neere the Riuer of Plate 1363 Zemais Saluaisco Indians so called in the River Paâ—ana their description 1350 1351 Zumpanga a towne of Indians 1418 FINIS Leuit. 13. First voyage 1586. The Spanish King had imbargued all English ships in his Ports of Spaine and Portugall 1585. whence warres were not only expected at home but euery where honorably sought and happily preuented See Hak. tom 3. Sierra Leona Abraham Cock Andrew Battell was one of his companie See of this voyage Tem. 1. l. 7. 6. 3. Iohn Drake Fenton and Wards expedition See Hak. l. 3. I had it also written Baya Bold courage Hulks disaster The Earle in Sluce 88. seruice Second voyage 1588. Hare taken Third voyage 1589. The League then was enemy to Queene Elizabeth Iew of Lisbone The Azores foure Ships taken A monstrous Fish See Linscbot c. 96. A prize of Port Ricco Guinâ—ee Ship taken Fyall taken The spoile Ship of Saint Malo Captaine Lysters valorous attempt His audacious enterprise and rash endangering the râ—st American ships taken Captaine Lyster drowned Miserable distresse for want of drink Salt deadly draught The Earles equitie and courage Ventre Hauen in Ireland The Countesse of Dorset borne Ian. 31. 1589. The fourth Voyage 1591. Ship of Saint Thome taken Chance of warre Takers taken Aduise Sir R. Greenuile Fifth Voyage 1592. Ill beginnings His râ—â—urne and Captayne Norton substituted Argosie taken Flores courtesie Santa Cruce a Carrike Sir I Burrough Sea-custome of sharing Portugals fire their Carrike Auri sacra faâ—â—s Towne taken Made de Dios a great Carrik The fight Queenes ships danger Carrike entred Fight and Engglish Victorie Danger by fire Contention about the bootie In M. Hak. his second Tome this Carrikes purchase is attributed principally to Sir I. Burgh there may the Reader also see her dimensions goods c. I haue here followed that Relation which I found and leaue free iudgement to the Reader My copie also argueth my Lords case which I ha 〈…〉 itted Sixt voyage 1593. Two French ships very rich taken Scout taken His sicknesse and returne The seuenth Voyage 1593. Pearl-fishings Rancheria assauâ—â—ed and taken Aruba and Corresao R. de Hache Strange watering Estanchas or Stantias Beefe how kept there Ri. Marracaua Cap. Raymund Iamaica Bay of Honduras Porto Cauallo The fight Ships fired The eight Voyages 1594. The great Carriks called Fiue wounds Borded Carraks fired English Ships in danger Pittifull distresse of the Carrike The impediments of taking the Carrike Another Carrike The ninth voyage 1595. The Dragon a fortunate ship to the East Indian Societie surprised vnluckily by the Dutch see Hoâ—es relation To. 1. l. 5. An. 1595. Fight Tenth voyage 1596. Eleuenth voyage Godwine sands Sea fight The twelfth voyage Names of the ships and their Captaines employed in the twelfth voyage 1596. His purpose frustrated Defect in the mayne Mast. The Burlings Penechia Biscainers good fighters Ship of Hamburg taken Intelligence from Lisbone Fiue Carraks and twentie fiue ships New intelligence Another attempt No hope that way He comes to the Canaries Rich Marquesse Poore performance of rich promisers He lands his Souldiers Sir Iohn Barkley Towne and Castle takers Poore purchase and yet too rich The Earles honorable care and wise prouision Caruell stollen forth by English captiues Danger of late going forth for the Cape of Good Hope Old Portugall Pilots Rash aduisers The Earles mâ—â—ture and discâ—eet intendments His speech His purposes and probabilities They proceed They arriue at Dominica Las Virgines My Lords speech Basenesse of theft Sir Francis Drake They arriue at the Iland Euill surmiseâ— His search Obiections The Earles answere They land the fixt of Iune Negros misleading A Bridge * I haue since heard that his name was Doctor Layfield Anâ— 1596. Aug. Worthy act of a worthy man The Burlingâ—s or Berlinga The Câ—nariâ— Ilands They take the chiefe Towne of Lâ—â—â—erota The Casâ—le taken The Towne described Inhabitants The Iland of Lançeroâ—a Beasts One haruest done before the middest of Aprill The Church Pike of Teneriffe Riches thereof Captain Leighs voiâ—ge to Orenoque Sunne in their Zeniâ—h The Crosier Gusts Vnwholsoâ—e raine Colour of the Sea black Matinino D 〈…〉 Naked Ind 〈…〉 Their Canoas The people described Red painting Their Oares A hot Bathe The Virgines Description of Dominica A Town found in Dominica Wilde Maiesty Adultery punished with death Difference of maide wife Common diet roome Kings state Desire to learn English They come to the Virgines My Lords land companies about one thousand The speech you haue before in his own relation and therefore here omitted See before the names of the Captaines and Commanders here omitted Sir Fr. Drake The Virgines described Bird-Iland Incredible store of Birds They land vpon the I le of Saint Iohn de Puerto rico the siâ—t of Iuâ—â— Negros misguiding Bad March Bridge and Barricado Sir Iohn Barkeleys honourable ambition The fight betwâ—â—t the Englâ—sh and Spaniards The Earles accidentall danger Valiantassaults at the gates Sir I. Barkleys courage His Lordships perill The tide hindereth them His Lordship goeth aboord His returne and second Stratagem Good successe thereof Ship lost The red Fort called Mata-diabolo Spaniards beaten The English take the Fort. Another Fort quitted They enter the lesse Iland and march to the Towne The Towne quitted of all people able to beare armes and entred by the English The Fort summoned The Gouernors brauado Care to saue mens liues Sir Nicholas Clifford His Lordships iustice Souldier disarmed for vnmanly and vnmannerly vsage to a woman Churches and Women secured Rauisher executed Sacriledgâ— terrified Raines Parley demanded Conditions demanded Articles offered Spaniards yeeld the Fort. The Fort Mora wherein were 400. Souldiers deliuered vp to the English The description of the citie of Saint Iohn de Puerto Rico. Fresh aire Heat how ordered Great dewes Greatnesse Cathedrall Church described No glasse windowes The doores c. Quire in the lowest part of the Church Chappels The
in a golden Countrie Cristall mountaine Vault-straits Tamoyes proper men Store of gold His iourney with the Sages Tocoman Pigmeys dwelling in Caues Riuer running to Chile Mountaines of a 〈…〉 Mettals The Caryiohs A youth 13. spans high Chile Giants habitlesse habit Port â—amine in the Sâ—râ—its of Magelan Wide mouthed men Extreame cold and naked people Harris the Goldâ—mith H. Barrawell Beasts bigger then Horses at the Mâ—gellan stâ—aiâ—s called Tapeâ—ywason in Ethiopia whether he meaneth Zebra or Dantecâ— see Tom. 1. p. 1002. Of Angola to which he fled cut of Brasil as is before deliliuered The Kings pompe Rites of the people The Countrie Wezels sâ—iâ— affected Branded beguiled slaues Taking of Elephants Circumcision Of Congo The King Masangana See Tom. 1. l. 7. c. 3. And. Battell liued here sixe yeeres Sickly disposition of the place Gold Paul Di 〈…〉 Angica Anzicans valiant Of Mahometan Religion if the Author were not deceiued by occasion of their circumcision which in Africa is common to Christians and Ethnicks with Mahumetans Rio Grande Ambergreese Para 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Riuers A Riuer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—an 〈…〉 Sir 〈◊〉 â—â—wly The description of a place called by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—â—nâ—mbuqâ—o and 〈◊〉 Citie o◠〈◊〉 Cape of Saint Augustine Iâ— of S. Aleyxo Porto Docaloâ— Riuer of stones Camaryiâ—â—â— The Riuer of Saint Antoniâ— Salt Fish Varâ—â—â— A place called the Harbour of Frenchmen Riuer called Iaquareasicke Alaqua Riuer of Saint Michael The Harbour called The Riuer of Toades R. Saquarâ—ma Etiâ—ca Pirâ—teninga M 〈…〉 mayd â—een by the Author The Riuer of Ienero and Ci 〈…〉 oâ— Saint Sebastian Iland of Brigalion Iland of Saint Bent. The Riuer câ—lled Waratiâ—â— Certaine Ilands called by tâ—e 〈◊〉 gr 〈…〉 Greaâ— Ilaâ—â— The Iland of 〈◊〉 Sebastian The descripti 〈…〉 oâ— S. Vin 〈…〉 s Saâ—tos The description of the third 〈◊〉 noâ— called by the Pâ—â—tugals Oâ— patoâ— and by the Indianâ— Vâ—â—son The description of the Riuer of Plate Note Beasts of Brasil Traueil by Compasse on sands Saint Michaels Brasill Iesuits Sauages friends Ciants Flat heads Strange Kine See before in Ouiedo Strange Serpent * â—his number may perhaps seeme incredible and iustlâ— vethâ—e tels the report which in some one yeere after some great battle may also be probable but the general report is of diuers thousands shipped thence yeerly the Portugals making their gaine by the Negroes foolish and spightfull wars vpon each other Pinnaffes lost in a Ternado Iles of Cape Verde The I le and Towne of S. Vincent 〈◊〉 The Raâ—chera in Cubagua wâ—â—h diuers 〈…〉 oners taken and ransomed A great ship with 〈◊〉 Negros taken Las Cabâ—zas They take sixe or seuen people of the Iles of Bastimentos R. of Puerto bello The great Castle of S. Philippe with 25. pieces of brasse and 50. Souldiers The Towne Triana Porto bello Pedro Melendes Melendes the Gouernour taken prisoner Braue spirit liberall minde of Captaine Parker Porto bello described He at 〈…〉 ineth from 〈…〉 tting the Towne of Porto bello on fire Two Frigats taken and brought away Their departure Sir Fr. 