beleeueth not shal be condemned At this word he modestly smiled but the other Moals began to clap their hands and to deride vs. And my silly interpreter of whom especially I should haue receiued comfort in time of need was himself abashed vtterly daâ—â—t out of countenance Then after silence made I said vnto him I came vnto your sonne because we heard that he was become a Christian and I brought vnto him letters on the behalfe of my souereigne Lord the king of France and your sonne sent me hither vnto you The cause of my comming therefore is best known vnto your selfe Then he caused me to rise vp And he enquired your maiesties name and my name and the name of mine associate and interpreter and caused them all to be put down in writing He demaunded likewise because he had bene informed that you were departed out of your owne countreys with an armie against whom you waged warre I answered against the Saracens who had defiled the house of God at Ierusalem He asked also whether your Highnes had euer before that time sent any messengers vnto him or no To you sir said I neuer Then caused he vs to sit downe and gaue vs of his milke to drinke which they account to be a great fauour especially when any man is admitted to drinke Cosmos with him in his own house And as I sate looking downe vpon the ground he commanded me to lift vp my countenance being destrous as yet to take more diligent view of vs or els perhaps for a kinde of superstitious obseruation For they esteeme it a signe of ill lucke or a prognostication of euill vnto them when any man sâ—ts in their presence holding downe his head as if he were sad especially when he leanes his cheeke or chinne vpon his hand Then we departed forth and immediatly after came our guide vnto vs and conducting vs vnto our lodging saide vnto me Your master the King requesteth that you may remaine in this land which request Baatu cannot satisfie without the knowledge and consent of Mangu-Can Wherefore you and your interpreter must of necessitie goe vuto Mangu-Can Howbeit your associate and the other man shall returne vnto the court of Sartach staying therefor you till you come backe Then began the man of God mine interpreter to lament esteeming himselfe but a dead man Mine associate also protested that they should sooner chop off his head then withdrawe him out of my companie Moreouer I my selfe saide that without mine associate I coulde not goe and that we stood in neede of two seruants at the least to attend vpon vs because if one should chance to fall sicke we could not be without another Then returning vnto the court he told these sayings vnto Baatu And Baatu commanded saying let the two Priests and the interpreter goe together but let the clearke returne vnto Sartach And comming againe vnto vs hee tolde vs euen so And when I would haue spoken for the clearke to haue had him with vs he saide No more words for Baatu hath resolued that so it shall be and therefore I dare not goe vnto the court any more Goset the clearke had remaining of the almes money bestowed vpon him 26. Y perperas and no more 10. whereof he kept for himselfe and for the lad and 16. he gaue vnto the man of God for vs. And thus were we parted asunder with teares he returning vnto the court of Sartach and our selues remaining still in the same place Of our iourney towards the Court of Mangu Can. Chap. 22. VPon Assumption euen our clearke arriued at the court of Sartach And on the morrow after the Nestorian Priestes were adorned with our vestments in the presence of the saide Sartach Then wee ouâ— selues were conducted vnto another hoste who was appointed to prouide vs houseroome victualles and horses But because wee had not ought to bestowe vpon him hee did all things vntowardly for vs. Then wee rode on forwarde with Baatu descending along by the banke of Etilia for the space of fiue weekes together Sometimes mine associate was so extremelie hungrie that hee would tell mee in a manner weeping that it fared with him as though hee had neuer eaten any thing in all his life before There is a faire or market following the court of Baatu at all times but it was so farre distant from vs that we could not haue recourse thereunto For wee were constrained to walke on foote for want of horses At length certaine Hungarians who had sometime bene after a sort Cleargie men found vs out and one of them could as yet sing many songs without booke and was accompted of other Hungarians as a Priest and was sent for vnto the funerals of his deceased countrey men There was another of them also pretily wel instructed in his Grammer for hee could vnderstand the meaning of any thing that wee spake but could not answere vs. These Hungarians were a great comfort vnto vs bringing vs Cosmos to drinke yea and sometimes flesh for to eate also who when they requested to haue some bookes of vs and I had not any giue them for indeede we had none but onely a Bible and a breuiarie it grieued mee exceedingly And I saide vnto them Bring mee some inke and paper and I will write for you so long as we shall remaine here and they did so And I copied out for them Horas beatae Virginis and Officium defunctorum Moreouer vpon a certaine day there was a Comanian that accompanied vs saluting vs in Latine and saying Saluete Domini Wondering thereat and saluting him againe I demaunded of him who had taught him that kinde of salutation Hee saide that hee was baptized in Hungaria by our Friers and that of them hee learned it He saide moreouer that Baatu had enquired many things of him concerning vs and that hee tolde him the estate of our order Afterwarde I sawe Baatu riding with his companie and all his subiects that were housholders or masters of families riding with him and in mine estimation they were not fiue hundred persons in all At length about the ende of Holy roode there came a certaine rich Moal vnto vs whose father was a Millenarie which is a great office among them saying I am the man that must conduct you vnto Mangu-Can and wee haue thither a iourney of foure moneths long to trauell and there is such extreame colde in those parts that stones and trees doe euen riue asunder in regarde thereof Therefore I would wish you throughly to aduise your selues whether you be able to indure it or no. Unto whome I answered I hope by Gods helpe that we shal be able to brooke that which other men can indure Then he saide if you cannot indure it I wil forsake you by the way And I answered him it were not iust dealing for you so to doe for wee goe not thither vpon anie businesse of our owne but by reason that we are
making great mone for the ships of his sister and Berengaria his wife that should be not knowing where they were become after the tempest was ouerblowen sent forth his gallies diligently to seeke the rest of his Nauie dispersed but especially the shippe wherein his sister was and the maiden whom he should marry who at length were found safe and merry at the port of Lymszem in the I le of Cyprus notwithstanding the two other ships which were in their company before in the same hauen were drowned with diuers of the kings seruants and men of worship among whom was M. Roger called Malus Caâ—ulus the kings Uicechancellour who was found with the kings seale hanging about his necke The king of Cyprus was then Isakius called also the Emperour of the Gryffons who tooke and imprisoned all Engliâ—h men which by shipwracke were cast vpon his land also inuegled into his hands the goods and prises of them which were found drowned about his coastes neither would suffer the ships wherein the two ladies were to enter within the port The tidings of this being brought to king Richard he in great wrath gathering his gallies and ships together boordeth the land of Cyprus where he first in gentle wise signifieth to king Isakius how he with his English men comming as strangers to the supportatiâ—n of the holy land were by distresse of weather driuen vpon his bounds and therefore with all humble petition besought him in Gods behalfe and for reuerence of the holy crosse to let go such prisoners of his as he had in captiuitie and to restore againe the goods of them that were drowned which he deteined in his hands to be employed for the behoofe of their soules And this the king once twise and thrise desired of the Emperour but he proudly answering againe sent the king word that he neither would let the captiues go nor tender the goods of them which were drowned When king Richard heard this how light the Emperour Isakius made of his so humble and hoâ—est petition how that nothing could be gotten without violent force eftsoones giueth commandement thorowout all his hoste to put themselues in armour and follow him to reuenge the iniuries receiued of that proud and cruell king of Cyprus willing them to put their trust in God and not to misdoubt but that the Lord would stand with them and giue them the victory The Emperour in the meane time with his people stood warding the Sea coasts where the English men should arriue with swords billes and lances and such other weapons as they had setting boordes stooles and chestes before them as a wall few of them were harnessed and for the most part all vnexpert and vnskilfull in the feates of warre Then king Richard with his souldiers issuing out of their ships first set his bowemen before who with their shot made a way for others to followe The Englishmen thus winning the land vpon them so fiercely pressed vpon the Gryffons that after long fighting and many blowes at last the Emperour was put to flight whom king Richard valiantly pursued and slue many and diuers he tooke aliue and had gone neere also to take the Emperour had not the night come on and parted the battell And thus king Richard with much spoyle and great victory returning to the port Towne of Lymszem which the Townesmen had left for feare found there great abundance of corne wine oyle and victuals The day after the victory gotten Ioanna the Kings sister and Berengaria the mayden entred the Porte and Towne of Lymszem with 50. great ships and 14. galliots so that all the whole Nauie there meeting together were 254. tall shippes and aboue threescore galliots Then Isakius the Emperour seeing no way for him to escape by Sea the same night pitched his tentes fiue miles off from the English army swearing that the third day after he would surely giue battell to king Richard but he preuenting him before suddenly the same morning before the day of battell should be setteth vpon the tentes of the Gryffons early in the morning they being vnawares and a sleepe and made of them a great slaughter insomuch that the Emperour was fame to runne away naked leauing his tents and pauilions to the Englishmen full of horses and rich treasure also with the Imperial standerd the lower part whereof with a costly streamer was couered and wrought all with golde King Richard returning with victorie and triumph to his sister and Berengaria shortly after in the moneth of May next following and the 12. day of the said moneth married the said Berengaria daughter of Zanctius king of Nauarre in the yle of Cyprus at Lymszem The king of Cyprus seeing himselfe ouermatched was driuen at length to yeelde himselfe with conditions to giue king Richard 20000. markes in golde for amends of such spoyles as he had gotten of them that were drowned also to restore all the captiues againe to the king and furthermore he in his owne person to attend vpon the king to the lande of Ierusalem in Gods seruice and his with 400. horsemen and 500. footemen in pledge whereof he would giue to his hands his castles and his onely daughter and would hold his kingdome of him This done and the Emperour swearing fidelitie to king Richard before Guido king of Ierusalem and the prince of Antioche who were come thither to king Richard a little before peace was taken and Isakius committed to the warde of certaine keepers Notwithstanding shortly after he breaking from his keepers was againe at defiance with the King whereupon king Richard besetting the Iland of Cyprus round about with shippes and gallies did in such sort preuaile that the subiects of the land were constrained to yeelde themselues to the King and at last the daughter of the Emperour and the Emperour himselfe whom king Richard caused to be kept in fetters of gold and siluer and to be sent to the citie of Tripolis These things thus done and all set in order touching the possession of the I le of Cyprus the keeping whereof he committed to Radulphe sonne of Godfrey Lord Chamberlaine being then the first day of Iune vpon the fift of the saide moneth king Richard departed from the I le of Cyprus with his shippes and gallies toward the siege of Achon and on the next morrowe came to Tyrus where by procurement of the French king he was restrained by the Citizens to enter The next day after which was the first day of Iune crossing the seas he met with a great carak fraught with souldiers and men of warre to the number of a thousand and fiue hundred which pretending to be Frenchmen and setting foorth their flagge with the French armes were indeede Saracens secretly sent with wilde fire and certaine barrels of vnknowen serpents to the defence of the towne of Achon which king Richard at length perceiuing eftsoones set vpon them and so vanquished them of whom the most were drowned and some taken
honorable presents And a litle afterward Upon the hearing of these newes the emperor departed with great ioy out of England whom the king honoured with many precious gifts The Voiage of the bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the sixe yeere of the reigne of Henry the fift which was the yeere of our Lord 1417. Thomas Walsing VLtimo die mensis Octobris episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electioneÌ„ summi pontificis celebratam vbi tantum valuit elus facunda persuasio vâ— excitaret dominos Cardinales ad concordiam ad electionem summi pontificis se ocyâ—s praepararent The same in English THe last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of Constance which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his iourney to Ierusalem where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed that he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord and also moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the yere 1413 being the last yere of his reigne wherein he was preuented by death written by Walsingham Fabian Polydore Virgile and Holenshed IN this foureteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in the White friets in London at the which among other things order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready and all other things necessary to be prouided for a voyage which he meant to make into the Holy land there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes that were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another to the perill of their owne soules rather then to make warre against the enemies of the Christian faith as in conscience it seemed to him they were bound We finde sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle that he was taken with his last sickenesse while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine there as it were to take his leaue and so to proceede foorth on his iourney He was so suddenly and grieuously taken that such as were about him feared least he would haue died presently wherefore to relieâ—e him if it were possible they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand belonging to the Abbot of Westminster where they layd him on a pallet before the fire and vsed all remedies to reuiue him At length he recouered his speech and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not he willed to knowe if the chamber had any particular name whereunto answere was made that it was called Ierusalem Then sayde the king Laâ—des be giuen to the father of heauen for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber according to the prophesie of mee declared that I should depart this life in Ierusalem Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following POst haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse entiquius quà m ad officium iustiâ—iae quae ad hominum vellitatem perâ—inet omne suum studium conferre protinùs omisso ciuili bello quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari de republica Anglica benè gubernanda de bello in hostes communes sumendo de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat classemque iam parabat cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit subito enim morbo tentatus nulla medicina subleuari potuit Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium annum agens quadragesimum sextum qui fuit annus salutis humanae 1413. The same in English AFterward King Henry calling to minde that nothing ought to be more highly esteemed by any man then to doe the vtmost of his indâ—uour for the performance of iustice which â—endeth to the good and benefite of mankinde altogether abandoning ciuill warre wherewith he was ashamed to see how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied cutered into a more derye consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England of waging warre against the common enemie and of recouering in processe of time the citie of Ierusalem yea and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose whenas in the very midst of this his heroâ—call action and enterprise he was surprised with death for falling into a sudden disease he could not be cured by any kinde of phisicke He deceased at Westminster in the 46 yeare of his age which was in the yeere of our Lord 1413. A briefe relation of the siege and taking of the Citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reuerend Lord Thomas Dockwray great Prior of the order of Ierusalem in England in the yeere 1524. WIlling faithfully to write and reduce in veritie Historiall the great siege cruel oppugnation and piteous taking of the noble and renowmed citie of Rhodes the key of Christendome the hope of many poore Christian men withholden in Turkie to saue and keepe them in their faith the rest and yeerely solace of noble pilgrimes of the holy supulchre of Iesu Christ and other holy places the refuge and refreshing of all Christian people hauing course of marchandise in the parties of Leuant I promise to all estates that shall see this present booke that I haue left nothing for feare of any person nor preferred it for fauour And first I shall shewe the occasions that mooued this cruell bloodshedder enemie of our holy Christian faith Sultan Soliman now being great Turke to come with a great hoste by sea and by lande to besiege and assayle the space of sixe moneths night and day the noble and mightie citie of Rhodes The yere of the incarnation of our Lord Iesu Christ 1522. The occasions why the great Turke came to besiege the Citie of Rhodes THe first and principall cause was that he did consider and sawe by experience that there was none other Towne nor place in Leuant that warred against him nor kept him in doubt but this poore rocke of Rhodes And hearing the continuall complaintes of his subiectes aswell of Syria as of Turkie for the domages and prises dayly done of their bodies and goods by Christian men of warre receiued into Rhodes And also of the shippes and gallies of the religion he tooke conclusion in himselfe that if he might put the sayde Towne in his power and subiection that then he should be peaceable lord of all the parties of Leuant and that his subiects should complaine no more to him The second that he might followe the doings of his noble predecessouâ—s and shewe himselfe very heire of the mightie and victorious lord Sultan Selim his father willing to put in execution the enterprise by him left the yeere one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The which Selim the great Turke put in all
small Island two leagues from the firme land and there they found a small Bay wherein they ankered at fiue fathome deepe close by the land and there they stayed till the twentie day Upon the which day there passed a Frigate close by the Island which with their pinnesse they followed and taking her brought her to the English ship which frigat was laden with Salsaperilla and Botijas or pots with butter and hony and with other things The English Captaine went on boord and cast the Salsaperilla on the land leauing all the rest of the wares in the frigate and then he put all his peeces into the frigate that so he might lay his ship on shore to new calke and trimme her which continued till the three and twentie or foure and twentie of March Which done and hauing made prouision of wood and fresh water they held on their course along by the coast sayling Westward taking the sayd frigate and her men with them and hauing sailed two dayes they tooke their men out of her and set them in the pinnesse among the which were foure sailers that meant to sayle to Panama and from thence to China whereof one they tooke with the letters and patents that hee had about him among the which were the letters of the king of Spaine sent to the gouernour of the Philippinas as also the sea-cards wherewith they should make their voyage and direct themselues in their course And so sailing vntill the sixt of Aprill about euening they discouered a shippe that held two leagues to seaward from the land and before the next day in the morning they were hard by her and suddenly fell vpon her while her men slept and presently made the men enter into their ship among the which was one Don Francisco Xarate Which done they followed on their course with the sayd ship out of the which they tooke certaine packes and other wares but I know not what it was They likewise tooke a Negro out of it and three dayes after they both let the ship and men goe whether they woulde setting therein the two saylers that should goe for China which they had taken in the frigate keeping onely one sailer to shewe them where they should find fresh water to the which ende they tooke the emptie vessels with them to fill with water and so kept on their course to the hauen of Guatulco where they put in being vpon Munday the thirteenth of Aprill and hauing ankered they stayed there till the sixe and twentie of Aprill and about three or foure houres within the night they set sayle holding their course Westward and an houre or two before they let Nuno da Silua goe putting him into another ship that lay in the hauen of Guatulco From thence forward the Englishmen passed on their voyage to the Islands of Malucos and from thence they passed by the Cape de Buena Esperança and so to England as it is well knowen so that this is onely the description of the voyage that they made while the said pilote Nuno da Silua was with them Hereafter followeth the copie of a letter written by sir Francis Drake being in the South sea of New Spaine in his ship called The Pellican or the golden Hinde with the ship of Sant Iohn de Anton which hee had taken to his companions in the other shâ—ppes that were of his company and by foule weather separated from him as I said before The contents whereof were these Master Winter if it pleaseth God that you should chance to meete with this ship of Sant Iohn de Anton I pray you vse him well according to my word and promise giuen vnto them and if you want any thing that is in this ship of Sant Iohn de Anton I pray you pay them double the value for it which I will satisfie againe and command your men not to doe her any hurt and what composition or agreement we haue made at my returne into England I will by Gods helpe perfourme although I am in doubt that this letter will neuer coâ—e to your hands notwithstanding I am the man I haue promised to be Beseeching God the Sauiour of all the world to haue vs in his keeping to whom onely I giue all honour praise and glory What I haue written is not only to you M. Winter but also to M. Thomas M. Charles M. Caube and M. Anthonie with all our other good friendes whom I commit to the tuition of him that with his blood redeemed vs and am in good hope that we shal be in no more trouble but that he will helpe vs in aduersitie desiring you for the Passion of Christ if you fall into any danger that you will not despaire of Gods mercy for hee will defend you and preserue you from all danger and bring vs to our desired hauen to whom bee all honour glory and praise for euer and euer Amen Your sorowfull Captaine whose heart is heauy for you Francis Drake The voyage of M. Iohn VVinter into the South sea by the Streight of Magellan in consort with M. Francis Drake begun in the yeere 1577. By which Streight also he returned safely into England the â—econd of Iune 1579. contrary to the false reports of the Spaniards which gaue out that the said passage was not repasseable Written by Edward Cliffe Mariner IN the yeere of our Lord 1577. the 19. of September there went out of the riuer of Thamis ouer the lands ende one good and newe ship called the Elizabeth of 80 tunnes in burthen in company whereof went also a small pinnesse being 12 tunnes in burthen called the Benedict The sayd ship with her pinnesse arriued at Plimmouth in which hauen were thâ—ee ships more one called the Pellican in burthen 120. tunnes being Admirall of the fleete a barke called the Marigold in burthen thirty tunnes with a flieboat of 50 tunnes These ships had in them 164 men and were victualled and farnished with all kind of necessary prouision to make a voyage into the South sea Wee set sayle the 15 of Nouember but were put into Falmouth by contrary winds and afterward were constrained to put backe againe to Plimmouth to repaire the great hurt which diuers of our fleete had sustained in that tempest and at length the 13 of December wee set forward from thence vpon our voyage The fiue and twentie of December we had sight of Cape Cantin this Cape lyeth in the latitude of 32. degrees and 30. minutes vpon the coast of Barbarie neere to a towne called Asaphi The land all along this coast is hie and great mountaines Sayling from the sayd Cape Southsouthwest about 18 leagues wee found a little Island called Mogador an English mile distant from the maine we sent our boat to sound the depth and at the returne thereof we vnderstood by our men that the hauen was without danger hauing fiue fathomes of water fast by the rocks entring in vpon the poynt of the
Russia to Boghar in Bactria Anno 1558. 324. 24 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson through Russia and ouer the Caspian sea into Persia Anno 1561. 343. 25 The voyage of Thomas Alcock George Wrenne and Richard Cheyney seruants vnto the Company of Moscouy Merchants in London into Persia Anno 1563. 353. 26 The voyage of Richard Iohnson Alexander Kitchin and Arthur Edwards seruants to the foresaid company into Persia Anno 1565. 354. 27 The voyage of Thomas Southam and Iohn Sparke by land and riuer from Colmogro to Nouogrod in Russia Anno 1566. 365. 28 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the third time Anno 1566. 372. 29 The voyage of Arthur Edwards Agent for the Moscouy company Iohn Sparke Laurence Chapman Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle seruants into Persia An. 1568. 389. 30 The voyage of Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket Agents for the Moscouy Company into Persia the fift time Anno 1569. 394. 31 The voyage of William Burrough Captaine of 13. English ships to the Narue in Liefland Anno 1570. 401. 32 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the fourth time Anno 1571. 402. 33 The voyage of Christopher Burrough into Persia the sixt time Anno 1579. 419. 34 The voyage of Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman sent to discouer the Northeast seas beyond the Iland of Vaigats Anno 1580. 445. 35 The voyage of Master Ierome Horsey ouer land from Mosco in Russia to England Anno 1584. 469,470 36 A voyage to the Northeast performed by certaine Russes and translated out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein 492. 37 A voyage to Sibier and the Riuer of Ob by land declared in a letter written to Gerardus Mercator 510,511 512. 38 The vanquishing of the Spanish Armada Anno 1588. 591. 39 The honourable voyage to Cadiz Anno 1596. 607. ¶ The Ambassages Treatises Priuiledges Letters and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages of this first Volume 1 TWo testimonies of Galfridus Monumetensis in his history of the Kings of Brittaine concerning the conquests of King Arthur pagina 1. 2 A testimony of M. Lambard in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 touching the right and appendances of the Crowne of the kingdome of Britaine pag. 2. 3 A Chronicle of the Kings of Man taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie 10. 4 The ancient state of the shipping of the Cinque Ports 17. 5 Libellus historicus Iohannis de Plano Carpini 21. 6 Part of the great Charter graunted by King Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque Ports 117. 7 The rolle of the huge Fleete of Edward the thirde before Caleis 118. 8 The summe of expences layde out in the siege of Caleis 121. 9 A note of Thomas Walsingham touching King Edward the thirde his huge Fleete of 1100. ships wherewith he passed ouer vnto Caleis Anno 1359. 121. 10 Certaine verses of Geffrey Chaucer concerning the long Voyages and valiant exploits of the English knights in his dayes 124. 11 A testimonie out of Cornelius Tacitus prouing London to haue bene a famous Mart-towne in the raigne of Nero the Emperour 124. 12 A testimony out of venerable Beda proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffique in his time 125. 13 The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning the safe trade of English Merchants 125. 14 An ancient testimony translated out of the olde Saxon Lawes conteyning the aduancement of Merchants for their thrice crossing the wide seas 120. 15 A testimony of certaine Priuileges obteined for the English and Danish Merchants by Canutus the King of England 126. 16 The flourâ—shing state of Merchandise in the City of London in the dayes of Wilhelmus Malmesburiensis 227. 17 A testimony of the said Wil. of Malmesbury concerning traffique to Bristow in his time 127. 18 The league betweene Henry the second and Frederick Barbarossa Emperour of Germany partly touching trade of Merchandise 128. 19 A generall safe conduct granted by King Iohn to all forreine Merchants 129. 20 The letters of King Henry the thirdâ— vnto Haquinus king of Norwey 129,130 21 A mandate for the king of Norway his ship called The Cog. 130. 22 A Charter granted for the behalfe of the Merchants of Colen in the 20. yeere of Henry the thirde 131. 23 The Charter of Lubeck granted for seuen yeeres in the time of Henry the third 131,132 24 A Charter of the Merchants of Almaine or the Stilyard-merchants 132. 25 A mandate of King Edward the first concerning outlandish Merchants 133. 26 King Edw. the first his great Charter granted to forreine Merchants Anno Dom. 1303. 133. 27 The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus King of Norway concerning certain English Merchants arrested in Norway 138. 28 Another letter of Edw. the second vnto the said Haquinus for the merchants aforesaid 139. 29 A third letter of King Edward the second to the said Haquinus in the behalfe of our English merchants 140. 30 An Ordinance for the Staple to be holden at one certaine place 142,143 31 A Catalogue of the great Masters of Prussia 144. 32 The Oration or speach of the Ambassadours sent from Conradus de Zolner Master generall of the land of Prussia vnto Richard the second king of England 148. 33 An agreement made by the Ambassadours of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second 150. 34 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia vnto Rich. the second 153. 35 A briefe relation of William Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their Ambassages into Prussia and to the Hans-townes 154. 36 Certaine Articles of complaint exhibited by the Liuonians 156. 37 Other complaints exhibited by the Cities of the Hans 156. 38 Compositions and Ordinances concluded betweene the Ambassadours of Prussia and the Chanceller and Treasurer of England Anno 1403. 157. 39 The letters of the Chanceller and Treasurer of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 158. 40 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master generall of Prussia for entercourse of traffique 159. 41 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen vnto king Henry the fourth 160. 42 An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen 161. 43 An agreement betweene king Henry the fourth and the Hans-townes 164. 44 A testimonie out of Albertus Krantzius concerning the surprise of Bergen in Norway wherein 21. houses of the English merchants were burnt 169. 45 The grieuances and offences whereat the merchants of the Hans found themselues agrieued 171. 46 A letter of Henry the fourth king of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia 175. 47 A letter of Werneherus de Tettingen commander in Elbing vnto sir William Sturmy Ambassadour vnto king Henry the fourth Together with an other letter of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen master of Prussia 176. 48 The letters of Vlricus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia signifying vnto king Henry the 4. that he was contented
wardens of our heires of the Cinque Portes which for the time shall be their Ports and liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. So also that the sayd Barons and their heires do vnto vs and to our heirs kings of England by the yeare their full seruice of 57. shippes at their costs by the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce or at the somounce of our heires We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haue Outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesayd in the same maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their monours in the countie of Kent And they be not put in any Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will and that they be free of all their owne wines for which they do trauaile of our right prise that is to say of one tunne before the mast and of another behind the maste We haue granted furthermore vnto the said Barons for vs and our heires that they for euer haue this liberty that is to say That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayde for the which they doe their seruice aforesayd and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardships and mariages in time past But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon the liberties and freedomes aforesayde and our grants following to them of our especiall grace of newe haue caused to be made sauing alwaies in al things our kingly dignitie And sauing vnto vs and to our heires plea of our crowne life and member Wherefore we will and surely command for vs and our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue all the aforesaid liberties and freedomes as the aforesaid Charters do reasonably testifie And that of our especial grace they haue outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their manours in the county of Kent And that they be not put in Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will And that they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our right price or custome that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste and of another tunne behinde the maste And that likewise for euer they haue the libertie aforesayde that is to say That wee and our heires haue not the wardships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayd for which they doe their seruice aforesaid and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships and mariages haue not had in times past But our aforesayd confirmation of their liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them of our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made Sauing alwayes and in all things our regall dignity And sauing vnto vs and our heires the pleas of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd These being witnesses the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holie Church of Rome frier William of Southhampton Prior pouincial of the friers preachers in England William of Valencia our vncle Roger of the dead sea Roger of Clifford Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum Master Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding Master Robert of Seyton Bartholomew of Southley Thomas of Wayland Walter of Hoptan Thomas of Normannel Steuen of Pennester Frances of Bonaua Iohn of Lenetotes Iohn of Metingham and others Giuen by our hand at Westminster the fourteenth day of Iune in the sixth yeare of our reigne The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third before Calice extant in the kings great wardrobe in London whereby the wonderfull strength of England by sea in those dayes may appeare The South fleete The Kings Shippes 25. Mariners 419. London Shippes 25. Mariners 662. Aileford Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Hoo Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Maydstone Shippes 2. Mariners 51. Hope Shippes 2. Mariners 59. New Hithe Shippes 5. Mariners 49. Margat Shippes 15. Mariners 160. Motue Shippes 2. Mariners 22. Feuersham Shippes 2. Mariners 25. Sandwich Ships 22. Mariners 504. Douer Ships 16. Mariners 336. Wight Ships 13. Mariners 220. Winchelsey Ships 21. Mariners 596. Waymouth Ships 15. Mariners 263. Lyme Ships 4. Mariners 62. Seton Ships 2. Mariners 25. Sydmouth Ships 3. Mariners 62. Exmouth Ships 10. Mariners 193. Tegmouth Ships 7. Mariners 120. Dartmouth Ships 31. Mariners 757. Portsmouth Ships 5. Mariners 96. Plimouth Ships 26. Mariners 603. Loo Ships 20. Mariners 315. Yalme Ships 2. Mariners 47. Fowey Ships 47. Mariners 770. Bristol Ships 22. Mariners 608. Tenmouth Ships 2. Mariners 25. Hasting Ships 5. Mariners 96. Romney Ships 4. Mariners 65. Rye Ships 9. Mariners 156. Hithe Ships 6. Mariners 122. Shoreham Ships 20. Mariners 329. Soford Ships 5. Mariners 80. Newmouth Ships 2. Mariners 18. Hamowlhooke Ships 7. Mariners 117. Hoke Ships 11. Mariners 208. SouthhaÌ„pton Ships 21. Mariners 576. Leymington Ships 9. Mariners 159 Poole Ships 4. Mariners 94. Warham Ships 3. Mariners 59. Swanzey Ships 1. Mariners 29. Iâ—fercombe Ships 6. Mariners 79. Patrickestowe Ships 2. Mariners 27. Polerwan Ships 1. Mariners 60. Wadworth Ships 1. Mariners 14. Kardife Ships 1. Mariners 51. Bridgwater Ships 1. Mariners 15. Kaertnarthen Ships 1. Mariners 16. Cailechesworth Ships 1. Mariners 12. Mulbrooke Ships 1. Mariners 12. Summe of the South fleete Ships 493 Mariners 9630 The North fleete Bamburgh Ships 1. Mariners 9. Newcastle Ships 17. Mariners 314. Walcrich Ships 1. Mariners 12. Hertilpoole Ships 5. Mariners 145. Hull Ships 16. Mariners 466. Yorke Ships 1. Mariners 9. Rauenset Ships 1. Mariners 27. Woodhouse Ships 1. Mariners 22. Strâ—khithe Ships 1. Mariners 10. Barton Ships 3. Mariners 30. Swinefleete Ships 1. Mariners 11. Saltfleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Grimesby Ships 11. Mariners 171. Waynefleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Wrangle Ships 1. Mariners 8. Lenne Ships 16. Mariners 382. Blackney Ships 2. Mariners 38. Scarborough Ships 1. Mariners 19. Yernmouth Ships 43. Mariners 1950. or 1075. Donwich Ships 6. Mariners 102. Orford Ships 3. Mariners 62. Goford Ships 13. Mariners 303. Herwich Ships 14. Mariners 283. Ipswich Ships 12 Mariners 239. Mersey Ships 1. Mariners 6. Brightlingsey Ships 5. Mariners 61. Colchester Ships 5. Mariners 90. Whitbanes Ships 1. Mariners 17. Malden Ships 2. Mariners 32. Derwen Ships 1. Mariners 15. Boston Ships 17. Mariners 361. Swinhumber Ships 1. Mariners 32. Barton Ships 5. Mariners 91. The Summe of the North fleete Ships 217. Mariners 4521. The summe totall of all the English fleete Ships 700. Mariners 14151. Estrangers their ships and mariners Bayon Ships 15. Mariners 439. Spayne Ships 7. Mariners 184. Ireland Ships 1. Mariners 25. Flanders Ships 14. Mariners 133. Gelderland Ships 1. Mariners 24. The summe of all the Estrangers Ships 38. Mariners 805.
Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398 and vpon the 22. day of February Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia and the Hans-townes IN primis that in the moueth of Iuly and in the yeare of our Lord 1403 and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is there came into England the ambassadours of the mighty lord Fr Conradus de lungingen being then Master general of Prussia with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master generall written in 20. articles which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe c. Item that the third day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lord aboue written and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king between the reuerend father in God Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party it was according to their petition amongst other things ordayned namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia and from thence with their goods marchandises to returne vnto their own home and also that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue licence and liberty to doe the like Prouided alwayes that after the time aboue limitted neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia nor the Prussian marchaÌ„ts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general Item immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall for to haue mutuall conuersation and intercourse of dealing to continue some certain space betweene the marchants of England and of Prussia promising in the same letters that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid which letters the foresayd Master for diuers causes refused to yeelde vnto as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth Item that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid which are next aboue mentioned our sayd king according to his promise sent William Esturmy knight M. Iohn Kington câ—erke and William Brampton citizen of London from his court of parliament holden at Couentrie very slightly informed as his ambassadours into Prussia Item before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia all intercourse of traffique betweene the English and the Prussians in the realme of England and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods out of that porte vnto any other place of the land of Prussia either by water or by lande vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same but was enioyned to sell them in the very same porte vnto the Prussians onely and to none other to the great preiudice of our English marchants Item that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia it was ordayned that from the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our lord 1405 all English marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia and to make sale of them in the said land as hath heretofore from auncient times bene accustomed Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia demanded of the â—aid Master generall a reformation and amends for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king written in fifteene articles which losses amounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles Item the said Master generall besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king as it is aboue mentioned deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine iniuries offered as he â—ayth vniustly by English men vnto his subiects which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles Item it was afterward concluded that vpon the first of May next then insuing namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuenâ—ent iust and reasonable satisfaction for all molestatious vniustly ofâ—â—red on both partes as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king as of the foresayd Master general Which satisfaction not being performed the Prussians with their goods marchandises within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following were without molestation or impediment enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods and the English men likewise out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general both of them without any further admonition to abstaine separate themselues from both the countreis aforesayd For the performance of which premisses the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed were appointed to meete the first day of May at the towne of Dordract in Holland Item that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them that there were sent messengers and agents in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants vnto the towne of Dordract to conferre with the ambassadors of England about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts where diuers agreements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors and messengers as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract vpon the first of May was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing and afterward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following and there was another day of prorogation also Item that after the prorogations aforesayd
the ambassadors of England and the messengers commissioners of Prussia met together at the towne of Hage in Holland the 28. day of August in the yere of our lord 1407. And there was a treaty between theÌ„ concerning the summe 25934. nobles and an halfe demanded on the behalfe of the sayd Master generall for amends and recompense in consideration of wrongs offered vnto himselfe and vnto his subiects of Prussia as is aforesayd Also the sayd Master and his Prussians besides the summe not yet declared in the articles which is very small are to rest contented and satisfied with the summe of 8957. nobles in lieu of al the damages aforesaid no times of paâ—ment being then assigned or limited but afterward to be reasonably limited and assigned by our sayd soueraigne lord the king Insomuch that our said soueraigne lord the king is to write his ful intention determination concerning this matter in his letters to be deliuered the 16. day of March vnto the aldermen of the marchants of the Hans residing at Bruges Otherwise that from thenceforth all league of friendship shall bee dissolued betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia Also it is farther to be noted that in the appointment of the summe next before written to be disbursed out of England this condition was added in writing namely that if by lawful testimonies it may sufficiently and effectually be prooued concerning the chiefe articles aboue written or any part of them that satisfaction was made vnto any of those parties to whom it was due or that the goods of and for the which complaint was made on the the behalfe of Prussia in the sayd articles did or doe pertayne vnto others or that any other iust true or reasonable cause may lawfully be proued alledged why the foresaid sums or any of them ought not to be payed that theÌ„ in the summes contained in the articles abouementioned so much only must be cut off or stopped as shal be found either to haue bene payd already or to appertaine vnto others or by any true iust and reasonable cause alleaged not to be due Neither is it to be doubted but for the greater part of the summe due vnto the Prussians that not our lord the king but others which will in time be nominated are by all equity and iustice to be compelled to make satisfaction Also at the day and place aboue mentioned it was appointed and agreed vpon that our lord the king and his liege subiects for the said 4535. nobles demanded of the Engliâ—h in consideration of recompense to be made for iniuries offered vnto the Prussians are to discharge pay the summe of 764. nobles which are not as yet disbursed but they haue reserued a petition to them vnto whom the sayd summe is due or if they please there shal be made satisfaction which will be very hard and extreme dealing Item that in the last assembly of the sayd ambassadors of England and messengers of Prussia holden at Hage made as is aforesayd for the behalfe of England there were exhibited anew certaine articles of iniuries against the Prussians The value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 1825. nobles and three shillings Item on the contrary part for the behalfe of the Prussians the summe of 1355. nobles eight shillings and sixe pence Item forasmuch as diuers articles propounded as well on the behalfe of England as of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans both heretofore and also at the last conuention holden at Hage were so obscure that in regard of their obscurity there could no resolute answere bee made vnto them and other of the sayd articles exhibited for want of sufficient proofes could not clearely be determined vpon it was appointed and concluded that all obscure articles giuen vp by any of the foresayd parties whatsoeuer ought before the end of Easter then next ensuing and within one whole yeare after to be declared before the Chancelour of England for the time being and other articles euidently exhibited but not sufficiently proued to be proued vnder paine of perpetuall exclusion Which being done accordingly complete iustice shall be administred on both parts Item as concerning the eleuenth article for the behalfe of the Prussians first exhibited which conteined losses amounting vnto the summe of 2445. nobles as touching the first article on the behalfe of England exhibited in the land of Prussia conteining losses which amouÌ„ted to the summe of 900. nobles after many things alleadged on both parts relation thereof shall be made in the audience of the king and of the Master generall so that they shall set downe ordaine and determine such an ende and conclusion of those matters as shall seeme most expedient vnto them Now concerning the Liuonians who are subiect vnto the great Master of Prussia IN primis that the Master of Prussia demaunded of the sayd English ambassadours at their being in Prussia on the behalfe of them of Liuonia who are the sayd Master his liege people to haue restitution of their losses vniustly as he sayth offered vnto them by the English namely for the robbing and rifling of three ships The value of which ships and of the goods contained in them according to the computation of the Liuonian marchants doeth amount vnto the summe of 8037. pound 12. shillings 7. pence Howbeit afterward the trueth being inquired by the sayd ambassadors of England the losse of the Liuonians exceedeth not the summe of 7498. pound 13. shillings 10. pence halfepeny farthing Item forasmuch as in the sayd ships on the behalfe of the sayd Master and of certaine cities of the Hans there are alleadged aboue 250. men very barbarously to be drowned of whome some were noble and others honourable personages and the rest common marchants mariners there was demaunded in the first dyet or conuention holden at Dordract a recompense at the handes of the sayd English ambassadors albeit this complaint was exhibited in the very latter end of al the negotiations informe of a scedule the tenor whereof is in writing at this present beginneth in maner following Cum vita hominum c. Howbeit in the last conuention holden at Hage as is aforesaid it was concluded betweene the ambassadours of England and the messengers and commissioners of the land of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans that our sayd soueraigne lord the king should of his great pietie vouchsafe effectually to deuise some conuenient and wholesome remedie for the soules of such persons as were drowned Item that our sayd soueraigne lord the king will signifie in writing his full purpose intention as touching this matter vnto the aldermen of the Hans marchants residing at Bruges vpon the sixteenth day of March next following Otherwise that from hencefoorth all amity and friendship betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia shall be dissolued Neither is it to be doubted but that a great part of the sayd goods for the which they of
bee hindred sore And fayned peace is called no werre herefore Thus they haue bene in diuers coasts many Of our England more then rehearse can I In Norfolke coastes and other places about And robbed and brent and slaiue by many a rowte And they haue also ransomed Towne by Towne That into the regnes of bost haue run her sowne Wich hath bin ruth vnto this Realme and shame They that the sea should keepe are much to blame For Britayne is of easie reputation And Saincte Malo turneth hem to reprobation A storie of Edward the third his ordinance for Britayne HEre bring I in a storie to mee lent That a good Squire in time of Parliament Tooke vnto mee well written in a scrowe That I haue commond both with high and lowe Of which all men accorden into one That it was done not many yeeres agone But when noble King Edward the thrid Reigned in grace right thus it betyd For hee had a maner gelosie To his Marchants and loued them hartily He feld the weyes to rule well the see Whereby Marchants might haue prosperitee That for Harflew Houndflew did he maken And great werre that time were vndertaken betwixt the King and the Duke of Britayne At last to fall to peace both were they fayne Upon the wich made with conuencion Our Marchants made hem readie bowne Toward Britayne to loade their Marchandie Wening hem friends they went foorth boldly But soone anon our Marchants were ytake And wee spedde neuer the better for truce sake They lost her good her nauy and spending But their complaint came vnto the king Then wext he wroth and to the Duke he sent And complained that such harme was hent By conuention and peace made so refused With Duke sent againe and him excused Rehearsing that the mount of Saincte Michael And Sainct Malo would neuer a dell Be subiect vnto his gouernance Nor be vnder his obeysance And so they did withouten him that deede But when the king anon had taken heede Hee in his herte set a iudgement Without calling of any Parliament Or greate tarry to take long aduise To â—ortifie anon he did deuise Of English Townes three that is to say Derâ—mouth Plymouth the third it is Fowey And gaue hem helpe and notable puisance With insistence set them in gouernance Upon pety Bretayne for to werre Those good sea men would no more differre But bete hem home and made they might not cowte Tooke prisoners and made them for to lowte And efte the Duke an ensample wise Wrote to the king as he first did deuise Him excusing But our men wood With great power passed ouer the floode And werred foorth into the Dukes londe And had ny destroyed free and bond But than the Duke knewe that the townes three Should haue lost all his natiue Countrie He vndertooke by suretie true not false For mount Michael and Saincte Malo al 's And other parties of the litle Brytaine Which to obey as sayd was were not fayne The Duke hymselfe for all did vndertake With all his herte a full peace did hee make So that in all the life time of the king Marchants had peace withouten werring He made a statute for Lombards in this land That they should in noe wise take on hande Here to inhabite here to chardge and dischardge But fortie dayes no more time had they large This good king by witte of such appreiffe Kept his Marchants and the sea from mischiefe Of the commodities of Scotland and draping of her wolles in Flanders The fourth Chapiter MOreouer of Scotland the commodities Are Felles Hides and of Wooll the Fleese And all these must passe by vs away Into Flanders by England sooth to say And all her woolle was draped for to sell In the Townes of Poperinge and of Bell Which my Lord of Glocester with ire For her falshed set vpon a fiâ—e And yet they of Bell and Poperinge Could neuer drape her wooll for any thing But if they had English woll withall Our goodly wooll which is so generall Needefull to them in Spaine and Scotland al 's And other costes this sentence is not false Yee worthy Marchants I doe it vpon you I haue this learned ye wot well where and howe Ye wotte the Staple of that Marchandie Of this Scotland is Flaunders sekerly And the Scots bene charged knowen at the eye Out of Flanders with little Mercerie And great plentie of Haberdashers Warâ— And halfe her shippes with cart wheeles bare And with Barrowes are laden as in substance Thus most rude ware are in her cheuesance So they may not forbeare this Flemish land Therefore if wee would manly take in hand To keepe this Sea from Flanders and from Spaine And from Scotland like as from pety Britaine Wee should right soone haue peace for all her bosts For they must needes passe by our English costs Of the commodities of Pruce and High Dutch men and Easterlings The fifth Chapitle NOwe goe foorth to the commodities That commeth from Pruce in two maner degrees For two maner people haue such vse That is to say High Duch men of Pruse And Esterlings which might not be forborne Out of Flanders but it were verely lorne For they bring in the substance of the Beere That they drinken feele too good chepe not dere Yee haue heard that two Flemings togider Will vndertake or they goe any whither Or they rise once to drinke a Ferkin full Of good Beerekin so sore they hall and pull Under the board they pissen as they sit This commeth of couenant of a worthie wit Without Caleis in their Butter they cakked When they fled home and when they leysure lacked To holde their siege they went like as a Doe Well was that Fleming that might trusse and goe For feare they turned backe and hyed fast My Lord of Glocester made hem so agast With his comming and soght hem in her land And brent and slowe as he had take on hand So that our enemies durst not bide nor stere They fled to mewe they durst no more appeare Rebuked sore for euer so shamefully Unto her vtter euerlasting villanie Nowe Beere and Bakon bene fro Pruse ybrought Into Flanders as loued and farre ysought Osmond Copper Bow-staues Steele and Wexe Peltreware and grey Pitch Terre Board and flexe And Colleyne threed Fustian and Canuas Card Bukeram of olde time thus it was But the Flemings among these things dere In common louen best Bakon and Beere Also Pruse men maken her aduenture Of Plate of siluer of wedges good and sure In great plentie which they bring and bye Out of the lands of Beame and Hungarie Which is increase full great vnto their land And they bene laden I vnderstand With wollen cloth all maner oâ— colours By dyers crafted full diuers that ben ours And they aduenture full greatly vnto the Bay for salt that is needefull withouten nayâ— Thus if they would not our friends bee We might lightly stoppe hem in the
the king of Spaine So after this maner they diuided the world betweene them Now for that these Islands of Spicery fall neere the terme and limites betweene these princes for as by the sayd Card you may see they begin from one hundred and sixtie degrees of longitude and ende in 215 it seemeth all that falleth from 160 to 180 degrees should be of Portingal and all the rest of Spaine And for that their Cosmographers and Pilots coulde not agree in the situation of the sayde Islandes for the Portingals set them all within their 180 degrees and the Spaniards set them all without and for that in measuring all the Cosmographers of both partes or what other that euer haue bene cannot giue certaine order to measure the longitude of the worlde as they doe of the latitude for that there is no starre fixed from East to West as are the starres of the Poles from North to South but all mooueth with the moouing diuine no maner can bee founde howe certainely it may bee measured but by coniectures as the Nauigants haue esteemed the way they haue gone But it is manifest that Spaine had the situation of al the lands from Cape Verde toward the Orient of y e Portingals to their 180 degrees And in all their Cardes they neuer hitherto set the saide Islands within their limitation of the sayd 180 degrees though they knewe very well of the Islands till now that the Spaniards discouered them And it is knowen that the king of Portingal had trade to these Islands afore but would neuer suffer Portingal to go thither from Calicut for so much as he knew that it fell out of his dominion least by going thither there might come some knowledge of those other Islands of the king of Spaine but bought the cloues of Marchants of that countrey that brought them to Calicut much deerer then they would haue cost if he had sent for them thinking after this maner it would abide alwayes secret And now that it is discouered he sendes and keepes the Spaniards from the trade all that he can Also it should seeme that when this foresaid consent of the diuision of the worlde was agreed of betweene them the king of Portingal had already discouered certaine Islandes that lie ouer against Cape Verde and also certaine part of the maine land of India toward the South from whence he fette Brasill and called it the land of Brasil So for that all should come in his terme and limites hee tooke three hundred and seuentie leagues beyond Cape Verde and after this his 180 degrees being his part of the worlde should begin in the Carde right ouer against the 340 degrees where I haue made a little compasse with a crosse and should finish at the 160 degree where also I haue made another little marke And after this computation without any controuersie the Islands of the spicery fal out of the Portingals domination So that nowe the Spaniards say to the Portingals that if they would beginne their 180 degrees from the sayde Cape Verde to the intent they should extende more toward the Orient and so to touch those Islandes of the Spicerie of the Emperour which is al that is betweene the two crosses made in this Card that then the Islands of Cape Verde and the lande of Brasil that the Portingals nowe obtaine is out of the sayd limitation and that they are of the Emperours Or if their 180 degrees they count from the 370 leagues beyond the said Cape Verde to include in it the said Islands and lands of Brasil then plainely appeareth the said 180 degrees should finish long before they come to these Islands of the Spicerie of the Emperour As by this Carde your Lordship may see For their limits should begin at the 340 degrees of this Carde and ende at the 160 degrees where I haue made two little markes of the compasse with crosses in them So that plainely it should appeare by reason that the Portingals should leaue these Islands of Cape Verde and land of Brasil if they would haue part of the Spicerie of the Emperours or els holding these they haue no part there To this Portingals say that they will beginne their 180 degrees from the selfe same Cape Verde for that it may extende so much more toward the Orient and touch these Islandes of the Emperours and would winne these Islandes of Cape Verde and land of Brasil neuerthelesse as a thing that they possessed before the consent of this limitation was made So none can verely tell which hath the best reason They be not yet agreed Quare sub Iudice lis est But without doubt by all coniectures of reason the sayd Islands fall all without the limitation of Portingal and pertaine to Spaine as it appeareth by the most part of all the Cardes made by the Portingals saue those which they haue falsified of late purposely But now touching that your Lordship wrote whether that which we discouered toucheth any thing the foresayd coastes once it appeareth plainely that the Newefound land that we discouered is all a maine land with the Indies Occidentall from whence the Emperour hath all the gold and pearles and so continueth of coast more then 5000 leagues of length as by this Carde appeareth For from the said New lands it proceedeth toward the Occident to the Indies and from the Indies returneth toward the Orient and after turneth Southward vp tillit come to the Straits of Todos Saâ—tos which I reckon to be more then 5000 leagues So that to the Indias it should seeme that we haue some title at least that for our discouering we might trade thither as other doe But all this is nothing neere the Spicerie Now then it from the sayd New found lands the Sea be nauigable there is no doubt but sayling Northward and passing the Pole descending to the Equinoctial line we shall hit these Islands and it should be a much shorter way then either the Spaniards or the Portingals haue For we be distant from the Pole but thirty and nine degrees and from the Pole to the Equinoctiall be ninetie the which added together bee an hundred twenty and nine degrees leagues 2489. and miles 7440 Where we should find these Islands And the Nauigation of the Spaniards to the Spicerie is as by this Carde you may see from Spaine to the Islandes of Canarie and from these Islandes they runne ouer the line Equinoctiall Southwarde to the Cape of the maine land of the Indians called the Cape of Saint Augustine and from this Cape Southwards to the straites of Todos Santos in the which nauigation to the said straites is 1700. or 1800 leagues and from these Straites being past them they returne towarde the line Equinoctiall to the Islands of Spicerie which are distant from the saide Straites 4200. or 4300. leagues The nauigation of the Portingals to the said Islandes is departing from Portingal Southward towarde the Cape Verde and from
Gods grace to discouer also the countrey of Cathaia and other regions very coÌ„uenient to be traded into by merchants of this realme for the great benefite and commodities of the same And forasmuch as diuers subiects of this realme vnderstanding the premises and perceiuing that now after the charge and trauel aforesaid diuers wares and merchandizes are brought by the saide fellowship into this Realme out of the dominions already discouered which bee within this realme of good estimation minding for their peculiar gaine vtterly to decay the trade of the â—ayde fellowship haue contrary to the tenor of the same letters patents in great disorder â—raded into the dominions of the said mightie prince of Russia c. to the great detriment of this common wealth And for that the name by which the saide felowship is incorporated by the letters patents aforesaid is long consisteth of very many words Therfore be it enacted by the Queenes most excellent Maiestie the Lords spiritual and temporal the commons in this present parliament assembled and by authoritie of the same that the said felowship company society corporation made or created by the said letters patents shal at al time times from henceforth be incorporated named and called onely by the name of the fellowship of English merchants for discouery of new trades and by the same name for euer shall and may continue a perpetuall body incorporate in deede and name and onely by the same name from henceforth shall implead and be impleaded answere and be answered defend and be defended sue and bee sued in whatsoeuer courts and places and shall and may by the same name bee inabled to purchase haue holde possesse reteine and enioy whatsoeuer manors landes tenements rents reuersions seruices heredicaments not exceeding a hundred marks yeerely not being holden of the Queenes maiestie her heires or successors by knights seruice in Capite and all goods merchandizes chattels and other things whatsoeuer and shall and may by the same name make and do all things as any other corporation may do and also shall haue and enioy all and singular the liberties priuiledges iurisdictions franchises preheminencâ—s powers authorities and things and may doe and execute all other matters and things in the sayd letters patents mentioned or in any wise conteined And that no part nor parcell of the maine lands Isles ports hauens roades creekes riuers armes of the seas of any Emperour king prince ruler or gouernor whatsoeuer he or they be before the said first enterprise made by the merchants of the saide corporation not knowen by the merchants and subiects of this Realme or by them not commonly by seas frequented and lying from the City of London Northwards Northwestwards or Northeastwards nor any part or parcel of the maine lands dominions isles ports roades hauens creeks armes of the Seas that now be subiect to the said high and mightie prince Lord Iohn Vasiliwich his heires or successours or to the Emperour chiefe gouernour or ruler of the said country of Russia for the time beâ—ng his heires or successors nor the countries of Armenia maior or minor Media Hyrcania Persia or the Caspian sea nor any part of them shall be sailed or traffiqued vnto visited frequented or haunted by any person being or that shalâ—â— a subiect or denizen of this realme by themselues their factor or factors or any other to their vse or commoditie by any wayes or meanes directly or indirectly other then by the order agreement consent or ratification of the gouernour Consuls and assistants of the saide fellowship and comâ—â—naltie or the more part of them and their successors for the time being vpon paine that euery person and persons offending in this behalfe shall forfeit and loose Ipso facto euery such ship and ships with the appurtenances and all such goods Merchandizes and things whatsoeuer as by any such person or persons shal be by any wayes or meanes directly or indirectly prouided caried conducted brought or exchanged in at to through or from any of the places prohibited as is aforesaide contrary to the true intent of this statute the one moitie of all which forfeitures to bee to our said souereigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie her heires and successors and the other moitie thereof to the sayde fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades and their successors to be seized and taken wheresoeuer they may be found by any person or persons to the vse of our said Souereigne Lady her heires and successors and of the said fellowship of English mercâ—hants for discouery of newe trades and of their successors or the same or the value thereof to bee demaunded or sued for by the Queenes highnesse her heires and successors or by the saide fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades or their suâ—cessors or their atturney or atturneis or by any person or persons being of the same fellowship of English Merchants for discouery of newe trades or their successors in any court of Record or in any other Court or courtes within this Realme or els where by Action of debt action of detinue bill plaint information or otherwise in which suite no essoine protection wager of lawe or iniunction shall be allowed for or on the behalfe of the partie or parties defendant Prouided alwayes that whereas diuers Subiects of this Realme being not of the fellowship aforesaid haue heretofore made aduentures to and from some of the places prohibited by the said letters patents that the said subiects their heires executors administrators and assignes or any of them shall not be impeached impleaded troubled sued nor molested for the same in their goods or persons in any maner of wise either by our saide souereigne Lady her heires or successors or the said fellowship or their successors Prouided also that it shall be lawfull for any subiect of this Realme hauing presently any shipping goods wares or ready money remayning at or in any place of or within the dominion of the said mighty prince of Russia or in any other of the places prohibited to be visited or traffiqued vnto by this statute or the said letters Patents to fetch bring and conuey the same or cause the same to be brought or conueyed from thence by sea or otherwise before the feast of S. Iohn Baptist which shal be in the yeere of our Lord God 1568. any thing conteined in this Statute or in the said letters Patents to the contraâ—y notwithstanding Prouided also that it shall be lawfull for any of the subiects of this Realme to saile to the port towne territorie or castle of Wardhouse or to any of the coastes townes hauens creekes riuers Islands and land of Norway for trade of fishing or any other trade there vsed by the subiects of this Realme any thing in this statute to the contrary notwithstanding And for the better maintenance of the Nauie and Mariners of this Realme be it prouided and inacted that it shall not be lawfull
