Forts on the Townes sides besides the great Fort of Saint Philip on the other when I might haue speedily haue consumed it all with fire I willingly abstained from the same knowing that though I could haue done the King of Spaine exceeding great hurt and haue vndone a number of the Inhabitants yet the good that I should haue done my selfe and mine thereby should haue beene very small in comparison of their damage Only certaine out houses wherein their Negros dwelt I caused to be burned to amaze and put them in feare I also tooke two Frigats of theirs which roade far vp within the Riuer the one of them hauing in her three pieces of Ordnance the which I likewise tooke and brought away from thence with mee with the which Ordnance we beate vpon the enemy marching vnto vs from the Wester Fort. The day being spent at the beginning of the night I embarked my men enriched with the chiefe spoile of the Towne and set saile to depart with my owne two Pinnasses and two shallops and the foresaid two Spanish Frigats which I had wonne but in going out I was shot in at the elbow and out at the wrist with a Musket shot which came from the Wester shoare whereof there were many shot ouer vs besides eight and twentie great shot from the chiefe and Easter Fort which did endanger vs often But God so wrought for vs that we safely got forth againe contrarie to all our enemies expectation who made full account to sinke vs in going forth Being safely come forth wee rode with our Pinnasses and shallops behind a small Iland which lay betwixt vs and the Wester most Fort of Saint Iago vntill my Vice-admirall Captaine Rawlins brought two ships thither which rode somewhat to the Eastward of the Castile of Saint Philip vnder the Rocke where Sir Francis Drake his Coffin was throwne ouer-boord all the while that we were busied in gaining sacking and possessing the Towne Our whole fleet beeing assembled together in the place aforesaid I set the Kings Scriuanâ— and the rest of my prisoners on shore suffering them to depart without paying any kind of ransome And the next day being the ninth of February I set saile and stood off to Sea leauing the goodly Hauen and beautifull Towne of Porto bello which standeth in ten degrees of Northerly latitude and directed my course backe againe toward Cartagena and about twelue leagues to the Eastward thereof I came into a good Bay called Sambo where I watered and staied some twelue or thirteene daies and riding there tooke certaine Frigats which were bound for Cartagena Whereupon the Gouernour Don Pedro de Coronna armed out two Gallies and a Brigandine with some two or three Frigats with a purpose to assault vs but beeing better aduised they would neuer come neere vs. When he heard that I had taken Porto bello one of the chiefest places of the West Indies with so small forces he pulled his beard and sware that he would giue his Mules lade of siluer but to haue a sight of mee and my companie From this Bay of Sambo wee stood ouer for the Iland of Iamaica and so doubled the Cape of Saint Antonio beeing the most Westerly part of Cuba and disimboked through the Gulfe of Bahama the last of March 1602 and came with good weather to the Iles of the Açores where victualling my Vice-admirall and two Pinnasses ouâ— of mine owne ship for two moneths and leauing them at Sea to take some farther purchase with mine owne ship I tooke my course for â—limmouth and arriued there in safetie the sixt of May 1602. CHAP. X. Certaine Notes of a Voyage made by mee DAVID MIDDLETON into the West Indies with Captaine MICHAEL GEARE An. Dom. 1601. THe fiue and twentieth day of May wee set saile from the Lyzard and the tenth day of Iune we fell with the Grand Canarie the Towne standeth on the North-east point of the Iland and the Road is one league to the Northward of it That night we stood of South South-west And the fiue and twentieth day of Iune we were in the latitude of twentie two degrees thirtie minutes The sixe and twentieth day of Iune wee came in companie of seuen saile of Hollanders that were bound for the West Indies to Punta delaraya to lode Salt and the seuen and twentieth day we lost sight of them The second day of Iulie we fell with Saint Vincent When you came from Saint Uincent to the Testogos you must make the way South-west by West or else you shall not fetch it for the Current sets North and by West from them Being to leeward from Caracus two leagues we stood ouer North North-west the wind being at East North-east we fell twelue leagues to the Eastward of Boinara beeing the twelfth of Iulie If you stand ouer from Boinara to Qurasao minded to goe to the South ward of the Iland you must stand South and by West or else you cannot get about because there is a Current that sets North-west and may set you vpon the Iland The three and twentieth day of Iulie wee anchored to the Westward of Qurasao and there the Land lies North and South The nine and twentieth of Iulie we landed vpon Aruba for to get fresh water and there we had seuen men slaine by the Indians of the Iland and we rid with our ship in fiue fathomes water halfe a mile from the shoare One point of the Land bare North the other South-east and by South and there is an high Hill in the midâ—le of the Iland and that bare East and by South Betwixt Coque and the Maine the course is East and West The shoale of Puntall lieth two leagues off the best of the Channell betwixt that Point and Coque is in eight nine and ten fathomes From Bracheo to the Parretaes is fiue leagues course West and by South From the Parretaes to Cape Caldera is twentie fiue leagues course North-west and by West and betwixt the Parretaes and the Maine you shall haue foure fiue six and seuen fathoms water The Road of Morecapana lieth betwixt the Maine and Boracheo within the Ilands The eight day of August we set saile from Aruba and we stood ouer South for the Maine the wind being at East and by South wee fell with Mecola being nine leagues from Aruba Saine Ann is an high Hill vpon the Maine neere vnto Mecola The seuen and twentieth day of August we came to anchor at Portete that is to the Eastward of Cape La uela foure leagues The Cape bare West a little to the Southwards at the going to Portete And on your Larboord side going into Portete there is a round Hill being in the offing it sheweth verie blacke The going into this Harbour is verie narrow but within it is a verie broad Sound and two thousand saile of ships may ride there in verie good ground
point South-west it riseth in three Mounts or round Hillockes bringing it more Westerly they shoot themselues all into one and bringing it Easterly it riseth in two Hillockes This we called Point Tremountaine Some twelue or fourteene leagues from this point to the Eastwards faire by the shoare lyeth a low flat Iland of some two leagues long we named it Faire Iland for it was all ouer as greene and smooth as any Meddow in the Sping of the yeare Some three or foure leagues Easterly from this Iland is a goodly opening as of a great Riuer or an arme of the Sea with a goodly low Countrey adjacent And eight or tenne leagues from this opening some three leagues from the shoare lyeth a bigge Rocke which at the first we had thought to be a ship vnder all her sayles but after as we came neere it discouered it selfe to bee a Rocke which we called Conduit-head for that howsoeuer a man commeth with it it is like to the Conduit-heads about the Citie of London All this Coast so farre as we discouered lyeth next of any thing East and by North and West and by South The Land for that it was discouered in the Reigne of Qâ—eene Elizabeth my Souereigne Lady and Mistris and a Mayden Queene and at my cost and aduenture in a perpetuall memory of her chastitie and remembrance of my endeuours I gaue it the name of Hawkins Maiden-land Before a man fall with this Land some twenâ—y or thirty leagues he shall meet with beds of Oreweed driuing to and fro in that Sea with white flowres growing vpon them and sometimes farther off which is a good shew and signe the Land is neere whereof the Westermost part lyeth some threescore leagues from the neerest Land of America With our faire and large wind wee shaped our course for the Straits and the tenth of February wee had sight of Land and it was the head-land of the Straits to the Northwards which agreed with our height wherein wee found our selues to bee which was in 52. degrees and 40. minutes Within a few houres we had the mouth of the Straits open which lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes It riseth like the North foreland in Kent and is much like the Land of Margates It is not good to borrow neere the shoare but to giue it a faire birth within a few houres we entred the mouth of the Straits which is some sixe leagues broad and lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes doubling the Point on the starbood which is also flat of a good birth we opened a faire Bay in which we might descry the Hull of a ship beaten vpon the Beach It was of the Spanish Fleet that went to inhabit there in Anno 1582. vnder the charge of Pedro Sarmiento who at his returne was taken Prisoner and brought into England In this Bay the Spaniards made their principall habitation and called it the Citie of Saint Philip and left it peopled But the cold barrennesse of the Countrey and the malice of the Indians with whom they badly agreed made speedy end of them as also of those whom they left in the middle of the Straits three leagues from Cape Forward to the Eastwards in another habitation We continued our course alongst this Reaâ—h for all the Straits is as a Riuer altering his course sometimes vpon one point sometimes vpon another which is some eight leagues long and lieth West North-west From this we entred into a goodly Bay which runneth vp into the Land Northerly many leagues and at first entrance a man may see no other thing but as it were a maine Sea From the end of this first Reach you must direct your course West South-west and some fourteene or fifteene leagues lyeth one of the narrowest places of all the Straits This leadeth vnto another Reach that lyeth West and by North some six leagues Here in the middle of the Reach the wind tooke vs by the North-west and so we were forced to anchor some two or three dayes In which time we went ashoare with our Boats and found neere the middle of this Reach on the starboord side a reasonable good place to ground and trimme a small ship where it higheth some nine or ten foot water Here we saw certaine Hogs but they were so farre from vs that we could not discerne whether they were of those of the Countrey or brought by the Spaniards these were all the beasts which we saw in all the time we were in the Straits In two tides we turned through this reach and so recouered the Ilands of Pengwins they lye from this reach foure leagues South-west and by West Till you come to this place care is to be taken of not comming too neere to any point of the land for being for the most part sandy they haue sholding off them and are somewhat dangerous These Ilands haue beene set forth by some to be three we could discouer but two And they are no more except that part of the Mayne which lyeth ouer against them be an Iland which carrieth little likelihood and I cannot determine it A man may saile betwixt the two Ilands or betwixt them and the Land on the Larboord side from which Land to the bigger Iland is as it were a bridge or ledge on which is foure or fiue fathom water and to him that commeth neere it not knowing thereof may justly cause feare for it sheweth to be shold water with his ripling like vnto a Race Betwixt the former Reach and these Ilands runneth vp a goodly Bay into the Countrey to the North-wards It causeth a great Indraughty and aboue these Ilands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the Straits to these Ilands the Land on the Larboord-side is low Land and sandy for the most part and without doubt Ilands for it hath many openings into the Sea and forcible Indraughts by them and that on the Starboord side is all high Mountaynous Land from end to end but no wood on either side Before we passed these Ilands vnder the Lee of the bigger Iland we anchored the winde beeing at North-east with intent to refresh our selues with the Fowles of these Ilands they are of diuers sorts and in great plentie as Pengwins wild Ducks Guls and Gannets of the principall we purposed to make prouision and those were the Pengwins The Pengwin is in all proportion like a Goose and hath no feathers but a certaine downe vpon all parts of his bodie and therefore canot flee but auayleth himselfe in all occasions with his feet running as fast as most men He liueth in the Sea and on the Land feedeth on fish in the Sea and as a Goose on the shore vpon grasse They harbour themselues vnder the ground in Burrowes as the Conies and in them hatch their young All parts of the Iland where they haunted were vndermined saue onely one Valley which it seemeth they reserued for their food for it
of his Crowne His body was painted all with Crimson with a Chaine of Beads about his necke his face painted blew besprinkled with siluer Ore as wee thought his eares all behung with Braslets of Pearle and in either eare a Birds Claw through it beset with fine Copper or Gold he entertained vs in so modest a proud fashion as though he had beene a Prince of ciuill gouernment holding his countenance without laughter or any such ill behauiour he caused his Mat to be spred on the ground where hee sate downe with a great Maiestie taking a pipe of Tabacco the rest of his company standing about him After he had rested a while he rose and made signes to vs to come to his Towne Hee went formost and all the rest of his people and ourselues followed him vp a steepe Hill where his Palace was settled Wee passed through the Woods in fine paths hauing most pleasant Springs which issued from the Mountaines Wee also went through the goodliest Corne fieldes that euer was seene in any Countrey When wee came to Rapahannos Towne hee entertained vs in good humanitie The eight day of May we discouered vp the Riuer We landed in the Countrey of Apamatica at our landing there came many stout and able Sauages to resist vs with their Bowes and Arrowes in a most warlike manner with the swords at their backes beset with sharpe stones and pieces of yron able to cleaue a man in sunder Amongst the rest one of the chiefest standing before them crosse-legged with his Arrow readie in his Bow in one hand and taking a Pipe of Tobacco in the other with a bold vttering of his speech demanded of vs our being there willing vs to bee gone Wee made signes of peace which they perceiued in the end and let vs land in quietnesse The twelfth day we went backe to our ships and discouered a point of Land called Archers Hope which was sufficient with a little labour to defend our selues against any Enemy The soile was good and fruitfull with excellent good Timber There are also great store of Vines in bignesse of a mans thigh running vp to the tops of the Trees in great abundance We also did see many Squirels Conies Black Birds with crimson wings and diuers other Fowles and Birds of diuers and sundrie collours of crimson Watchet Yellow Greene Murry and of diuers other hewes naturally without any art vsing We found store of Turkie nests and many Egges if it had not beene disliked because the ship could not ride neere the shoare we had setled there to all the Collonies contentment The thirteenth day we came to our seating place in Paspihas Countrey some eight miles from the point of Land which I made mention before where our shippes doe lie so neere the shoare that they are moored to the Trees in six fathom water The fourteenth day we landed all our men which were set to worke about the fortification and others some to watch and ward as it was conuenient The first night of our landing about midnight there came some Sauages sayling close to our quarter presently there was an alarum giuen vpon that the Sauages ran away and we not troubled any more by them that night Not long after there came two Sauages that seemed to be Commanders brauely drest with Crownes of coloured haire vpon their heads which came as Messengers from the Werowance of Paspihae telling vs that their Werowance was comming and would be merry with vs with a fat Deare The eighteenth day the Werowance of Paspihae came himselfe to our quarter with one hundred Sauages armed which garded him in a very warlike manner with Bowes and Arrowes thinking at that time to execute their villany Paspihae made great signes to vs to lay our Armes away But we would not trust him so far he seeing he could not haue conuenient time to worke his will at length made signes that he would giue vs as much land as we would desire to take As the Sauages were in a throng in the Fort one of them stole a Hatcket from one of our company which spied him doing the deed whereupon he tooke it from him by force and also strooke him ouer the arme presently another Sauage seeing that came fiercely at our man with a wooden sword thinking to beat out his braines The Werowance of Paspiha saw vs take to our Armes weat suddenly away with all his company in great anger The nineteenth day my selfe and three or foure more walking into the Woods by chance wee espied a path-way like to an Irish pace wee were desirous to knowe whither it would bring vs wee traced along some foure miles all the way as wee went hauing the pleasantest Suckles the ground all flowing ouer with faire flowers of sundry colours and kindes as though it had beene in any Garden or Orchard in England There be many Strawberries and other fruits vnknowne wee saw the Woods full of Cedar and Cypresse trees with other trees which issues out sweet Gummes like to Balsam wee kept on our way in this Paradise at length wee came to a Sauage Towne where wee found but few people they told vs the rest were gone a hunting with the Werowance of Paspiha we stayed there a while and had of them Strawberries and other things in the meane time one of the Sauages came running out of his house with a Bowe and Arrowes and ranne mainly through the Woods then I beganne to mistrust some villanie that he went to call some companie and so betray vs wee made all the haste away wee could one of the Sauages brought vs on the way to the Wood side where there was a Garden of Tobacco and other fruits and herbes he gathered Tobacco and distributed to euery one of vs so wee departed The twentieth day the Werowance of Paspiha sent fortie of his men with a Deere to our quarter but they came more in villanie than any loue they bare vs they faine would haue layne in our Fort all night but wee would not suffer them for feare of their treachery One of our Gentlemen hauing a Target which hee trusted in thinking it would beare out a slight shot hee set it vp against a tree willing one of the Sauages to shoot who tooke from his backe an Arrow of an elle long drew it strongly in his Bowe shoots the Target a foote thorow or better which was strange being that a Pistoll could not pierce it Wee seeing the force of his Bowe afterwards set him vp a steele Target he shot again and burst his arrow all to pieces he presently pulled out another Arrow and bit it in his teeth and seemed to bee in a great rage so hee went away in great anger Their Bowes are made of tough Hasell their strings of Leather their Arrowes of Canes or Hasell headed with very sharpe stones and are made artificially like a broad Arrow other some of their Arrowes are headed with the ends of Deeres
bigger then their middle others brake in the sides with a draught of water O if you did know the intollerable heate of the Countrie you would thinke your selfe better a thousand times dead then to liue there a weeke There you shall see poore Souldiers lie in troupes gaping like Camelians for a puffe of winde Here liued I three moneths not as the Portugals did taking of Physicke and euerie weeke letting of bloud and keeping close in their houses when they had any raine obseruing houres and times to goe abroad morning and Euening and neuer to to eate but at such and such times I was glad when I had got any thing at morning noone or night I thanke God I did worke all day from morning till night had it beene raine or neuer so great heate I had alwaies my health as well as I haue in England This Countrie is verie rich the King had great store of Gold sent him from this place the time that I was there the King of Angica had a great Citie at Masangana which Citie Paulas Dias gouernour of Angola tooke and scituated there and finding hard by it great store of Gold fortified it with foure Forts and walled a great circuit of ground round about it and within that wall now the Portugals doe build a Citie and from this Citie euerie day they doe warre against the King of Angica and haue burnt a great part of his Kingdome The Angicaâ— are men of goodly stature they file their teeth before on their vpper Iawe and on their vnder Iawe making a distance betweene them like the teeth of a Dogge they doe eate mans flesh they are the stubbornest Nation that liues vnder the Sunne and the resolutest in the field that euer man saw for they will rather kill themselues then yeelde to the Portugals they inhabit right vnder the line and of all kinde of Moores these are the blackest they doe liue in the Law of the Turkes and honour Mahomet they keepe manie Concubines as the Turkes doe they wash themselues euerie morning vpwards falling flat on their faces towards the East They weare their haire all made in plaits on their heads as well men as women they haue good store of Wheate and a kinde of graine like Fetches of the which they make Bread they haue great store of Hennes like Partridges and Turkies and all their feathers curle on their backes their houses are like the other houses of the Kingdomes aforenamed And thus I end shewing you as briefe as I can all the Nations and Kingdomes that with great danger of my life I trauelled through in twelue yeares of my best age getting no more then my trauell for my paine From this Kingdome Angica was I brought in Irons againe to my Master Saluador Corea de sa sa to the Citie of Saint Sebastian in Brasil as you haue heard Now you haue seene the discourse of my trauels and the fashions of all the Countries and Nations where I haue beene I will by the helpe of God make you a short discourse in the language of the Petiwares which language all the Inhabitants of Brasil doe vnderstand especially all the coast from Fernambucquo to the Riuer of Plate the which I hope will be profitable to all trauellers and of them I trust my paines shall be well accepted of First you must tell them of what Nation you are and that you come not as the Portugals doe for their wiues and children to make them bondslaues We are Englishmen as you all know that in times past had peace with you Now knowing the neede and want that you haue of all such things as before your Fathers had for the loue that both your ancestours and ours did beare one to another and for the loue and pittie that we haue of your want we are come to renew our ancieÌ„t amity Ore aqureiuua que se neering peramoya werisco Catadoro wareuy orenysbe beresoy Coeu pecoteue Cowauere pipope pewseua baresey opacatu baye berua oweryco coen pecoteue sou se-Core mandoare peramoya waysouba ore ranoya waysonua reseij eteguena rescij pecoteue pararaua oro in ibewith ore ramoya pereri socatumoyn go pacum §. V. The description of diuers Riuers Ports Harbours Ilands of Brasil for instruction of Nauigators RIo Grande is called by vs the great Riuer lately was conquered by a Portugall called Manuell Masquarenhas It is aboue two leagues broad in the mouth and on the South-east side standeth a great Fort made by the foresaid Manuell Masquarenhas that Countrie is plaine and sandy in many places especially neere the Sea and yeeldeth Sugar Canes in abundance On the coast are many great Bayes where the Indians doe oftentimes finde great store of Ambergreese within this place there is also store of Wood Pepper Ginger and Waxe Here inhabit a kinde of Canibals called Petywares these Canibals haue had trafficke a long time with France and amongst them there are many that can speake French which are Bastards begotten of Frenchmen On the coast of Brasil there are three Riuers of Paraeyua one is this that lieth next to Rio Gande the other is a great Riuer that runneth through the Countrie almost as farre as Lymo and commeth out betweene Cape Frio and Spirito Sancto the third is a faire Riuer that lieth betweene the Riuer of Plate and Saint Vincents This Pareyua whereof we speake is a faire great Bay where shipping being neuer so great may enter within this Bay vpon a hill you shall see a faire Citie and on the Sea side standeth two small Forts You may anker neere the shoare at the entrie of this Bay you shall see three hils of red earth on either side of the harbour which the Portugals call Barer as Mermethâ—es Guyana is a small Riuer that lieth by Paracua it belongeth to Iasper Desiquerd who was chiefe Iustice of all Brasil In the mouth of this Riuer standeth a great rocke which is continually couered with Sea Foules This Riuer hath two fadome water in the mouth a quarter of a mile within this Riuer on the South-west side you may take fresh water and great store of Cattell vpon this Riuer there are great store of Sugar Mils and continually you shall haue in this Riuer small Caruels that fish and carry Sugar from thence to Fernambuquo likewise here is great store of Brasil Pepper Ginger and Cotten Cocos Indian Nuts here likewise inhabit Petywares Etamariqua in the Indian language is a bed it is a point of the land like a Cape the point runneth halfe a mile into the Sea and vpon it the Portugals haue built a Towne you may anker very neere the shoare both on the South-west and on the North-east side of the Towne in seuen and eight fadome water All the Countrie till you come to Cape Augustin is low land and to saile from thence to Fernambuquo is no danger but the clifts which lye along the coast as
farre as the Riuer Saint Francis which are alwayes seene the Seas when there are any Spring tides doe ouerflow the land behinde moreouer if any winde blow from the East it beateth the Sea into hils of the Clifts that it maketh a great noise Wherefore the Indians call it the Land of the Bell. Here are reasonable store of Sugars and great store of Coco Nuts On the North side of Fernambuquo you shall see white Downes and when you are past all the Downes on the South you are by Capignramirinij which is a place where alwaies you shall see Fisher-men in small Boates or Iangades and from thence to Fernambuquo are fiue or six miles and so if you be vnder 8. degrees you shall see a flat land euen and bare called Capituya then you must take heede you runne not Southward for then you runne vpon a point of the land called by the Portugals Punto de Olynda which is foure leagues from the Cape and stretcheth into the Sea as farre as Cape Augustin As soone as you haue doubled this point you must take heede you put not in with the Towne of Olynda which you shall see for if you doe you will runne vpon the Sands called by the Portugals Bayhos de S. Antonio which lye at least foure or fiue miles into the Sea being neere the shoare you shall see the Shippes that lye at anker ouer the Clifts called by the Portugals Arecias this place is a league from Fernambuquo being the harbour where all the Shipping that goes from Fernambuquo doe arriue from this place to the Cape you shall see the Clifts as if it were a wall made by Bricklayers no higher in one place then in another but all euen The Towne of Fernambuquo is scituated vpon a hill and very strongly entrenched round about on the Sea side euery twelue score standeth a small Fort or defence for Soldiers with foure cast Peeces and so they scowre all the shoare from the Arecias where the Shippes lye to the point of Olynda which is the farthest part of the Towne Northwards from the Arecias where the Ships lye commeth a Riuer through the land a Harquebusse shot from the Sea coast and runneth right behinde the Towne from the South to the West and East which maketh the Towne almost an Iland all but a little part of the North side The Cape of Saint Augustin is a Point of land that runneth into the Sea two or three miles from the Sea you shall see three hils called by the Petiwares Aquare Wason Remitum they will seeme vnto you like the backe of a Camell and now you may easily know it for you may see a Church that the Portugals haue built and halfe a league towards the South you shall see the Iland of Saint Aleyxo The Iland of Saint Aleyxo is long and narrow it lieth within a league of the shore and stretcheth North-east and South-west you may anker betweene the shoare and it all weathers for the Iland hath very faire Baies where you may lye in ten or twelue fadome water Vpon this Iland you may take wood or fresh water Porto Docalno lyeth Southward of the Iland of Saint Alyyxo it is a flat land you neede not feare the comming in by the rockes for hard by them you shall haue foureteene fathome weater Here you shall haue great store of Cattell and Sugars This Countrie is plaine low land and all planted with Sugar Canes you shall know this harbor very easily from the Southerne point of the Iland Saint Aleyxo for when it ebbeth you shall see a faire Bay and all the shore bare almost to the Cape being blacke ground Eight leagues Southward from the Porto de calno is the Riuer of stones Southward of it you shall see three great red Hills which stand ouer the Riuer of Camarysuâ—a which is a league from this Riuer you shall see from Sea a great Bay run within the Land and before the mouth of it many great Rocks to come to this Bay you must come close to the shoare on the South-west side and after you bee in the Bay keepe full West and it will bring you to a Riuer that runneth into the Land at the least twentie leagues In the mouth of this Riuer dwell sixe or seuen Portugals that keepe Cattell for Iohn Pays but they are of no strength Here you may take water at pleasure and alwayes in those houses that stand in the mouth of the Riuer you shall haue good store of Cassaui meale If you be of any strength that you dare goe ten or twelue miles vp the Riuer you shall take good store of Sugars for there standeth three or foure Sugar mills onely an other on the Riuer side likewise here is good store of Brasill and Pepper Cotton and many other merchandise Camaryiâ—â—â— as I haue said lyeth a league Southward from the Riuer of stones to know it you shall see three Hills of red ground called by the Portugals Bareâ—s Vernellios this place is not inhabited the mouth of this place is narrow and hath not aboue fiue foot water but you may anchor in the Bay hard by the Riuer and send your Boat safely for fresh water without danger or to fish with your Net for there is great store of fresh fish of all kindes The Riuer of Saint Antonio lyeth seuen leagues from Camaryiâ—â—a it is a faire great Riuer lyeth some fiftie leagues within the Land hath foure fathom water at the comming in but is so narrow that no ship can come in It is a very good place for you if you stand in neede hauing salt to make your prouision for there you shall haue great store of all kinde of fish especially of a kinde of fish called by the Indians Varaâ—â— which is as bigge as an Oxe After you are within this Riuer you shall haue high land on both sides and you must be carefull and keep good watch for vp this Riuer dwelleth a kinde of people called Carayâ—â— these people if they see you vnprouided will fight with you but if they see you able to defend your selues then will they bring such things as they haue to traffick The Harbour of French-men called by the Indians A 〈…〉 piâ—sâ—â—e lyeth two leagues Southward from the Riuer of Saint Antonio It is a small Bay that may be knowne by a high Hill that standeth ouer it which is all full of Brasill trees To enter into this Harbour you must marke the Cliffes and when you are to the North of them all but one you may safely come within a stones cast to the shoare When you haue landed if you want fresh water you must seeke on the South side of the Hill and you shall finde a streame that runneth out of the Hill into a great Cisterne of stone which is made out of a Rocke you cannot misse of this place if you seeke for it for all the way you shall see small Rocks