〈◊〉 buriall Sambo Virtuâ— in 〈◊〉 laudanda Grand Canarie Punta delaraya S. Vincents â—oinara Aruba Seuen men killed Puntal Bracheo Cape Caldera Morecapana M. S. Ann. Portete Cape S. Antony Organes Cuba Cobey Martyrs Cape of Florida Silley The Riuer of Capuri The Gulfe of Guanipa The Riuer Amana Orenoco Tiuitiuas The Riuer Macurio Toparimaca a Gouernour Arwacan Carapana lyeth in the Prouince of Emeria 〈◊〉 Iland Iwana Iland Arrarooâ—ana Europa Riuer Ocawitâ— Iland Morrequito Arromaia Putapaima Iland Oâ—â—â—â—e The Playnes of Samia Cumana Aroami Iland Aio Iland Manoripano A omaio Th Riuer Caroli Cassipagotos Morâ—equito â—aâ—â—ma Iland Epuremi Great Fall Caâ—uri Store of gold among the Epuremians Casâ—ipagotos Eâ—arâ—â—oâ—os Arawagotos Store of gold beyond the Mountaines of Curaa Store of gold Riuer Arui Riuer Cassipa Riuer Atoica Riuer Caora Riuer Casnero Amapaia The Riuâ—rs Cari Limo Paoo Caturi Voari Capuri The Prouince of Amapaia Bad water Guicar Goauar Papemena The Iland of Amazones The Iland Athul Riuer Vbra Eregoodawe Oromona Tapiawary Riuer Salma Papemena a great Riuer Athul a most sweet pleasant Iland He returneth from Athul Papemena Limo Orenoco Cosnero Riuer Amapaia Paoo Riuer The rich countrie of Curaa six weekes trauell from Orenoco Manoa Gold in abundance Gold in grains found in Riuers Crocodiles in the Riuer and worse on land keepers of gold Tulahe Bad pearles Top asses Camalaha Women-Faire and yet no fair women Eight women for a halfe-peny knife Tar or Taroo an Iland Habuc a Riuer Habuc scarce eight dayes iourney from Orenoco Europa Riuer Oecopa Mountaine Santo Domingo Amapaia Riuer Amazones Iland Wiaumli Riuer Maccah Riuer Woripur Carrabouca Guiana or Manoa Drano Riuer Aâ—â—bas Moores Vnhealthfull dewes Emeria Capurisol Riuer Canoa of water Riuer of Amazones Riuer Wiapogo The Falls They desire to learne religion Caribes A Canowe taken R. Aracawa The Commodities of the Countrey Strange fishing Cassauiâ— The iuice Sicknesse The cause The remedie Ni 〈…〉 little 〈…〉 mes great torture Terrible cure Trecherie of a S 〈…〉 e. Captaine Leâ— Saint Barbudos Sancta Lucia Captaine Nich Saint Iohn staieth at Saint Lucia with 67. men Tortoises Shew of Gold The Captaine and his men slaine Indian treacherie Faire gardens Great Trees of hard wood Hamaca beds Treacherous ambush Blind hungrie voyage A storme Thomas Morgan dyeth Land Boat split Three Spanâ—ards Miserable famine Vse of Tabacco Fiue died in the Iland â—ood almost kils aswell as penurie Tocoya Coâ—o Kind Spaniards Good Flemming Spanish gentlenesse Two more dic Commodities of the Countrey Drinke made of Maiz. The treason of the Indians * The cause why Francisco Lopez did vse vs so kindly was because Sir Fr. Drake when he tooke Cartagena did saue all his fathers goods and his lâ—â—â— withall They ariue at Wiapâ—â—â— Causes of their mutinie Second voiage of the Phenix Captain Leighs weaknesse Deiected minds Mount Howard Possession Bay Gold siluer R. Caliane Expedition against the Caribes Mount Huntly Cou. R. Wia. English ship Vrake Arwakes Mortalitie The Captains sicknesse and death M. Tederington 35. persons lost 15. depart Kindnesse of a Dutchman French ship Ten more depart Two returne out of the Countrey to them They plant Flaxe c. Surgeâ—ie Indian Armes Mad choice of a patient Captaine R. Caliane searched Three ships in R. of Amazons Peyar-diuining Riuer of Arâ—cow Fall Three Nations The Yayes The Arwakes Suppayes Nakednesse Men and women how they liue Their houses Faire earthen Pots Baskets Hamakes Painting Childebirtâ— Funerals Beasts of those parts Fowles Fishes and fishing as before Fruites Dying woods other commodities of the Countrie Their returne Sir Walter Rawleigh Trinidado Fountaine of Pitch * The large iournall of their voiage to this place is for breuity omitted as also their course homewards * The vertue of the Guanos a thing worthy the noting for their nature is if one eat a ripe one it sets one a scouring and
The Hollanders challenge the discouery of new Straits by Mayre and Schouten before twice sailed about by Sir F. Drake See sup the Preface to the second Chapter of lib. 3. Sir F. Drake imbraceth the Southermost point of the World Since this in that Voiagâ— wherein W. Adams was Pilot whose voiage and Seb. Werts ye haue in the former Tome Theodore Gerards one of that fleet was caried by tempest as â—hey write to 64. degrees South in which height the country was mountainous couered with snow looking like Norway It seemed to extend towards the Ilands of Salomon Simon de Cordes another of that fleet after prosperous successe in Chili was taken by the Portugâ—ls at the Moluccaâ— and carried to Mala ca prisoner Mocha Baldiuia and Conception wonne from the Spaniards by the Indians Beefe kept most safely in Pickell Iland Chule Iland Mocha Note Treacherie of the Indians Of Sheepe Their apparel and housing Strange Tobacco People of Chily Their weapons Their hate to the Spaniards Imperiall A cruel storme in the Sea of Ladies In it they lost their light horsman Saint Maries City of Conception Iuan Fernandes Good to auoid discouery Wilfulnesse of Mariners They seize vpon foure ships And the Ware-houses They seize vpon another ship and some gold Light Anchors brought from the North Sea And the first Artillerie Sayles of Cotton-cloth They depart from Lyma and conceale their weaknes The noblen's of Alonso de Soto The enemy lâ—ste dâ—ngerous then the Wine Description of â—he Bay Note of tides A new deuise for stopping a leake without boord Sparâ— Rudders and to take off at pleasure Bay of Quintera Ingratitude punished Coquinbo Excellent harbour Arica in Chily much commended For all sorts of fruits Chinchilla a rare beast Litle Cocos And plentie of Gold The Indians forbid the search of gold Euery showre a showre of gold Linnen and woollen cloth made in Coquinbo The valour of the Araweant The mischiefe of corrupt or scantie prouisions Of dâ—tayning and deâ—â—auding oâ— wages Of Mariners by challenge of Pillage The lawes of Oleron concerning Pillage Note or brand rather for taltongued-fingred fellowes Whâ—t ought to be reputed pillage Against the disloyalties of Captaines Concealment of much more value then the Trading The preuention of vndue pillagings Aricâ— Moormereno The 〈◊〉 of Spaine Ouerchaâ—giâ—g of Artilerieâ— The amity of the Indians Their rudé manners and expert swimming Bay of Pisco Cape Sangalean Chilca Aduise giuen by Sea and Land Returne of the Spanish Armado Scoffed at They set forth the second time Few men 〈◊〉 a Ship in the South Sea Port of Santâ— Plantation of the Ilands of Salomon Malabrigâ— Current Punta de Augussa Point of Augussa Illas de Lobos Puma Medicinable Riuer Scoales of Crocodiles P. de S. Elena Puerto vicjo Bay of Atacames They dismisse their Indians Distresse of Spaniards Occasion of their ruine A taut saile is that which proportionably is to high for the vess 〈…〉 Boy of S. Mathew The Indians led by a 〈◊〉 Chase the Spaniards Spanish Armado Pride and vnrulinesse forerunners of ruine The vnaduised courage of the multitude The beginning of the fight The inexperience of the Spaniards and ef the English Gunner And carelesnesse of the English How farre a Commander is to trust his officers Deceit of the Gunner and his extreme carelesnesse and suspicious disloyaltie Who to account a true Marriner His knowledge for Materials For prouisions For NauigatioÌ„ Office of the Master Office of the Pilot. The Boateswaine The Steward The Carpenter The Gunner Directions in secret Why the Spanish Admirall came to leewards Rule for Ordnance Intertainment of Spaniards The English 75. The Spaniards 1300. The Spanish discipline The Souldiers The Gunner The Marriner Officers in a Ship of War Captaine of the Ship Captaine of the Soldiers M. Del Campo Ill order Prying of the Spaniards into our Discipline Their imitation of our Discipline Englishman lost the English and therefore the man The Spaniards pay deerly for their rashnesse And take a new resolution Great Ordnance 〈…〉 e 〈◊〉 ship neere Sâ—râ—nge e 〈…〉 of Th 〈…〉 Policies to auâ—ide boordings Dispute concerning ships of Trade Concerning the Prince his ships Courses for Artillery after boording Disuse of engines of Antiquitie Sir R. H. wounded The Spaniards patley Perfidiousnesse often found in Spanish promises The rest of this conference being long is omitted They resolue to fight out The Enemy breatheth The English repaire their defects Vice-admirals mast shot away Aduantages omitted The difference of shot Their effects Errors in fight Learned from the Flemings Easterlings 1. To fight vnarmed 2. To drinke to excesse Folly of the bold English The Spaniard surpasâ—eth vs onely in temperance The vâ—e profit of arming exactly obserued by the Spanish Armes more necessary by Sea then at Land The Reuenge auenged The third cause Race-ships of Warre disliked Wast-clothes not so vsefâ—ull as other deuiÌ„ses The disaduantage of Ships to lee-ward And the best remedie Crosse-barre and Chainshot misliked The Spaniards Fore-Mast thrice shot through The Company againe importunate to come to composition The English surrender Gloue sent for pledge Braue worthy Spaniard The mildnesse of a Generall after victorie The Daintie in danger of perishing Michael Angel recouereth the ship Many Ilands Fishing for Pearles The places where Pearle are found Great Pearle The Generall continueth his honourable vsage towards the sicke and wounded Spanish Surgions ignorant Misprision of the terme Pirats What a Pirate is Three sorts of defiances The custome of Spaine for warre The custome of England A disputation concerning Buena Querra The Resolution c. The noble vsage of the English But abused in these dayes Don Beltran satisfied and answereth Short arrowes for Muskets Tampkin is a small piece of wood turned fit for the mouth of a Peece Iohn Oxnams Voyage to the South Sea What the Symarons are Their habitation Their assistance Iohn Oxnam capitulateth with them His folly and Breach of promise His pursuit See the Storie before This is added of later intelligence La Pacheta The Generall certifieth the Audiencia of his successe The great ioy of the Spaniards Note English treacherie procured by Spanish Gold I haue this Letter translated into Spanish and printed by them together with the discourse of the whole action much agreeing with this except where they lust to magnifie their Spanish worth The Daintie named the Uisitation Penguin Iland Port Famine The Riuer of Geneuera Mocha Santa Maria. Valparaso Gold Arica Pisco Chincha Sixe of the Kings ships Lima. Paita Atacame Baia de Santâ— Mateo Panama Paita Lima. Gnamanga Cusâ—o Potosi Master Lucas sâ—nne to Master Tho. Lucas This is part of another Letter * I found this paper amongst others of Master Hakl without the name of the Author Lima. Payta Acapulca Zumpanga Mexico Atrizco Angeles Vera Cruz. Saint I. de Vllua Saint Domingo Iamaica Not one naturall in Hispaniola Cartagena Saint Martha Nombre de dios Veragua Costa riâ—ca
