fancy of the Clerks or Notaries However the last words which are the close of these Grants and Patents are not to be slighted These we may see in that of Cedwalla King of the South-Saxons made to Theodore Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in the year 687. thus For a further confirmation of my grant I Cedwalla have laid a Turf of the Land aforesaid upon the holy Altar of my Saviour And with my own hand being ignorant of Letters have set down and expressed the mark or sign of the Holy Cross. Concerning Withred and a Turf of Land in Kent Camden has the same thing And King Ethelulph is said to have offered his Patent or Deed of Gift on the Altar of the holy Apostle St Peter For a conclusion I know no reason why I may not set underneath the Verses of an old Poet wherein he hath comprised the instrument or Grant of founding an Abby which Ethelbald King of the Mercians gave to Kenulph Abbot of Crowland Verses I say but such as were made without Apollo's consent or knowledge Istum Kenulphum si quis vexaverit Anglus Rex condemno mihi cuncta catella sua Inde meis Monachis de damnis omnibus ultrà Vsque satisfaciat carcere clausus erit Adsunt ante Deum testes hujus dationis Anglorum proceres Pontificesque mei Sanctus Guthlacus Confessor Anachorita Hic jacet in cujus auribus ista loquor Oret pro nobis sanctissimus iste Sacerdos Ad tumbam cujus haec mea dona dedi Which in Rhyme dogrel will run much after this hobling rate If any English vex this Kenulph shall I King condemn to me his Chattels all Thenceforth until my Monks he satisfie For damages in Prison he shall lye Witnesses of this Gift here in Gods sight Are English Peers and Prelates of my Right Saint Guthlac Confessor and Anchoret Lies here in whose Ears these words I speak yet May he pray for us that most holy Priest At whose Tomb these my Gifts I have addrest Thus they closed their Donations or Grants thus we our Remarks of the Saxons being now to pass to the Normans THE SECOND BOOK OF THE ENGLISH JANUS From the NORMAN Conquest to the Death of King Henry II. CHAP. I. William the Conquerour 's Title He bestows Lands upon his followers and brings Bishops and Abbots under Military Service An account of the old English Laws called Merchenlage Danelage and Westsaxen-lage He is prevailed upon by the Barons to govern according to King Edward's Laws and at S. Albans takes his Oath so to do Yet some new Laws were added to those old ones WILLIAM Duke of Normandy upon pretence of a double Right both that of Blood inasmuch as Emme the Mother of Edward the Confessor was Daughter to Richard the first Duke of the Normans and withal that of Adoption having in Battel worsted Harald the Son of Godwin Earl of Kent obtain'd a large Inheritance and took possession of the Royal Government over all England After his Inauguration he liberally bestowed the Lands and Estates of the English upon his fellow-soldiers that little which remained so saith Matthew Paris he put under the yoke of a perpetual servitude Upon which account some while since the coming in of the Normans there was not in England except the King himself any one who held Land by right of Free-hold as they term it since in sooth one may well call all others to a man only Lords in trust of what they had as those who by swearing fealty and doing homage did perpetually own and acknowledge a Superior Lord of whom they held and by whom they were invested into their Estates All Bishopricks and Abbacies which held Baronies and so far forth had freedom from all Secular service the fore-cited Matthew is my Author he brought them under Military service enrolling every Bishoprick and Abbacy according to his own pleasure how many Souldiers he would have each of them find him and his Successors in time of Hostility or War Having thus according to this model ordered the Agrarian Law for the division and settlement of Lands he resolved to govern his Subjects we have it from Gervase of Tilbury by Laws and Ordinances in writing to which purpose hè proposed also the English Laws according to their Tripartite or threefold distinction that is to say Merchenlage Danlage and Westsaxenlage Merchenlage that is the Law of the Mercians which was in force in the Counties of Glocester Worcester Hereford Warwick Oxford Chester Salop and Stafford Danlage that is the Law of the Danes which bore sway in Yorkshire Derby Nottingham Leicester Lincoln Northampton Bedford Buckingham Hertford Essex Middlesex Norfolk Suffolk Cambridge Huntingdon Westsaxenlage that is the Law of the West-Saxons to which all the rest of the thirty two Counties which are all that Malmesbury reckons up in Ethelred's time did belong to wit Kent Sussex Surrey Berks Southampton Winton Somerset Dorset and Devon Some of these English Laws he disliked and laid aside others he approved of and added to them some from beyond Sea out of Neustria he means Normandy which they did of old term Neustria corruptly instead of Westrich as being the more Western Kingdom of the Franks and given by Charles the Simple to Rollo for his Daughter Gilla her portion such of them as seemed most effectual for the preserving of the Kingdoms peace This saith he of Tilbury Now this is no rare thing among Writers for them to devise that William the Conqueror brought in as it were a clear new face of Laws to all intents and purposes 'T is true this must be acknowledg'd that he did make some new ones part whereof you may see in Lambard's Archaeonomia and part of them here subjoyned but so however that they take their denomination from the English rather than from the Normans although one may truly say according to what Lawyers dispute that the English Empire and Government was overthrown by him That he did more especially affect the Laws of the Danes which were not much unlike to those of the Norwegians to whom William was by his Grand-father allied in blood I read in the Annals of Roger Hoveden And that he openly declared that he would rule by them at hearing of which all the great men of the Countrey who had enacted the English Laws were presently struck into dumps and did unanimously petition him That he would permit them to have their own Laws and ancient Customs in which their Fathers had lived and they themselves had been born and bred up in forasmuch as it would be very hard for them to take up Laws that they knew not and to give judgement according to them But the King appearing unwilling and uneasie to be moved they at length prosecuted their purpose beseeching him that for the Soul of King Edward who had after his death given up the Crown and Kingdom to him and whose the Laws were and not any others that were strangers
rules ne gouvernes per la Loy Civil that is inasmuch as the Realm of England was not before this time nor in the intention of our said Lord the King and the Lords of Parliament ever shall be ruled or governed by the Civil Law And hereupon the persons impleaded are sentenced to be banished But here is an end of Stephen He fairly dyed CHAP. X. In King Henry the Seconds time the Castles demolished A Parliament held at Clarendon Of the Advowson and Presentation of Churches Estates not to be given to Monasteries without the Kings leave Clergymen to answer in the Kings Court A Clergyman convict out of the Churches Protection None to go out of the Realm without the Kings leave This Repealed by King John Excommunicate Persons to find Surety Laymen how to be impleaded in the Ecclesiastical Court A Lay-Jury to swear there in what case No Homager or Officer of the Kings to be Excommunicated till He or his Justice be acquainted AT length though late first Henry the Son of Jeoffry Plantagenet Count of Anger 's by the Empress Mawd came to his Grandfatherrs Inheritance Having demolished and levelled to the ground the Castles which had in King Stephen's time been built to the number of eleven hundred and fifteen and having retrieved the right of Majesty into its due bounds he confirmed the Laws of his Grandfather Moreover at Clarendon in Wiltshire near Salisbury John of Oxford being President by the Kings own Mandate there being also present the Arch-Bishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons and Peers of the Realm other Laws are recognized and passed whilst at first those who were for the King on one side those who were for the Pope on the other with might and main stickle to have it go their way these latter pleading that the secular Court of Justice did not at all suit with them upon pretence that they had a priviledge of Immunity But this would not serve their turn for such kind of Constitutions as we are now setting down had the Vogue 44. If any Controversie concerning the Advowson and Presentation of Churches arise betwixt Laymen or betwixt Laymen and Clergymen or betwixt Clergymen among themselves let it be handled and determined in the Court of