we first crept into the world my chiefe companion both in Armes and trauels I tooke also with mee his Brother Unton Fisher Master Cradle the Masters mate of my ship and about sixe more I followed the Coast to the Westward steering during West and passing by the Riuer of Meccooria I lodged that night in the mouth of the Riuer Courwo which hath a narrow deepe entrance and within affoordeth a good Harbour which may in time to come for some speciall purpose be of great vse The next day and the night following I proceeded Westward with full saile and passing the Riuers of Manmanury Sâ—nammara Oorassowini Coonannonia Vracco and Amanna I arriued the twentie fiue day at the Riuer of Marrawini which openeth a faire Riuer but is shoale vpon the Barre which lieth two or three leagues off at Sea hauing but two fathome water within the Barre the Channell is three foure fiue and sixe fathome deepe Fiue leagues within the riuer we passed by certaine Ilands called Curowapory not inhabited for at the rising of the waters they are alwayes ouer-flowne of which sort the Riuer hath very many we lodged that night a little beyond these first Ilands at a Village called Moyemon on the left hand the Captaine thereof is called Maperitaka of the Nation of the Paragotos a man very louing and faithull to our Nation whereof we haue had good proofe The next day wee proceeded vp the Riuer three leagues and stayedat a Towne called Coewynay on the right hand at the house of Minapa the chiefe Charib of that Signiorie to pouide two Canoes to prosecute our iourney for the Discouerie of this Riuer The twentie eight day we went forward passing many Villages any Townes which I forbeare to name and hauing gone about twentie leagues from the Sea wee found the Riuer in a manner barred vp with Rockes ouer which the water falleth with great violence yet notwithstanding we aduentured to proceed and the further wee went the more dangerous wee found the ouer-fals and more in number but when wee had passed the first Mountaine towards the high Countrey of Guiana called Sapparow and discouered farre off before vs other high Mountaines called Matawere Moupanana and had proceeded sixe dayes iourney vp the Riuer which was more then fortie leagues we met with such shoale rockie streame and great ouer-fals that there to our griefe our iourney ended Being thus for that time debarred from our intended Discouerie we prepared our selues with patience to returne towards our ships and the third day of September we turned downe the Riuer shooting the ouer-fals with more celeritie then when we came vp dispatching three dayes iourney in one and the fifth day returned safe to Moyemon but before I departed thence Captaine Fisher told me of certaine Plants which hee had then found much like vnto Rose-trees growing about halfe a yard in height whereof for the strangenesse of them I cannot forbeare to adde a word or two These Plants or little trees had assuredly the sence of feeling as plainly appeared by touching them for if you did but touch a leafe of the tree with your finger that leafe would presently shrinke and close vp it selfe and hang downe as if it were dead and if you did cut off a leafe with a paire of Cizzers then all the other leaues growing vpon the same tree would instantly shrinke and close vp themselues and hang downe as if they were dead and withered and within halfe a quarter of an houre would by degrees open themselues againe and flourish as before and as often as you did either touch or cut off any of them they would doe the like which did euidently shew a restriction of the Spirits inuincibly arguing a Sense Howsoeuer this may seeme strange and incredible to your Highnesse and to them that haue not seene it yet forasmuch as Scaliger and Bartas make mention of the like I dare be bold to affirme it vpon my credit hauing seene and shewed it to fortie others I gathered two of the Plants and did set them in pots in their owne earth and carried them aboord my ship where I kept them fairely growing almost a fortnight vntill they were destroyed by certaine Monkeyes that brake loose and pulled them in pieces which might haue beene preuented but that I was constrained to set them in the open aire the better to preserue them The seuenth day I went to Wiawia a great Towne of Paragotos and Yaios foure leagues to the West of Marrawini whereof Maperitaka aboue mentioned and Arapawaka are chiefe Captaines At this Towne I left my Cousin Vnton Fisher and Humfrey Croxton an Apothecary to beare him company and one seruant to attend him called Christopher Fisher hauing first taken order with Maperitaka for their diet and other necessaries both for trauell and other wise who euer since according to his promise hath performed the part of an honest man and faithfull friend I gaue directions to my Cousin Fisher to prosecute the Discouerie of Marrawini and the inland parts bordering vpon it when the time of the yeere and the waters better serued and if it were possible to goe vp into the high Countrey of Guiana and to finde out the Citie of Manoa mentioned by Sir Walter Raleigh in his Discouerie He followed my directions to the vttermost of his abilitie being of a good wit and very industrious and enabled to vndergoe those imployments by obtaining the loue and gaining the Languages of the people without which helpes there is little or no good to be done in those parts When the waters of Marrawini were risen and the Riuer passable much differing from the Riuer of Wiapoco which is not to be trauelled but in the lowest waters Hee began his iourney for the Discouerie thereof in company of the Apothecarie his seruant Fisher the Indian Maperitaka and eighteene others and proceeded eleuen dayes iourney vp the Riuer to a Towne of Charibes called Taupuramune distant from the Sea aboue an hundred leagues but was foure dayes iourney short of Moreshego which is also a Towne of Charibes situate vpon the Riuer side in the Prouince of Moreshegoro the chiefe Captaine thereof is called Areminta who is a proud and bold Indian much feared of all those that dwell within his Territories hauing a rough skin like vnto Buffe Leather of which kind there be many in those parts and I suppose proceedeth of some infirmitie of the bodie He vnderstood by relation of the Indians of Taupuramune and also of Areminta that six dayes iourney beyond Moreshego there are diuers mightie Nations of Indians hauing holes through their Eares Cheekes Nostrils and neather Lips which were called Craweanna Pawmeeanna Quikeanna Peewattere Arameeso Acawreanno Acooreo Tareepeeanna Corecorickado Peeauncado Cocoanno Itsura and Waremisso and were of strength and stature farre exceeding other Indians hauing Bowes and Arrowes foure times as bigge what the Indians also report of the greatnesse of
For any man that putteth himselfe into the enemies Port had neede of Argus eyes and the winde in a bagge especially where the enemy is strong and the tydes of any force For with either ebbe or flood those who are on the shore may thrust vpon him inuentions of fire and with swimming or other deuises may cut his cables A common practise in all hot Countries The like may be effected with Raffes Canoas Boates or Pinnaces to annoy and assault him and if this had beene practised against vs or taken effect our Ships must of force haue yeelded themselues for they had no other people in them but sick men many times opinion feare preserueth the Ships and not the people in them Wherefore it is the part of a prouident Gouernor to consider well the dangers that may befall him before he put himself into such places so shall he euer be prouided for preuention In Saint Iohn de Vlua in the New-Spain when the Spaniards dishonoured their Nation with that foule act of periury and breach of faith giuen to my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins notorious to the whole world the Spâ—niards fired two great Ships with intention to burne my Fathers Admirall which he preuented by towing them with his Boates another way The great Armado of Spaine sent to conquer England Anno 1588. was with that selfe-same industry ouerthrowne for the setting on fire six or seuen Ships whereof two were mine and letting them driue with the floud forced them to cut their Cables and to put to Sea to seeke a new way to Spain In which the greatest part of their best Ships and men were lost and perished The next night the winde comming off the shore we set saile and with our Boates and Barkes sounded as we went It flowed vpon the Barre not aboue foure foote water and once in foure and twenty houres as in some parts of the West Indies at full Sea there is not vpon the barre aboue seuenteene or eighteene foote water The harbour runneth to the South-westwards he that will come into it is to open the harbours mouth a good quarter of a league before he beare with it and be bolder of the Wester-side for of the Easterland lyeth a great ledge of Rockes for the most part vnder water which sometimes breake not but with small shipping a man may goe betwixt them and the point Comming aboord of our Ships there was great ioy amongst my company and many with 〈◊〉 sight of the Oranges and Lemmons seemed to recouer heart This is a wonderfull secret of the power and wisedome of God that hath hidden so great and vnknowne vertue in this fruit to be a certaine remedy for this infirmity I presently caused them all to be reparted amongst our sicke men which were so many that there came not aboue three or foure to a share but God was pleased to send vs a prosperous winde the next day so much to our comfort that not any one died before we came to the Ilands where we pretended to refresh our selues And although our fresh water had failed vs many dayes before we saw the shore by reason of our long Nauigation without touching any land and the excessiue drinking of the sicke and diseased which could not be excused yet with an inuention I had in my Ship I easily drew out of the water of the Sea sufficient quantitie of fresh water to sustaine my people with little expence of fewell for with foure billets I stilled a hogshead of water and therewith dressed the meate for the sicke and whole The water so distilled we found to be wholesome and nourishing The coast from Santos to Cape Frio lyeth West and by South Southerly So wee directed our course West South-west The night comming on and directions giuen to our other Ships wee set the waâ—ch hauing a faire fresh gale of winde and large My selfe with the Master of our Ship hauing watched the night past thought now to gâ—ue nature that which she had beene depriued of and so commended the care of Steeridge to one of his Mates who with the like trauell past being drowsie or with the confidence which he had of him at the Helme had not that watchfull care which was required he at the Helme steered West and West by South brought vs in a little time close vpon the shore doubtlesse he had cast vs all away had not God extraordinarily deliuered vs for the Master being in his dead sleepe was suddenly awaked and with such a fright that he could not be in quiet whereupon waking his youth which ordinarily 〈…〉 pt in his Cabin by him asked him how the watch went on who answered that it could not be an houre since he laid himselfe to rest He replyed that his heart was so vnquiet that he could not by any meanes sleepe and so taking his Gowne came forth vpon the Decke and presently discouered the land hard by vs. And for that it was sandie and low those who had their eyes continually fixed on it were dazeled with the reflection of the Starres being a faire night and so was hindered from the true discouery thereof But he comming out of the drake had his sight more forcible to discerne the difference of the Sea and the shoare So that forthwith hee commanded him at the Helme to put it close a starbourd and taking our Ship we edged off and sounding found scant three fathome water whereby we saw euidently the miraculous mercy of God that if hee watched ouer vs as he doth continually ouer his doubtlesse wee had perished without remedie to whom be all glory and praise euerlasting world without end In this point of Steeridge the Spaniards Portugals doe exceede all that I haue seene I meane for their care which is chiefest in Nauigation And I wish in this and in all their workes of Discipline and reformation we should follow their examples as also those of any other Nation In euery Shippe of moment vpon the halfe decke or quarter decke they haue a chaire or feate out of which whilst they Nauigate the Pilot or his Adiutants which are the same officers which in our Ships wee terme the Master and his Mates neuer depart day nor night from the sight of the Compasse and haue another before them whereby they see what they doe and are euer witnesses of the good or bad Steeridge of all men that take the Helme The next day about ten of the clocke we were thwart of Cape Blanco which is low sandie land and perilous for foure leagues into the Sea thwart it lye bankes of sand which haue little water on them on a sudden we found our selues amongst them in lesse then three fathome water but with our Boate and Shallop we went sounding and so got cleare of them The next day following we discouered the Ilands where we purposed to refresh our selues they are two and some call them Saint
yet rich of Gold The nineteenth of Aprill being Easter-euen we anchored vnder the Iland Mocha It lyeth in thirty nine degrees it may bee some foure leagues ouer and is a high mountaynous Hill but round about the foot thereof some halfe league from the Sea-shore it is Champaine ground wel inhabited and manured From the Straits to this Iland we found that either the Coast is set out more Westerâ—y then it is or that we had a great current which put vs to the Westwards for wee had not sight of Land in three dayes after our reckoning was to see it but for that wee coasted not the Land I cannot determine whether it was caused by the current or lying of the Land But Spaniards which haue sayled alongst it haue told me that it is a bold and safe Coast and reasonable sounding of it In this Iland of Mocha we had communication and contractation with the Inhabitants but with great vigilancie and care for they and all the people of Chily are mortall enemies to the Spaniards and held vs to bee of them and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake when hee was in this Iland whâ—ch was the first Land also that hee touched on this Coast. They vsed him with so fine a treachery that they possessed themselues of all the Oares in his Boat sauing two and in striuing to get them also they slue and hurt all his men himselfe who had fewest wounds had three and two of them in the head Two of his company which liued long after had the one seuenteene his name was Iohn Bruer who afterward was Pilot with Master Candish and the other aboue twentie a Negro Seruant to Sir Francis Drake And with me they vsed a policie which amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined although I wrought sure for I suffered none to treate with me nor with my people with Armes Wee were armed and met vpon a Rocke compassed with water whether they came to parley and negotiate Beeing in communication with the Casiques and others many of the Indians came to the heads of our Boates and some went into them Certaine of my people standing to defend the Boats with their Oares for that there went a bad sege were forced to lay downe their Muskets which the Indians perceiuing endeauoured to fill the barrels with water taking it out of the Sea in the hollow of their hands By chance casting mine eye aside I discouered their flynesse and with a Truncheon which I had in mine hand gaue the Indians three or foure good Lambeskinnes The sheepe of this Iland are great good and fat I haue not tasted better Mutton any where They were as ours and doubtlesse of the breed of those which the Spaniards brought into the Countrey Of the sheepe of the Countrey wee could by no meanes procure any one although we saw of them and vsed meanes to haue had of them This Iland is situate in the Prouince of Arawea and is held to bee peopled with the most valiant Nation in all Chily though generally the Inhabitants of that Kingdome are very couragious They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie all of woollen their Cassockes made like a Sacke square with two holes for the two armes and one for the head all open below without lining or other art but of them some are most curiously wouen and in colours and on both sides alike Their houses are made round in fashion like vnto our Pidgeon houses with a louer in the top to euacuate the smoake when they make fire They brought vs a strange kinde of Tobacco made into little cakes like Pitch of a bad smell with holes through the middle and so laced many vpon a string The people of this Iland as of all Chily are of good stature and well made and of better countenance then those Indians which I haue seene in many parts They are of good vnderstanding and agilitie and of great strength Their weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Macanas their Bowes short and strong and their Arrowes of a small Reed or Cane three quarters of a yard long with two Feathers and headed with a flint-stone which is loose and hurting the head remaineth in the wound some are headed with bone and some with hard wood halfe burnt in the fire We came betwixt the Iland and the Mayne On the South-west part of the Iland lieth a great ledge of Rockes which are dangerous and it is good to be carefull how to come too neere the Iland on all parts Immediatly when they discouered vs both vpon the Iland and the Mayne wee might see them make sundry great fires which were to giue aduice to the rest of the people to bee in a readinesse for they haue continuall and mortall warre with the Spaniards and the shippes they see they beleeue to be their Enemies The Citie Imperiall lyeth ouer against this Iland but eight or ten leagues into the Countrey for all the Sea-coast from Baldiuia till thirtie sixe Degrees the Indians haue now in a manner in their hands free from any Spaniards Hauing refreshed our selues well in this Iland for that little time we stayed which was some three dayes we set sayle with great ioy and with a faire winde sayled alongst the Coast and some eight leagues to the North-wards wee anchored againe in a goodly Bay and sent our Boats ashoare with desire to speake with some of the Indians of Arawca and to see if they would be content to entertaine amitie or to chop and change with vs. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person and so we set saile againe and towards the Euening the wind began to change and to blow contrary and that so much and the Sea to rise so suddenly that wee could not take in our Boats without spoyling of them This storme continued with vs tenne dayes beyond expectation for that wee thought our selues out of the Climate of fowle weather but truely it was one of the sharpest stormes that euer I felt to endure so long The storme tooke end and we shaped our course for the Iland of Saint Maries which lyeth in thirtie seuen degrees and fortie minutes and before you come vnto the Iland some two leagues in the Trade way lieth a Rocke which afarre off seemeth to be a ship vnder sayle This Iland is little and low but fertill and well peopled with Indians and some few Spaniards in it Some ten leagues to the Northwards of this Iland lieth the Citie Conception with a good Port from this wee coasted alongst till wee came in thirtie three degrees and forty minutes In which height lay the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes betwixt threescore and fourescore leagues from the shoare plentifull of fiâ—h and good for refreshing I purposed for many reasons not to discouer my selfe vpon this Coast till we were past Lyma otherwise called Ciuidad de los Reyes for that it
stand off to Sea close by The Admirall of the Spaniards with the other two were a sterne of vs some foure leagues the Vice-admirall a mile right to lee-wards of vs the Reare-admirall in a manner right a head some culuering shot and one vpon our loofe within shot also the Moone was to rise within two houres After much debating it was concluded that we should beare vp before the winde and seeke to escape betwixt the Admirall and the Vice-admirall which we put in execution not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them but that of the Reare-admirall till after our surrender when they recounted vnto vs all that had past In the morning at breake of day we were cleare of all our Enemies and so shaped our course alongst the Coast for the Bay of Atacames where we purposed to trim our Pinnace and to renew our wood and water and so to depart vpon our Voyage with all possible speede The Spanish Armado returned presently to Callao which is the Port of Lyma or of the Citie of the Kings It was first named Lyma and retaineth also that name of the Riuer which passeth by the Citie called Lyma the Spanish Armado being entred the Port the people began to goe ashore where they were so mocked and scorned by the women as scarce any one by day would shew his face they reuiled them with the name of cowards and golnias and craued licence of the Vice-roy to be admitted into their roomes and to vndertake the surrendry of the English Shippe I haue beene certified for truth that some of them affronted their Souldiers with Daggers and Pistols by their sides This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced as they vowed either to recouer their reputation lost or to follow vs into England and so with expedition the Vice-roy commanded two Shippes and a Pinnace to be put in order and in them placed the chiefe Souldiers and Marriners of the rest and furnished them with victuals and munition The foresaid Generall is once againe dispatched to seeke vs who ranged the Coasts and Ports enforming himselfe what he could Some fiftie leagues to the North-wards of Lyma in sight of Mongon we tooke a Ship halfe loaden with Wheate Sugar Miell de Canas and Cordouan skins which for that she was leake and sailed badly and tackled in such manner as the Marriners would not willingly put themselues into her we tooke what was necessary for our prouision and fired her Thwart of Truxillo wee set the company of her ashoare with the Pilot which we had taken in Balparizo reseruing the Pilot of the burnt Shippe and a Greeke who chose rather to continue with vs then to hazard their liues in going ashore for that they had departed out of the Port of Santa which is in eight degrees being required by the Iustice not to weigh anchor before the Coast was knowne to be cleare It is a thing worthy to be noted and almost incredible with how few men they vse to saile a Shippe in the South Sea for in this prise which was aboue an hundred tunnes were but eight persons and in a Ship of three hundreth tuns they vse not to put aboue foureteene or fifteene persons yea I haue beene credibly enformed that with foureteene persons a Ship of fiue hundred tuns hath beene carried from Guayaquil to Lyma deepe loaden which is aboue two hundred leagues They are forced euer to gaine their Voyage by turning to wind-wards which is the greatest toyle and labour that the Marriners haue and slow sometimes in this Voyage foure or fiue moneths which is generall in all the Nauigations of this coast but the security from stormes and certainty of the Brese with the desire to make their gaine the greater is the cause that euery man forceth himselfe to the vttermost to doe the labour of two men In the height of the Port of Santa some seuen hundred and fiftie leagues to the West-wards lye the Ilands of Salomon of late yeares discouered At my being in Lyma a Fleete of foure saile was sent from thence to people them which through the emulation and discord that arose amongst them being landed and setled in the Countrey was vtterly ouerthrowne onely one Shippe with some few of the people after much misery got to the Philippines This I came to the knowledge of by a large relation written from a person of credit and sent from the Philippines to Panama I saw it at my being there in my voyage towards Spaine Hauing edged neere the coast to put the Spaniards on shore a thicke fogge tooke vs so that we could not see the land but recouering our Pinnace and Boate we sailed on our course till wee came thwart of the Port called Malabrigo It lieth in seuen degrees In all this Coast the currant runneth with great force but neuer keepeth any certaine course sauing that it runneth alongst the coast sometimes to the South-wards sometimes to the North-wards which now runneth to the North-wards forced vs so farre into the Bay which a point of the land causeth that they call Punta de Augussa as thinking to cleare our selues by rouing North-west we could not double this point making our way North North-west Therefore speciall care is euer to be had of the current and doubtlesse if the prouidence of Almighty God had not Freede vs we had runne ashore vpon the Land without seeing or suspecting any such danger his name be euer exalted and magnified for deliuering vs from the vnknowne danger by calming the winde all night the Suns rising manifested vnto vs our errour and perill by discouering vnto vs the land within two leagues right a head The current had carried vs without any winde at the least foure leagues which seene and the winde beginning to blow we brought our tackes aboord and in short time cleared our selues Thwart of this point of Angussa lye two desert Ilands they call them Illas de Lobos for the multitude of Seales which accustome to haunt the shore In the bigger is very good harbour and secure they lye in six degrees and thirty minutes The next day after we lost sight of those Ilands being thwart of Payta which lyeth in fiue degrees and hauing manned our Pinnace and Boate to search the Port we had sight of a tall Ship which hauing knowledge of our being on the coast and thinking her selfe to be more safe at Sea then in the harbour put her selfe then vnder saile to her we gaue chase all that night and the next day but in fine being better of saile then we she freed her selfe Thus being to lee-ward of the Harbour and discouered we continued our course alongst the shore That euening wee were thwart of the Riuer of Guyayaquill which hath in the mouth of it two Ilands the Souther-most and biggest called Puma in three degrees and the other to the North-wards Santa clara Puma is inhabited and is the place where they
fauour to seeke and discouer new Countries But the greatest and most notable discouery that hath beene from those parts now of late was that of the Isles of Salomon which were found in manner following The Licenciate Castro being gouernour of Peru sent forth a Fleete of Ships to discouer certaine Islands in the South Sea vpon the coast of Peru appointing as Generall of the same Fleete a kinsman of his called Aluares de Mendanio and Pedro Sarmiento as Lieutenant and in the Viceadmirall went Pedro de Ortega This Fleete departing forth of the hauen of Lima and sailing 800. leagues Westward off the coast of Peru found certaine Islands in eleuen degrees to the South of the Equinoctiall inhabited with a kinde of people of a yellowish complexion and all naked whose weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Darts The Beasts that they saw here were Hogs and little Dogs and they found some Hens Here also they found a muster of Cloues Ginger and Sinamon although the Sinamon were not of the best and here appeared vnto them likewise some shew of Gold The first Island that the Spaniards discouered they named Santa Izabella and here they built a small Pinnace with the which and with their Ships Boate they found out betweene nine and fifteene degrees of Southerly latitude eleuen great Islands being one with another of eightie leagues in compasse The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder called Guadalcanal on the coast whereof they sailed 150. leagues before they could know whether it were an Island or part of the maine land and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it but thinke that it may be part of that continent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellan for they coasted it to eighteene degrees and could not finde the end thereof The Gold that they found was vpon this Island or maine land of Guadalcanal whereas they landed and tooke a towne finding small graines of Gold hanged vp in the houses thereof But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the Countrey and also for that the Indians were very stout men and fought continually against them they could neuer learne from whence that Gold came nor yet what store was in the Land These Indians vse to goe to Sea in great Canoas that will carrie one hundred men a piece wherein they haue many conflicts one against another howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt for that with a small Pinnace and two Falcons a few may ouercome one hundred of them At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing rowed to land to take in fresh water whom on the sodaine certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon tooke the Ships Boate and slew all the men therein wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong nor yet be too warie in a strange land Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their Pinnace and burnt the Towne and in this towne they found the small graines of Gold before mentioned They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths at the end of which time because that vpon the coast where they were the winde continuing still in one place might be an occasion of longer tarrying they consulted which way to returne Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall wherefore sayling to the North of the line they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna on which coast they met with such terrible stormes that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-boord and to lye nine moneths beating it vp and downe in the Sea before they could get into any harbour of the Christians In which time by reason of euill gouernment and for lacke of victuals and fresh water most of the men in their Admirall dyed for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water nor meate but in the other Ships they behaued themselues so well that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land He that passeth the Straits of Magellan or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needes runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish your selfe with plenty of victuals as Hogs Hennes excellent Almonds Potatos Sugar-canes with diuers other sorts fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of Gold which the Indians will giue you in trucke for other commodities For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of Gold brought home notwithstanding 40000. pezos with them besides great store of Cloues and Ginger and some Sinamon also which is not so good as in other places The discouerer of these Islands named them the Isles of Salomon to the end that the Spaniards supposing them to be those Isles from whence Salomon fetched Gold to adorne the Temple at Ierusalem might be the more desirous to goe and inhabit the same Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Islands Captaine Drake entered the South Sea whereupon commandement was giuen that they should not be inhabited to the end that such Englishmen and of other Nations as passed the Straits of Magellan to goe to the Malucos might haue no succour there but such as they got of the Indian people CHAP. XII Briefe extracts translated out of IEROM BENZOS three Bookes of the New World touching the Spaniards cruell handling of the Indians and the effects thereof ANno 1641. Ierom Benzo went from Millaine to Siuill in Spaine and thence to the New World where he was entertained of the Spaniards and practised with them the huntings of the Indians which they did by lurking in couerts till some of the Natiues came within their reach by bribing the Cacikes with trifles to procure captiues and other meanes Peter Chalice came while we were there to Amaracan with aboue 4000. slaues and had brought many more but with labour wearinesse hunger and griefe for losse of their Countrie and friends many had perished in the way Many also not able to follow in the Spaniards swift march were by them killed to preuent their taking armes A miserable spectacle to see those troopes of slaues naked with their bodies rent maimed starued the mothers dragging or carrying on their shoulders their children howling the neckes of all armes and hands chained not any growne Maide amongst them which the spoilers had not rauished with so profuse lust that thence grew contagion and pernicious diseases The Spanish horsemen in those warres vsed quilted Iackes with Launces and Swords the footemen Sword Shield and Crosse-bow with lighter Iackes The moisture and great dewes made Peeces vnseruiceable in those parts The Islanders in Hispaniola seeing no hope of better or place for worse killed their children and then hanged themselues The women
him on the face and tooke the Cazique But he hauing his men so neere escaped away and left a Mantle of his of the skinnes of the Martinet Sables which in my iudgement are the best of all the World and haue a scent whereunto the scent of Ambergrise and Muske is not comparable and the scent thereof was smelt very farre off We saw also other but none like vnto that Now seeing the Gouernour wounded we set him aboord and caused him to bring with him the greater part of the men vnto the Boats and fifty of our men only remayned on land to fight with the Indians who that night assaulted vs three times and with so great violence that euery time they made vs retyre a stones cast so that there was not one of our men that was not wounded After this we returned to imbarke our selues and sayled three dayes and hauing taken a little water as much as the few vesiels we had were able to carrie wee returned to fall into the same necessitie wherein we were first And going on our Voyage we entred into a Strait where abiding we saw a Canow of the Indians comming and as we called vnto them they came and the Gouernour to whose Boat they were neerest demanded water of them who offered it him if he would giue them vessels wherein to carrie it so a Greeke Christian called Theodoro of whom mention is made before said that he would goe with them And although the Gouernour and many other laboured to disswade him yet he would needs goe thither and carried a Negro with him and the Indians left for hostages two of their men Those Indians returned in the Euening and brought vs our vessels without water but brought not our two Christians againe and those two men of theirs who remayned for pledges as soone as they spake vnto them would haue cast themselues into the water but our men who had them in the Boat held them and so the other Indians fled and left vs much confounded and sorrowful for the two Christians which we had lost The morning following many other Canoas of the Indians came vnto vs demanding their two companions which they left vs for hostages The Gouernour answered that he would giue them vnto them so that they would restore vs our two Christians Fiue or sixe Lords came with those people and it seemed to vs that they were of a very good disposition and of greater authority and retinue then all the rest wee had found hitherto although they were not of so tall a stature as the other before mentioned They wore their haire loose and very long and were couered with mantles of Martinets of the same sort whereof we spake before and some of them were made of a very strange fashion hauing certaine laces of the worke of Lions skinnes which seemed very faire They prayed vs that we would goe with them and they would giue vs our two Christians and water and many other things and many Canoas came continually vpon vs endeauouring to take the mouth of that passage and so therefore because the place was very dangerous we went out to Sea where we stayed with them vntill noone But not being willing to restore our Christians and therefore we also would not restore their two hostages they began to cast stones at vs with slings making shew also that they would shoot at vs although we saw not aboue three or foure Bowes among them And while wee continued thus a fresh gale of winde beganne to blowe and they went their way So we sayled all that day vntill the euening at what time my Boat that went before discouered a point which the Land made and at the other end I saw a Riuer then I anchored at a small Iland which maketh that point to stay for the other Boats The Gouernour would not come neere it but put into a flat shoare very neere thereunto where many small Ilands were and there wee all met together and tooke fresh water within the Sea because the Riuer ranne into the Sea continually and with great violence And that wee might bee able to bake a little Maiz which wee brought because for two dayes before we had eaten it raw we went aland on that Iland but finding no wood there we agreed to goe vnto the Riuer which was behind the Point one league from thence And as wee went the current of the Riuer was so great that by no meanes it suffered vs to arriue but droue vs backe from the Land §. II. Misery pursues them at Sea and betrayes them to the Indians their miserable liues and death WEe sayled foure dayes euery one eating halfe a handfull of raw Maiz a day by ratement At the end of these foure dayes a tempest tooke vs which made vs recouer the Boat of Captaine Telles and through the great mercy which God shewed to some of vs we were not wholly drowned And being Winter and exceeding cold and so many dayes wherein we had sustained hunger with many blowes which wee receiued from the Sea the day following the men began very much to faint in such manner that when the Sunne went downe all those that were in my Boat were fallen one vpon the other so neere vnto death that few of them had any sense and among all them there were not fiue that could stand on their feete and when night came there remained no more but the Master and my selfe that could mannage the Boat and two houres within night the Master said vnto mee that I should take charge of my Boat because he was in such case that he held it for certainty that hee should die that night And so I tooke the rudder and midnight being past I went to see if the Master were dead who said vnto me that suddenly he was better and that hee would guide the Boat vntill day Then surely I found my selfe in such state that much more willingly I would haue receiued death then see so many men before me in that manner wherein they were and after the Master tooke charge of the Boat I rested my selfe a little but very vnquietly because at that time nothing was further from me then sleepe And about the morning me thought that I heard the noise and roaring of the Sea because being a very lowe Coast it raged much whereupon when I heard this I called to the Master who answered me that he supposed we were now neere vnto the Land and sounding we found our selues in seuen fathome and he thought it fit that we should abide at Sea vntill the day appeared And so I tooke an Oare and rowed to the Lands side which we found one league distant and put the stearne to the Sea And being neere to the Land a waue tooke vs which cast the Boat backe againe into the Sea as farre as a man might well fling a stone and with the great blowe which it gaue almost all the men who remained there as dead