Estâ—tes discourse of that Voiage is at large in Ramuâ—â— here omitted Herera saith that in their sharings the Spaniards valued gold of 14. carats at 7. and by the abundance thereof grew to great excesses in gaming pride other vices he saith that the three sent to Cusco were fooles â—heir behauior causâ—d the Indians to vndeâ— value the Spaniards * A Maâ—ke is 8. ounces and a Castilian is a Pezâ— which containeth in this Peru acconnt after Inca Uega 450. Marauediz euery 5. Peâ—â—s or Caste 〈…〉 s being six Duckers about seuen shillings English Golden Age. Miserable comforters b Other Incas made one called Atabalipa to serue the Spaniards turn Without them as in the conclusion they confesse they could being so few neuer haue perfected their coÌ„quest But first they vsed the Cuscoans against those of Quito and lastly to pacifie all to the Spanish subiection After which they performe nothing but falshood and cruelty Piâ—arros purpose being alway by any way to erect the Spanish Empire Second sharing Garitico slaine for as the war had bin begun by Atabalipa the first against Cusco so after his death it was by his Captaines continued against the Iucas there seeking to aduance Quito aboue Cusco the seed of Atabalipa to the Souereigntie Chilichuchima burned Manco Inca made Lord. Third sharing of gold and siluer at Cusâ—o Images of beasts men in gold Cusco a Spanish Colonie Other Spaniards enter Peru. Countrey described c Immatonare d Scaloni Description of Cusco as it was when the Spaniards first came thither For after the Indians burnt the most part of it in Mancos wars with Piçarro The Fortresse e Gironi f See sup pag. 1056. Acosta saith he measured some aboue 38. foot long c. g Voltati h Sguincio de igironi Note this * See sup l. 7. c. 〈◊〉 Ramus vol 3. The Gouernor of the Fleete The officers ouer the Fleete The Iland of S. Dominico The hauen of S. Iames. The Trinitie An hauen called the Cape of Saint Cruz. An Huracano or tâ—â—pest notable both at Sea and Land Presages Boate placed vpon trees by the tempest Fifth of Nouember The hauen of Sagua or Xaqua Sands of Cunarreo Guaniguanico The Cape of S. Anthony The Hauana Martes Great houses without hous-keepers Golden Bell. The first towne taken in Florida in the Emperors name * Samples The Prouincâ— Apalachn â—aâ—iqueâ—gniâ—eth â—gniâ—eth 〈◊〉 Lord among the Indians Strong stream Dulcancellin a King or Cazique among them Toublesome Countrey Trees cleft with thunderbolts Apâ—lâ—chen Caccoagoâ—â—o Great tempests in those parts Lakes Beasts Beast which carrieth her yong in a bag Fowles Indian fight Strong archers Men of tall 〈◊〉 ture good archers The Riuer Madalena Hard shift Ockam of Palmiti No stones Strong shot Crosse shoare Miserable successe of the Spaniards in this Voyage Spiaggia de Caualli The Strait of Saint Michael R. of Palmes Miserable thust Rich Furres sweete Mardole Zibelline Desription of thâ—se Indians Current Three drowned Humanitie of Sauages Panuco The Christians eate one another for hunger Indian sicknesse and mortalitie Iland Malhado Pierced paps with canes for gallantry The Indians poore life Mourning for children Age diâ—esteemed Physicians burned Filthie and foolish customes They are made Physicians Learned argument Manner of curing Lamentable salutations The Indians of Carruco Queuenes and Dragnanes Indians Tune fruits of India Marianes Iguâ—bes The Spaniards cate one another A cruell custome of the Indians who vse to kill their male children while they sleep and cast their female children as soone as they are borne to the dogges to eate them because they would not marrie them to their enemies nor to their kindred Penutious die The Indians in this Prouince eate Serpents Vipers and other beastly things by reason of the famine which continually is thâ—re Women Theeuâ—s Indians which runne a whole day to take a Deere and tiring him with running estsoones take him aliue in the chase Natures nurâ—lings Dogs life Tune-time Flies troublesome Noisome remedie Decre hauâ—â— dry places to auoid Huntmen Oxen of that Countrie Caâ—agâ—di Indians Pastures Camâ—â—i Indians What became of their fift Boat Aâ—â—uares In Cures very wonderfull yet true Benzo which trauelled fourteene yeeres in the Indies with the Spaniards from 1541. saith that of six hundred of Naruaez his company searsly tâ—n returned which at Mexico reported that they had by breathing on them cured the sicke raised to life three dead men c. But saith hee Let their holines pardon me I will easier beleeue that they killed foure liuing men th en thâ—t they raised halfe one deâ—d man to life Ben. l. 2. c. 13. I permit some of these relations more for knowledge of the Countrey then for credit of Spanish cures in the Indies which you shal find in Casâ—s of another nature These here challenge no Diuine end to conuert the people to God and therefore are not like to haue any diuine beginning but â—re either falsly told or falsly done or falsly intended by the Father of falshood And why may they not be ascribed to the Deuill either as lies if neuer done or if done as deuillish Arts to maintaine rapine and superstition which are here mentioned the effâ—cts thereof Acosta tells of a great miracle-worker in the Indies a vicious man and hanged for knaueries This Cowes-Head the Author is also by Schmidel before recorded for a bad man in his acts at the Riuer of Plate I will conclude with S. Aug. de vnit Ecc. 〈◊〉 16. Remoueantur ista vâ—â— figmentâ— mendac 〈…〉 hominum vel porâ—enta fallacium spirituum c. Cacalcuches Maticones Coaios Susolas and Ataios Indians A dead man raised If Benzos opinion be not rather to be embâ—aced that they killed the liuing as this author also reports of his Country-men in the end of this booke Children of the Sunne All become Physitians An euill thing of spirit of the Indians Diabolicall appatition Their computation of times Maticones Arbadaâ—â— Hungers perambulation Appareli Famines Discoueries Sine Cerere liberâ— frâ—gâ—t Venus The Indians let their children sucke 〈…〉 ll the age of twâ—lue yeares No deadly fights Vse of Horses Quicke senses Names of the Nations of those parts Maâ—hada Cauoques Ca 〈…〉 uco Deguenes Mâ—ndica Quâ—uenâ—s Marianâ—s Gâ—aiâ—ones Iâ—guâ—zes Ataios and Acubadaâ—s Quiâ—oles Auauares and Matiaconâ—s Culia'culches Susolus Comos Camoles Fichâ— Foolish drinkrites * A vessell containing diuâ—rs gallons Sodomy Mesquiquez a fruite of India The Toupin Erasilians vse such Marakas or Raeles and haue like conceits thereof Blinde and â—quint-eyed people Copper Bell ingrauen Plates of Plate South Sea Pleasant huâ—ung Superstitious sanctifying their meat Desert Countrey A riuer Many garments Foolish liberalitie Womenâ—reaters No lamenting for the dead Houses artificially built Mays Other strange behauiour Goodly people Old fashion of boiling pulse They come to the South Sea Barren Countrey People which liue on the powder of straw A plentifull Countrey with houses and corne Corall and Turkesses Emeralds
daye â—ournie from Tulla Guahate Anoixi Catamaya Autiamque sixe dayes iournie from Quipana A Riuer Three months abode in Atiamque Frost and snoâ— A moneth of snow Conies of two sorts March 6. 1542. The death of Iohn Ortiz and the great misse of him being their Interpreter Ayays A Riuer Great snow about the twentieth of March. Tutelpinco A great Lake Rafts wherewith they passed the Lake Tianto 3. or 4. great Townes March 29. Nilco Very great Townes The best Countrie of Florida Marterns skinnes A cordon of Pearles A Riuer falling into 〈◊〉 graâ—â—â— Guachoya Foure names of Rio grande The Gouernor falleth sicke of thought A most wittie and stout answer of the Cacique of Quigalta The death of Don Ferdinando de Soto the 21. of May 1542. at Gâ—acoya A wittie stratagem This is also the custome of the old Tartars Their generall resolution to trauell by land Westward Iune 〈◊〉 Catalte Chaguate Aguacay Knowledge of the South Sea Pato Amaye Iuly 20. Naguatex The Riuer growne vnpassable in August at Naguatex Coniectures of a Sea to the Northward Nissoone Lacana Nondacao Aays Soacatino Twenty daies trauell toward the South Guasco here they found some Turkie stones mantles of Cotten wooll The Riuer of Daycaâ— which seemeth to be Rio del oro No trauelling by land without an Inter. preter Gold Siluer and precious stones in Florida Turkie stones and Mantles of Cotten wooll found in Guasco 150. leagues betweene the Riuer of Daycao and Rio grande The beginning of December Raine with Northren winde exceeding cold Enequen is an heâ—rbe like Hempe Flaxe of the Countrie The mighty increasing of the Riuer for two moneths space to wit all March and Aprill The grand conspiracie of the Indians against the Christians Note well Thirty Indians of the Cacique of Guacboya haue their right hands cut off The Riuer increaseth but once a yeare wheÌ„ the snows doe melt in March April A miraculous accident They saile downe Rio Grande from Minoya 17. daies before they came to the mouth thereof This Author accounteth but 300. lost but Ynca l. 6. reckoneth 700. saying that he car ried with him from Cuba 1000 Hee addeth that Iuan Ponce de Leon the first discouerer of Florida lost himselfe and 80 men Lucas Uasques was also slaine there with aboue 220 Pamphila de Naruacz went with 400 Spaniards of which not aboue foure escaped c. Donna Isabella Sotos wife died also with griefe So fatall hath Florida beene to Spaine that I hope Uirginia may haue the greater dowry for her English husband They sailed 17. daies down the Riuer which is about 252. leagues Fresh water almost two daies sailing in the Sea A swarme of grieuous Moskitoes Ascum of the Sea like Pitch called Copee Another deep Bay They arriued in the Riuer of Paâ—nucâ— 1543. Septemb. 10. 