occasion doth serue and note diligently the depth with the maner of the ground and at euery time how farre the same sounding may be from the next shore to it and how the next point or headland doth beare from you And in the sea after you set off from your port you shall orderly at the end of euery foure glasses sound and if you finde ground note the depth and what ground but if you can finde no ground you shall also note in what depth you could find no ground 5 Also that you do diligently obserue the flowing ebbing in euery place and how the tides do set which way the flood doth come and how much water it doth high in euery place and what force the same tide hath to driue a ship in an houre as neere as you can iudge it 6 Also that you doe seeke to obserue with the instrument which I deliuer you herewith according as I taught you at Rose Island the true platformes and distances in as many places as conueniently you may for it serueth very aptly your purpose 7 Also that you take with you paper and ynke and keepe a continuall iournall or rememberance day by day of all such things as shall fall out worth the knowledge not forgetting or omitting to write it and note it that it may be â—hewed and read at your returne 8 These orders if you shall diligently obserue it will be easie for you to make a plat and perfect description of your discouery and so shall your notes be sufficient to answere that which is looked for at your hands But withall you may not forget to note as many things as you can learne and vnderstand by the report of any people whatsoeuer they be so that it appertaine any way to our desires And thus the Lord God prosper your voyage Amen Certaine letters in verse written by Master George Turberuile out of Moscouia which went as Secretarie thither with Master Tho. Randolph her Maiesties Ambassadour to the Emperour 1568 to certeine friends of his in London describing the maners of the Countrey and people To his especiall friend Master Edward Dancie MY Dancie deare when I recount within my brest My London friends and wonted mates and thee aboue the rest I feele a thousand fits of deepe and deadly woe To thinke that I from land to sea from blisse to bale did go I left my natiue soile full like a retchlesse man And vnacquainted of the coast among the Russes ran A people passing rude to vices vile inclinde Folke fit to be of Bacchus traine so quaffing is their kinde Drinke is their whole desire the pot is all their pride The sobrest head doth once a day stand needfull of a guide If he to banket bid his friends he will not shrinke On them at dinner to bestow a douzen kindes of drinke Such licour as they haue and as the countrey giues But chiefly two one called Kuas whereby the Mousike liues Small ware and waterlike but somewhat tart in taste The rest is Mead of honie made wherewith their lips they baste And if he goe vnto his neighbour as a guest He cares for litle meate if so his drinke be of the best No wonder though they vse such vile and beastly tradeâ— Sith with the hatchet and the hand their chiefest gods be made Their Idoles haue their hearts on God they neuer call Unlesse it be Nichola Bough that hangs against the wall The house that hath no god or painted Saint within Is not to be resorted to that roofe is full of sinne Besides their priuate gods in open places stand Their crosses vnto which they crooche and blesse themselues with hand Deuoutly downe they ducke with forehead to the ground Was neuer more deceit in ragges and greasie garments foundâ— Almost the meanest man in all the countrey rides The woman eke against our vse her trotting horse best rides In sundry colours they both men and women goe In buskins all that money haue on buskins to bestoe Ech woman hanging hath a ring within her eare Which all of ancient vse and some of very pride doe weare Their gate is very braue their countenance wise and sadde And yet they follow fleshly lustes their trade of liuing badde It is no shame at all accompted to defile Anothers bedde they make no care their follies to concile Is not the meanest man in all the land but hee To buy her painted colours doeth allow his wife a fee. Wherewith â—he deckes her selfe and dies her tawnie skinne She pranks and paints her smoakie face both brow lip cheeke chinne Yea those that honest are if any such there bee Within the land doe vse the like a man may plainely see Upon some womens cheekes the painting how it lies In plaister sort for that too thicke her face the harlot dies But such as skilfull are and cunning Dames indeede By dayly practise doe it well yea sure they doe exceede They lay their colours so as he that is full wise May easâ—y be deceiu'd therein if he doe trust his eyes I not a little muse what madnesse makes them paint Their faces waying how they keepe the stooue by meere constraint For seldome when vnlesse on Church or marriage day A man shall see the Dames abroade that are of best aray The Russie meanes to reape the profit of her pride And so he mewes her to be sure she lye by no mans side Thus much friend Dancie I did meane to write to thee To let thee weete in Russia land what men and women bee Hereafter I perhaps of other things will write To thee and other of my friends which I shall see with sight And other stuffe besides which true report shall tell Meane while I ende my louing liâ—es and bid thee now farewell To Spencer IF I should now forget or not remember thee Thou Spencer might'st a foule rebuke and shame impute to mee For I to open shew did loue thee passing well And thou wert he at parture whome I loathde to bid farewell And as I went thy friend so I continue still No better proofe thou canst then this desire of true good will I doe remember well when needes I should away And that the Poste would licence vs no longer time â—o stay Thou wrongst me by the fist and holding fast my hand Didst craue of me to send thee newes and how I liked the land It is a sandie soile no very fruitfull vaine More waste and wooddie grounds there are then closes fit for graine Yet graine there growing is which they vntimely take And cut or eare the corne be ripe they mowe it on a stacke And laying sheafe by sheafe their haruest so they dry They make the greater haste for feare the frost the corne destroy For in the winter time so glarie is the ground As neither grasse nor other graine in pastures may be found In coms the cattell then the sheepe the colt the cowe Fast by his bed the Mowsike then
by discent from their ancestors so that the sonne of a gentleman which is borne a souldier is euer a gentleman and a souldier withall professeth nothing els but military matters When they are of yeres able to beare armes they come to the office of Roserade or great Constable and there present themselues who entreth their names and allotteth them certaine lands to maintaine their charges for the most part the same that their fathers enioyed For the lands assigned to maintaine the army are euer certain annexed to this office without improuing or detracting one foot But that if the Emperor haue sufficient in wages the roomes being full so farre as the land doeth extend already they are many times deferred and haue nothing allowed them except some one portion of the land be deuided into two The whole number of his souldiers in continuall pay is this First he hath his Dworaney that is Pensioners or Gard of his person to the number of 15000 horsemen with their captaines and other officers that are alwaies in a readines Of these 15000 horsemen there are three sorts or degrees which differ as well in estimation as in wages one degree from another The first sort of them is called Dworaney Bulshey or the company of head Pensioners that haue some an hundred some fourescore rubbles a yeare and none vnder 70. The second sort are called Seredney Dworaney or the middle ranke of Pensioners These haue sixty or fifty rubbles by the yeare none vnder fortie The third and lowest sort are the Dyta Boiarskey that is the low Pensioners Their salary is thirty rubbles a yere for him that hath most some haue but 25 some 20 none vnder 12. Wherof the halfe part is paid them at the Mosco the other halfe in the field by the general when they haue any wars are imploied in seruice When they receiue their whole pay it amounteth to 55000 rubbles by the yere And this is their wages besides lands allotted to euery one of them both to the greater and the lesse according to their degrees Whereof he that hath least hath to yeelde him twentie rubbles or markes by the yeare Besides these 15000 horsemen that are of better choyce as being the Emperors owne gard when himselfe goeth to the wars not vnlike the Romane souldiers called Praetoriani are a hundred and ten men of speciall account for their Nobilitie and trust which are chosen by the Emperor and haue their names registred that find among them for the Emperors wars to the number of 65000. horsemen with all nececessaries meet for the wars after the Russe maner To this end they haue yerely allowance made by the Emperor for themselues and their companies to the summe of 40000 rubbles And these 65000 are to repayre to the field euery yeare on the borders towards the Crim Tartar except they be appointed for some other seruice whether there be wars with the Tartars or not This might seeme peraduenture somewhat dangerous for some state to haue so great forces vnder the cōmand of Noblemen to assemble euery yere to one certain place But the matter is so vsed as that no danger can growe to the Emperor or his state by this means First because these noblemen are many to wit an 110. in al changed by the Emperor so oft as he thinketh good Secōdly because they haue their liuings of the Emperor being otherwise but of very small reuenue and receiue this yerely pay of 40000 rubbles when it is presently to be payd forth againe to the souldiers that are vnder them Thirdly because for the most part they are about the Emperors person being of his Counsel either speciall or at large Fourthly they are rather as paymasters then Captaines to their companies themselues not going forth ordinarily to the wars saue when some of them are appointed by speciall order from the Emperor himselfe So the whole number of horsemen that are euer in a readinesse and in continuall pay are 80000 a few more or lesse If he haue neede of a greater number which seldome falleth out then he enterteineth of those Sinaboiarskey that are out of pay so many as he needeth and if yet he want of his number he giueth charge to his Noblemen that hold lands of him to bring into the field euery man a proportionable number of his seruants called Kolophey such as till his lands with their furniture according to the iust number that he intendeth to make Which the seruice being done presently lay in their weapons and returne to their seruile occupations againe Of footemen that are in continuall pay he hath to the number of 12000 all gunners called Strelsey Whereof 5000 are to attend about the citie of Mosco or any other place where the Emperor shall abide and 2000 which are called Stremaney Strelsey or gunners at the stirrop about his owne person at the very Court or house where himselfe lodgeth The rest are placed in his garison townes till there be occasion to haue them in the field and receiue for their salarie or stipend euery man seuen rubbles a yeare besides twelue measures a piece of Rye and Dates Of mercenary Souldiers that are strangers whom they call Nimschoy they haue at this time 4300 of Polonians of Chirchasses that are vnder the Polonians about 4000 wherof 3500 are abroad in his garisons of Doutches Scots about 150 of Greekes Turks Danes and Swedens all in one band an 100 or thereabouts But these they vse onely vpon the Tartar side and against the Siberians as they doe the Tartar souldiers whom they hire sometimes but only for the present on the other side against the Polonian and Sweden thinking it best policie to vse their seruice vpon the contrary border The chiefe Captaines or leaders of these forces according to their names and degrees are these which follow First the Voyauoda Bulshaia that is the Great Captaine or Lieutenant general vnder the Emperor This commonly is one of the foure houses of the chiefe Nobility of the land Their great Voiauod or general at this present in their wars is commonly one of these foure Knez Feodor Iuanowich Methisloskey Knez Iuan Michalowich Glinskoy Cherechaskoy end Trowbetskoy all of great nobilitie Next vnto the Voiauod or general there is some other placed as Lieutenant general being a man of great valour and experience in the wars who ordereth all things that the other countenanceth At this time their principal man most vsed in their wars is one Knez Demetrie Iuanowich Forestine an ancient and expert captaine and one that hath done great seruice as they say against the Tartar and Polonian Next vnder the Voiauod and his Lieutenant general are foure other that haue the marshalling of the whole army deuided among them and may be called the marshals of the field Euery man hath his quarter or fourth part vnder him Whereof the first is called the Praua Polskoy or right
they thought it best to leaue them vnto those boisterous and vncouth Northren seas and not there to hunt after them The Spaniards seeing now that they wanted foure or fiue thousand of their people and hauing diuers maimed and sicke persons and likewise hauing lost 10 or 12 of their principall ships they consulted among themselues what they were best to doe being now escaped out of the hands of the English because their victuals failed them in like sort and they began also to want cables cordage ankers masts sailes and other naual furniture and vtterly despaired of the Duke of Parma his assistance who verily hoping and vndoubtedly expecting the returne of the Spanish Fleet was continually occupied about his great preparation commanding abundance of ankers to be made other necessary furniture for a Nauy to be prouided they thought it good at length so soone as the winde should serue them to fetch a compasse about Scotland and Ireland and so to returne for Spaine For they well vnderstood that commandement was giuen thorowout all Scotland that they should not haue any succour or assistance there Neither yet could they in Norway supply their wants Wherefore hauing taken certaine Scotish and other fisherboats they brought the men on boord their owne ships to the end they might be their guides and Pilots Fearing also least their fresh water should faile them they cast all their horses and mules ouer-boord and so touching no where vpon the coast of Scotland but being carried with a fresh gale betweene the Orcades and Faar-Isles they proceeded farre North euen vnto 61 degrees of latitude being distant from any land at the least 40 leagues Heere the Duke of Medina generall of the Fleet commanded all his followers to shape their course for Biscay and he himselfe with twenty or fiue and twenty of his ships which were best prouided of fresh water and other necessaries holding on his course ouer the maine Ocean returned safely home The residue of his ships being about forty in number and committed vnto his Uice-admirall fell neerer with the coast of Ireland intending their course for Cape Clare because they hoped there to get fresh water and to refresh themselues on land But after they were driuen with many contrary windes at length vpon the second of September they were cast by a tempest arising from the Southwest vpon diuers parts of Ireland where many of their ships perished And amongst others the shippe of Michael de Oquendo which was one of the great Galliasses and two great ships of Venice also namely la Ratta and Belanzara with other 36 or 38 ships more which perished in sundry tempests together with most of the persons contained in them Likewise some of the Spanish ships were the second time carried with a strong West winde into the chanell of England where of some were taken by the English vpon their coast and others by the men of Rochel vpon the coast of France Moreouer there arriued at Newhauen in Normandy being by tempest inforced so to doe one of the foure great Galliasses where they found the ships with the Spanish women which followed the Fleet at their setting forth Two ships also were cast away vpon the coast of Norway one of them being of a great burthen howbeit all the persons in the sayd great ship were saued insomuch that of 134 ships which set saile out of Portugall there returned home 53 onely small and great namely of the foure galliasses but one and but one of the foure gallies Of the 91 great galleons and hulks there were missing 58 and 33 returned of the pataches and zabraes 17 were missing and 18 returned home In briefe there were missing 81 ships in which number were galliasses gallies galeons and other vessels both great and small And amongst the 53 ships remaining those also are reckoned which returned home before they came into the English chanell Two galeons of those which were returned were by misfortune burnt as they rode in the hauen and such like mishaps did many others vndergo Of 30000 persons which went in this expedition there perished according to the number and proportion of the ships the greater and better part and many of them which came home by reason of the toiles and inconueniences which they sustained in this voyage died not long after their arriuall The Duke of Medina immediatly vpon his returne was deposed from his authority commanded to his priuate house and forbidden to repaire vnto the Court where he could hardly satisfie or yeeld a reason vnto his malicious enemies and backbiters Many honourable personages and men of great renowme deceased soone after their returne as namely Iohn Martines de Ricalde with diuers others A great part also of the Spanish Nobility and Gentry employed in this expedition perished either by fight diseases or drowning before their arriual among the rest Thomas Perenot of Granduell a Dutchman being earle of Cantebroi and sonne vnto Cardinall Granduell his brother Upon the coast of Zeland Don Diego de Pimentell brother vnto the Marques de Tamnares and kinseman vnto the earle of Beneuentum Calua and Colonell ouer 32 bands with many other in the same ship was taken and detained as prisoner in Zeland Into England as we sayd before Don Pedro de Valdez a man of singular experience and greatly honoured in his countrey was led captiue being accompanied with Don Vasquez de Siluaâ— Don Alonzo de Sayas and others Likewise vpon the Scotish Westerne Isles of Lewis and Ila and about Cape Cantyre vpon the maine land there were cast away certaine Spanish shippes out of which were saued diuers Captaines and Gentlemen and almost foure hundred souldiers who for the most part after their shipwracke were brought vnto Edenborough in Scotland and being miserably needy and naked were there clothed at the liberality of the King and the Marchants and afterward were secretly shipped for Spaine but the Scotish fleet wherein they passed touching at Yarmouth on the coast of Norfolke were there stayed for a time vntill the Councels pleasure was knowen who in regard of their manifolde miseries though they were enemies wincked at their passage Upon the Irish coast many of their Noblemen and Gentlemen were drowned and diuers slaine by the barbarous and wilde Irish. Howbeit there was brought prisoner out of Ireland Don Alonzo de Luçon Colonell of two and thirtie bandes commonly called a terza of Naples together with Rodorigo de Lasso and two others of the family of Cordoua who were committed vnto the custodie of Sir Horatio Palauicini that Monsieur de Teligny the sonne of Monsiâ—ur de la Noüe who being taken in sight neere Antwerpe was detained prisoner in the Castle of Turney might be raunsomed for them by way of exchange To conclude there was no famous nor woorthy family in all Spaine which in this expedition lost not a sonne a brother or a kinseman For the perpetuall memorie of this matter the Zelanders caused newe
Domini 1172 fundata fuit abbatia de Stanlaw per dominum Iohannem Lacy Constabularium Cestriae dominum de Halton qui obijt in Terra sancta anno sequenti qui fuit vicessimus annus regni regis Henrici secundi ¶ The same in English IN the yere of our Lord 1172 was founded the abbey of Stanlaw by the lord Iohn Lacy Constable of Chester lord of Halton who deceased in the Holy land the yere following which was in the twentieth yere of king Henry the second The voyage of VVilliam Mandeuile to Ierusalem VVIlliam Mandeuile earle of Essex with diuers English lords and knights went to the Holy land in the 24 yere of Henry the second Holinshed pag. 101. English men were the guard of the Emperours of Constantinople in the reigne of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus Malmesburiensis Curopolata and Camden pag. 96. IAminde Anglia non minus belli gloria quà m humanitatis cultu inter Florentissimas orbis Christiani gentes inprimis floruit Adeo vt ad custodiam corporis Constantinopolitanorum Imperatorum euocati fuerint Angli Ioannes enim Alexij Comneni filius vt refert noster Malmesburiensis eorum fidem suspiciens praecipue familiaritati suae applicabat amorem eorum filio transcribens Adeo vt iam inde longo tempore fuerint imperatorum illorum satellites Inglini Bipenniferi Nicetae Choniatae Barangi Curopolatae dicti Qui vbique Imperatorem prosequebantur ferentes humetis secures quas tollebant cum Imperator ex oratorio spectandum se exhibebat Anglicè vitam diuturnam secures suas collidentes vt sonitum ederent comprecabantur The same in English FRom this time forward the kingdome of England was reputed amongst the most flourishing estates of Christendome no lesse in chiualrie then humanitie So farforth that the English men were sent for to be the guarders of the persons of the Emperours of Constantinople For Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus as our countreyman William of Malmesburie reporteth highly esteeming their fidelity vsed them very nere about him recommending them ouer to his sonne so that long time afterwards the guard of those Emperours were English halberâ—iers called by Nicetas Choniata Inglini Bipenniseri and by Europolata Barangi which alwayes accompanied the Emperour with their halberds on their shoulders which they held vp when the Emperour comming from his Oratorie shewed himselfe to the people and clafhing their halberds together to make a terrible sound they in the English tongue wished vnto him long life A great supply of money to the Holy land by Henry the 2. THe same yeere King Henry the second being at Waltham assigned an aide to the maintenance of the Christian souldiers in the Holy lande That is to wit two and fortie thousand markes of siluer and fiue hundred markes of golde Matth. Paris and Holens pag. 105. A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henrie the second King of England Anno Dom. 1177. wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries Noble men and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battell of his against the Soldan of Iconium Recorded by Roger Houeden in Annalium parte posteriore in regno Hen. 2. fol. 316 317. EOdem anno Manuel Constantinopolitanus imperator habito praelio campestri cum Soltano Iconij illo devicto in hac forma scripsit Domino regi Angliae Manuel in Christo deo Porphyrogenitus diuinitùs coronatus sublimis potens excelsus semper Augustus moderator Romanorum Comnenus Henrico nobilissimo regi Angliae charissimo amico suo salutem omne bonum Cum imperium nostrum necessarium reputet notificare tibi vt dilecto amico suo de omnibus quae sibi obueniunt ideò de his quae nunc acciderunt ei opportunum iudicauit declatare tuae voluntati Igitur a principio coronationis nostrae imperium nostrum aduersus dei inimicos Persas nostrum odium in corde nutriuit dum cernetet illos in Christianos gloriari eleuarique in nomen dei Christianorum dominari regionibus Quocirca alio quidem tempore in differentèr inuasit eos prout deus ei concessit sic fecit Et quae ab ipso frequenter patrata sunt ad contritionem ipsorum perditionem imperium nostrum credit nobilitatem tuam non latere Quoniam autem nunc maximum exercitum contra eos ducere proposuit bellum contra omnem Persidem mouere quia res cogebat Et non vt voluit multum aliquem apparatum fecit sicut ei visum est Veruntamen prout tempus dabat rerum status potentèr eos inuasit Collegit ergo circa se imperium nostrum potentias suas sed quia carpenta ducebat armorum machinarum aliorum instrumentorum conserentium ciuitatum expugnationibus pondera portantia idcircò nequa quam cum festinatione iter suum agere poterat Ampliùs autem dum adhuc propriam regionem peragraret antequam barbarorum aliquis aduersus nos militaret in bellis aduersarius aegritudo dissicillima fluxus ventris invasit nos qui diffâ—sus per agmina imperij nostri pertransibat depopulando inteâ—imendo multos omni pugnatore grauior Et hoc maluÌ„ inuslescens maximè nos contriuit Ex quo verò fines Turcorum inuasimus bella quidem primum frequentia concrepabant agmina Turcorum cum exercitibus imperij nostri vndique dimicabant Sed Dei gratia ex toto à nostris in fugam vertebantur barbari Post verò vbi eâ— qui illic adjaceâ— angustiae loci quae à Persis nominatur Cibrilcimam propinquâ—uimus tot Persarum turmae peditum equitum quorum pleraeque ab interioribus partibus Persidis occurrerant in adiutorium contribulium suorum exercitui nostro superuenerunt quot penè nostrorum excederent numerum Exercitu ita que imperij nostri propter viae omnino angustiam difficultatem vsque ad decem milliaria extenso cum neque qui praeibant possent postremos defendere neque versa vice rursus postremi possent praeeuntes iuuare non mediocritèr ab inuicem hos distare accidit Sanè primae cohortes permultùm ab acie imperij nostri diuide bantur postremarum oblitae illas non praestolantes Quoniam igitur Turcorum agmina ex iam factis praelijs cognouerant non conferre sibi à fronte nobis repugnare loci angustiam bonum subuentorem cum inuenissent posteriora statuerunt inuadere agmina quod fecerunt Arctissimo igitur vbique loco existente instabant barbari vndique à dextris â sinistris aliundè dimicantes tela super nos quasi imbres descendentia interimebant viros equos complures Ad haec itaque imperium nostruÌ„ vbi malum superabundabat reputans secum oportunuÌ„ iudicabat retrò expectare atque illos qui illic erant adiuuare expectando vtiquè contra infinita illa Persarum agmina bellum sustinuit Quanta quidem
monitions and reasons of the false traitor being vnderstood and pondered by the great Turke and his counsell it was considered of them not to loose so good occasion and time Wherefore hee made most extreme diligence to rigge and apparell many ships vessels of diuers sorts as galliasses gallies pallandres fustâ—s and brigantines to the number of 350. sailes and moe When the prisoner that the sayd de Merall did send into Turkie had done his câ—mmission hee returned into Rhodes whereof euery man had maruell And many folkes deemâ—d â—uil of his comming againe as of a thing vnaccustomed but none durst say any thing seeing the sayd de Merall of so great authoritie and dignitie and he cherished the sayd prisoner more then he was woont â—o doe Therefore belike hee had well done his message and had brought good tidings to the damnable and shamefull mind of â—he sayd traitor de Merall How the great Turke caused the passages to be kept that none should beare tidings of his hoste to Rhodes THe great Turke intending with great diligence to make readie his hoste both by sea and by land the better to come to his purpose and to take the towne vnwarily as hee was aduertised thought to keepe his doings as secret as hee might and commaunded that none of his subiects should goe to Rhodes for any maner of thing And likewise he tooke all the barkes and brigantines out of the hauens and portes in those coastes because they should giue no knowledge of his armie And also hee made the passages by land to bee kept that none should passe Howbeit so great apparell of an armie could not bee long kept close for the spies which the lord great master had sent into Turkie brought tidings to the castle of saint Peter and to Rhodes of all that was sayd and done in Turkie Neuerthelesse the sayd lord gaue no great credence to all that was brought and told because that many yeeres before the predecessours of the great Turke had made great armies and alway it was sayd that they went to Rhodes the which came to none effect And it was holden for a mocke and a by-word in many places that the Turke would goe to besiege Rhodes And for this reason doubt was had of this last armie and some thought that it should haue gone into Cyprus or to Cataro a land of the lordship of Venice Howbeit the great master not willing to bee taken vnwarily but the meane while as carefull and diligent for the wealth of his towne his people vnderstanding these tidings of the Turkes armie did all his diligence to repaire and strengthen the towne Amongst all other things to build vp and raise the bulwarke of Auuergne and to cleanse and make deeper the ditches And the more to cause the workemen to haste them in their businesse they sayd lord ouersawe them twice or thrise euery day How the lord great master counselled with the lordes for prouision for the towne THen the sayd reuerend lord thought to furnish and store the towne with more vitailes for the sustenance thereof and for the same many times hee spake with the lordes that had the handling and rule of the treasurie and of the expenses thereof in his absence and since his comming That is to wit with the great Commander Gabriel de pommerolles lieutenant of the sayd lord The Turcoplier Sir Iohn Bourgh of the English nation and the Chanceller Sir Andrew de Meral of whom is spoken afore and of his vntruth agaynst his religion The which three lordes sayd that hee should take no thought for it for the towne was well stored with vitailes for a great while and that there was wheate ynough till new came in Notwithstanding it were good to haue more or the siege were laide afore the towne and therefore it were behoouefull to send for wheate and other necessaries into the West for succours of the towne and at that time to puruey for euery thing Of the prouision for vitailes and ordinance of warre AS touching the store and ordinance of warre the sayd lordes affirmed that there was ynough for a yeere and more whereof the contrary was found for it failed a moneth or the citie was yeelded It is of trueth that there was great store and to haue lasted longer then it did But it was needfull to spend largely at the first comming of the enemies to keepe them from comming neere and from bringing earth to the ditches sides as they did And moreouer you are to consider the great number of them and their power that was spred round about the towne giuing vs so many assaults and skirmishes in so many places as they did and by the space of sire whole moneths day and night assailing vs that much ordinance and store was wasted to withstand them in all points And if it failed it was no maruell Howbeit the noble lord great master prouided speedily for it and sent Brigantines to Lango to the castle of saint Peter and to the castels of his isle Feraclous and Lyndo for to bring powder and saltpeter to strength the towne but it suffised not And for to speake of the purueiance of vitailes it was aduised by the lord great master and his three lords that it was time to send some ships for wheat to places thereabout before the Turks hoste were come thither And for this purpose was appointed a ship named the Gallienge whose captaine hight Brambois otherwise called Wolfe of the Almaine nation an expert man of the sea the which made so good diligence that within a moneth he performed his voiage and brought good store of wheat from Naples and Romania which did vs great comfort How a Brigantine was sent to Candie for wine and of diuers ships that came to helpe the towne AFter this a motion was made to make prouision of wine for the towne for the men of Candie durst not saile for to bring wine to Rhodes as they were woont to doe for feare of the Turkes hoste and also they of the towne would send no ship into Candie fearing to be taken and enclosed with the sayd hoste by the way Howbeit some merchants of the towne were willing to haue aduentured themselues in a good ship of the religion named the Mary for to haue laden her with wine in Candie But they could not agree with the three lordes of the treasure and their let was but for a little thing and all the cause came of the sayd traitour de Merall faining the wealth of the treasure for he intended another thing and brake this good and profitable enterprise and will of the sayd merchants seeing that it was hurtfull to the Turke whose part the said traitour held in his diuelish heart that notwithstanding the reuerend lord great master that in all things from the beginning to the ende hath alway shewed his good will and with all diligence and right that might bee requisite to a soueraigne captaine and head of warre
till it where brought The patron as warie wise in the businesse of the sea thought in himselfe that the Turkes made such prolonging to some euil intent or to surprise his vessell being alone wherefore hee bade them giue him the letter speedily or els he would goe his way and neither tary for letter nor other thing and told them of the euill and dishonest deed that they had done the dayes afore to withhold the clarke vnder their words and fateconduct and therewith he turned his galliasse to haue gone away The Turkes seeing that gaue him the letter the which he tooke and when he was arriued at Rhodes he presented it to the lord great master which assembled the lordes of his counsell and made it to be red The tenor whereof was such as foloweth The copie of the letter that the great Turke sent to the lord great master and to the people of the Rhodes SVltan Solyman Basha by the grace of God right mightie emperor of Constantinople and of himselfe holding both the lands of Persia Arabia Syria Mecha and Ierusalem of Asia Europe AEgypt and of all the Sea lord and possessor To the reuerend father lord Philip great master of Rhodes to his counsailors and to all the other citizens great and small greeting Sending conuenient and worthy salutations to your reuerences wee giue you to weet that we haue receiued your letters sent vnto our imperiall maiestie by George your seruant the tenor whereof we doe well vnderstand and for this occasion we send vnto you this our present commaundement to the end that we will that ye know surely how by our sentence we will haue that Isle of Rhodes for many damages and euill deeds which we haue and heare from day to day of the sayd place done to vs and our subiects and ye with your good will shall hold it of vs doe vs obâ—â—sance and giue the citie to mine imperiall maiestie And we sweare by God that made heauen and earth and by 26000. of our prophets and by the 4. Misafâ— that fell from the skies and by our first prophet Mahomet that if ye doe vs homage and yeeld you wiâ—h good will vpon these othes all you that will abide in the sayd place great and small shall not need to feare perill nor damage of mine imperiall maiestie neither you your goods nor your men and who so will goe to any other place with his goods and haushold may so doe and who so will dwell and inhabite in any other places vnder mine Imperiall maiestie may râ—maine where they like best without feare of any person And if there bee any of the principals and woorthy men among you that is so disposed wee shall giue him wages and prouision greater then hee hath had And if any of you will abide in the sayd isle yee may so doe after your auncient vsages and customes and much better And therefore if that yee will accept these our othes and intreatings send vnto vs a man with your lâ—tters to mine Imperiall maiestie or els know yee that wee will come vpon you with all prouisions of warre and thereof shall come as it pleaseth God And this wee doe to the end that ye may know and that ye may not say but we haue giuen you warning And if ye doe not thus with your good will wee shall vault and vndermine your foundations in such maner that they shal be torne vpside downe and shall make you slaues and cause you to die by the grace of God as we haue done many and hereof haue ye no doubt Written in our court at Constantinople the first day of the moneth of Iune How the Turkes came to land in the Isle of Lango and were driuen to their ships againe by the Prior of S. Giles WHen the lord great master and his counsell had heard the tenor of the letter they would giue none answere to the great Turke but that he should be receiued with good strokes of artillerie So that to a foolish demaund behooued none answere And it was very like that he would haue nothing For sixe dayes after that was the 14. day of the said moneth of Iune the Brigantines that went toward Sio to know of the said armie came againe and sayd that of a trueth the said armie was comming and that nigh to Lango an Isle of the religion an 100. mile from Rhodes they had scene and told 30. sailes that were most part gallies and fustes the which vessels set men on land in y â— isle of Lango TheÌ„ the prior of S. Giles Missire pre Iohn de Bidoux commander of the sayd place taried not long from horsebacke with his knights and people of the isle and he met so well with the Turkes that he droue them to their ships and slew a certaine number of them and of the side of Pre Iohn some were hurt and his horse was slaine When the enemies were entered into their gallies they went to a place called castle Iudeo on the maine land betweene the sayd isle of Lango and the castle of S. Peter How part of the nauie and armie of the great Turke came before the citie of Rhodes THe 18. day of the said moneth of Iune these 30. gallies went from the sayd place and passed by the Cape of Crion entering the gulfe of Epimes beside Rhodes and were discouered from the shade of the hill of Salaco a castle in the isle of Rhodes On the morow they came out of the gulfe by plaine day and sailing along by the coasts they entered into a hauen on maine land called Maifata where they abode three dayes Then they went from thence and returâ—ed to the gulfe of Epimes where they abode two dayes and two nights The 24 day of the same moneth they issued out of Epimes and trauersing the chanell they came to the yle of Rhodes in a place before a castle called Faues and they went to land and they went to land and burnt a great field of corne the same day which was the feast of S. Iohn Baptist our patron The guard of a castle named Absito in the yle of Rhodes discouered and spâ—ed the great hosâ—e and in great haste brought word to the lord master and sayd that the sayd hoste that was in so great number of sailes that they might not be numbred was entred into the gulfe of Epimes The 30 sailes that lay in the yle arose in the night and went to the sayd hoste in the gulfe The 26 day of Iune the sayd great hoste arose and wâ—nt out of Epimes an houre after the sun rising trauersing the chanell they came to a place called the Fosse eight miles from the towne And the 30 first sailes turned backe toward the cape of S. Martin and other places to watch for ships of Christian men if any passed by to Rhodes The great hoste abode still till no one or one of the clocke and then arose not all but about 80 or 100
