Iudgment of Law Whether he means the Law of Nature and Reason or of Nations or the Civil Laws of our Commonwealths in none of which Senses I conceive will he or any Man be ever able to make out his Position Is the Reason of England's Parliament not Binding Ireland Because we do not send thither Representatives And is the Efficacy of this Reason taken off by our being Named in an English Act Why should sending Representatives to Parliament Bind those that send them Meerly because thereby the Consent of those that are Bound is obtain'd as far as those sort of Meetings can possibly permit which is the very Foundation of the Obligation of all Laws And is Ireland's being Named in an English Act of Parliament the least step towards obtaining the Consent of the People of Ireland If it be not then certainly my Lord Cook 's Parenthesis is to no purpose And 't is a wonder to me that so many Men have run upon this vain Imagination meerly from the Assertion of this Judge For I challenge any Man to shew me that any one before him or any one since but from him has vended this Doctrine And if the bare Assertion of a Judge shall Bind a whole Nation and Dissolve the Rights and Liberties thereof We shall make their Tongues very powerful and constitute them greater Lawgivers than the greatest Senates I do not see why my Denying it should not be as Authentick as his Affirming it 'T is true He was a great Lawyer and a powerful Judge but had no more Authority to make a Law than I or any Man else But some will say He was a Learned Judge and may be supposed to have Reason for his Position Why then does he not give it us And then what he Asserts would Prevail not from the Authority of the Person but from the Force of the Reason The most Learned in the Laws have no more power to make or alter a Constitution than any other Man And their Decisions shall no farther prevail than supported by Reason and Equity I conceive my Ld. Ch. Justice Cooke apply'd himself so wholly to the Study of the Common Laws of England that he did not enquire far into the Laws of Nature and Nations if he had certainly he could never have been Guilty of such an Erroneous Slip He would have seen demonstrably that Consent only gives Humane Laws their Force and that therefore the Reason in the Case he quotes is unanswerable Quia non mittunt Milites ad Parliamentum Moreover the Assertion of Cooke in this point is directly contrary to the whole tenour of the Case which he cites For the very Act of Parliament on which the Debate of the Judges did arise and which they deemed not to be of Force in Ireland particularly names Ireland So that here again Ld. Cooke's Error appears most plainly For this I refer to the Report as I have exactly delivered it before pag. 90 91. By which it appears clearly to be the unanimous Opinion of all the Judges then in the Exchequer Chamber That within the Land of Ireland the Parliaments of England have no Jurisdiction whatever they may have over the Subjects of Ireland on the open Seas And the reason is given Quia Hibernia non mittit Milites ad Parliamentum in Angliâ This Assertion likewise is inconsistent with himself in other parts of his Works He tells us in his 4th Inst. pag. 349. That 't is plain that not only King John as all Men allow but Henry the Second also the Father of King John did Ordain and Command at the Instance of the Irish That such Laws as had been in England should be Observ'd and of Force in Ireland Hereby Ireland being of it self a distinct Dominion and no part of the Kingdom of England was to have Parliaments holden there as in England And in pag. 12. he tells us That Henry the Second sent a Modus into Ireland directing them how to hold their Parliaments But to what end was all this if Ireland nevertheless were subject to the Parliament of England The King and Parliaments of these Kingdoms are the supream Legislators If Ireland be subject to Two its Own and that of England it has Two Supreams 't is not impossible but they may Enact different or contrary Sanctions which of these shall the People Obey He tells us in Calvin's Case fol. 17. b. That if a King hath a Christian Kingdom by Conquest as Henry the Second had Ireland after King John had given to them being under his Obedience and Subjection the Laws of England for the Government of that Country no succeeding King could alter the same without Parliament Which by the way seems directly contradictory to what he says concerning Ireland six lines below this last cited passage So that we may observe my Lord Cook enormously stumbling at every turn in this Point Thus I have done with this Reverend Judge and in him with the only Positive Opinion against us I shall now consider what our Law-Books offer in our Favour on this Point To this purpose we meet a Case fully apposite reported in the Year-Book of the 20th of Henry the 6th fol. 8. between one Iohn Pilkington and one A. Pilkington brought a Scire Facias against