311 Christians arriued at Paâ— nuco Port de Spiritu Santo is in 29. degrees and a hâ—â—â—e on the West side of Florida Ocute Cuâ—ifachiqui Xuala Chiaha Cozo and Talise Tascaluka Rio Grande Aquixo Coligâ—â— Aâ—tiaâ—que Aguacay * Ant de Mendoza writeth to the Emperour that hee had 14000. Indians and 400. horsemen Mechuacan Croiles erected * Alle quari to or at the which Caconci Lord of Mechuacan burned Cuinao Cuinquiro Wretched hospitality Couragious Indian Spanish preaching to conuers Infidels Indian simplicitie Cuiseo Sodomite professed Note well this Diuinitie Preaching by the Sword a worthie holy meritorious satisfactory worke Guanzebi Tonola a free State Cuinaccaro Coiula and Coiutla Valiant Indians Zapatula Aximocuntla Indian Christianitie but in name and names Christians for feare Xalpa Bâ—oudy Idoll Bloudy Procession Teulinchan Xaltenango Mechuacan on the South Sea Xalisco Tepique a new Prouince Amazo 〈…〉 Dreames Pet. Aluaradoâ— Letters to Coâ—â— tesâ— which had sent him on this Discouery and Conquest Two most terrible Vulcans Lâ—p Gâ—mâ—ra bist gen c. 212. Topira Impious pieties F. Marco de Niâ—as Voyage to Cebola An vnknowne kinde of Vnicorne Expedition of Don Francisco Vasquez Ill wayes Cibâ—la Sheepe as big â—s Horses with huge hornes Indian embroiderie * I haue a Map made in Mexico 1585. which placeth Ciâ—ola in 30. and an halfe and describeâ—â— in New Mexico on Rio del Norte about 50. Townes with Spanish names standing neere each other from 32. to 33. and a little more But the Prouince of 〈◊〉 he maketh to be another Strange Kine * Melangole Great baile Quiuira described out of Gomara Ships seene The bunch-backed Oxen described Sheepe with hornes of fiftie pounds Great Dogs Such the Sauages had in Frâ—bushers voyage Ruiz his Voyage to Tiguaâ— Ant. de Espâ—io his New Mexico Neats leather Shooes Friers slaine Henues many Quires Painted Vâ—brelas Note the neetnesse of Virginia Acoâ—a Mohotze Pretie policy Caâ—os Letter is in Mast. Hakl Francis de Ullâ—as Voyage in the South Sea California F. Alarchons Voyage Letter in Master Hâ—kl Tautecâ— Iuly 〈◊〉 1590. Tepesâ—an a mightie high Mountaine Cuimechi warlike Indians The towne of Saint Philip and Iacob on the second Riuer of Ginolâ—a It is but 190. leagues indeed from Mexico Often writing of new Mexico Cotten wooll Their apparel Their heire Their great Stature Their yalour Their weapoÌ„â— Eight Spaniard liuing in Ciâ—â—loa Readinesse to heare the Gospell Foure hundred baptized by Franciscans slaine there twelue yeares before Difference of language Instruction in the Catechism And why doe you teach Babylon or to babble in a strange tongue here instead of praying Sixteene hundred newly Christened Concubines Familiarity with the Diuel 240. children Christened Thirteene Churches in three Riuers Culhuacan Petatlan in 25. degrees and a halfe The Christianity there taught Their houses Their plurality and incests in marriages The bad education of their children Forme of Marriages Their forme of making Knights Adoption Their quietnesse and kind play Their burials Their burials Don Iuan de Onate his first relation 5000. â—ent 1599 500. leagues trauell Treacherous peopâ—e Their Towne taken Acoma is in 32. degrees and two third parts A mighty city Another greater Citie Cibola is in 33. degrees The Towne of Saint Iohn Sundry Mynes of gold and siluer newly found A second Discouerie 1602. The most famous Riuer of the North discouered Antonie de Espio vno Rio mas que ocho leguas de ancho The Lake of Conibas Auia vnalagnuao lago nuy guade Anten de Espeio A faire and goodly Citie Westerne coast of America discouered neere Cape California which it seemes at this time was more perfectly discouered to be an Iland as you see in M. â—rigs his Map Three Millions perished in Hispaniola Ouiedo hath but 1600000. 500000 lost in the Lucayos 12. or 15. miles See the end of this discourse Ambition Cruelty Tortures Dogges The Realmes which were in this I le of Hispaniola Great Riuers in Spaine 25000. Riuers rich in Gold Cibao The greatest peece of Gold which euer was found naturall lost Marien Maguana Xaragua Higney Gens sine generatione perit 600000. or a Million in S. Iohn and Iamaica Dances
The loue of the Sauages towards their children Arriuall into Poâ—t Royall Vse of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mâ—ll The de 〈…〉 on of the 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abundance of faire Cod. Port dela Heue The Rain-bow appearing in the water Port Saualet 42. Voyages made in New-found-land Good fishing Exceeding faire Corne. Faire Wheate The Sauages returne from the warres The Sauages teares at the going away of the Frenchmen Meale left behinde Monsieur de Poutrincourt his going away The departing from New France The sight of the Sorlingues Haâ—uest of New France shewed to the King Outards or wild Geese presâ—nted to the King Priuiledge of Beuers confirmed to Monsieur de Monts Three ships sent 1608. Newes from New France since our comming from thence It is very dangerous to teach the Sauages the vse of Guns Eagles The Sauages wisdome Monsieur Champlein is now in the Riuer of Canada Cattell Fruit trees Vines Hempe Monsieur de Poutrincourt his resolution 1609. Monsi de Mont his sending of Ships Note the intention of the French Kebec 40. leag aboue Saguenay Champlein A conspiracy Exemplary punishment The naturall fruite of the land Blacke Foxes Scuruie Lib. 3. cap. 22. Champleins counsell Their Voiage to the Iroquois Their arriual at the Lake which is sixtie leagues long Faire Ilands in the Lake The Iroquois and their exercise Houses of foure stories The alarum among the Iroquois The Prudence of the Sauages Flight Fiftie of the Iroquois slaine 1609. Capt. Pierre Capt. du Pont. None died noâ— were sicke 1610. Champlein his new Voyage A Lake of an hundred leag in length discouered Agreement to goe to war towards the great Lake A Battell 1611. 〈◊〉 A faire Countrey Beuers burnt Horses Merueilous industry Forts towns Houses with stories Strong bowes Hope for the passage to China Some great Riuer running Westward into the Westerne Sea The Northern Sea 1610. A tedious Nauigation A conspiracy Their arriuall at Port Royall Buildings and housholdstuffe preserued Pillage of the ground The first Christenings made in New France Sagamos doth siâ—nifie a Prince Ruler or Captaine The King was thâ—n slaiâ—e which they knew not A returne into France The first Voyage to Virginia and possession taken Virginia named so by Q. Elizabeth Second Voyage Sir R. Greenuile Spanish Prise First Colony Sir F. Drake Third Voyage Fourth Voyage Second Colonie Master Thomas Hariot Fifth Voyage and third Colonie Bay of Chesepiok Enâ—lish borne there Si 〈…〉 Voyage Ocean seeming yellow Sea-oare Smell of the shoare Sauage Rocke Sauages Their behauiour Shole-hope Cape Cod. Tucke 〈…〉 Terror Poinâ— Care Gilberts Point Diuers Ilands Sauages Pengwins Marthaes Vineyard Douer-cliffesound Gosnolls Hope Elizabeths Ile Hills Hap. Haps Hill Elizabeths 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. 〈◊〉 10. minutâ—s 〈◊〉 Fort began The pâ— Goodly Countrey in Their purpose of stay broken off Sauage assault Returne Oakes Cedars Beech. Elme Hollie Walnut trees Cherrie trees Sassafras trees Diuers other trees A Lake three miles about Smal Tortoises Abundance of fowles much bigger than ours in England Ground-nuts Shell fish The exceeding beauty of the maine Land Great Lakes Large Medows Seuen Indians A broad Riuer A good Harbour The English House 11. Canoas with â—0 Indians in them Their Captain Seuerall sorts Furres Red Copper in abundance Chaines Collars Drinking cups of Copper Mines of Copper Mineral stones Emerie stones Flaxe Indians apt for service Saffafras A goodly people and of good conditions Their apparell Their women The goodnesse of the Climat Their returne M. Salterne yet liueth neither is his zeale dead to this action He is now a Minister and hath both by word and writing to mee testified his affection to Virginia M. Pring whose Voyage to the East Indies are in the former Tome April 10. 1603. They discouer many Ilands Good fishing place Foxe Iland Sauage Rocke People Great Gulfe Whitson Bay M. Aldworth The people visit them The Sauages take great delight in mus 〈…〉 Dances Weapons The great vse of Mastiues Ornaments The fashion of their Boats Excellent sweet Rozen and Turpentine Their Gardenâ— Corne and plants Barke sent home Danger of the Sauages They trade aâ— Santa Lucia Dominica Meuis Great Tortoyse Lignum vitae S. Christopher Abundance of Tortoyses They disem boke The Westerne winds begin Poore Iohn Ground in 30. fathomes An Headland The mouth of the Chesepian Bay They departed Eastward from the mouth of the Chesepioc Bay A shew of entrance of a Riuer Captaine Gilbert and foure more slaine by the Indians March Easter day wee put to See Sounding wee found ground May 14. Land descried A dangerous place of rocks and shoalds Latitude 41. degrees and an halâ—e Sea-charts false Land descried Saturday wee made the land Our Captaine named this S. Georges Iland Great plenty of fish Wee descried the Mâ—ine and Mountaines Vpon Waitsunday wee came into an excellent Harbour Pentecost Harbour Clay Our Pinnace Lanched Varietie of fishes Wee fished The fruits of the Ilands Trees Turpentine plentifull for Tarre and Pitch Pearle Their shape of body Their cloathing Very thankful Of good capacity and vnderstanding Their Canoaâ— very artificiall Trifles left on shoare Wee traded with the Sauages They wondred at the effect of the Loadstone Their Bowes and Arroweâ— Darts Tobacco excellent the Sauages gaue vs. We saw theiâ— Women We brought them home againe Ceremonies of the Sauages Idolatry They lye with their wiues secretly Their Tobacco Pipe They gaue vs Tobacco in a Pipe of a Lobsters Claw Master Booles lay a shoare and Griffin Their Cà noa out-rowed vs. 283. Sauages assembled in a trecherie Disposition of Sauages in the Virginian Masacre other their dealings found too true We caught fiue Sauages two Canoas and Bowes Arrows Our Captaine sounded about the Ilands Rockes and mouth of the Harbour Two Canoas came aboord vs from the Bashabe Their Ornaments of gallantnesse We went vp into the Riuer with our Ship The profits of the Riuer Saint Georges Iland the Land fall The breadth of the Riuer for almost 40. miles The ground is Oaze Clay What it floweth Docks to graue and Carine Ships Salmons and store of fish The Land The Wood. This Riuer preferred before Orienoque Before the Riuer Rio Grande Nescio qua Natale solum c. We marched vp into the land aboue three miles Good Pasture Timber trees vpon the Hils Deere Hares Hogges A plot of the Sauages We searched the Westerne part of the Riuer We set vp another Crosse. Wee saw no signe that euer Christian had beene here before Conueniency of transportation Salmon and great plenty of fish We were all loath to forsak this Riuer The Iland where we watered is named Insula Sanc 〈…〉 Crucis because there wee set our first Crosse Our Capcaine made his perfect obseruation on the Rocke Temperature of climate A fishy banke Linscot c. 97. nine Ilands W 〈…〉 y called Açores Tercera Angra Angra descried Wines small Commodities Fruits Batatas â—â—â—ssas A roote fit to be wouen Woad Canary birds Winter Stones Corne will
