TWO TREATISES The FIRST Proving both by HISTORY RECORD THAT THE BISHOPS ARE A Fundamental Essential Part OF OUR English Parliament The SECOND That they may be JUDGES IN Capital Cases LONDON Printed by Tho. Braddyll for Robert Clavell at the Peacock in S. Pauls Church-Yard 1680. THAT THE BISHOPS MAKE A FUNDAMENTAL ESSENTIAL PART OF THE English Parliament THough the Demerits of this Sacred Order of men is sufficiently known and acknowledged though their Sufferings in the late ill times are notorious to the whole world and no less a Scandal to this Nation I speak of those who then traiterously usurped the Name and Title of the Supreme Authority of England yet there are not still wanting those of the old Leaven who endeavour to embroil us again who still raise and maintain the old Scruples and Jealousies and endeavour as much as in them lies to put us again into the old and preternatural Ferments of 42 't is strange you will say that a Nation should be twice undone by the same ways and method that the evil success we all of us felt save those of the Independent Faction should not deter us from endeavouring the like unsetlements for the future I wish our Fears and Jealousies were groundless but so long as the old and baffled Arguments are rallied by such men so long as they proceed to make ill use of the Indulgence of their Prince and his Government under whom they live in peace and endeavour to unravel the Constitutions of our Parliaments hereby to bring us into the Disorders under which we so lately groaned and out of which by the goodness of God we are now in safety escaped it will not I hope be thought unseasonable to any person who is a Friend to his Prince or Country or to himself in his own quiet and settlement which he now enjoyes to mind and to advise him I hope 't is no ill counsel stare super vias antiquas to tread in and keep to the old paths Regia via est tuta via the Kings way is the safest and best of ways Let us then in the Name of God see what were the ancient usages the old Constitutions under which we and our Forefathers were happy our ancient Kingdom so famous throughout the whole Civiliz'd World hath flourished and become so renown'd as erst it hath been And seeing a great Question hath of late and is now again raised concerning the Sacred Order of Bishops as to their Right of being and voting in our Parliaments we shall endeavour to evince and prove this great Point which 't is hoped may in a good measure contribute to the allaying the heats of this sort of men amongst us and who seem to be the most busie and forward in these Embroylments And that we may the more orderly and methodically proceed to evince what we have undertaken and in regard this Question is about the very Constitution of our Government we can I think do no better than to make use herein of the good old Maxim and Rule de Legibus longa consuetudine Si de interpretatione Legis quaeritur inprimis inspiciendum est quo jure Civitas retro in hujusmodi casibus usa fuerit Consuetudo enim optima interpretatio Legis est If you would know the true sence and interpretation of any Law you must especially look to the practice and usage of the Law for that Custom is the best interpretation of the Law We now seem at least some party amongst us to question whether our Bishops are an Essential part of the Parliament which together with His Majesty as to the Enacting of Laws and giving of Aids and Subsidies is the old Government under which England hath heretofore to the envy of our Neighbours flourish'd and been happy Foelices nimium bona si sua norant Angli That we may then I say put this Question out of question we shall endeavour to prove by two sorts of Arguments of which one shall be De Jure and the other De Facto the one derived from that Original Right which is vested in them the other from the constant Exercise and continual practice by which that Right hath been enjoyed in all times foregoing And first we shall begin with the proofs de jure and therein first with that which doth occur in the Laws of King Athelston one of the first Monarchs of the English Saxons Among which there is a Chapter it is chap. 11. entituled De officio Episcopi quid pertinet ad officium ejus that is to say Touching the office of a Bishop and that which doth of right belong unto it In which Chapter it is thus declared viz. Episcopo jure pertinet omnem rectitudinem promovere Dei scilicet seculi c. (†) Spelm. Couns p. 402. convenit ut per consilium testimonium ejus omne Legis scitum Burgi mensura omne pondus sit secundum dictionem ejus institutum that is to say it belongeth of right unto the Bishop to promote Justice in matters which concern both the Church and State and unto him it appertaineth that by his Counsel and Award all Laws and Weights and Measures be ordained throughout the Kingdom 2. Next we will have recourse to the old Record entituled Modus