A. to shew Cause why Letters Patents whereby the King had granted an Office in Ireland to the said A. should not be repeal'd since the said Pilkington had the same Office granted to him by former Letters Patents of the same King to be occupied by himself or his Deputy Whereupon A. pleaded That the Land of Ireland time out of Memory hath been a Land separated and distinct from the Land of England and Ruled and Governed by the Customs of the same Land of Ireland That the Lords of the same Land which are of the King's Council have used from time to time in the absence of the King to Elect a Iustice who hath Power to Pardon and Punish all Felons c. and to call a Parliament and by the Advice of the Lords and Commonalty to make Statutes He alledged further That a Parliament was Assembled and that it was Ordain'd by the said Parliament That every Man who had an Office within the said Land before a certain day shall occupy the said Office by himself otherwise he should forfeit He shew'd that Pilkington Occupied by a Deputy and that therefore his Office was void and that the King had granted the said Office to him the said A. Hereupon Pilkington Demurr'd in Law and it was debated by the Judges Yelverton Fortescue Portington Markham and Ascough whether the said Prescription in relation to the State and Government of Ireland be good oâ—… void in Law Yelverton and Portington held the Prescription void But Fortescue Markham and Ascough held the Prescription good and that the Letters Patents made to A were good and ought not to be Repeal'd And in this it was agreed by Fortescue and Portington That if
Mankind and on whatsoever Ground any one Nation can Challenge it to themselves on the same Reason may the Rest of Adam's Children Expect it If what I Offer herein seems to carry any Weight in relation to my own Poor Country I shall be abundantly happy in the Attempt But if after all the Great Council of England Resolve the contrary 〈◊〉 shall then believe my self to be â—…n an Error and with the lowest Submission ask Pardon for my Assurance However I humbly presume I shall not be hardly Censur'd by them for offering to lay before them a fair State of our Case by such Information as I can procure especially when at the same time I declare my Intention of a Submissive Acquiescence in whatever they Resolve for or against what I Offer The Subject therefore of our present Disquisition shall be How far the Parliament of England may think it Reasonable to intermeddle with the Affairs of Ireland and Bind us up by Laws made in their House And seeing the Right which England may pretend to for Binding us by their Acts of Parliament can be founded only on the Imaginary Title of Conquest or Purchase or on Precedents and Matters of Record We shall Enquire into the following Particulars 1. First How Ireland became a Kingdom Annex'd to the Crown of England And here we shall at large give a faithful Narrative of the First Expedition of the Britains into this Country and King Henry the Second's Arrival here such as our best Historians give us 2. Secondly We shall Enquire Whether this Expedition and the English Settlement that afterwards follow'd thereon can properly be call'd a Conquest Or whether any Victories obtain'd by the English in any succeeding Ages in this Kingdom upon any Rebellion may be call'd a Conquest thereof 3. Thirdly Granting that it were a Conquest we shall Enquire what Title a Conquest gives 4. Fourthly We shall Enquire what Concessions have been from time to time made to Ireland to take off what even the most Rigorous Assertors of a Conquerour's Title do pretend to And herein we shall shew by what Degrees the English Form of Government and the English Statute-Laws came to be received among us And this shall appear to be wholly by the Consent of the People and Parliament of Ireland 5. Fifthly We shall Enquire into the Precedents and Opinions of the Learned in the Laws relating to this Matter with Observations thereon 6. Sixthly We shall Consider the Reasons and Arguments that may be farther Offered on one side and t'other and shall Draw some General Conclusions from the Whole As to the First We shall find the History of the First Expedition of the English into Ireland to be briefly thus In the Reign of King Henry the Second Dermot Fitzmurchard commonly called Mac-Morrogh Prince of Leinster who was a Man Cruel and Oppressive after many Battels with other Princes of Ireland and being Beaten and put to Flight by them Apply'd for Relief to King Henry the Second who was then busied in Aquitain the King was not then in such Circumstances as to afford him much Help However thus much he did for him By Letters Patents he granted License to all his Subjects throughout his Dominions to Assist the said Prince to Recover his Dominions These Letters Patents are to be seen in Giraldus Cambrensis who was Historiographer and Secretary to King Hen. II. and Accompanied him in his