from the other Malabars These haue their hâ—ads very full of haire and bound vp with a string and there doth appeare a bush without the â—and wherewith it is bound The men be tall and strong and good archers with a long bow and a long arrow which is their best weapon yet there be some caliuers among them but they handle them badly Heere groweth the pepper and it springeth vp by a tree or a pole and is like our iuy berry but something longer like the wheat eare and at the first the bunches are greene and as they ware ripe they cut them off and dry them The lâ—afe is much lesser then the iuy leafe and thinner All the inhabitants here haue very little houses couered with the leaues of the coco-trees The men be of a reasonable stature the women litle all blacke with a cloth bound about their middle hanging downe to their hammes all the rest of their bodies be naked they haue horrible great eares with many rings set with pearles and stones in them The king goeth incached as they do all he doth not remaine in a place aboue fiue or sixe dayes he hath many houses but they be but litle his guard is but small he remooueth from one house to another according to their order All the pepper of Calicut and course cinamom groweth here in this countrey The best cinamom doth come from Ceylon and is pilled from fine yoong trees Here are very many palmer or coco trees which is their chiefe food for it is their meat and drinke and yeeldeth many other necessary things as I haue declared before The Naires which be vnder the king of Samoâ—in which be Malabars haue alwayes wars with the Portugals The king hath alwayes peace with them but his people goe to the sea to robbe steale Their chiefe captaine is called Cogi Alli he hath three castles vnder him When the Portugals complaine to the king he sayth he doth not send them out but he consenteth that they go They range all the coast from Ceylon to Goa and go by foure or fiue parowes or boats together and haue in euery one of them fifty or threescore men and boord presently They do much harme on that coast and take euery yere many foists and boats of the Portugals Many of these people be Moores This kings countrey beginneth twelue leagues from Cochin and reachâ—th neere vnto Goa I remained in Cochin vntill the second of Nouember which was eight monethâ— for that there was no passage that went away in all that time if I had come two dayes sooner I had found a passage presently From Cochin I went to Goa where I remained three dayes From Cochin to Goa is an hundred leagues From Goa I went to Chaul which is threescore leagues where I remained three and twenty dayes and there making my prouision of things necessary for the shippe from thence I departed to Ormus where I stayed for a passage to Balsara fifty dayes From Goa to Ormus is foure hundred leagues Here I thought good before I make an end of this my booke to declare some things which India and the countrey farther Eastward do bring forth The pepper groweth in many parts of India especially about Cochin and much of it doeth grow in the fields among the bushes without any labour and when it is ripe they go and gather it The shrubbe is like vnto our iuy tree and if it did not run about some tree or pole it would fall downe and rot When they first gather it it is greâ—ne and then they lay it in the Sun and it becommeth blacke The ginger groweth like vnto our garlike and the root is the ginger it is to be found in many parts of India The cloues doe come from the Iles of the Moluccoes which be diuers Ilands their tree is like to our bay tree The nutmegs and maces grow together and come from the I le of Banda the tree is like to our walnut tree but somewhat lesser The white sandol is wood very sweet in great request among the Indians for they grinde it with a litle water and anoynt their bodies therewith it commeth from the Iâ—le of Timor Camphora is a precious thing among the Indians and is solde dearer then golde I thinke none of it commeth for Christendome That which is compounded commeth from China but that which groweth in canes and is the best commeth from the great Isle of Borneo Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina The beniamin commeth out of the countreys of Siam and Iangomes The long pepper groweth in Bengala in Pegu and in the Ilands of the Iauas The muske commeth out of Tartarie and is made after this order by report of the marchants which bring it to Pegu to sell In Tartarie there is a little beast like vnto a yong roe which they take in snares and beat him to death with the blood after that they cut out the bones and beat the flesh with the blood very small and fill the skin with it and hereof commeth the muske Of the amber they holde diuers opinions but most men say it commeth out of the sea and that they finde it vpon the shores side The rubies saphires and spinelles are found in Pegu. The diamants are found in diuers places as in Bisnagar in Agra in Delli and in the Ilands of the Iauas The best pearles come from the Iland of Baharim in the Persian sea the woorser from the Piscaria neere the Isle of Ceylon and from Aynam a great Iland on the Southermost coast of China Spodium and many other kindes of drugs come from Cambaia Now to returne to my voyage from Ormus I went to Balsara or Basora and from Basora to Babylon and we passed the most part of the way by the strength of men by halling the boat vp the riuer with a long cord From Babylon I came by land to Mosul which standeth nere to Niniue which is all ruinated and destroyed it standeth fast by the riuer of Tigris From Mosul I went to Merdin which is in the countrey of the Armenians but now there dwell in that place a people which they call Cordies or Curdi From Merdin I went to Orfa which is a very faire towne and it hath a goodly fountaine ful of fish where the Moores hold many great ceremonies and opinions concerning Abraham for they say he did once dwell there From thence I went to Bi r so passed the riuer of Euphrates From Bi r I went to Aleppo where I stayed certaine moneths for company and then I went to Tripolis where finding English shipping I came with a prosperous voyage to London where by Gods assistance I safely arriued the 29 of April 1591 hauing bene eight yeeres out of my natiue countrey The report of Iohn Huighen van Linschoten concerning M. Newberies and M.
be content to be punished With that we departed from them promising them to do our best and in the end we obtained so much of the Archbishop that he went vnto the Uiceroy to deliuer our petition and perswaded him so well that he was content to set them at libertie and that their goods should be deliuered vnto them againe vpon condition they should put in sureties for two thousand pardawes not to depart the countrey before other order should be taken with them Thereupon they presently found a Citizen of the towne that was their surety for two thousand pardawes to whom they payed in hand one thousand and three hundred pardawes and because they sayd they had no more ready money he gaue them credit seeing what store of marchandise they had whereby at all times if need were he might be satisfied and by that meanes they were deliuered out of prison and hired themselues an house and beganne to set open shoppe so that they vttered much ware and were presently well knowen among all the marchants because they alwayes respected gentlemen specially such as bought their wares shewing great courtesie and honour vnto them whereby they woon much credit and were beloued of all men so that euery man fauoured them and was willing to doe them pleasure To vs they shewed great friendship for whose sake the Archbishop fauoured them much and shewed them very good countenance which they knew well how to increase by offering him many presents although he would not receiue them neither would euer take gift or present at any mans hands Likewise they behaued themselues so discreetly that no man caried an euil eye no nor an euill thought towards them Which liked not the Iesuites because it hindered them from that they hoped for so that they ceased not still by this Dutch Iesuite to put them in feare that they should be sent into Portugall to the King counselling them to yeeld themselues Iesuites into their Cloister which if they did he sayd they would defend them from all troubles saying further that he counselled them therin as a friend one that knew for certaine that it was so determined by the Uiceroyes Priuy councell which to effect he sayd they stayed but for shipping that should saile for Portugall with diuers other perswasions to put them in some feare and so to effect their purpose The English men to the contrary durst not say any thing to them but answered that as yet they would stay a while and consider thereof thereby putting the Iesuites in comfort as one among them being the principall of them called Iohn Newbery complained vnto me often times saying that he knew not what to say or thinke therein or which way he might be ridde of those troubles but in the end they determined with themselues to depart from thence and secretly by meanes of other friendes they imployed their money in precious stones which the better to effect one of them was a Ieweller and for the same purpose came with them Which being concluded among them they durst not make knowen to any man neither did they credite vs so much as to shew vs their mindes therein although they tolde vs all whatsoeuer they knew But on a Whitsunday they went abroad to sport themselues about three miles from Goa in the mouth of the riuer in a countrey called Bardes hauing with them good store of meate and drinke And because they should not be suspected they left their house and shoppe with some wares therein vnsolde in custody of a Dutch boy by vs prouided for them that looked vnto it This boy was in the house not knowing their intent and being in Bardes they had with them a Patamar which is one of the Indian postes which in the Winter times carieth letters from one place to the other whom they had hired to guide them and because that betweene Bardes and the firme land there is but a little riuer in a maner halfe drie they passed ouer it on foot and so trauelled by land being neuer heard of againe but it is thought they arriued in Aleppo as some say but they know not certainely Their greatest hope was that Iohn Newbery could speake the Arabian tongue which is vsed in all those countreys or at the least vnderstood for it is very common in all places there abouts as French with vs. Newes being come to Goa there was a great stirre and murmuring among the people and we much woondered at it for many were of opinion that we had giuen them counsell so to do and presently their surety seised vpon the goods remaining which might amount vnto aboue two hundred pardawes and with that and the money he had receiued of the English men he went vnto the Uiceroy and deliuered it vnto him which the Uiceroy hauing receiued forgaue him the rest This flight of the English men grieued the Iesuites most because they had lost such a praye which they made sure account of wherupon the Dutch Iesuite came to vs to aske vs if we knew thereof saying that if he had suspected so much he would haue dealt otherwise for that he sayd he once had in his hands of theirs a bagge wherein was forty thousand veneseanders ech veneseander being two pardawes which was when they were in prison And that they had alwayes put him in comfort to accomplish his desire vpon the which promise he gaue them their money againe which otherwise they should not so lightly haue come by or peraduenture neuer as he openly sayd and in the end he called them hereticks and spies with a thousand other railing speeches which he vttered against them The English man that was become a Iesuite hearing that his companions were gone and perceiuing that the Iesuites shewed him not so great fauour neither vsed him so well as they did at the first repented himselfe and seeing he had not as then made any solemne promise and being counselled to leaue the house and tolde that he could not want a liuing in the towne as also that the Iesuites could not keepe him there without he were willing to stay so they could not accuse him of any thing he tolde them flatly that he had no desire to stay within the Cloister And although they vsed all the meanes they could to keepe him there yet he would not stay but hired an house without the Cloister and opened shoppe where he had good store of worke and in the end married a Mestizos daughter of the towne so that he made his account to stay there while he liued By this English man I was instructed of all the wayes trades and voyages of the countrey betweene Aleppo and Ormus and of all the ordinances and common customes which they vsually holde during their voyage ouer the land as also of the places and townes where they passed And since those English mens departures from Goa there neuer arriued any strangers either English or others by land in the sayd countreys but
his booke he dedicated to the Cardinall of Sens keeper of the great seale of France It appeareth by the sayd booke that he had read the works of sundry Phylosophers Astronomers and Cosmographers whose opinions he gathered together But touching his owne trauell which he affirmeth I refer to the iudgement of the expert in our dayes and therefore for mine owne part I write of these Canaria Ilands as time hath taught me in many yeres The Iland of Canaria THe Iland of Canaria is almost equal in length and bredth containing 12 leagues in length touching the which as principall and the residue the Spanyards holde opinion that they discouered the same in their nauigation toward America but the Portugals say that their nation first found the sayd Ilands in their nauigation toward Aethiopia and the East Indies But truth it is that the Spanyards first conquered these Ilands with diuers English gentlemen in their company whose posterity this present day inioyeth them Some write that this Iland was named Canaria by meane of the number of dogs which there were found as for example Andrew Theuet sayth that one Iuba carried two dogs from thence but that opinion could I neuer learne by any of the naturall people of the countrey although I haue talked with many in my time and with many of their children For trueth it is that there were dogs but such as are in all the Northwest lands and some part of the West India which serued the people in stead of sheepe for victuall But of some of the conquerors of those Ilands I haue heard say that the reason why they were called the Canaria Ilands is because there grow generally in them all fouresquare canes in great multitude together which being touched will cast out a liquour as white as milke which liquor is ranke poison and at the first entry into these Ilands some of the discouerers were therewith poisoned for many yeeres after that conquest the inhabitants began to plant both wine and sugar so that Canaria was not so called by sugar canes The people which first inhabited this land were called Canaries by the conquerors they were clothed in goat skinnes made like vnto a loose cassocke they dwelt in caues in the rocks in great amity and brotherly loue They spake all one language their chiefe feeding was gelt dogges goates and goates milke their bread was made of barley meale and goates milke called Gofia which they vse at this day and thereof I haue eaten diuers times for it is accounted exceeding holesome Touching the originall of these people some holde opinion that the Romans which dwelt in Africa exiled them thither aswell men as women their tongues being cut out of their heads for blasphemy against the Romane gods But howsoeuer it were their language was speciall and not mixed with Romane speech or Arabian This Iland is now the principallest of all the rest not in fertility but by reason it is the seat of iustice and gouernment of all the residue This Iland hath a speciall Gouernour for the Iland onely yet notwithstanding there are three Iudges called Auditours who are superiour Iudges and all in one ioyntly proceed as the Lord Chanceller of any realme To this city from all the other Ilands come all such by appeale as haue sustained any wrong and these good Iudges do remedy the same The city is called Ciuitas Palmarum it hath a beautifull Cathedrall church with all dignities thereunto pertaining For the publike weale of the Iland there are sundry Aldermen of great authority who haue a councell house by themselues The city is not onely beautifull but the citizens curious and gallant in apparell And after any raine or foule weather a man may goe cleane in Ueluet slippers because the ground is sandy the aire very temperate without extreame heat or colde They reape wheat in February and againe in May which is excellent good and maketh bread as white as snow This Iland hath in it other three townes the one called Telde the second Galder and the third Guia. It hath also twelue sugar houses called Ingenios in which they make great quantity of good sugar The maner of the growth of sugar is in this sort a good ground giueth foorth fruit nine times in 18 yere that is to say the first is called Planta which is layd along in a furrow so that the water of a sluce may come ouer euery roote being couered with earth this root bringeth foorth sundry canes and so consequently all the rest It groweth two yeeres before the yeelding of profit and not sixe moneths as Andrew Theuet the French man writeth Then are they cut euen with the ground and the tops leaues called Coholia cut off and the canes bound into bundels like faggots and so are caried to the sugar house called Ingenio where they are ground in a mill and the iuyce thereof conueyed by a conduct to a great vessell made for the purpose where it is boiled till it waxe thicke and then is it put into a fornace of earthen pots of the molde of a sugar loafe and then is it carried to another house called a purging house where it is placed to purge the blacknesse with a certaine clay that is layd thereon Of the remainder in the causoron is made a second sort called Escumas and of the purging liquor that droppeth from the white sugar is made a third sort and the remainder is called Panela or Netas the refuse of all the purging is called Remiel or Malasses and thereof is made another sort called Refinado When this first fruit is in this sort gathered called Planta then the Cane-field where it grew is burned ouer with sugar straw to the stumps of the first canes and being husbanded watred and trimmed at the end of other two yeeres it yeeldeth the second fruit called Zoca The third fruit is called Tertia Zoca the fourth Quarta Zoca and so orderly the rest til age causeth the olde Canes to be planted againe This Iland hath singular good wine especially in the towne of Telde and sundry sorts of good fruits as Batatas Mellons Peares Apples Orenges Limons Pomgranats Figs Peaches of diuers sorts and many other fruits but especially the Plantano which groweth neere brooke sides it is a tree that hath no timber in it but groweth directly vpward with the body hauing maruelous thicke leaues and euery leafe at the toppe of two yards long and almost halfe a yard broad The tree neuer yeeldeth fruit but once and then is cut downe in whose place springeth another and so still continueth The fruit groweth on a branch and euery tree yeeldeth two or three of those branches which beare some more and some lesse as some forty and some thirty the fruit is like a Cucumber and when it is ripe it is blacke and in eating more delicate then any conserue This Iland is sufficiently prouided of Oxen Kine Camels Goats Sheepe Capons Hens
Guinean voyage as in the same hereafter is verbatim mentioned The 29 of April we being at anker without the road a French ship called the green Dragon of Newhauen whereof was captaine one Bon Temps came in who saluted vs after the maner of the sea with certaine pieces of ordinance and we resaluted him with the like againe with whom hauing communication he declared that hee had bene at the Mina in Guinea and was beaten off by the Portugals gallies and enforced to come thither to make sale of such wares as he had and further that the like was hapned vnto the Minion also that captaine Dauid Carlet a marchant with a dozen mariners were betraied by the Negros at their first arriuall thither remaining prisoners with the Portugals besides other misaduentures of the losse of their men hapned through the great lacke of fresh water with great doubts of bringing home the ships which was most sorowfull for vs to vnderstand The voyage of M. George Fenner to Guinie and the Islands of Cape Verde in the yeere 1566. with three ships to wit the Admirall called The Castle of Comfort the May Flower and the George and a Pinnasle also Written by Walter Wren THe 10 day of December in the yeere abouesayd we departed from Plimmouth and the 12 day we were thwart of Ushant The 15 day in the morning being Sunday wee had sight of Cape Finister and the same night we lost the company of our Admirall wherefore we sayled along the coast of Portugall hoping that our Admirall had bene before vs. The 18 day we met with a French ship of whom wee made inquirie for our Admirall but he could not tell vs newes of him so we followed our course to the Ilands of the Canaries The 25 day in the morning we fell with a small Iland called Porto Santo within 3 houres we had sight of another Iland called Madera which is 6 leagues from Porto Santo The said 25 day being the day of the Natiuitie we hoised out our boat and fâ—r master Edward Fenner captaine of the May Flower aboord vs being in the George with the master whose name was Robert Cortise and others of the sayd shippe and feasted them with such cheere as God had sent vs. The 28 day we fel with an Iland called Tenerif which is 27 leagues from the said Iland and on the East side thereof we came to an anker in 40 fadome water within a base shot of the shore in a litle Baie wherein were 3 or 4 small houses which Baie and houses were distant from a litle towne called Santa Cruz a league or thereabout and as we rode in the said Baie we might see an Iland called The grand Canarie which was 6 or 7 leagues from vs. The 29 day the May Flower for that she could not fet into y e road where we were at an anker by reason the wind was off the shore because she bare more roomer froÌ„ the land then we did in the morning came bearing in with the towne of Santa Cruz thinking to come to an anker in the road against the towne and before she came within the reach of any of their ordinance they shot at her foure pieces which caused her to come roome with vs and came at last to an anker by vs. And about one of the clocke in the afternoone the forenamed captaine of the May Flower wrote a letter a shore directing it to the head officer of the towne of Santa Cruz to the intent to vnderstand the pretense of the shooting off the said ordinance The letter being written Robert Courtise master of the May Flower and Walter Wren were appointed to deliuer the same a land at 3 or 4 houses to bee conueied to the foresayd towne and so went with six men in the boate and rowed to the shore as neere as they might for setting the boat on ground for the sea went cruelly at the shore The people stood in number 30 persons with such armour as they had the foresayd Wren called to them in Spanish declaring to theÌ„ that they had a letter which they would very gladly haue conueied vnto the towne shewing that they would traffique with them as marchants desiring their helpe for the conueiance of the same letter With that one of the Spaniards willed vs to come on land and we should be welcome but doubting the worst the said Walter answered them that they would not come on land vntil they had answere of their letter which they had brought Whereupon one of the Spaniards vnraied himselfe and lept into the water and swam to the boat whom we receiued And he saluted vs and demaunded what our request was we made him answere that by misfortune we lost the companie of our Admirall and being bound to this Iland to traffique for wines and other things necessary for vs do here mind to stay vntill he come Concerning our letter he made vs answere that he would with all diligence cary it and deliuer it according to the direction and so the said Walter knit the letter in a bladder and deliuered it vnto him and also gaue him foure roials of Spanish money for his paines and promising that we should haue answere of it he tooke his leaue and swamme againe on shore where the people stood ready to receiue him And after that they had talked with him and vnderstood our meaning some of them threw vp their hats the other put them off holding them in their hands and made vs very curteous signes alwaies desiring that the boat would come a land but we resaluting them rowed backe againe aboord The 30 day the Gouernours brother of Santa Cruz came aboord the May Flower with sixe or seuen Spaniards with him who concluded with the Captaine that we might come a shore and traffique with them but that day we did not for we had no sufficient pledge of theirs for our assurance Our Captaine entertained them well and at their departure gaue them foure pieces of ordinance for a farewell and bestowed vpon them two cheeses with other things The sayd Gouernours brother promised our Captaine that hee should haue sufficient pledges the morrow folowing which was not done whereupon wee grew suspicious and went not that day a shore The first day of Ianuary our captaine sent Nicholas Day and Iohn Sumpter a shore who were very well entertained with as many of our company as went after them In the said Iland is a marueilous high hill called the Pike which is a far off more like a cloud in the aire then any other thing the hill is round and somewhat small at the top it hath not bene knowen that euer any man could goe vp to the top thereof And although it stand in 28 degrees which is as hote in Ianuary as it is in England at Midsommer yet is the top of the said hil Winter and Sommer seldome without snow In this Iland about two leagues from the said Santa Cruz is
that the ship stood in lesse then 14 fadoms of water no more then sixe miles from the Cape which is called Das Agulias and there we stood as vtterly cast away for vnder vs were rocks of maine stone so sharpe and cutting that no ancre could hold the ship the shore so euill that nothing could take land and the land itselfe so full of Tigers and people that are sauage and killers of all strangers that we had no hope of life nor comfort but onely in God and a good conscience Notwithstanding after we had lost ancres hoising vp the sailes for to get the ship a coast in some safer place or when it should please God it pleased his mercy suddenly where no man looked for helpe to fill our sailes with wind from the land so we escaped thanks be to God And the day following being in the place where they are alwayes wont to catch fish we also fell a fishing and so many they cooke that they serued all the ship for that day and part of the next And one of them pulled vp a corall of great bignesse and price For there they say as we saw by experience that the corals doe grow in the maner of stalks vpon the rocks in the bottome and waxe hard and red The day of perill was the nine and twentieth of Iuly And you shall vnderstand that the Cape passed there be two wayes to India one within the I le of S. Laurence which they take willingly because they refresh themselues at Mosambique a fortnight or a moneth not without great need and thence in a moneth more land in Goa The other is without the I le of S. Laurence which they take when they set foorth so late and come so late to the point that they haue no time to take the foresayd Mosambique and then they goe heauily because in this way they take no port And by reason of the long nauigation and want of food and water they fall into sundry diseases their gummes waxe great and swell and they are faine to cut them away their legges swell and all the body becommeth sore and so benummed that they can not stirre hand nor foot and so they die for weakenesse others fall into fluxes and agues and die thereby And this way it was our chance to make yet though we had more then one hundred and fifty sicke there died not past seuen and twenty which losse they esteemed not much in respect of other times Though some of ours were diseased in this sort yet thanks be to God I had my health all the way contrary to the expectation of many God send me my health so well in the land if it may be to â—is honour and seruice This way is full of priuy rockes and quicke-sands so that sometimes we durst not saile by night but by the prouidence of God we saw nothing nor neuer found bottome vntill we came to the coast of India When we had passed againe the line and were come to the third degree or somewhat more we saw crabs swimming on the water that were red as though they had bene sodden but this was no signe of land After about the eleuenth degree the space of many dayes more then ten thousand fishes by estimation followed round about our ship whereof we caught so many that for fifteene dayes we did eate nothing els and they serued our turne very well for at this time we had neither meat nor almost any thing els to eate our nauigation growing so long that it drew neere to seuen moneths where as commonly they goe it in fiue I meane when they saile the inner way But these fishes were not signe of land but rather of deepe sea At length we tooke a couple of birds which were a kinde of Hawks whereof they ioyed much thinking that they had bene of India but indeed they were of Arabia as we found afterward And we that thought we had bene neere India were in the same latitude neere Zocotora an I le in the mouth of the Red sea But there God sent vs great winds from the Northeast or Northnortheast whereupon vnwillingly they bare vp toward the East and thus we went tenne dayes without seeing signe of land whereby they perceiued their errour for they had directed their course before alwayes Northeast coueting to multiply degrees of latitude but partly the difference of the Needle and most of all the running seas which at that time ran Northwest had drawen vs to this other danger had not God sent vs this winde which at length waxed larger and restored vs to our right course These running seas be so perillous that they deceiue the most part of the gouernours and some be so little curious contenting themselues with ordinary experience that they care not to seeke out any meanes to know when they swarue neither by the compasse nor by any other triall The first signe of land were certaine fowles which they knew to be of India the second boughes of palmes and sedges the third snakes swimming on the water and a substance which they call by the name of a coine of money as broad and as round as a groat woonderfully printed and stamped of nature like vnto some coine And these two last signes be so certaine that the next day afâ—er if the winde serue they see land which we did to our great ioy when all our water for you know they make no beerâ— in those parts and victuals began to faile vs. And to Goa we came the foure and twentieth day of October there being receiued with passing great charity The people be tawny but not disfigured in their lips noses as the Moores and Cafres of Ethiopia They that be not of reputation or at least the most part goe naked sauing an apron of a span long and as much in bredth before them and a lace two fingers broad before them girded about with a string and no more and thus they thinke them as well as we with all our trimming Of the fruits and trees that be here I cannot now speake for I should make another letter as long as this For hitherto I haue not seene a tree here whose like I haue seene in Europeâ— the vineâ—excepted which neuerthelesse here is to no purpose so that all the wines are brought out of Portugall The drinke of this countrey is good water or wine of the Palme tree or of a fruit called Cocos And this shall suffice for this time If God send me my health I shall haue opportunity to write to you once againe Now the length of my letter compelleth me to take my leaue and thus I wish your most prosperous health From Goa the tenth of Nouember 1579 Your louing sonne Thomas Steuens A briefe relation of the great magnificence and rich traffike of the kingdome of Pegu beyond the East India written by Frey Peter of Lisbon to his cousin Frey Diego of Lisbon from Cochin I