tenendi Parliamentum In which it is affirmed Ad Parliamentum Summoniri venire debere Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates Priores alios majores Cleri qui tenent per Comitatum aut Baroniam ratione hujus modi tenurae (*) Modus tenendi Parliamentum That all the Archbishops Bishops Abbats Priors and other Prelates of the Church who hold their Lands either by an Earls Fee or a Barons Fee were to be summoned and come to Parliament in regard of their Tenure 3. Next look we on the Chartularies of King Henry the first recognized in full Parliament at Clarendon under Henry the second where they are called Avitas consuetudines which declare it thus Archiepiscopi Episcopi universae Personae qui de Rege tenent in capite habeant possessiones suas de Rege sic ut Baroniam c. Et sicut caeteri Barones debent interesse judiciis Curiae Regis cum Baronibus quousque pervenerit ad diminutionem membrorum vel ad mortem (*) Math. Paris in H. 2. The meaning is in brief that Archbishops Bishops and all other Ecclesiastical Persons which hold in Capite of the King are to have and hold their Lands in Barony and that they ought as Barons to be present in all Judgments with the other Barons in the Court of Parl. untill the very Sentence of Death or Mutilation which was very common in those times was to be pronounced And then they commonly did use to withdraw themselves not out of any incapacity supposed to be in them by the Law of Engl. but out of a restraint impos'd upon them by the Can. of the Church of Rome 4. In the Great
together with Berha his Queen their Son Thalbald the Reverend Archbishop Augustine and all the rest of the Nobility did solemnize the Feast of Christs Nativity in the City of Canterbury and did there cause to be assembled on the 9th of January the Common Council of his Kingdom as well the Clergy as the Lay-Subject by whose Consent and Approbation he caused the Monastery by him built to be dedicated to the honour of God Almighty by the hand of Augustine And though no question other Examples of this kind may be found amongst the Saxon Heptarchies yet being the West Saxon Kingdom did in fine prevail and united all the rest into one Monarchy we shall apply our selves unto that more punctually and with greater care I. And first we read of Egbert who first united the seven Kingdoms of the Saxons under the common name of England that he caused to be convened at London his Bishops and the Peers of the highest Rank pro consilio capiendo adversus Danicos Pyratas (*) Charta Whitlagii Mercyorum Regis ap Ingulph to advise upon some course against the Danish Pyrates who infested the Sea-coast of England II. Another Parliament or Council call it which you will called at Kingbury Anno 855 in the time of Ethelwolph the Son of Egbert pro negotiis Regni (†) Charta Bertult mer. Regis ap Ingulf to treat of the Affairs of the Kingdom the Acts whereof are ratified and subscribed by the Bishops Abbots and other great men of the Realm III. We find that the same King Ethelwolph in a Parliament or Assembly of his States at Winchester Anno 855. Cum consilio Episcoporum Principum (*) Ingulf Croyland hist by the Advice and Counsel of the Bishops and Nobility confirmed unto the Clergy the tenth part of all mens Goods and ordered that the Tythe so confirmed unto them should be free ab omnibus secularibus Servitutibus from all secular Services and Impositions IV. The two Charters were issued out by Athelstone above-mentioned Consilio Wifelmi Archiepiscopi mei aliorum Episcoporum meorum (†) Ap. eund p. 402 403. by the advice of Wiselme his Archbishop and his other Bishops And V. That Ina in the year 902. caused the great Council of his Realm to be Assembled consisting ex Episcopis Principibus Proceribus c. of Bishops Princes Nobles Earls and of all the wise men Elders and people of the whole Kingdom and there Enacted divers Laws for the weal of this Realm (*) Ap. eund p 219. We also read this in the Reign of Edrid Anno 948. viz. in festo igitur Nativitatis Beatae Mariae cum universi Magnates Regni per Regium Edictum summoniti tam Archiepiscopi Episcopi ac Abbates quam caeteri totius Regni Proceres Optimates Londini convenissent ad tractandum de negotiis publicis totius Regni (†) Id. ibid. p. 497. edit Lond. That in the Feast of the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin the great men of the Realm that is to say Archbishops Bishops Abbots Nobles Peers were summoned by the Kings Writ to appear at London to handle and conclude about the publick Affairs of the Kingdom Mention of which Assembly is made again at the Foundation and Endowment of the Abbey of Crowland (†) Mad p. 500. and afterwards a Confirmation of the same by Edgar Anno 966. Praesentibus Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Optimatibus Regni (*) Id. p. 5. p. 1. 