the Lord our King 45. The Churches which are in the Kings Fee cannot be given to perpetuity without his assent and concession Even in the Saxons times it seems it was not lawful without the Kings favour first obtained to give away Estates to Monasteries for so the old Book of Abington says A Servant of King Ethelred's called Vlfric Spot built the Abby of Burton in Staffordshire and gave to it all his Paternal Estate appraised at seven hundred pounds and that this donation might be good in Law he gave King Ethelred three hundred Marks of Gold for his confirmation of it and to every Bishop five Marks and over and above to Alfric Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Village of Dumbleton 46. Clergymen being arighted and accused of any matter whatsoever having been summoned by the Kings Justice let them come into his Court there to make answer to that of which it shall be thought fit that there answer ought to be made So that the Kings Justice send into the Court of Holy Church to see after what manner the business there shall be handled 47. If a Clergyman shall be convicted or shall confess the Fact the Church ought not from thenceforth to give him protection 48. It is not lawful for Arch-Bishops Bishops and Persons of the Kingdom to go out of the Realm without leave of our Lord the King And if they do go out if the King please they shall give him security that neither in going nor in returning or in making stay they seek or devise any mischief or damage against our Lord the King Whether you refer that Writ we meet with in the Register or Record NE EXEAS REGNVM for Subjects not to depart the Kingdom to this time or instance or with Polydore Virgil to William Rufus or to later times is no very great matter Nor will it be worth our while curiously to handle that question For who in things of such uncertainty is able to fetch out the truth Nor will I abuse my leasure or spend time about things unapproachable An sit hic dubito sed hic tamen auguror esse Says the Poet in another case And so say I. Whether it be here or no Is a Question I confess And yet for all that I trow Here it is too as I guess Out of King John's great Charter as they call it you may also compare or make up this Repeal of that Law in part Let it be lawful henceforward for any one to go out of our Realm and to return safely and securely by Land and by Water upon our Royal word unless in time of War for some short time for the common advantage of the Kingdom excepting those that are imprisoned and out-lawed according to the Law of the Kingdom and any People or Nation that are in actual War against us And Merchants concerning whom let such Order be taken as is afore directed I return to King Henry 49. Excommunicate Persons ought not to give suretiship for the Remainder nor to take an Oath but only to find Surety and Pledge to stand to the Judgment of the Church that they may be absolved 50. Persons of the Laity ought not to be accused or impleaded but by certain and legal Accusers and Witnesses in the presence of the Arch-Bishop or Bishop so that the Arch Deacon may not lose his right nor any thing which he ought to have therefrom 51. If they be such Persons who are in fault as no one will or dare to accuse let the Sheriff being thereunto required by him cause twelve legal men of the Voisinage or of the Village to swear before the Bishop that they will manifest or make known the truth of the matter according to their Conscience 52. Let no one who holds of the King in capite nor any one of the Kings Officers or Servants of his Domain be excommunicated nor the Lands of any of them be put under an Interdict or prohibition unless first our Lord the King if he be in the Land be spoke with or his Justice if he be out of the Land that they may do right by him And so that what shall appertain to the Kings Court may be determined there and as to what shall belong to the Ecclesiastical Court it may be sent thither and there treated of CHAP. XI Other Laws of Church affairs Concerning Appeals A Suit betwixt a Clergyman and a Layman where to be Tryed In what case one who relates to the King may be put under an Interdict The difference betwixt that and Excommunication Bishops to be present at Tryals of Criminals until Sentence of Death c. pass Profits of vacant Bishopricks c. belong to the King The next Bishop to be Chosen in
kings of Luther dede As W. Bastard and his son W. the rede That Luther Laws made inou and held in al the lond The K. nold not beleue the lawes that he fond Ne that his elderne hulde ne the godeman S. Thomas Thought that thing age right neuer law nas Ne sothnes and custom mid strength up ihold And he wist that vre dere Lourd in the Gospel told That he himselfe was sothnes and custum nought Theruore Luther custumes he nould graent nought Ne the K. nould bileue that is elderne ad ihold So that conteke sprung bituene them manifold The K. drou to right law mani Luther custume S. Thomas they withsed and granted some The Lawes that icholle now tell he granted vawe Zuf a yuman hath a sone to clergi idraw He ne sall without is lourdes icrouned nought be Uor yuman ne mai nought be made agen is lourds will free Those that are born Slaves or that other sort of servants termed Villains he calls by the name of Yumen We call free-born Commoners alike as Servants as it were with a badg of ignobleness or ungentility Yeomen and those who of that number are married men Gommen for it was Gomman in the old Dutch not Goodman as we vulgarly pronounce it which signified a married man Words as I am verily perswaded made from the Latin Homines which very word by Ennius and Festus according to the Oscan Idiom is written Hemones and in our Language which comes pretty near that spelling of the Poet Yeomen And the Etymon or Origination of the word it self is very much confirmed by the opinion of some of our own Country Lawyers who take but with a mistake Homines i. e. men that do homage and Nativos i. e. born Slaves in ancient Pleas to be terms equipollent and of the same importance The Constitution of Clarendon style those Rusticks or Countrymen whom he calls Yumen and Rusticks and Villains those among the English were slaves or servants were anciently synonymous words meaning the same thing For whereas Henry Londres Arch Bishop of Dublin had treacherously committed to the flames the Charters of his Rustick Tenants the Free Tenants called him as we read in the Annals of Ireland Scorch-Uillein as if one would say the burner or firer of Villains Nor should I think it unseasonable in this place to take notice of a mistake or oversight of Thomas Spott a Monk of Canterbury who writes that the English before the Norman Conquest knew nothing of private servitude or bondage i. e. had no such thing as Villanage among them For he is convinced both by the Maid of Andover King Edgar's Miss as also by the Laws signed and sealed by King Ina and by that Donation or Grant Torald of Bukâ—nhale made to Walgate Abbot of Crowland wherein among other things a great many servants are mentioned with their whole suits and services Take it also out of the Synod of London Anselme being President of it since here belike there is mention made of Servants That no one henceforward presume to use that ungodly practice which hitherto they were wont in England to do to sell or put to sale men that is Servants like brute Beasts But we do not do civilly to interrupt the Poet We must begin again with him he once more tunes his Pipes Another thing he granted eke as ye mow novise Yuf a man of holi Chirch hath eni lay fee Parson other what he be he ssal do therevore Kings service that there valth that is right ne be vorlore In plaiding and in assise be and in judgement also Bote war man ssal be bilemed other to deth ido He granted eke yuf eni man the Kings traitor were And eni man is chateux to holi chirch bere That holi chirch ne solde nought the chateux there let That the K. there other is as is owne is ne wette Uor all that the felon hath the Kings it is And eche man mai in holi church is owne take iwis He granted eke that a chirche of the Kings fe In none stede ene and ever ne ssold igiue be As to hous of religion without the Kings leve And that he other the patron the gift first gave S. Thomas granted well these and other mo And these other he withsede that did him well woe I. Yuf bituene twei leud men were eni striving Other bituene a leud and a clerc for holi chirch thing As vor vouson of chirch whether shold the chirch giue The K. wold that in his court the ple ssold be driue Uor as much as a leud man that the o parti was Chanliche was under the K. under no bishop nas CHAP. XIII The Poet gives account which of those Laws were granted by Thomas a Becket which withstood Lendemen signifies Laymen and more generally all illiterate Persons THat which this Author of ours