Pinnasse All this Riuer is some three hundred or foure hundred paces broad and very wholsome Wee saw fiue Ilands in it distant one from the other a quarter or halfe a league or a league at the most one of which is a league long which is the neerest to the mouth and the others are very small All these Countries are couered with Trees and low Lands like those which I had seene before but here are more Firres and Cypresses then in other places Neuerthelesse the soile is good although it bee somewhat sandy This Riuer runneth in a manner South-west The Sauages say that some fifteene leagues from the place where we were vp the Riuer there is a Sault which falleth downe from a very steepe place where they carry their Canowes to passe the same some quarter of a league and come into a Lake at the mouth whereof are three Ilands and being within the same they meete with more Iles This Lake may containe some fortie or fiftie leagues in 〈…〉 gth and some fiue and twentie leagues in breadth into which many Riuers fall to the number of ten which carrie Canowes very far vp When they are come to the end of this Lake there is another fall and they enter againe into another Lake which is as great as the former at the head whereof the Irocois are lodged They say moreouer that there is a Riuer which runneth vnto the Coast of Florida whether it is from the said last Lake some hundred or an hundred and fortie leagues All the Countrey of the Irocois is somewhat Mountaynous yet notwithstanding exceeding good temperate without much Winter which is very short there AFter our departure from the Riuer of the Irocois wee anchored three leagues beyond the same on the North side All this Countrie is a lowe Land replenished with all sorts of trees which I haue spoken of before The first day of Iuly we coasted the North side where the wood is very thinne and more thinne then wee had seene in any place before and all good land for tillage I went in a Canoa to the South shoare where I saw a number of Iles which haue many fruitfull trees as Vines Wal-nuts Hasel-nuts and a kinde of fruit like Chest-nuts Cheries Oskes Aspe Hoppes Ashe Beech Cypresses very few Pines and Firre-trees There are also other trees which I knew not which are very pleasant Wee found there store of Strawberries Rasp-berries Goos-berries red greene and blue with many small fruits which growe there among great abundance of grasse There are also many wilde beasts as Orignas Stagges Does Buckes Beares Porkepickes Conies Foxes Beauers Otters Muske-rats and certaine other kindes of beasts which I doe not knowe which are good to eate and whereof the Sauages liue Wee passed by an I le which is very pleasant and containeth some foure leagues in length and halfe a league in breadth I saw toward the South two high Mountaines which shewed some twentie leagues within the Land The Sauages told mee that here beganne the first fall of the foresaid Riuer of the Irocois The Wednesday following wee departed from this place and sayled some fiue or sixe leagues Wee saw many Ilands the Land is there very lowe and these Iles are couered with trees as those of the Riuer of the Irocais were The day following being the third of Iuly we ranne certaine leagues and passed likewise by many other Ilands which are excellent good and pleasant through the great store of Medowes which are thereabout as well on the shoare of the maine Land as of the other Ilands and all the Woods are of very small growth in comparison of those which wee had passed At length we came this very day to the entrance of the Sault or Fall of the great Riuer of Canada with fauourable wind and wee met with an I le which is almost in the middest of the said entrance which is a quarter of a league long and passed on the South side of the said I le where there was not past three foure or fiue foot water and sometimes a fathome or two and straight on the sudden wee found againe not past three or foure foot There are many Rockes and small Ilands whereon there is no wood and they are euen with the water From the beginning of the foresaid I le which is in the middest of the said entrance the water beginneth to runne with a great force Although we had the wind very good yet wee could not with all our might make any great way neuerthelesse wee passed the said Ile which is at the entrance of the Sault or Fall When wee perceiued that wee could goe no further wee came to an anchor on the North shoare ouer against a small Iland which aboundeth for the most part with those kinde of fruits which I haue spoken of before Without all delay wee made ready our skiffe which wee had made of purpose to passe the said Sault whereinto the said Monsieur de Pont and my selfe entred with certaine Sauages which we had brought with vs to shew vs the way Departing from our Pinnace we were scarse gone three hundred paces but we were forced to come out and cause certain Mariners to goe into the water to free our Skiffe The Canoa of the Sauages passed easily Wee met with an infinite number of small Rockes which were euen with the water on which wee touched oftentimes There he two great Ilands one on the North side which containeth some fifteene leagues in length and almost as much in breadth beginning some twelue leagues vp within the Riuer of Canada going toward the Riuer of the Irocois and endeth beyond the Sault The Iland which is on the South side is some foure leagues long and some halfe league broad There is also another Iland which is neere to that on the North side which may bee some halfe league long and some quarter broad and another small Iland which is betweene that on the North side and another neerer to the South shoare whereby wee passed the entrance of the Sault This entrance being passed there is a kinde of Lake wherein all these Ilands are some fiue leagues long and almost as broad wherein are many small Ilands which are Rockes There is a Mountaine neere the said Sault which discouereth farre into the Countrie and a little Riuer which falleth from the said Mountaine into the Lake On the South side are some three or foure Mountaines which seeme to be about fifteene or sixteene leagues within the Land There are also two Riuers one which goeth to the first Lake of the Riuer of the Irocois by which sometimes the Algoumequins inuade them and another which is neere vnto the Sault which runneth not farre into the Countrey At our comming neere to the said Sault with our Skiffe and Canoa I assure you I neuer saw any streame of water to fall downe with such force as this doth although it
Salt Sea which may be the South Sea the Sunne setting where they say it doth On Friday the tenth of the said moneth we returned to Tadousac where our ship lay ASsoone as wee were come to Tadousac wee embarqued our selues againe to goe to Gachepay which is distant from the said Tadousac about some hundred leagues The thirteenth day of the said moneth we met with a companie of Sauages which were lodged on the South side almost in the mid-way betweene Tadousac and Gachepay Their Sagamo or Captaine which led them is called Armouchides which is held to be one of the wâ—sest and most hardy among all the Sauages Hee was going to Tadousac to exchange Arrowes and the flesh of Orignars which they haue for Beauers and Marterns of the other Sauages the Mountainers Estechemaâ—ns and Algoumequins The fifteenth day of the said moneth we came to Gachepay which is in a Bay about a league and a halfe on the North side The said Bay containeth some seuen or eight leagues in length and at the mouth thereof foure leagues in breadth There is a Riuer which runneth some thirty leagues vp into the Countrie Then we saw another Bay which is called the Bay des Mollues or the Bay of Cods which may be some three leagues long and as much in bredth at the mouth From thence we come to the I le Percee which is like a Rocke very steepe rising on both sides wherein there is a hole through which Shalops and Boats may passe at an high water and at a lowe water one may goe from the maine Land to the said Ile which is not past foure or fiue hundred paces off Moreouer there is another Iland in a manner South-east from the I le Percee about a league which is called the Ile de Bonne-aduenture and it may bee some halfe a league long All these places of Gachepay the Bay of Cods and the I le Percee are places where they make dry and greene Fish When you are passed the I le Percee there is a Bay which is called they Bay of Heate which runneth as it were West South-west some foure and twenty leagues into the land containing some fifteene leagues in breadth at the mouth thereof The Sauages of Canada say that vp the great Riuer of Canada about some sixtie leagues ranging the South coast there is a small Riuer called Mautanne which runneth some eighteene leagues vp into the Countreys and being at the head thereof they carrie their Canowes about a league by land and they come into the said Bay of Heate by which they goe sometimes to the Isle Percee Also they goe from the said Bay to Tregate and Misamichy Running along the said coast we passe by many Riuers and come to a place where there is a Riuer which is called Souricoua where Monsieur Preuert was to discouer a Mine of Copper They goe with their Conowes vp this Riuer three or foure dayes then they passe three or foure leagues by land to the said Mine which is hard vpon the Sea shoare on the South side At the mouth of the said Riuer there is an Iland lying a league into the Sea from the said Island vnto the Isle Perçee is some sixtie or seuentie leagues Still following the said coast which trendeth toward the East you meete with a Strait which is two leagues broad and fiue and twenty leagues long On the East side is an Isle which is called the Isle of Saint Laurence where Cape Breton is and in this place a Nation of Sauages called the Souricois doe winter Passing the Strait of the Iles of Saint Lawrence and ranging the South-west Coast you come to a Bay which ioyneth hard vpon the Myne of Copper Passing farther there is a Riuer which runneth threescore or fourescore leagues into the Countrey which reacheth neere to the Lake of the Irocois whereby the said Sauages of the South-west Coast make warre vpon them I would be an exceeding great benefit if there might be found a passage on the Coâ—â—â— of Florida neere to the said great Lake where the winter is salt aswell for the Naâ—igation of ships which should not bee subiect to so many perâ—ls as they are in Canada as for the shortning of the way about three hundred leagues And at is most certaine that there are Riuers on the Goaâ—â— of Florida which are not yet discouered which â—â—erce vp into the Countries where the soile is exceeding good and fertile and very good Hauens The Countrey and Coast of Florida may haue another temperature of the season and may be 〈◊〉 more fertile in abundance of fruites and other things then that which I haue seene But it cannot haue more euen not better sayles then those which we haue seene The Sauages say that in the foresaid great Bay of Hete there is a Riuer which runneth vp vp some twentie leagues into the Countrey at the head whereof there is a Lake which may be about twentie leagues in compasse wherein is little store of water and the Summer it is dried vp wherein they find about a foot or a foot and an halfe vnder the ground a kind of Metall like to â—â—luer which I shewed them and that in another place neere the said Lake there is a Myne of Copper And this is that which I learned of the foresand Sauages WE departed from the I le 〈◊〉 the ninteenth day of the said moneth to returne to Tadousâ—c When we wâ—â—e within three leagues of Cape le Vesque or the Bishops Cape we were encountred with a storme which lasted two dayes which forced vs to put roomer with a great creake and to stay for faire weather The day following we departed and were encountred with another storme Being loth to pâ—â— roome and thinking to gaine way wee touched on the North shore the eight and twentieth day of Iuly 〈◊〉 creeke which is very bad because of the edges of Rockes which lie there This creeke is in 〈◊〉 degrees and certaine minutes The next day we anchored neere a Riuer which is called Saint Margarites Riuer where at a full Sea is some three fathomes water and a fathome and an halfe at a low water this Riuer goeth farre vp into the Land As farre as I could see within the Land on â—he East shoare there is a fall of water which entreth into the said Riuer and falleth some fiftie or sixtie â—athomes downe from whence commeth the greatest part of the water which descendeth downe At the mouth thereof there is a banke of Sand whereon at the ebbe is but halfe a faâ—home water All the Coast toward the East is mouing Sande there is a point some halfe league from the said Riuer which stretcheth halfe a league into the Sea and toward the West there is a small Iland this place is in fiftie degrees All these Countries are exceeding bad full of Firre-trees The Land here is somewhat high but not so high as that on the Southside
healthfulnesse of the place First for our selues thankes be to God we had not a man sicke two dayes together in all our Voyage whereas others that went out with vs or about that time on other Voyages especially such as went vpon reprâ—sall were most of them infected with sicknesse whereof they lost some of theâ—r men and brought home a many sicke returning notwithstanding long before vs. But Verazzano and others as I take it you may reade in the Booke of Discoueries doe more particularly intreate of the Age of the people in that coast The Sassafras which we brought we had vpon the Ilands where though we bad little disturbance and reasonable plenty yet for that the greatest part of our people were imployed about the fitting of our house and such like affaires and a few and those but easie labourers vndertooke this worke the rather because we were informed before our going forth that a tunne was sufficient to cloy England and further for that we had resolued vpon our returne and taken view of our victuall we iudged it then needefull to vse expedition which afterward we had more certaine proofe of for when we came to an anker before Portsmouth which was some foure dayes after we made the land we had not one Cake of Bread nor any drinke but a little Vinegar left fâ—r these and other reasons we returned no otherwise laden then you haue heard And thus much I hope shall suffice till I can my selfe come to giue you further notice which though it be not so soone as I could haue wisht yet I hope it shall be in conuenient time In the meane time crauing your pardon for which the vrgent occasions of my stay will pleade I humbly take my leaue 7. Septemb. 1602. Your dutifull Sonne BARTH GOSNOLD CHAP. XI The Relation of Captaine GOSNOLS Voyage to the North part of Virginia begunne the sixe and twentieth of March Anno 42. ELIZABETHAE Reginae 1602. and deliuered by GABRIEL ARCHER a Gentleman in the said Voyage THe said Captaine did set sayle from Famouth the day and yeere aboue written accompanied with thirtie two persons whereof eight Mariners and Saylers twelue purposing vpon the Discouery to returne with the ship for England the rest remayne there for population The fourteenth of Aprill following wee had sight of Saint Maries an Iland of the Assoris The three and twentieth of the same beeing two hundred leagues Westwards from the said Iland in the latitude of 37. degrees The water in the mayne Ocean appeared yellow the space of two leagues North and South where sounding with thirtie fadome Line wee found no ground and taking vp some of the said water in a bucket it altered not either in colour or taste from the Sea Azure The seuenth of May following we first saw many Birds in bignesse of Cliffe Pidgeons and after diuers other as Pettrels Cootes Hagbuts Pengwins Murres Gannets Cormorants Guls with many else in our English Tongue of no name The eight of the same the water changed to a yellowish greene where at seuentie fadome we had ground The ninth wee had two and twentie fadome in faire sandie ground hauing vpon our Lead many glittering Stones somewhat heauie which might promise some Minerall matter in the bottome we held our selues by computation well neere the latitude of 43. degrees The tenth wee sonnded in 27. 30. 37. 43. fadome and then came to 108. some thought it to be the sounding of the Westermost end of Saint Iohns Iland vpon this banke we saw sculs of fish in great numbers The twelfth we hoysed out halfe of our shallop and sounding had then eightie fadome without any current perceiued by William Strete the Master one hundred leagues Westward from Saint Maries til we came to the foresaid soundings continually passed fleeting by vs Sea-oare which seemed to haue their moueable course towards the North-east a matter to set some subtle inuention on worke for comprehending the true cause thereof The thirteenth wee sounded in seuentie fadome and obserued great beds of weedes much woode and diuers things else floating by vs when as we had smelling of the shoare such as from the Southerne Cape and Andulazia in Spaine The fourteenth about six in the morning we descried Land that lay North c. the Northerly part we called the North Land which to another Rocke vpon the same lying twelue leagues West that wee called Sauage Rocke because the Sauages first shewed themselues there fiue leagues towards the said Rocke is an out Point of woodie ground the Trees thereof very high and straight from the Rocke East North-east From the said Rocke came towards vs a Biscay shallop with saile and Oares hauing eight persons in it whom we supposed at first to bee Christians distressed But approching vs neere wee perceiued them to bee Sauages These comming within call hayled vs and wee answered Then after signes of peace and a long speech by one of them made they came boldly aboord vs being all naked sauing about their shoulders certaine loose Deere-skinnes and neere their wastes Seale-skinnes tyed fast like to Irish Dimmie Trouses One that seeemed to be their Commander wore a Wastecoate of blacke worke a paire of Breeches cloth Stockings Shooes Hat and Band one or two more had also a few things made by some Christians these with a piece of Chalke described the Coast thereabouts and could name Placentia of the New-found-land they spake diuers Christian words and seemed to vnderstand much more then we for want of Language could comprehend These people are in colour swart their haire long vp tyed with a knot in the part of behind the head They paint their bodies which are strong and well proportioned These much desired our longer stay but finding our selues short of our purposed place we set saile Westwards leauing them and their Coast. About sixteene leagues South-west from thence wee perceiued in that course two small Ilands the one lying Eastward from Sauage Rock the other to the Southwards of it the Coast we left was full of goodly Woods faire Plaines with little greene round Hils aboue the Cliffes appearing vnto vs which are indifferently raised but all Rockie and of shining stones which might haue perswaded vs a longer stay there The fifteenth day we â—ad againe sight of the Land which made a head being as wee thought an Iland by reason of a large sound that appeared Westward betweene it and the Mayne for comming â—o the Well end thereof we did perceiue a large opening we called it Shole-hope Neere this Cape we came to Anchor in fifteene fadome where wee tooke great store of Cod-fish for which we altâ—red the name and called it Cape Cod. Here wee saw sculs of Herrings Mackerels and other small 〈◊〉 in great abundance This is a low sandie shoare but without danger also wee came to Anchor againe in sixteene fadome faire by the Land in the latitude of 42. degrees This
Master THOMAS CANNER a Gentleman of Bernards Inne his companion in the same Voyage VPon Wednesday in Easter weeke the seuenteenth of Aprill after I had taken my leaue of some few of my louing and deere friends in Bernards Inne I rode toward Southampton there to be speake Bisket and some other prouision for our Barke wherein Master Bartholomew Gilbert went as Captaine which had beene in Virginia the yeere before with Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold After our businesse was dispatched here wee came into Plimmouth from whence wee put forth the tenth of May. And the six and twentieth of the same we were in the latitude of 32. degrees hoping to haue had sight of the I le of Madera whereof we missed in which course we met with two or three English men of warre The first of Iune we were in the latitude of 27. degrees and haled ouer toward the Ilands of the West Indies and the fifteenth of this moneth toward night wee saw Land Master Gilbert and the Master Henrie Suite dwelling within the Iron Gate of the Towre of London tooke it to be the Bermudas being very neere the shore they sounded many times and had no ground at the last they found good ground in fourteene or fifteene fathomes There wee cast Anchor In the morning we weighed and sounded still as we trended by the shoare but after wee were past a Cables length from our Road we had no Land againe in forty or fifty fathomes we kept still by the shore not yet being certaine what Iland it was The sixteenth in the morning wee spied the people comming from the shore who when they came neere cried out for barter or trade when they came close aboord they made signes and cried out to see our colours which we presently put forth in the maine top and told them we were Ingleses Amigos and Hermanos that is Englishmen their friends and brothers Assoone as they vnderstood we were Englishmen they were bolder to come neere we threw them a Rope and one came aboord vs wee traded with them for some Tobacco Pine-apples Piantanes Pompions and such things as they had wee gaue them Bugles Kniues Whistles and such toyes Here we kept close by the shore When this Canoa had traded with vs and vttered all they had and drunke of our Beere beeing kindly vsed they departed and then presently after diuers Canoas came we traded and vsed them as the first One of them told vs that Iland was Santa Lucia We bestowed all that forenoone shaking in the wind for we had no ground to Anchor neere the shore to trade with them Then wee set our course for Saint Vincent but finding a current against vs and the wind very scant we doubted we should not fetch it and that if we did peraduenture we might bee put to the leeward of Dominica and so consequently of Meuis or Nieues for which Iland we were specially bound for to out Lignum vitae in the same Therefore Master Gilbert thought good to let Saint Vincent alone although in it is the best Tobacco of all the Ilands yet in the end hee put roomer for Dominica whereof we had sight the seuenteenth of Iune and came close to the shore and presently one Canoa came aboord as at Santa Lucia being sent with two men belike to discouer vs and to see what entertainment they should haue we vsed them kindly and so dismissed them There came more full of men with diuers of their commodities The nineteenth in the morning being Sunday we anchored in a good Road at Meuis and after went on shore to seeke Lignum vitae Master Gilbert with the Master and diuers of the company sought farre into the Woods but found none but one little Tree and here and there where one had bin cut so we were in doubt to find enough heere to load our ship a iust plague vnto vs for prophaning the Sabbath in trauelling about our worldly businesse when there was no necessitie This day in the Euening some went out with the Boate vnto the shore and brought on boord a Tortoyse so big that foure men could not get her into the Boate but tied her fast by one legge vnto the Boat and so towed her to the ship when they had her by the ship it was no easie matter to get her on boord The next day we went on shore againe to search another part of the wood for Lignum vitae and then God be thanked we found enough This day at night we opened our Tortoyse which had in her about 500. Egges excellent sweet meate and so is all the whole fish Vpon Tuesday in the morning we went all on shore sauing the Carpenter and Thomas and Master Gilberts man to fell wood and this day we felled good store All the rest of this moneth and three dayes more we continued here euery day labouring sore first in sawing downe the great trees and sawing them againe into logs portable out of the thicke wood to the Sea-shoare so in the Boates and so to the ship where M. Gilbert his paines profited double as well in example as in worke for hee was neuer idle but either searching out more trees or fetching drinke for the Labourers or doing one thing or other so that in this iust fortnight that wee stayed here wee had gotten on boord some twenty tuns Within a few dayes after the Tortoyse was eaten God sent vs another One of these fishes were sufficient meat for twentie men for three or foure dayes if it could bee preserued but in that Climate no salting can preserue it aboue two dayes hardly so long Now the wood growing thinne and hardly to be found on this Iland he thought it best to stay no longer here but to goe for Uirginia to search for better store And so vpon Sunday the third of Iuly in the afternoone we weighed Anchor and sailed North-west and by North and that night passed by Saint Christopher and another little Iland Munday the fourth in the morning we had sight of the Iland we went into the Woods to search for Lignum vitae but found none but one tree which he cut and went on boord we fought also for fresh water but found none At Euening went on shore into the bottome of the Bay to dray the Net and there we gat good store of fine fresh fish and much more enough to haue laden our Boat we should haue gotten if at euery draught we had not had in the Net a Tortoyse which stil brak through and so carried away the fish with them At one draught among the rest we had two in the Net a yong one and an old on the Net held the young one Wee weighed and went through betweene the two Ilands into the mayne Ocean toward our long desired Countrey Uirginia distant three hundred and fiftie leagues from vs. Wee sayled North North-west The seuenth we ran still North-west and North and
best in all those Ilands and it hath the sauorest pleasantest Oranges that are throughout all Portugall so that they are brought into Tercera for a present as being there very much esteemed and in my iudgement they are the best that euer I tasted in any place Angra in the Iland of Tercera is the chiefe Towne and Ruler ouer all the Flemish Ilands From Tercera Westward to the Iland named Flores are seuenty miles it is about seuen miles compasse it is also inhabited by Portugals hath no speciall merchandise but onely some wood it is full of Cattle and other necessary prouisions and lyeth open to all the world to whosoeuer will come thither as well Englishmen as others for that the inhabitants haue not the power to resist them A mile from thence Northward lyeth a little Iland of two or three miles in compasse called DeCoruo The inhabitants are of the same people that dwell in Flores Between those two Ilands and round about them the Englishmen doe commonly stay to watch the Ships that come out of the West for those are the first Ilands that the Ships looke out for and descry when they saile vnto Tercera wherby the inhabitants dobut little prosper because they are at the pleasure commandment of all that will come vnto them and take their goods from them as oftentimes it hapneth Yet for all their pouerty not to loose both lands and goods they must content themselues and saile with euery winde The I le of Tercera lyeth vnder thirty nine degrees in the same height that Lisbone lyeth and is distant from Lisbone lying right East and West two hundred and fifty Spanish miles Of certaine notable and memorable accidents that happened during my continuance in Tercera in which are related many English fleetes Sea-fights and Prizes THe second of October Anno 1589. at the Towne of Villa daâ— Praya in the Iland of Tercera two men being in a field hard without the towne were killed with lightning The ninth of the same month there arriued in Tercera 14. Ships that came from the Spanish Indies laden with Cochenile Hides Gold Siluer Pearles and other rich wares They were fifty in company when they departed out of the Iland of Hauana whereof in their comming out of the Channell eleuen sunk in the same Channell by foule weather the rest by a storme were scattered seperated one from the other The next day there came another Ship of the same company that sailed close vnder the Iland so to get into the Road where she met with an English Ship that had not aboue three cast Peeces the Spaniard twelue They sought a long time together which we being in the Iland might stand behold wherupon the Gouernor of Tercera sent two Boats of Musketiers to helpe the Ship but before they could come at her the English Ship had shot her vnder water and we saw her sinke into the Sea with all her sailes vp and not any thing seene of her about the water The Englishmen with their Boate saued the Captaine and about thirty others with him but not one peny worth of the goods yet in the Ship there was at the least to the value of 200000. Ducats in Gold Siluer and Pearles the rest of the men were drowned which might be about 50. persons among the which were some Friers and women which the Englishmen would not saue Those that they had saued they set on land then they sailed away The 27. of the same month the said 14. Ships hauing refreshed theselues in the Iland departed from Tercera towards Siuil and comming vpon the coast of Spaine they were taken by the English Ships that lay there to watch for them two onely excepted which escaped away the rest were wholly carried into England About the same time the Earle of Cumberland with one of the Queenes Ships and fiue or six more kept about those Ilands and came oftentimes so close vnder the Iland and to the Road of Angra that the people on land might easily tell all his men that he had aboord and knew such as walked on the Hatches they of the Iland not once shooting at them although they might easily haue done it for they were within Musket shot both of the Towne and Fort. In these places he continued for the space of two Moneths and sailed round about the Ilands and landed in Gratiosa and Fayael as in the description of those Ilands I haue already declared Here he tooke diuers Ships and Caruels which he sent into England so that those of the Iland durst not once put forth their heads At the same time about three or foure dayes after the Earle of Cumberland had beene in the Iland of Fayael and was departed from thence there arriued in the said Iland of Fayael six Indian Ships whose Generall was one Iuan Doryâ—s and there they discharged in the Iland fortie Millions of Gold and Siluer And hauing with all speede refreshed their Ships fearing the comming of the Englishmen they set saile and arriued safely in Saint Lucas not meeting with the enemy to the great good lucke of the Spaniards and hard fortune of the Englishmen for that within lesse then two daies after the Gold and Siluer was laden again into the Spanish Ships the Earle of Cumberland sailed againe by that Iland so that it appeared that God would not let them haue it for if they had once had fight thereof without doubt it had beene theirs as the Spaniards themselues confessed In the moneth of Nouember there arriued in Tercera two great Ships which were the Admirall and Viceadmirall of the Fleete laden with Siluer who with stormy weather were seperated from the Fleete and had beene in great torment and distresse and ready to sinke for they were forced to vse all their Pumps so that they wished a thousand times to haue met with the Englishmen to whom they would willingly haue giuen their Siluer and all that euer they brought with them onely to saue their liues And although the Earle of Cumberland lay still about those Ilands yet they met not with him so that after much paine and labor they got into the Road before Angra where with all speed they vnladed discharged aboue 5. Millions of Siluer all in peeces of 8. and 10. pound great so that the whole Ray lay couered with plates Chests of Siluer full of Ryals of eight most wonderfull to behold each Million being ten hundred thousand Ducats besides Pearles Gold and other stones which were not registred The Admiral chief commander of those Ships and Fleete called Aluuro Flores de Quiniones was sicke of the Neapolitan disease and was brought to land whereof not long after he dyed in Syuilia He brought with him the Kings broad Seale and full authority to be Generall chiefe commander vpon the Seas and of all Fleets or Ships and of all places Ilands or Lands wheresoeuer