50. In the presence of Archbishops Bishops Abbots and Peers of the Realm The like Convention of Estates we find to have been called by Canutus the Dane after the death of Edm. Ironside for the setling of the Crown on his own head of which thus the Author (†) Rog. Hoved. Annal pag. prior p. 250. Cujus post mortem Rex Canutus omnes Episcopos Duces nec non Principes cunctosque Optimates gentis Angliae Londini congregari jussit Where we still find the Bishops to be called to Parliament as well as the Dukes Princes and the rest of the Nobility and to be ranked and marshalled first which clearly shews that they were always reckoned for the first Estate before the greatest and most eminent of the Secular Peers And so we find it also in a Charter of King Edward the Confessor the last King of the Saxon Race by which he granted certain Lands and Priviledges to the Church of Westminster An. 1066. Cum Concilio Decreto Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Comitum aliorumque Optimatum (*) ap H. Spel. in Concil p. 630. with the Counsel and Decree of the Arch-bishops Bishops Earls and others of his Nobles And all this while the Bishops and other Prelates of the Church did hold by no other Tenure than in pura perpetua Eleemosyna (†) Camden in Brit. or frank Almoygne as our Lawyers call it and therefore sate in Parliament in no other capacity than as Spiritual persons meerly who by their extraorinary knowledge in the Word of God and in such other parts of Learning as the world then knew were thought best able to direct and advise their Princes in all points of difficulty But when the Norman Conqueror had possest the State then the case was altered The Prelates of the Church were no longer suffered to hold their Land in Frank Almoigne as before they did or to be free from Secular Services and Commands as before they were Although they kept their Lands yet they changed their Tenure and by the Conqueror were ordained to hold their Lands sub militari servitute (*) Mat. Paris in Will 1. An. 1070. either in Capite or by Baronage or some such military hold and thereby were compellable to aid the King in all times of War with Men Arms and Horses as the Lay-Subjects of the same Tenures were required to do Which though it were conceived to be a great Disfranchisement at first and an heavy burden to the Prelacy yet it conduced at last to their greater honour in giving them a further Title to their Place in Parliament than that which formerly they could pretend to Before they claimed a place therein ratione Officii only by reason of their Offices or Spiritual Dignities but after this by reason also of those Baronies which were erected and annexed to their several Dignities En respect de leur possessions l'antient Baronies annexes a leur Dignities (†) Stratford Pleas. l. 3. as our Lawyers have it From this time forwards we must look upon them in the House of Parliament not as Bishops only but as Peers and Barons of the Realm also and so themselves affirmed to the Temporal Lords in the Parliament holden at Northampton under Henry the Second Non sedemus hic Episcopi sed Barones Pares hic sumus (*) Selden titles of hon p 2. 18. We sit not here say they as Bishops only but as Barons we are Barons and you are
Lawyers understand to be the Sentence of Guilty or Not Guilty Now I would fain be resolved whether these proceedings be not in agitatione causae sanguims whether accoording p. 1. to this practice a Case of Blood be not all the while in agitation And then reflecting upon the Gentlemans Rule in Logick Causa causae est causa causati and upon the Story of Chaucer's Frier let the Reader please to peruse p. 64 65 66 of the Letter and then judge whether the practice be not as I said Irrational And then Secondly This practice of those Popish times was uncharitable for if the Bishops were debarr'd sitting as Judges in such Cases Capital out of a suspition of their Integrity it was uncharitable to the Bishops if out of a jealousie they might be too soft and yielding in their clemency it were uncharitable to the Delinquent if out of fear they might be too severe in point of Justice it is uncharitable to the Commonwealth for Discretion ought to take her Rules from Charity when Pity and when Severity are to be used for the advantage of the Publick Sometimes Justice may be provoked into Severity and when Impeachments are preferr'd with rigour 't is possible the Prudence and Piety of such grave and holy persons intervening a rash and unadvisable Sentence may be stopt and prevent a Deluge of Mischiefs which might otherwise ensue †See the Case p. 26 27 28. of the Letter Had the Bishops been present at Haxeye's Trial they might as well have prevented his Condemnation as obtained his Pardon The Canon-Law then gave the first rise and beginning to this Usage as this Gentleman seems to acknowledge p. 68. But the Ground of that Canon was Superstition and it did confront the Kings Supremacy and was irrational and uncharitable