besides these Reed-Palmes Silke-wormes Other Trees Prickle-peare Waters No Springs then found since Wells haue bin there digged which ebbe and flow with the Sea c. Fish Salt made there 5000. fishes taken at a hale Cause of their wholsomnesse No vnscaled fishes Whale and Sword-fish Cater-tray beare the bell away Medio tutissimus ibis Fowles Wild Swans Web-footed Fowle They call it of the cry which it maketh a Cohow Wild Hogges how first found out and taken Tortoises H. Rauens voyage from Bermuda to Virginia Cap. Win. L. Lawarre Sir George Summers his suruay and other industrie He builds a Pinnace R. Frubbusher builds another Power of example Mutinous conceptions Conspira 〈…〉 Iohn â—ant and 〈◊〉 Another Mutinie Conscience greatest enemy to conscience Stephen Hopkins condemned and pardoned Third Mutiny Euill as it hath a deficient cause so in and before the effects defects are found H. Paine his Mutinus behuiour His execution Diuers of Sir G Summers compâ—ny flâ—d into the woods Sir T. Gates his letter to Sir G. Summers Waters and Carter stand out and are left behind Religious exercises performed by Master Bucke The most holy ciuill and most naâ—urall possession taken of the Bermudas by exercise of Sacraments Marriage Child-birth c. Children named Bermuda and Bermudas Saylers misorder Cedar ill for shipping Crosse set vp for a memoria His Maiestieâ— Picture Signe of Land Chesipiack Bay The long Boat sent by Rauens câ—st away Algernoone Fort M. George Percy Miserable shewes of welcome Old Patent yeelded vp Their miseries in 〈…〉 ed. Ipsi sibi causa malâ—rum Orders established which continued for their short stay the particulers are here omitted They contained a Preface and 21 Articles for Pietie Loyaltie and Politie conuenient to the Colonie Men blamed but not all the Country freed Prou. 6. The Courtrey co 〈…〉 ed. Rem acu tetigit True cause of misery in Virginia Times of labour vnder Sir T. Gates Note The hopes of Virginia Sir T. Gates his care Pohatans policy Sauage Spies Basenesse of our people Mischiefes of Mariners Pursers fraud Remedy The Colony when they came within foure dayes of staruing Purpose to leau the Country The highest pitch lowâ—st depâ—h of the Colonies miseries scarsly escaping the iâ—wes of deuouring desperation Hopes morning L. La Waarr arriuall Description of the seate and site of Iames Towne The Fort c. described The Houses Barke Roofes Vnhealthfulnesse of Iames Towne Commission red Lord La Warrs tiâ—le Sir T. Gaâ—es Lieutenant Generall His speech Prouisions brought Counsell chosen sworne Colonysworn Officers appointed Sir G. Summers vnderâ—aketh to bring prouisions from Bermudas * Ad Gracaâ— Calendaâ— Can a Leopard change his spots Can a Sauage remayning a Sauage be ciuill Were not wee our selues made and not borne ciuill in our Progenitors dayes and were not Caesars Britaine 's as brutish as Virginians The Romane swords were best teachers of ciuilitie to this other Countries neere vs. Grassesilke English Armes treasured by Powhatan Message to Powhatan Powhatans homâ—ge King of Weroscoick taken Prisoner Sir T. Gates bound for England Lord Lawarre Iune 19. 1610. 23. degrees 21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33. degr 〈…〉 30. minutes 32. degrees He speakes with the Adm 〈…〉 ll They faile toward Cape Cod West 〈…〉 atio 〈…〉 gr 〈…〉 A great fog 40. deg 56. mi. 47. fathoms water Water like vna greene grasse They take fish A great fog Sounding Great fog and raine 100. Cods taken The Ship d 〈…〉 th They stand for the Riuer of Sagadahoc Verie foggie weather The thick fog continueth The fog continueth The fog conâ—inueth A Rocke of Marble halfe a miâ—e about 〈◊〉 of Seales The smal rocky Iland lieth in 44. degrees Many Ilands in eight fathoms water August 3. Resonable store of â—â—sh Seale Rocke in 43 deg 41 mâ— Here turneth home Thick and foggie weather 41. deg 44. mi. Cape Cod. â—â—e shoâ—dâ—s of Cape Cod. The middle of the Sholâ—es in 41 deg 50. mi. 15. degrees of westâ—â—ly Variation 12. degrees of westerly Variation 11. degrees of westerly Variation 12 degrees of Westerly variation 13. deg 25. mi. of Westerly variation Many shoales 12. leagues to the South of Cape La Warre Cape Charles Lord La Warres many sicknesses Orenges and Lemons good remedie for the Scuruie Master George Pâ—â—cie Depu 〈…〉 〈◊〉 â—â—e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sir T. Dale Marshall 200. leâ—t there Trade by Cape Argoll Three Forts Sir T. Gates his second voyage 100. Kine and 200. Swine sent K. and R. Pa tamack Sir T. Gates Sir T. Dale The Deliuerance This was in the Riuer of Nansamund His Voyage to Sir T. Smiths Iland Dela War Bay His first Voyage to Patowomec and Penbrooke Riuer Ayapassus the weroance of Pastancie * Cap. Web Ensigne Swift Rob. Sparkes two Boyes 1100. bushels of Corne. The second voyage to Penbrooke Riuer Note Great store of Oxen in Penbrooke Riuer A Myne A medicinable Earth A water that hath the taste of Allum An Earth like Gumme A red Earth like Terra sigillata The greaâ— King Patowomeck Ensigne Swift Pocahuntis taken 7. men freed His third Discouery Kerned Salt found May 12. 1613. Euery mans care is no mans Proprietie is a proper painestaker Sir Thom. Dales good gouernment Bermuda Citie Deere haue 3. or 4. Fawnes at a time Apossumes Strange store oâ—â—owle as before in Ouiedo A Frigâ—â—s lading taken at one draught Faire flowres Crabs Sir Tho. Dales going to Virginia A. 1 1 〈…〉 eight weekes Retchlesse wretches His care and imploiment R. Nansamund Wise seuâ—ritie remedie to slothâ—ull sccuritie Arriuall of Sir Tho. Gates with sixe ships Henrico built by Sir T. Dale Bermuda a city Hundreds set out and distinguished French displanted Long discourses followed in the Author but Virginia is brought to such an abridgement that I haue no heart to follow him or others in that kind Prince Henry Sir T. Dales iourny to Powhatans Country This is more at large deliuered with the particular circumstances which I for breuitiâ— haue omitted by M. Hamor Pocahuntas behauiour and report Opachankanâ— now their king worker of the massaâ—râ— Pocahuntaâ— baptised of Matoâ— so I haue heard she was properly named 〈◊〉 first called Rebecca They called the English Tossantessas and so would themselues be called The particulars and articles of agreemâ—nt are in M. Hâ—amors Booke here omitted Sir T. Dales report of Virginia In another letter to the Committees he writeth that foure of the best Kingdoms of Christendome put all together may no way compare with this country either for commodities or goodnesse of soile Master Alexander Whitaker was son to that worthy of Polemicall Diuine Doctor Whitaker Master of S. Iohns Col. in Cambridge Whatshadowes of men are the most in this age that the best deseruing should neede apologies instead of panegyrikâ—s They which for doing suffer ill cry whore first and by deprauing iustice seek to be iust Their Priâ—sts and manner of liuing Yet Namantack in his returne was killed in Bermuda by another Sauage his
of Iuly Guisians fearâ—d Taâ—â— conqâ—â—st The 27 of Iuly The Spaniards ancre before Caleis Prince of Ascoli his good fortune The 28. of Iuly The 29. of Iuly The 30. of Iuly States Fleete Enâ—lish Hispaniolâ—zed traitors The Spaniards vaine opinion concerning their own fleet Sea-stratagem The 28. of Iuly The Galliasse of Hugo de Mon cada cast vpon the shoalds before Caleis M. Amias Preston 〈…〉 antly boordeth the Galliasse Moncada slain 50000. duckets The great fight before Greueling the 29. of Iuly Englishs ships aduantage Gods prouident mercies to the English Three Spanish ships sunke in the fight Two Galeons taken and carried into Zeland A small ship cast awaâ— abâ—ut Blankenberg The dishonorable flâ—gh of the Spanish nauy the prudent â—duiâ—e of the L. Admiral Our want of Powder Bullets pâ—â—clâ—ime th 〈…〉 u 〈…〉 of Gods present power merciful both deliuerance and victory Thâ— Enâ—lish return home 〈◊〉 the pursuit of the Spaniards the 4. of Aug. The Spaniards consult to saile round about Scotland Ireland and so to returne home Horses cast ouer-boord The ship wrack of the Spaniards vpon the Irish coast Of 134. ships of the Spanish fleet there returned home but 53. D. of Medina Ricaldes death Spaniards pittied Spaines general losse New coines stamped for the memory of the Spaniards ouerthrow The people of England and of the vnited prouinces pray fast and giue thankes vnto God The Kings wise speech Epinitian or triumph all verses Ad serenissimam Elizabetham Anglia Reginam Theodor. Beza * Like lips like lettuce A blind Balladmaker fit Homer for Achillian conquests By a Letter of Diego Peres chiefe Post-master of Logrono dated the second of September 1588. Copie of a letter that Iohn Gamarra wrote from Rean the 31. of August of the same yeere Copie of a Letter that Pèdro de Aluâ— did write from Roan the first of September of the same yeere Aduise from London which the Embassador of our Souereigne Lord the King resident in Parris had from thence By a Letter of the chiefe Post master of Burdeux written to the French Embassadour the 2. of Sept. 1588. Relation of that which haâ—h passed till this day the fifth of Sept. 1588. till three of the clock in the aâ—ternoon knowne by the relations and aduice come to his Maiestie from the happy Fleet wherof is Generall the Duke of Medina in the conquest of England A briefe rehearsall of the English exploits in this voyage Generall Noâ—râ—â— and Generall Drake Genâ—rall Norris his Martiall eduâ—ation and employments Earle of Essex his worthy Acts. Our men land within a mile of the Gâ—â—ine the 20. of April Intemperate drinking cause of sicknesse Nâ—â— voyage to England intended Gallion burnt Dangerous fire Vndermining Prouisions brought in Tower falleth Conde de Andrada his Armie The notable ouerthrow giuen to the Spaniards at Puente de Burgos Earle of Essex comes to them They land at Peniche Peniche taken They march towards Li 〈…〉 Good discipline Want of 〈◊〉 Some died with drinking water