intelligence They came purposely to watch for the fleet of the Spanish Indies and for the Indian ships and the shippes of the Countries in the West which put the Ilanders in great feare specially those of Fayael for that the Englishmen sent a Trumpet to the Gouernour to aske certaine wine flesh and other victuals for their money and good friendship They of Fayael did not onely refuse to giue eare vnto them but with a shot killed their Messenger or Trumpetter which the Englishmen tooke in euill part sending them word that they were best to looke to themselues and stand vpon their guard for they meant to come and visit them whether they would or no. The Gouernour made them answere that he was there in the behalfe of his Maiestie of Spaine and that he would doe his best to keepe them out as he was bound but no thing was done although they of Fayael were in no little feare sending to Tercera for aide from whence they had certaine Barkes with Powder and Munition for warre with some Bisket and other necessary prouision The thirtieth of August we receiued very certaine newes out of Portugall that there were eightie ships put out of the Carunho laden with Victuals Munition Money and Souldiers to goe for Britaine to aide the Catholikes and Leaguers of France against the King of Nauarre At the same time two Netherland Hulkes comming out of Portugall to Tercera beeing halfe the Seas ouer met with foure of the Queenes shippes their Generall beeing Sir Iohn Hawkins that stayed them but let them goe againe without doing them any harme The Netherlanders reported that each of the Queenes ships had eightie Peeces of Ordnance and that Captaine Drake lay with fortie ships in the English Channell watching for the Armie of Carunho and likewise that there lay at the Cape Saint Vincent tenne other English ships that if any ships escaped from the Ilands they might take them Those tidings put the Ilanders in great feare lest if they failed of the Spanish fleete and got nothing by them that then they would fall vpon the Ilands because they would not returne emptie home whereupon they held straight watch sending aduise vnto the King what newes they heard The first of September there came to the Iland of Saint Michael a Portugall ship out of the Hauen of Pernanbuco in Brasilia which brought newes that the Admirall of the Portugall fleet that came from India hauing missed the Iland of Saint Helena was of necessitie constrained to put in at Pernanbuco although the King had expresly vnder a great penaltie forbidden him so to doe because of the Wormes that there doe spoile the ships The same ship wherein Bernaldine Rybero was Admirall the yeere before 1589. sayled out of Lisbone into the Indies with fiue ships in her company whereof but foure got into India the fift was neuer heard of so that it was thought to be cast away The other foure returned safe againe into Portugall though the Admirall was much spoiled because he met with two English ships that fought long with him and slue many of his men but yet he escaped from them The fift of the same moneth there arriued in Tercera a Caruell of the Iland of Coruo and brought with her fiftie men that had beene spoyled by the Englishmen who had set them on shore in the Iland of Coruo being taken out of a shippe that came from the Spanish Indies they brought tydings that the Englishmen had taken foure more of the Indian ships and a Caruell with the King of Spaines Letters of aduise for the ships comming out of the Portugall Indies and that with those which they had taken they were at the least forty English ships together so that not one Barke escaped them but fell into their hands and that therefore the Portugall ships comming out of India durst not put into the Ilands but tooke their course vnder fortie and fortie two degrees and from thence sailed to Lisbon shunning likewise the Cape Saint Vincent otherwise they could not haue had a prosperous iourney of it for that as then the Sea was full of English ships Wherupon the King aduised the fleet lying in Hauana in the Spanish Indies ready to come for Spaine that they should stay there all that yeere till the next yeere because of the great danger they might fall into by the Englishmen which was no small charge and hinderance to the fleet for that the ships that lie there doe consume themselues and in a manner eate vp one another by reason of the great number of people together with the scarcitie of all things so that many ships chose rather one by one to aduenture themselues alone to get home then to stay there all which fell into the Englishmens hands whereof diuers of the men were brought into Tercera for that a whole day we could see nothing else but spoyled men set on shore some out of one ship some out of another that pittie it was to see all of them cursing the Englishmen and their owne fortunes with those that had beene the causes to prouoke the Englishmen to fight and complayning of the small remedie and order taken therein by the King of Spaines Officers The nineteenth of the same moneth there came to Tercera a Caruel of Lisbon with one of the Kings Officers to cause the goods that were saued out of the ship which came from Malacca for the which we stayed there to be laden and sent to Lisbon And at the same time there put out of the Carunha one Don Alonso de Bassan with fortie great ships of warre to come vnto the Ilands there to watch for the fleet of the Spanish and Portugall Indies and the goods of the Malacca ship being laden they were to conuoy them all together into the Riuer of Lisbon but being certaine dayes at Sea alwayes hauing a contrary wind they could not get vnto the Ilands only two of them that were scattered from the fleet they presently returned backe to seeke them in the meane time the King changed his minde and caused the fleet to stay in India as I said before and therefore he sent word vnto Don Alonso de Bassan that hee should returne againe to the Carunha which he presently did without doing any thing nor once approching neere the Ilands sauing only the two foresaid ships for he well knew that the Englishmen lay by the Iland of Coruo but he would not visit them and so he returned to the Hauen of Carunha whereby our goods that came from Malacca were yet to ship and crussed vp againe forced to stay a more fortunate time with patience perforce The three and twentieth of October there arriued in Tercera a Caruell with aduise out of Portingall that of fiue ships which in the yeere 1590. were laden in Lisbon for the Indies foure of them were turned againe to Portingall after they had beene foure moneths abroad and that the Admirall wherein the Vice-roy
did thinke that we did heare a Peece of Ordnance to windward which made me suppose our Admirall had set saile and that it was a warning piece from him So I set sayle and stood close by the wind and kept an hollowing and a noise to try whether I could find him againe the wind was at South-west and I stood away West North-west From the sixe and twentieth at two of the clocke in the afternoone to eight of the clocke at night I had sayled nine leagues North-west The seuen and twentieth at noone I heaued the Lead in one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I stirred away North-west till foure of the clocke at night then I heaued the Lead againe one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I tooke all my sailes and lay at Hull and I had sayled seuen leagues North-west The eight and twentieth at seuen of the clocke in the morning I did sound in one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I set sayle againe and steered away North and North by West At noone I heaued in one hundred and twenty fathoms againe and had no ground So I steered on my course still the wind shifted betweene South and South-west and the fog continued At foure of the clocke in the afternoone I heaued one hundred twenty fathoms againe and had no ground so I stood on vntill eight of the clocke by which time I had sailed twelue leagues then I heaued the Lead againe and had blacke Oâ—e and one hundred thirty fiue fathoms water Then I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull vntill the nine and twentieth at fiue of the clocke in the morning Then I set saile againe and steered away North and North by West At eight of the clocke I heaued the Lead againe and had blacke Ose in one hundred and thirty fathoms water Betweene eleuen and twelue of the clocke it began to thunder but the fogge continued not still About two of the clocke in the afternoone I went out with my Boat my selfe and heaued the Lead and had blacke Ose in ninety fathoms water by which time I had sailed six leagues North by West more Then I tooke in all my sayles sauing my Fore-course and Bonnet and stood in with those sailes onely About sixe of the clocke I founded againe and then I had sixty fiue fathoms water Assoone as I came aboord it cleered vp and then I saw a small 〈◊〉 which bare North about two leagues off whereupon I stood in vntill eight of the clocke And then I stood off againe vntill two of the clocke in the morning the thirtieth day Then I stood in againe and aboue eight of the clocke I was faire aboord the Iland Then I manned my Boat and went on shoare where I found great store of Seales And I killed three Seales with my hanger This Iland is not halfe a mile about and nothing but a Rocke which seemed to be very rich Marble stone And a South South-west Moon maketh a full Sea About ten of the clocke I came aboord againe with some Wood tha I had found vpon the Iland for there had beene some folkes that had made fiers there Then I stood ouer to another Iland that did beare North off me about three leagues this small rockie Iland lyeth in forty foure degrees About seuen of the clocke that night I came to an anchor among many Ilands in eight fathoms water and vpon one of these Ilands I fitted my selfe with Wood and Water and Balast The third day of August being fitted to put to Set againe I caused the Master of the ship to open the boxe wherein my Commission was to see what directions I had and for what place I was bound to shape my course Then I tried whether there were any fis 〈…〉 herâ— or not and I found reasonable good store there so I stayed there fishing till the twelfth of August and then finding that the fishing did faile I thought good to returne to the Iland where I had killed the Seales to see whether I could get any store of them or not for I did find that they were very nourishing meate and a great reliefe to my men and that they would be very well saued with â—alâ— to keepe a long time But when I came thither I could not by any meanes catch any The fourteenth day at noone I obserued the Sun and found the Iland to lie in forty three degrees forty minutes Then I shaped my course for Cape Cod to see whether I could get any fish there or not â—so by the fifteenth that noone I had sailed thirty two leagues South-west the wind for the most part was betweene North-west and North. From the fifteenth at noone to the sixteenth at noone I ran twenty leagues South the wind shifting betweene West and South-west And then I sounded and had ground in eighteene fathoms water full of shels and peble stâ—â—es of diuers colours some greene and some blewish some like diamants and some speckled Theâ— I 〈…〉 oke in all my sayles and set all my company to fishing and fished till eight of the clocke â—hat â—â—ght and finding but little fish there I set sayle againe and by the 〈◊〉 that noone I had sâ—yâ—ed ten leagues West by North the wind shifting betweene South and South-west From noone till sixe of the clocke at night foure leagues North-west the wind shifting betweene West and South-west Then it did blow so hard that I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull all that night vntill fiue of the clock the eighteenth day in the morning and then I set saile againe and by noone I had sailed foure leagues North-west the wind betweene West and South-west From the eighteenth at noone to the nineteenth at noone ten leagues West by West the wind shifting betweene South and South-west and the weather very thick and foggy About seuen of the clocke at night the fogge began to breake away and the wind did shift westerly and by midnight it was shifted to the North and there it did blow very hard vntill the twenty at noone but the weather was very cleere and then by my obseruation I found the ship to bee in the latitude of forty one degrees forty foure minutes and I had sailed twenty leagues South-west by West From the nineteenth at noone to the twentieth at noone about two of the clocke in the afternoone I did see an Hed-Ta 〈…〉 d which did beare off me South-west about foure leagues so I steered with it taking it to bee Cape Cod and by foure of the clocke I was fallen among so many shoales that it was fiue of the clocke the next day in the morning before I could get cleere of them it is a â—â—ry dangerous place to fall withall to the 〈◊〉 â—â—e at the least-ten leagues off from the Land and I had vpon one of them but one â—ath 〈◊〉 and an
the ninteenth of May the colour of the Sea began sensibly to alter that whereas before it was of a cleere azure it then began to incline to a deepe blacke We were that day a hundreth and sixtie leagues or thereabouts from the West Indies and held our selues so certainly in the height of Dominica that wee runne a due Westerly course It is not vnlikely but this colour will be found in the same place at another time And in such a course wherein besides the great difference of Cardes a man must bee forced to trust to a dead reckoning this may bee some helpe to a heedfull man Vpon Sunday in the euening his Lordship directed the Master to runne that night with an easie saile because he tooke himselfe neerer land then most of the Mariners would consent to being himselfe the first that both spyed and cryed land they were but few that did assent at the first some desired it so much that they durst not let themselues be ouer credulous others happily would haue had themselues the first discryers but his Lordship still made it land Wee set saile for the land and within two houres it was made to bee Matinino Leauing it therefore on the larboard side wee stood for Dominica and within an houre or thereabouts had it in kenning §. II. Description of Dominica and the Virgines Their landing on Port Ricco march fights and taking the Towne BY two in the afternoone wee were come so neere aboard the shoare that wee were met with many Canoes manned with men wholly naked sauing that they had chaines and bracelets and some bodkins in their eares or some strap in their nostrils or lips the cause of their comming was to exchange their Tabacco Pinos Plantins Potatoes and Pepper with any trifle if it were gawdie They were at the first suspicious that wee were Spaniards or Frenchmen but being assured that wee were English they came willingly aboard They are men of good proportion strong and straight limmed but few of them tall their wits able to direct them to things bodily profitable Their Canoes are of one Tree commonly in breadth but containing one man yet in some are seene two yonkers sit shoulder to shoulder They are of diuers length some for three or foure men that sit in reasonable distance and in some of them eight or nine persons a rowe Besides their Merchandise for exchange euery one hath commonly his Bowe and Arrowes they speake some Spanish words they haue Wickers platted something like a broad shield to defend the raine they that want these vse a very broad leafe to that purpose they prouide shelter against the raine because it washeth of their red painting laid so on that if you touch it you shall finde it on your fingers That night hauing with much a doe found land within a quarter of a mile of the shore we ankored for that night onely for though there were a good watering place and a very sweete riueret fast by vs yet his Lordship ment to way ankor the next morning and to beare in to another watering place wherewithall we certainly looked for a hot Bathe Their Oares wherewith they rowe are not laid in bankes as Ship-boates haue but are made like a long Battledoore sauing that their palmes are much longer then broade growing into a sharpe point with a rising in the middest of them a good way very like they are to blades of bigge Westerne Daggers that are now made with grauing The shankes of these Oares are of equall bignesse and at the top crosset like a lame mans crutch These they vse alwayes with both their hands but indifferently as they finde cause to steere this way or that way The next morning wee bore in to the North-west end of the Iland where we found a goodly Bay able to receiue a greater Nauie then hath beene together in the memorie of this age There his Lordship found the hote Bathe fast by the side of a very fine Riuer The Bathe is as hot as either the Crosse-bathe or Kingsbathe at the Citie of Bathe in England and within three or foure yards runneth into the Riuer which within a stones cast disburdeneth it selfe into the Sea Here our sicke men specially found good refreshing In this place his Lordship staied some six dayes in watering the whole Fleete which in that time was all come sauing the Frigat one of the blacke Pinnaces and one of the Flemmings which we hoped to be before vs for they haue directions It was held conuenient here to take a Muster of our companies and something better to acqâ—aint euery one with his owne colours but the weather was so extreamely foule that in three or foure dayes spent to this purpose there could be nothing done Vpon Wednesday therefore being the last of May it was resolued to stay no longer there but to come againe to ankor at the Uirgines and there bestow one day in training our men For that was our way to Saint Iohn de Puertorico whether his Lordship now declared it was his purpose to goe first of all By this time for his Lordship would not haue any thing done in that foule weather the other blacke Pinnace was taken down for a long Boate to serue for the more conuenient landing of our men That euening and the next morning all our men were brought aboord and on thursday night our sailes were cut for the Virgines To describe this Iland it heth North-west and South-east the soile is very fat euen in the most neglected places matching the Garden-plats in England for a rich blacke molde so Mountainous certaine in the places where we came neere the Sea-coasts that the Vallies may better be called Pits then Plaines and withall so vnpassably wooddie that it is maruailous how those naked soules can be able to pull themselues through them without renting their naturall cloathes Some speake of more easie passages in the Inland of the Iland which make it probable that they leaue those skirts and edges of their Countrie thus of purpose for a wall of defence These Hils are apparelled with very goodly greene Trees of many sorts The tallnesse of these vnrequested Trees make the hils seeme more hilly then of themselues happily they are for they grow so like good children of some happy ciuill body without enuie or oppression as that they looke like a proud meddow about Oxford when after some irruption Tems is againe cooched low within his owne banks leauing the earths Mantle more ruggie and flakie then otherwise it would haue bin yea so much seeme these natural children delighted with equalitie and withall with multiplication that hauing growne to a definite stature without desire of ouertopping others they willingly let downe their boughes which being come to the earth againe take roote as it were to continue the succession of their decaying progenitors and yet they doe continually maintaine themselues in a greene-good liking
aide 5000. foote and 1000. horse at her owne charge to be by them after repayed the first yeares charges in the first yeare of peace the rest in the foure following Flushing and the Ramekins and Brill to remaine â—ers in caution c. Her Maiestie set forth a Booke also for her iustification by the ancient leagues with the Belgian Prouinces for mutuall defence the Spanish crueltie on the poore Belgians and their nefarious deuises against her neither had she any intent in administring these aides but that the Low-Countries might enioy their ancient liberty she and her subiects their securitie and both Nations peaceable commerce And to the end that warre might not first be brought home to her owne doores she set forth a Fleete to finde the Spaniard worke abroad Hereupon Anâ—o 1585. Sir Francis Drake with a Fleete of fiue and twenty saile and 2300. Souldiers and Sailers was set forth from Plimmouth Sep. 12. Christopher Carlile his Lieutenent Generall Anthonie Powell Sergeant Maior Captaine Matthew Morgan and Iohn Samson Corporall of the field Land Captaines Anthonie Plat Edward Winter Iohn Goring Robert Pen George Barton Iohn Merchant William Ceuill Walter Bigs Iohn Haman Richard Stanton Captaine Martin Frobisher Viceadmirall in the Primrose Captaine Francis Knolles Rereadmirall in the Gallion Leicester Captaine Thomas Vennâ—r in the Eliz. Bonaduenture vnder the Generall Captaine Edward Winter in the Aide Christopher Carlile in the Tigre Henry White Captain of the Sea Dragon Thomas Drake Captaine of the Thomas Thomas Seely Captaine of the Minion Captaine Bayly of the Barke Talbot Robert Crosse of the Barke Bond George Fortescue of the Barke Boner Edward Carelesse of the Hope Iames Erizo of the White Lyon Thomas Moone of the Fancis Iohn Riuers of the Vantage Iohn Vaughan of the Drake Iohn Varney of the George Iohn Martin of the Beniamin Richard Gilman of the Scout Richard Hawkins of the Ducke Captaine Bitfield of the Swallow They tooke a Shippe of Saint Sebastians laden with fish entred the Iles of Bayon and sent to the Citie to know whether there were warres betwixt England and Spaine and why the English Merchants and their goods in Spaine were embarged or arrested The Gouernour professed his ignorance in both and that this later was the Kings pleasure After some spoiles done about Vigo they fell with Hierro but the Iland being poore departed without harme Thence they went to the Iles of Cape Verde and at Saint Iago entred betwixt the Towne called Playa or Praya and Saint Iago landed 1000. men and the men being fled entred the Towne and shot off all their Ordnance being 50. peeces answered from the Ships to honour the Queenes day the 17. of Nouember No Treasure was found but Wine Oyle Meale c. They possessed it foureteene dayes Nouember the foure and twentieth they marched to Saint Domingo twelue miles within land and found the people fled After foureteene dayes they departed hauing burned the Towne of Playa none of the inhabitants hauing offered to intercede which seemed to happen from their guiltinesse towards old Master William Hawkins whose men perfidiously they had murthered foure or fiue yeares before against their promise putting off to the West Indies they could not put off the effects of the aire of that Iland which by a Calentura killed two or three hundred of their men The first Iland which they fell with was Dominica the next Saint Christophers and hauing there spent their Christmas they resolued for Hispaniola and hauing receiued intelligence by a Frigot which they tooke in the way they landed nine or ten miles to the Westward of Saint Domingo on New yeares day About noone they approached the Towne vnder the conduct of Master Carlile and 150. horsemen presenting themselues from the Citie being retired they diuided their forces to assault both the Westerne gates at once The Ordnance being discharged on them they ran in to preuent a second charge and entred with them pell mell into the Gates the enemy altering their fight into flight which they made by the North gate Both troopes met in the Market-place and there barricadoed themselues The Castle was abandoned the next night They held the Towne a whole moneth They burned many houses before they could bring the Spaniards to a price for the ransome of the rest for which at last they paid after much spoile 25000. Duckets The pray was not much In the Towne-house were the Kings armes and in the lower part of the scutchion was painted a globe of the Sea and Land a horse standing thereon with his hinder legges the forepart without the globe with this motto ascribed to his mouth Non sufficit Orbis From Saint Domingo they set saile for Carthagena on the Continent landing some Companies with Captaine Carlile fiue miles of which were led on by night the Generall with this Fleete presenting themselues before the chained Port and hauing gotten the Citie held the same six weekes They tooke Alonso Brauo the Gouernour After many houses burned 11000. Duckets were paid for ransome of the rest from burning The Calentura continued killing some being a pestilent spotted Feuer and spoyling others of their strength and memory for a long time The Serena or Euening ayre is said to cause it to them which are then abroad if not of that Countrey so that by holding their watch the English were thus infected This forced them to giue ouer their intended voyage to Nombre de Dios and Panama sailing therefore alongst the coast of Florida they tooke and fired two garrison Townes of the Spaniards Saint Anthonie and Saint Helena and the Fort of Saint Iohn Then passing alongst the Virginian shore they tooke home the English Colonie there remaining with Master Lane their Gouernour sent by Sir Walter Raleigh These are said by Master Camden to haue beene the first bringers in of the vse of Tobacco since so frequently abused by our Nation They arriued at Portsmouth the 28. of Iuly 1586. They got Ordnance of Brasse aboue 200. peeces and about 40. of Iron They prey was valued at 60000. li. English There dyed most of the Calentura 700. persons The industry of the Generall in all places is remakeable whose vigilance and bodily presence and labour in all businesse was much that had he beene in the meanest he had merited the highest place To this is fittest in next place to adde his Cadiz exploit Anno 1587. and the taking of the rich Caracke called Saint Philip. HEr Maiestie being informed of that inuincible Armadas preparing in Spaine which did come and was ouercome the yeare after sent a fleete of 30. saile vnder the command of Sir Francis Drake the Bonaduenture the Lyon the Dread-naught and the Rainbow were out of her Nauy Royall chosen to this seruice The 16. of Aprill two Shippes of Midleborough which came from Cadiz with whom we met in 40. degrees gaue him to vnderstand that there was great
found it nothing so Some bad fresh-water pearles I found there which were nothing round Orient nor very great I brought of them with me to the Spaniards and they said they were no Pearles but Topasses Camalaha is a place where they sell Women at certaine times in the manner of a Faire And there you shall buy colours such as the Saluages paint themselues with In this Faire which is called Camalaha which is to the South of Orenoco I bought eight young Women the eldest whereof I thinke neuer saw eighteene yeeres for one red-hafted knife which in England cost mee one halfe-peny I gaue these Women away to certaine Saluages which were my friends at the request of Warituc the Kings Daughter of Murrequito Tar or Taroo is an Iland which is to the South South-west of Orenoco To which place I went because they said there was neuer any that inhabited in this Iland but that it was in the manner of a bayting place for the Caribes when they had stollen people which they meant to eate One Captaine Caramatoij was my guide to this place whither we went somewhat strong with intent if wee could finde any Caribes on this Iland to kill them but wee found none Many houses wee found there couered with straw which wee set on fire And there I found close by the water side going about the Iland which was but small many stones of diuers colours To the West of this Riuer and Iland which is called Tar or Taroo is a Riuer which is called Habuc There are about this Riuer in most places eight ten seuenteene and thirtie fathomes water This Riuer of Habuc commeth from the Sea The entrance of this Riuer at the mouth is barred but at a full Sea you shall haue fourteene and fifteene foot water but in the Channell in which the Canoas enter which is but narrow there is more then sixe fathoms but I doubt that ships cannot enter there This Riuer Habuc is the best and surest harbour that I could finde for our ships and freest from the danger of the enemie and is not full eight dayes iourney from Orenoco The Riuer Europa lyeth to the East of Orenoco as you come from Trinidad you may as I certainly know going some twentie leagues in the Riuer of great Amana discouer the great and high Mountaine which is called Oecopa being there you shall plainly see the Playnes or Downes of Samia through which Playnes you may safely march ouer the Land within ten or twelue leagues of Cumana or to the Caracas From Orenoco also it is very easie to goe to the Towne of Santo Domingo which beareth North North-west directly but you must passe of force the Riuer Amapaia leauing the Iland called Amazones South and beare your course as neere as you can North-west or North North-west By this course you shall passe and escape the force and danger of the Towne and land some sixe dayes iourney from Santo Domingo The Riuer Wiaumli is to the North of Orenoco To goe into this Riuer which is little worth you may goe in the Land till you come to another small Riuer which is called Maccah directing your course South you shall within two dayes if your Canoa bee good enter the Riuer of Wiaumli The Land taketh the name of the Riuer The Gouernours name is Woripur Worrok Halaha Carrabouca is in the firme Land of the great Iland called Murrequito it is the common trade to goe to the rich Guiana or Manoa Drano is a faire Riuer but it is dangerous to goe farre in it by reason it lyeth due South-east from Orenoco and the Southermost part of the Moores of Anebas is very low so that the tanie waters issue in great abundance into this Riuer of Drano The danger for entring this Riuer is nothing but the doubt is onely of the bad water and most terrible dewes which fall from the Moores which are vnhealthfull and kill the Indians daily for that continually when they trauell they lie in the open aire The Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria There is a small Riuer which lyeth farre East in Emeria and beareth North North-west Through this Riuer called Capurisol is a sure a perfect and most safe way to goe to Peru but the iourney will aske eight or ten weekes to finish it Through these Riuers of force wee must passe with Canoas or Ship-boats or such like for there is alway very little water The Riuer of Capurisol lyeth in eight degrees and two terces to the North of the Equinoctiall Line But the North starre keepeth his degree and altitude 11. degrees and two terces In this Riuer is still a fine small brise of winde which lightly bloweth at West but at noone you shall hardly finde any winde CHAP. XII Captaine CHARLES LEIGH his voyage to Guiana and plantation there THe one and twentieth of March 1604. Captaine Charles Leigh in the Oliue Plant a proper Barke of some fiftie Tunnes accompanied with six and fortie men and boyes departed from Wolwich with intention to discouer and inhabit some part of the Countrie of Guiana where he had beene in a former voyage they stayed in the Downes vntill the eight and twentieth of the said moneth and passing thence they touched in the I le of Mogador on the coast of Barbarie in the moneth of Aprill where we stayed about some fiue dayes and watered on the mayne land in despite of the rebell Moores which would haue had money for our watering Thence with prosperous winde coasting the Iles of Cape Verde we passed ouer to the West Indies and vpon the tenth of May comming in change of water which shewed thicke and white by the next day we were in fresh water and the next day following about fiue in the morning wee saw two Ilands in the mouth of the Riuer of Amazones making account that we were fortie leagues vp the Riuer and came to an anchor in three fathoms vnder them which wee found low land couered with high Trees Then the Captaine with some eight of the best men of the ship went toward the shoare and finding many Indians comming toward them they returned aboard and found the ship almost aground but sounding the Bay brought their ship into the Channell which they found very narrow Within awhile after foure Indians in a small Canoa shewed themselues vnto vs to whom we sent our Boat with some of our commodities as Hatchets Kniues Glasses Beades they had nothing but Maiz and small blue-headed Parrots for which we gaue them some of our triffles Not long after another Canoa comming out our Boat clapt betweene them and the shoare to take some of them to learne the state of the Riuer by them but they freed themselues all saue one youth which was brought aboard which next day after escaped leaping into the Sea twelue leagues as we iudged from land Thus we tooke our leaue of the Riuer of Amazones
and hauing vncertaine shoaldings all the way in our way about ten a clocke in the night wee strooke vpon a sand before we could let fall our anchor where wee beat off a piece of our false keele before wee could get off Being gotten off wee came to an anchor in foure fathom and a halfe water and rode there vntill the next morning where wee descryed the land sixe leagues from vs with the entrance of a Riuer The two and twentieth of May wee arriued in the Riuer of Wiapogo in the latitude of three degrees and a halfe to the North of the Line where wee found the people readie to giue vs the best entertainment they could bringing vs Hony Pines Plantons Potatoes Cassaui whereof they make their bread and wine Fish of many sorts Hennes Conies Hogs and such like This day he tooke an oath of all his people to be true to him as long as he abode in the Countrie Then after diuers conferences with the chiefe Indians and namely with two of their Countrie which had beene before in England and could speake some English he found them very willing to haue him and his people abide in their Countrie who pretending want of many necessaries whereof indeed he stood in need and especially of victuals hee went vp the Riuer in his Boat with some fourteene men to take perfect view of a fit place to inhabit in and to sound the depth of the Riuer as they went At his returne he caused his ship to be brought vp hard vnto the falls of the Riuer but after they had stayed there one day finding sundrie inconueniences they came backe againe to their first road with a determination to plant and seate themselues vpon the first Mount or high ground at the entrance of the North side of the Riuer But the Iayos and Sapayos seeing him and his company come downe the Riuer againe entreated him earnestly to stay among them offering him their owne dwelling Houses and Gardens alreadie planted to their hands whereof he accepted to wit of two Houses and of as many Gardens as they thought conuenient to serue his turne with condition that he should ayde and defend them against their enemies the Caribes and others Hereupon they made a great Feast desiring our Captaine to bee at it and they demand of their generalitie of the staying of our men in the Countrey or no. Whereunto they gaue their free consent and desired him withall to send into England for men to teach them to pray This done the next day he brought all his furniture on shoare and bestowed it in the aforesaid houses And for the better assurance of the performance of the Saluages promise he demanded pledges of them to be sent into England whereunto they willingly condescended which where in number fiue whereof two were of good account Hee retayned thirtie fiue Englishmen and Boyes with him sending the rest home in Iune with the fiue Saluages which were plentifully furnished with their Country victuals with Letters to the right Worshipfull Sir Olaue Leigh his brother of his successe and desire to supply his wants which he most kindly twice supplied to his great charge within short time after The Caribes in eight warlike Canowes came to surprize them as farre as the Mount Comaribo whereof the Indians being aduertised by our fishers desired Captaine Leigh to aide them which he did with some foure and twentie of his men in eight Canowes But the battell being begun after they had heard the sound of our Trumpet and Musket they fled to Sea-ward our Canowes chasing them but the enemy being swifter escaped with casting of one of their Canowes which are able to carry twentie men and victuals for ten dayes which Canowe they brought home Within a sennight after our Captaines returne hee made a Voyage in an Indian Canowe hauing Indians to rowe him accompanied only with Thomas Richardson his Refiner of Metals and Iohn Burt his Chirurgion 90. miles by water vp the Riuer of Aracawa to a Nation called the Maurauuas where he traded for Tabacco and Cotton yarne and Cotton-wooll There he left his Chirurgian being sicke and with his Refiner and three Indians whereof one William was his Interpretour went vp to a Nation called Marraias the space of thirtie miles where they passed thorough a goodly Plaine foure miles broad of much stonie ground wherein they saw Deere At length meeting with the people they were kindly entertayned and fed with such as they had as dried Tygres flesh dried Hogges flesh and small fish Then after some discourse they enquired for Gold shewing a Ring An old man spake vnto him and pointed vp into the Countrey and the Captaine asking the Interpreter what he said he told him that he said there was no such that way The Captaine perceiuing the falshood of his Interpretor would goe no further and so returned home where he found vs for the most part sicke and the Indians not so kind vnto vs as they had promised which he much maruelled and grieued at Within three dayes after his returne his shipwright Richard Haward died before hee could make an end of his shallop And in September our Captaine himselfe began to droope partly of griefe to see the weake estate of his people and the ill performance of the Indians promises yet neuerthelesse he ceased not to take order for the Indians bringing in of victuals and such Merchandize as could be gotten as Waxe fine white long Feathers Flaxe Tabacco Parrots Monkeyes greene and blacke Cotton-yarne and Cotton-wooll sweet Gummes red Pepper Vrapo and Apriepo woods Spleene stones matiate stones Roots and Berries which we thought to be medicinable Anato a Berrie or Cod such as the Indians paint themselues red withall mingled with Oyle Vrapo which is the heauie wood whereof they make their Swords and Bowes Apriepo a wood that the Frenchmen and Hollanders fetch away a wood which they call Ayard which they kill fish withall The fishers beate this wood with another piece of wood till it shiuer into flakes which smelleth exceeding strong like Garlicke wherewith in sundry places of the creekes going in according to the depth of the water they beate it vp and downe often in the Riuer which the fish tasting are intoxicated and so distempered with all that they flote and tumble vpon the vpper part of the water and then with Bats and Poles they knocke them on the heads Their bread they make of Cassauia a white Roble commonly a span long and almost so thicke which the women grate in an earthen panne against certaine grates of stone and grate three or foure busshels in a day The iuyce thereof they crush out most carefully beeing ranke poyson raw in a hose of withe which they hang vp vpon an hooke and afterward with a weightie logge which they hang at the other end they squeeze out the water into an earthen pan or piece of a Gourd and then