battery and of the rest taken at the Groine which had it bene such as might haue giuen vs any assurance of a better battery or had there bene no other purpose of our iourney but that I thinke the Generall would haue spent some more time in the siege of the place The two last nights there were that vndertooke to fire the higher towne in one place where the houses were builded vpon the wall by the water side but they within suspecting as much made so good defence against vs as they preuented the same In our dâ—parture there was fire put into euery house of the low towne insomuch as I may iustly say there was not one house left standing in the base towne or the cloister The next day being the eight of May we â—mbarked our army without losse of a man which had we not bâ—aten the enemy at Puente de Burgos had bene impossible to haue done for that without doubt they would haue attempted something against vs in our imbarking as appeared by the report of the Commissary aforesayd who confessed that the first night of our landing the Marques of Seralba writ to the Conde de Altemira the Conde de Andrada and to Terneis de Santisso to bring all the forces against vs that they could possible raise thinking no way so good to assure that place as to bring an army thither where withall they might either besiege vs in their base towne if we should get it or to lie betweene vs and our place of imbarking to fight with vs vpon the aduantage for they had aboue 15000 souldiers vnder their commandements After we had put from thence we had the winde so contrary as we could not vnder nine dayes recouer the Burlings in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earle of Essex and with him M. Walter Deuereux his brother a Gentleman of woonderfull great hope Sir Roger Williams Colonell generall of the footmen Sir Philip Butler who hath alwayes bene most inward with him and Sir Edward Wingfield came into the fleet The Earle hauing put himselfe into the iourney against the opinion of the world and as it seemed to the hazzard of his great fortune though to the great aduancemâ—nt of his reputation for as the honourable cariage of himselfe towards all men doth make him highly esteemed at home so did his exceeding forwardnesse in all seruices make him to be woondered at amongst vs who I say put off in the same winde from Falmouth that we left Plimmouth in where he lay because he would auoid the importunity of messengers that were dayly sent for his returne and some other causes more secret to himselfe not knowing as it seemed what place the Generals purposed to land in had bene as farre as Cadiz in Andaluzia and lay vp and downe about the South Cape where he tooke some ships laden with corne and brought them vnto the fleet Also in his returne from thence to meet with our fleet he fell with the Ilands of Bayon and on that side of the riuer which Cannas standeth vpon he with Sir Roger Williams and those Gentlâ—men that were with him went on shore with some men out of the ship he was in whom the enemy that held guard vpon that coast would not abide but fled vp into the countrey The 16 day we landed at Peniche in Portugall vnder the shot of the castle and aboue the waste in water more then a mile from the towne wherein many were in perill of drowning by reason the winde was great and the sea went high which ouerthrew one boat wherein fiue and twenty of Captaine Dolphins men perished The enemy being fiue companies of Spaniards vnder the commandement of the Conde de Fuentes sallied out of the towne against vs and in our landing made their approch close by the water side But the Earle of Essex with Sir Roger Williams and his brother hauing landed sufficient number to make two troups left one to holde the way by the water side and led the other ouer the Sandhils which the enemy seeing drew theirs likewise further into the land not as we coniectured to encounter vs but indeed to make their speedy passage away notwithstanding they did it in such sort as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonell generall vnder Captaine Iackson they stood the same euen to the push of the pike in which charge and at the push Captaine Robert Piew was slaine The enemy being fled further then we had reason to follow them all our companies were drawen to the towne which being vnfortified in any place we found vndefended by any man against vs. And therefore the Generall caused the castle to be summoned that night which being abandoned by him that commanded it a Portugall named Antonio de Aurid being possessed thereof desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was landed whereupon he would deliuer the same which he honestly performed There was taken out of the castle some hundred shot and pikes which Don Emanuel furnished his Portugals withall and twenty barrels of powder so as possessing both the towne and the castle we rested there one day wherein some Friers and other poore men came vnto their new king promising in the name of their country next adioyning that within two dayes he should haue a good supply of horse and foote for his assistance That day we remained there the Generals company of horses were vnshipped The Generals there fully resolued that the Armie should march ouer land to Lisbone vnder the conduct of Generall Norris and that Generall Drake should meete him in the riuer therof with the Fleete that there should be one Company of foote left in garde of the Castle and sixe in the ships also that the sicke hurt should remaine there with prouisions for their cures The Generall to trie the euent of the matter by expedition the next day beganne to march in this sort his owne Regiment and the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams Sir Henrie Norris Colonell Lane and Colonell Medkerk in the vantgard Generall Drake Colonell Deuereux Sir Edward Norris and Colonell Sidneis in the battell Sir Iames Hales Sir Edward Wingfield Colonell Vmptons Colonell Huntlies and Colonell Brets in the arrereward By that time our army was thus marshalled Generall Drake although hee were to passe by Sea yet to make knowen the honourable desire he had of taking equall part of all fortunes with vs stood vpon the ascent of an hill by the which our battalions must of necessity march and with a pleasing kindnesse tooke his leaue seuerally of the Commanders of euery regiment wishing vs all most happy successe in our iourney ouer the land with a constant promise that he would if the iniury of the weather did not hinder him meet vs in the riuer of Lisbon with our fleet The want of cariages the first day was such as they were enforced to cary their munition vpon mens backs which was the next day remedied In this
to giue courage to the rest of the Countrey The Friers also and the poore people that came vnto him promised that within two dayes the gentlemen and others of the Countrey would come plentifully in within which two dayes came many more Priests and some very few gentlemen on horsebacke but not til we came to Torres Vedras where they that noted the course of things how they passed might somewhat discouer the weaknesse of that people There they tooke two dayes more and at the end thereof referred him till our comming to Lisbon with assurance that so soone as our army should be seene there all the inhabitants would be for the King and fall vpon the Spaniards After two nights tariance at Lisbon the King as you haue heard promised a supply of 3000 foot and some horse but all his appointments being expired euen to the last of a night all his horse could not make a cornet of 40 nor his foot furnish two ensignes fully although they caried three or foure colours and these were altogâ—ther such as thought to inrich themselues by the ruine of their neighbours for they committed more disorders in euery place where we came by spoile then any of our owne The Generall as you see hauing done more then before his comming out of England was required by the King and giuen credit to his many promises euen to the breach of the last he desisted not to perswade him to stay yet nine dayes longer in which time he might haue engaged himselfe further then with any honour he could come out of againe by attempting a towne fortified wherein were more men armed against vs then we had to oppugne them withall our artillery and munition being fifteene miles from vs and our men then declining for there was the first shew of any great sickenesse amongst them Whereby it seemeth that either his prelaâ—y did much abuse him in perswading him to hopes whereof after two or three dayes he saw no semblance or he like a silly louer who promiseth himselfe fauor by importuning a coy mistresse thought by our long being before his towne that in the end taking pity on him they would let him in What end the Friers had by following him with such deuotion I know not but sure I am the Laity did respite their homage till they might see which way the victory would sway fearing to shew themselues apparantly vnto him least the Spaniard should after our departure if we preuailed not call them to account yet sent they vnder hand messages to him of obedience thereby to saue their owne if he became King but indeed very well contended to see the Spaniards and vs try by blowes who should carry away the crowne For they be of so base a mould as they can very wel subiect themselues to any gouernment where they may liue free from blowes and haue liberty to become rich being loth to endure hazzard either of life or goods For durst they haue put on any minds thorowly to reuolt they had three woonderfull good occasions offered them during our being there Themselues did in generall confesse that there were not aboue 5000 Spaniards in that part of the Countrey of which number the halfe were out of the towne till the last day of our march during which time how easily they might haue preuailed against the rest any man may conceiue But vpon our approch they tooke them all in and combined themselues in generall to the Cardinall The next day after our comming thither when the sally was made vpon vs by their most resolute Spaniards how easily might they haue kept them out or haue giuen vs the gate which was held for their retreat if they had had any thought thereof And two dayes after our comming to Cascais when 6000 Spaniards and Portugals came against vs as farre as S. Iulians by land as you shal presently heare all which time I thinke there were not many Spaniards left in the towne they had a more fit occasion to shew their deuotion to the King then any could be offered by our tarying there And they could not doubt that if they had shut them out but that we would haue fought with them vpon that aduantage hauing sought them in Galitia vpon disaduantage to beat them and hauing taken so much paines to seeke them at their owne houses whereof we gaue sufficient testimony in the same accident But I thinke the feare of the Spaniard had taken so deepe impression within them as they durst not attempt any thing against them vpon any hazzard For what ciuill countrey hath euer suffered themselues to be conquered by so few men as they were to be depriued of their naturall King and to be tyrannized ouer thus long but they And what countrey liuing in â—lauery vnder a stranger whom they naturally hate hauing an army in the field to fight for them and their liberty would lie still with the yoke vpon their necks attending if any strangers would vnburthen them without so much as rousing themselues vnder it but they They will promise much in speeches for they be great talkers whom the Generall had no reason to distrust without triall and therefore marched on into their countrey but they performed little in action whereof we could haue had no proofe without this thorow triall Wherein he hath discouered their weaknesse and honorably performed more then could be in reason expected of him which had he not done would not these maliguers who seeke occasions of slander haue reported him to be suspicious of a people of whose infidelity he had no testimony and to be fearefull without cause if he had refused to giue credit to their promises without any aduenture Let no friuolous questionist therefore further enquire why he marched so many dayes to Lisbon and taried there so small a while The next morning seeing no performance of promise kept he gaue order for our marching away himselfe the Earle of Essex and Sir Roger Williams remaining with the stand that was made in the high street till the whole army was drawen into the field and so marched out of the towne appointing Captaine Richard Wingfield and Captaine Anthony Wiâ—gfield in the arrâ—reward of them with the shot thinking that the enemy as it was most likely would haue issued out vpon our rising but they were otherwise aduised When we were come into the field euery battalion fell into that order which by course appertained vnto them and so marched that night vnto Cascais Had we marched thorow his Countrey as enemies our Souldiours had beene well supplied in all their wants but had we made enemies of the Suburbs of Lisbon we had beene the richest army that euer went out of England for besides the particular wealth of euery house there were many Warehouses by the water side full of all sorts of rich marchandizes In our march that day the gallies which had somewhat but not much annoyed vs at Lisbon for that our way lay along the
he was no sooner gone then the enemy possessed the town and castle and shot at our ships as they came into the road At this time also was the Ambassador from the Emperor of Marocco called Reys Hamet Bencasamp returned and with him M. Ciprian a Gentleman of good place and desert was sent from Don Antonio and Captaine Ousley from the Generals to the Emperor The next morning the nine gallies which were sent not fiue dayes before out of Andaluzia for the strengthening of the riuer of Lisbon which being ioyned with the other twelue that were there before though we lay hard by them at S. Iulians durst neuer make any attempt against vs vpon our departure from thence were returning home and in the morning being a very dead calme in the dawning thereof fell in the winde of our fleet in the vttermost part whereof they assailed one stragling barke of Plimmouth of the which Captaine Cauerley being Captaine of the land company with his Lieutenant the Master and some of the Mariners abandoned the ship and betooke them to the ship-boats whereof one in which the Master and the Captaine were was ouerrunne with the gallies and they drowned There were also two hulks stragled farre from the strength of the other ships which were so calmed as neither they could get to vs nor we to them though all the great shippes towed with their boats to haue relieued them but could not be recouered in one of which was Captaine Minshaw with his company who fought with them to the last yea after his ship was on fire which whether it was fired by himselfe or by them we could not wel discerne but might easily iudge by his long and good fight that the enemy could not but sustaine much losse who setting also vpon one other hulke wherein was but a Lieutenant and he very sicke were by the valour of the Lieutenant put off although they had first beaten her with their artillery and attempted to boord her And seeing alâ—o one other hulke a league off a sterne off vs they made towards her but finding that she made ready to fight with them they durst not further attempt her whereby it seemed their losse being great in the other fights they were loth tâ— proceed any further From that day till the 19 of Iune our direction from the Generall was that if the wind were Northerly we should plie for the Açores but if Southerly for the Iles of Bayon We lay with contrary windes about that place and the Rocke till the Southerly winde preuailing carried vs to Bayon part of our ships to the number of 25 in a great winde which was two dayes before hauing lost the Admirals and fleet according to their direction fell in the morning of that day with Bayon among whom was Sir Henry Norris in the Ayde who had in purpose if the Admirals had not come in with some 500 men out of them all to haue landed and attempted the taking of Vigo The rest of the fleet held with Generall Drake who though he were two dayes before put vpon those Ilands cast off againe to sea for the Açores but remembring how vnprouided he was for that iourney and seeing that he had lost company of his great ships returned for Bayon and came in there that night in the euening where he passed vp the riuer more then a mile aboue Vigo The next morning we landed as many as were able to fight which were not in the whole aboue 2000 men for in the 17 dayes we continued on boord we had cast many of our men ouer-boord with which number the Colonell generall marched to the towne of Vigo neere the which when he approched he sent Captaine Anthony Wingfield with a troupe of shot to enter one side of the same who found vpon euery streets end a strong barricade but altogether abandoned for hauing entred the towne he found but one man therein but might see them making way before him to Bayon On the other side of the towne entred Generall Drake with Captaine Richard Wingfield whose approch on that side I thinke made them leaue the places they had so artificially made for defence there were also certaine shippes sent with the Uice-admirall to lie close before the towne to beat vpon the same with their artillery In the afternoone were sent 300 vnder the conduct of Captaine Petuin and Captaine Henry Poure to burne another village betwixt that and Bayon called Borsis and as much of the country as the day would giue them leaue to do which was a very pleasant rich valley but they burnt it all houses and corne as did others on the other side of the towne both that and the next day so as the countrey was spoiled seuen or eight miles in length There was found great store of wine in the towne but not any thing els for the other dayes warning of the shippes that came first in gaue them a respit to cary all away The next morning by breake of the day the Colonell generall who in the absence of the Generals that were on boord their ships commanded that night on shore caused all our companies to be drawen out of the towne and sent in two troups to put fire in euery house of the same which done we imbarked againe This day there were certaine Mariners which without any direction put themselues on shore on the contrary side of the riuer from vs for pillage who were beaten by the enemy from their boats and punished by the Generals for their offer in going without allowance The reasons why we attempted nothing against Bayon were before shewed to be want of artillery and may now be alledged to be the small number of our men who should haue gone against so strong a place manned with very good souldiers as was shewed by Iuan de Vera taken at the Groine who confessed that there were sixe hundred olde Souldiers in garrison there of Flanders and the Tercios of Naples lately also returned out of the iourney of England Under the leading of Capitan Puebla Christofero Vasques de Viralta a souldier of Flanders Don Pedro Camascho del tercio de Napoles Don Francisco de Cespedes Cap. Iuan de Solo del tercio de Naples Don Diego de Cassaua Cap. Sâ—uban Also he sayth there be 18 pieces of brasse and foure of yron lately layed vpon the walles of the towne besides them that were there before The same day the Generals seeing what weake estate our army was drawen into by sicknesse determined to man and victuall twenty of the best ships for the Ilands of Açores with Generall Drake to see if he could meet with the Indian fleet and Generall Norris to returne home with the rest And for the shifting of men and victualles accordingly purposed the next morning to fall downe to the Ilands of Bayon againe and to remaine there that day But Generall Drake according to their apointment being vnder saile neuer strooke at the Ilands but
danger to be swallowed vp of the Sea Whereupon sir W. Ralegh finding that the season of the yere was too farre gone to proceed with the enterprise which he had vpon Panama hauing bene held on the English coast from February till May and thereby spent three moneths victuals and considering withall that to lie vpon the Spanish coast or at the Ilands to attend the returne of the East or West Indian fleets was rather a worke of patience then ought els he gaue directions to sir Iohn Burgh and sir M. Frobisher to diuide the fleet in two parts sir M. with the Garland cap. George Gifford cap. Henry Thin cap. Grenuile and others to lie off the South cape thereby to amaze the Spanish fleet and to holde them on their owne coast while sir I. Burgh capt Robert Crosse capt Tomson others should attend at the Ilands for the caraks or any other Spanish ships comming from Mexico or other parts of the West Indies Which direction tooke effect accordingly for the king of Spaines Admirall receiuing intelligence that the English fleet was come on the coast attended to defend the South parts of Spaine to keepe himselfe as nere sir Mart. Frobisher as he could to impeach him in all things which he might vndertake and thereby neglected the safeconduct of the caraks with whom it fared as hereafter shall appeare Before the fleet seuered themselues they mette with a great Biscain on the Spanish coast called Santa Clara a ship of 600 tunnes The noise of the artillery on both sides being heard immediatly they drew to their fleet where after a reasonable hot fight the ship was entred and mastered which they found fraighted with all sorts of small yron-worke as horse-shoes nailes plough-shares yron barres spikes boults locks gimbols such like valued by vs at 6000 or 7000 li. but woorth to them treble the value This Biscain was sailing towards S. Lucar there to take in some further prouision for the West India This ship being first roomaged and after sent for England our fleet coasted along towards the Southcape of S. Vincent and by the way about the Rocke nere Lisbon sir Iohn Burrough in the Robucke spying a saile afarre off gaue her present chase which being a flieboat and of good saile drew him farre Southwards before he could fetch her but at last she came vnder his lee and strooke saile The master of which flieboat comming aboord him confessed that the king indeed had prepared a great fleet in S. Lucar and Cadiz and as the report in Spaine was currant for the West Indies But in deed the Spanish king had prouided this fleet vpon this counsell He receiued intelligence that sir Walter Ralegh was to put out strong for the West India to impeach him and to ranconter his force he appointed this fleet although looking for the arriuall of his East Indian caraks he first ordained those ships to waft them from the Açores But perswading himselfe that if the fleet of sir Walter Ralegh did go for the West India then the Ilands should haue none to infest them but some small men of warre which the caraks of themselues would be well able to match his order was to Don Alonso de Baçan brother to the Marques of Santa Cruz and Generall of his armada to pursue sir Walters fleet and to confront him what course soeuer he held And that this was true our men in short time by proofe vnderstood for sir Iohn Burrough not long after the taking of his last prize the flieboat as he sailed backe againe towards the rest of his company discouered the Spanish fleet to sea-ward of him which hauing likewise espied him betwixt them and the shore made full account to bring him safe into Spanish harbour and therefore spred themselues in such sort before him that indeed his danger was very great for both the liberty of the sea was brought into a narrow straight and the shore being enemy could giue him no comfort of reliefe so that trusting to Gods helpe onely and his good saile he thrust out from among them in spight of all their force and to the notable illusion of all their cunning which they shewed to the vttermost in laying the way for his apprehension But now sir Iohn Burrough hauing happily escaped their clouches finding the coast guarded by this fleet and knowing it was but folly to expect a meeting there with sir Martin Frobisher who vnderstanding of this armada aswell as himselfe would be sure not to come that way beganne to shape his course to the Açores according to sir W. Raleghs direction and came in sight of S. Michael running so neere by Villa Franca that he might easily discerne the shippes lying there at anker Diuers small carauels both here and betweene S. Georges and the Pike in his course toward Flores he intercepted of which no great intelligence for his affaires could be vnderstood Arriuing before Flores vpon Thursday the 21 of Iune towards euening accompanied onely with captaine Caufield and the Master of his shippe the rest not being yet arriued he made towards the shore with his boat finding all the people of of Santa Cruz a village of that Iland in armes fearing their landing and ready marshalled to defend their towne from spoile Sir Iohn contrariwise made signes of amity vnto them by aduancing a white flagge a common token of peace which was answered againe of them with the like whereupon ensued entercourses of good friendship and pledges were taken on both sides the captaine of the towne for them and captaine Caufield for ours so that whatsoeuer our men wanted which that place could supply either in fresh water victuals or the like was very willingly granted by the inhabitants and good leaue had they to refresh themselues on shore as much and as oft as they would without restraint At this Santa Cruz sir Iohn Burrough was informed that indeed there was among them no expectation of any fleet to come from the West but from the East that no longer since then three dayes before his arriuall a carak was passed by for Lisbon and that there were foure caraks more behinde of one consort Sir Iohn being very glad of this newes stayed no longer on shore but presently imbarqued himselfe hauing onely in company a small barke of threescore tunnes belonging to one M. Hopkins of Bristoll In the meane while that these things thus passed at Flores part of the rest of the English fleet which sir Iohn Burrough had left vpon the coast of Spaine drew also towards the Açores and whereas he quickly at sea had discouered one of the caraks the same euening he might descry two or three of the Earle of Cumberlands ships whereof one M. Norton was captaine which hauing in like sort kenned the carak pursued her by that course which they saw her to runne towards the Ilands But on no side was there any way made by reason of a great
from Mexico the 30 of May 1590 to Francis Hernandez of Siuil concerning the speedy building of two strong forts in S. Iuan de Vllua and Vera Cruz as also touching the notable new and rich discouery of Cibola or New Mexico 400 leagues Northwest of Mexico pag. 396 Certeine voyages made for the discouery of the gulfe of California and of the sea-coast on the Northwest or backside of America THe voyage of the right worshipfull knight Francisco de Vlloa with 3 ships set forth at the charges of the right noble Fernando Cortez by the coasts of Nueua Galicia Culiacan into the gulfe of California called El mar vermejo as also on the backside of Cape California as far as 30 degrees begun froÌ„ Acapulco the 8 of Iuly 1539. p. 397 The voyage and discouery of Fernando Alarchon made by the order of the R. H. Don Antonio de Mendoça viceroy of New Spaine to the very bottome of the gulfe of California and 85 leagues vp the riuer of Buena Guia begun the 9 of May 1540. pag. 425 The voyage and course which sir Francis Drake held from the hauen of Guatulco on the backside of Nueua Espanna to the Northwest of California as far as 43 degrees from thence backe againe to 38 degrees where in a very good harbour he graued his shippe entrenched himselfe on land called the countrey by the name of Noua Albion and tooke possession thereof on the behalfe of her Maiestie pag. 440 The memorable voyage of Francis Gualle a Spanish captaine and pilot vndertaken at the appointment of the viceroy of New Spaine from the hauen of Acapulco in the sayd prouince to the islands of the Luçones or the Philippinas vnto the hauen of Manilla and from thence to the hauen of Macao in China and from Macao by the Lequeos the isles of Iapan and other isles to the East of Iapan and likewise by the Northwest part of America in 37 degrees and ½ bâ—cke againe to Acapulco begun the 10 of March 1582 ended 1584. Out of which voyage besides gâ—eat probabilities of a North Northwest or Northeast passage may euidâ—ntly be gathered that the sea betweene Iapan and America is by mâ—ny hundred leagues broader and the land betweene Cape Mendoçino and Cape California is many hundred leagues narrower then we â—inde them to be in the ordinary maps and relations pag. 442 An extract of a Spanish letter written from Pueblo de los Angeles in Nueua Espanna in October 1597 touching the discouery of the rich islands of California being distant eight dayes sailing from the maine pag. 439 A catalogue of diuers voyages made by English men to the famous city of Mexico and to all or most part of the other principall prouinces cities townes and places thorowout the great and â—arge kingdome of New Spaine euen as farre as Nicaragna and Panamá and from thence to Perú c. THe voyage of Robert Tomson merchant into New Spaine in the yere 1555. pa. 447 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenham to Sant Iuan de Vllua in the bay of Mexico and from thence to the city of Mexico Anno 1564. pag. 447 The memorable voyage of M. Iohn Chilton to all the principall parts of Nueua Espanna and to diuers places in Perú begun â—rom Cadiz in Andaluzia in March 1568. pa. 455 The voyage of Henrie Hawks merchant to Nueua Espanna in which countrey he trauelled for the space of fiue yeres and obserued many notable things written at the request of M. Richard Hakluyt of Eyton in the county of Hereford esquire 1572. pag. 462 The voyage of Miles Philips one of the company put on shore by sir Iohn Hawkins 1568 a little to the North of Panuco from whence he trauelled to Mexico and afterward to sundry other places hauing remained in the countrey 15 or 16 yeeres together noted many things most worthy the obseruation pag. 469 The trauels of Iob Hortop set on land by sir Iohn Hawkins 1586 in the bay of Mexico somewhat to the North of Panuco before mentioned pag. 487 A relation of the hauen of Tecuanapa a most conuenient place for building of ships situate vpon the South sea not farrâ— from Nicaragua pag. 495 A catalogue of the principall English voyages to all the isles called Las Antillas and to the foure greaâ—er islands of Sant Iuan de Puerto â—ico Hespaniola Iamaica and Cuba and Northward thorow the Lucayos as also along the coasts of Tierra firma Nombre de dios Veragua the Honduras the coast of Iucatan to the poâ—t of Sanâ— Iuan de Vllua and the coast of Panuâ—o c. THe voyage of sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot in the yere 1516 to Brasil Santo Domingo and Sant Iuan de Puerto rico pag. 498 The voyage of Thomas Tison an English man to the West Indies before the yere 1526. pag. 500 The first voyage of the right worshipfull and valiant knight sir Iohn Hawkins sometimes treasurer of her Maiesties nauy royall made to the West Indies in the yere 1562. pag. 500 The second voyage made by the R. W. sir Iohn Hawkins knight with the Iesus of Lubec one of her Maiesties ships and the Salomon and two barks to the coast of Guinie from thence to the isle of Dominica all along the coast of Tierra firma so homewards about the cape of S. Anton vpon the West end of Cuba thorow the chanel of Bahama Begun 1564. pag. 501 The third â—roublesome voyage of the right worshipfull sir Iohn Hawkins with the Iesus of Lubec the Minion and foure other ships to the parts of Guinea and the coasts of Tierra firma and Nueua Espanna Anno 1567 1568. pag. 521 The first voyage attempted and set foorth by the valiant and expert captaine M. Francis Drake with a ship called The Dragon and another ship a pinnesse to Nombre de Dios and Dariene about the yere 1572. pag. 525 The voyage of Iohn Oxnam of Plimmouth to the West India and ouer the streight of Dariene into the South sea Anno 1575. pag. 526 The voyage of M. Andrew Barker of Bristoll with two shippes the one called The Ragged staffe and the other The Beare to the coast of Tierra firma and the bay of the Honduras in the West Indies Anno 1576. pag. 528 The famous expedition of sir Francis Drake to the West Indies wherein were tâ—ken the cities of saint Iago saint Domingo Cartagena with the Fort and towne of saint Augustin in Florida in the yeers 1585 and 1586. pag. 5â—4 The voyage of William Michelson and William Mace of Ratcliffe master of a ship called The Dog made to the bay of Mexico anno 1589. pag. 557 The voyage and valiant fight of The Content a ship of the right honourable sir George Carey knight L. Hunsdon L. Chamberlaine Captaine of the honourable band of her Maiestiâ—s Pensioners and Gouernour of the Isle of Wight c. 1591. pag. 555 The voyage of M. Christopher Newport with a fleete of
