equally just yet let the Commonwealth have its due freedom let the Fines be made certain one years clear value which cannot be above two parts in three Next No forfeitures next to pass by free deed lastly all as Free-hold at Common Law except onely the Rent for it is better enlarge the Rent and have no Fine Lastly let no Rent be distrainable for upon the land after eighteen moneths due and for the apportionment of Rent let it be recorded between Buyer and Seller and if parties concerned cannot let two Justices of the Peace upon hearing both parties determine it and let it be recorded in the Parish or Town-book to cease all Controversies after To clear this Let a Commission issue to some persons to return a Survey of all Mannors when granted what Customs what Tenants what Rents Free or Coppy the quantity and nature of lands particularly the value yearly that so a foundation of settlement may be laid but because of the great advantage hath been said to accrue to the Commonwealth by Coppyhold-lands above free and Charter-hold in respect they were not subject to cheats frauds c as Free-hold lands let us a little consider how lands are to be passed Whether Inrollments ought to be in each County and how and the way to avoid deceit in Conveyances c. and of Frauds and the best way of punishing them HEretofore Deceits were not so frequent men yea even the highest preferred honor above inheritance Now as the love of riches the god of the world prevailed so private interest grew and from thence looseness of Law and the jealousie between our Kings and people made Laws come forth difficulty and when ever they came the interest of one side was visible or the Law so choaked with ambiguities or incertainties or so short in the main that it did but add to Contention besides the difficulty of obtaining them without an active leading Parliament man were the Author or eager promoter which in those dayes few would or did undertake out of pure zeal so that men set down willingly by the evil and lookt to prevent it as well as they could and take their chance as they called it amongst others rather then stir for new Laws of any sort This made of late years the legal robberies of cheating and truly fraudulent conveyances encrease as well as Letters yet not within the adjudged remedy of Statute frequent for it is as easie to avoid the Statute as to quench ordinary fire with scalding hot water one good Law against all frauds is better then a hundred of the best against fraudulent conveyances the reason is so gross and visible that it neds no president there are yet too many But while all possible means of the exact purity of Justice are to be indeavored by all Magistrates especially Christian It is just and requisite that they take the hint of the good hath flown from the manner of passing of Coppyhold Estates which truly proves that an Office of Inrollment at least in the Head-Town of every County is of necessity with such due regulations as is fit and in the same Office a passing of the wives consent by sealing the Deed of Sale or releasing it provided the Act be done before two Justices of the Peace be as good as a Fine the Dedimus upon the Fine is to meaner persons less fit to be trusted then some Justices may be however not under the conscience of an Oath which all they be the charge of a Fine is not so much though to some it is more then they are worth and ought to hold some rule of proportion as the trouble care delay c. Let there be therefore alwayes some authorized to take these There is another legal I dare not call it deceit the Custom hath established it as a Fine to bar the issue intayle or a recovery or both with single and double voucher but what is this but Custom against the Statute Law by the assent of the Statute I know the Evasion is but a meer Evasion it is better to mould the Law anew for the Law is both wayes unjust for the Statute Dedonis is in it self a perpetuity and would settle lands impassible in a short time and then all men must flie to the Supream Power for remedy let them therefore settle how lands shall be De jure as for example The eldest son to have all two parts of three or three of four or a double portion or at the will of the father provided he gives it no otherwise but to him and his heires and indeed all other estates are but to be a little over-wise but in this I shall not undertake to prescribe ought I shall onely add let the Law be All frauds to be punished by Presentment which found legally dammages to be to the party according to the value proved and then a fine to the State according to the Law and the nature of the offence Now this according to Law brings us to discussion of Juries Whether it be best to have Trials by Juries and in that of the Course of all Trials Civil ALL agree that right is to be done but many nay most differ about the way and certainly there are divers wayes and all good but there are better wayes and the best but the diversity of Opinions is great in these for some call that best which others call but good so various is Judgement much more Opinion for many which have found the good of one just wise discerning Magistrate will think him better then a Jury of Twelve and they that have found corruption in one Magistrate and Justice from Twelve men abhor what they call Prerogative Sentence it must be assented to that while in the flesh the best men are subject to fails and mistakes and therefore to drain Justice hath been thought the best this with popular jealousie in the just fears of dependencies of Judges rivited England to the maintenance of Juries who will not easily forgo it and though there is at present so much miscarriage that I think there is far more evil then good by them to the Nation I would not their temporary ejection but their due strict and setled Regulation But first every Case is not worth such trouble but Justice must be done in every Case and unless you will pay Juries for their pains they cannot travel therefore to avoid this you must make Judges in every Town and though the letter of the Magna Charta is general yet do but the Justice of Magna Charta and the Subject will not complain Justice never wrought dispriviledge and is above Magna Charta But before we proceed with Jurors let 's see how Cases ought to come to the decision of Juries then what Juries c. Now it is just that before any suit be the party wronged should first privately seek peace then call the party before a Magistrate to know what the difference is and see if it yet may