Earle of Essex his attempt They come to the suburbs of Lisbon Houses burnt by the Portugallâ— Colonell Bret flâ—ine Their retrait and chase by E. Essex Gen. Drakes comming Cascaiâ— forsaken Ships taken Consultation Don Antonies promises frustrate They mâ—â—h frpm Lisban The riches that they might haue gotten at Lisbon Desire of the English to fight Feare of the enemies Castle of Cascais yeelded Sixtie Hulkes brought Cardinall Albert after married to the Infanta and Ruler of the Spanish Port of the Low Countries Morocco Embassadour Bayon Vigo taken Borsis burned Vigâ— burned Their returne to Plimmouth * M. Hackluit had published the large report of this Voyage written byone emploied therin out of which I haue taken that which serued our purpose * Q. Mary said before her death that if they opened her they should finde Callis in her heart French and Flemming takeÌ„ and dismissed Hamburgers taken Letters taken Irishmans intelligence They arriue at Cadiz Some which professe martiall knowledg blame the not landing thâ— first day and sâ—y the weather serued but the scruple oâ— sunday and other pretences lost a million of wealth Doues lighting The Spanish Fleete The fight betwixt the two Fleetes Spanish losse Two Apostles forced to preach English Flemmish mischance The English land Bad way The English enter the town * I haue bin told by some of great worth then in this action that they heard the Lord Admirall affirme that he was 68. yeers old or between that and 70. who yet liueth 1624. crowned with siluer haires and golden raies of glorious acts The Castle deliuered Spaniards E 〈…〉 their ships Cadiz described My Sexton T. Rowly yet liuing hath often told me that he had the rifling of a Iewellers or Goldsmiths house and in his returne gaue and sold for toâ—es many Stones which by his description seemed Rubies of great bignes whereof he had his hatfull which proued not worth an angel to his ignorant simplicity neuer ordained to be rich Sir Iohn Winkfield buried Iune 21. 22. 27. Cadiz 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the L Admirall his letters Faraon burnt Crossed with windes and stormes Danger of the Admirallship They put in to Plimmouth Sicknesse Order to discharge land forces Their 〈◊〉 â—oâ—th the second 〈◊〉 Leake remedies Cape Finisterre Enterprise of Feroll uerthrowne The Rocke South Cape Tercera Victuals sent after them False aduise of a smal Pinnace comming from the Indies Note Mistaking The Indian Fleet rec 〈…〉 uer the Rode of Tercera Three Spanish Ships taken Want of prouisions Punta delgada in S. Michael Punta de la Galera They land nee Villa Franca October the fifteenth Their returne A Carack ran her selfe on the Rocks A Ship of Brasil taken * Charles * Of these Ilands see before Linschotens obseruations to which I haue added this Authors description as containing somwhat therin omitted This booke was written A. 1607. and dedicated to that great hope of Great Britaine Prince Henry the Epistle to him and the Preface I haue omitted in regard of our long volume I haue not added a word of mine but the Title and Marginall Notes nor defalked any of the Authors after my wont in others not to make their writings mine but â—hine the tediousnesse in so often repetitions by often relators and the superfluities being such as would deterre the Reader The Discourses I haue vsually put in another letter to distinguish them from the History the one the Eyes obseruations the other the Minds and both worthy both thine eyes and minds best obseruation Hee added also Notes touching the Naâ—â—e Royall which are worthy the noting but perhaps not to be permitted to euery vulgar and notelesse eye Sometim 〈…〉 veritas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Paines may cause paines and busie labour may reap the reward of a busie body I am loth to buy repentance Fayall Gratiosa Flores Cueruo S. Maries c. Commanders names and chiefe officers Noblemen imployed in this seruice The Nauie consisting of three Squadrons and
Cape Forward some foureteene leages West and by South This reach is foure or fiue leagues broad and in it are many channels or openings into the Sea for all the land on the Souther part of the Straites are Ilands and broken land and from the beginning of this reach to the end of the Straits high mountainous Land on both sides in most parts couered with Snowe all the yeere long Betwixt the Iland Elizabeth and the Maine is the narrowest passage of all the Sraites it may be some two Musket shor from side to side From this Straite to Elizabeth Bay is some-foure leagues and the course lieth North-west and by West This Bay is all sandie and cleane ground on the Easterne pâ—rt but before youcome at it there lieth a point of the shoare a good birth off which is dangerous And in this reach as in many parts of the Straites runneth a quicke and forcible tide In the Bay it higheth eight or nine foot water The Northerne part of the Bay hath foule ground and Rockes vnder water and therefore it is not wholsome borrowing of the Maine One of Master Thomas Candish his Pinasses as I haue been enformed came aground vpon one of them and he was in hazard to haue left her there From Elizabeth Bay ot the Riuer of Ieronimâ— is some fiue leagues The course lieth West and by North and West Here the winde scanted and forced vs to seeke a place to anchor in Our Boats going alongst the shoare found a reasonable Harbour which is right against that which they call Riuer Ierâ—â—imâ— but it is another channell by which a man may dissembâ—que the Straite as by the other which is accustomed for with a storme which tooke vs one night suddenly wee were forced into that opening vn wittingly but to the morning seing our errour and the winde larging with two or three boords we turned into the old channell nor daring for want of our Pinasse to attempt any new Discouerie This Harbour wee called Blanches Bay for that it was found by William Blanch one of our Masters Mates Here hauing moored our ship we beganne to make our prouision of wood and water whereof was plentie in this Bay and in all other places from Pengwin Ilands till within a dozen leagues of the mouth of the Straites NOw finding our DeckeÌ„s open with the long lying vnder the Line and on the coast of Brasill the Sunne hauing beene in our Zenith many times we calked our ship within boord and without aboue the Deckes And such was the diligence wee vsed that at foure dayes end wee had aboue threescore Pipes of water and twentie Boats of wood stowed in our ship no man was idle nor otherwise busied but in necessarie workes some in felling and cleaning of wood some in carrying of water some in romaging somein washing others in baking one in heiting of Pitch another in gathering of Mussels no man was exempted but knew at euening whereunto he was to betake himselfe the morning following Some man might aske mee how wee came to haue so many emptie Caske in lesse then two moneths for it seemeth much that so few men in such short time and in so long a Voyage should waste so much Whereto I answere that it came not of excessieu expense for in health we neuer exceeded our ordinarie but of a mischance which befell vs vnknowne in the Iland of Saint Iames or Saint Anne in the coast of Brasill where where wee refreshed our selues and recording to the custome laid our Caske ashoare to trimme it and afters to fill it the place being commodious forvs But with the waer a certaine worme called Broma by the Spannard and â—yvs Aters entred also which eate it so fuli of holes that all the waer spaked out and made much of our Caske of small vse This we remedied the best wee could and discouered it long before we came to this place Hereof let others take warning in no place to haue Caske on the shoare where it may be anoyded for it is one of the promisions which are with greatest care to be preserued in long Voyages and bardest to be supplied These Arters or B oma in all hot Countries enter into the plankes of ships and effeciast where are Ruers of fresh water the common opinion is that they are bred in fresh water and with the current of the Riners are brought into the Sea but experience teacheth that they breede in the great Seas in all hot chimates especially neere the Equinoctiall Line for lying so long vnder and neere the Line and towing a Shalop at our sterne comming to cleanse her in Brasill wee found her all vnder water couered with these Wormes as bigge as the little singer of a man on the outside of the planke not fully couered but halfe the thicknesse of their bodie like to a gellie wrought into the planke as with a Gowdge In little time if the ship be not sheathed they put all in hazard for they enter in no bigger then a small spanish Needle and by little and little their holes become ordinarily greater then a mans finger The thicker the planke is the greater he groweth yea I haue seene many ships so eaten that the most of their plankes vnder water haue beene like Honie-combes and especially those betwixt winde and water If they had not beene sheathed it had beene impossible that they could haue swomme The entring of them is hardly to be discerned the most of them being small as the head of a Pinne Which all such as purpose long Voyages are to prenent byu sheathing their ships And for that I haue seene diuers manners of sheathing for the ignorant I will set them downe which by experience I haue found best In Spaine and Portugall some sheath their ships with Lead which besides the cost and weight although they vse the thinnest sheet-lead that I haue seene in any place yet it is nothing durable but subiect to many casualities Another manner is vsed with double plankes as thicke without as within after the manner of surring which is little better then that with Lead for besides his weight it dureth little because the Worme in small time passeth through the one and the other A third manner of sheathing had beene vsed amongst some with fine Canuas which is of small continuance and so not to be regarded The fourth preuention which now is most accounted of is to burne the vpper planke till it come to be in euery place like a Cole and after to pitch it this isnot bad in China as I haue beene enformed they vse a certaine Betane or Varnish in manner of an artificiall Pitch wherewith they trimme the outside of their ships It is said to bee durable and of that vertue as neither worme nor water pierceth it neither hath the Sunne power against it Some haue deuised a certaine Pitch mingled with Glasse and other ingredients beaten into