leaue which commonly they found very contrary For when the weather was cleare and without fogge then commonly the winde was contrary And when it was eyther Easterly or Southerly which would serue their turnes then had they so great a fogge and darke miste therewith that eyther they could not discerne way thorow the yce or els the yce lay so thicke together that it was impossible for them to passe And on the other side when it was calme the Tydes had force to bring the yce so suddenly about them that commonly then they were most therewith distressed hauing no Winde to cary them from the danger thereof And by the sixt of August being with much adoé got vp as high as Leicester point they had good hope to finde the Souther shore cleare and so to passe vp towardes their Port. But being there becalmed and lying a hull openly vpon the great Bay which commeth out of the mistaken streights before spoken of they were so suddenly compassed with yce round about by meanes of the swift Tydes which run in that place that they were neuer afore so hardly beset as now And in seeking to auoyde these dangers in the darke weather the Anne Francis lost sight of the other two Ships who being likewise hardly distressed signified their danger as they since reported by shooting off their ordinance which the other could not heare nor if they had heard could haue giuen them any remedie being so busily occupied to winde themselues out of their owne troubles The Fleeboate called the Moone was here heaued aboue the water with the force of the yce and receiued a great leake thereby Likewise the Thomas of Ipswich and the Anne Francis were sore brused at that instant hauing their false stemmes borne away and their ship sides stroken quite through Now considering the continuall dangers and contraries and the little leasure that they had left to tarie in these partes besides that euery night the ropes of their Shippes were so frozen that a man could not handle them without cutting his handes together with the great doubt they had of the Fleetes safety thinking it an impossibilitie for them to passe vnto their Port as well for that they saw themselues as for that they heard by the former report of the Shippes which had prooued before who affirmed that the streights were all frozen ouer within They thought it now very hie time to consider of their estates and safeties that were yet left together And hereupon the Captaines and masters of these Shippes desired the Captaine of the Anne Francis to enter into consideration with them of these matters Wherefore Captaine Tanfield of the Thomas of Ipswich with his Pilot Richard Cox and Captaine Vpcote of the Moone with his master Iohn Lakes came aboorde the Anne Francis the eight of August to consult of these causes And being assembled together in the Captaines Cabin sundry doubts were there alledged For the fearefuller sort of Mariners being ouertyred with the continuall labour of the former dangers coueted to returne homeward saying that they would not againe tempt God so much who had giuen them so many warnings and deliuered them from so wonderfull dangers that they rather desired to lose wages fraight and all then to continue and follow such desperate fortunes Againe their Ships were so leake and the men so weaâ—ie that to amend the one and refresh the other they must of necessitie seeke into harborough But on the other side it was argued againe to the contrary that to seeke into harborough thereabouts was but to subiect themselues to double dangers if happily they escaped the dangers of Rockes in their entring yet being in they were neuerthelesse subiect there to the danger of the Ice which with the swift tydes and currents is caryed in and out in most harboroughs thereabouts and may thereby gaule their Cables asunder driue them vpon the shoare and bring them to much trouble Also the coast is so much subiect to broken ground and rockes especially in the mouth and entrance of euery Harborough that albeit the Channell be sounded ouer and ouer againe yet are you neuer the neerer to discerne the dangers For the bottome of the Sea holding like shape and forme as the Land being full of hils dales and ragged Rocks suffreth you not by your soundings to knowe and keepe a true gesse of the depth For you shall sound vpon the side or hollownesse of one Hill or Rocke vnder water and haue a hundreth fiftie or fourtie fadome depth and before the next cast yer you shall be able to heaue your lead againe you shall be vpon the toppe thereof and come aground to your vtter confusion Another reason against going to harborough was that the colde ayre did threaten a sudden freezing vp of the sounds seeing that euery night there was new congealed yce euen of that water which remayned within their shippes And therefore it should seeme to be more safe to lye off and on at Sea then for lacke of winde to bring them foorth of harborough to hazard by sudden frosts to be shut vp the whole yeere After many such dangers and reasons alledged and large debating of these causes on both sides the Captaine of the Anne Francis deliuered his opinion vnto the company to this effect First concerning the question of returning home hee thought it so much dishonorable as not to grow in any farther question and againe to returne home at length as at length they must needes and not to be able to bring a certaine report of the Fleete whether they were liuing or lost or whether any of them had recouered their Port or not in the Countesses sound as it was to bee thought the most part would if they were liuing hee sayde that it would be so great an argument eyther of want of courage or discretion in them as hee resolued rather to fall into any danger then so shamefully to consent to returne home protesting that it should neuer bee spoken of him that hee would euer returne without doing his endeuour to finde the Fleete and knowe the certaintie of the Generals safetie Hee put his company in remembrance of a Pinnisse of fiue tâ—â—â—e burthen which hee had within his Shippe which was caryed in pieces and vnmade vp for the vse of those which should inhabite there whole yeere the which if they could finde meanes to ioyne together hee offered himselfe to prooue before therewith whether it were possible for any Boate to passe for yce whereby the Shippe might bee brought in after and might also thereby giue true notice if any of the Fleete were arriued at their Port or not But notwithstanding for that he well perceiued that the most part of his company were addicted to put into harborough hee was willing the rather for these causes somewhat to encline thereunto As first to search alongst the same coast and the soundes thereabouts hee thought it to be to good purpose for that
painefull trauaile and most diligent inquirie Now to be short for I haue bene ouer long by Master Butlers means who cryed on mee to write at large and of as many things as I call to minde woorthy of remembrance wherefore this one thing more I could wish the Island in the mouth of the riuer of Canada should bee inhabited and the riuer searched for that there are many things which may rise thereof as I will shew you hereafter I could find in my heart to make proofe whether it be true or no that I haue read and heard of Frenchmen and Portugals to bee in that riuer and about Cape Briton I had almost forgot to speake of the plentie of wolues and to shew you that there be foxes blacke white gray other beasts I know none saue those before remembred I found also certain Mines of yron and copper in S. Iohns and in the Island of Yron which things might turne to our great benefite if our men had desire to plant thereabout for proofe whereof I haue brought home some of the oare of both sortes And thus I ende assuring you on my faith that if I had not beene deceiued by the vile Portugals descending of the Iâ—wes and Iudas kinde I had not failed to haue searched this riuer and all the coast of Cape Briton what might haue bene found to haue benefited our countrey but they breaking their bands and falsifying their faith and promise disappointed me of the salte they should haue brought me in part of recompense of my good seruice in defending them two yeeres against French Rouers that had spoyled them if I had not defended them By meanes whereof they made me lose not onely the searching of the countrey but also forced mee to come home with greatlosse aboue 600. li. For recompence whereof I haue sent my man into Portugall to demaund iustice at the Kings hand if not I must put vp my supplication to the Queenes Maiesty her honourable councell to grant me leaue to stay here so much of their goods as they haue damnified mee or else that I may take of them in Newfound land as much â—sh as shall be woorth 600. li. or as much as the salte might haue made I pray you aduertise mee what way I were best to take and what hope there will bee of a recompence if I follow the suite many there are that doe comfort me and doe bid me proceede for that her Maiestie and the councell doe tender poore fisher men who with me haue susteined three hundred pound lossâ— in that voyage And to conclude if you and your friend shall thinke me a man sufficiâ—nt and of credite to seeke the Isle of S. Iohn or the riuer of Canada with any part of the firme land of Cape Briton I shall giue my diligence for the true and perfect discouerie and leaue some part of mine owne businesse to further the same and thus I end committing you to God From Bristow the 13. of Nouember 1578. Yours to vse and command ANTHONY PARCKHVRST The Letters Patents graunted by her Maiestie to Sir Humfrey Gilbert knight for the inhabiting and planting of our people in America ELIZABETH by the grace of God Queene of England c. To all people to whom these presents shall come greeting Know ye that of our especiall grace certaine science and meere motion we haue giuen and granted and by these presents for vs our heires and successours doe giue and graunt to our trustie and welbeloued seruaunt Sir Humfrey Gilbert of Compton in our Countie of Deuonshire knight and to his heires and assignes for euer free libertie and licence from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter to discouer finde search out and view such remote heathen and barbarous lands countreys and territories not actually possessed of any Christian prince or people as to him his heires assignes and to euery or any of them shall seeme good and the same to haue hold occupie and enioy to him his heires and assignes for euer with all commodities iurisdictions and royalties both by sea and land and the sayd sir Humfrey and all such as from time to time by licence of vs our heires and successours shall goe and trauell thither to inhabite or remaine there to build and fortifie at the discretion of the sayde sir Humfrey and of his heires and assignes the statutes or actes of Parliament made against Fugitiues or against such as shall depart remaine or continue out of our Realme of England without licence or any other acte statute lawe or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And wee doe likewise by these presents for vs our heires and successours giue full authoritie and power to the saide Sir Humfrey his heires and assignes and euery of them that hee and they and euery or any of them shall and may at all and euery time and times hereafter haue take and lead in the same voyages to trauell thitherward and to inhabite there with him and euery or any of them such and so many of our subiects as shall willingly accompany him and them and euery or any of them with sufficient shipping and furniture for their transportations so that none of the same persons nor any of them be such as hereafter shall be specially restrained by vs our heires and successors And further that he the said Humfrey his heires and assignes and euery or any of them shall haue hold occupy enioy to him his heires or assignes and euery of them for euer all the soyle of all such lands countries territories so to be discouered or possessed as aforesaid and of all Cities Castles Townes and Uillages and places in the same with the rites royalties and iurisdictions as well marine as other within the sayd lands or countreys of the seas thereunto adioyning to be had or vsed with ful power to dispose thereof of euery part thereof in fee simple or otherwise according to the order of the laws of England as nere as the same conueniently may be at his and their will pleasure to any person then being or that shall remaine within the allegiance of vs our heires and successours paying vnto vs for all seruices dueties and demaunds the fift part of all the oare of gold and siluer that from time to time and at all times after such discouerie subduing and possessing shall be there gotten all which lands countreys and territories shall for euer bee holden by the sayd Sir Humfrey his heires and assignes of vs our heires and successours by homage and by the sayd payment of the sayd fift part before reserued onely for all seruices And moreouer we doe by these presents for vs our heires and successours giue and graunt licence to the sayde Sir Humfrey Gilbert his heires or assignes and to euery of them that hee and they and euery or any of them shall and may from time to time and all times for euer hereafter for
their children with the breast and they sit continually and are wrapped about the bellies with skinnes of furre The voyage of Monsieur Roberual from his Fort in Canada vnto Sagueuay the fifth of Iune 1543. MOnsieur Roberual the kings Lieutenant generall in the Countries of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga departed toward the said prouince of Saguenay on the Tuesday the 5. day of Iune 1543. after supper and he with all his furniture was imbarked to make the saijd voyage But vpon a certaine occasion they lay in the Rode ouer against the place before mentioned but on the Wednesday about sixe of the clocke in the morning they set sayle and sayled against the streame in which voyage their whole furniture was of eight barks aswell great as small and to the number of threescore and ten persons with the aforesayd Generall The Generall left behinde him in the aforesayde place and Fort thirtie persons to remayne there vntill his returne from Saguenay which hee appoynted to bee the first of Iuly or else they should returne into France And hee left there behinde him but two Barkes to cary the sayde thirtie persons and the furniture which was there while hee stayed still in the Countrey And for effectuating hereof he left as his Lieutenant a gentleman named Monsieur de Royeze to whom he gaue commission and charged all men to obey him and to be at the commandement of the sayd lieutenant The victuals which were left for their mayntenance vntill the sayd first day of Iuly were receiued by the sayd Lieutenant Royeze On Thursday the 14. of Iune Monsieur de l'Espiney la Brosse Monsieur Frete Monsieur Longeual and others returned from the Generall from the voyage of Saguenay And note that eight men and one Barke were drowned and lost among whom was Monsieur de Noirefontaine and one named la Vasseur of Constance On Tuesday the 19. of Iune aforesayd there came from the Generall Monsieur de Villeneusue Talebot and three others which brought sixescore pounds weight of their corne and letters to stay yet vntill Magdalentyde which is the 22. day of Iuly The rest of this Uoyage is wanting THE VOYAGES AND NAVIGATIONS OF the English nation to Virginia and the seuerall discoueries therof chiefly at the charges of the honourable Sir Walter Ralegh knight from 33 to 40 degrees of latitude together with the successe of the English colonies there planted as likewise a description of the Countrey wiâ—h the Inhabitants and the manifold commodities Whereunto are annexed the Patents letters dicourses c. to this part belonging The letters patents granted by the Queenes Maiestie to M. VValter Ralegh now Knight for the discouering and planting oâ— new lands and Countries to continue the space of 6. yeeres and no more ELizabeth by the grace of God of England France and Ireland Queene defender of the faith c. To all people to whom these presents shal come greeting Know ye that of our especial grace certaine science meere motion we haue giuen and granted and by these presents for vs our hâ—ires and successors doe giue and grant to our trusty and welbeloued seruant Walter Ralegh Esquire and to his heires and assignes for euer free liberty licence from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter to discouer search finde out and view such remote heathen and barbarous lands countreis and territories not actually possessed of any Christian prince nor inhabited by Christian people as to him his heires and assignes and to euery or any of them shall seeme good and the same to haue holde occupy enioy to him his heires and assignes for euer with all prerogatiues commodities iurisdictioÌ„s royalties priuiledges franchises and preeminences thereto or thereabouts both by sea and land whatsoeuer we by our letters paâ—ents may grant and as we or any of our noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any person or persons bodies politique or corporate and the saide Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and all such as from time to time by licence of vs our heires and successors shal goe or trauaile thither to inhabite or remaine there to build and fortifie at the discretion of the said Walter Ralegh his heires assignes the statutes or act of Parliament made against fugitiues or against such as shall depart remaine or continue out of our Realme of England without licence or any other statute act law or â—ny ordinance whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And we do likewise by these presentsâ— of our especial grace meere motion and certaine knowledge for vs our heires and successors giue and graunt full authoritie libertie and power to the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery of them that he and they and euery or any of them shall and may at all and euery time and times hereafter haue take and leade in the sayde voyage and trauaile thitherward or to inhabite there with him or them and euery or any of them such and so many of our subiects as shall willingly accompany him or them and euery or any of them and to whom also we doe by these presents giue full libertie and authoritie in that behalfe and also to haue take and employ and vse sufficient shipping and furniture for the transportations and Nauigations in that behalfe so that none of the same persons or any of them be such as hereafter shall be restrained by vs our heires or successors And further that the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery of them shall haue holde occupie and enioy to him his heires and assignes and euery of them for euer all the soyle of all such landes territories and Countreis so to be discouered and possessed as aforesayd and of all such Cities Castles Townes Uillages and places in the same with the right royalties franchises and iurisdictions as well marine as other within the sayd landes or Countreis or the seas thereunto adioyning to be had or vsed with full power to dispose thereof and of euery part in fee simple or otherwise according to the order of the lawes of England as neere as the same conueniently may be at his and their wil and pleasure to any persons then being or that shall remaine within the allegiance of vs our heires and successors reseruing alwayes to vs our heires and successors for all seruices dueties and demaunds the fift part of all the oare of golde and siluer that from time to time and at all times after such discouerie subduing and possessing shall be there gotten and obteined All which lands Countries and territories shall for euer be holden of the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes of vs our heires and successors by homage and by the sayd payment of the sayd fift part reserued onely for all seruices And moreouer we do by these presents for vs our heires and successors giue and grant licence to the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and
and they doe it for a certaine ceremonie which I could not learne and because of the Sunne which shineth hote vpon their bodies The agilitie of the women is so great that they can swimme ouer the great Riuers bearing their children vpon one of their armes They climbe vp also very nimbly vpon the highest trees in the Countrey Beholde in briefe the description of the Countrey with the nature and customes of the Inhabitants which I was very willing to write before I entred any further into the discourse of my historie to the end that the Readers might be the better prepared to vnderstand that which I meane hereafter to entreate of MY Lord Admirall of Chastillon a noble man more desirous of the publique then of his priuate benefite vnderstanding the pleasure of the King his prince which was to discouer new and strange Countreys caused vessels fit for this purpose to be made ready with all diligence and men to beeleuied meete for such an enterprise Among whom hee chose Captaine Iohn Ribault a man in trueth expert in sea causes which hauing receiued his charge set himselfe to Sea the yeere 1562. the eighteenth of Februarie accompanied onely with two of the kings shippes but so well furnished with Gentlemen of whose number I my selfe was one and with olde Souldiers that he had meanes to atchieue some notable thing and worthy of eternall memorie Hauing therefore sayled two moneths neuer holding the vsuall course of the Spaniards hee arriued in Florida landing neere a Cape or Promontorie which is no high lande because the coast is all flatte but onely rising by reason of the high woods which at his arriuall he called Cape François in honour of our France This Cape is distant from the Equator about thirtie degrees Coasting from this place towards the North he discouered a very faire and great Riuer which gaue him occasion to cast anker that hee might search the same the next day very early in the morning which being done by the breake of day accompanied with Captaine Fiquinuille and diuers other souldiers of his shippe he was no sooner arriued on the brinke of the shoare but straight hee perceiued many Indians men and women which came of purpose to that place to receiue the Frenchmen with all gentlenesse and amitie as they well declared by the Oration which their king made and the presents of Chamois skinnes wherewith he honoured our Captaine which the day following caused a pillar of hard stone to be planted within the sayde Riuer and not farre from the mouth of the same vpon a little sandie knappe in which pillar the Armes of France were carued and engraued This being done hee embarked himselfe againe to the ende alwayes to discouer the coast toward the North which was his chiefe desire After he had sayled a certaine time he crossed ouer to the other side of the riuer and then in the presence of certaine Indians which of purpose did attend him hee commaunded his men to make their prayers to giue thankes to GOD for that of his grace hee had conducted the French nation vnto these strange places without any danger at all The prayers being ended the Indians which were very attentiue to hearken vnto them thinking in my iudgement that wee worshipped the Sunne because wee alwayes had our eyes lifted vp toward heauen rose all vp and came to salute the Captaine Iohn Ribault promising to shew him their King which rose not vp as they did but remained still sitting vpon greene leaues of Bayes and Palmetrees toward whom the Captaine went and sate downe by him and heard him make a long discourse but with no great pleasure because hee could not vnderstand his language and much lesse his meaning The King gaue our Captaine at his departure a plume or fanne of Herushawes feathers died in red and a basket made of Palme-boughes after the Indian fashion and wrought very artificially and a great skinne painted and drawen throughout with the pictures of diuers wilde beasts so liuely drawen and portrayed that nothing lacked but life The Captaine to shew himselfe not vnthankfull gaue him pretie tinne bracelets a cutting hooke a looking glasse and certaine kniues whereupon the King shewed himselfe to be very glad and fully contented Hauing spent the most part of the day with these Indians the Captaine imbarked himselfe to passe ouer to the other side of the Riuer whereat the king seemed to bee very sorie Neuerthelesse being not able to stay vs hee commaunded that with all diligence they should take fish for vs which they did with all speede For being entred into their Weares or inclosures made of reedes and framed in the fashion of a Labirynth or Mase they loaded vs with Trouâ—es great Mullets Plaise Turbuts and marueilous store of other sortes of fishes altogether different from ours This done we entred into our Boates and went toward the other shore But before we came to the shore we were saluted with a number of other Indians which entring iâ—to the water to their armepits brought vs many litle baskets full of Maiz and goodly Mulberries both red and white Others offered themselues to beare vs on shoare where being landed we perceiued their King sitting vpon a place dressed with boughes and vnder a little Arbour of Cedars and Bay trees somewhat distant from the waters side He was accompanied with two of his sonnes which were exceeding faire and strong and with a troope of Indians who had all their bowes and arrowes in marueilous good order His two sonnes receiued our Captaine very graciously but the king their father representing I wot not what kinde of grauitie did nothing but shake his head a little then the Captaine went forward to salute him and without any other mouing of himselfe he reteined so constant a kind of grauitie that hee made it seeme vnto vs that by good and lawfull right hee bare the title of a King Our Captaine knowing not what to iudge of this mans behauiour thought he was ielous because wee went first vnto the other king or else that he was not well pleased with the Pillar or Columne which he had planted While thus he knew not what hereof to thinke our Captaine shewed him by signes that he was come from a farre Countrey to seeke him to let him vnderstand the amitie which he was desirous to haue with him for the better confirmation whereof hee drewe out of a budget certaine trifles as certaine bracelets couered as it were with siluer and guilt which hee presented him withall and gaue his sonnes certaine other trifles Whereupon the King beganne very louingly to intreate both our Captaine and vs. And after there gentle intertainments wee went our selues into the woods hoping there to discouer some singularities where were great store of Mulberrie trees white and red on the toppes whereof there was an infinite number of silkewormes Following our way wee discouered a faire
which is the maistresse of all sciences taught them the way to build it After that it was finished they thought of nothing else sauing how to furnish it with all things necessarie to vndertake the voyage But they wanted those things that of all other were most needefull as cordage and sayles without which the enterprise coulde not come to effect Hauing no meanes to recouer these things they were in worse case then at the first and almost ready to fall into despayre But that good God which neuer forsaketh the aflicted did succour them in their necessitie As they were in these perplexities king Audusta and Maccou came to them accompained with two hundred Indians at the least whom our Frenchmen went forth to meete withall and shewed the king in what neede of cordage they stood who promised them to returne within two dayes and to bring so much as should suffice to furnish the Pinnesse with tackling Our men being pleased with these good newes promises bestowed vpon them certaine cutting hookes and shirtes After their departure our men sought all meanes to recouer rosen in the woodes wherin they cut the Pine trees round about out of which they drew sufficient reasonable quantitie to bray the vessell Also they gathered a kind of mosse which groweth on the trees of this countrey to serue to calke the same withall There now wanted nothing but sayles which they made of their owne shirtes aud of their sheetes Within few dayes after the Iudian kings returned to Charles forewith so good store of cordage that there was found sufficient for tackling of the small Pinnesse Our men as glad as might be vsed great liberalitie towards them and at their leauing of the countrey left them all the marchandise that remained leauing them thereby so fully satisfied that they departed from them with all the contentation of the worlde They went forward therefore to finish the Brigandine vsed so speedie diligence that within a short time afterward they made it ready furnished with all things In the meane season the winde came so fit for their purpose that it seemed to invite them to put to the Sea which they did without delay after they had set all their things in order But before they departed they embarked their artillerie their forge and other munitions of warre which Captaine Ribault had left them and then as much mill as they could gather together But being drunken with the too excessiue ioy which they had conceiued for their returning into France or rather depriued of all foresight consideration without regarding the inconstancie of the winds which change in a moment they put themselues to sea and with so slender victuals that the end of their interprise became vnluckly and vnfortunate For after they had sayled the third part of their way they were surprized with calmes which did so much hinder them that in three weekes they sailed not aboue fiue and twentie leagues During this time their victuals consumed and became so short that euery man was constrained to eate not past twelue graines of mill by the day which may be in value as much as twelue peason Yea and this felicitie lasted not long for their victuals failed them altogether at once and they had nothing for their more assured refuge but their shooes and leather ierkins which they did eat Touching their beuerage some of them dranke the sea water others did drink their owne vrine and they remained in such desperate necessitie a very long space during the which part of them died for hunger Beside this extreme famine which did so grieuously oppresse them they fell euery minute of an houre out of all hope euer to see France againe insomuch that they were constrained to cast the water continually out that on alsides entred into their Barke And euery day they fared worse and worse for after they had eaten vp their shooes and their leather ierkins there arose so boystrous a winde and so contrary to their course that in the turning of a hande the waues filled their vessell halfe full of water and brused it vpon the one side Being now more out of hope theÌ„ euer to escape out of this extreme peril they cared not for casting out of the water which now was almost ready to drowne them And as men resolued to die euery one fell downe backewarde and gaue themselues ouer altogether vnto the will of the waues When as one of them a little hauing taken heart vnto him declared vnto them how litle way they had to sayle assuring them that if the winde held they should see land within three dayes This man did so incourage them that after they had throwne the water out of the Pinnesse they remained three dayes without eating or drinking except it were of the sea water When the time of his promise was expired they were more troubled then they were before seeing they could not discry any land Wherefore in this extreme despaire certaine among them made this motion that it was better that one man should dye then that so many men should perish they agreed therefore that one should die to sustaine the others Which thing was executed in the person of La Chere of whom we haue spoken heretofore whose flesh was deuided equally among his fellowes a thing so pitifull to recite that my pen is loth to write it After so long time and tedious trauels God of his goodnesse vsing his accustomed fauour changed their sorow into ioy and shewed vnto them the sight of land Whereof they were so exceeding glad that the pleasure caused them to remaine a long time as men without sence whereby they let the Pinnesse flote this and that way without holding any right way or course But a small English barke boarded the vessell in the which there was a Frenchman which had bene in the first voyage into Florida who easily knew them and spake vnto them and afterward gaue them meat and drinke Incontinently they recouered their naturall courages and declared vnto him at large all their nauigation The Englishmen consulted a long while what were best to be done and in fiâ—e they resolued to put on land those that were most feeble and to cary the rest vnto the Queene of England which purposed at that time to send into Florida Thus you see in briefe that which happened to them which Captaine Iohn Ribault had left in Florida And now will I go forward with the discourse of mine owne voyage The second voyage vnto Florida made and written by Captaine Laudonniere which fortified and inhabited there two Summers and one whole Winter AFter our arriuall at Diepe at our comming home from our first voyage which was the twentieth of Iuly 1562 we found the ciuil warres begun which was in part the cause why our men were not succoured as Captaine Iohn Ribault had promised them whereof it followed that Captaine Albert was killed by his