too great for so few shâ—ps of no greater burden was in all fourscore and seuenteene whereof threescore were Land-men Being thus imbarked wee set saile from the Rainge at Dartmouth the said three and twentieth of March but the winde altering vpon a sudden put vs backe againe that euening and about two of the clocke the next morning it comming better for vs we weighed anchor and put to Sea the euening following we lost sight of the Lizzard and steered away for the Canaries The seuenth day of Aprill we fell with Alegranza and Lancerote two Ilands of the Canaries we stood in with Alegranza and came to anchor on the South-west side thereof that euening and the next day I landed my companie to exercise their limmes on shoare in this Iland wee found no Inhabitants nor fresh water neither fruitfull Tree Plant Herbe Grasse nor any thing growing that was good onely an abundance of vnwholsome Sea-fowle which after one meale were vnsauourie and distastefull and a few wilde Capritos or wilde Goats which the craggy Rocks defended from our hands and hungrie mouthes The eighth of Aprill we departed from Alegranza and directed our course for Tenerife another of the Ilands The eleuenth day I sent the Pinnasse and the Shallop to water at the Calmes and there to attend my comming but with my ship I held my course for Orotauo a Towne on the other side of the Iland in hope to get some wine amongst the Merchants there but not being able by reason of a contrarie winde to double Punta de Nega wee altered our course from Wine to Water And the twelfth day wee passed by Santa Cruz and watered that euening at the Calmes This watering place is very conuenient for all such as passe by those Ilands and is thus to bee found there is a woodden Crosse neere vnto it the high Pike of Tenerife beareth due North from it There is also a ledge of Rocks to the Eastward of the landing place which is a short Sandie Bay When you are landed you shall finde the place about fortie or fiftie yards from the Sea side Then we stood on our course for the Riuer of Wiapoco in Guiana hauing a prosperous winde faire weather and a smooth Sea The ninth day of May wee fell into the Current of the great and famous Riuer of Amazones which putteth out into the Sea such a violent and mightie streame of fresh water that being thirtie leagues from land we drunke thereof and found it as fresh and good as in a Spring or Poole This Riuer for the great and wonderfull breadth contayning at the mouth neere sixtie leagues is rightly termed by Iosephus Acosta the Empresse and Queene of all Flouds and by Hiâ—ronymus Giraua Tarraconensis it is said to bee the greatest not onely of all India but also of the whole world and for the greatnesse is called of many the Sweet Sea It riseth and floweth from the Mountaines of Peru and draweth out her streames in many windings and turnings vnder the Equinoctiall for the space of one thousand and fiue hundred leagues and more although from her Fountaines and Springs vnto the Sea it is but sixe hundred When we entred into the aforesaid Current we sounded and had fortie foure fathome water sandie sounding The tenth day the colour of the water changed and became muddie whitish and thicke then we sounded againe at noone and had thirtie fathome and seuenteene at foure in the afternoone The eleuenth day at eight of the clocke in the morning wee made land the vttermost Point thereof bearing West from vs and came to anchor in fiue fathom water At night the Patience putting in to neere the shoare came to anchor in two fathome and a halfe water vpon the floud which fell from her vpon the ebbe and left her drie vpon the Oaze and the next floud comming in did so shake and beate her against the ground that before shee could get off her rudder was beaten away and her ribs so rent and crased that if Almightie God had not preserued her shee had beene wrackt but God be thanked with much adoe shee came off into deeper water and mended her Rudder as well as the time and place would afford means Then we followed on our course coasting along to the North North-west the Land so trending It is very shoale all along this Coast the ground soft oaze but no danger to be feared keeping our ship in fiue fathom water When we came to the latitude of two degrees and a halfe wee anchored in a goodly Bay by certaine Ilands called Carripapoory I did at that time forbeare to make particular discouerie of this Coast intending if God spare me life to make a perfect discouerie of the famous Riuer of Amazones and of her seuerall branches and Countries bordering vpon it and of all this tract of land from the Amazones vnto the Riuer of Wiapoco which contayneth many goodly Prouinces and Signiories which are in this discourse but briefly mentioned For at this time I purposed onely to prosecute my first proiect which hastened me vnto another place From hence I stood along the Coast and the seuenteenth of May I came to anchor in the Bay of Wiopoco where the Indians came off vnto vs in two or three Canoes as well to learne of what Nation we were as also to trade with vs who vnderstanding that we were English men boldly came aboard vs one of them could speake our language well and was knowne to some of my companie to be an Indian that sometime had beene in England and serued Sir Iohn Gilbert many yeeres they brought with them such dainties as their Countrie yeeldeth as Hens Fish Pinas Platanaes Potatoes bread of Cassaui and such like cates which were heartily welcome to my hungrie companie In recompence whereof I gaue them Kniues Beades Iewes trumps and such toyes which well contented them But when I had awhile entertayned them and made known vnto them the rerurne of the Indian Martin their Countriman whom I brought with mee out of England they seemed exceeding ioyfull supposing that he had beene dead being aboue foure yeeres since he departed from them The Indian before mentioned to haue serued Sir Iohn Gilbert whose name was Iohn whilest he liued for he is now dead and dyed a Christian was a great helpe vnto vs because hee spake our language much better then either of those that I brought with mee and was euer firme and faithfull to vs vntill his death By him I vnderstood that their Towne was situate vpon the East side of the Hill in the mouth of Wiapoco and was called Caripo that the Indian Martin was Lord thereof and that in his absence his brother was chiefe Moreouer hee certified mee that the principall Indian of that Riuer was called Carasana who by good fortune was then at Caripo and so hauing spent some time in other conference and friendly entertainment they tooke their
of London THe Riuer of the Amazons lieth in the highest part of the West Indies beyond the Equinoctial Line to fall with this Riuer fortie leagues from Land you shal haue 8. 6. 7. fathomes water you shal see the Sea change to a ruddie colour the water shall grow fresh by these signes you may run boldly in your course and comming neere the Riuers mouth the depth of your water shal increase then you shal make Discouerie of the Trees before the Land by reason the Land is very low and not higher in one place then another three foote being at a Spring tide almost all ouerflowne God knowes how many hundred leagues It flowes much water there with a verie forcible tide In this Riuer I continued tenne weekes seeing the fashion of the people and Countrie there This Countrie is altogether full of Woods with all sorts of wilde Beasts as Lions Beares Woolues Leopards Baboones strange Boores Apes Monkeies Martins Sanguines Marmosets with diuers other strange beasts also these Woods are full of Wild-fowle of all sorts and Parrats more plentifull then Pidgeons in England and as good meate for I haue often eaten of them Also this Countrey is very full of Riuers hauing a King ouer euerie Riuer In this place is continuall Tempests as Lightning Thunder and Raine and so extreame that it continues most commonly sixteene or eighteene houres in foure and twentie There are many standing waters in this Countrie which bee full of Aligators Guianes with many other seuerall water Serpents and great store of fresh fish of strange fashions This Countrie is full of Muskitas which is a small Flie which much offends a Stranger comming newly into the Countrie The manner fashion and nature of the people is this They are altogether naked both men and women hauing not so much as one threed about them to couer any part of their nakednesse the man taketh a round Cane as bigge as a pennie Candle and two inches in length through the which hee puls the fore-skinne of his yard tying the skinne with a piece of the rinde of a Tree about the bignesse of a small pack-threed then making of it fast about his middle hee continueth thus till hee haue occasion to vse him In each Eare hee weareth a Reede or Cane which hee bores through it about the bignesse of a Swannes Quill and in length halfe an inch and the like through the midst of the lower lippe also at the bridge of the Nose hee hangs in a Reede a small glâ—sse Beade or Button which hanging directly afore his Mouth flies too and fro still as hee speakes wherein hee takes great pride and pleasure Hee weares his Haire long being rounded below to the neather part of his Eare and cut short or rather as I iudged pluckt bald on the câ—owne like a â—rier But their women vse no fashion at all to set forth themselues but starke naked as they were borne with haire long of their Heads also their Breasts hang verie low by reason they are neuer laced or braced vp they doe vse to anoint their Bodies both Men and Women with a kind of redde Earth because the Muskitas or Flies shall not offend them These people are verie ingenious craftie and treacherous verie light of foot and good Bowemen whose like I haue neuer seene for they doe ordinarily kill their owne food as Beasts Fowle and Fish the manner of their Bow and Arrowes is this The Bow is about two yards in length the Arrow seuen foote His Bow is made of Brasill-wood verie curious his string of the rinde of a Tree lying close to the Boâ— without any bent his Arrow made of Reede and the head of it is a fish bone 〈◊〉 a Beast in this manner standing behinde a Tree hee takes his marke at the Beast and wo 〈…〉 〈◊〉 he followes him like a Bloud-hound till he fall oftentimes seconding his shoot then for any Fowle be he neuer so little he neuer misses him as for the first hee walkes by the water side and when hee hath spied a fish in the water hee presently strikes him with his Arrow and suddenly throwing downe his Bow hee leapes into the water swimming to his Arrow which hee drawes aland with the fish fastened to it then hauing each kild his owne food as well flesh and fowle as fish they meete together to the number of fiftie or sixtie in a company then make a fire after this fashion They take two stickes of Wood rubbing one hard against another till such time as they bee fired then making of a great fire euery man is his owne Cooke to broile that which he hath gotten and thus they feed without Bread or Salt or any kind of drinke but Water and Tobacco neither doe they know what it meanes In these Countries we could find neither Gold nor Siluer Oare but great store of Hennes For I haue bought a couple for a Iewes Harpe when they would refuse tenne shillings in money This Countrie is full of delicious fruite as Pines Plantines Guaues and Potato Rootes of which Fruits and Roots I would haue bought a mans burthen for a glasse Button or Bead. The manner of their Lodging is this they haue a kinde of Net made of the rinde of a Tree which they call Haemac being three fathome in length and two in breadth and gathered at both ends at length then fastning either end to a Tree to the full length about a yard and halfe from the ground when hee hath desire to sleepe hee creepes vnto it The King of euerie Riuer is knowne by this manner He weares vpon his head a Crowne of Parrats feathers of seuerall colours hauing either about his middle or about his Necke a Chaine of Lions teeth or clawes or of some other strange beast hauing a woodden Sword in his hand and hereby is he knowne to be the King Oftentimes one King warres against another in their Canowes which are Boats cut out of a whole Tree sometimes taking one another the Conquerours eates the Captiues By this time ten weekes were spent and being homewards bound but not the same way that we came for we sailed vnto the Riuer before the winde because it blowes there continually one way which forces all shippes that come thither to returne by a contrarie way The end of the sixth Booke VOYAGES TO AND ABOVT THE SOVTHERNE AMERICA WITH MANY MARINE OBSERVATIONS AND DISCOVRSES OF THOSE SEAS AND LANDS BY ENGLISHMEN AND OTHERS THE SEAVENTH BOOKE REader I here present thee the exactest Treatise of Brasil which I haue seene written by any man especially in the Historie of the multiplied and diuersified Nations and customes of men as also in the naturall Historie of Beasts Serpents Fowles Fishes Trees Plants with diuers other remarkeable rarities of those Regions It was written it seemeth by a Portugall Frier or Iesuite which had liued thirtie yeares in those parts from whom much against his will the written Booke was taken by one
when the Christians began to fall to their meate their friends and consorts and other Tiembus gathered together amongst them with those also who hide themselues in the field and houses fall vpon these fiftie men and so consecate the Banquet with them that no man escaped aliue except one Boy only called Caldero who got out of their hands Afterwards they set vpon vs with 10000. strong and besieged the Village which we held continually for fourteene daies intending wholly this that being brought vnder they might vtterly destroy vs but God in mercie defeated their purposes and ouerthrew their enterprizes They had made themselues long Speares or Iauelings of the Swords which they had gotten from the slaine Christians wherewith they fought against 〈◊〉 〈…〉 th with the edge and point 〈…〉 ting our Village day and night Our Captaine Anthony Mendoza armed with a two hand Sword went out of the Port neere which some Indians lay in ambush so that they could not bee seene Being gone therefore out of the Port the Indians thrust him through with their Iauelings so that hee presently fell downe dead vpon the ground But because the Indians wanted victuals they could sustaine themselues no longer heere but were compelled to leaue the siege and bee gone After this two Brigantines laden with prouision of victuall and other necessaries arriued at our Port which our Generall sent vnto vs from the Towne of Buenas Aeres to maintaine our selues therewith till his comming As therefore wee were cheered at the comming of them so they who arriued with the Brigantines incredibly sorrowed and lamented for the slaughter of the Christians Wee therefore determined by a common Councell which thing also seemed to bee best for vs to stay no longer in this Village of Corpus Christi abiding with these Tiembus but that being carried downe the Riuer gathering all our forces together we returne to Buenas Acres to our Generall Martin Dominicke Eyollas Who beeing frighted at our comming was vehemently grieued for the slaughter of the people doubtfull how to consult what he should first doe seeing also victuall and other necessarie things failed vs. 29. While therefore we continued fiue dayes at Buenas Aeres a Carauell came to vs out of Spaine and brought vs newes that a ship was arriued at Saint Katharine whose Captaine Allunzo Gabrero brought with him 200. Souldiers out of Spaine which when our Captaine certainly knew he commanded one of the lesser ships which they call a Galley to bee made readie that he might send her as soone as possibly he could to Saint Katharines into Brasill which was 300. leagues distant from Buenas Aeres making Gonzallo Mendoza Captaine thereof to gouerne the ship giuing him charge also that if arriuing at Saint Katharines he found the ship there they should lade one of the ships with Rice Mandeoch and other victuals as seemed good vnto him Gonzallus Mendoza therefore receiuing this commandement requested the Generall Martin D. Eyollas to giue him seuen of the Souldiers whom hee might trust for this Voyage which hee promised Hee therefore chose mee and sixe Spaniards to himselfe with twentie other Souldiers Setting saile from Buenas Aeres in the space of a moneth we arriued at Saint Katharines and finding the ship there which came out of Spaine together with Captaine Allunzo Gabrero and all the Souldiers wee greatly reioyced Abiding with them two moneths wee laded our ship with Rice Mandeoch and Turkish Corne as full as it could hold so that no more could bee put in both the ships to carrie with vs. And the day before All Saints wee arriued at the Riuer Parana twentie leagues yet distant from Buenas Aeres Both the ships met together that night whose Pilots asked one another whether wee were now in the Riuer of Parana when our Pilot affirmed we were the other said the contrarie that we were yet almost twentie leagues of For when twentie or more ships saile together in the Euening at the going downe of the Sunne they meete together and one of the Masters asketh the other what way he had made that day and with what wind hee would saile by night lest they should bee diuided one from the other The Riuer of Parana Vuassu at the Bay or mouth thereof is thirtie leagues broad which breadth continueth for fiftie whole leagues together vnto the Port of Saint Gabriell where the Riuer Parana is eighteene leagues broad After this our Pilot asketh the Master of the other ship whether hee would saile after to him the other made answere that night was now at hand and therefore he would continue still at Sea till the rising of the Sunne and that he would not make to the Land in the vnseasonable night And this Pilot in guiding his ship was more circumspect then ours was as the euent afterward declared Therefore our Master held on his intended course leauing the other 30. Sayling by night a mighty storme troubled the Sea so that about twelue or one of the clocke before Sunne rising before we had cast our Anchors in the Sea we descried Land and our ship was much bruised when wee were yet a league or more from the Land Wee could finde no other remedie for this mischiefe then making our Prayers vnto God to intreate him to be mercifull vnto vs. The same houre our ship being split was broken in more then a thousand pieces and fifteene of our men and sixe of the Indians perished being drowned in the waters Some taking hold of great pieces of Timber swamme out I with fiue of my companions escaped by the helpe of a Mast. But of fifteene persons we found not so much as one carkasse Afterward we were to trauell fiftie leagues on foot when we had lost all our clothes with all the victuals in the ship so that we were constrained to sustaine our selues only with Rootes and other Fruites which we could find heere and there in the fields while wee came to the Port of Saint Gabriell where we found the foresaid ship with her Captaine who arriued there thirtie dayes before vs. But our Generall Martin D. Eyollas had heard before by intelligence of this our mishap and thinking that we were all dead commanded some Masses to be read for our soules health When we were brought to Buenas Acres our Generall commandeth the Captaine of our ship and the Master thereof to be cited an◠stand to their triall who without doubt had hanged the Pilot if so great and earnest intreaties had not beene vsed yet hee was condemned for foure yeeres to the Gally Gathering together all our companies to Buenas Aeres our Generall commandeth the Brigantines to be made ready and all the Souldiers to bee shipped therein and commandeth the rest of the shippes to be burned yet preseruing the Iron Vessels and Instruments Wee therefore once more saile vp the Riuer of Parana againe and arriuing at our foresaid Citie of the Assumption of Marie
Indies vnder my Fathers charge and the principall cause of taking the great Carack brought to Dartmouth by Sir Iohn Borrow and the Earle of Cumberlands ships Anno 1592. with others of moment in her other Voyages To vs shee neuer brought but cost trouble and care Hauing made an estimate of the charge of Victuals Munition Imprests Sea-store and necessaries for the said ship consorting another of an hundred tunnes which I waited for daily from the Straites of Giberalter with a Pinnace of sixtie tunnes all mine owne And for a competent number of men for them as also of all sorts of merchandises for trade and traffâ—cke in all places where we should come I began to wage men to buy all manner of victuals prouisions and to lade her with them and with all sorts of commodities which I could call to minde fitting and dispatched order to my seruant in Pilmouth to put in a readinesse my Pinnace as also to take vp certaine prouisions which are better cheape in those parts then in London as Beefe Porke Bisket and Sider The eight of Aprill 1593. I caused the Pilot to set sayle from Black-wall and to vaile downe to Graues-end whither that night I purposed to come And for that shee was very deepe loden and her Ports open the water beganne to enter in at them which no bodie hauing regard vnto thinking themselues safe in the Riuer it augmented in such manner as the weight of the water began to presse downe the side more then the winde At length when it was seene and the sheete flowne she could hardly be brought vpright But God was pleased that with the diligence and trauell of the Companie shee was freed of that danger whiâ—h may be a gentle warning to all such as take charge of shipping euen before they set sayle either in Riuer or Harbour or other part to haue an eye to their Ports and to see those shut and calked which may cause danger for auoiding the many mishaps which daily chance for the neglect thereof and haue beene most lamentable spectacles and examples vnto vs Experiments in the Great Harrie Admirall of England which was ouer-set and sunke at Portsmouth with her Captaine Carew and the most part of his companie drowned in a goodly Summers day with a little flaw of winde for that her Ports were all open and making a small hele by them entred their destruction where if they had beene shut no winde could â—aue hurt her especially in that place In the Riuer of Thames Master Thomas Candish had a small ship ouer-set through the same negligence And one of the Fleet of Sir Francis Drake in Santo Domingo Harbour turned her keele vpward likewise vpon the same occasion with many others which we neuer haue knowledge of Comming neere the South fore-land the winde began to vere to the South-east and by South so as we could not double the point of the Land and being close aboord the shoare and putting our ship to stay what with the chapping Sea and what with the Tide vpon the Bowe she mist staying and put vs in some danger before we could flat about therefore for doubling the Point of any Land better is euer a short boord then to put all in perill Being cleere of the race of Portland the winde began to suffle with fogge and misling raine and forced vs to a short sayle which continued with vs three dayes the winde neuer vering one point nor the fogge suffering vs to see the Coast. The third day in the fogge we met with a Barke of Dartmouth which came from Rochell and demanding of them if they had made any land answered that they had onely seene the Ediestone that morning which lieth thwart of the Sound of Plimouth and that Dartmouth as they thought bare off vs North North-east which seemed strange vnto vs for we made account that wee were thwart of Exmouth within two houres after the weather beganne to cleere vp and wee found our selues thwart of the Berry and might see the small Barque bearing into Torbay hauing ouer-shot her Port which errour often happeneth to those that make the land in foggie weather and vse not good diligence by sound by lying off the land and other circumstances to search the truth and is cause of the losse of many a ship and the sweete liues of multitudes of men That euening wee anchored in the range of Dartmouth till the floud was spent and the ebbe come wee set sayle againe And the next morning early being the sixe and twentieth of Aprill we harboured our selues in Plimouth And in this occasion I found by experience that one of the principall parts required in a Mariner that frequenteth our coastes of England is to cast his Tides and to knowe how they set from point to point with the difference of those in the Channell from those of the shoare After the hurts by a cruell storme in which the Pinnace was sunke and the Daiaties Mast cut ouer-boord repaired I beganne to gather my companie aboord which occupied my good friends and the Iustices of the Towne two dayes and forced vs to search all lodgings Tauerns and Ale-houses For some would euer bee taking their leaue and neuer depart some drinke themselues so drunke that except they were carried aboord they of themselues were not able to goe one steppe others knowing the necessitie of the time faigned themselues sicke others to bee indebted to their Hosts and forced mee to ransome them one his Chest another his Sword another his Shirts another his Carde and Instruments for Sea And others to benefit themselues of the Imprest giuen them absented themselues making a lewd liuing in deceiuing all whose money they could lay hold of which is a scandall too rife amongst our Sea-men by it they committing three great offences First Robberie of the goods of another person Secondly Breach of their faith and promise Thirdly Hinderance with losse of time vnto the Voyage all being a common iniurie to the owners victuallers and companie which many times hath beene an vtter ouerthrow and vndoing to all in generall An abuse in our Common-wealth necessarily to be reformed Master Thomas Candish in his last Voyage in the Sound of Plimouth being readie to set sayle complained vnto mee that persons which had absented themselues in Imprests had cost him aboue a thousand and fiue hundred pounds These Varlets within a few dayes after his departure I saw walking the streetes of Plimouth whom the Iustice had before sought for with great diligence and without punishment And therefore it is no wonder that others presume to doe the like Impunitas peccandi illecebra The like complaint made Master George Reymond and in what sort they dealt with mee is notorious and was such that if I had not beene prouident to haue had a third part more of men then I had need of I had beene forced to goe to the Sea vnmanned or to giue ouer my
which ouer-top it and as it seemeth were planted by the Diuine prouidence to preserue it from Sunne and winde Out of this Valley ordinarily rise euery day great vapours and exhalations which by reason that the Sunne is hindered to worke his operation with the height of the Mountaine towards the South-east conuert themselues into moisture and so bedew all the trees of the Valley and from those which ouer-top this Tree drops downe the dew vpon his leaues and so from his leaues into a round Well of stone which the Naturals of the Land haue made to receiue the water of which the people and cattell haue great reliefe but sometimes it raineth and then the Inhabitants doe reserue water for many dayes to come in their Cisternes and Tynaxes which is that they drinke of and wherewith they principally sustaine themselues The Citie of the Grand Canaria and chiefe Port is on the West side of the Iland the head Towne and Port of Tenerifa is towards the South part and the Port and Towne of the Palma and Gomera on the East side In Gomera some three leagues Southward from the Towne is a great Riuer of water but all these Ilands are perilous to land in for the siege caused by the Ocean Sea which alwaies is forcible and requireth great circumspection whosoeuer hath not vrgent cause is either to goe to the Eastwards or to the Westwards of all these Ilands as well to auoide the calmes which hinder some times eight or ten dayes sayling as the contagion which their distemperature is wont to cause and with it to breede Calenturas which wee call burning Feuers These Ilands are said to be first discouered by a Frenchman called Iohn de Betancourt about the yeere 1405. They are now a Kingdome subiect to Spaine Being cleare of the Ilands and seeing my selfe past hope of returning backe without some extraordinarie accident I began to set order in my Companie and victuals And for that to the Southwards of the Canaries is for the most part an idle Nauigation I deuised to keepe my people occupied as well to continue them in health for that too much ease in hot Countries is neither profitable nor healthful as also to diuert them from remembrance of their home from play which breedeth many inconueniences and other bad thoughts and workes which idlenesse is cause of and so shifting my companie as the custome is into Starboord and Larboord men the halfe to watch and worke whilest the others slept and take rest I limited the three dayes of the weeke which appertained to each to be employed in this manner the one for the vse and cleansing of their Armes the other for roomaging making of Sayles Nettings Decking and defenses of our Ships and the third for cleansing their bodies mending and making their apparell and necessaries which though it came to be practised but once in seuen dayes for that the Sabboth is euer to be reserued for God alone with the ordinarie obligation which each person had besides was many times of force to be omitted and thus wee directed our course betwixt the Ilands of Cape de Verde and the Maine These Ilands are held to bee scituate in one of the most vnhealthiest Climates of the world and therefore it is wisedome to shunne the sight of them how much more to make abode in them In two times that I haue beene in them either cost vs the one halfe of our people with Feuers and Fluxes of sundrie kindes some shaking some burning some partaking of both some possest with frensie others with slouth and in one of them it cost mee sixe moneths sicknesse with no small hazard of life which I attribute to the distemperature of the aire for being within fourteene degrees of the Equinoctiall Line the Sunne hath great force all the yeere and the more for that often they passe two three and foure yeeres without raine and many times the earth burneth in that manner as a man well shod cannot indure to goe where the Sunne shineth With which extreme heate the bodie fatigated greedily desireth refreshing and longeth for the comming of the Breze which is the North-east winde that seldome fayleth in the afternoone at foure of the clocke or sooner which comming cold and fresh and finding the pores of the bodie open and for the most part naked penetrateth the very bones and so causeth sudden distemperature and sundrie manners of sicknesse as the Subiects are diuers whereupon they worke Departing out of the Calmes of the Ilands and comming into the fresh Breze it causeth the like and I haue seene within two dayes after that wee haue partaked of the fresh aire of two thousand men aboue an hundred and fiftie haue beene crazed in their health The Inhabitants of these Ilands vse a remedie for this which at my first being amongst them seemed vnto mee ridiculous but since time and experience hath taught to bee grounded vpon reason And is that vpon their heads they weare a Night-cap vpon it a Moutero and a Hat ouer that and on their bodies a sute of thicke Cloth and vpon it a Gowne furr'd or lined with Cotton or Bayes to defend them from the heate in that manner as the Inhabitants of cold Countries to guard themselues from the extremitie of the cold Which doubtlesse is the best diligence that any man can vse and whosoeuer proueth it shall finde himselfe lesse annoyed with the heate then if he were thinly cloathed for that where the cold aire commeth it pierceth not so subtilly The Moone also in this climate as in the coast of Guynne and in all hot Countries hath forcible operation in the body of man and therefore as the Plannet most preiudiciall to his health is to he shunned as also not to sleepe in the open Ayre or with any Scuttle or Window open whereby the one or the other may enter to hurt For a person of credit told me that one night in a Riuer of Guynne leauing his window open in the side of his Cabin the Moone shining vpon his shoulder left him with such an extraordinary paine and furious burning in it as in aboue twenty houres he was like to run mad but in fine with force of Medicines and cures after long torment he was eased Of these Ilands are two pyles the one of them lyeth out of the way of Trade more Westerly and so little frequented the other lyeth some fourescore leagues from the Maine and containeth sixe in number to wit Saint Iago Fuego Mayo Bonavisto Sal and Brano They are belonging to the Kingdome of Portugall and inhabited by people of that Nation and are of great trade by reason of the neighbourhood they haue with Guynne and Bynne but the principall is the buying and selling of Negros They haue store of Sugar Salt Rice Cotten-wooll and Cotton-cloth Ambergreece Cyuit Olyphants teeth Brimstone Pummy stone Spunge and some Gold but little and that from the mayne Saint Iago is the head