in the practice of it Let us therefore examine what Force it had and by what Authority That this was in use while the Pope had a concurrent Jurisdiction here cannot be denied but whether ever it received a Civil Sanction and an express Ratification and had the stamp of Parliament-Authority set upon it is the matter now in question And this I do stedfastly deny and the Gentleman as earnestly affirm and contend for To prove this he does alledge a double confirmation and to give it the more Credit he carries it up as high as the dayes of Edward the Confessor But I desire the Reader to observe that in the management of his Evidence he turns an Indulgence into a Prohibition a Priviledge into a compleat Act of Parliament and a Protestation into a Statute He does alledge the Year-Book of 10 E. 4. Term. Pasch n. 35. Let. p. 78. Where we have set down the manner of their Trials in Parliament When a Lord is indicted c. he shall plead Not Guilty and this shall be tried by his Peers and then the Lords Spiritual who may not consent to the Death of any man shall make their Proctor c. This saith he I alledge to shew that even by the Law of the Land the Bishops cannot be Judges in a Case Capital Here the Gentleman says Their making a Proctor was Error Temporis the Error of those Times Why Because that practise was not for his purpose But if by the Law of the Land he means the Statute-Law as he seems to do I must have a Writ of Error to reverse his Judgment For the Pope having then a concurrent Jurisdiction here in England the Canon-Law was in force amongst them and in declaring that the Lords Spiritual might not consent to the Death of any man they have respect to the Prohibition of the Canon-Law but this is not any the least confirmation of it But this Gentleman will needs have it confirmed by a Civil Sanction and so become the Law of the Kingdom The first Confirmation he saith was about the time of 10 H. p. 69 c. 2. amongst the sixteen Constitutions of Clarendon which besides the Authority of Parliament to make the Observation of them the more inviolable were established by the Solemnity p. 72. of an Oath which is the greatest Obligation that Mankind is capable of making even God a Party to it to see it obeyed and punish the Transgressors Here is a fair Plea for a solemn Confirmation if the Gentleman were not partial or mistaken in the Business But the Case was this upon the account of their Immunities the Prelates especially grew very remiss and careless of their Duties as was noted formerly Hereupon in that Great Council which was then their Parliament amongst the rest the King made this the 11th of those Constitutions The Archbishops Bishops universae personae Regni p. 71. not all the Dignified Clergy of the Land as this Gentleman renders it but all persons whatsoever who have a Tenure in capite shall hold their possessions from the King as a Barony and shall answer for their Estates unto the Kings Justices and Ministers and shall observe and obey all the Kings Laws and together with other Barons they are to be present in all Judgments in the Kings Courts This is the Duty they are obliged and solemnly sworn to and then follows an Indulgence or Priviledge till the Sentence comes to the loss of Life or Member and here they are left to their Liberty to observe the Decree of the Holy Canon Hereupon we may p. 73. build our Faith that there was really such an Usage as this Gentleman infers in ancient times and that a liberty was left to continue it according to the Canon and in veneration of it but that 't was ratified and confirmed we have not one Syllable to prove it The Second Confirmation this Gentleman finds was in 11 R. p. 18 c. 71 c. 2. upon the Protestation of the Archbishop for himself and the other Bishops And here after some fluctuation and unsteadiness p. 75. to make it a Law he tells us The subject matter enacted did consist of two Particulars the one That the Prelates had a Right to sit and vote in all other Businesses the other That they had no Right nor was it lawful for them to be present in Parliament when such Businesses were in question But the Tenour of their Protestation is That they intend to be present to consult to treat of and to determine in omnibus in all things saving their Rights their State and Dignity But because some things were to be transacted in that Parliament at which by the Decrees of the Sacred Canons it was not lawful for them to be personally present therefore they protested that while such things were in agitation they would absent themselves Which Protestation being read in Full Parliament at the instance and prayer of the Archbishop and other Prelates was entred upon the Parliament-Roll by the Kings Command with the Assent of the Lords Temporal and Commons This the Gentleman will needs contend to be a Law of Parliament or a Law