the South parts of y e Ilands called De los Ladrones that is The Ilands of rouers or Islas de las Velas vnder 13. degrees and ½ in latitude Septentrionall and 164. degrees in longitude Orientall vpon the sixed Meridionall line which lyeth right with the Iland of Terçera From thence we helde our course Westward for the space of 280. leagues till we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo that is The point of the holy Ghost lying in the Iland Tandaya the first Iland of those that are called Philippinas Luçones or Manillas which is a countrey with fewe hilles with some mines of brimstone in the middle thereof From the point aforesayde wee sailed West for the space of eighteene leagues to the point or entrie of the chanell which runneth in betweene that Iland and the Iland of Luçon This point or entrie lieth scarce vnder 12. degrees All the coast that stretcheth from the entrie of the chanel to the point of El capo del Spirito santo is not very faire Eight leagues from the sayde point lyeth a hauen of indisserent greatnesse called Baya de Lobâ—s that is The Bay of woolues hauing a small Iland in the mouth thereof and within the chanell about halfe a league from the ende of the sayd Iland lyeth an Iland or cliffe when you passe by the point in the middle of the chanell â—hâ—n you haue fiue and twentie fathom deepe with browne sand there we found so great a streame running Westward that it made the water to cast a skum as if it had beene a sande whereby it put vs in feare but casting out our lead wee found fiue and twentie fathom deepe From the aforesayd entrie of the chanell North and North and by East about tenne leagues lyeth the Iland of Catanduanes about a league distant from the lande of Luçon on the furthest point Eastward and from the same entrie of the chanell towards the West and Southwest lyeth the Iland Capuli about sixe leagues from thence stretching Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast being fiue leagues long and foure leagues broad and as wee past by it it lay Northward from vs vnder twelue degrees and ¾ and somewhat high lande Foure leagues â—rom the aforesayd Iland of Capuli Northwestward lie the three Ilands of the hauen of Bollon in the Iland of Luçones stretching North and South about foure leagues distant from the firme lande halfe a league whereof the furthest Southward lieth vnder thirteene degrees In this chanell it is twentie fathom deepe with white sand and a great streame running Southeast we passed through the middle of the chanell From this chanell wee helde our course Southwest and Southwest and by West for the space of twentie leagues vntill wee came to the West ende of the Iland of Tycao which reacheth East and West thirteene leagues This point or hooke lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¾ In the middle betweene this Iland and the Iland Capuli there lie three Ilands called the Faranias and we ranne in the same course on the Northside of all the Ilands at the depth of of 22. fathom with white sand From the aforesayd West point of the Iland Tycao to the point of Buryas it is East and West to sayle about the length of a league or a league and an halfe we put into that chanell holding our course South and South and by West about three leagues vntill we were out of the chanell at sixteene fathom deepe with halfe white and reddish sande in the chanell and at the mouth thereof whereof the middle lyeth vnder 12. degrees and â—â— and there the streames runne Northward The Iland of Buryas stretcheth Northwest and Southeast and is lowe lande whereof the Northwest point is about three leagues from the coast of Luçon but you cannot passe betweene them with any shippe but with small foists and barkes of the countrey This shallowe channell lieth vnder twelue degrees and running thorow the aforesaid chanell betweene the Ilands Tycao and Buryas as I sayd before we sayled Southward about two leagues from the Iland of Masbate which stretcheth East and West 8. leagues long being in brâ—dth 4. leagues and lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¼ in the middle thereof and is somewhat high land From the sayd chanell betweene Tycao and Buryas wee helde our course Westnorthwest for thirteene leagues leauing the Iland Masbate on the Southside and the Iland Buryas on the North side at the ende of thirteene leagues wee came by an Iland called Banton which is in forme like a hat vnder twelue degrees and â—â— when we had sayled the aforesayd thirteene leagues and eight leagues more on the South side wee left the Iland called Rebuiam which stretcheth Northwest and Northwest and by North and Southeast and Southeast and by South for the space of eight leagues being high and crooked lande whereof the North point lyeth vnder tweluâ— degrees and 2 3. and there you finde 35. fathom deepe with white sand From the aforesayd Iland of Banton Southward nine leagues there beginne and followe three Ilandes one of them being called Bantonsilla which is a small Iland in forme of a sugar loafe the second Crymara being somewhat great in length reaching East and West about two leagues the third Itaa or the I le of Goates hauing certaine houels By all these Ilands aforesayd you may passe with all â—ortes of shippes whereof the foremost lyeth Southward vnder twelue degrees and â—â— From the Iland of Bantonsilla or small Banton wee helde our course Northwest for the space of foure leagues to the chanell betweene the Ilands called de Vereies and the Iland Marinduque the Vercies lying on the South side vnder twelue degâ—ees and 3 4. which are two small Ilands like two Frigats and the Iland Marinduque on the North side vnder twelue degrees and 4 5. which is a great Iland stretching West northwest and Eastâ—outheast hauing in length 12 in bredth 7. leagues On the North side with the Iland Luçon it maketh a long and small chanell running somewhat crooked which is altogether full of shallowes and sandes whereby no shippes can passe through it The furthest point Westward of the same Iland lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and 1 4. It is high lande on the East side hauing the forme of a mine of brimstone or fierie hill and on the West side the land runneth downâ—ward at the point thereof being round like a loafe of bread in the chanell betweene it and the Vereies there are 18. fathom deepe with small blacke sand From the aforesayd chanell of Vereies and Marinduque wee helde our course Westnorthwest twelue leagues to the lande of Mindora to the point or hooke called Dumaryn lying full vnder thirteene degrees Fiue leagues forward from the sayde chanell on the South side wee left an Iland called â—sla del maestro del Campo that is The Iland of the Colonell lying vnder twelue degrees and 3 4. which is a small and flat Iland In this
course we had 45. fathom deep with white sand By this point or end of the Iland Marinduque beginneth the Iland of Myndoro which hath in length East and West fiue and twentie leagues and in bredth twelue leagues whereof the furthest point Southward lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and the furthest point Northward vnder thirteene degrees and 2 3. and the furthest point Westward vnder thirteene degrees This Iland with the Iland of Luçon maketh a chanell of fiue leagues broad and tenor twelue fathom deepe with muddie ground of diuers colours with white sande Fiue leagues forward from Marinâ—uque lyeth the riuer of the towne of Anagacu which is so shallowe that no shippes may enter into it From thence two leagues further lie the Ilands called Bacco which are three Ilands lying in a triangle two of them being distant from the land about three hundred cubits and between them and the land you may passe with small shippes And from the landâ— to the other Iland are about two hundred cubites where it is altogether shallowes and sandes so that where the shippes may passe outward about 150. cubites from the landeâ— you leaue both the Ilands on the South side running betweene the third Iland and the riuer called Rio del Bacco somewhat more from the middle of the chanell towardes the Iland which is about a league distant from the other the chanell is â—enne fathom deepe with mud and shelles vpon the ground the riuer of Bacco is so shallowe that no ships may enter into it From this Iland with the same course two leagues forward you passe by the point called El Capo de Rescalco where wee cast out our lead and found that a man may passe close by the lande and there you shall finde great strong streames and halfe a league forward with the same course lyeth the towne of Mindoro which hath a good hauen for shippes of three hundred tunnes Three leagues Northward from the same hauen lyeth the Iland called Cafaa stretching East and West being hilly ground From the sayde towne of Myndoro wee hâ—lde our course Westnorthwest eight leagues till wee came to the poynt or hooke of the sandes called Tulen lying vpon the Iland of Luçon which sande or banke reacheth into the Sea halfe a league from the coast you must keepe about an hundred cubites from it where you finde eight faâ—hom water muddie and shellie ground you runne along by those sandes North and North and by West for the space of two leagues till you come to the riuer called Rio de Anasebo all the rest of the coast called De los Limbones to the mouth or entrie of the Bay called Manilla which are foure leagues is sayled with the same course The Limbones which are Ilands so called are high in forme like a paire of Organs with good hauens for small shippes running along by the Limbones and two leagues beyond them on the South side wee leaue the Ilands of Fortan and foure Ilands more but the three Ilands of Lubao which are very low lie vnder 13. degrees and 1 3. and the Limbones lie in the mouth or entrie of the Bay of Manilla vnder 14 degrees and 1 4. From thence we ranne Northwest for the space of sixe leagues to the hauen of Cabite keeping along by the land lying on the West side where it is shallowe and is called Los Baixos del Rio de Cannas The shallowes of the riuer of Reedes all along this Bay in the same course there is from ten to foure fathom deepe Being by the point or hooke of Cabite then wee kept but an hundred paces from itâ— running Southwest southsouthwest and South vntill wee discouered the whole mouth or entrie of the Bay where wâ— might anker at foure fathom about two hundred cubites from the lande and then the towne of Manilla was two leagues Northward from vs. Chap. 2. The course and voyage of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen or roade of Manilla to the hauen of Macao in China with all the courses and situations of the places SAyling out of the hauen of Cabite lying in the Bay of Manilla wee helde our course Westwarde for the space of eighteene leagues to the point called El Cabo de Sambaâ—les and when wee were eight leagues in our way wee left the two Ilands Maribillas on the South â—ide and sailed about a league from them the point of Samballes aforesayde lyeth vnder foureteene degrees and 2 3. being low land at the end of the same coast of Luçon on the West side From the hooke or point aforesayde wee ranne North and North and by West for the space of fiue and twentie leagues about a league from the coast of Luçon to the point called Cabo de Bullinao all this coast and Cape is high and hilly ground which Cape lyeth vnder sixteene degrees and 2 3. From this Cape de Bullinao we helde our course North and North and by East for 45. leagues to the point called El Cabo de Bojador which is the furthest lande Northwarde from the Iland Luçon lying vnder 19. degrees The Cape de Bullinao being past the lande maketh a great crecke or bough and from this creeke the coast runneth North to the point of Bojador being a land full of cliâ—fes and rockes that reach into the Sea and the land of the hooke or point is high and hilly ground From the point of Bojador wee helde our course Westnorthwest an hundred and twentie leagues vnâ—ill we came to the Iland called A Ilha Branca or the white Iland lying in the beginning of the coast and Bay of the riuer Canton vnder two and twentie degrees hauing foure and twentie fathom browne muddie ground From the Iland Ilha Branca wee helde the aforesayde course of Westnorthwest for the space of sixteene leagues to the Iland of Macao lying in the mouth of the riueâ— of Canton and it maketh the riuer to haue two mouthes or entries and it is a small Iland about three leagues great Chap. 3. The Nauigation or course of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen of Macao to Newe Spaine with the situation and stretchings of the same with other notable and memorable things concerning the same voyage VVHen we had prepared our selues and had taken our leaues of our friends in Macao we set saile vpon the foure and twentieth of Iuly holding our course Southeast Southeast and by East being in the wane of the Moone for when the Moone increaseth it is hard holding the course betweene the Ilands because as then the water and streames run very strong to the Northwest wee trauailed through many narrowe chanels by night hauing the depth of eight or ten fathom with soft muddie ground vntill wee were about the Iland Ilha Branca yet we saw it not but by the height we knew that we were past it Being beyond it we ranne Eastsoutheast an hundred and fiftie leagues to get aboue the sands called Os
Baixos dos Pescadores and the beginning of the Ilands Lequeos on the East side which Ilands are called As Ilhas fermosas that is to say The faire Ilands This I vnderstoode by a Chinar called Santy of Chinchon and hee sayde that they lie vnder one and twentie degrees and 3 4. there it is thirtie fathom deepe and although wee sawe them not noâ—withstanding by the height and depth of the water we knew we were past them Being past As Ilhas fermosas or the faire Ilands wee helde our course East and East and by North for two hundred and sixtie leagues vntill we were past the length of the Ilands Lequeos sayling about fiftie leagues from them the said Chinar tolde me that those Ilands called Lequeos are very many and that they haue many and very good hauens and that the people and inhabitants thereof haue their faces and bodies painted like the Bysayas of the Ilands of Luçon or Philippinas and are apparelled like the Bysayas and that there also are mines of gold Hee sayd likewise that they did often come with small shippes and barkes laden with Bucks and Harts-hides and with golde in graines or very small pieces to traffique with them of the coast of Châ—na which hee assured mee to bee most true saying that hee had bene nine times in the â—mall â—lands bringing of the same wares with him to China which I beleeued to bee true for that afterwarde I enquired thereof in Macao and vpon the coast of China and found that hee sayde true The furthest or vttermost of these Ilands stretching Northwarde and Eastwarde lie vnder nine and twentie degrees Being past these Ilands then you come to the Ilands of Iapon whereof the first lying West and South is the Iland of Firando where the Portugals vse to traffique they are in length altogether an hundred and thirtie leagues and the furthest Eastward lieth vnder two and thirtie degrees we ranne still East and East and by North vntill we were past the sayd hundred and thirtie leagues All this information I had of the aforesayd Chinar as also that there I should see some mines of brimstone or fierie hilles being seuentie leagues beyond them and thirtie leagues further I should finde foure Ilands lying together which I likewise found as hee had tolde mee And that being in Iapon he sayd hee had there seene certaine men of a very small stature with great rolles of linnen cloth about their heads that brought golde in small pieces and some white Cangas of cotton which are pieces of cotton-linnen so called by the Chinars as also salte-fish like the Spanish Aâ—un or Tunney which hee sayde came out of other Ilandes Eastward from Iapon and by the tokens and markes which hee shewed mee I gessed whereabout those Ilands should bee and found them not farre from whence he sayd they lay Hee sayd likewise that all the Ilands of Iapon haue good hauens and chanels being a Countrey full of Rice Corne Fish and flesh and that they are an indifferent and reasonable people to traffique with and that there they haue much siluer Running thus East and East and by North about three hundred leagues from Iapon wee found a very hollowe water with the streame running out of the North and Northwest with a full and very broad Sea without any hinderance or trouble in the way that wee past and what winde soeuer blewe the Sea continued all in one sort with the same hollow water and streame vntill wee had passed seuen hundred leagues About two hundred leagues from the coast and land of newe Spaine wee beganne to lose the sayd hollow Sea and streame whereby I most assuredly thinke and beleeue that there you shall finde a channell or straight passage betweene the firme lande of newe Spaine and the Countreys of Asia and Tartaria Likewise all this way from the aforesayde seuen hundred leagues we found a great number of Whale-fishes and other fishes called by the Spaniards Aâ—uns or Tunnies whereof many are found on the coast of Gibraltar in Spaine as also Albacoras and Bonitos which are all fishes which commonly keepe in chanels straights and running waters there to disperse their seede when they breede which maketh mee more assuredly beleeue that thereabouts is a chanell or straight to passe through Being by the same course vpon the coast of newe Spaine vnder seuen and thirtie degrees and ½ wee passed by a very high and faire lande with many trees wholly without snowe and foure leagues from the lande you finde thereabouts many drifts of rootes leaues of trees reeds and other leaues like figge leaues the like whereof wee found in great abundance in the countrey of Iapon which they eate and some of those that wee found I caused to bee sodden with flesh and being sodden they eate like Coleworts there likewise wee found great store of Seales whereby it is to bee presumed and certainely to bee beleeued that there are many riuers bayes and hauens along by those coastes to the hauen of Acaculpo From thence wee ranne Southeast Southeast and by South and Southeast and by East as wee found the winde to the point called El Cabo de Sant Lucas which is the beginning of the lande of California on the Northwest side lying vnder two and twentie degrees being fiue hundred leagues distant from Cape Mendoçino In this way of the aforesayde fiue hundred leagues along by the coast are many Ilands and although they bee but small yet without doubt there are in them some good hauens as also in the firme land where you haue these hauens following now lately found out as that of the I le of Sant Augustine lying vnder thirtie degrees and ¼ and the Iland called Isla de Cedros scarce vnder eight twenty deg and ¼ and the Iland lying beneath Saint Martyn vnder three and twentie degrees and ½ All this coast and countrey as I thinke is inhabited and sheweth to be a very good countrey for there by night wee sawe fire and by day smoke which is a most sure token that they are inhabited From the poynt or hooke of Saint Lucas to the Southeast side of California wee helde our course Eastsoutheast for the space of 80. leagues to the point called El cabo de las corrientes that is the Cape of the streames lying vnder 19. degrees and â…” And running this course Northward about a league from vs wee sawe three Ilands called Las tres Marias that is to say The three Maries running the same course About foure leagues from the other Ilands there are other Ilands reaching about two or three leagues All this way from the mouth or gulfe of California aforesayd for the space of the sayd fourescore leagues there are great streames that run Westward From the point or Cape de las Corrientes wee ranne Southeast and sometimes Southeast and by East for the space of an hundred and thirtie leagues to the hauen of Acapulco In this
Sir Iohn Hawkins set on land within the Bay of Mexico after his departure from the Hauen of S. Iohn de Vllua in Nueua Espanna the 8. of October 1568. NOt vntruely nor without cause said Iob the faithfull seruant of God whom the sacred Scriptures tell vs to haue dwelt in the land of Hus that man being borne of a woman liuing a short time is replenished with many miseries which some know by reading of histories many by the viâ—w of others calamities and I by experience in my selfe as this present Treatise insuing shall shew It is not vnknowen vnto many that I Iob Hortop pouder-maker was borne at Bourne a towne in Lincolnshire from my age of twelue yeeres brought vp in Redriffe neere London with M. Francis Lee who was the Queenes Maiesties powder-maker whom I serued vntil I was prest to go on the 3. voyage to the West Indies with the right worshipful Sir Iohn Hawkins who appointed me to be one of the Gunners in her Maiesties ship called the Iesus of Lubeck who set saile from Plimmouth in the moneth of October 1567. hauing with him another ship of her Maiesties called the Minion and foure ships of his owne namely the Angel the Swallow the Iudith and the William and Iohn He directed his Uice-admiral that if foule weather did separate them to meete at the Iland of Tenerif After which by the space of seuen dayes and seuen nights we had such stormes at sea that we lost our long boats and a pinnesse with some men comming to the Isle of Tenerif there our Generall heard that his Uice-admirall with the Swallow and the William and Iohn were at the Iland called Gomera where finding his Uice-admirall he anchored tooke in fresh waterâ— and set saile for Cape Blank where in the way wee tooke a Portugal carauel laden with fish called Mullets from thence we sailed to cape Verde In our course thither we met a Frenchman of Rochel called captaine Bland who had taken a Portugal carauel whom our vice admiral chased and tooke Captaine Drake now Sir Francis Drake was made master captaine of the Carauel and so we kept our way till we came to Cape Verde and there we anchored tooke our boates set souldiers on shore Our Generall was the first that leapt on land with him Captaine Dudley there we tooke certaine Negroes but not without damage to our selues For our Generall Captaine Dudley 8 other of our company were hurt with poysoned arrowes about nine dayes after the 8. that were wounded died Our general was taught by a Negro to draw the poyson out of his wound with a cloue of garlike whereby he was cured From thence wee went to Sierra leona where be monstrous fishes called Sharkes which will deuoure men I amongst others was sent in the Angell with two Pinnesses into the riuer called Calousa to seeke two Carauels that were there trading with the Negros wee tooke one of them with the Negros and brought them away In this riuer in y e night time we had one of our pinnesses bulged by a sea-horse so that our men swimming about the riuer were all taken into the other pinnesses except two that tooke hold one of another and were caried away by the sea-horse This monster hath the iust proportion of a horse sauing that his legs be short his teeth very great and a span in length hee vseth in the night to goe on land into the woods seeking at vnawares to deuoure the Negroes in their cabbins whom they by their vigilancie preuent and kill him in this maner The Negroes keepe watch and diligently attend their comming and when they are gone into the woods they forthwith lay a great tree ouerthwart the way so that at their returne for that their legs be so short they cannot goe ouer it then the Negroes set vpon them with their bowes arrowes and darts and so destroy them From thence we entred the riuer called the Casserroes where there were other Carauels trading with the Negroes and them we tooke In this Iland betwixt the riuer and the maine trees grow with Oisters vpon them There grow Palmito trees which bee as high as a ships maine mast and on their tops grâ—w nuts wine and oyle which they call Palmito wine and Palmito oyle The Plantan tree also groweth in that countrey the tree is as bigge as a mans thigh and as high as a firre pole the leaues thereof be long and broad and on the top grow the fruit which are called Plantanos they are crooked and a cubite long and as bigge as a mans wrist they growe on clusters when they be ripe they be very good and daintie to eate Sugar is not more delicate in taste then they be From thence with the Angel the Iudith and the two pinnesses we sailed to Sierra leona where our Generall at that time was who with the captaines and souldiers went vp into the riuer called Taggarin to take a towne of the Negroes where he found three kings of that countrey with fiftie thousand Negroes besieging the same towne which they could not take in many yeeres before when they had warred with it Our General made a breach entred valiantly tooke the towne wherein were found fiue Portugals which yeelded themselues to his mercy and hee saued their liues we tooke caried thence for traffique to the West Indies 500. Negroes The three kings droue 7000. Negroes into y e sea at low water at the point of the land where they were all drowned in the Oze for that they could not take their canoas to saue themselues Wee returned backe againe in our pinnesses to the ships and there tooke in fresh water and made ready sayle towards Rio grande At our comming thither we entred with the Angel the Iudith and the 2. pinnesses and found there seuen Portugal Caruels which made great fight with vs. In the ende by Gods helpe wee wonne the victory and droue them to the shore from whence with the Negroes they fled and we fâ—tcht the caruels from the shore into the riuer The next morning M. Francis Drake with his caruel the Swallow and the William and Iohn came into the riuer with captaine Dudley and his souldiers who landed being but a hundred souldiers and fought with seuen thousand Negroes burned the towne and returned to our Generall with the losse of one man In that place there be many muske-â—ats which breed in hollow trees the Negroes take theÌ„ in a net put them in a cage nourish them very daintily take the muske from them with a spoone Now we directed our course from Guinea towards the West Indies And by the way died Captaine Dudley In sayling towards the Indies the first land that we â—scryed was the Iland called Dominica where at our comming we ancored tooke in fresh water and wood for our prouision which done we sayled towards the Iland called Margarita where our Generall
they lingered the time so long that a ship and galliasse being made out of Santa Domingo came thither into the harborow and tooke twenty of them whereof the most part were hanged and the rest caried into Spaine and some to the number of fiue and twenty escaped in the pinnesse and came to Florida where at their landing they were put in prison and incontinent foure of the chiefest being condemned at the request of the souldiers did passe the harquebuzers and then were hanged vpon a gibbet This lacke of threescore men was a great discourage and weakening to the rest for they were the best souldiers that they had for they had now made the inhabitants weary of them by their dayly crauing of maiz hauing no wares left to content them withall and therefore were inforced to rob them and to take away their victual perforce which was the occasion that the Floridians not well contented therewith did take certeine of their company in the woods and slew them wherby there grew great warres betwixt them and the Frenchmen and therefore they being but a few in number durst not venture abroad but at such time as they were inforced thereunto for want of food to do the same and going twenty harquebuzers in a company were set vpon by eighteene kings hauing seuen or eight hundred men which with one of their bowes slew one of their men and hurt a dozen drâ—ue them all downe to their boats whose pollicy in fight was to be maruelled at for hauing shot at diuers of their bodies which were armed and perceiuing that their arrowes did not preuaile against the same they shot at their faces and legs which were the places that the Frenchmen were hurt in Thus the Frenchmen returned being in ill case by the hurt of their men hauing not aboue forty souldiers left vnhurt whereby they might ill make any more inuasion vpon the Floridians and keepe their fort withall which they must haue beene driuen vnto had not God sent vs thither for their succour for they had not aboue ten dayes victuall left before we came In which perplexity our captaine seeing them spared them out of his ship twenty barrels of meale foure pipes of beanes with diuers other victuals and necessaries which he might conueniently spare and to helpe them the better homewards whither they were bound before our comming at their request we spared them one of our barks of fifty tun Notwithstanding the great want that the Frenchmen had the ground doth yeeld victuals sufficient if they would haue taken paines to get the same but they being souldiers desired to liue by the sweat of other mens browes for while they had peace with the Floridians they had fiâ—h sufficient by weares which they made to catch the same but when they grew to warres the Floridians tooke away the same againe and then would not the Frenchmen take the paines to make any more The ground yeeldeth naturally grapes in great store for in the time that the Frenchmen were there they made 20 hogsheads of wine Also it yeeldeth roots passing good Deere maruellous store with diuers other beast and fowle seruiceable to the vse of man These be things wherewith a man may liue hauing corne or maiz where with to make bread for maiz maketh good sauory bread and cakes as fine as flowre Also it maketh good meale beaten and sodden with water and eateth like pap wherewith we feed children It maketh also good beuerage sodden in water and nourishable which the Frenchmen did vse to drinke of in the morning and it assuageth their thirst so that they had no need to drinke all the day after And this maiz was the greatest lacke they had because they had no labourers to sowe the same and therfore to them that should inhabit the land it were requisit to haue labourers to till and sowe the ground for they hauing victuals of their owne whereby they neither rob nor spoile the inhabitants may liue not onely quietly with them who naturally are more desirous of peace then of warres but also shall haue abundance of victuals profered them for nothing for it is with them as it is with one of vs when we see another man euer taking away froÌ„ vs although we haue enough besides yet then we thinke all too little â—or our selues for surely we haue heard the Frenchmen report and I know it by the Indians that a very little cententeth them for the Indians with the head of maiz rosted will trauell a whole day and when they are at the Spanyards finding they giue them nothing but sodden herbs maiz and in this order I saw threescore of them feed who were laden with wares and came fifty leagues off The Floridians when they trauellâ— haue a kinde of herbe dried who with a cane and an earthen cup in the end with fire and the dried herbs put together doe sucke thorow the cane the smoke thereof which smoke satisfieth their hunger and therwith they liue foure or fiue dayes without meat or drinke and this all the Frenchmen vsed for this purpose yet do they holde opinion withall that it causeth water sterme to void from their stomacks The commodities of this land are more then are yet knowen to any man for besides the land it selfe whereof there is more then any king Christian is able to inhabit it flourisheth with medow pasture ground with woods of Cedar and Cypres and other sorts as better can not be in the world They haue for apothecary herbs trees roots and gummes great store as Storax liquida Turpintine Gumme Myrthe and Frankinsence with many others whereof I know not the names Colours both red blacke yellow russet very perfect wherewith they so paint their bodies and Deere skinnes which they weare about them that with water it neither fadeth away nor altereth colour Golde and siluer they want not for at the Frenchmens first comming thither they had the same offered them for little or nothing for they receiued for a hatchet â—wo pound weight of golde because they knew not the estimation thereof but the souldiers being greedy of the same did take it from them giuing them nothing for it the which they perceiuing that both the Frenchmen did greatly esteeme it and also did rigourcusly deale with them by taking the same away from them at last would not be knowen they had auy more neither durst they weare the same for feare of being taken away so that sauing at their first comming they could get none of them and how they came by this golde and siluer the French men know not as yet but by gesse who hauing trauelled to the Southwest of the cape hauing found the same dangerous by meanes of sundry banks as we also haue found the same and there finding masts which were wracks of Spanyards comming from Mexico iudged that they had gotten treasure by them For it is most true that diuers
and came dâ—wne the riuer Three dayes after I hired a ware-house by my selfe and landâ—d my commodities And now I am selling them as fast as I can and sell them very well and to great profit for I haue solde all our hats I would I had brought forty or fifty dozen by reason of the great vtterance of them vp into Peru and into the new kingdome of Granada by the way of the riuer of Plate For here is passage euery three or foure moneths with barks of thirty and forty tunnes a piece watch are laden with sugars rice taffataes hats and other kindes of commodities of this countâ—ey which are caried vp the sayd riuer of Plate in the sayd barks and thence are conueyed vp into Peru. And these barks are but tenne or twelue dayes going vp the sayd riuer to Peru. And within foure and fiue monâ—ths after the sayd barkes come downe this riuer againe laden with reals of plate and bring downe from those places no other commodities but treasure It is a woonderfull thing to beholde the great gaine and profit which is gotten in this riuer and in this countrey I am ashamed to write it fearing that I shall not be beleeâ—ed For the imployment of one hundred ducats in Spaine being brought hither will yeeld twâ—lue hundred and fifteene hunâ—red ducats profit This trade hath beene vsed but within tâ—is yeere For wee can goe vp to the mines of Potosi which are the best and the richâ—st mines in all Peru. If the merchants of Spaine and Portugall did know this trade they would not send nor venture so much merchandise to Cartagena as they doe For vp this riuer is a great deale the neerer way and the easier to go to Peru. For the Peruleâ—os or merchants of Peru which dwell there câ—me downe to this harbour and riuer of Ienero and bring with them fifteene thousand and twentie thousand ducats in reals of plate and gold and imploy it heere in this riuer in commodities and when heere are no commodities to be had for money in this place then these merchants of Peru are constrained to go to Baia and Fernambue and there to imploy thâ—ir money I would I had brought good store of silks and not these hinde of commodities which I did bring For heere is more profit to be had a great deale then in the voyage of Angola For heere with fiue hundred ducats in fiue moneths space a man may get siâ—e thousand ducats And this is no fable but most true and a great deale more then I can expresse For a rapier which doeth cost in Spaine foure and twenty and siâ—e and twenty reals is solde heere for forty and fifty ducats a bridle for a horse is solde for fifteene ducats a locke of â— doore and the key is solde for ten ducats a pound of beniamin is solde for fifteene ducats a yard of veluet is solde for twenty and fiue and twenty ducats taffataes are solde for sixe and seuen ducats the vare an ownce of muske is solde for forty ducatsâ— and all kinde of commodities after this rate So one thousand ducats of Spanish commodities will gaine tenne thousand ducats Thus I hope in God to make more profit and gaine this voyage then in two voyages to Angola for I haue solde most of my hats for two duckets and a halfe and for three ducats The rest I will cary to Angola to helpe to sell the rest of my commodities which I cannot sell in this riuer And I haue solde an hundred cubits of broad cloth for fiue hundred and fiue hundred and fifty and siâ—e hundred reys the cubit If I would haue solde all my cloth for ready money tolde downe for foure hundred and fifty and fiue hundred reyes the merchants would haue bought it all of me but I would sell no more because I meant to exchange it in Angola for Negros Howbeit with ready money in hand in Angola a man shall buy better Negros and better cheape The captaine of our ship solde all his cloth for ready money for foure hundred fifty reys the cubit and thought that he had made a good market but he hath deceiued himselfe I solde sir broad clothes for fiue hundred and fifty reys the cubit and I was offered thirty thousand reys for a cloth Uineger is solde for two and thirty and sixe and thirty and forty reals a tarre by reason theâ—e is great store of limmons and orenges in the countrey but in Angola it is more woorth Oliues are solde for halfe a reall a piece wherefore I hope to sell the hogâ—head for twenty thousand â—â—ys In taffataes and veluets there will be gotten two hundred and fifty and thrâ—e hundred for one hundred Iâ— I had brought great store I could haue solde it all at this rate I haue already gotten good store of reals of plate for it is tolde mee that money is a good commodity in Angola But I must imploy some in meale which is in the grinding All the rest of my money I will send you by biâ—les of exchange and some part I will imploy in sugars for I haue sent order to Baia for that purpose For from this place there is no shipping that doth go that way So these letters I do send by the way of Fernambuc and haue directed them to my cousin for I do determine to settle my selâ—e here in this countrey There is come downe from Peru by this riuer of Plate a merchant called Alonso Ramires and he hath brought downe with him ten or twelue thousand ducats in â—eals of plate and is come downe to this place to build him a ship to returne into Spaine and there is come in his company a bishop And thus Iesus Christ send you long health Your louing brother Francis Suares The well gouerned and prosperous voyage of M. Iames Lancaster begun with three ships and a galley-frigat from London in October 1594 and intended for Fernambuck the port-towne of Olinda in Brasil In which voyage besides the taking of nine and twenty ships and frigaâ—s he surprized the sayd poâ—t-towne being strongly fortified and mannâ—d and held possession thereof thiâ—ty dayes together notwithstanding many bolde assaults of â—he enemy both by land and water and also prouidently defeated their dangerous and almost ineuitable fire-works Heere he found the cargazon or freight of a â—ich East Indian carack which together with great abundance of sugars Brasil-wood and cotton he brought from thence lading therewith fifteene sailes of tall ships and barks IN September 1594 the worshipfull M. Iohn Wats alderman M. Paul Banning alderman others of worship in the city of London victualled three good ships to wit The Consent of the burthen of 240 tunnes or there about The Salomon of 170 tunnes and The Virgin of 60 tunnes and appointed or commanders in this voyage M. Iames Lancaster of London gentleman aâ—miralâ— of the fleet M. Edmund Barker of London viceadmirall