calls Leudemen the Interpreters of Law both our Common and the Canon Law call Laicks or Laymen For as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. people as it it is derived by Caesar Germanicus upon Aratus his Phaenomena after Pindar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. from a Stone denotes a hard and promiscuous kind of men so the word Leudes imports the illiterate herd the multitude or rabble and all those who are not taken into holy Orders Justus Lipsius in his Poliorceticks discourses this at large where he searches out the origination of Leodium or Liege the chief City of the Eburones in the Netherlands As to what concerns our language John Gower and Jeoffry Chaucer who were the Reformers and Improvers of the same in Verse do both make it good Thus Jeoffry No wonder is a leude man to rust If a Priest be foule on whom we trust However that it signifies an illiterate or unlearned person as well as one not yet in orders what he saith elsewhere informs us This every leud Uicar and Parson can say And Peter of Blois and others use this expression as well Laymen as Scholars But let not Chaucer take it ill that here he must give way to our Glocester Muse. II. Another was that no clâ—re ne bishop nath mo Ne ssolde without Kings loue out of the lond go And that hii ssolde suere up the boke ywis That hii ne sold purchas no uvel the K. ne none of is III. The thrid was yuf eni man in mausing were I brought And suth come to amendment ne age were nought That he ne suore â—p the boc ac borowes find solde To stand to that holy Chirch there of him toky wold IV. The verth was that no man that of the K. huld ought In cheife or in eni servise in mausing were ibrought Bote the wardeins of holy chirch that brought him thereto The K. sede or is bailifes wat he ad misdo And loked verst were thei to amendment it bring And vote hii wolde by their leue do the mausing V. The vist was that
or Borough and before lawful men he cannot deny it afterwards before the Justices And if the same person without Seisin with Seisin in this place is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as we commonly say in our Language taken with the manner shall recognize or acknowledge any thing of this nature before them this also in like manner he shall not be able to deny before the Justices 70. If any one shall dye holding in Frank Pledge i. e. having a free Tenure let his heirs remain in such Seisin as their Father had on the day he was alive and dyed of his fee and let them have his Chattels out of which they may make also the devise or partition of the deceased that is the sharing of his goods according to his will and afterwards may require of their Lord and do for their relief and other things which they ought to do as touching their Fee i. e. in order to their entring upon the estate 71. If the heir be under age let the Lord of the Fee take his homage and have him in custody or keeping for as long time as he ought let the other Lords if there be more of them take his homage and let him do to them that which he ought to do 72. Let the Wife of the deceased have her Dowry and that part of his Chattels which of right comes to her In former times peradventure it was a like generally practised by the English that the Wife and Children should have each their lawful Thirds of the estate each of them I say if they were in being but half to the Wife if there were no issue and as much to the Children if the Wife did not survive her Husband as it was practised by the Romans of old according to the Falcidian Law and of later time by the Novells of Justinian that they should have their Quarter-part For I see that those of Normandy of Arras of Ireland people that lay round about them had the same custom Of this you are to see Glanvill Bracton the Register of Briefs or Writs and William Lindwood beside the Records or yearly Reports of our Law 73. Let the Justices take the Fealties of our Lord the King before the close of Easter and at furthest before the close of Pentecost namely of all Earls Barons Knights and Free-holders and even of Rusticks or Vassals such as have a mind to stay in the Realm and he who will not do fealty let him be taken into custody as an enemy of our Lord the King 74. The Justices have also this to give in charge that all those who have not as yet done their homage and allegiance to our Lord the King do at a term of time which they shall name to them come in and do homage and allegiance to the King as to their Liege Lord. 75. Let the Justices do all acts of Justice and rights belonging to our Lord the King by a Writ of our Lord the King or of them who shall be in his place or stead as to a half-Knights fee and under a Knights fee in an old Book which pretends to more antiquity by far than it ought concerning the manner of holding Parliaments is said to be twenty pounds worth of Land in yearly revenue but the number prefixt before the Red Book of the Exchequer goes at the rate of Six Hundred and Eighty Acres unless the complaint be of that great concern that it cannot be determined without our Lord the King or of that nature that the Justices by reason of their own doubting refer it to him or to those who shall be in his place and stead Nevertheless let them to the utmost of their ability intend and endeavour the service and advantage of our Lord the King 76. Let the Justices provide and take care that the Castles already demolisht be utterly demolished and that those that are to be demolished be well levelled to the ground And if they shall not do this our Lord the King may please to have the judgement of his Court against them as against those who shew contempt of his Precept 77. A Thief or Robber as soon as he is taken let him be put into the Sheriffs hands to be kept in safe custody and if the Sheriff shall be out of the way let him be carried or brought to the next Constable of a Castle and let him have him in custody until he deliver him up to the Sheriff 78. Let the Justices according to the custom of the Land cause inquiry to be made of those who have departed or gone out of the Realm And if they shall refuse to return within a term of time that shall be named and to stand to right in the Kings Court i. e. to make their appearance and there to answer if any thing shall be brought in against them let them after that be outlawed and the names of the Outlaws be brought at Easter and at the Feast of St. Michael to the Exchequer and from thence be sent to our Lord the King These Laws were agreed upon at Northampton CHAP. XVIII Some Laws in favour of the Clergy Of forfeitures on the account of Forest or hunting Of Knights fees Who to bear Arms and what Arms. Arms not to be alienated No Jew to bear Arms. Arms not to be carryed out of England Rich men under suspicion to clear themselves by Oath Who allowed to swear against a Free-man Timber for building of Ships not to be carryed out of England None but Free-men to bear Arms. Free-men who Rusticks or Villains not such 79. THat henceforth a Clergy-man be not dragg'd and drawn before a Secular Judge personally for any crime or transgression unless it be for Forest or a Lay-fee out of which a Lay-service is due to the King or to some other Secular Lord. This priviledge of the Clergy the King granted to Hugh the Popes Cardinal Legate by the Title of S. Michael à Petra who arrived here on purpose to advance the Popish interest 80. Furthermore that Arch-Bishopricks Bishopricks or Abbacies be not held in the Kings hand above a year unless there be an evident cause or an urgent necessity for it 81. That the Murderers or Slayers of Clergy-men being convicted or having confest before a Justice or Judge of the Realm be punished in the presence of the Bishop 82. That Clergy-men be not obliged to make Duel i. e. not to clear themselves as others upon some occasion did by single combat 83. He ordained at Woodstock we transcribe these words out of Hoveden that whosoever should make a forfeit to him concerning his Forest or his hunting once he should be tyed to find safe Pledges or Sureties and if he should make a second forfeit in like manner safe Pledges should be taken of him but if the same person should forfeit the third time then for his third forfeit no pledges should be taken but the proper body of him who made the forfeit Moreover