the King's Council which the King granted yet afterwards 51 E. 3. at the Request of the Commons themselves he was restored to all and declared innocent This Gentleman was so sensible of this their Prejudice and Rashness attended with so much Levity that he could not pass it by without setting some Remark upon it p. 12. But when Justice Loyalty and Honour governs their Debates and Resolutions we may put the King and to use his own Illustration all the Three Estates of Parliament into the same Nest of Boxes and yet their respective Interests which is the Interest of the whole Kingdom interwoven will be secure and preserv'd inviolate But the Gentleman tells us further That if the Bishops be one of the Three Estates nothing can pass in Parliament without them This may be generally true among States coordinate without a Sovereign Head over them and when a Rival is set up to give Check-mate to the Sovereign Authority as it was in the time of Hen. 8. mentioned by this Gentleman at p. 92. when the Question was To whom the Supream Jurisdiction did belong to the King or to the Pope In the time of such a Competition the Crown is obliged to secure it self against such an Usurpation and does most justly abandon the Clergy that sides with it But 2. If Acts have passed without the Bishops they have likewise done so as by him is said sometimes without the Commons Egbert who first united the Seven Kingdoms of the Saxons under the common Name of England he caus'd to be conven'd at London His Bishops and Peers of the highest Rank to advise upon some course against the Danish Pyrates this was a Military Business and Bloud-shed might have ensued upon the Stubbornness of those Pyrates who infested the Sea-Coast of England And King Ethelwolph in Parliament or Assembly of his States at Winchester Anno 855. by the Advice These Great Councils were the Parliaments of those Times Let. p. 72. and Counsel of the Bishops and Nobility confirm'd unto the Clergy the Tenth Part of all mens Goods and Ordered that the Tythe so confirmed unto them should be free from all Secular Services and Impositions And Wingate in his Abridgment and the Word Parliament tells us out of the Mirrour of Justices of an Act in Aelfred's Time That Parliaments should be held twice a year and oftner if need requir'd But note saith he This was by the King and Lords only And I believe we may observe the like practice among some of this Gentleman's Precedents But it is much more satisfactory when the Laws are Enacted by the Sovereign Authority at the Request of the Commons with the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal that is by the King with the joint Assent of the Three Estates of Parliament let us not therefore dissolve or drive them away when we have them That which is alledged out of Bishop Jewel and Crompton I refer you to the Answer of the Quodlibetical Question for your p. 93. to 98. satisfaction That King James was of this Judgment is evident from the very Words and Speech produced by this Gentleman to the contrary The Parliament saith he is composed of a Head and a Body The Head is the King the Body are the Members of the Parliament This Body again is subdivided into two parts the Upper and the Lower House the Upper House compounded partly of Nobility Temporal men who are Hereditable Counsellors to the High Court of Parliament by the Honour of their Creation and Lands and partly of Bishops Spiritual men who are likewise by virtue of their Place and Dignity Counsellors ad vitam Life-Renters of this Court. The other House is compos'd of Knights for the Shires and Gentry and Burgesses for the Towns Here we see though the King makes but Two Houses yet he does clearly distinguish them into Three Estates though he does not call them so To what is said by Stephen Gardiner and Finch I oppose the Testimonies of Livy Selden Cooke and Sheppard To the Expressions of the Late King of B. Memory in his Answer to the 19 Propos when he was fluctuating in the midst of a Storm gathering round about him and to the Declaration of the Commons 2 H. 4. n. 32. I might Answer That the Upper House in a large sense consisting of Lords Spiritual and Temporal sitting and voting together may be taken for One Estate But taken precisely and in a strict sense as their Concerns and Interests are distinct so they are clearly Two But to those Authorities I shall rather oppose the Act of Recognition 1 Eliz. 3. Where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in that Parliament Assembled do Recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true lawful and undoubted Sovereign Lieged Lady and Queen in these words We Your most Faithful Loving and Obedient Subjects representing the Three Estates of this Realm which evidently sheweth the Queen was not there esteemed one So when the Funerals of Hen. 5. were ended the Three Estates did Assemble and Acknowledge his Son King To think to elude such Evidence by saying as this