that but with a reflex upon the matters of the Church as being not to be neglected in respect of their own nature and also for their necessity to the explaining the matters treated of and I the rather chuse to pitch upon that time because the histories are more clear and from that settlement do all the grand Quaeries flow which are now discussed by so many wits and so many pens wherein yet I shall be brief as formerly though laying the plot to the generality of the succeeding matter William the first commonly called the Conquerour being the Bastard son of the Duke of Normandy having indeed no title at all to the Crown of England I cannot say usurps he fought against an usurper yet layes claim to it only under a pretended and invalid promise of Edward late King of England and with his Comrades to whom he had promised shares in his purchase He from Normandy and with Normans that is Frenchmen of the Country Province or County of Normandy lands in England fights the then King and slayes him in the Field and the English distasted at former Kings and it seems doubtfull to whom the Crown belonged and no one publikely laying claim whereby it is probable the race was wom out or utterly disheartned William soon settles himself and by agreement with the English to keep the Laws or rule them according to their Laws he is accepted as King but as to avoid war the strengths of the English being yet in no considerable manner broken by the one battel with the slain King he pretends his Title of Donation Adoption or what you will call such a pretence yet he as he found occasion and opportunity not only strengthned himself but weakned the English and that insensibly deposing all Bishops of whose fidelity he was not assured and for setling a new form of Government upon yet exceeding prudent grounds which was the so called Tenure in Capite or of the Crown he by cutting off the Males of the chief Nobles as Traitors disposed the Females where they were in marriage to his Normans and the other upon seisures he granted to hold of him as of his Crown thus he wrought his own ends every way for now he hereby takes the power of the Kingdom and the adherences of the ancient Nobility into the Norman Race his Normans now as by agreement and according to the rule of their Nation take all from him who is Lord paramount Thus all the land in England is holden of the King and by the equity of the judicial he holding all of God onely and so the land was absolutely enslaved and the title of warlike conquest is atchieved by a quiet bargain for this marriage of the inheritrix all other objects taken away cast the tenants eyes solely upon the enjoyer of their Lady now this way was prepared to before the kingdom being formerly divided not onely into Counties under an Earl Consul or their Sheriff but each County into their Hundreds and those subdivided into half Hundreds and those again into Tythings the most admirable Law that ever was in point of prudence directed even by the infinite Wisdom to the Jew and approved by these men as obligatory to Christians or so pretending these in their gradations all had their law from their Lord and held of him most under an oath and that according to the nature of the Tenures whether by homage or fealty onely with a saving of right to the King and other Lords and that Lord he held of the King nay the wise Bastard had a further reach for these Land-tenants were his Militia and none else were now suffered to have Arms so that his Normans being conveniently disposed into all parts of the Nation and the Nation thus engaged by these courses aforesaid being more warlike then wise few then knowing more then the Priest told them the work was readily effected and so much the rather because the Nobles had Knights held of them by the like service of attendance in the wars some holding Honors and some Mannors in subordination and these again had Freeholders for the provision of their houses which was called the service of the plough And thus all being distinguished into their orders and ranks there was nourished by these mutual dependances love and duty service and sustenance the Noble man being at Court the Lord or chief Knight in the County the Patrons of the Yeomonry and all yet held in chief of the King This prudent settlement holding a correspondence with the ancient Jewish and no difference from the later Romane Government both here by severall Governors and Governments made native was very facile to be effected and the rather because that our rocks of offence now were no stumbling stones of offence then but the foundation-stone of the ladder of the highest preferments for the Kingdom being settled upon a Military frame yet wisely observing the rules of humane Arts Wardship and Marriage the now or late Bugbears were thus laid and reserved by that discreet Prince following so justly and evenly one upon the neck of another by them accounted demonstrative reason that truly his enemies approved at last what his friends denied that is the English admitted what the Normans spurned at for as I find the Kingdom being put into this Sword posture it was thought meet that the Tenants of the King who were not fit to do him service should be under his tuition and who would and could so carefully provide both for their training in warlike exercises or dispose them in marriage for his safety and their well-being as the Prince whose strength and securiry they were to be both in war and peace so that Lords to their Knights and they to their Esquires and all to their Soccagers so that Soccagers or Freeholders sought a Tenancy in Knights Service and they by Knights Service sought to hold of the King not in Capite only but by the greater services of Petite and grand Serjeantie being so much the more or less honorable as they were directed more or less immediatly to the person of the King And I do not finde that King William did create more Lords then there were Counties for he observed his plot of Government as I may say once for all intermingling the old and his new with such a fit contexture as the first glance or present witnesses did not easily discern it Now as he laid his Military part wisely so did he not indiscretely settle the Civil part for that he also ordered that as the Commonwealth was but all one great family and though in regard of the multitude of subjects or children it was necessary to see and hear by others eyes and ears and so to answer and determine differences yet it was of necessity that all should yield obedience to him and render him a final account and therefore he disposed not from himself the ultimate and last determination of all or any cause but that they might appeal to