former Authors Herbert of Doseham William a Monk of Canterbury John of Salisbury and Alan Abbot of Teukesbury into a just Volume collected Huic libello nostro saith the Author that you may know what work they make here inserere studuimus funestum illud famosum Decreti Chirographum consuetudines viz. illas regias apud Clarendonam promulgatas quas ideò hic interseruimus ut legant secula post futura hinc cognoscant quà m justa quà m perspicua fuerit gloriosi Neomartyris Thomae primò Exilii pòst Martyrii causa What contention after confirmation by Oath of the whole Baronage grew hereupon 'twixt the King and that Canonized Arch-Bishop is in every Chronologer of those times enough declared But it cannot be ungratefully received if both for respect to an old English endeavouring Wit and also for matter form and phrase of relation out of Robert of Glocester be made this superaddition No man ne might thenche the love that there was Bitwene the K. H. and the gode man S. Thomas The diuel had enui therto and set bitwen them feu Alas alas thulke stond vor all to well it greu Uor there had ere ibe kings of Luther dede As W. Bastard and his son W. the rede That Luther Laws made inou and held in al the lond The K. uold not beleue the lawes that he fond Ne that his elderne bulde ne the godeman S. Thomas Thought that thing age right neuer law uas Ne sothnes and custom mid strength up ihold And he wist that vre dere Lourd in the Gospel told That he himselfe was sothnes and custum nought Theruore Luther custumes he uould graent nought Ne the K. uould bileue that is elderne ad ihold So that conteke sprung bituene them manifold The K. drou to right law mani Luther custume S. Thomas thom withsed and granted some The Lawes that icholle now tell he granted vawe Zuf a yuman hath a sone to clergi idraw He ne sall without is lourdes icrouned nought be Uor yuman ne mai nought be made agen is lourds will free In the eighteenth of Clarendon Customs is the substance of this particular wher 's Rusticorum interpreted Yumen in this Poet is mentioned To both as a Synonymy is homines used as well in the Law-Annals of later times and in Writs of Ven. fac xii tam milites quam alios liberos legales homines de vicineto c. as in older Constitutions before expressed Gemen is the common allowed Saxon root whence our now usual name of Yeoman had his beginning but my conceit with a painted imposture deceives me if the ancient Latin be not Father of both but in a Dialect different Nor let it be a fault ad Appios Coruncas redire some taste in Yeomen is of Homines but more of Hemones which in Ennius and Festus is not otherwise significant than Themen in English altered only in Character in gemen the Saxon word But to my Law-rhythms again Another thing he granted eke as ye mow nouise Yuf a man of holi Chirch hath eni lay fee Parson other what he be he ssal do therevore Kings service that there ualth that is right ne be vorlore In plaiding and in assise be and in judgement also Bote war man ssal be bilemed other to deth ido He granted eke yuf eni man the Kings traitor were And eni man is chateux to holi chirch bere That holi chirch ne solde nought the chateux there let That the K. there other is as is owne is ne wette Uor all that the felon hath the Kings it is And eche man mai in holi church is owne take iwis He granted eke that a chirche of the Kings fe In none stede ene and ever ne ssold igiue be As to hous of religion without the Kings leve And that he other the patron the gift first gave S. Thomas granted well these and other mo And these other he withsede that did him well woe I. Yuf bituene twei leud men were eni striving Other bituene a leud and a clerc for holi chirch thing As vor vouson of chirch whether shold the chirch give The K. wold that in his court the ple ssold be driue Uor as much as a leud man that the o parti was Chanliche was under the K. under no bishop nas What he styles Lewedmen is by our common phrase Lay-men Leudes in the old Teutonique and Saxon as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. a Stone referred as Pindar hath it to that mythick instauration of hard mankind by Deucalion and Pyrrha is equivalent to the Multitude or common people in the present English For yef a Priest be foule on whome we trust No wonder is a leude man to rust But then the ignorant are by it noted rather than who are not Clerks For the same Jeoffrey in another place saith This every leud Uicar and Parson can say Robert of Glocester speaks again II. Another was no bishop ne clerc nathe mo Ne ssolde without Kings leue out of this lond go And than hii ssolde suere upe the boke ywis That hii ne sold purchas no uvel the K. ne none of is III. The thrid was yuf eni man in mausing were ibrought And suth come to amendment ne age were nought That he ne suore up the boc ac borowes find solde To stand to that holy Chirch there of him toky wold IV. The verth was that no man that of the K. huld ought In cheife or in eni servise in mausing were ibrought Bote the wardeins of holy chirch that brought him thereto The K. sede or is bailifes wat be ad misdo And loked verst were thei to amendment it bring And vote hii wolde by their leue do the mausing V. The vist was that Bishoprikes and Abbeis also That vacans were of prelas in the K. hand were ido And that the K. sold all the land as is owne take Uort at last that him lust eni prelat there make And than thulke prelat sould in is chapel ichose be Of is clarks which he wuld to such prelate bise And than wan he were ichose in is chapel right there Homage he solde him do ar he confirmed were VI. The sixt was yuf eni play to chapitle were idraw And eni man made is appele yuf me dude him unlaw That to the Bishop from Ercedeken is appele sold make And from Bishop to Arcebissop and suth none other take And but the Ercebissops court to right him wold bring That he sold from him be cluthe bivore the King And from the K. non other mo so that attan end Plaining of holi chirch to the K. shold wend. And the K. amend solde the Ercebissops dede And be as in the Popes stede and S. Thomas it withsede VII The seuenthe was that plaiding that of det were To yeld wel thoru truth iplight and nought ihold nere Althei thoru truth
one should be suspected of Larceny or Thest he might in his own Hundred or Ward being either condemned or giving security in some Manuscripts it is being acquitted he might either incur or avoid the deserved penalty William of Malmsbury adds to this that he that could not find security was afraid of the severity of the Laws and if any guilty person either before his giving security or after should make his escape all of that Hundred and Tything should incur the Kings fine Here we have the Original of Decenna or a Court-leet of Friburg and perhaps of Mainpast Which things though grown out of use in the present Age yet are very often mentioned not only in the Confessors Laws but also in Bracton and in other Records of our Law What Decenna was the word it self does almost shew And Ingulph makes out that is a Dousin or Courtleet Friburg or Borgh signifies a Surety for Fri is all one as free He who passes his word for anothers good behaviour or good a bearing and is become his security is said to have such a one in his Borgh Being ingaged upon this account to the Government to answer for him if he misbehave himself And hence it is that our people in the Country call those that live near them or as I may say at the next door Neighbours When yet those that would find out the reason why the people of Liege in the Low Countries are called Eburones do understand that Burgh which is the same as Borgh to stand for a Neighbour and this is plainly affirmed by Pontus Heuterus in other Originations of the like kind Manupastus is the same thing as a Family As if one would say fed by hand Just in the like sence Julius Pollux in Greek terms a Master of a Family Trophimos that is the feeder of it That the Rights of Friburg and Manupast were in use with the English some five or six Generations ago is manifest Curio a Priest is fined by Edward the third because there had been one of his Family a Murderer And the ancient Sheets concerning the Progress or Survey of Kent under Edward the second do give some light this way Ralph a Milner of Sandon and Roger a Boy of the said Ralph in Borgh of Twicham Critick whoever you are I would not have you to laugh at this home-spun Dialect came by night to the Mill of Harghes and then and there murdered William the Milner and carried away his Goods and Chattels and presently fled It is not known whither they are gone and the Jury mistrusts them the said Ralph and Roger concerning the death of the aforesaid William therefore let them be driven out and out-lawed They had no Chattels but the aforesaid Ralph was in Borgh of Simon Godwin of Twicham who at present has him not and therefore lies at mercy And Roger was not in Borgh but was of the Mainpast of Robert Arch-Bishop of Canterbury deceased there being no Engleshire presented the Verdit is the murder upon the Hundred The first discoverer of it and three Neighbours are since dead and Thomas Broks one of the Neighbours comes and is not mistrusted and the Villages of Wimesbugewelle and Egestoun did not come fully to the Coroners Inquest and are therefore at mercy And about the same time Solomon Rois of Ickham came to the House of Alice the