Expedition into Ireland and from him it is that we have this Relation The Irish Prince brought these Letters into England and caused them to be Read in the Audience of many People Beating up as it were for Voluntiers and free Adventurers into Ireland At length Richard Earl of Strigul now Chepstow in Monmouthshire Son of Earl Gilbert call'd Strongbow Agreed with him to Assist him in the Recovery of his Country on Condition that Dermot should give him his Eldest Daughter in Marriage and his Kingdom of Leinster after his Death About the same time Robert Fitz-Stephen Governour of Aberlefie in Wales Agreed likewise with Dermot to help him on Condition that he would grant to him and Maurice Fitzgerald in Fee the City of Wexford with two Cantreds or Hundreds of Land near adjoyning These Adventurers afterwards went over and were successful in Treating with the Irish and Taking Wexford Waterford Dublin and other Places Whereupon Earl Richard Strongbow married Dermot's Daughter and according to Compact succeeded him in his Kingdom A little after the Descent of these Adventurers King Henry II. himself went into Ireland with an Army in November 1172. and finding that his Subjects of England had made a very good hand of their Expedition he obtain'd from Earl Richard Strongbow a Surrender of Dublin with the Cantreds adjoyning and all the Maritine Towns and Castles But Strongbow and his Heirs were to Enjoy the Residue of Dermot's Principality King Hen. II. Landed at Waterford from Milford in Pembrookshire and staying there some few days says Giraldus Cambrensis Rex Corcagiensis Dormitius advenit ei tam Subjectionis vinculo quam fidelitatis Sacramento Regi Anglorum se sponte submisit He freely swore Fealty and Subjection to the King of England From thence he went to Lismore and thence to Cashel where Dunaldus King of Lymerick se quoque fidelem Regi exhibuit The like did all the Nobility and Princes in the South of Ireland Afterwards he marched to Dublin and there the Princes of the Adjacent Countries came to him sub Fidelitatis Subjectionis obtentu a Rege Pacem impetrabant Thus Cambrensis in his Hibernia Expugnata and there he mentions the several Princes that came in vizt Macshaghlin King of Ophaly O Carrol King of Uriel now Lowth O Rourk King of Meath Rotherick O Connor King of Connaught and Monarch as it were of the whole Island with divers others qui firmissimis fidelitatis subjectionis vinculis Domino Regi innodarunt in singulari Rotherico Conactiae Principe tanquam Insulae Monarchâ subditi redduntur universi nec alicujus fere in Insula vel nominis vel ominis erat qui Regiae Majestati Debitam Domino Reverentiam non exhiberet The same Relation we have from Roger Hoveden Annal. parsposter fol. 301. About the Kalends of November 1172. saith he King Henry II. of England took Shipping for Ireland at Milford and Landed at Waterford ibi venerunt ad eum Rex Corcagiensis Rex de Lymerick Rex de Oxenie Rex Midiae fere omnes Hiberniae Potentes And a little afterwards in the same place speaking of King Henry the Second's being at Waterford ibidem venerunt ad Regem Angliae omnes Archiepiscopi Episcopi Abbates totius Hiberniae receperunt eum in Regem Dominum Hiberniae jurantes ei heredibus suis Fidelitatem Regnandi super eos Potestatem in perpetuum inde Dederunt ei Chartas suas Exemplo autem Clericorum predicti Reges Principes Hiberniae
Subordination proceeded in those days it did not arise from the Parliament of England it self For we have not one single Instance of an English Act of Parliament Expresly Claiming this Right of Binding us But we have several Instances of Irish Acts of Parliament Expresly Denying this Subordination as appears by what foregoes Afterwards by a Statute made in Ireland the 18th of Hen. VI. Cap. 1. All the Statutes made in England against the Extortions and Oppressions of Purveyors are Enacted to be holden and kept in all Points and put in Execution in this Land of Ireland And in the 32d year of Henry the Sixth Cap. 1. by a Parliament in Ireland 't is Enacted That all the Statutes made against Provisors to the Court of Rome as well in England as in Ireland be had and kept in force After this in a Parliament at Drogheda the 8th of Edward IV. cap. 1. it was Ratify'd That the English Statute against Rape made the 6th of Richard the Second should be of Force in Ireland from the 6th day of March last past And that from henceforth the said Act and all other Statutes and Acts made by Authority of Parliament within the Realm of England be Ratify'd and Confirm'd and Adjudged by the Authority of this Parliament in their Force and Strength from the said sixth day of March We shall hereafter have occasion of taking farther Notice of this Statute upon another Account Lastly In a Parliament held at Drogheda the 10th of Henry the Seventh cap. 22. it is Enacted That all Statutes late that is as the Learned in the Laws expound it before that time made in England concerning