him and that not onely in high and criminal matters concerning his Crown and Dignity the life and honor of his subjects the original due object of the power of the Court now called the Common-Bench or of his Treasure the object of the Court now called the Exchequer or the Court concerning matters of the Income Profit Revenew or Treasure of the King But also of the differences betwixt party and party the object or subject matter call it what you will of the power of the Court now called the Common-Pleas which for ought I can finde authentique to convince me had all one officers which were not many all one Process which was a special Writ for appearance and a trial before the King or such as he appointed in his Court for the King was to be always present and there was also help in case of Equity by the Kings Chancellor in matters of the Summum jus of Law according to the common Lawyers phrase or severest opinion according to the rule of pure conscience that is do as you would be done unto or like a good Christian according to the Episcopal and Church-mens equity in the times of their Regiments now this foundation laid which offered benefit as well as Law to the people who had hereby remedy against the greatest oppressions of great men or Judges in the Courts of the Sheriffs or Lords Courts or Hundred Courts which all at first submitted by way of gradation to each other all to the Kings and so the Courts in Cities and Boroughs and other places incorporate as also Franchises and Liberties which were the evident marks of conquest and granted larger or stricter as the King pleased Now the King plots his own setlement first as being a Norman that is French he wills all our pleadings to be in French for he being as chief Father of the Commonwealth to see to all ought to understand it Next he ought especially for offences criminal or trespasses of force voluntary to have the punishment of the offender as a disturber of the peace of the Commonwealth as well as the particular party to have reparations and therefore he brings in together with Appeals the ancient usage of England which was the challenging of a man to have committed an offence as of treason murder rape felony and the like a kinde of suit in the name of the King called an Indictment and truly all the reason of the introduction that I can see was to advance the end of the Kings gain for here the King hath all the gain all the goods of the party at first from the day of the offence done truth now he hath it in appeal but it was not so for this the old true tale of Kents freedom will be known Evidence for they opposed this part of prerogative and then the father to the bough that is to be hanged upon the arm of a tree the usual and ready way then of dispatch and the son to the plough that is to the improving the inheritance left Concerning the common Law Prerogatives of a Prince or what the Laws of England anciently as by the right and light of natural knowledge granted to their Kings a certainty of land of the Crown Mines of gold and silver Royal fishes lands deserted of the sea and of them who died without heir as the prime person in whom the honor and glory of the people rested I omit to speak at present Truly that this William used Parliaments I finde not though others do for it is evident to the world and he that is not blinde may see he to quiet the people pretended Title but his intention was to make it his absolute conquest he therefore calls Councels where his Lords were present they do what his Will is and there is an end So that grant it a Parliament or National Assembly of the Estates yet it was but to grant or enact what the King desired his Normands had liberty to speak their will what English man durst oppose but the acts of his successor fully demonstrate this who destroys thirty towns and Churches to make a Forrest the Monks of the time durst speak but who else So that now it was evident what Title he claimed by pretend he what he will for the King had still his pretences truly the English were now in great streights they saw their Laws utterly abolished and their lives and estates to lye at the Kings mercy there was no remedy to complain who durst The Bishops yet notwithstanding something interpose but their mouthes are stopped by a command from his Holiness for people must not rise against their Prince but at his will and fill his coffer and you have his Crosier at command for Rome was now at the full height of wickedness but God taking away this sacrilegious Prince he soon opens a way of comfort to the almost cowed English giving them some means of revenge by a royall contest or a quarrel for the Crown this and matters of like nature setled there now ariseth a greater quarrel which hath continued even to these times though with divers parties and upon several grounds and that was betwixt the Lords and the King it seems God would have the English free and though he chastised them he would not forsake them for he makes their enemies the chief assertors of their ancient Liberties for these Lords finde now that they had not the same free priviledges their Ancestors had and claimed their births had now made them English of sharers in principallity they were made meer though greater Subjects The King Lawyers belike had found some flawes in their patents it may be they had done some wrong to their Tenants and were complayned of and the King to anger them that they might forfeit their too large liberties did the poor men right the greatest vexation and Soul or heart-grief a proud great man can have but be the ground what it will many of which are evident and arising as before is said The contest grew high there were things called Parliaments assembled to the end to determine these differences and in them divers good Laws tending to reconciliation were enacted but what was the effect of force ceased in execution when the cause was removed and the Lords armed against their Princes and truly their Tenants took part as the rest did they feared the saving of their faith to their King would prove the forfeiture of their lands to their Lords and now what was intended for the Kings safeguard was his ruine the most immediate Lord carrying all the power the superior Lords all along were strangers So vain a thing is the most prudent settlement of men if Divine providence affords not success But this still remains a sure foundation good Laws are ever the same though the badness of men may enervate and weaken them yea oft times invert them but still as differences grew higher and higher Parliaments were the means of quieting of all which doth