Daughter of Dennis Whenes and beat her and struck her upon the Belly with a staff so that she dyed presently And the foresaid Solomon presently fled and the Jury mistrust him concerning the death aforesaid therefore let him be driven out and be outlawed He had no Chattels nor was he in Borgh because a Vagrant The Verdit the murder lies upon the Hundred c. And according to this form more such Instances But let it suffice to have hinted at these things adding out of Henry Bracton If out of Frank-pledge an Offender be received in any Village the Village shall be at mercy unless he that fled be such an one that he ought not to be in Leet and Frank-pledge as Nobles Knights and their Parents their eldest Sons it is in the yearly Records of Law in Edward the first 's time and we may take in Daughters too a Clergy-man a Freeman I fear this word has crept in and the like according to the custom of the Country and in which case he of whose Family and Mainpast they were shall be bound in some parts and shall answer for them unless the custom of the Country be otherways that he ought not to answer for his Mainpast as it is in the County of Hertford where a man does not answer for his Mainpast for any offence unless he return after Felony or he receive him after the offence committed as in the Circuit of M. de Pateshull in the County of Hertford in such a year of King Henry the fifth In sooth these usages do partly remain in our Tythings and Hundreds not at all hitherto repealed or worn out of fashion CHAP. XXIV King Alfred first appointed Sheriffs By Duns Scotus his advice he gave Order for the breeding up of Youth in Learning By the way what a Hide of Land is King Edgar's Law for Drinking Prelates investiture by the Kings Ring and Staff King Knute's Law against any English-man that should kill a Dane Hence Englescyre The manner of Subscribing and Sealing till Edward the Confessor's time King Harald's Law that no Welch-man should come on this side Offa's Dike with a weapon 36. THe Governors of Provinces who before were styled Deputy-Lieutenants we return to Ingulph and King Alfred He divided into two Offices that is into Judges whom we now call Justices and into Sheriffs who do still retain the same name Away then with Polydore Virgil who fetches the first Sheriffs from the Norman Conqueror 37. John Scot Erigena advised the King that he would have his Subjects instructed in good Letters and that to that end he would by his Edict take care of that which might be for the benefit of Learning Whereupon he gave strict order to all Freemen of the whole Kingdom who did at least possess two Hides of Land that they should hold and keep their Children till the time of fifteen years of their Age to learning and should in the mean time diligently instruct them to know God A Hide of Land that I may note it once for all and a Plough-Land that is as much Land as can be well turned up and tilled with one Plough every year are read as synonymous terms of the same sence in Huntingdon Matthew Paris Thomas Walsingham and expresly in a very old Charter of Dunstan Although some take a Hide for an hundred Acres and others otherwise do thou if thou hadst rather so do fansie it to be as much ground as one can compass about with a Bull-hide cut into Thongs as Queen Dido did at Carthage There are some who are not unwilling
nor upon the death of Arch-Bishop or Bishop or Abbot will I take any thing of the domain of the Church or of the men thereof till a Successor enter upon it And all evil Customs wherewith the Kingdom of England was unjustly oppressed I do henceforward take away which evil usages I do here in part set down 18. If any one of my Barons Counts or others that hold of me shall dye his Heir shall not redeem his Land as he was wont to do in the time of my Father but relieve it with a lawful and due relief In like manner also shall the Homagers or Tenants of my Barons relieve their Lands from their Lords with a lawful and just relief It appears that in the times of the Saxons a Hereot was paid to the Lord at a Tenants death upon the account of provision for War for here in Saxon signifies an Army and that which in our memory now in French is called a Relief Henry of Bracton sayes 't is an engagement to recognize the Lord doth bear a resemblance of the ancient Hereot Thereupon it is a guess saith William Lambard that the Normans being Conquerors did remit the Hereot to the Angles whom they had conquered and stripped of all kind of Armour and that for it they exacted money of the poor wretches To this agrees that which is mentioned in the State of England concerning the Nobles of Berkshire A Tain or Knight of the Kings holding of him did at his death for a Relief part with all his Arms to the King and one Horse with a Saddle and another without a Saddle And if he had Hounds or Hawks they were presented to the King that if he pleased he might take them And in an ancient Sanction of Conrade the First Emperour of Germany If a Souldier that is Tenant or Lessee happen to dye let his Heir have the Fee so that he observe the use of the greater Vavasors in giving his Horses and Arms to the Seniors or Lords John Mariana takes notice that the word Seniors in the Vular Languages Spanish Italian and French signifies Lords and that to have been in use from the time of Charlemain's Reign But these things you may have in more plenty from the Feudists those who write concerning Tenures 19. If any of my Barons or other men Homagers or Tenants of mine I return to King Henry's Charter shall have a mind to give his Daughter or Sister or Niece or Kinswoman in marriage let him speak with me about it But neither will I take any thing of his for this leave and licence nor will I hinder him from betrothing her except he shall have a design of giving her to an enemy of mine 20. If upon the death of a Baron or any other Homager of mine there be left a Daughter that is an Heiress I will bestow her with the advice of my Barons together with her Land 21. If upon the death of the Husband his Wife be left without Children she shall have her Dowry and right of Marriage as long as she shall keep her body according to Law and I will not bestow her but according to her own liking And if there be Children either the Wife or some one else near of kin shall be their Guardian and Trustee of their Land who ought to be just 22. I give order that my Homagers do in like manner regulate themselves towards the Sons and Daughters and Wives of their Homagers 23. The common Duty of Money or Coinage which was taken through all Cities and Counties which was not in the time of King Edward I do utterly forbid that henceforward this be no more done 24. If any one of my Barons or Homagers shall be sick and weak according as he himself shall give or order any one to give his money I grant it so to be given but if he himself being prevented either by Arms or by Sickness hath neither given his money nor disposed of it to give then let his Wife or Children or Parents and his lawful Homagers for his souls health divide it as to them shall seem best And in Canutus his Laws Let the Lord or Owner at his own discretion make a just distribution of what he hath to his Wife and Children and the next of kin But at this time and long since Church men have been as it were the Distributors and Awarders of the Goods of such persons as dye Intestate or without making their Wills and every Bishop as Ordinary in his own Diocess is the chief Judge in these cases John Stratford Arch-Bishop of Canterbury saith it and it is averred in the Records of our Law that this Jurisdiction also concerning Wills was of old long time ago in an ancient Constitution intrusted to the Church by the consent of the King and Peers However in what Kings time this was done neither does he relate nor do I any where find as William Lindwood in his Provincial acknowledgeth It is a thing very well known that after Tryal of right Wills were wont to be opened in the Ecclesiastical Court even in the Reign of Henry the Second Ralph Glanvill is my witness contrary to what order was taken in the Imperial Decrees of the Romans And peradventure it will appear so to have been before Glanvill as he will tell you if you go to him although you have quoted by my self some where a Royal Rescript or Order to a High Sheriff That he do justly and without delay cause to stand i. e. appoint and confirm a reasonable share to such an one that is that the Legatee may obtain and enjoy his right what was bequested to him by the Sheriffs help I come back now to my track again 25. If any one of my Barons or Homagers shall make a forfeit he shall not give a pawn in the scarcity of his money as he did in the time of my Brother or my Father but according to the quality of his forfeiture nor shall he make amends as he would have done heretofore in my Brothers or Fathers time 26. If he shall be convicted of perfidiousness or of foul misdemeanors as his fault shall be so let him make amends 27. The Forests by the common advice of my Barons I have kept in mine own hand in the same manner as my Father had them 28. To those Souldiers or Knights who hold and maintain their Lands by Coats of Male that is per fee de Hauberke that they may be ready to attend their Lords with Habergeons or Coats of Male compleatly armed Cap a pee I grant the Plough-lands of their Domains acquitted from all Gelds and from every proper Gift of mine that as they are eased from so great a Charge and Grievance so they may furnish themselves well with Horse and Arms that they may be fit and ready for my service and for the defence of my Realm 29. I restore unto you the Law of King Edward with other amendments