Isla de Gallo where Francisco Pizarro and his Brethren went on Land and left Diego de Almagro in the ships And the whole number which afterward landed on the mayne Land were sixtie Horsemen and one hundred and twentie Footmen with two great Field-peeces But before we proceed any further wee thinke it not amisse to describe vnto you the situation of Peru and the naturall disposition of the Inhabitants This Countrie was called Peru by the Spaniards of a Riuer so named by the Indians where they first came to the sight of Gold From which Riuer standing vnder the Line till you come to Copiapo the first Towne on the Coast of Chili stretcheth the Land of Peru for the space of eight hundred leagues vpon sixe hundred whereof from Atacama to Tumbez did neuer drop of raine fall since the Floud of Noah and yet is it the fruitfullest Land for all kinde of victuals and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life that is to bee found in all the world besides The reason why it raineth not in this Land is because it being a plaine Countrie and very narrow and lowe situate betweene the Equinoctiall and the Tropike of Capricorne there runneth on the West frontier not aboue twenty leagues from the Sea called Mar del Sur Eastward thereof a mightie ridge of high Mountaines couered with snowe the heigth of which Mountaines so draweth the moisture of the cloudes vnto it self that no raine falleth vpon the Vallies of Peru From these Mountains issue great store of Riuers into the South Sea with the waters whereof drawn by certaine sluces and chanels they moisten their Vineyards and Corne-fields and by this meanes the Land is so exceeding fruitfull Betweene these Mountaines and the Mountaines of Chili that stretch vnto the Straites of Magellan heth a Plaine of sixtie leagues ouer being so cold that it yeeldeth no Wheat but good store of other victâ—als This Countrie of Peru is full of people well apparelled and of ciuill behauiour It hath many mines of God and more of Siluer as also great store of Copper and Tinne-mines with abundance of Saltpeter and of Brimstone to make Gun-powder There are likewise Cattell of all sorts among which there is a beast in shape somewhat resembling a Camell but no bigger then a Steere of a yeere old they serue to carrie burdens their flesh being good to eate and their wooll apt for many purposes This beast is accounted the most profitable of all others for the vse of man howbeit the Spaniards since their first comming haue replenished this Countrie with Horses Kine Sheep and Goats and likewise with plenty of Wheat So that in few words this Land hath abundance of riches and victuals and is the healthfullest place in the world There were in times past Kings of this Land which were mighty Monarchs whose Dominions stretched twelue hundred leagues and their Lawes were very ciuill saue that they were worshippers of the Sunne At what time the Spaniards first entred this Land there were two Brethren of the bloud Royall which stroue who should haue the Kingdome the one called Mango Inga and the other Atabalipa Now Mango had possession of all the Mountaines and the Land within them and Atabalipa was Lord of all the Sea-coast and of the Vallies situate between the said Mountaines and the Sea The Indians seeing the Spaniards at the first arriue vpon their shoare called them Uira coche which in their Language signifieth The some of the Sea Also Atabalipa the Indian Prince sent vnto them to know what they did in his Land and what they sought for the Spaniards made answer that they were the messengers of a great Lord and that they came to speake with the Prince himselfe who sent them word that they should come with a very good-will and so Atabalipa stayed for them at a Citie called Caxamalca being thirtie leagues distant from the Sea side Whither being come they found the Indian Prince sitting in a Chariot of Gold carried vpon mens shoulders and accompanied with aboue sixtie thousand Indians all ready armed for the warres Then the Spaniards told them that they were sent from an Emperour vnto whom the Pope had giuen all that Land to conuert them vnto the Christian Faith Whereunto Atabalipa answered that he would gladly be friends with the Emperour because he was so great a Monarch but in no case with the Pope because he gaue to another that which was none of his owne Now while they were thus in talke the Spaniards discharging their two Field-peeces and their Caliuers set vpon the Indians crying Sant lago The Indians hearing the noise of the Ordnance and small shot and seeing the fire thought that flames of fire had beene come downe from Heauen vpon them whereupon they fled and left their Prince as a bootie for the Spaniards Whom they at the first intreated very gently wishing him not to feare for that their comming was onely to seeke for Gold and Siluer During the time of Atabalipas imprisonment his Captaines had slaine his Brother Mango and had subdued all the Mountaines and plaine Countries Vpon which newes Atabalipa told the Spaniards that if they would release him hee would giue them all that they should demand This communication hauing continued a whole day at length a Souldier named Soto said vnto Atabalipa what wilt thou giue vs to set thee free The Prince answered I will giue whatsoeuer you will demand Whereto the Souldier replied Thou shalt giue vs this house full of Gold and Siluer thus high lifting vp his sword and making a stroke vpon the wall And Atabalipa said that if they would grant him respite to send into his Kingdome he would fulfill their demand Whereat the Spaniards much maruelling gaue him three moneths time but hee had filled the house in two moneths and an halfe a matter scarce credible yet most true for I knowe aboue twentie men that were there at that time who all affirme that it was aboue ten millions of Gold and Siluer Howbeit for all this they let not the Prince goe but thought that in killing of him they should become Lords of the whole Land and so the Spaniards on a night strangled him But God the righteous Iudge seeing this villanous act suffered none of those Spaniards to die by the course of nature but brought them to euill and shamefull ends Vpon the newes of these great riches there came store of people out of Spaine and inhabited many places in this Countrie The King in recompence of the good seruices of the two foresaid partners appointed Diego de Almagro Gouernour of halfe the Land and Francisco Pizarro of the other halfe whom also he made a Marquesse But these two consorts in parting of a Land belonging vnto other men fell at variance and sharpe warre betweene themselues and at length Pizarro hauing slaine Almagro got all the Land into his owne hands Howbeit this prosperitie of Pizarro continued not long
fully resolued all for England againe There came in this interim aboord vnto vs that stayed all night an Indian whom wee vsed kindly and the next day sent ashoare hee shewed himselfe the most sober of all the rest wee held him sent as a Spie In the morning he filched away our Pot-hookes thinking he had not done any ill therein being ashoare wee bid him strike fire which with an Emerald stone such as the Glasiers vse to cut Glasse he did I take it to be the very same that in Latine is called Smiris for striking therewith vpon Touch-wood that of purpose hee had by meane of a mynerall stone vsed therein sparkles proceeded and forth with kindled with making of flame The ninth wee continued working on our Store-house for as yet remayned in vs a desired resolution of making stay The tenth Captaine Gosnoll fell downe with the ship to the little Ilet of Cedars called Hills happe to take in Cedar wood leauing mee and nine more in the Fort onely with three meales meate vpon promise to returne the next day The eleuenth he came not neither sent whereupon I commanded foure of my companie to seeke out for Crabbes Lobsters Turtles c. for sustayning vs till the ships returne which was gone cleane out of sight and had the winde chopt vp at South-west with much difficulty would shee haue beene able in short time to haue made returne These foure Purveyers whom I counselled to keepe together for their better safety diuided themselues two going one wayes and two another in search as aforesaid One of these petie companies was assaulted by foure Indians who with Arrowes did shoot and hurt one of the two in his side the other a lusty and nimble fellow leapt in and cut their Bow-strings whereupon they fled Being late in the euening they were driuen to lie all night in the Woods not knowing the way home thorow the thicke rubbish as also the weather somewhat stormie The want of these sorrowed vs much as not able to coniecture any thing of them vnlesse very euill The twelfth those two came vnto vs againe whereat our ioy was encreased yet the want of our Captaine that promised to returne as aforesaid strooke vs in a dumpish terrour for that hee performed not the same in the space of almost three dayes In the meane wee sustayned our selues with Alexander and Sorrell pottage Ground-nuts and Tobacco which gaue nature a reasonable content Wee heard at last our Captaine to Iewre vnto vs which made such musike as sweeter neuer came vnto poore men The thirteenth beganne some of our companie that before vowed to stay to make reuolt whereupon the planters diminishing all was giuen ouer The fourteenth fifteenth and sixteenth wee spent in getting Sasafrage and fire-wood of Cedar leauing House and little Fort by ten men in nineteene dayes sufficient made to harbour twenty persons at least with their necessary prouision The seuenteenth we set sayle doubling the Rockes of Elizabeths Iland and passing by Douer Cliffe came to anchor at Marthaes Vineyard being fiue leagues distant from our Fort where we went ashoare and had young Cranes Herneshowes and Geese which now were growne to pretie bignesse The