remedy against an evil present and emergent by act it is the knaves work to converse with a quick brained little conscienced Lawyer and crafty Attorney to find a loose from the Law which is too oft allowed and the Judge excuses himself by the letter of the Law Therefore I shall now generally declare that the whole frame and foundation of Englands Government was loosed rotten and vanished which I thus manifest Look at the Lands and its evident that had Noy lived or but the Parliament been deferred the most considerable part of the Kingdom had been Forrest upon the claiming of which what quick work was made in some places few but know that which had not been Forrest to the King would all have been secured to him by Office as holding in Chief or forfeiture otherwayes either upon the chief Lords or some inferiours want of Service And as the King had dealt with his great men so would they with their Tenants whether Knights or Soccagers but especially the Copy-holders should have suffered without remedy for it was grown to this that as no Jury durst find against the King if a strong contest were that is if it were a matter worth the striving for and supposed to be or might be a flowre of the Crown so neither durst any find against the Lord nor indeed well could they tell how to do right either to the Lord or between the particular Tenants for the Copies were generally brought to this course only to name so many c. of the Tenants R. or B. c. the Rent they denyed to set down so that the Bailiff cheated the Tenant but especially the honest or ignorant one at his pleasure and exercised more power rather Tyranny then a Prince for the Fines they generally drew them to the meer Will of the Lord and in that were absolutely illegall and although it was pretended the Chancery was the moderator that was but to help the Lord for not one man of a thousand would contest if rich seldom but he was a Lord for every Peasant was now become the purchaser of a Mannor if poor the controversie ruined him Now let us a little here look at the nature of Copyholds Which I conceive came in thus at the Norman Conquest upon the setling of his Commonwealth as he had laid his frame that is that all held of the Crown mediatly or immediatly that is they by greater services as Dukes Earls c. and the inferiour Lords of them so all these Lords had their inferiors under them that as they served the King in his Wars to preserve the publique so these might serve the necessities of the ptivate Families as Soccagers to plow sow and cut down c. and Villains to carry muck and do all drudgery or meaner work and were both but a kind of servants the one yet more free as having his Land only paying his Rent Corn c. the other absolutely bound over whom he had at first power of life and goods and all both yet of which as the Nation grew civilized and religious got more liberty and priviledge so that they became absolutely free and their present conditions are so diverse from past though the names remain that a man will hardly believe such things were Yet from these divers harsh villanous Customes and usages are still continued all or any and every of which are unreasonable and unwarrantable for the villain or bondman his Land was his Lords as was himself his wife and children After it was given him under a Service but he could not give nor grant then Services were turned into Rents yet he had no power to dispose all was in the Lord after the policy of the Kingdom being depraved and these villains being grown too numerous taking advantage of civill dissention among the Masters the Servants gained the priviledge of inheritance but not to pass it by free Deeds or grant or sell but to descend at last they came to sell and usage only regulated all this and then were used as free Lands all but the way of passing it which matter of form is most highly penall even to forfeiture and indeed these forfeitures are the sole end of most Lords Now these evils of forfeitures and the like though for small causes are grown exceeding penall mostly from the difficulties and delays of Law but enough from the rigorous unjust and cruel principles of the so called Lords of Mannors which now each greedy griping rich man is purchaser of and the value according to usage set accordingly Now these evils arise thus First all the Jury who enquire of the forfeiture are the Lords Tenants and those that are pannelled are not able or rich or commonly of any great reach and the Steward most commonly an Attorney he is the meer pentioner of the so called Lord and his improvement of his fortune is to improve his Lords Rents or estate and that is by searching out old antiquated Evidences for original Agreements Compositions or the first or primitive Custome and then pinch a poor weak Tenant upon that Custome and he submitting another and so on till all or the most be buxome and who is able to withstand If it be quaeried why some rich man opposes not it is answered few rich men but are either Countrimen and then either are or expect to be Lords if Citizens their gaines are great and are not desirous to spend their estates to inrich Lawyers and thus Lords and Clowns got into things called still Mannors broken divided and shattered no way retaining their original constitution through the baseness of Kings Judges and Officers and the interest of Parliament men few of them whose cause it is not the subject especially the poor is kept in a base unworthy vassalage under the constitution of the Norman Conquest and free men engaged by the tenure of lands and by prevailing and unregarded Custome to a slavery which was abhorred in the King yet usurped by fellow subjects upon each other and that with Prerogatives higher then in any the Princes Courts for the common priviledges of extraction and profession are no way pleadable against their Fines and Amerciaments so that I have known a professing Esquire take of a Christian a Knight and Barronet his neighbour fourty shillings for Amerciaments for not attending at his Court which was paid by him onely with this protest by his Steward that that fourty shillings should get his Master twenty pound per annum and where they may call a Court as oft as they list and too often as some widdows so called Ladys of Mannors holding it but for Life do it must be as burdensome as unjust Besides there is nothing certain in any Court either for the Ground or the Rent or the Fine or the Custome but the legal pated Steward can to wreack his spleen finde a flaw in and laying his land onely by so much in such a place if any ground be wood or rich that is the Lords