Edward the Confessor and Mr. Camden mentions a dwelling of his upon this account called Plaiffy in the County of Middlesex He of Ely sets him out for a Great and Mighty Man in the Kingdom And indeed formerly that Magistrate had great power which was formidable even to Kings themselves They who deny there were any Chancellors before the coming in of the Normans are hugely mistaken Nor are they disproved only out of the Grant of Edward the Confessor to the Abbot of Westminster which I am beholden to Mr. Lambard for at the bottom of which these words are set down I Syward Publick Notary instead of Rembald the Kings Majesties Chancellor have written and subscribed this paper but also out of Ingulph who makes mention of Farketulus some while after that Abbot of Crowland Chancellor of King Edred by whose Decree and Counsel were to be handled treated whatsoever businesses they were Temporal or Spiritual that did await the Judgement of the King and being thus treated of by him might irrefragably stand good And Francis Thinn that Learned Antiquary has reckoned up several who have discharged this Office as Turketill to King Ethelbald Swithin Bishop of Winchester to King Egbert Vlfin to King Athelstan Adulph to King Edgar Alsy Abbot and Prelate of Ely to King Ethelred Concerning which Office and the Seals which the Chancellor in old time had the keeping of I had rather you would consult with Camden's Tribunals or Seats of Justice and those things which John Budden at Wainfleet Doctor of Laws has brought out of the Archives into his Palingenesia than seek them at my hands As for Treasurers Dunstan was so to King Edred and Hugolin to the Confessor But that fifth title of Alderman of England is an unusual one Yet if I don't mistake my self he was the Chief President in Tryals at Law and an Officer to keep all quiet at home the same as now perhaps is commonly called the Lord Chief Justice of England This remarkable name I do not meet with neither in the Monkish Chronologers which are to be had at the Shops nor in the Records of our Laws But a private History of the Abbey of Ramsey in Huntingdon-shire has given us notice of one Ailwins Tomb with this Inscription HIC REQUIESCIT AILWINUS INCLITI REGIS EADGARI COGNATUS TOTIUS ANGLIAE ALDERMANNUS ET HUJUS SACRI COENOBII MIRACULOSUS FUNDATOR that is Here resteth Ailwin Kinsman of the Renowned King Edgar Alderman of all England and the miraculous Founder of this Sacred Monastery And by reason of his great Authority and Favour which he had with the King by a Nick name they called him Healfkoning i. e. Half-King Now Henry of Huntingdon sayes that Tostius Earl or to use his phrase Consul of Northumberland and Harald Sons of Godwin Earl of Kent were Justices of the Realm Aldermen may aptly be termed by the word Senators Those Judges did exercise a delegated power throughout the Provinces called Counties or Shires and the Graves an under-delegated power from them The word is as much as Governours and is the same thing as in High Dutch Grave in Landgrave Burgrave Palsgrave c. and what amongst some of our own people Reev We shall call them both as that Age did in a Latin term the one Comites i. e. Counts or Earls the other Vicecomites that is Viscounts or Sheriffs The name of Count is every where met with amongst the most ancient of the Monks which yet does very often pass into that of Duke in the subscription of Witnesses And in the Charter of the Foundation of Chertsey Abby in Surrey Frithwald stiles himself subregulus i.e. an under Kingling or petty Vice-Roy to Wulpher King of the Mercians make no question of it he meant he was a Count. A Viscount and a Vice-Lord are more than very like they are the very same Ingulph sayes it above And in the last hand-writing of King Edred we have I Bingulph Vice-Lord advised it I Alfer Viscount heard it These Counts and Viscounts or Earls and Sheriffs had in their Counties their several Courts both for private and for publick matters For private affairs they had every Month a Meeting called the County Court Let every Grave as we have it in Edward the Elder 's Laws every fourth Week convene and meet the people in Assembly let him do equal right to every one and determine and put an end to all Suits and Quarrels when the appointed days shall come For publick business King Edgar ordered the Court of Inquests or Inquiries called Tourn le Uiscount Let a Convention or Meeting be held twice every year out of every County at which let the Bishop of that Diocess and the Senator i. e. the Alderman be present the one to teach the people the Laws of God the other the Laws of the Land What I have set down in William the First at the end of the fourth Chapter of this second Book you ought to consider of here again in this place The inhabitants did not meet at this Court of Inquests at any season promiscuously and indifferently but as it is very well known by the use and ancient Constitutions of the Realm within a Month either after Easter or after Michaelmas In which Court seeing that not only the Count as now a dayes the Viscount or Sheriff does but also the Bishop did preside it does not at all seem difficult to trace the very original of this temporary Law That peradventure was the Synod of Antioch held in Pope Julius the First 's time and acknowledged in the sixth General Council held at Constantinople In this latter there are expresly and plainly two Councils or Meetings of the Bishops to be kept every year within three Weeks after Easter and about the middle of October if there be any small difference in the time it can be no great matter of mistake You may help your self to more other things of meaner note out of what has been said before about Hundreds Bourghs and the like And this may serve in brief for the Saxons who were entrusted with the care of their Laws CHAP. XXI Of the Norman Earls Their Fee Their power of making Laws Of the Barons i.e. Lords of Manours Of the Court-Baron It s rise An instance of it out of Hoveden Other Offices much alike with the Saxons I Shall be briefer concerning the Normans I mean their Earls and Barons Their Counts or Earls before the Conquest except those of Leicester and perchance some others were but Officers and not as yet hereditary When William bore the sway they began to have a certain Fee and a descent of Patrimony having together with their Title assigned to them a third part of the Revenues or Rents which did arise out of the whole County to the Exchequer This custom is clear enough in Gervase of Tilbury in the case of Richard de Redueriis made Earl of Devonshire by Henry the
altered being taken for the best Chattle that the Tenant hath at the hour of his death due to the Lord by custom be it Horse Ox c. That Hereot and Relief do not signifie the same thing appears by this that they are both often sound to be paid out of one and the same Tenure and again that the heir alway succeeds into the Estate upon the payment of the Relief but not alwayes upon the payment of the Hereot Lin. 42. In French is called a Relief From the Verb Relever to raise again and take up the Estate which had faln into the Lords hand by the death of the Ancestor It is a summ of money which the new Homager when he is come to age payes to the Lord for his admission or at his entrance into the estate Whence by the old Civilians 't is called Introitus and in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This summ was moderately set wherein it differed from Ransom which was much more severe The Kings rates upon his Homagers were thus An Earls heir was to give an hundred Pounds a Barons an hundred Marks a Knights an hundred Shillings at most and those of lesser estate less according to the ancient custom of their Tenures as Spelman quotes it out of the Charter of Henry the Third Pag. 61. lin 11. Of the greater Uavasors They were a sort of Gentlemen next in degree to the Barons They did not hold immediately of the King but of some Duke Marquess or Earl And those that held from them again were called