eighteenth we set sayle and bore for England cutting off our Shalop that was well able to land fiue and twenty men or more a Boate very necessary for the like occasions The winds doe raigne most commonly vpon this coast in the Summer time Westerly In our homeward course wee obserued the foresaid fleeting weeds to continue till we came within two hundred leagues of Europe The three and twentieth of Iuly we came to anchor before Exmouth CHAP. XI Notes of the same Voyage taken out of a Tractate written by IAMES ROSIER to Sir WALTER RALEIGH and of MACES Voyage to Virginia ELizabeths Iland is full of high timbred Oakes their leaues thrice so broad as ours Cedars straight and tall Beech Elme Hollie Wal-nut trees in abundance the fruit as bigge as ours as appeared by those wee found vnder the trees which had lien all the yeere vngathered Hasle-nut trees Cherrie trees the leafe barke and bignesse not differing from ours in England but the stalke beareth the blossomes or fruit at the end thereof like a cluster of Grapes fortie or fiftie in a bunch Sassafras trees great plentie all the Iland ouer a tree of high price and profit also diuers other fruit-trees some of them with strange barkes of an Orange colour in feeling soft and smooth like Veluet in the thickest parts of these Woods you may see a furlong or more round about On the North-west side of this Iland neere to the Sea-side is a standing Lake of fresh water almost three English miles in compasse in the miast whereof stands a woody ground an acre in quantitie or not aboue this Lake is full of small Tortoises and exceedingly frequented with all sorts of fowles before rehearsed which breed some lowe on the bankes and others on lowe trees about this Lake in great abundance whose young ones of all sorts wee tooke and eate at our pleasure but all these fowles are much bigger than ours in England Also in euery Iland and almost euery part of euery Iland are great store of Ground-nuts fortie together on a string some of them as bigge as Hennes egges they growe not two inches vnder ground the which Nuts wee found to bee as good as Potatoes Also diuers sorts of shell-fish as Scalops Mussels Cockles Lobsters Crabs Oisters and Wilkes exceeding good and very great But not to cloy you with particular rehearsall of such things as God and Nature hath bestowed on these places in comparison whereof the most fertile part of all England is of it selfe but barren wee went in our Light-horsman from this Iland to the Maine right against this Iland some two miles off where comming ashoare wee stood a while like men ranished at the beautie and delicacy of this sweet soyle for besides diuers cleere Lakes of fresh water whereof wee saw no end Medowes very large and full of greene grasse euen the most wooddy places I speake onely of such as I saw doe growe so distinct and apart one tree from another vpon greene grassie ground somewhat higher than the Plaines as if Nature would shew her selfe aboue her power artificiall Hard by wee espied seuen Indians and comming vp to them at first they expressed some feare but being emboldned by our courteous vsage and some trifles which we gaue them they followed vs to a necke of Land which wee imagined had beene seuered from the Mayne but finding it otherwise wee perceiued abroad Harbour or Riuers mouth which came vp into the Mayne and because the day was farre spent we were forced to returne to the Iland from whence we came leauing the Discouery of this Harbour for a time of better leisure Of the goadnesse of which Harbour as also of many others thereabouts there is small doubt
considering that all the Ilands as also the Maine where wee were is all Rockie Grounds and broken Lands Now the next day wee determined to fortifie our selues in a little plot of ground in the middest of the Lake aboue mentioned where wee built an house and couered it with sedge which grew about this Lake in great abundance in building whereof wee spent three weekes and more but the second day after our comming from the Maine wee espied eleuen Canoas or Boats with fifty Indians in them comming toward vs from this part of the Maine where wee two dayes before landed and being loath they should discouer our fortification wee went out into the Sea side to meete them and comming somewhat neere them they all sate downe vpon the stones calling aloud to vs as wee rightly ghessed to doe the like a little distance from them hauing sate a while in this order Captaine Gosnold willed mee to goe vnto them to see what countenance they would make but as soone as I came vp vnto them one of them to whom I had giuen a Knife two dayes before in the Maine knew mee whom I also very well remembred and smiling vpon me spake somewhat vnto their Lord or Captaine which sate in the midst of them who presently rose vp and tooke a large Beuer skinne from one that stood about him and gaue it vnto me which I requited for that time the best I could but I pointing towards captaine Gosnold made signes vnto him that hee was our Captaine and desirous to bee his friend and enter league with him which as I perceiued he vnderstood and made signes of ioy whereupon Captaine Gosnold with the rest of his companie being twenty in all came vp vnto them and after many signes of gratulations Captaine Gosnold presenting their Lord with certaine trifles which they wondred at and highly esteemed wee became very great friends and sent for meat aboord our Shalop and gaue them such meates as wee had then ready dressed whereof they misliked nothing but our Mustard whereat they made many a sowre face While wee were thus merrie one of them had conueighed a Target of ours into one of their Canoas which wee suffered onely to trie whether they were in subiection to this Lord to whom we made signes by shewing him another of the same likenesse and pointing to the Canoa what one of his companie had done who suddenly expressed some feare and speaking angerly to one about him as wee perceiued by his countenance caused it presently to be brought backe againe So the rest of the day wee spent in trading with them for Furres which are Beauers Luzernes Marterns Otters Wilde-cat skinnes very large and deepe Furre blacke Foxes Conie skinnes of the colour of our Hares but somewhat lesse Deere skinnes very large Seale skinnes and other beasts skinnes to vs vnknowne They haue also great store of Copper some very red and some of a paler colour none of them but haue Chaines Eare-rings or Collars of this metall they head some of their Arrowes herewith much like our broad Arrow heads very workmanly made Their Chaines are many hollow pieces semented together each piece of the bignesse of one of our reeds a finger in length ten or twelue of them together on a string which they weare about their neckes their Collars they weare about their bodies like Bandelieres a handfull broad all hollow pieces like the other but somewhat shorter foure hundred pieces in a Collar very fine and euenly set together Besides these they haue large drinking Cups made like Sculls and other thinne plates of Copper made much like our Boare-speare blades all which they so little esteeme as they offered their fairest Collars and Chaines for a Knife or such like triste but wee seemed little to regard it yet I was desirous to vnderstand where they had such store of this mettall and made signes to one of them with whom I was very familiar who taking a piece of copper in his hand made a hole with his finger in the ground and withall pointed to the Maine from whence they came They strike fire in this manner euery one carrieth about him in a Purse oftewd Leather a Minerall stone which I take to be their Copper and with a flat Emerie stone wherewith Glasiers cut glasse and Cutlers glase blades tied fast to the end of alittle sticke gently hee striketh vpon the Minerall stone and within a stroke or two a sparke falleth vpon a piece of Touch-wood much like our Spunge in England and with the least sparke he maketh a fire presently Wee had also of their Flaxe wherewith they make many strings and cords but it is not so bright of colour as ours in England I am perswaded they haue store growing vpon the Maine as also Mines and many other rich commodities which we wanting both time and meanes could not possibly discouer Thus they continued with vs three dayes euery night retiring themselues to the furthermost part of our Iland two or three miles from our Fort but the fourth day they returned to the Maine pointing fiue or sixe times to the Sunne and once to the Maine which we vnderstood that within fiue or sixe dayes they would come from the Maine to vs againe but being in their Canoas a little from the shoare they made huge cries and shouts of ioy vnto vs and wee with our Trumpet and Cornet and casting vp our caps into the aire made them the best farewell wee could yet sixe or seuen of them remayned with vs behinde bearing vs companie euery day in the Woods and helped vs to cut and carrie our Sassafras and some of them lay aboord our ship These people as they are exceeding curteous gentle of disposition and well conditioned excelling all others that we haue seene so for shape of body and louely fauour I thinke they excell all the people of America of stature much higher than wee of complexion or colour much like a darke Oliue their eye-browes and haire blacke which they weare long tyed vp behinde in knots whereon they pricke feathers of fowles in fashion of a Crownet some of them are blacke thinne bearded they make beards of the haire of beasts and one of them offered a beard of their making to one of our Saylers for his that grew on his face which because it was of a red colour they iudged to be none of his owne They are quicke eyed and stedfast in their lookes fearelesse of others harmes as intending none themselues some of the meaner sort giuen to filching which the very name of Sauages not weighing their ignorance in good or euill may easily excuse their garments are of Deere skinnes and some of them weare Furres round and close about their neckes They pronounce our Language with great facilitie for one of them one day sitting by mee vpon occasion I spake smiling to him these words How now sirrha are you