West Indies for they are of a russet or gray colour and great speakers §. II. Considerations of Currents the Scorbute fire in Ships Fishes which attend them Sea-hawking and hunting their comming to Brasil and obseruations thereof WIth a faire and large winde we continued our course till we came within fiue degrees of the Equinoctiall line where the winde tooke vs contrary by the South-west about the twentieth of Iuly but a faire gale of winde and a smooth Sea so that wee might beare all a tawt and to aduantage our selues what we might we stood to the Eastwards being able to lye South-east and by South The next day about nine of the clock my company being gathered together to serue God which we accustomed to doe euery morning and euening it seemed vnto me that the colour of the Sea was different to that of the daies past and which is ordinarily where is deepe water and so called the Captaine and Master of my Ship I told them that to my seeming the water was become very whitish and that it made shew of Sholde water Whereunto they made answere that all the lines in our Ships could not fetch ground for we could not be lesse then threescore and ten leagues off the Coast which all that kept reckoning in the Ship agreed vpon and my selfe was of the same opinion And so we applied our selues to serue God but all the time that the seruice endured my heart could not be at rest and still me thought the water began to waxe whiter and whiter Our prayers ended I commanded a leade and a line to be brought and hauing the lead in foureteene fathoms wee had ground which put vs all into a maze and sending men into the top presently discouered the land of Guynne some fiue leagues from vs very low Land I commanded a Peece to be shot and lay by the lee till my other Ships came vp Which hailing vs we demanded of them how farre they found themselues off the land who answered some threescore and ten or fourescore leagues when we told them we had sounded and found but foureteene fathoms and that we were in sight of Land they began to wonder But hauing consulted what was best to be done I caused my Shallop to be manned which I towed at the Sterne of my Shippe continually and sent her and my Pinnace a head to sound and followed them with an easie sayle till we came in seuen and six fathome water and some two leagues from the shore anchored in hope by the Sea or by the Land to finde some refreshing The Sea wee found to be barren of fish and my Boates could not discouer any landing place though a whole day they had rowed alongst the coast with great desire to set foote on shore for that the sedge was exceeding great and dangerous Which experienced we set saile notwithstanding the contrariety of the winde sometimes standing to the West-wards sometimes to the East-wards according to the shifting of the winde Here is to be noted that the errour which we fell into in our accompts was such as all men fall into where are currants that set East or West and are not known for that there is no certain rule yet practised for triall of the longitude as there is of the latitude though some curious and experimented of our Nation with whom I haue had conference about this point haue shewed me two or three manner of wayes how to know it This some yeares before was the losse of the Edward Cotton bound for the coast of Brasil which taken with the winde contrarie neere the line standing to the East-wards and making accompt to be fiftie or sixtie leagues off the coast with all her sailes standing came suddenly a ground vpon the sholes of Madrebomba and so was cast away This currant from the line Equinoctiall to twentie degrees Northerly hath great force and setteth next of any thing East directly vpon the shore which we found by this meanes Standing to the Westwards the winde Southerly when we lay with our Ships head West and by South we gained in our height more then if we had made our way good West South-west for that the currant tooke vs vnder the bow but lying west or West by North we lost more in twelue houres then the other way we could get in foure and twentie By which plainly we saw that the currant did set East next of any thing Whether this currant runneth euer one way or doth alter and how we could by no meanes vnderstand but tract of time and obseruation will discouer this as it hath done of many others in sundry Seas The currant that setteth betwixt New-fonnd-land and Spaine runneth also East and West and long time deceiued many and made some to count the way longer and others shorter according as the passage was speedie or slow not knowing that the furtherance or hinderance of the currant was cause of the speeding or slowing of the way And in Sea Cards I haue seene difference of aboue thirtie leagues betwixt the Iland Tercera and the Maine And others haue recounted vnto me that comming from the Indies and looking out for the Ilands of Azores they haue had sight of Spaine And some haue looked out for Spaine and haue discouered the Ilands The selfe same currant is in the Leuant Sea but runneth trade betwixt the Maines and changeable sometimes to the Eastwards sometimes to the West-wards In Brasil and the South Sea the currant likewise is changeable but it runneth euer alongst the Coast accompanying the winde and it is an infallible rule that twelue or twentie foure houres before the winde alters the currant begins to change In the West Indies onely the currant runneth continually one way and setteth alongst the coast from the Equinoctiall line towards the North. No man hath yet found that these currants keepe any certaine time or runne so many dayes or moneths one way as another as doth the course of ebbing and flowing well knowne in all Seas onely neere the shoare they haue small force partly because of the reflux which the coast causeth and partly for the ebbing and flowing which more or lesse is generall in most Seas When the currant runneth North or South it is easily discouered by augmenting or diminishing the height but how to know the setting of the currant from East to West in the maine Seas is difficult and as yet I haue not knowne any man or read any Author that hath prescribed any certaine meane or way to discouer it But experience teacheth that in the maine Sea for the most part it is variable and therefore best and safest rule to preuent the danger which the vncertaintie and ignorance hereof may cause is carefull and continuall watch by day and night and vpon the East and West course euer to be before the Ship and to vse the meanes possible to know the errour by the rules which
new Authors may teach beating off and on sometimes to the Westwards sometimes to the Eastwards with a fairegale of winde Being betwixt three and foure degrees of the Equinoctiall line my Company within a few daies began to fall sicke of a disease which Sea-men are wont to call the Scuruie and seemeth to be a kinde of dropsie and raigneth most in this climate of any that I haue heard or read of in the world though in all Seas it is wont to helpe and increase the miserie of man it possesseth all those of which it taketh hold with a loathsome sloathfulnesse that euen to eate they would be content to change with sleepe and rest which is the most pernicious enemie in this sicknesse that is knowne It bringeth with it a great desire to drinke and causeth a generall swelling of all parts of the body especially of the legges and gummes and many times the teeth fall out of the iawes without paine The signes to know this disease in the beginning are diuers by the swelling of the gummes by denting of the flesh of the legges with a mans finger the pit remaining without filling vp in a good space others show it with their lasinesse others complaine of the cricke of the backe c. all which are for the most part certaine tokens of infection The cause is thought to be the stomacks feeblenesse by change of aire in vntemperate climates of diet in salt meates boiled also in Salt water and corrupted sometimes the want of exercise also either in persons or elements as in calmes And were it not for the mouing of the Sea by the force of windes tydes and currants it would corrupt all the world The experience I saw in Anno 1590. lying with a Fleete of her Maiesties Ships about the Ilands of the Azores almost six moneths the greatest part of the time we were becalmed with which all the Sea became so replenished with seuerall sorts of gellyes and formes of Serpents Adders and Snakes as seemed wonderfull some greene some blacke some yellow some white some of diuers colours and many of them had life and some there were a yard and halfe and two yards long which had I not seene I could hardly haue beleeued And hereof are witnesses all the Companies of the Shippes which were then present so that hardly a man could draw a Bucket of water cleere of some corruption In which Voyage towards the end thereof many of euery Ship sauing of the Nonpereli which was vnder my charge and had onely one man sicke in all the Voyage fell sicke of this disease and began to die apace but that the speedie passage into our Countrie was remedy to the crazed and a preseruatiue for those that were not touched The best preuention for this disease in my iudgement is to keepe cleane the Shippe to besprinkle her ordinarily with Uinegar or to burne Tarre and some sweet sauours to feede vpon as few salt Meats in the hot Country as may be and especially to shun all kindes of salt Fish and to reserue them for the cold Climates and not to dresse any meate with salt water nor to suffer the companie to wash their Shirts nor Cloathes in it nor to sleepe in their Cloathes when they are wet For this cause it is necessarily required that prouision be made of apparell for the Company that they may haue wherewith to shift themselues Being a common calamitie amongst the ordinary sort of Mariners to spend their thrift on the shore and to bring to Sea no more Cloathes then they haue backes for the body of man is not refreshed with any thing more then with shifting cleane Cloathes a great preseruatine of health in hot Countries The second Antidote is to keepe the company occupied in some bodily exercise of worke of agilitie of pastimes of dancing of vse of Armes these helpe much to banish this infirmitie Thirdly In the morning at discharge of the watch to giue euery man a bit of bread and a draught of drinke either Beere or Wine mingled with water at the least the one halfe or a quantitie mingled with Beere that the poores of the bodie may be full when the vapours of the Sea ascend vp The morning draught should bee euer of the best and choisest of that in the ship Pure wine I hold to be more hurtfull then the other is profitable In this others will be of a contrary opinion but I thinke partiall If not then leaue I the remedies thereof to those Phisicions and Surgeons who haue experience And I wish that some learned man would write of it for it is the plague of the Sea and the spoyle of Mariners doubtlesse it would bee a Worke worthy of a worthy man and most beneficiall for our Countrie for in twentie yeeres since I haue vsed the Sea I dare take vpon me to giue account of ten thousand men consumed with this disease That which I haue seene most fruitfull for this sicknesse is sowre Oranges and Lemmons and a water which amongst others for my particular prouision I carried to the Sea called Doctor Steuens water of which for that his vertue was not then well knowne vnto me I carried but little and it took end quickly but gaue health to those that vsed it The Oyle of Vitry is beneficiall for this disease taking two drops of it and mingled in a draught of water with a little Sugar It taketh away the thirst and helpeth to clense and comfort the stomacke But the principall of all is the Ayre of the Land for the Sea is naturall for Fishes and the Land for men And the oftner a man can haue his people to Land not hindering his Voyage the better it is and the profitablest course that he can take to refresh them Hauing stood to the Westwards some hundred leagues and more the winde continuing with vs contrary and the sicknesse so feruent that euery day there died more or lesse my company in generall began to be dismayed and to desire to returne homewards which I hindered by good reasons and perswasions As that to the West Indies we had not aboue eight hundred leagues to the Ilands of Azores little lesse and before wee come to the Ilands of Cape de Verde that wee should meete with the Breze for euery night we might see the reach goe contrary to the winde which we sayled by verifying the old Prouerbe amongst Mariners That hee hath need of a long Mast that will sayle by the Reach and that the neerest Land and speediest refreshing wee could looke for was the Coast of Brasill c. As wee approached neerer and neerer the Coast of Brasill the winde beganne to vere to the Eastwardes and about the middle of October to bee large and good for vs and about the eighteenth of October wee were thwart of Cape Saint Augustine which lieth in sixe degrees to the Southwards of the Line and the one
powder with which if the ship be pitched it is said the worme that toucheth it dieth but I haue not heard that it hath been vsefull But the most approued of all is the manner of sheathing vsed now adayes in England with thinne boords halfe inch thicke the thinner the better and Elme better then Oake for it riueth not it indureth better vnder water and yeeldeth better to the ships side The inuention of the materials incorporated betwixt the planke and the sheathing is that indeed which anayleth for without it many plankes were not sufficient to hinder the entrance of this worme this manner is thus Before the sheathing boord is nayled on vpon the innner side of it they smere it ouer with Tarre halfe a finger thicke and vpon the Tarre another halfe thicke of haire such as the whitelymers vse and so nayle it on the nayles not aboue a spanne distance one from another the thicker they are driuen the better some hold opinion that the Tarre killeth the worme others that the worme passing the sheathing and seeking a way through the haire and the Tarre so innolue that bee is choaked therewith which mee thinkes is most probable this manner of sheathing was innented by my Father and experience hath taught it to be the best and of least cost Such was the diligence we vsed for our dispatch to shoot the Straits that at foure dayes end we had our water and wood stowed in our ship all our Copper-worke finished and our ship calked from Post to Stemme the first day in the morning the winde being faire we brought our selues into the channell and sayled towards the mouth of the Straites praising God and beginning our course with little winde wee described a fire vpon the shoare made by the Indians for a signe to call vs which seene I caused a Boat to bee man'd and wee rowed ashoare to see what their meaning was and approaching neere the shoare we saw a Canoa made fast vnder a Rocke with a Wyth most artificially made with the rindes of trees and sewed together with the finnes of Whales at both ends sharpe and turning vp with a greene bough in either end and ribbes for strengthening it After a little while we might discerne on the fall of the Mountaine which was full of trees and shrubs two or three Indians naked which came out of certaine Caues or Cotes They spake vnto vs and made diuers signes now pointing to the Harbour out of which we were come and then to the mouth of the Straites but we vnderstood nothing of their meaning Yet left they vs with many imaginations suspecting it might bee to aduise vs of our Pinnace or some other thing of moment but for that they were vnder couert and might worke vs some treacherie for all the people of the Straits and the Land neere them vse all the villanie they can towards white people taking them for Spaniards in reuenge of the deceit that Nation hath vsed towards them vpon sundry occasions as also for that by our stay wee could reape nothing but hinderance of our Nauigation wee hasted to our ship and sayled on our course From Blanches Bay to long Reach which is some foure leagues the course lieth West South-west entring into the long Reach which is the last of the Straits and longest For it is some thirtie two leagues and the course lieth next of any thing North-west Before the setting of the Sunne wee had the mouth of the Straites open and were in great hope the next day to be in the South Sea but about seuen of the clocke that night we saw a great cloude arise out of the North-east which began to cast forth great flashes of lightnings and suddenly sayling with a fresh gale of winde at North-east another more forcible tooke vs astayes which put vs in danger for all our sayles being a taut it had like to haue ouerset our ship before we could take in our sayles And therefore in all such semblances it is great wisedome to carrie a short sayle or to take in all sayles Here we found what the Indians fore-warned vs of for they haue great insight in the change of weather and besides haue secret dealing with the Prince of Darknesse who many times declareth vnto them things to come By this meanes and other witch-crafts which he teacheth them he possesseth them and causeth them to doe what pleaseth him Within halfe an houre it began to thunder and raine with so much winde as wee were forced to lie a hull and so darke that we saw nothing but when the lightning came This being one of the narrowest Reaches of all the Straites we were forced euery glasse to open a little of our fore-sayle to cast about our ships head any man may conceiue if the night seemed long vnto vs what desire we had to see the day In fine Phabus with his beautifull face lightned our Hemisphere and reioyced our hearts hauing driuen aboue twentie foure leagues in twelue houres lying a hull whereby is to be imagined the force of the winde and current Wee set our fore-sayle and returned to our former Harbour from whence within three or foure dayes we set sayle againe with a faire winde which continued with vs till we came within a league of the mouth of the Strait here the winde tooke vs againe contrarie and forced vs to returne againe to our former Port where being ready to anchor the winde scanted with vs in such manner as we were forced to make aboord In which time the winde and tide put vs so farre to lee-wards that we could by no meanes seize it So wee determined to goe to Elizabeth Bay but before we came at it the night ouertooke vs and this Reach being dangerous and narrow we durst neither hull nor trie or turne to and againe with a short sayle and therefore bare alongst in the middest of the channell till we were come into the broad Reach then lay a hull till the morning When we set sayle and ran alongst the coast seeking with our Boate some place to anchor in some foure leagues to the West wards of Cape Forward we found a goodly Bay which we named English Bay where anchored wee presently went ashoare and found a goodly Riuer of fresh water and an old Canoa broken to pieces and some two or three of the houses of the Indians with pieces of Seale stinking ripe These houses are made in fashion of an Ouen seuen or eight foot broad with boughs of trees and couered with other boughes as our Summer houses and doubtlesse doe serue them but for the Summer time when they come to fish and profite themselues of the Sea For they retire themselues in the Winter into the Countrie where it is more temperate and yeeldeth better sustenance for on the Mayne of tht Straites we neither saw beast nor fowle Sea-fowle excepted and a kinde of Black-bird and two Hogs towards the
these Rites they say they pray for the dead They neuer make an end till they haue spent all and then they returne to their labours They are very expert in the Arts which they learne although it be writing or reading which yet is not granted them to learne They pay yeerely to their Gouernours a certaine tribute of Siluer and other things after they are eighteene yeeres old till fiftie The Commendator receiueth these things conditionally to maintaine a Priest and a Corrigidor and to pay the tenths to the Church This and other places are there giuen for two liues the sonne or eldest daughter succeeding The Corrigidors amongst the Indians are prohibited merchandise A Visitor is appointed in euery Court to goe to the places of that Precinct to enquire of affaires and to decide controuersies The number of Mesticos is great which wander vp and downe poore and beggarly nor giue their minds to learne any handicrafts It were good they were forced to labour A Councell celebrated at Lima 1583. in the third Session Chap. 22. approued of the Pope and our King decreed that wheresoeuer one thousand Indians are found together a Teacher and Priest should be set ouer them The Indians Priests vse at the Kings charges to carrie with them many religious men and the Iesuites by the supreme Councell of India with aduise of the BB. are commanded to send many thither for the Bishops assistance The Rents and Tenths of Bishoprickes are deuided into foure parts one of which goeth to the Bishop a second to the Deane and Chapiter so as the Deanes proportion is 150. the dignities 130. the Canons 100. The third and fourth part are diuided into nine shares called Ninths of which two returne to the King and are bestowed on the buildings of Cathedrall Churches another ninth and halfe on the Fabrickes another ninth and halfe on the Hospitall buildings the fourth remayning are paid to the Vicars Singers Organists and other Church Officers What remayneth is spent on the Fabrickes All are laid out by the Bishops order In my iudgement it were very good if euery Bishoprick had Seminaries and Colledges wherein the children of their Caciques and chiefe men might be educated to be maintayned by the Caciques The Bishopricke of Cusco is 200. leagues long and 70. broad that of Lima is greater by the one halfe as is that also of Quito Whereupon the Bishops of the New World writ to the King that it were better to make them more Bishoprickes each of which shall yet retaine 20000. Pezos Euery seuenth yeere ordinarily is a Prouinciall Synod in Peru to which the Bishoppes come some by Sea some by Land 400. or 600. leagues the wayes not admitting Coaches Some haue sought for Vniuersities in some places to bee erected as those of Quito at least for Diuinitie and the liberall Arts and Indian Tongue the Professors to haue foure or 5000. Duckets a piece yeerely There is no question but of the Indians many learned men may adorne the Schooles and Pulpits The Kings Reuenue out of the West Indies is twelue Millions yeerely growing out of the fifth of Gold and Siluer great Meltings Customes of Ports Indian Tributes sale of Offices the Cruzada Tribute of Rents Quicksiluer Fines of Courts and the ninth part of Ecclesiasticall Rents Popes Buls and Collations of Benefices Ecclesiasticall and Secular are subiect to the King and ordered by his supreame Councell of the Indies CHAP. X. Relation of the new Discouerie in the South Sea made by PEDRO FERNANDEZ GIROS Portugez 1609. with his Petitions to the King one Englished another in Spanish THis man being a famous Pilot was sent with two ships from Peru to discouer the Ilands of Salomon After hee had taken his course in the height of the Straits of Magellanuâ— little more or lesse he did discouer a mayne Land and sayled eight hundred leagues vpon the Coast vntill he came to the height of fifteene degrees to the Southward of the Equinoctiall Line where hee found a very fruitfull and pleasant Countrey and well peopled abounding with Pearles Gold and Siluer great store of Limons Orenges and other Fruites excellent good and in great quantitie great store of Goats Hogges Geese Partridges Conies and Fowle Pepper and Spices The Countrey is very temperate and healthfull great store of fish of many different sorts full of wood and goodly high Trees for shipping very good pasture ground for Corne and Cattell The men of the Countrey are some tawnie and some white of good disposition more ciuill and politike then the Indians of Peru and Noua Hispania There is in the Coast a Bay of some twentie leagues into which there fals two great Riuers out of the Countrey which is the place where they purpose to settle their first Plantations There are many Ilands in the same Coast both great and little plentifull they are all and well inhabited This Captaine Giroz shall be presently sent vnto Peru with order and Commission to take vp twelue hundred men and shipping with other necessaries for the Voyage to inhabit and as many more shall be sent the yeere following from Noua Hispania and for the whole businesse he is to receiue fiue hundred thousand Duckets Walsingham Gresley The Copie of a Petition presented to the King of Spaine by Captaine PETER FERDINAND de Quir touching the Discouerie of the fourth part of the World called Terra Australis incognita and of the great riches and fertilite of the same Printed with license in Siuill An. 1610. SIR I Captaine Fernandez de Quiros shew vnto you that this is the eighth Petition which by mee hath beene presented to your Maiesties view to perswade the conduction of some Colonies vnto the Land which your Maiestie hath commanded to bee discouered in the parts of Australia incognita And yet to this houre no resolution is taken neither haue I receiued any answere or hope whereby I might rest assured to obtaine my dispatch although I haue attended fourteene moneths in your Court and haue imployed fourteene yeeres in this Discouery without any profit or other respect but the benefit thereof with which notwithstanding infinite contradictions I haue gone 20000. leagues by Land and by Sea and haue diminished and sunke my estate I haue trauelled with many afflictions in my person and suffered such strange and extraordinary crosses that they seeme almost incredible to my selfe and all that so Religious an vndertake should not vnworthily be abandoned In regard whereof I do most humbly beseech your Maiestie in the bowels of the diuine charitie that you would be pleased to take order that I be not depriued of the fruits of this Designe which with such instance I doe desire and which with so much iustice are due vnto my continuall paines and trauell nor that I bee debarred from the effects of so considerable and well grounded a request whose principall scope is the glory of God and of your Maiestie and from
whence infinite benefits are likely to issue forth which will liue as long as the fabrick of the World shall subsist and after the dissolution thereof will remaine to all Eternitie 1. Touching the extent of these Regions newly discouered grounding my iudgement on that which I haue seene with mine owne eyes and vpon that which Captaine Lewes Paez de Torres Admirall of my Fleet hath represented vnto your Maiestie the length thereof is as great as all Europe and Asia the lesse vnto the Sea of Bachu Persia and all the Iles aswell of the Ocean as of the Mediterranean Sea taking England and Island into this account This vnknowne Countrey is the fourth part of the Terrestriall Globe and extendeth it selfe to such length that in probabilitie it is twice greater in Kingdomes and Seignories then all that which at this day doth acknowledge subiection and obedience vnto your Maiestie and that without neighbourhood either of Turkes or Moores or of any other Nation which attempteth warre vpon confining Countreyes The Land which we haue discouered is all seated within the Torrid Zone and a great tract thereof reacheth vnto the Equinoctiall Circle the breath may be of 90. degrees and in some places a little lesse And if the successe proue answerable vnto the hopes they will be found Antipodes vnto the better part of Africke vnto all Europe and to the greater portion of Asia But you must obserue that as the Contreyes which we haue discouered in 15. degrees of latitude are better then Spaine so the other which are opposed to their eleuation must by proportion and analogie prooue some terrestriall Paradise 2. All those quarters swarme with an incredible multitude of Inhabitants whereof some are white others blacke and in colour like Mulatos or halfe Moores and others of a mingled complexion Some weare their haire long blacke and scattered others haue their haire cripsed and thicke and others very yellow and bright Which diuersitie is an apparant argmument that there is an apparant argument that there is commerce and communication amongst them And this consideration together with the bountie which Nature hath bestowed on the soile their inexperience of Artillery and Guns and their vnskilfulnesse in labouring in Mynes with other semblable circumstances doth induce mee to inferre that all the Countrey is well peopled They know little what belongeth to artificiall Trades for they haue neither fortifications nor walles and liue without the awe of Kings or Lawes They are a simple people cantoned into partialities and exercise much disagreement amongst themselues The Armes which they vse are Bowes and Arrowes which are not poisoned or steeped in the iuice of venemous herbes as the custome is of many other Countreyes They doe also carrie Clubs Truncheons Pikes Dartes to hurle with the arme all which are framed only of wood They doe couer themselues from the waste or girdling place down to the halfe of their thighs they are very studious of cleanlinesse tractable cheerefull and wonderously addicted to bee gratefull vnto those that doe them a courtesie as I haue experienced many times The which doth build in me a beliefe that with the assistance of God if they may be gently and amiably intreated they will bee found very docible and easie of mannage and that we shall without much worke accommodate our selues vnto them And it is most necessary to obserue this way of sweetnesse especially in the beginning that the Inhabitants may be drawne along to this so holy and sauing an end whereof we ought to take a particular care and zeale aswell in small things as in matters of more importance Their houses are built of wood couered with Palme-tree leaues they haue Pitchers and Vessels made of earth they are not without the mysterie of weauing and other curiosities of that kind They worke on Marble they haue Flutes Drummes and wooden Spoones they set apart certaine places for Oratories and Prayers and for buriall places Their Gardens are artificially seuered into beds bordered and paled Mother of Pearle and the shels which containe Pearle they haue in much vse and estimation of which they make Wedges Rasors Sawes Culters and such like Instruments They also doe make thereof Pearles and great Beads to weare about their neckes They that doe dwell in the Ilands haue Boats very artificially made and exceedingly commodious for sayling which is a certaine argument that they confine vpon other Nations that are of a more polished and elegant behauiour And this also they haue of our husbandry that they cut Cocks and geld Boares 3. Their bread is vsually made of three sorts of Roots which grow there in great abundance Neither doe they imploy much labour in making this bread for they do onely rost the Roots vntill they are soft and tender They are very pleasant to the taste wholsome and nourishing they are of a good lengâ—h there being of them of an Ell long and the halfe of that in bignesse There is great store of excellent fruits in these Countreyes There are sixe kinds of Plane Trees Almond Trees of foure sorts and other Trees called Obi resembling almost in fruit and greatnesse the Melacatones store of Nuts Orenges and Limonds They haue moreouer Sugar-canes large in size and in great plentie they haue knowledge of our ordinarie Apples they haue Palme-trees without number out of which there may easily bee drawne a iuyce which will make a liquor alluding much to Wine as also Whey Vineger and Honey the kernels thereof are exceeding sweet And they haue fruits which the Indians call Cocos which being greene doe make a kinde of twine and the pith is almost like in taste vnto the Creame of Milke When they are ripe they serue for meate and drinke both by Land and Sea And when they wither and fall from the Tree there sweateth out an Oyle from them which is very good to burne in Lampes and is medicinable for wounds and not vnpleasant to be eaten Of their rindes or barks there are made Bottles and other like Vessels and the inner skin doth serue for calking of ships Men doe make Cables and other Cordage of them which are of sufficient strength to draw a Canon and are fit for other domesticke vses But that which is more speciall they do there vse the leaues of Palme-trees which they a masse together to make sayles of them for Vessels of small bulke and burthen They make likewise fine thinne Mats of them and they do serue to couer the house without and for hangings within And of them they doe likewise make Pikes and other sorts of weapons as also Oares to row with and Vtensils for the house You are to note that these Palme-trees are their Vines from whence they gather their Wine all the yeere long which they make without much cost or labour Amongst their herbage and Garden fruites Wee haue seene Melons Peares great and little and sundry sorts of pot-herbes And they haue also Beanes For flesh they are stored