Valvasini or the lesser Vavasors There is little certainty what their Offices or Priviledges were or indeed whence they were so called whether qu. ad valvas stantes or valvae assidentes for their sitting or standing at their Lords door if those of that quality did so as some would have it or that they kept the doors or entrances of the Kingdom against the enemies as Spelman sayes or whether from Vassalâ—i as the Feudists derive the name from that inferiour Tenure they had mediately from the King by his great Lords which seems the more likely because these greater Vavasors who did so hold are sometimes termed Valvasores regii and Vassi dominici that is the Kings Vassals Lin. 27. Her Dowry and right of Marriage In the Latin it is dotem suam maritagium Now Dos is otherwise taken in the English than in the Roman Laws not for that which the man receives with his Wife at marriage a Portion but for that which the Woman hath left her by her Husband at his death a Dowry And Maritagium is that which is given to a Man with his Wife so that 't is the same as Dos among the Romans saith Spelman But this is too general I think that the man should be obliged to return at his death all to his Wife that he had with her beside leaving her a Dowry I am therefore rather inclined to Cowell who tells us Maritagium signifies Land bestowed in marriage which it seems by this Law was to return to the Wife if her Husband dyed before her The word hath another sense also which doth not belong to this place being sometime taken for that which Wards were to pay to the Lord for his leave and consent that they might marry themselves which if they did against his consent it was called Forfeiture of marriage Lin. 35. The common Duty of Money or Coinage So I render the word Monetagium For it appears that in ancient times the Kings of England had Mints in most of the Countreys and Cities of this Realm See Cowell in the word Moniers For which priviledge 't is likely they paid some duty to the chief place of the Mint Thus in Doomâ—sday we read as Spelman quotes it that in the City Winecestre every Monyer paid twenty shillings to London and the reason given pro cuneis monetae accipiendis for having Stamps or Coins of Money For from this Latin word Cuneus which our Lawyers have turned into Cuna from whence the Verb Cunare comes our English word Coyn. Now it is more than probable that the Officers of the Chief Mint might by their exactions upon the inferiour Mints give occasion for the making of this Law Lin. 42. Or Children or Parents By Parent here we are to understand not a Father or Mother but a Cousin one a-kin as the word signifies in French and as it is used in our Laws And indeed the Latin word it self began to have that sense put upon it in vulgar speech toward the declension of the Empire as Lampridius informs us Pag. 62. lin 21. A pawn in the scarcity of his money That is if he were not able to pay his forfeit in specie i. e. to lay down the money he was to give security by a pawn of some of his Goods or Chattels See Cowell in the word Gage This in Latin is called Vadium a pawn or pledge from Vas vadis a surety Hence Invadiare to pawn or ingage a thing by way of security till a debt be paid Lin. 23. Nor shall he make amends From the French amende in our Law-Latin emenda which differs from a Fine or mulct in this that the Fine was given to the Judge but Amends was to be made to the Party aggriev'd Now there were three sorts of this Amende the Greater which was like a full Forfeiture the Mid-one at reasonable terms and the Least or Lowest which was like a gentle Amercement This distinction will help to explain the meaning of this Law L. 30. Per fée de Hauberke This in Latin is called Feudum Hauberticum i. e. Loricatum sayes Hotoman from the French word Haubert that is a Coat of Mail when a Vassal holds Land of the Lord on this condition that when he is called he be ready to attend his Lord with a Coat of Mail or compleat Armour on Now Haubert as Spelman tells us properly signifies a High Lord or Baron from Haut or hault high and Ber the same as Baro a Man or Baron And because these great Lords were obliged by their place and service to wait upon the King in his Wars on Horse-back with compleat Armour and particularly with a Coat of Mail on hence it came sayes he that the Coat of Mail it self was also called Haubert though he doth afterward acknowledge that the word is extended to all other Vassals who are under that kind of Tenure But then at last he inclines to think that the true ancient writing of the word is Hauberk not Haubert as it were Hautberg i. e. the chief or principal piece of Armour and Berg he will have to signifie Armour as he makes out in some of its compounds Bainberg Armour for the Legs and Halsberg Armour for the Neck and Breast and derives it from the Saxon Beorgan i. e. to arm to defend Add to this saith he that the French themselves and we from them call it an Haubergeon as it were Haubergium Lin. 33. From
we find there Centum solidi dentur vel marca auri where if solidi stand for shillings for they may be taken for soulx as the French call them a Mark of Gold is made of equal value with 5 l. Sterling And thus three hundred Marks of Gold come to Fifteen hundred pound I confess after all most of these accounts of the Mark Gold or Silver may be admitted of as having possibly at some time or other been true since mony both in its Coyns and Summs hath in several Ages of the World risen and fallen according to its plenty or scarcity Lin. 42. Being arighted and accused of any matter Or rather in the Law-spelling arrested in Latin rectatus that is ad rectum vocatus convened before a Magistrate and charged with a crime Thus ad rectum habere is in Bracton to have a man forth coming so as he may be charged and put upon his tryal It may be also rendred taken upon suspicion It is written sometime retatus and irretitus Pag. 70. lin 33. To give suretiship for the Remainder I confess I do not well know how to apply to this place that sense which our Common Law takes the word Remainder in for a power or hope to enjoy Lands Tenements or Rents after anothers estate or term expired when an estate doth not revert to the Lord or Granter of it but remains to be enjoyed by some third person What if we say that as Bishops could not because their estates are of Alms grant any part of their Demeans ad remanentiam for ever or to perpetuity so here Excommunicate persons were not obliged dare vadium ad remanentiam to find sureties for continuance or for perpetuity that is for their future good behaviour but only to stand to the judgement of the Church in that particular case for which they were at present sentenced CHAP. XI Pag. 72. lin 24. If a Claim or Suit shall arise In the Latin si calumnia emerserit a known and frequent word in our Law which signifies a Claim or Challenge otherwise termed clameum Lin. 37. Till it shall by Plea be deraigned or dereyned which is in French dereyné in the Latin disrationatum which as it hath several significations in Law so here it imports after a full debate and fair hearing the determination of the matter by the judgement of the Court. CHAP. XII Pag. 75. lin 2. By the name of Yumen The same say some as the Danes call yong men Others derive the word from the Saxon geman or the old Dutch Gemen that is common and so it signifies a Commoner Sir Tho. Smith calls him Yoman whom our Laws term legalem hominem a Free-man born so Camden renders it by Ingenuus who is able to spend of his own free Land in yearly Revenue to the summ of Forty Shillings such as we now I suppose call Free-holders who have a Voice at the Election of Parliament-men But here the word is taken in a larger sense so as to include servile Tenure also or Villenage CHAP. XIII Pag. 77. lin 5. Leude-men From the Saxon Leod the common people It signified in Law a Subject a Liege man a Vassal a Tenant hence in High-dutch a Servant was called Leute in Old English a Lout But in common acception Lewd was formerly taken for a Lay-man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of the people or for any illiterate person Now it is used to denote one who is wicked or loose and debauched CHAP. XIV Pag. 79. lin 8. The States of the Kingdom the Baronage He means the whole Parliament and not only the House of Lords by the word Baronage For though by Barons now we properly understand the Peers of the Realm yet anciently all Lords of Manours those who kept Court-Baron were styled Barons Nay Spelman tells us that all Free-holders went by that name before the Free-holds were quit letted out into such small pittances as now they are while Noble-men kept their Lands in their own hands and managed them by their Vassals Cowell gives this further account of those Lords of Manours that he had heard by men very learned in our Antiquities that near after