Gentleman does in the like case that such Expressions are delivered obiter upon the By is to make what we fancy not in any Statute utterly void and of none effect The next Question concerns the Bishops Peerage For the Affirmative we have these things to say 1. That the Prelates are called by the same Writ for Form and Manner with that directed to the Temporal Barons so the Answer to the Quodlibetical Question That they Sit and Vote there by a double capacity as Bishops first in reference to their several Sees and secondly as Peers in respect of their Baronies Hereupon they affirm to the Lords Temporal in Parliament holden at Northampton Hen. 2. as Selden reports We sit not here as Bishops only but as Barons we are Barons and you are Barons here we sit as Peers And some Statutes call them Peers of the Land in terminis 2. 'T is his Grace of Canterbury's Title Primus Par Angliae That the first Peer should be no Peer is an unheard of Solecism If he be a Peer the rest of the Bishops are his Com-peers what ever they are to the Lords Temporal John Stratford Archbishop of that place in the time of Ed. 3 claim'd this Priviledge in the Right of his See And the Protestat of W. Courtney elsewhere mentioned with the rest of the Bishops is another pregnant Evidence to this purpose And 25 Edw. 3. The Prelates put up this Petition to the King as the Gentleman himself relates it p. 83. Seeing Archbishops and Bishops hold their Temporalties of the King in capite and therefore are Peers of the Land as other Earls and Barons are that you will be pleased to grant unto them that no Judge may henceforward for meer contempts cause their Temporalties to be seized Here we have a Prayer that their Temporalties may not be seized and the Reason of
it because they are Peers as Earls and Barons are The King grants their Petition and allows the Reason The King cannot err in Titles his Allowance therefore is a sufficient confirmation of their Peerage And this Gentleman p. 93 c. when he argues against their being a third Estate he tells us William the first erected the temporalties of Bishops into Baronies to hold in capite and upon account of those Baronies both the Temporal Lords and Spiritual had of right place in Parliament and were bound to serve him there They were all Foedal Barons all holding by one tenure and by that tenure sitting in Parliament And a little after he saith They are still qualifi'd to be Members of Parliament as before a Baron sate as a Baron an Earl as an Earl Being made by Patent or by Writ or by holding such a proportion of Land alters not the Case as to their sitting in Parliament for it is being of such a degree which makes them Peers of Parliament One would think this is cleer enough for the Bishops Peerage But besides either the Bishops sit in Parliament as Peers or as Commoners if as Commoners then his own Argument p. 90. will be return'd upon him Would it be for the Honour of the House of Lord that Commoners must be put to them to keep the Ballance even with the House of Commons And most clearly it would be a Disparagement to the Peerage of the Kingdom the Temporal Lords and would make them to be a poor Estate that a number of Commoners must be joyn'd to them to make up their Negative Voice and set them upon even ground with the House of Commons But the truth is the Bishops Sit and Vote in Parliament as we said afore by a double capacity as Bishops first in reference to their several Sees and secondly as Peers in regard of their Baronies All the Lords are equal in respect of their Peerage and so they make up but one House but they are distinguish'd by their Nobility and Spirituality respectively and so they make up two Estates distinct and different But to prove that they are no Peers this Gentleman fetches Pag. 85. Cap. 14 29. an Argument from Magna Charta it self I know it saith Every man that is tried at the King's Suit must be tried by his Peers whether he be Amerced or Imprisoned or Disseised or Outlaw'd c. it must be by his Peers But this Argument makes clear against him for he himself informs us p. 11 12. that the Lord Latimer who was the King's Chamberlain for Oppression in several places in Britain and in England was by the Bishops and Lords adjudged to be imprisoned and put to Fine and Ransom and the Lord John Nevil a Privy Counsellor for buying some Debts due by the King at easie Rates to make advantage to himself He mentions some others and concludes At all these Trials the Bishops were present and no body sayes but they might which makes it evident if the Law of Magna Charta were observed that the Bishops sate as Peers in giving Judgment upon those Culprit-Lords But for all this the Gentleman hath a very strong Objection out of Magna Charta against the Bishops Peerage and 't is this If any Bishop be tried for any Capital Offence he is tried by Ibid. 85. the Commoners and that is the Common Law