fore-parts then behind which is like wooll a mane like a Horses on their backe bone and long haire from the knees downward with store of long haire at the chinne and throat a long flocke also at the end of the males tailes The Horses fled from them of which they slue some being enraged They are 〈…〉 eat drinke shooes houses fire vessels and their Masters whole substance Other creatures as big as Horses the Spaniards for their fiue wooll called Sheepe one of their hornes ordinarily weighed fiftie pounds There are also great Dogs which will fight with a Bull able to carrie fiftie pounds weight in their huntings and remouals A N 〈…〉 1581. Frier Augustine Ruiz with two other Friers and eight Souldiers trauelled from the Mines of Saint Barbara to Los Tiguas two hundred and fifty leagues Northwards where vpon occasion of one of the Friers being slaine the Souldiers returned The two Friers and a Mestizo stayed Whereupon the Franciscans carefull of their two Brethren procured Antonio de Espeio a rich Mexican with Frier Bernardine Beltran and others licensed to follow him to set â—orth on the said Discouerie in Nouember An. 1582. with an hundred and fifteene Horses and store of prouisions Hee passed the Conchos and the Passaguates and Tobâ—sos and Iumanos finding many Siluer Mines in the way and then came to people which for want of Language they could not name and heard by one of the Conchos of a great Lake and Townes neere it with houses of three or foure stories but went not thither Fifteene dayes they trauelled thorow Woods of Pine-trees and two thorow Woods of Poplars and Walâ—uts still keeping by the Riuer of the North as they called it till they came to a Countrie which they called New Mexico They came to ten Townes situate on both sides the Riuer which vsed them kindly Their houses are of foure stories well built with Stoues for Winter their apparel of Cotton and Deeres skinnes both men and women ware Boots and Shooes with soles of Neats leather Each house had an Oratorie for the Deuill where they set him meate for whose ease as they say they erect Chappels also in the high-way Thence they came to Tiguas in which were sixteene Townes in Poala they had slaine the two Friers and now therefore fled to the Mountaines They fouâ—d many Hennes in the Countrey and many metals Hearing that there were rich Townes Eastwards they trauelled two dayes and found eleuen Townes and as they thought fortie thousand people There are signes of rich Mines They heard of a Prouince Quires sixe leagues higher vp the Riuer which they visited and found fiue Townes They saw there a Pie in a Cage and certaine tirasols or shadowes such as they vse in China in which were painted the Sunne Moone and Starres They found themselues in 37. degrees and a halfe Fourteene leagues more to the North they came to the Cunames which had fiue Townes the greatest was Câ—a with eight Market places the houses plaistered and painted with diuers colours the people many and more ciuill then any they had seene They trauelled thence North-westward to a Countrie which had seuen great Townes and in them thirtie thousand soules Fifteene leagues further Westward they came to Acoma a Towne of sixe thousand persons seated on a Rocke fifty paces high without any passage to it but by staires hewen in the Rocke all their water was kept in Cisternes They trauelled hence foure and twentie leagues Westward to Zuny or Cibola where Vasquez had beene and erected Crosses still standing Three Indians of his Armie were still aliue here which told Espeio of a great Lake sixtie dayes iourney thence vpon the bankes whereof were many Townes which had store of Gold Whereupon the rest returning hee with nine companions determined to goe thither and came to a populous Prouince called Mohotze and being well entertained hee perswaded the Indians to build a Fort to secure them from the Horses which hee said would otherwise eate them which they did Here he left some of his companie and went to discouer certaine rich Mines whereof he had heard fiue and fortie leagues Westward which hee found rich of Siluer He had further intelligence also of that great Lake and hauing trauelled twelue leagues to the Hubates and Tamos populous Prouinces being so few they returned in Iuly 1583. by another way downe a Riuer called De las Vaccas or Of Kine an hundred and twenty leagues still meeting with store of those cattell and thence to Conchos and so to the Valley of Saint Bartholmew in New Biscay Bartholmew Canâ— writ from Mexico in May 1590. that Rodrigo del Rio Gouernour of New Biscay was sent by the Vice-roy with fiue hundred Spansards to the conquest of Cibola NOw for Cortez his three ships they set forth from Acapulco the eighth of Iuly 1539. and sayled alongst the coast Northwards to Cape Roxo as they stiled it and so to the Riuer of Saint Crosses which coast some thought to bee part of the Continent others to bee but broken Lands or Ilands and sayled so farre in the same that I am loth to follow them the particulars being both in Ramusio and Master Hakluyt Fernando Alarchon Anno 1540. was sent by Mendoza the Vice-roy with two ships who sayth hee went to the bottome of the Bay of California and sayled vp the Riuer farre into the Countrie I remit the desirous Reader to the Authours aforesaid To mee Ullua the Marquesses Generall seemes to make California nothing but Ilands and to haue sayled within a great way and after out of them this other aemulous Discouerer would seeme to finde it a Bay and therefore goeth vp the Riuer later Maps make it an Iland as wee haue said a Letter 1595. from Los Angelos calleth them Ilands and sayth they are rich and that the Vice-roy sent to conquer them But I am Sea-sicke and therefore returne to our Land-discouerers In which wee haue a Iesuite first to entertaine you and after that a Letter of later Newes of Onnates Discoueries in those Northerne parts of America All which may be of vse one day when our Virginian Plantation which blusheth to see so little done after eighteene yeeres continued habitation with so much cost and so many liues and liuelihoods spent thereon shall lift vp her head with more viue alacritie and shake her glorious lockes and disparkle her triumphant lookes thorow the inland Countries to the Westerne Ocean And indeed for Uirginias sake wee haue so long held you in Spanish discourses of whose Acts this Chapter had beene the last but that the leauen which leaueneth in so great part the Spanish lumpe may be knowne to awaken English vigilance to preuent it in themselues they had a faire caueat 1588. and to auoide the like with others I shall adde to these their Discoueries a Spanish Traueller Frier Bishop to discouer their Discouerers which shall cast vp
Garonne Gironde Belle Grande and after that Belle a Voire and Port Royal. In this last they anchored the Riuer at the mouth is three French leagues broad hee sayled vp many leagues and erected another like Pillar of stone Ribalt hauing built a Fort and furnished it with prouisions called it Charles Fort and left a Golonie there vnder Captaine Albert. These found great kindnesse with their Indian Neighbours till dissention happened amongst themselues the Captaine for a small fault hanging a Souldier and exercising seueritie ouer the rest which thereupon in a mutinie slue him and hauing chosen a new Captaine they built a Pinnasse and furnished it as well as they could to returne for France but surprized in the way with calmes and expence of their prouision they first did eare their shooes and Buffe Ierkins and yet continuing famished they killed one of their fellowes called La Chere and made cheere of him and after met with an English Barke which releeued them and setting some on Land brought the rest to Queene Elizabeth The cause of their not releeuing according to promise was the Ciuill warres which beeing compounded the Admirall procured the King to send three ships to Florida vnder the command of the Author Rene Landonniere which see saile in Aprill 1564. He went on shoare at Dommica in which Iland his men killed two Serpents nine foote long and as bigge as 〈◊〉 legge The two and twentieth of Iune they landed in Florida ten leagues aboue Capo Francois and after in the Riuer of May where the Indians very ioyfully welcommed them and the stone Piller 〈…〉 rected by Ribalt was crowned with bayes and baskets of Mill or Moiz set at the foot and they kissed the same with great reuerence One of Parâ—coussy or the King his Sonnes presented 〈◊〉 Captain with a wedge of siluer With another Parcâ—ussy they saw one old Father blind with age but liuing and of his lomes sixe generations descended all present so that the Sonne of the eldest was supposed two hundred and fiftie yeeres old They planted themselues on this Riuer of May and there built a Fort which they called Carolina of their King Charles Landonniere sent Outigni his Lieutenant to search out the people called Thimogoa whence that siluer wedge had comne and there heard of a great King Olata Ouae Utina to whom fortie Kings were vassals Saturioua was said to haue thirtie and to be enemie to Vtina A fearefull lightning happened which burned fiue hundred acres of ground and all the fowles after which followed such a heat that as many fish were dead therewith at the mouth of the Riuer as would haue laden fiftie Carts and of their putrifaction grieuous diseases The Sauages had thought the French had done it with their Ordnance He got some prisoners of Vtinas subiects which Saturioua had taken and sent them to him some of his men assisting Vtina in his warres against Potanou one of his enemies and returning with some quantitie of Siluer and Gold Whiles things continued in good termes with the Sauages Mutinies and Conspiracies fell out amongst the French some conspiring to kill the Captaine others running away with the Barks one of which robbed by Sea and after was driuen by famine to seeke to the Spaniards at Hauana and when two other Barkes were a building a third Conspiracie seized on the Captaine detained him Prisoner and forced him to subscribe their passe with these two Barkes Away they went and the next diuision was amongst themselues one Barke departing from the others One of them after diuers Piracies came backe and the chiefe mutinies were executed Francis Iean one of the other Barke was he which after brought the Spaniards thither to destroy them The Indians vse to keepe in the Woods Ianuarie Februarie and March and liue on what they take in hunting so that the French neither receiuing their expected reliefe from France nor from the Sauages which had no Corne hauing before sold them what they had suffered grieuous famine they resolued to build a vessell able to carrie them into France the Sauages making aduantages of their necessities according to the wonted perfidiousnesse of those wilde people whereupon they tooke King Vtina Prisoner with his Sonne to get food for his ransome The famine was so sharpe that it made the bones to grow thorow the skinne and when the Maiz by the end of May came to some ripenesse food it selfe ouercame their weake stomacks Some reliefe they had by Sir Iohn Hawkins who came thither with foure ships guided by a man of Deepe which had been there in Ribalts Voyage who also offered to transport him and set them all on land in France This he refused but made good aduantage hereof with the Sauages telling them that this was his brother which brought him great reliefe and plentie whereupon all sought his friendship His men at last generally fearing to continue in that misery wanting both apparell and victuall and meanes to returne so wrought with him that not daring to giue the Siluer and such things as he had gotten in the Countrie which might bring an English Plantation into those parts he bought a ship of Sir Iohn Hawkins who partly sold and partly gaue them prouisions also of apparell and victuall for their returne and as Laudonniere acknowledgeth like a charitable man saued their liues Whiles thus they were preparing to set saile Captaine Ribalt came into the Riuer with seuen saile foure greater and three lesse whom the Admirall had sent hearing that Laudonniere lorded and domineered in tyrannicall and insolent manner and was solemnely welcommed in the end of August 1565. A while after when as the Indians had filled Captaine Ribalt with golden hopes of the Mynes at Apalatci some proofes whereof were found to be perfect gold sixe great ships of Spaniards came into the Riuer on the fourth of September and made faire shew to the French which trusted them neuer the more but let slip their Anchors and fled being no way matchable but in swiftnesse of saile whereby they escaped the pursuite of the Spaniards and obserued their course sending word thereof to Captaine Ribalt The High Admirall Chastillon also had in his last Letters written to Ribalt that he had intelligence out of Spaine of Don Pedro Melendes his Expedition to Florida iust before his comming from France Captaine Ribalt embarkes himselfe the eight of September pretending to goe seeke the Spaniards which soone after came to seeke the French at their Fort guided by Francis Iean before a Mutiner now also a Traytour who shewed the Captaine to the Spaniards Notwithstanding their assault Laudonniere made an escape with some others ouer the Marishes into the ships and so returned first into England and after into France Captaine Ribalt was surprized with a Tempest which wracked him vpon the Coast and all his ships were castaway himselfe hardly escaping drowning but not escaping the
but we could not descrie the same through the thicknesse of the fogge whereunto these coasts are subiect which was the cause that we put farther certaine leagues into the Sea vntill the next day in the morning when we descried land the weather being very cleere which was the Cape of Saint Marie The twelfth day following we were ouertaken with a great flaw of winde which lasted two dayes The fifteenth of the said moneth wee descried the Isles of Saint Peter The seuenteenth following we met with a banke of Ice neere Cape de Raie sixe leagues in length which caused vs to strike saile all the night to auoide the danger we might incurre The next day we set saile and descried Cape de Raie and the Isles of Saint Paul and Cape de Saint Laurence which is on the South side And from the said Cape of Saint Laurence vnto Cape de Raie is eighteene leagues which is the breadth of the entrance of the great Gulfe of Canada The same day about ten of the clocke in the morning we met with another Iland of Ice which was aboue eight leagues long The twentieth of the said moneth we discried an Isle which containeth some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues in length which is called the Isle of Assumption which is the entrance of the Riuer of Canada The next day we descried Gachepe which is a very high land and began to enter into the said Riuer of Canuda ranging the South coast vnto the Riuer of Mantanne which is from the said Gachepe sixtie fiue leagues from the said Riuer of Mantanne we sailed as farre as the Pike which is twenty leagues which is on the South side also from the said Pike we sailed ouer the Riuer vnto the port of Tadousac which is fifteene leagues All these Countries are very high and barren yeelding no commoditie The foure and twentieth of the said moneth we cast anker before Tadousac and the six and twentieth we entred into the said Port which is made like to a creeke in the entrance of the Riuer of Saguenay where there is a very strange currant and tide for the swiftnesse and depth thereof where sometimes strong windes do blow because of the cold which they bring with them it is thought that the said Riuer is fiue and forty or fiftie leagues vnto the first fall and it commeth from the North North-west The said Port of Tadousac is little wherein there cannot ride aboue ten or twelue Ships but there is water enough toward the East toward the opening of the said Riuer of Sagenay along by a little hill which is almost cut off from the maine by the Sea The rest of the Countrie are very high Mountaines whereon there is little mould but rockes and sands full of woods of Pines Cypresses Fir-trees Burch and some other sorts of trees of small price There is a little Poole neere vnto the said Port enclosed with Mountaines couered with woods At the entrance of the said Port there are two points the one on the West side running a league into the Sea which is called Saint Matthewes point and the other on the South-east side containing a quarter of a league which is called the point of all the Diuels The South and South South-east and South South-west windes doe strike into the said hauen But from Saint Matthewes Point to the said Point of all the Diuels is very neere a league Both these Points are dry at a low water THe seuen and twentieth day we sought the Sauages at the Point of Saint Matthew which is a league from Tadousac with the two Sauages whom Monsieur du Pout brought with him to make report of that which they had seene in France and of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them As soone as we were landed we went to the Caban of their great Sagamo which is called Anadabijou where we found him with some eightie or a hundred of his companions which were making Tabagie that is to say a Feast Hee receiued vs very well according to the custome of the Countrey and made vs sit downe by him and all the Sauages sat along one by another on both sides of the said Cabine One of the Sauages which we had brought with vs began to make his Oration of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them and of the good vsage that they had receiued in France and that they might assure themselues that his said Maiestie wished them well and desired to people their Countrey and to make peace with their enemies which are the Irocois or to send them forces to vanquish them He also reckoned vp the faire Castels Palaces Houses and people which they had seene and our manner of liuing He was heard with so great silence as more cannot be vttered Now when he had ended his Oration the said grand Sagamo Anadabijon hauing heard him attentiuely began to take Tobacco and gaue to the said Monsieur du Pont Grane of Saint Malo and to mee and to certaine other Sagamos which were by him after he had taken store of Tobacco he began to make his Oration to all speaking distinctly resting sometimes a little and then speaking againe saying that doubtlesse they ought to be very glad to haue his Maiestie for their great friend they answered all with one voyce ho ho ho which is to say yea yea yea He proceeding forward in his speech said That he was very well content that his said Maiestie should people their Countrey and make warre against their enemies and that there was no Nation in the world to which they wished more good then to the French In fine hee gaue them all to vnderstand what good and prefit they might receiue of his said Maiestie When hee had ended his speech we went out of his Cabine and they began to make their Tabagie or Feast which they make with the flesh of Orignac which is like an Oxe of Beares of Seales and Beuers which are the most ordinary victuals which they haue with great store of wilde Fowle They had eight or ten Kettels full of meate in the middest of the said Cabine and they were set one from another some six paces and each one vpon a seuerall fire The men sat on both sides the house as I said before with his dish made of the barke of a tree and when the meate is sodden there is one which deuideth to euery man his part in the same dishes wherein they feede very filthily for when their hands be fattie they rub them on their haire or else on the haire of their dogs whereof they haue store to hunt with Before their meate was sodden one of them rose vp and took a dog danced about the said Kettels from the one end of the Cabin to theother when he came before the great Sagamo he cast his dog perforce vpon the ground and then all of them with one voice cried ho ho ho
to maintaine keepe and conserue the said places vnder our Power and Authoritie by the formes wayes and meanes prescribed by our Lawes And for to haue there a care of the same with you to appoint establish and constitute all Officers as well in the affaires of Warre as for Iustice and Policie for the first time and from thence forward to name and present them vnto vs for to be disposed by vs and to giue Letters Titles and such Prouisoes as shall be necessarie c. Giuen at Fountain-Bleau the eight day of Nouember in the yeere our Lord 1603. And of our Reigne the fifteenth Signed Henry and vnderneath by the King Potier And sealed vpon single labell with yellow Waxe The Voyage of Monsieur de MONTS into New France written by MARKE LESCARBOT MOnsieur de Monts hauing made the Commissions and Prohibitions before said to bee proclaimed thorow the Realme of France and especially thorow the Ports and maritine Townes thereof caused two shippes to bee rigged and furnished the one vnder the conduct of Captaine Timothy of New-hauen the other of Captaine Morell of Honfleur In the first hee shipped himselfe with good number of men of account as well Gentlemen as others And for as much as Monsieur de Poutrincourt was and had beene of a long time desirous to see those Countries of New France and there to finde out and choose some fit place to retire himselfe into with his Family Wife and Children not meaning to be the last that should follow and participate in the glorie of so faire and generous an enterprize would needs goe thither and shipped himselfe with the said Monsieur de Monts carrying with him some quantitie of Armours and Munitions of Warre and so weighed Anchors from New-hauen the seuenth day of March 1604. But being departed some what too soone before the Winter had yet left off her frozen Weed they found store of Icie bankes against the which they were in danger to strike and so to be cast away The Voyage was long by reason of contrarie winds which seldome hapneth to them that set out in March for the New-found lands which are ordinarily carried with an East or Northerne winde fit to goe to those Lands And hauing taken their course to the South of the I le of Sand or Sablon or Sand for to shunne the said Ices they almost fell from Caribdis into Scylla going to strike towards the said Ile during the thicke mists that are frequent in that Sea In the end the sixt of May they came to a certaine Port where they found Captaine Rossignol of New-hauen who did trucke for skinnes with the Sauages contrary to the Kings Inhibitions which was the cause that his ship was confilcated This Port was called Le Port du Rossignol hauing in this his hard fortune this onely good that a good and fit Harborough or Port in those Coasts be areth his name From thence coasting and discouering the Lands they arriued at another Port very faire which they named Le Port de Moutton by reason that a Mutton or Weather hauing leaped ouer-board and drowned himselfe came aboard againe and was taken and eaten as good prize Neere the said Moutton Port there is a place so replenished with Rabbets and Conies that they almost did eate nothing else During that time Monsieur Champlein was sent with a shallop to seeke farther off a fitter place to retire themselues at which Exploit he carried so long that deliberating vpon the returne they thought to leaue him behind for there was no more victuals and they serued themselues with that that was found in the said Rossignols ship without which they had beene forced to returne into France and so to breake a faire enterprize at the very birth and beginning thereof or to starue hauing ended the hunting of Conies which could not still continue All New France in the end being contained in two ships they weighed Anchors from Port du Moutton for to imploy their time and to discouer Lands as much as might before Winter Wee came to Cape de Sable or the Sandie Cape and from thence we sailed to the Bay of Saint Marie where our men lay at Anchor fifteene dayes whilest the Lands and passages as well by Sea as by Riuer might be descried and knowne This Bay is a very faire place to inhabit because that one is readily carried thither without doubling There are Mynes of Iron and Siluer but in no great abundance according to the triall made thereof in France A Priest losing his way in the Woods was missing sixteene dayes Whereupon a Protestant was charged to haue killed him because they quarrelled sometimes for matters of Religion Finally they sounded a Trumpet thorow the Forrest they shot off the Canon diuers times but in vaine for the roaring of the Sea stronger then all that did expell backe the sound of the said Canons and Trumpets Two three and foure dayes passed he appeareth not In the meane-while the time hastens to depart so hauing tarried so long that hee was then held for dead they weighed Anchors to goe further and to see the depth of a Bay that hath some fortie leagues length and fourteene yea eighteene of breadth which was named La Baye Francoise or the French Bay In this Bay is the passage to come into a Port whereinto our men entred and made some abode during the which they had the pleasure to hunt an Elian or Stagge that crossed a great Lake of the Sea which maketh this Port and did swimme but easily This Port is enuironed with Mountaines on the North side Towards the South bee small Hills which with the said Mountaines doe powre out a thousand Brookes which make that place pleasanter then any other place in the World there are very faire falles of waters fit to make Milles of all sorts At the East is a Riuer betweene the said Mountaines and Hilles in the shippes may saile fifteene leagues and more and in all this distance is nothing of both sides the Riuer but faire Medowes which Riuer was named L' Equille because that the first fish taken therein was an Equille But the said Port for the beautie thereof was called Port Royall Monsieur de Poutrincourt hauing found this place to bee to his â—â—king demanded it with the Lands thereunto adioyning of Monsieur de Monts to whom the King had by Commission before inserted granted the distribution of the Lands of New France from the fortieth degree to the sixe and fortieth Which place was granted to the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt who since hath had Letters of confirmation for the same of his Maiestie intending to retire himselfe thither with his Family and there to establish the Christian and French Name as much as his power shall stretch and God grant him the meanes to accomplish it The Port contayneth eight leagues of circuit besides the Riuer of L' Equille There is within it two Iles very faire and pleasant the one
by West The eight wee kept the same course The ninth we kept still the same course The winde beganne to vere some thing to the Southward which had beene constant still from the Ilands of the Canaries vnto the Ilands of the West Indies And now began the winde to draw towards the West and then is it as constant there The reason I deferre to longer consideration The current setteth out of the Gulfe of Mexico and from the mayne shore Sunday the tenth we kept still the same course and had now but a small gale almost becalmed The eleuenth we continued the same course with the same small gale we went North. Tuesday the twelfth we kept the same course if any at all for for the most part we were becalmed Wednesday the thirteenth the calme continued the Sunne being extremely hot in the calme Thursday the fourteenth the calme continued as hot as before These dayes we ayred our Newland fish called Poore Iohn which proued ill done For after it was ayred it rotted the sooner being burnt in the same On Friday the fifteenth God sent vs a reasonable gale The sixteenth and seuenteenth the calme came againe Munday we had a good gale and went North and by West and North North-west The nineteenth twentieth and one and twentieth we had an excellent gale and ranne North North-west Then we cast out the Lead and looked out for land but found no ground nor saw no land and therefore we much doubted that the current had set vs very farre to the leeward of the place which wee were bound for being the Chesepian Bay but that could not be knowne till it pleased God to bring vs to land In the afternoone about sixe of the clocke we cast out the Lead againe and had ground in thirtie fathomes whereof we were glad and thanked God knowing we could not be farre from land Saturday the three and twentieth in the morning about eight of the clocke wee saw land in the height of 40. degrees and odde minutes very fine low land appearing farre off to bee full of tall Trees and a fine sandie shoare but a great siege we saw no Harbour and therefore coasted along to seeke one to the Northward the wind being at West Sunday the foure and twentieth the wind being about the North-east we beat hard to fetch an Head-land where we thought we saw an Harbour but when we came vp with it wee perceiued it was none and all our labour lost And therefore the wind beeing now more full in our teeth at the North-east wee considered it were better to put roome so that if the winde should stand then we should fetch the Bay of Chesepian which Master Gilbert so much thirsted after to seeke out the people for Sir Walter Raleigh left neere those parts in the yeere 1587. if not perhaps we might find some Road or Harbour in the way to take in some fresh water for now wee had none aboord On Munday the fiue and twentieth of Iuly at night wee came neere the mouth of the Bay but the wind blew so sore and the Sea was so high that the Master durst not put in that night into the Sea and so continued next day On Wednesday the seuen and twentieth at night the winde came faire againe and wee bare againe for it all night and the wind presently turned againe Thursday the eight and twentieth considering our extremitie for water and wood victuals and beere likewise consuming very fast we could no longer beate for it and therefore ran roomer determining for this time to seeke it no more Friday the nine and twentieth being not farre from the shoare which appeared vnto vs exceeding pleasant and full of goodly Trees and with some shew of the entrance of a Riuer our Captaine Baxtholomew Gilbert accompanied with Master Thomas Canner a Gentleman of Bernards Inne Richard Harison the Masters Mate Henry Kenton our Chirurgion and one Derricke a Dutchman went on shore in the Boate from the ship which lay aboue a mile from the land and with their weapons marched vp into the Countrey leauing two youths to keepe the Boate but shortly after the Indians set vpon them and one or two of them fell downe wounded in sight of our yong men that kept the Boat which had much a doe to saue themselues and it For some of the Indians roming downe to them would haue haled it on shore which notwithstanding they saued and with heauie hearts gat vnto the ship with the losse of their Captain and foure of their principall men Thus being but eleuen men and Boyes in all in the ship though our want of water and wood were great yet wee durst not aduenture the losse of any more of our small company in this place Therefore our Master Henry Sute tooke his course home for England by the Iâ—es of the Açores and fell first with the Pike and afterward entring into our Chanell had first sight of Portland and thence came vp the Riuer of Thames vnto Rateliffe about the end of September 1603. finding the Citie most grieuously infected with a terrible plague CHAP. XIII Extracts of a Virginian Voyage made An. 1605. by Captaine GEORGE WAYMOVTH in the Arch-angell Set forth by the Right Honorable HENRY Earle of South-hampton and the Lord TMOMAS ARVNDEL written by IAMES ROSIER VPon Easter day the last of March the winde comming at North North-east about fiue of the clocke after noone we weighed anchor and put to Sea from the Downes in the Name of God being very well victualled and furnished with Munition and all necessaries our whole companie being nine and twenty persons of whom I dare boldly say few Voyages haue beene manned forth with better Sea-men generally in respect of our small number Munday the thirteenth of May about eleuen of the clocke in the fore-noone our Captaine iudging we were not farre from Land sounded and we had soft oze in an hundred and sixty fathome at foure of the clocke after noone wee sounded againe and had the like oze in an hundred fathome From ten a clocke that night till three a clocke in the morning our Captain tooke in all Sayles and lay at hull being desirous to fall with the Land in the day time because it was an vnknown Coast which it pleased God in his mercy to grant vs otherwise surely we had runne our Shippe vpon the hidden Rockes and perished all for when we set sayle we sounded in an hundred fathom and by eight a clocke hauing not made aboue fiue or sixe leagues our Captaine vpon a sudden change of water supposing verily he saw the sand presently sounded and had but fiue fathome much maruelling because we saw no Land he sent one to the top who descried a whitish sandy Clisse which bare West North-west about sixe leagues off but comming neerer within three or foure leagues we saw many breaches still neerer the Land At last we espied a great