value to be determined by any two Justices of the Limit by their Warrants without Writ especially at monthly meetings but more especially if they were both poor that is not worth one hundred pound clear or if but one of them the poor being grown lately as well enemies and devourers of one another as the rich That there might be but one waight whether Troy or Aver du-poiz in the Nation and so one measure and one tenure that is Freehold of the State not grantable to any person or persons so called mean Lords as tending to the high advancing of particular interests much more subject to destroy then support the Commonwealth especially that basest badge of slavery and the most prejudicial to the interest of a free Commonwealth the so called Villeni or bond service urging that the Rule of Littleton That Land being the less worthy cannot engage the person of a free man which is more worthy and so that Villenage or now so called Copy-hold is incompatible with freedome and the evil effects of this have appeared in choyce of Representatives as dangerous as ever did any Feife service of the Barons to their Soveraigns the Kings and they say it is just the Comminalty should have right done against inferiour Lords now the Lords have right against the King or State that so while we be freed from the Tyranny of a Prince we may not be worse slaves each to other for they can instance more wicked unchristian merciless and cruel acts in Copyhold Lords then in all the Princes in the world They also desired if the State took Tonnage and Poundage Customes c. that the Seas might be guarded and some said if they did not it was lawful to steal Custome but I put that opinion in a Parenthesis they desired that no person or condition of men might be secured from Law that all evils as appearing might be at appearing rectified and to that end that an easie address might be to Courts of Justice setled in power in the respective bounds both for ending and determining according to Law setled and preparing for remedy to emergent evils by certificate of the matter They said they valued their priviledges as high as any but they would part with their priviledges of men to enjoy the priviledge of just and wise men they therefore would deny themselves things lawful if found inconvenient thus did they submit to the Magistrate and thought not themselves wiser then them whom God set over them but this also admitted that Magistrates were men and might err that the rule of their Government being but perfect reason supposed that infallibility was not tyed to the Seat of Justice if not to the Throne of the Prince and Chair of the Bishop that it was the duty of the Subject with fear and humility to advise of the Law and that no man might oppose the Law but lawfully not to be the Authors of disturbance to the State lest each man might contend for his own opinion until there were as many Laws as men They said that the poor were a parcel of the body politick which ought to be provided for setledly and sufficiently some propounded Commons some concealed Lands some one thing some another but these were mistaken parties generally though well affected they might be for Commons were the Tenants Rights originally not the poors and concealed Lands might now have proved as fatall a Hawk to the State to whom they now belong as Forrest Lands did before to the King for as I have said before all Tenures Titles c. being grown so difficult what might not have been adjudged now concealed as then was Forest These men further allowed and desired that persons should be brought into due degrees the due power of all persons respectively setled the primitive order for security of the Nation by the enforcing the Laws of Tythings for idle vagrant persons Hues and Cryes for Thefts Robberies and such like that due orders of Cities and Walled Towns Bridges and great Roads for Watches c. Regulations of all Trades by certain and just Laws might be renewed Prisons not made the Schools of all Villany but places of due laborious restraint and safe keeping and that specially first for persons criminous next dangerous lusty riotous lazy and idle Publike Offices to be born at the publike charge and no just Office to be the burthen or ruine of a man such as to be a Reader of Inns of Court High-Sheriff Constable Major Sheriff c. of Counties and Cities That all Customes be certain all Fees of Officers with a thousand things more which experience had rendred manifestly holding forth Justice or the foundations thereof Now these just things being so diametrically opposite to the Interest of multitudes who had for their corrupt interest sake or to make a fortune in their own Idolish phrase joyned themselves to the Parliament party were heard but neglected then scandalized to commix Interests with the errors afore-supposed in Levelling in the grossest acceptation so that each rule almost of morall honesty was now miscalled Levelling The reason why I call these just things Levelling is to unmask these Satans and to manifest to all men the strange artifices used to obstruct the truth and take men off from the entertaning true apprehensions of it suggesting to them these jealousies that though the Propositions held forth nothing but seemingly just honest and Christian yet no doubt there was a Snake lay in the grass to eat in pieces the root of Government and debase the Supremacy of Magistracy destroy order annihilate property and introduce the confusion which some as I have said are said to intend and we may justly fear if some timely and just order preventive be not applyed will by these self-seekers be assuredly perfected But all these just Levellers had not the same foundation or principle for their designs though know assuredly all honest men reall and of publike spirits Papist or Kings Protestant that is he that would walk no further in the way of Christ then the Laws of the Land taught him that is beleeving as was by Law established according to the Canon c. yet zealously making conscience of being wiser then his Teachers Presbyter or Independent or of any Sect Opinion or Religion soever were nick-named Levellers by them that found it best fishing in troubled pudled waters But as I say they had several principles The Presbyter founding his Levelling upon the Judicials of Moses stuck to that Rule that the Judicials were Gods own Law given to his own people with whom he had entered a Covenant not only upon Mount Sinai but in the loyns of Abraham father of the faithful that so Abraham is our father and we by faith his seed and so bound Again that the people chosen of God were Types of all Gods people to whom that Law was given in them and living according to that Law should thereby manifest themselves each to other to be the people