the Common and Publique Weal of the same from henceforth be Deem'd effectual in Law and be Accepted Used and Executed within this Land of Ireland in all Points c. And in the 14th year of the same Kings Reign in a Parliament held at Tristle-Dermot it was Enacted That all Acts of Parliament made in England for Punishing Customers Controulers and Searchers for their Misdemeanors or for Punishment of Merchants or Factors be of Force here in Ireland Provided they be first Proclaim'd at Dublin Drogheda and other Market-Towns Thus we see by what Steps and Degrees all the Statutes which were made in England from the time of Magna Charta to the 10th of Henry the Seventh which did concern the Common Publick Weal were Receiv'd Confirm'd Allow'd and Authoriz'd to be of Force in Ireland all which was done by Assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in the Parliament of Ireland Assembled and no Otherwise We shall next Enquire Whether there are not other Acts of the English Parliament both before and since the 10th of Henry the Seventh which were and are of Force in Ireland tho' not Allow'd of by Parliament in this Kingdom And we shall find That by the Opinion on of our best Lawyers there are divers such but then they are only such as are Declaratory of the Antient Common Law of England and not introductive of any New Law For these become of Force by the first General Establishment of the Common Laws of England in this Kingdom under Henry the Second King Iohn and Henry the Third and need no particular Act of Ireland for their Sanction As to those English Statutes since the 10th of Henry the Seventh that are Introductive of a New Law it was never made a Question whether they should Bind Ireland without being Allow'd in Parliament here till of very late years this Doubt began to be moved and how it has been Carried on and Promoted shall Appear more fully hereafter I say Till of very late years for the Antient Precedents which we have to the contrary are very numerous Amongst many we shall mention the following Particulars In the 21th of Henry the 8th an Act was made in England making it Felony in a Servant that runneth away with his Masters or Mistresses Goods This Act was not receiv'd in Ireland till it was Enacted by a Parliament held here in the 33d of Henry the 8th c. 5. Ses. 1. In the 21th of Henry VIII c. 19. there was a Law made in England That all Lords might Distrain on the Lands of them holden and make their Avowry not naming the Tenant but the Land But this was not of force in Ireland till Enacted here in the 33d of Henry VIII C. 1. Ses. 1. An Act was made in England anno 31. Henry VIII That Joint-Tenents and Tenents in Common should be compelled to make Partition as Coparceners were compellable at Common Law But this Act was not Receiv'd in Ireland till Enacted here An. 33. Henry VIII c. 10. Anno 27. Henry VIII c. 10. The Statute for Transferring Uses into Possession was made in England but not admitted in Ireland till 10. Car. 1. Ses. 2. In like manner the English Statute 33. Henry VIII c. 1. directing how Lands and Tenements may be dispos'd by Will c. was not of force in Ireland till 10. Car. 2. Ses. 2. The Act of Uniformity of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments was made in England the 1st of Eliz. c. 2. but was not establish'd in Ireland till the 2d of Eliz. c. 2. And so that of England 14. Car. 2. c. 14. was not receiv'd in Ireland till 17. 18. Car. 2 c. 6. The Statute against Wilful Perjury made in England 5. Eliz. c. 9. was not Enacted in Ireland till 28 Eliz. c. 1. So the English Act against Witchcraft and Sorcery made 5 Eliz. c. 16. And another Act against Forgery 5 Eliz. c. 14. were neither of them in force in Ireland till the 28th of Her Reign Cap. 3 and 4. The English Statutes against Pirates was made the 28th of Hen. 8. c. 15. but not in Ireland till the 12th of King Iames c. 2. In England an Act was made the 27th of Eliz. c. 4 against Fraudulent Conveyances but it was not in force in Ireland till Enacted here the 10th of Charles c. 3. Ses. 2. In the 15th year of King Charles the 1st in a Parliament held at Dublin there were Six English Statutes made Laws of this Kingdom with such Alterations as best fitted them to the State thereof viz. 21 Iac. c. 14. For pleading the General Issue in Intrusions brought by the King by Chap. 1. of the Irish Statutes 31 Eliz. c. 2. For Abridging of Proclamations on Fines by Chap. 2. 2 and 3 Edw. 6. c. 8. Concerning Offices before the Escheator by Chap. 4. 31 Eliz. c. 1. Discontinuance of Writs of Error in the Exchequer Chamber by Chap. 5. 8 Eliz. c. 4. and 18 Eliz. c. 7. concerning Clergy by Chap. 7. 24 Hen. 8. c. 5. Concerning Killing a Robber by Chap. 9. There are Six English Statutes likewise passed in the time of King Charles the 2d upon and soon after the Restoration some of which were not passed into Laws in Ireland till a year two or three afterwards As will appear