the Conquest all such came to Parliament and sate as Nobles in the Upper House But as he goes on when by experience it appeared that the Parliament was too much pestered with such multitudes it grew to a custom that none should come but such as the King for their extraordinary wisdom or quality thought good to call by Writ which Writ ran hâc vice tantùm that is only for this turn So that then it depended wholly upon the Kings pleasure And then he proceeds to shew how after that they came to be made Barons by Letters Patents and the Honour to descend to their posterity Lin. 27. By way of safe pledge That is to oblige them to give security for the parties appearance against the day assigned who in case of default were to undergo the dammage and peril of it Pag. 80. lin 7. St. Peter's pence These Peter-pence were also called in Saxon Romescot and Romefeoh that is a Tribute or Fee due to Rome and Rome-penny and Hearth-penny It was paid yearly by every Family a Penny a house at the Feast of S. Peter ad Vincula on the first day of August It was granted first sayes our Author out of Malmesbury by Ina or Inas King of the West-Saxons when he went on Pilgrimage to Rome in the year of our Lord 720. But there is a more clear account given by Spelman in the word Romascot that it was done by Offa King of the Mercians out of an Author that wrote his Life And it is this That Offa after thirty six years Reign having vowed to build a Stately Monastery to the memory of St. Alban the British Protomartyr he went on Pilgrimage to Rome Adrian the First then Pope to beg Indulgences and more than ordinary Priviledges for the intended work He was kindly received and got what he came for and the next day going to see an English School that had been set up at Rome he for the maintenance of the poor English in that School gave a Penny for every house to be paid every year throughout his Dominion which was no less than three and twenty Shires at that time only the Lands of S. Alban excepted And this to be paid at the Feast of S. Peter because he found the body of the Martyr on that day for which reason it was also called S. Peter's Penny And although at last these Peter-pence were claim'd by the Pope as his own due and an Apostolical right yet we find that beside the maintenance of a School here mentioned for which they were first given they have by other Kings been appropriated to other uses Thus we read that Athelwolf Father to King Alured who was the first Monarch of this Isle granted three hundred Marks the summ total of the Peter-pence here bating only an odd Noble to be paid yearly
Crown Indeed it is true and apparent that he had a special gift of delaying new Elections for prorogation of his gains And at his Death were in his hands the Temporalties of Canterbury Winchester and Salisbury and of Abbies that number quadrupled II. Publico writeth he edicto vetuit unumquemque sine commeatu suo ex Angliâ egredi That Archbishop Anselme was enjoyned under no small pain that he should not pass the Seas to visit Pope Vrban under this Prince is true and plain enough but for any such general Edict I know no better authority his being in this as in other things suspicious as yet my belief is that the constitution of non Aler ouster le Mere is of some later birth III. Venationes quas Rex primo the words are Malmesburies but read primus adeò prohibuit ut capitale esset supplicium prendisse Cervum CHAP. VI. Henry Beauclerc restored and invented Common Liberties REformation was needful by the succeeding Beauclerc of the common injustice practised throughout the Kingdom especially by a delegation of exacting authority made to one Ranulph afterwards Bishop of Durham by le Rous and was thus endeavoured Immediately after his Coronation Charters of State-amendment were by publick authority sent into every County with particular Customs expressed allowed abrogated or altered in them That which was directed to Hugh of Bockland Sheriff of Hereford reported by Matthew Paris after Church-liberty confirmed Ita quod nec eam vendam nec ad firmam ponam nec mortuo Archiepiscopo vel Episcopo vel Abbate aliquid accipiam de domino Ecclesiae vel de hominibus donec successor in eam ingrediatur thus provides for the Subject Omnes malas consuetudines quibus regnum Angliae injuste opprimebatur inde aufero Quas malas consuetudines in parte hic pono I. Si quis Baronum meorum Comitum vel aliorum qui de me tenent mortuus fuerit Haeres suus non redimet terram suam sicut facere consueverat tempore patris mei sed justâ legitimâ relevatione relevabit eam II. Homines Baronum meorum legitimâ justa relevatione relevabunt terras de dominis suis. III. Si quis Baronum vel aliorum hominum meorum filiam suam tradere voluerit sive sororem sive neptem sive cognatam mecum inde loquatur sed neque ego aliquid de suo pro hac licentia accipiam neque desendam quin eam det excepto si eam dare voluerit inimico meo IV. Si mortuo Barone vel alio homine meo filia haeres remanserit dabo illam cum consilio Baronum meorum cum terra suâ V. Si mortuo marito uxor ejus remanserit sine liberis fuerit dotem suam maritagium habebit dum corpus suum legitimè servabit eam non dabo nisi per secundum velle suum terrae liberorum Custos erit sive uxor sive alius propinquior qui justus esse debet VI. Praecipio ut homines mei similiter se contineant erga filios filias uxores hominum suorum VII Monetagium commune quod capiebatur per Civitates vel Comitatus quod non fuit tempore Ed. R. hoc ne amodò fiat omninò defendo VIII Si quis captus fuerit sive monetarius sive alius cum falsâ monetâ justitia recta inde fiat IX Si quis Baronum vel hominum meorum infirmabitur sicut ipse dabit vel dare jusserit pecuniam suam ita datam esse concedo quod si ipse praeventus vel armis vel infirmitate pecuniam suam nec dederit nec dare disposuerit uxor sua sive liberi aut parentes legitimi homines sui pro animâ ejus eam dividant sicut eis melius visum fuerit Somewhat later times admitted the disposition of Intestates Goods and Probate of Testaments to be in Episcopal Jurisdiction John Stratford in one of his Provincial Constitutions of Church-liberty and Fairefax a Common Lawyer under Richard the Third affirm that Power in Ecclesiastick Courts to have been in ancient time for the Civil Law it self in express Text refers it to the Lay Magistrate by Act of Parliament ordained X. Si quis Baronum vel hominum meorum forisfecerit non dabit vadium in misericordiâ pecuniae suae sicut faciebat tempore patris vel fratris mei they were the two precedent Williams sed secundum forisfacturae modum nec ita emendabit sicut emendasset retro tempore patris mei vel fratris XI Si perfidiae vel sceleris convictus fuerit sicut culpa sic emendet XII Forestas communi consilio Baronum meorum in manu mea ita retinus sicut pater meus eas habuit XIII Militibus qui per loricas terras suas defendunt i. e. which hold their Lands per fee de Hauberke to be ready in a Coat of Mail for Martial Service terras dominicarum carucarum suarum quietas ab omnibus Geldis omni proprio Dominio meo concedo ut sicut tam magno gravamine alleviati sunt ita equis armis benè se instruant ut apti parati sint ad servitium meum ad defensionem regni mei XIV Lagam Regis Edwardi vobis reddo cum illis emendationibus quibus pater meus eam emendavit you have them in Lambard consilio Baronum suorum Thus far out of that transcribed Charter XV. Rapinas Curialium furta stupra edicto compescuit deprehensis oculos cum testiculis evelli praecipiens William of Malmsbury is hereof Author but Florence of Worcester and Roger of Hoveden that for Theft his punishment was as now by Hanging Death but for maintenance of Malmesbury's report I remember a miracle reported out of a Manuscript in Fox his Ecclesiastical History of one Edward of King's Weston in Bedfordshire attainted in time of Henry Fitz l' Empres for stealing a pair of Hedging Gloves and a Whetstone and having by execution lost his Eyes and Genitals had through devout prayer at Tho. Becket's Shrine in Canterbury restitution I fear the Monk that wrote it might have had a Whetstone without stealing of whatsoever Members and Faculties were by that inflicted punishment taken from him XVI Contra Trapezitas quos vulgò monetarios vocant praecipuam sui diligentiam exhibuit nullum falsarium quin pugnum perderet impune abire permittens qui fuit intellectus falsitatis suae commercio fatuos irrisisse This falsifying of money by Hoveden was loss of our Eyes and Genitals Gemiticensis and the Monk which made the continuance to Florence of Worcester agreeing to Malmesbury in this that the offenders lost their right hands but further adding that which the first God of the Gentiles was compelled to endure deprivation of his external parts of humane propagation XVII Statuit ut nullus obolus the Author is Roger of Hoveden quos rotundos esse jussit aut