the Councel be highly fined All these matters are subject to devolve into meer Form except Justice in the Supream Magistrate aws all for according to their example do all others frame themselves therefore it is still fit they be under due and visible regulations How Debts are to be Recovered HAving briefly passed these Heads I come now before I come to treate of the way and manner of Trials particularly by twelve men to treate of the Civil Policy as diverse from Criminal and look at that as it looketh at Liberty Goods and good Name And in this I shall pass over the Introductions to Debts which are Trading Bargaining Selling Giving Granting Bequeathing and the like and the consequences thereof now as to this all Revenge is but bestial Satisfaction is Rational Now the satisfaction must be either from Lands or Goods Lands for the benefit of Posterity ought to be preserved as much as may be therefore till there appear no Goods there ought to be no Process against Lands but as the evil present is alwayes heaviest so the liberty of the Parent is to be esteemed above the future advantage of the issue and then the lands are to be sold Our Law holds forth things just enough I cannot in my conscience but say the fault is principally in the Practiser and the Judge the one to move unjust things the other to determine them although I believe many of the Errors were brought in upon Prudential grounds rather then Legal or to avoid the rigidity of the Letter originally For thus it stands the Law being thus anciently that first Goods then Lands then Liberty was to be seised for debts c. upon a just and proportionate Rule necessity found wayes to evade Quaere the Goods and they were others Quaere the Lands and they were aliened and to run through the difficulties of all these Trials the burthen was found too great and therefore the Law of imprisonment at first by Atrest was brought in That it is against Priviledge that is as used I believe it highly but that it is against Priviledge duly used is not to be deemed We ought in all things to remember we are Christians our professing well and practising ill makes bad Christians nay meer civil ones Atheists and keeps good Heathens from Conversion Surely now we by our Laws make such multitudes of poor that we see no way to relieve them and therefore we exact not the Law of common distributive Justice I dare not be too bitter The Lord write upon the hearts of Magistrates such let me say Christian affections that the poor may be rightly maintained but that is not my task here therefore I proceed If any Debtor be let the Creditor come to a legal Officer appointed and there Avow in the word of a Christian that such a one is truly indebted to him in so much and shew particularly how if the publike Officer knows the man responsal let the Debtor be immediatly summoned to answer to the Creditor for so much be it by Bill Bond Book Promise c. If the Officer knows not the Creditor then let the party be summoned and if he denies the debt then let one legal Witness for all men are not to be admitted Witnesses Avow by that I mean a Protestation in the name of a Christian as before a Magistrate that he knows the thing then if the party satisfies not the debt by a day let a Plea be entered No more but thus A. of such a place impleads B. of C. for ten pounds which he ows him upon a Bond or Bill or as the matter is Then let the Debtor answer thus B. to the complaint of A. for the debt of ten pounds denies the debt promise Bond c. or pleads so much paid and tenders the residue with submission to the Order of the Court. If he appears not let an other summons go by way of exacting the party or parties to appear under the penalty of the value of the debt if he appear not nor any Attorny for him being warned let the goods be immediately seised and inventoried by one sworn man or more and apprized by sworn men as they are truly worth then to be bought at the first hand to the utmost of their knowledge and let one Justice of the Peace administer the Oath to appear equally and indifferently between Creditors and Debtors then let a Jury of twelve or six men such as shall be lawfully called of the next neighbours capable of the great trust of such Judgement sufficiently qualified with estate to recompence knowledge to discern and faithfulness to act according to knowledge for such ought all Juries to be and then the Trial by Juries is excellent where the matter needs or will bear the delay except you shall so enforce obedience that Trials may be speeded as called then the debt proved let not payment be till all Creditors be called in and then let their debts also be proved not allowing above forty dayes for all and then let the goods be divided into three parts if there be no other estate otherwise three parts of the whole be distributed proportionately as the respective debts amount a third part saved to the Creditor c. And the same Trial that settles the goods let it pass the lands and let the Seisure of the Land and Sale be by the publike Magistrate but all enrowled in a Book for that purpose How Lands are to be Recovered SUrely the old way of State and Seisin so called in the simplicity of that Age was good but to speak it once for all it is the Magna Charta the great priviledge of Free men that they may make Laws according to necessity I write not this to destroy but enlarge the Subjects Priviledge who now by the practike part of Law are deprived of the just end of Magna Charta and all else I know there is a conceited humerous generation that are content with nothing but the Letter of Magna Charta and others as much against it I shall equally walk equally between them It was then a good boundary to the Prerogatives of Princes and power of Judges and it were better to follow that truly now then to be again ingulphed in as vast an Ocean as no Law in the variety multiplicity and difficulty of Laws for how many things literally observed would plainly much prejudice the Commonwealth but I proceed Lands then in case of doubt must receive a Trial as for other matters of value before a publike Judge the course by a short complaint at a day set for both parties with their Witnesses present who can prove the matter in question or upon Oath made that they are sick or such Case as is allowed upon Oath taken before a Justice of Peace the Affidavit of such persons may be read attested under the Justices Hand and Seal Alwayes provided the Affidavit without another special Witness doth nothing and in Case that the land be adjudged