and Practice of the Land then saith he must Commoners be his Peers and he and Commoners must be Pares A Temporal Lord Duke Earl p. 86. or Baron cannot be Judge in the case of a Bishop out of Parliament nor can any Bishop be their Judge how then can they be said to be Pares Fellow-Peers For my part saith he I see not But I will undertake to read the Riddle to him the King may restrain his Favours and limit his Grants as himself pleaseth the Dignities and Priviledges of the Lords Spiritual are not Hereditary like those of the Lords Temporal but only Personal and conferr'd upon them in regard of their Holy Function Hereupon when they are impeached for any heinous Crime which is supposed to desecrate their persons they are interpretatively though not formally degraded * Privilegium personale amittitur extincta persona cui id concessum est And such persons are reputed dead in Law and by a Fiction of Law not unusual dead in that capacity divested of their Peerage with their Spiritualities and so being in the sense of the Law reduced to that condition they come to be tried as Commoners And thus much for the Bishops Peerage 3. For their Right to Sit as Judges in Cases Capital as this Gentleman saith p. 3. It deserves a strict enquiry and we should do well to consider upon what ground the Prelates were prohibited having Votes in Cases of Blood Such a Prohibition indeed is extant but it is Authentical only in the Canon Law as we shall evince anon but this Law is Popish grounded upon Principles of Superstition Usurpation and Papal Tyranny and is very irrational and uncharitable according to the usual practice of it This I doubt not to make appear to the unprejudiced and impartial Reader In the Interim I think to remove a great mistake of this Gentleman who tells us that Mat. Paris a Monk one that would not be partial for the Lords Temporal in relating matters to give them Let. p. 73. more power in Judicature and less to the Lords Spiritual than of right belonged to each and looking upon this exclusion of the Prelates from the power of Judging in such cases to be some diminution of their Omnipotency which they were so ambitious of he therefore ranks it amongst the Consuetudines iniquas the wicked Customs of the former times I say herein the Gentleman has committed a great mistake 'T is true their presence in Parliaments at such Debates was debarr'd and the restraint was put upon them by this Law and none else but so far were the Clergie of those times from ranking this Canon-Laws amongst those wicked Customs that indeed they had it in too high a veneration and this the Gentleman himself observes in divers places of his Letters averring it to be that Law to which only the Clergy of those times would be subject conceiving themselves above and not bound by any other p. 68. And some Laws before that p. 22. He confesseth The Canon Law was to them above all Laws and what was forbidden by that Law they could not have a thought that it could in any sort be Lawful for them to challenge as their right upon any account This Gentleman knew they did look upon it as sacred They appeal to it and plead it for their exemption and this he sets down with his own Hand at p. 20. in these words Quia in praesenti Parliamento agitur de nonnullis materiis in quibus non licet nobis alicui eorum juxta sacrorum Canonum instituta quomodo libet personaliter interesse
Charter made by King John in the last of his Reign we have the form of summoning a Parliament and calling those together who have Votes therein thus expressed at large Ad habendum commune concilium Regni de auxilio assidendo c. Et de scutagiis assidendis faciemus summoneri Archiepisc Abbates Comites majores Barones Regni sigillatim per literas nostras praeterea summoneri faciemus in generali per Vice-Com Ballivos nostros omnes alios qui in Capite tenent ad certum diem scil ad terminum 40 dierum ad minus ad certum locum c. (†) Id. in Job In which we have not only a most evident Proof that the Bishops are of right to be called to Parliament for granting Subsidies and Escuage and treating of the great Affairs which concern the Kingdom but that they are to be summoned by particular Letters as well as the Earls Barons or either of them A form or copy of which Summons issued in the time of the said King John is extant on Record and put in Print not many * P. 1. 20. 