they thinke good some fruites some rice boiled some hennes roasted some sagu hauing a table made 3. foote from the ground whereon they set their meate that euery person sitting at the table may eate one reioycing in the company of another They boile their rice in an earthen pot made in forme of a sugar loafe being ful of holes as our pots which we water our gardens withall and it is open at the great ende wherein they put their rice drie without any moisture In the meane time they haue ready another great earthen pot set fast in a fornace boiling full of water whereinto they put their pot with rice by such measure that they swelling become soft at the first and by their swelling stopping the holes of the pot admit no more water to enter but the more they are boiled the harder and more firme substance they become so that in the end they are a firme good bread of the which with oyle butter sugar and other spices they make diuers sorts of meaâ—es very pleasant of taste and nourishing to nature The French pecks is here very common to all and they helpe themselues sitting naked from ten to two in the Sunne whereby the venemous humour is drawen out Not long before our departure they tolde vs that not farre off there were such great Ships as ours wishing vs to bewarâ— vpon this our Captaine would stay no longer From Iaua Maior we sailed for the cape of Good Hope which was the first land we sell withall neither did we touch with it or any other land vntill we came to Sierra Leona vpon the coast of Guinea notwithstanding we ranne hard aboord the Cape finding the report of the Portugals to be most false who affirme that it is the most dangerous Cape of the world neuer without intolerable stormes and present danger to trauailers which come neere the same This Cape is a most stately thing and the fairest Cape we saw in the whole circumference of the earth and we passed by it the 18. of Iune From thence we continued our course to Sierra Leona on the coast of Guinea where we arriued the 22. of Iuly and found necessarie prouisions great store of Elephants Oisters vpon trees of one kinde spawning and increasing infinitely the Oister suffering no budde to grow We departed thence the 24. day We arriued in England the third of Nouember 1580. being the third yeere of our departure The names of the Kings or Princes of Iaua at the time of our English mens being there Raia Donaw Raia Rabacapala Raia Bacabatra Raia Tymbanton Raia Mawgbange Raia Patimara Certaine wordes of the naturall language of Iaua learned and obserued by our men there Sabuck silke Sagu bread of the Countrey Larnike drinke Paree ryce in the huske Braas sodden ryce Calapa Cocos Cricke a dagger Catcha a looking glasse Arbo an oxe Vados a goate Cabo golde Gardange a plantane Hiam a henne Seuir linnen cloth Doduck blew cloth Totopps one of their caps Gula blacke sugar Tadon a woman Bebeck a ducke Aniange a deere Popran oyntment Coar the head Endam raine Ionge a shippe Chay the sea Sapelo ten in number Dopolo twentie Treda no. Lau vnderstand you Bayer goe Adadizano I will fetch it Suda ynough The relation of a Voyage made by a Pilot called Nuno da Silua for the Vice-roy of new Spaine the 20. of May in the yere of our Lord 1579. in the citie of Mexico from whence â—t was sent to the Vice-roy of the Portugall-Indies wherein is set downe the course and actions passed in the Voyage of Sir Francis Drake that tooke the aforesayd Nuno da Silua at S. Iago one of the Islands of Cabo Verde and caried him along with him through the Sreights of Magellan to the Hauen of Guatuleo in new Spaine where he let him goe againe NVno da Silua borne in Porto a Citizen and inhabitant of Guaia saith that hee departed out of his house in the beginning of Nouember in the yeere of our Lorde 1577. taking his course to Cabo Verde or The greene Cape where he anchored with his Shippe close by the Hauen of the Island of Sant Iago one of the Islandes of Cabo Verde aforesayde beeing the nineteenth of Ianuary in the yeere of our Lord 1578. And lying there there came sixe ships which seemed to be Englishmen whereof the Admirall boorded his ship and by force with his men tooke hâ—m out of his ship bringing him in the boate aboord the Admirals shippe leauing some of his best men aboord his ship and although the fortresse of the Island shot foure or fiue times at them yet they hurt not the Englishmen who hauing done set saile from thence to the Island of Braua taking with them the ship of the sayd Nuno da Silua being there they filled certaine vessels with fresh water from thence holding their course inward to sea hauing first with a boat set the men of Nuno da Siluas ship on land onely keeping Nuno da Silua in his ship as also his ship with the wines that were therein And Nuno da Silua saith the cause why they kept him on boord was because they knew him to bee a pilot for the coast of Brasilia that hee might bring them to such places in those countreys as had fresh water Being put off from the Island of Braua they helde their course to the land of Brasilia which they descried vpon the fiâ—st of Aprill vnder the height of thirtie degrees and without landing or taking in fresh water they helde on their course to Rio de la Plata that is The riuer of siluer lying vnder fiâ—e and thirtie degrees little more or lesse where they went on land and prouided themselues of fresh water From thence they helde on their course till they came vnder nine and thirtie degrees where they ankered and beeing there they left two of their sixe shippes behinde them and sailed but foure in companie that of Nuno da Silua being one till they came to the Bay called Baya de las Islas that is The Bay of the Ilands lying vnder nine and fortie degrees where it is sayde that Magellan lay and wintered there with his shippe when hee first discouered the Streight which now holdeth his name Into this Bay the twentieth of Iune they entred and there ankered so close to the land that they might send to it with a harquebuse shot and there they sawe the land to bee inhabited with Indians that were apparelled with skinnes with their legges from the knees downeward and their armes from the elbowes downeward naked all the rest of thâ—ir bodies beeing clothed with bowes and arrowes in their handes being subtill great and well formed people and strong and high of stature where sixe of the Englishmen went on land to fetch fresh water and before they lept on land foure of the Indians came vnto their boate to whome the Englishmen gaue bread and wine and
when the Indians had well eaten and drunke they departed thence and going somewhat farre from them one of the Indians cryed to them and sayde Magallanes Esta he minha Terra that is Magallanes this is my countrey and because the Englishmen followed them it seemed the Indians fledde vpward into the land and beeing somewhat farre off they turned backe againe and with their arrowes slewe two of the English shippers one being an Englishman the other a Netherlander the rest came backe againe and saued themselues in the boate wherewith they presently put off from the shore Here they stayed till the seuenteenth of August vpon the which day they set saile running along by the coast about a league and a halfe from the land for there it is all faire and good ground at twentie and fiue and twentie fathome deepe and were about foure or fiue dayes before they came to the mouth or entrie of the Streight but because the wind was contrary they stayed till the 24 of August before they entred The entrie or mouth of the Streight is about a league broad on both sides being bare and flatte land on the North side they sawe Indians making great fires but on the Southside they saw no people stirring The foure and twentieth day aforesayd they beganne to enter into the Streight with an Eastnortheast wind This Streight may bee about an hundred and tenne leagues long and in bredth a league About the entry of the Streight and halfe way into it it tunneth right foorth without any windings or turnings and from thence about eight or tenne leagues towards the ende it hath some boutes and windings among the which there is one so great a hooke or headland that it seemed to runne into the other land and there it is lesse then a league broad from one land to the other and from thence forward it runneth straight out againe And although you finde some crookings yet they are nothing to speake of The issue of the Streight lieth Westward and about eight or tenne leagues before you come to the ende then the Streight beguineth to bee broader and it is all high land to the ende thereof after you are eight leagues within the Streight for the first eight leagues after you enter is low flat land as I sayd before and in the entrie of the Streight you find the streame to runne from the South sea to the North sea And after they began to saile in with the Eastnortheast wind being entred they passed along without any let or hinderance either of wind or weather and because the high land on both sides lay couered with snow and that all the Streight is faire and cleare they helde their course a harquebuse-shot in length from off the North side hauing nine and tenne fathome depth with good ground as I said before where if neede require a man may anker the hilles on both sides being full of trees some of the hilles and trees reaching downe to the sea side in some places hauing plaine and euen land and there they sawe not any greâ—t riuers but some small riuers that issued out of the riffes and breaches of the land and in the countrey where the great Cape or crooking is on the South side they saw certaine Indian fishermen in their Canoas or skiffs being such as they saw first on the North side but more people they saw not on the South side Being out of the Streight on the other side vpon the sixt of September of the aforesaid yeere they held their course Northwest for the space of three dayes and the third day they had a Northeast wind that by force draue them Westsouthwest which course they held for the space of ten or twelue dayes with few sailes vp and because the wind began to be very great they toâ—ke in all their sailes and lay driuâ—ng till the last of September The 24 day of the same moneth hauing lost the sight of one of their shippes which was about an hundred tunne then againe they hoised saile because the winde came better holding their course Northeast for the space of seuen dayes and at the ende of the sayde seuen dayes they had the sight of certayne Islands which they made towards for to anker by them but the weather would not permit them and being there the wind fell Northwest whereupon they sailed Westsouthwest The next day they lost the sight of another ship of their company for it was very foule weather so that in the ende the Admirals shippe was left alone for the ship of Nuno da Silua was left in the Bay where they wintered before they entred into the Streights and with this foule weather they ranne till they were vnder seuen and fiftie degrees where they entred into a hauen of an Island and ankered about the length of the shot of a great piece from the land at twentie fathome deepe where they stayed three or foure dayes and the wind comming Southward they weyed anker holding their course Northward for the space of two daies and then they espied a small vnhabited Island where being arriued they stroke sailes and hoised out their boate and there they tooke many birds and Seales The next day they set saile againe holding their course Northnortheast and North to another Island lying fiue or sixe leagues from the firme land on the Northside of the Streight where they ankered about a quarter of a league from the land in twelue fathome water This Island is small and lowe land and full of Indians the Island being altogether possessed and inhabited by them where they hoysed out their boate wherein the Admirall and twelue Englishmen entred going to fetch fresh water and to seeke for victuals and being landed vpon the Island the Indians in exchange of other things brought two Spanish sheepe and a little Maiz or rootes whereof they make bread and because it was late they returned againe vnto their ship without doing any other thing for that day The next day the said Captaine with the aforesaid twelue men being harquebusiers rowed to land againe and set two of their company on shore with their vessels to fetch fresh water and by the place where they should fill their water there lay certaine Indians secretly hidden that fell vpon the two Englishmen and tooke them which they in the boat perceiuing went out to helpe them but they were so assailed with stones arrowes that all or the most part of them were hurt the Captaine himselfe being wounded with an arrow on the face and with another arrow in the head whereby they were constrained to tuâ—ne backe againe without once hurting any of the Indians and yet they came so neere the boate that they tooke foure of their oares from them This done they set saile againe running along the coast with a South winde sailing so for the space of sixe dayes passing by the hauen called Sant Iago and put into another hauen and
from the hauen of Calao de Lyma they espied three ships and boording one of them they tooke thrâ—e men out of her and so held on their course towards Calao de Lyma where they entred being about two or three houres within night sailing in betweene all the ships that lay there being sâ—uenteene in number and being among the ships they asked for the ship that had laden the siluer but when answere was made them that the siluer was layd on lâ—nd they cut the cables of the ships and the masts of two of the greatâ—st ships and so left them At the same time there arriued a ship from Panama laden with wares aâ—d merchandise of Spaine that ankered close by the English ship wâ—ich was while the English Captaine sâ—ught in the other ships fâ—r the siluer Assoone as the ship of Panama had ankered there came a boat from the shore to search it but because it was in the night they let it alone till morning and comming to the English ship they asked what ship it was whereupon one of the Spanish prisoners by the English Captaines commandement answered and said it was the ship of Michael Angelo that came from Chili which they of the boat hearing sent a man on bâ—ord who climing vp light vpon one of the great peeces wherewith he was afraid and presently slept backe againe into the boat because the shippes that lay there and that sailed in those countreys vsed to carry no great shot and therewith they were abashed and made from it which the ship of Panama hearing that was newly come inâ— shee iudged it to be a reuer and therewith cutting her cables shee put to sea which the Englishmen pâ—râ—eiuing shipped certaine men in their pinnesse and followed her and being hard by her they badde her strike which they of the ship refused to doe and with a harquebuse shot killed one of the Engâ—ishmen wherâ—with they turned againe into thâ—ir shippe and presently set saile following after the ship which not long after they â—uâ—rtooke which they of the shippe perceiuing hoysed out their boate and leaping into it rowed to the land leauing the shippe with all the goods which the Englishmen presently tooke and with her sayled on their course The next day they saw a boat with sailes making towards them whereby they presently mistrusted it to be a spie and not long after they perceiued two great ships comming towards them which made the English thinke they came to fight with them whereupon they let the shippe of Panama driue therein leauing Iohn the Greeke with the two men that they had taken the same day that they entred into the Calao de Lyma as I sayde before and presently hoysed all their sailes and sailed forward not once setting eye againe vpon the aforesayde ships for they made towards the ship of Panama which the Englishmen let driue From thence they sailed againe along the coast following on their course and hauing sailed certaine dayes they met a frigate that went towards Lyma laden with wares and merchandises of the countrey from whence the Englishmen tooke a lampe and a fountaine of siluer and asked the pilote being a Spaniard if they met not with a ship that they vnderstood should be laden with siluer but the one pilote saide he met her not and the other said he saw her about three dayes before This frigat came not to the ship but to the pinnesse wherein the Captaine sailed for the pinnesse ranne close by the shore and the ship kept a league and a halfe from the lande whereupon they let the frigate goe following on their course Two dayes after they came to the hauen called Payta where they found a ship laden with Spanish wares which the pinnesse boorded and tooke wiâ—hout any resistance for assoone as the Spaniards perceiued the Englishmen they presently made to land with their boate and two of them lept into the sea none staying in the shippe but the Master Pilote and some Negros out of the which shippe the Englishmen tooke the pilote and all the bread hennes and a hâ—gge and so sailed forward with the ship â—ut being aboâ—t two harquebuse shot to seaward they let it goe againe not taking any thing out of it and asking after the ship which they sought for they told them that about two dayes before she departed from that place wherewith they followed on their course and before night they met with a â—hip of Panama which they presently boorted but tooke nothing from her but onely a Negro and so left it holding on their course The next day being the first of Februarie they met another ship that sailed to Panama laden with fiâ—h and other victuals and fortie barres of siluer and some gold but I know not how much which they tooke and sent the passengers with two friers that were in her in a boate to land The next day they hanged a man of the ship because hee would not confesse two plates of golde that he had taken which after they found about him which done they let the ship driue following on their course The first of March towards noone they espied the ship laden with siluer being about foure leagues to seaward from them and because the English ship was somewhat heauie before whereby it sailed not as they would haue it they tooke a company of Boâ—ijas or Spanish pots for oyle and filling them with water hung them by ropes at the sterne of the ship to make her sayle the better and the shippe that sayled towardes Panama made towards the English shippe to know what shee was thinking it to bee one of the shippes that vsed to saile along the coastes and to traffique in the countrey and beeing hard by her the English Captaine badde them sâ—rike but the other refusing to doe it with a great peece hee shotte her mast ouerboord and hauing wounded the Master with an arrowe the shippe presently yeelded which they tooke and sayled with her further into the sea all that night and the next day and night making all the way they could The third day being out of sight of the land they beganne to search the ship and to lade the goods out of her into their ship which was a thousand three hundred barres or peeces of siuerâ— and foureteene chestes with ryals of eight and with gold but what quantitie it was I know not onely the passengers sayd that there was great store and that three hundred barres of the siluer belonged to the king the rest belonged to certaine merchants That done they let the ship with the men saile on their course putting the three pilots in her that they brought with themâ— so that as then they had none but their owne men aboord being the sixt of March and from thence they held their course towards the land of Nicaragua The thirteenth of March either the day before or after in the morning they descried land not being very high being a
North and by West off vs about noone wee espied land to beare West off vs which as we did imagine was the cape of Buena Esperança whâ—rof indeed we were short some 40. or 50. leagues and by reason of the skantnesse of the winde we stood along to the Southeast vntill midnight at which time the winde came faire and we halâ—d along Westward The 12. and 13. dayes we were becalmed and the sky was very hazie and thicke vntil the 14. day at three of the clocke in the afternoone at which time the sky cleared and we espiâ—d the land againe which was the cape called Cabo Falso which is short of the Cape de buena Esperança 40 or 50 leagues This Cape is very easie to be knowen For there are right ouer it three very high hilles standing but a smal way one off another and the hiest standeth in the middest and the ground is much lower by the seaside The Cape of Good hope beareth West and by South from the said Cabo Falso The 16. day of May about 4. of the clocke in the afternoone the winde came vp at East a very stiffe gale which helde vntill it was Saturday with as much winde as euer the shâ—p could goe before at which time by siâ—e of the clocke in the morning wee espâ—ed the promontorie or heaâ—land called the Cape de Buena Esperança which is a reasonable hiâ— land at the Westermost point a litle off the maine do shew two hammocks the one vpon the other and three other hammocks lying further off into the sea yet low land betweene and adioyning vnto the sea This cape of Buena Esperança is set down and accompted for two thousand leagues from the yland of Iaua in the Portugall sea carts but it is not so much almost by an hundred and fiftie leagues as we found by the running of our ship We were in running of these eightâ—ene hundred and fiftie leagues iust nine weekes The eighth day of Iune by breake of day we fel in sight of the yland of S. Helena seuen or eight leagues short of it hauing but a small gale of winde or almost none at all insomuch as we could not get vnto it that day but stood off and on all that night The next day being the 9. of Iune hauing a pretie easie gale of wind we stood in with the shore our boat being sent away before to make the harborough and about one of the clocke in the afternoonâ— we came vnto an ancker in 12. fathoms water two or thrâ—e cables length from the shore in a very faire and smooth bay vnder the Northwestside of the ylandâ— This yland is very high land and lieth in the maine sea standing as it were in the middest of the sea betweene thâ— maine land of Africa and the maine of Brasilia and the coast of Guinea And is in 15. degrees and 48. minuts to the Southward of the Equinoctiall line and is distant from the Cape of Buena Esperança betweene 5. and 6. hundreth leagues The same day about two or three of the clocke in the afternoone wee went on shore where wee found a marueilous faire pleasant valley wherein diuers handsome buildings and houses were set vp and especially one which was a Church which was tyled whited on the outside very faire and made with a porch and within the Church at the vpper end was set an altar whereon stood a very large table set in a frame hauing in it the picture of our Sauiour CHRIST vpon the Crosse and the image of our Lady praying with diuers other histories curiously painted in the same The sides of the Church were all hanged with stained clothes hauing many deuises drawen in them There are two housâ—s adioyning to the Church on â—ach side one which serue for kitchins to dresse meate in with necessary roomes and houses of office the couerings of the saide houses are made flat whereon is planted a very faire vine and through both the saide houses runneth a very good and holsome streame of fresh water There is also right ouer against the saide Church a faire causey made vp with stones reaching vnto a valley by the seaside in which valley is planted a garden wherein grow great store or pompioâ—s and melons And vpon the saide causey is a frame erected whereon hange tâ—o bells wherewith they ring to Masse and hard vnto it is a Crosse set vp which is squared framed and made very artifically of free stone whereon is carued in cyphers what time it was builded which was in the yeere of our Lord 1571. This valley is the fairest and largest lowe plot in all the yland and it is marueilous sweete and pleasant and planted in euery place either with fruite trees or with herbes There are figtrees which beare fruit continually marueilous plentifully for on euery tree you shal haue blossoms greene figs and ripe figs all at ones and it is so all the yere long the reason is that the yland standeth so neere the Sunne There be also great store of lymon trees orange trees pomegranate trees pomecitron trees date treâ—s which beare fruite as the fig trees do and are planted carâ—fully and very artificially with very pleasant walkes vnder and betweene them and the saide walkes bee ouershadowed with the leaues of the trees and in euery voyde place is planted parceley sorell basill fenell anuis seede mustard seede radishes and many speciall good hearbes and the fresh water brooke runneth through diuers places of this orchard and may with very small paines be made to water any one tree in the valley This fresh water streame commeth from the tops of the mountaines and falleth from the cliffe into the valley the height of a cable and hath many armes out of it which refresh the whole yland and almost euery tree in it The yland is altogether high mountaines and steepe valleis except it be in the tops of some hilles and downe below in some of the valleis where marueilous store of all these kinds of fruits before spoken of do grow there is greater store growing in the tops of the mountaines then below in the valleis but it is wonderfull laboursome and also dangerous traueâ—ling vp vnto them and downe againe by reason of the height and steepenesse of the hilles There is also vpon this yland great store of partridges which are very came not making any great hast to flie away though one come very neere them but onely to runne away and get vp into the steepe cliffes we killed some of them with a fowling piece They differ very much from our partridges which are in England both in bignesse and also in colour For they be within a little as bigge as an henne and are of an ashe colour and liue in couies twelue sixteene and twentie together you cannot go ten or twelue score but you shall see or spring one or two couies at the least There are likewise
wrought aâ—tificially with feathers of diuers colours the chaines were made of a bony substance and few be the persons among them that are admitted to weare them and of that number also the persons are stinted as some ten some twelue c. Next vnto him which bare the scepter was the king himselfe with his Guarde about his person clad with Come skinnesâ— and other skinnes after them followed the naked common sort of people euery one hauing his face painted some with white some with blacke and other colours and hauing in their hands one thing or other for a present not so much as their children but they also brought their presents In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together and marched within his fenced place making against their approching a very warlike shewe They being trooped together in their order and a general salutation being made there was presently a generall silence Then he that bare the scepter before the king being informed by another whome they assigned to that office with a manly and loftie voice proclaimed that which the other spake to him in secret continuing halfe an houre which ended and a generall Amen as it were giuen the king with the whole number of men and women the childreâ— excepted came downe without any weapon who descending to the foote of the hill set themselues in order In comming towards our bulwarks and tents the scepter bearer began a song obseruing his measures in a dance and that with a stately countenance whom the king with his Garde and euery degree of persons following did in like maner sing and dance sauing onely the women which daunced and kept silence The General permitted them to enter within our bulwark where they continued their song and daunce a reasonable time When they had satisfied themselues they mad signes to our Generall to sit downe to whom the king and diuers others made seueral orations or rather supplicationâ— that he would take their prouince and kingdom into his hand and become their king making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole land and become his subiects In which to perswade vs the better the king and the rest with one consent and with great reuerence ioyfully singing a song did set the crowne vpon his head inriched his necke with all their chaines and offered vnto him many other things honouring him by the name of Hioh adding thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumph which thing our Generall thought not meete to reiect because hee knewe not what honour and profite it might bee to our countrey Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her Maiestieâ— he tooke the scepter crowne and dignitie of the said Countrey in his hands wishing that the riches treasure there of might so conueniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdome at home as it aboundeth in the â—ame The common sort of the people leauing the king and his Guarde with our Generall scattered themselues together with their sacrifices among our people taking a diligent viewe of euery person and such as pleased their fancie which were the yongest they inclosing them about offred their sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping scratching and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nayles whereof issued abundance of blood But wee vsed signes to them oâ— disliking this and stayed their hands from force and directed them vpwardes to the liuing God whome onely they ought to worshippe They shewed vnto vs their wounds and craued helpe of them at our handes whereupon wee gaue them lotions plaisters and emiments agreeing to the state of their griefes beseeching God to cure their deseases Euery thirde day they brought their sacrifices vnto vs vntill they vnderstoode our meaning that we had no pleasure in them yet they could not be long absent from vs but daily frequented our company to the home of our departure which departure seemed so grieuous vnto them that their ioy was turned into sorrow They intreated vs that bâ—ing absent wee would remember them and by stelth prouided a sacrifice which we misliked Our necessarie businesse being ended our Generall with his companie traueiled vp into the Countrey to their villages where we found heardes of Deere by a thousand in a companie being most large and fat of body We found the whole countrey to bee a warren of a strange kinde of Conies their bodyes in bignes as be the Barbary Conies their heads as the heades of ours the feet of a Want and the taile of a Rat being of great length vnder her chinne on either side a bagge into the which shee gathereth her meate when she hath filled her belly abroad The people eate their bodies and make great account of their skinnes for their Kings coate was made of them Our Generall called this countrey Noua Albion and that for two causes the one in respect of the white bankes and cliffes whichly towardes the sea and the other because it might haue some affinitie with our Countrey in name which sometime was so called There is no part of earth here to bee taken vp wherein there is not some speciall likelihood of gold or siluer At our departure hence our Generall set vp a monument of our being there as also of her Maiesties right and title to the same namely a plate nailed vpon a â—aire great posteâ— whereupon was ingrauen her Maiesties name the day and yeere of our arriuall there with the sree giuing vp of the Prouince and people into her Maiesties hands together with her higâ—nes picture and armes in a peice of sixe pence of current English money vnder the plate where vnder was also written the name of our Generall It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had neuer bene in this part of the countrey neither did euer discouer the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place The true and perfect description of a voyage performed and done by Francisco de Gualle a Spanish Captaine and Pilot for the Vice-roy of New Spaine from the Hauen of Acapulco in New Spaine to the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas vnto the Hauen of Manilla from thenâ— to the Hauen of Macao in Chiâ—na and from Macao backe againe to Acapulco accomplished in the yeere of our Lord 1584. Chap. I. THe tenth of March in the yeere of our Lorde 1582 wee set sayle out of the Hauen of Acapulco lying in the countrey of New Spaine directing our course towards the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas West Southwest running in that maner for the space of twentie fiue leagues till wee came vâ—der sixteene degrees that so wee might shunne the calmes by sayling close by the shoare From thence forward we held our course West for the space of 30 leagues beiâ—g there we ran West and West by South for the space of 1800 leagues to the Island called â—â—la del Enganno which is the furthest Island lying in