men to be necessitated to it of custome as now seems not just Two belonging to every Court of Judicature is enough let his duty be onely to receive instructions from the party in the matter of Fact and to set down the witnesses names in a paper for the Judge and to what they can speak but not to speak in the Court but to the Judge and let them have a Fee as the Magistrate shall think fit Let both Lawyers and Attornies be sineable by the Judge and all that plead as such in Case of misdemeanor and that without a Jury Whether Debtors be to be imprisoned Surely where there is neither goods nor Lands to satisfie the rational man the Law of Christ of Love will not still engage to satisfie angry revengeful persons in exorbitant and irrational appetites therefore if he will take oath that he is not worth a third part of the Debt that not exceeding sixty pounds or what summ the supreme Magistrate thinks fit let him be freed let the oath be general or particular I care not for he that will swear upon a trust will swear upon no trust but let the thing concealed be forfeit if you will not do this keep not debtors in prison rather make them servants the same for Felons Trespassors and the like Whether servitude be lawful among Christians c. And whether fitting or not SUrely the Almighty wisdome appointed nothing in it self but just and that justly yea above other Law-givers who from want of prudence oft multiplied servants to such numbers as they oft oretopped their Masters and the Laws but the Lord by allowing servitude among his people yet limiting it for a time gave satisfaction to justice every way the proprietor was satisfied by labor where estate failed and the servant had his day of freedom and the danger of multitudes was never obnoxious to them for we see the Lords and great men offended in forcing service but not the contrary service therefore well limited is held by many and those prudent men and godly Christians no way dissonant to the Liberty nay equality of the Gospel wherein by Christ we are brethren and fit to be practised as well as bound Apprentices but with well tempered Laws As first the power not to extend to life or mayme next not work above so many hours in a day then to be cloathed against cold and fed for Natures sustenance that is he shall be better then in a prison the greatest difficulty will be to make servants of wife and children for it seems to some unreasonable that they should be made servants Our Heralds in many heads have made such shatters that they cannot think fit a high-born man or woman or the like which are accidents of inferiour providence as I may call it should be subject to the universal Law of Mankind but certain it is if all Debtors c. pay or serve these men ought not to be excluded but that the women must follow the condition of man is not of necessity no more then to be imprisoned c. she must be miserable but needs not be in servitude nor the Children Now the Law-maker ought to settle something against them upon two grounds First of satisfaction secondly of aw or fear upon this score to make the children and wife suffer would do much as some think but I conceive otherwise for self is generally neerest Next for children it would or might ruine education whereby the publick loseth more then the private gains Lastly for the wife if all parties be pleased let them come and serve together otherwise not But under the Law of mercy to shew mercy and love let the evident poor man be discharged as before with something to begin the world but once more repress idle houses of all sorts vanity in Apparel c. And settle estates and rate them truly and keep strict and just Government and you will not complain of poor nor fear cheating nor need servitude but with content of all parties but above all take off high Covetize and preach by example as precept Magistrates Ministers c. men of all sorts having food and rayment be therewith content But because Usury is supposed a manifest cause of beggery and is so much questioned in the world and so beaten by the Pope and his Councels and Usurers so accursed and our Law present onely wincks tolerates not let us a little consider that and Quaere Whether Vsury be lawful And how compared with Letting of Lands I Take Usury to be a Covenanting for to receive the principall with interest Now the reason of the coming to a setled way of use by particular persons that is twenty fifteen ten eight six or four in the hundred was upon consent of parties to avoid tedious and deceitful accounts and reckonings and the like the Laws settles it to avoid excessive gripings just as in Lands the Tenant hires now at a certain price and puts the gain in his pocket truth is we are a light loose proud lazy prodigal Generation for we have had much liberty educated under no restraint aw nor fear no reverence of youth to Age of people to Magistrates of poor to rich no order all men now Masters all brave all for back and belly this spends fast and gains are decreased and oft all lost and then the fault is use-money I pray what difference between being undone by a cruel racking Landlord or a biting hard-hearted Usurer you will say all one He that gains little by Land or Money cryes I had rather take money and hire Land to give account I am undone some by being unfit to manage Land or Money others by ill managing of it he that thrives will never agree to this no that were to be alwayes a servant Again some will over-purchase themselves and receive four in the hundred in Lands and pay eight and this ruines them others have good Trades in debt purchase pay use and thrive Nay it is certain Money is a more possible way of great increase then Lands and the Complaints even in all Nations much what alike therefore I conclude as to that it is fit to regulate letting out of Moneys but it is also fit to order some proportion for Lands or give a Rule for Landlords that squeaze a poor ignorant labouring creature as we do a Honey-comb let neither be permitted unjustly and for rich Tenants let them not defraud the Commonwealth This premised Usury in it self may be lawful if not forbidden now if it be forbidden let me see where it is if it were Typical it is abolished if judicial generally it is rational that is all those Laws hold forth the reason of commanding or prohibiting plainly and then let us see the reason Now if you take it judiciall specially as proper to the Jew then it must by like reason run thus Take no use of thy Brother a Christian the English Translation hath it poor Brother which to me plainly hints the