5. years since in the Titles of Honour 5. We have it thus in the Magna Charta of King Henry the 3 d. the Birthright of the English Subject according as it stands translated in the Book of Statutes First we have granted to God and by this our present Charters have confirmed for us and our Heirs for ever That the Church of England shall be free and shall enjoy all her whole Rights and Liberties inviolable (†) Magna Charta c. 1. But it is a known Right and Liberty of the Church of England that all the Bishops and many of the greater Clergy and peradventure also the Inferior Clergy in the said Kings time had their Votes in Parliament and therefore is to be preserved inviolable by the Kings of England their Heirs and Successors for ever Which Charter as it was confirmed by a Curse denounced on all the Infringers of it by Boniface Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (*) Math. Par. in H. 3. and ratified in no fewer than 80. suceedings Parliaments So was it Enacted in the Reign of Hdward the first That it should be sent under the great Seal of England to all the Cathedral Churches of the Kingdom to be read twice a year before the People †That they should be ready four times a year in a full County Court (*) 28 E. 1. c. 1. and finally that all Judgments given against it should be void and null (†) 28 E. 1. c. 2. the Application of which last Clause I refer to those to whom the rectifiing of the Error which to the contrary thereof hath been committed doth of right belong * 28 E. 1. c. 3. 6. We have the Protestation of John Stratford Arch Bishop of Canterbury in the time of King Edward the 3 d. who being in disfavour with the King and denied entrance into the House of Peers challenged his Place and Suffrage there as the first Peer of the Realm and One that ought to have the first voice in Parliament in right of his See But hear him speak his own words which are these that follow Amici for he spake to those that took witness of it Rex me ad hoc Parliamentum scripto suo vocavit ego tanquam major par Regni post Regem primam voce habere debens in Parliamento jura Ecclesiae meae Cantuariensis vendico ideo ingressum in Parliamento peto (†) Antiqui Brit. in Gati Stratford which makes it plain enough that the Arch-Bishop did not challenge a place in Parliament as the first Peer of the Realm either by way of favour or custom only but as a power and priviledge as he ought to have habere debent are the words in the Right of his See 7. And lastly there is the protestation on Record of all the Bishops in the Reign of King Richard the 2 d. at what time William Courtney was Arch-Bishop of Canterbury who being to withdraw themselves from the House of Peers at the pronouncing of the Sentence of Death on some guilty Lords first made their Procurators to supply their rooms and then put up their Protestations to preserve their Rights the sum whereof for as much as doth concern this business in their own words thus De jure consuetudine Regni Angliae ad Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem qui pro tempore fuerit nec non caeteros Suffraganos confratres compatres Abbates Priores aliosque Prelalatos quoscunque per Baroniam de Domino Rege tenentes Pertinet in Parliamentis Regis quibuscunque ut Pares Regni praedicti personaliter interesse ibidemque de Regni negotiis ac aliis tractari consuetis cum caeteris dicti Regni paribus aliis ibidem jus interessendi habentibus Consulere Tractare Ordinare Statuere Definire ac caetera facere quae Parliamento ibidem imminent facienda (†) In vita Gu. Courtney It appertains say they both by Right and Custom to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for the time being as also unto all the rest of his Compeers as well as the Suffragan Bishops as to the Abbots Priors and other Prelates whatsoever which hold their Land by Barony of our Lord the King to be personally present at all Parliaments as Peers of the Realm and there together with the rest of the Peers and all other which have Right to be therein present to Consult treat of and Ordain and finally to determine and establish all such things and matters as are accustomably handled and ordained in Parliaments Which sets the matter as I take it beyond all dispute as to the first of these two heads or sorts of Arguments whereby I was to prove this point which were those de jure Let us next see whether this Right of theirs be confirmed and countenanced by continual practice and that they have not lost it by Discontinuance which is my second kind of Argument those I mean de facto And in this way of proof we can go as high as the first preaching of the Gospel to the English Saxons and so descend unto those last times without interruption By which it will appear that Christianity in this Nation and the Bishops Votes in Parliaments and Common Councils are of like Antiquity For first no sooner had King Ethelbert received the Gospel but presently we read that as well the Clergy as the Laity were summoned to the Common Council which the Saxons sometimes called Mycell Synoth the great Assembly and sometimes Witennegemote the Councel or Assembly of the Wise men of the Realm Anno 605. Ethelbertus Rex in fide corroboratus Catholica c. Cantuariae convocavit Commune Consilium tam Cleri quam Populi King (†) H. Spelman in Conc. p. 116. Ethelbert as my Author hath it being confirmed in the Faith in the year 605. which was but nine years after his Conversion