original and the head of this fountain of bitterness being stopped the streams it is hoped will be dried up From whence doth all this proceed but from the opinion of the benefit of uniformity and from thence the necessity and thus we War that we might have peace and instead of convincing by Love and waiting the appointed time when the vision will assuredly make haste and come and will not tarry we enforce labouring as we think by humane wisdom politiquely to prevent the evils we imagine may grow to a disturbance of the Peace of the Church And surely this pride of heart and humane Wisdom this thinking so well of our selves and looking at the opinions of Christians more then the lives and conversations which is next to the eye of every man and whereby God and Christ and the Gospel is visibly dishonoured is the source or spring of the quarrels of Christians our duty in practicall Christianity is so plain and our conversation so contrary that it is the Wonderment of a Moralist and all our divisions for Church Government Power oh had we Power And what brethren could you do with your Power could you raze one opinion out of the heart of any conscientious man now after so many thousand yeers man leave this vanity Christian now after sixteen hundred yeers learn to know the motions of the heart are only in the hand of the Lord teach in season and out of season to draw to the Faith but let the Spirit of man be convinced of the duty of Faith What sense and reason is capable of in the plain Law enforce so far as to secure the peace and expiate justly the offence For the Quaere of the power of Churches one over the other I suppose it is beaten sufficiently and in whom the Power of setling of Pastors and Power of excommunication rests I shall now proceed and as a necessary Quaere treate a little First of Impropriations and then of Prescriptions Impropriations to speak plainly are of two sorts the first called appropriations being the granting presentative benefices to Religious houses The other was the freeing of such Lands as were given to Religious houses from the payment of Tythes the ground of this was the supposed vertue that was in the prayers of these Religious persons but indeed there was a knot of carnall Policy also which was to keep the people ignorant by admitting little preaching which was counted the mother and nurse of Sedition Now this Arrow came not only out of the Popes quiver but secular so called Princes after he began followed till at length the Abbyes Monastaries Fryeries c. had abounding in riches and thereby abounding in ease growing Luxurious and sinfull beyond belief fulfilled the measure of their iniquities and Henry the 8. was the instrument as aforesaid to plague them who yet looking rather at Lucre and Power temporall then Religious duty did not return the Benefices and Tythes into the Ancient course but conveyed them still along to the owners of the Lands of those Monasteries c. to which they were annexed as they are still continued Now as many had such things by particular grant so others held them and some other onely by prescription but the not doing of three or four things makes Reformation difficult First the not ordering all Christians in a Congregational way either limited or parochiall or absolute which is best without which a choice of a just safe and equall representative Christian will never be Next the not ordering all Annexations and Impropriations into the Common stock for the maintenance of teachers Humane and Divine Thirdly the discharging of all prescriptions customes Grants c. of particular priviledge of old either of places times or persons Lastly the setling one Law weight measure and tenure precisely throughout the Nation Now to speak one word of prescription I take it to be but only the continued Right of a particular person or family or now of a Corporation Township c. So that upon due and full search it seems to me no more then a custome in many places and cases Now for this the time of prescription ought to be set certain next the same ought after once pleaded to be setled and published just as a custome so that no publike Right may not be publikely known and the Justice of it owned for many prescriptions are as unjust as many customes and equally to be disallowed as arising upon false grounds evil in themselves or tending to the dammage of the publike I now come to Quaere What Law the Christian Magistrate ought to settle THis I suppose many will accompt a needless quaere both in respect that the law judicial generally is formerly asserted requisite to be the head law and also a forme or kinde of setled proceeding in law agreed to be principally according to the reason of the common law so called of the Nation herein laid down as grounded on the word of God But my intent is a little to discuss the rights of the so called common law and civil Law and whither it be fit to allow such divers courts of so called divers laws and to search shortly whether they were originally one and the same or not which I really suppose they were for it is evident that although the first writers of our laws use not the forme of words of the civil law dividing the law into the tomes of the Digest the Code the Authentick and the Feuds Yet the rule of Justinians Institutes which are an epitome of the Digest is by them wholly observed Now the Digest or Pandect that is the new called Institutes for they are various in names I agree to be but the drawing of the multitude of particular opinions and judgements of many venerable sages of the Law into one setled body of Law containing variety of learning upon particular Titles of law or head laws which laws being grown exceeding voluminous and intricate the English neglected them and few being learned they were under the sword dispensed with and politiquely brought into the Closet of the Conquerors breast and as the condition of the Nation required were enlarged or streightned at pleasure And upon interest only the municipal law or customary Law of the people was by some setled in opposition to the so called civil Law Now this interest was partly of Princes who found the Civilian still to draw strongly towards the advancement of Papall interest partly of the practizer who hereby siding with the Prince at last drew the Civilian into a narrow room and got the name of common lawyer as studious of that law which was used and received among the people by tradition generally and in time they got preheminences and liberties as we have seen established We have known the great strifes that have been in these courts not out of conscience of the interest of justice to be either more faithfuly or more speedily and at a due rate executed but to bring grist