our Ship with Furres and Tobacco This we perceiued to be onely a meere deuice to get possession of any of our men to ransome all those we had taken which their naturall pollicy could not so shaddow but we did easily discouer and preuent These meanes were by this Sauage practised because we had one of his kinsmen prisoner as we iudged by his most kinde vsage of him being aboord vs together Thursday the thirteenth of Iune by two a clocke in the morning because our Captain would take the helpe and aduantage of the Tide in the Pinnace with our Company well prouided and furnished with Armour and Shot both to defend and offend we went from our Ship vp to that part of the Riuer which trended West into the Maine to search that and wee carried with vs a Crosse to erect at that point which because it was not day-light we left on shoare vntill our returne backe when we set it vp in manner as the former And this we deligently obserued that in no place either about the Ilands or vp in the Maine or along the Riuer wee could discerne any token or signe that euer any Christian had beene before which either by cutting wood digging for water or setting vp Crosses a thing neuer omitted by any Christian trauailours wee should haue perceiued some mention left But to returne to our Riuer vp into which we then rowed by estimation twenty miles What profit or pleasure is described and truely verified in the former part of the Riuer is wholly doubled in this for the breadth and depth is such that any Ship drawing seuenteene or eighteene foote water might haue passed as farre as we went with our Shallop and by all our iudgements much further because we left it in so good depth which is so much the more to be esteemed of greater worth by how much it trendeth further vp into the Maine for from the place of our Ships riding in the Harbour at the entrance into the Sound to the furthest point wee were in this Riuer by our estimation was not much lesse then threescore miles From each Banke of this Riuer are diuers branching streames running into the Maine whereby is afforded an vnspeakeable profit by the conueniency of easie transportation from place to place which in some Countries is both very chargeable and not so fit by Carriages on Wane or Horsebacke Here wee saw store of Fish some leaping aboue water which we iudged to be Salmon for they were great All along is an excellent mould of ground the wood in most places especially on the Easterne side very thin chiefely Oake and small Birch bordering low vpon the Riuer all fit for Meddow and pleasant Pasture ground And in that space wee went wee had on both sides the Riuer many plaine places of cleere Meddow some of three or foure acres some eight or nine so as we iudged in the whole to be betweene thirty and forty acres of good grasse and where the Armes runne into the Maine there likewise went a space on both sides of the cleare grasse how farre we knew not In many places we might see pathes Beasts had made to come downe to watering And we all concluded as I verily thinke we might rightly that we should neuer see the like Riuer in euery degree equall vntill it pleased God we beheld the same againe for the further we went the more pleasing it was to euery man alluring vs still with expectation of better so as our men although they had with great labour rowed long and eate nothing for we carried with vs no victuall but a little Cheese and Bread yet they were so refreshed with the pleasant beholding thereof and so loath to forsake it as some of them affirmed they would haue continued willingly with that onely fare and labour two dayes but the Tide not suffering vs to make any longer stay because we were to come backe with the ebbe and our Captaine better knowing what was fit then we and better what they in labour were able to endure being very loath to make any desperate hazard where so little necessitie required thought it best to make returne because whether we had discouered was sufficient to conceiue that the Riuer ranne very farre into the Land for we passed sixe or seuen miles altogether fresh water whereof we all dranke forced vp by the flowing of the Salt which after a great while ebbe where we left it by bredth and depth of Channell was likely to runne by estimation of our whole companie an vnknowne way further And as our Captaine verily thought although hee then concealed it might possibly make a passage into or very nigh the South Sea which hee neither had commission nor time now to search but hath left that till his next returne if it shall so please God to dispose of him and vs. Friday the fourteenth of Iune early by foure a clocke in the morning with the Tide our two Boats and a little helpe of the winde we warped our shippe downe to the Riuers mouth and there came to an anchor about about eleuen a clocke Afterward our Captaine in the Pinnace searched the sounding all about the mouth and comming into the Riuer for his certaine instruction of a perfect description The next day being Saturday we weighed anchor and with a briese from the Land we sayled vp to our watering place and there stopped went ashoare and filled all our empty caske with fresh water Our Captaine vpon the Rocke in the middest of the Harbour made his certaine obseruation by the Sunne of the height latitude and variation exactly vpon all his Instruments 1. Astrolabe 2. Semisphere 3. Ring-instrument 4. Crosse staffe 5. And an excellent Compas made for the variation The latitude he found to be 43. degrees 20. minutes North. The variation 11. degrees 15. minutes viz. one point of the Compas Westward And it is so much in England at Lime-house by London Eastward The temperature affoorded to vs no speciall alteration from our disposition in England somewhat hotter vp into the Maine because it lieth open to the South but scarse yeelding a sensible difference to any of vs. The aire so wholsome as I suppose not any of vs found our selues at any time more healthfull more able to labour nor with better stomachs to such good fare as we partly brought and partly found Sunday the sixteenth of Iune the winde being faire and because wee had set out of England vpon a Sunday descried the Ilands vpon a Sunday and as we doubted not by Gods appointment happily fallen into our Harbour vpon a Sunday so now beseeching him with like prosperitie to blesse our returne into England and from thence with his good-will and pleasure to hasten and fortunate our next arriuall here Wee set sayle and quit the Land vpon a Sunday Tuesday the eighteenth day of Iune being not runne aboue fiue and thirty leagues from Land and our Captaine for his
he came whereupon the Gouernor of Tercera did him great honor and betweene them it was concluded perceiuing the weaknesse of their Ships and the danger of the Englishmen that they would send the Ships empty with Soldiers to conuey them either to Siuil or Lisbone where they could first arriue with aduise vnto his Maiesty of all that had past and that he would giue order to fetch the Siluer with good and safe conuoy Wherepuon the said Aluaro Flores staied there vnder colour of keeping the Siluer but specially because of his disease and for that they were afraid of the Englishmen This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part aboue fifty thousand Ducats in Pearles which he shewed vnto vs and sought to sell them or barter them with vs for Spices or bils of exchange The said two Ships set saile with three or foure hundred men as well Soldiers as others that came with them and not one man saued Tke Vice-admirall cut downe her Mast and ranne the Ship on ground out of India and being at Sea had a storme wherewith the Admirall burst and sunke in thâ— Sea hard by Sentuual where it burst in peeces some of the men sauing themselues by swimming that brought the newes but the rest were drowned In the same moneth there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies and being within halfe a mile of the Road of Tercera they met with an English shippe that after they had fought long together tooke them both About seuen or eight moneths before there had beene an English ship in Tercera that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffique in the Iland there to lade wood and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the Kings vse and all the men kept prisoners yet went they vp and downe the streets to get their liuings by labouring like slaues being in deed as safe in that Iland as if they had beene in prison But in the end vpon a Sunday all the Sailers went downe behind the Hils called Bresill where they found a Fisher-boat whereinto they got and rowed into the Sea to the Earle of Cumberlands ship which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Iland and anchored with his ships about halfe a mile from the Road of Angra hard by two small Ilands which lye about a Bases shot from the Iland and are full of Goats Buckes and Sheepe belonging to the Inhabitants of the Iland of Tercera Those Saylers knew it well and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their Boats and lying at Anchor that day they fetched as many Goats and Sheepe as they had neede of which those of the Towne and of the Iland well saw and beheld yet durst not once go forth so there remayned no more on Land but the Master and the Merchant of the said English ship This Master had a Brother in Law dwelling in England who hauing newes of his brothers imprisonment in Tercera got licence of the Queene of England to set forth a ship therewith to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of them and so to redeeme his brother that lay prisoner in Tercera and he it was that tooke the two Spanish shippes before the Towne The Master of the ship aforesaid standing on the shore by me and looking vpon them for he was my great acquaintance the shipss being taken that were worth three hundred thousand Duckets he sent all the men on Land sauing only two of the principall Gentlemen which he kept aboord thereby to ransome his brother and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken with a Letter to the Gouernour of Tercera wherein he wrote that hee should deliuer him his brother and he would send the two Gentlemen on Land if not he would saile with them into England as indeed he did because the Gouernour would not doe it saying that the Gentleman might make that suite to the King of Spaine him selfe This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs and the Englishmen likewise where hee shewed vs all the manner of their fight much commending the order and manner of the Englishmens fighting as also for their courteous vsing of him but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship without paying any ransome as yet In the moneth of Ianuary 1590 there arriued one ship alone in Tercera that came from the Spanish Indies and brought newes that there was a fleet of a hundred ships which put out from the Firme Land of the Spanish Indies and by a storme were driuen vpon the Coast called Florida where they were all cast away she hauing only escaped wherein there were great riches and many men lost as it may well be thought so that they made their account that of two hundred and twentie ships that for certaine were knowne to haue put out of Noua Spaigna Santo Domingo Hauana Capo verde Brasilia Guinea c. In the yeere 1989. to sayle for Spaine in Portugall there were not aboue fourteene or fifteene of them arriued there in safetie all the rest being either drowned burst or taken In the same Moneth of Ianuary there arriued in Tercera fifteen or sixteene ships that came from Siuilia which were most Flie-boats of the low Countries and some Brittons that were arrested in Spaine these came full of Souldiers and well appointed with munition to lade the siluer that lay in Tercera and to fetch Aluares de Flores by the Kings commandement into Spaine And because that time of the yeere there is alwayes stormes about those Ilands therefore they durst not enter into the Road of Tercera for that as then it blew so great a storme that some of their ships that had anchored were forced to cut downe their Masts and were in danger to bee lost and among the rest a ship of Biscay ranne against the Land and was stricken in pieces but all the men saued themselues The other ships were forced to keepe the Sea and separate themselues one from the other where winde and weather would driue them vntill the fifteenth of March for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anchor in whereby they indured much miserie cursing both the siluer and the Iland This storme being past they chanced to meete with small English ship of about fortie tunnes in bignesse which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes so they set vpon her and tooke her and with the English flagge in their Admirals sterne they came as proudly into the Hauen as if they had conquered all the Realme of England but as the Admirall that bare the English flagge vpon her sterne was entring into the Road there came by chance two English ships by the Iland that paid her so well for her paines that they were forced to cry Misericordia and without all doubt had taken her if she had beene but a mile further
for they had lost in fighting and by drowning aboue foure hundred men and of the English were slaine about a hundred Sir Richard Greenfield himselfe being wounded in his braine whereof afterwards he died He was borne into the Sâ—ip called the Saint Paul wherein was the Admirall of the Fleete Don Alonso de Barsan there his wounds were drest by the Spanish Surgeons but Don Alonso himselfe would neither see him nor speake with him all the rest of the Captaines and Gentlemen went to visite him and to comfort him in his hard fortune wondring at his courage and stout heart for that he shewed not any signe of faintnesse nor changing of coloâ—r But feeling the houre of death to approach he spake these words in Spanish and said Here dye I Richard Greenfield with a ioyfull and quiet minde for that I haue ended my life as a true Souldier ought to doe that hath fought for his Countrey Queene Religion and honour whereby my Soule most ioyfull departeth out of this body and shall alwayes leaue behinde it an euerlasting fame of a valiant and true Soldier that hath done his duetie as hee was bound to doe When he had finished these or such other like words he gaue vp the Ghost with great and stout courage and no man could perceiue any true signe of heauinesse in him This Sir Richard Greenfield was a great and a rich Gentleman in England and had great yearely reuenewes of his owne inheritance but he was a man very vnquiet in his minde and greatly affected to warre in so much as of his owne priuate motion he offered his seruice to the Qâ—eene He had performed many valiant acts and was greatly feared in these Ilands and knowne of euery man but of nature very seuere so that his owne people hated him for his fiercenesse and spake very hardly of him for when they first entred into the Fleete or Armado they had their great saile in a readinesse and might possibly enough haue sailed away for it was one of the best Ships for saile in England and the Master perceiuing that the other Ships had left them and followed not after commanded the great saile to be cut that they might make away but Sir Richard Greenfield threatned both him and all the rest that were in the Ship that if any man laid hand vpon it he would cause him to be hanged and so by that occasion they were compelled to fight and in the end were taken He was of so hard a complexion that as hee continued among the Spanish Captaines while they were at dinner or supper with him hee would carouse three or foure Glasses of Wine and in a brauery take the Glasses betweene his teeth and crash them in peeces and swallow them downe so that often times the bloud ran out of his mouth without any harme at all vnto him and this was told me by diuers credible persons that many times stood and beheld him The Englishmen that were left in the Ship as the Captaine of the Souldiers the Master and others were dispersed into diuers of the Spanish Ships that had taken them where there had almost a new fight arisen betweene the Biscaines and the Portugals while each of them would haue the honour to haue first boorded her so that there grew a great noise and quarrell among them one taking the chiefe Ancient and the other the Flagge and the Captaine and euery one held his owne The ships that had boorded her were altogether out of order and broken and many of their men hurt whereby they were compelled to come into the Iland of Tercera there to repaire themselues where being arriued I and my chamber-fellow to heare some newes went aboord one of the Ships being a great Biscaine and one of the twelue Apostles whose Captaine was called Bertandono that had bin Generall of the Biscaines in the fleete that went for England He seeing vs called vs vp into the Gallery where with great curtesie he receiued vs being as then set at dinner with the English Captaine that sat by him and had on a sute of blacke Veluet but he could not tell vs any thing for that he could speake no other language but English and Latine which Bartandono also could a little speake The English Captaine that he might come on land with his weapon by his side and was in our lodging with the Englishman that was kept prisoner in the Iland being of that ship whereof the sailers got away as I said before The Gouernour of Tercera bad him to dinner and shewed him great curtesie The Master likewise with licence of Bartandono came on land and was in our lodging and had at the least ten or twelue wounds as well in his head as on his body whereof after that being at Sea betweene Lisbone and the Ilands he died The Captaine wrote a Letter wherein he declared all the manner of the fight and left it with the English Merchant that lay in our lodging to send it to the Lord Admirall of England The English Captaine comming to Lisbone was there well receiued and not any hurt done vnto him but with good conuoy sent to Sentuual and from thence sayled into England with all the rest of the Englishmen that were taken prysoners The Spanish Armie staied at the Iland of Corus till the last of September to assemble the rest of the Fleete together which in the end were to the number of one hundred and forty sayle of Ships partly comming from India and partly of the Army and being altogether ready vnto saile to Tercera in good company there sodainly rose so hard and cruell a storme that those of the Iland did affirme that in mans memory there was neuer any such seene or heard of before for it seemed the Sea would haue swallowed vp the Ilands the water mounting higher then the Cliffes which are so high that it amaseth a man to behold them but the Sea reached aboue them and liuing fishes were throwne vpon the land This storme continued not onely a day or two with one winde but seuen or eight dayes continually the winde turning round about in all places of the compasse at the least twice or thrice during that time and all alike with a continuall storme and tempest most terrible to behold euen to vs that were on shore much more then to such as were at Sea so that onely on the Coasts and Clifts of the Iland of Tercera there were aboue twelue Ships cast away and not onely vpon the one side but round about it in euery corner whereby nothing else was heard but complaining crying lamenting and telling here is a ship broken in peeces against the Cliffes and there another and all the men drowned so that for the space of twenty dayes after the storme they did nothing else but fish for dead men that continually came driding on the shore Among the rest was the English ship called the Reuenge that was cast away vpon
Iland we saw a Whale chased by a Thresher and a Sword-fish they fought for the space of two houres we might see the Thresher with his flayle layon the monstrous blowes which was strange to behold in the end these two fishes brought the Whale to her end The sixe and twentieth day we had sight of Marâ—galanta and the next day wee sailed with a slacke saile alongst the I le of Guadalupa where we went ashore and found a Bath which was so hot that no man was able to stand long by it our Admirall Captaine Newport caused a piece of Porke to be put in it which boyled it so in the space of halfe an houre as no fire could mend it Then we went aboord and sailed by many Ilands as Mounserot and an Iland called Saint Christopher both vnhabited about about two a clocke in the afternoone wee anchored at the I le of Meuis There the Captaine landed all his men being well fitted with Muskets and other conuenient Armes marched a mile into the Woods being commanded to stand vpon their guard fearing the treacherie of the Indians which is an ordinary vse amongst them and all other Sauages on this I le we came to a Bath standing in a Valley betwixt two Hils where wee bathed our selues and found it to be of the nature of the Bathes in England some places hot and some colder and men may refresh themselues as they please finding this place to be so conuenient for our men to auoid diseases which will breed in so long a Voyage wee incamped our selues on this Ile sixe dayes and spent none of our ships victuall by reason our men some went a hunting some a fouling and some a fishing where we got great store of Conies sundry kinds of fowles and great plentie of fish We kept Centinels and Courts de gard at euery Captaines quarter fearing wee should be assaulted by the Indians that were on the other side of the Iland wee saw none nor were molested by any but some few we saw as we were a hunting on the Iland They would not come to vs by any meanes but ranne swiftly through the Woods to the Mountaine tops so we lost the sight of them whereupon we made all the haste wee could to our quarter thinking there had beene a great ambush of Indians there abouts We past into the thickest of the Woods where we had almost lost our selues we had not gone aboue halfe a mile amongst the thicke but we came into a most pleasant Garden being a hundred paces square on euery side hauing many Cotton-trees growing in it with abundance of Cotton-wooll and many Guiacum trees wee saw the goodliest tall trees growing so thicke about the Garden as though they had beene set by Art which made vs maruell very much to see it The third day wee set saile from Meuis the fourth day we sailed along by Castutia and by Saba This day we anchored at the I le of Virgines in an excellent Bay able to harbour a hundred Ships if this Bay stood in England it would be a great profit and commoditie to the Land On this Iland wee caught great store of Fresh-fish and abundance of Sea Tortoises which serued all our Fleet three daies which were in number eight score persons We also killed great store of wilde Fowle wee cut the Barkes of certaine Trees which tasted much like Cinnamon and very hot in the mouth This Iland in some places hath very good gâ—â—â—nd straight and tall Timber But the greatest discommoditie that wee haue seene on this Isand is that it hath no Fresh-water which makes the place void of any Inhabitants Vpon the sixt day we set saile and passed by Becam and by Saint Iohn deportorico The seuenth day we arriued at Mona where wee watered which we stood in great need of seeing that our water did smell so vildly that none of our men was able to indure it Whilst some of the Saylers were a filling the Caskes with water the Captaine and the rest of the Gentlemen and other Soldiers marched vp in the I le sixe myles thinking to find some other prouision to maintaine our victualling as wee marched we killed two wild Bores and saw a huge wild Bull his hornes was an ell betweene the two tops Wee also killed Guanas in fashion of a Serpent and specklâ—d like a Toade vnder the belly These wayes that wee went being so trouble some and vilde going vpon the sharpe Rockes that many of our men fainted in the march but by good fortune wee lost none but one Edward Brookes Gentleman whose fat melted within him by the great heate and drought of the Countrey we were not able to relieue him nor our selues so he died in that great extreamitie The ninth day in the afternoone we went off with our Boat to the I le of Moneta some three leagues from Mona where we had a terrible landing and a troublesome getting vp to the top of the Mountaine or I le being a high firme Rocke step with many terrible sharpe stones After wee got to the top of the I le we found it to bee a fertill and a plaine ground full of goodly grasse and abundance of Fowles of all kindes they flew ouer our heads as thicke as drops of Hale besides they made such a noise that wee were not able to heare one another speake Furthermore wee were not able to set our feet on the ground but either on Fowles or Egges which lay so thicke in the grasse Wee laded two Boats full in the space of three houres to our great refreshing The tenth day we set saile and disimboged out of the West Indies and bare our course Northerly The fourteenth day we passed the Tropicke of Cancer The one and twentieth day about fiue a clocke at night there began a vehement tempest which lasted all the night with winds raine and thunders in a terrible manner Wee were forced to lie at Hull that night because we thought wee had beene neerer land then wee were The next morning being the two and twentieth day wee sounded and the three and twentieth and foure and twenteth day but we could find no ground The fiue and twentieth day we sounded and had no ground at an hundred fathom The six and twentieth day of Aprill about foure a clocke in the morning wee descried the Land of Virginia the same day wee entred into the Bay of Chesupioc directly without any let or hinderance there wee landed and discouered a little way but wee could find nothing worth the speaking of but faire meddowes and goodly tall Trees with such Fresh-waters running through the woods as I was almost rauished at the first sight thereof At night when wee were going aboard there came the Sauages creeping vpon all foure from the Hills like Beares with their Bowes in their mouthes charged vs very desperately in the faces hurt Captaine Gabrill Archer in both his hands
and a sayler in two places of the body very dangerous After they had spent their Arrowes and felt the sharpnesse of our shot they retired into the Woods with a great noise and so left vs. The seuen and twentieth day we began to build vp our Shallop the Gentlemen and Souldiers marched eight miles vp into the Land we could not see a Sauage in all that march we came to a place where they had made a great fire and had beene newly a rosting Oysters when they perceiued our comming they fled away to the Mountaines and left many of the Oysters in the fire we eat some of the Oysters which were very large and delicate in taste The eighteenth day we lanched our Shallop the Captaine and some Gentlemen went in her and discouered vp the Bay we found a Riuer on the Southside running into the Maine we entered it and found it very shoald water not for any Boats to swim Wee went further into the Bay and saw a plaine plot of ground where we went on Land and found the place fiue mile in compasse without either Bush or Tree we saw nothing there but a Cannow which was made out of the whole tree which was fiue and fortie foot long by the Rule Vpon this plot of ground we got good store of Mussels and Oysters which lay on the ground as thicke as stones wee opened some and found in many of them Pearles Wee marched some three or foure miles further into the Woods where we saw great smoakes of fire Wee marched to those smoakes and found that the Sauages had beene there burning downe the grasse as wee thought either to make their plantation there or else to giue signes to bring their forces together and so to giue vs battell We past through excellent ground full of Flowers of diuers kinds and colours and as goodly trees as I haue seene as Cedar Cipresse and other kindes going a little further we came into a little plat of ground full of fine and beautifull Strawberries foure times bigger and better then ours in England All this march we could neither see Sauage nor Towne When it grew to be towards night we stood backe to our Ships we sounded and found it shallow water for a great way which put vs out of all hopes for getting any higher with our Ships which road at the mouth of the Riuer Wee rowed ouer to a point of Land where wee found a channell and sounded six eight ten or twelue fathom which put vs in good comfort Therefore wee named that point of Land Cape Comfort The nine and twentieth day we set vp a Crosse at Chesupioc Bay and named that place Cape Henry Thirtieth day we came with our ships to Cape Comfort where wee saw fiue Sauages running on the shoare presently the Captaine caused the shallop to be manned so rowing to the shoare the Captaine called to them in signe of friendship but they were at first very timersome vntil they saw the Captain lay his hand on his heart vpon that they laid down their Bowes and Arrowes and came very boldly to vs making signes to come a shoare to their Towne which is called by the Sauages Kecoughtan Wee coasted to their Towne rowing ouer a Riuer running into the Maine where these Sauages swam ouer with their Bowes and Arrowes in their mo 〈…〉 When we came ouer to the other side there was a many of other Sauages which directed vs to their Towne where we were entertained by them very kindly When we came first a Land they made a dolefull noise laying their faces to the ground scratching the earth with their nailes We did thinke that they had beene at their Idolatry When they had ended their Ceremonies they went into their houses and brought out mats and laid vpon the ground the chiefest of thē sate all in a rank the meanest sort brought vs such dainties as they had of their bread which they make of their Maiz or Gennea wheat they would not suffer vs to eat vnlesse we sate down which we did on a Mat right against them After we were well satisfied they gaue vs of their Tabacco which they tooke in a pipe made artificially of earth as ours are but far bigger with the bowle fashioned together with a piece of fine copper After they had feasted vs they shewed vs in welcome their manner of dancing which was in this fashion one of the Sauages standing in the midst singing beating one hand against another all the rest dancing about him shouting howling and stamping against the ground with many Anticke tricks and faces making noise like so many Wolues or Deuils One thing of them I obserued when they were in their dance they kept stroke with their feet iust one with another but with their hands heads faces and bodies euery one of them had a seuerall gesture so they continued for the space of halfe an houre When they had ended their dance the Captaine gaue them Beades and other trifling Iewells They hang through their eares Fowles legs they shaue the right side of their heads with a shell the left side they weare of an ell long tied vp with an artificiall knot with a many of Foules feathers sticking in it They goe altogether naked but their priuities are couered with Beasts skinnes beset commonly with little bones or beasts teeth some paint their bodies balcke some red with artificiall knots of sundry liuely colours very beautifull and pleasing to the eye in a brauer fashion then they in the West Indies The fourth day of May we came to the King or Werowance of Paspihe where they entertained vs with much welcome an old Sauage made a long Oration making a foule noise vttering his speech with a vehement action but we knew little what they meant Whilst we were in company with the Paspihes the Werowance of Rapahanna came from the other side of the Riuer in his Cannoa he seemed to take displeasure of our being with the Paspihes he would faine haue had vs come to his Towne the Captaine was vnwilling seeing that the day was so far spent he returned backe to his ships for that night The next day being the fift of May the Werowance of Rapahanna sent a Messenger to haue vs come to him We entertained the said Messenger and gaue him trifles which pleased him Wee manned our shallop with Muskets and Targatiers sufficiently this said Messenger guided vs where our determination was to goe When wee landed the Werowance of Rapahanna came downe to the water side with all his traine as goodly men as any I haue seene of Sauages or Christians the Werowance comming before them playing on a Flute made of a Reed with a Crown of Deares haire colloured red in fashion of a Rose fastened about his knot of haire and a great Plate of Copper on the other side of his head with two long Feathers in fashion of a paire of Hornes placed in the midst
Captaine Gosnols death the Councell could hardly agree by the dissention of Captaine Kendall which afterward was committed about hainous matters which was proued against him The foure and twentieth day died Edward Harington and George Walker and were buried the same day The sixe and twentieth day died Kenelme Throgmortine The seuen and twentieth day died William Roods The eight and twentieth day died Thomas Stoodie Cape Merchant The fourth day of September died Thomas Iacob Sergeant The fift day there died Beniamin Beast Our men were destroyed with cruell diseases as Swellings Flixes Burning Feuers and by warres and some departed suddenly but for the most part they died of meere famine There were neuer Englishmen left in a forreigne Countrey in such miserie as wee were in this new discouered Virginia Wee watched euery three nights lying on the bare cold ground what weather soeuer came warded all the next day which brought our men to bee most feeble wretches our food was but a small Can of Barlie sod in water to fiue men a day our drinke cold water taken out of the Riuer which was at a floud verie salt at a low tide full of slime and filth which was the destruction of many of our men Thus we liued for the space of fiue moneths in this miserable distresse not hauing fiue able men to man our Bulwarkes vpon any occasion If it had not pleased God to haue put a terrour in the Sauages hearts we had all perished by those vild and cruell Pagans being in that weake estate as we were our men night and day groaning in euery corner of the Fort most pittifull to heare if there were any conscience in men it would make their harts to bleed to heare the pittiful murmurings out-cries of our sick men without reliefe euery night and day for the space of sixe weekes some departing out of the World many times three or foure in a night in the morning their bodies trailed out of their Cabines like Dogges to be buried in this sort did I see the mortalitie of diuers of our people It pleased God after a while to send those people which were our mortall enemies to releeue vs with victuals as Bread Corne Fish and Flesh in great plentie which was the setting vp of our feeble men otherwise wee had all perished Also we were frequented by diuers Kings in the Countrie bringing vs store of prouision to our great comfort The eleuenth day there was certaine Articles laid against Master Wing fiield which was then President thereupon he was not only displaced out of his President ship but also from being of the Councell Afterwards Captaine Iohn Ratcliffe was chosen President The eighteenth day died oue Ellis Kinistone which was starued to death with cold The same day at night died one Richard Simmons The nineteenth day there died one Thomas Mouton William White hauing liued with the Natiues reported to vs of their customes in the morning by breake of day before they eate or drinke both men women and children that be aboue tenne yeeres of age runnes into the water there washes themselues a good while till the Sunne riseth then offer Sacrifice to it strewing Tobacco on the water or Land honouring the Sunne as their God likewise they doe at the setting of the Sunne CHAP. III. The description of Virginia by Captaine IOHN SMITH inlarged out of his written Notes VIrginia is a Countrie in America that lieth betweene the degrees of 34. and 44. of the North Latitude The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean On the South lieth Florida on the North Noua Francia As for the West thereof the limits are vnknowne Of all this Countrie we purpose not to speake but only of that part which was planted by the Englishmen in the yeere of our Lord 1606. And this is vnder the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this Countrie doth agree wel with English constitutions being once seasoned to the Countrie Which appeared by this that though by many occasions our people fell sicke yet did they recouer by verie small meanes and continued in health though there were other great causes not only to haue made them sicke but euen to end their dayes c. The Summer is hot as in Spaine the Winter cold as in France or England The heate of Summer is in Iune Iuly and August but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemencie of the heate The chiefe of Winter is halfe December Ianuary February and halfe March The cold is extreme sharpe but heere the Prouerbe is true That no extreme continueth long In the yeere 1607. was an extraordinary Frost in most of Europe and this Frost was found as extreme in Uirginia But the next yeere for eight or ten daies of ill weather other fourteene daies would be as Summer The winds here are variable but the like Thunder and Lightning to purifie the Aire I haue seldome either seene or heard in Europe From the South-west came the greatest gusts with Thunder and heate The North-west winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it From the North is the greatest cold and from the East and South-east as from the Barmadas fogges and raines Sometimes there are great droughts other times much raine yet great necessitie of neither by reason we see not but that all the varietie of needfull Fruits in Europe may bee there in great plentie by the industry of men as appeareth by those we there planted There is but one entrance by Sea into this Countrey and that is at the mouth of a verie goodly Bay the widenesse whereof is neere eighteene or twenâ—ie miles The Cape on the South side is called Cape Henrie in honour of our most Noble Prince The shew of the Land there is a white Hilly Sand like vnto the Downes and along the shoares great plentie of Pines and Firres The North Cape is called Cape Charles in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke Thelles before it are named Smiths Iles because he first of ours set foot on them Within is a Countrey that may haue the prerogatiue ouer the most pleasant places of Europe Asia Africa or America for large and pleasant nauigable Riuers Heauen and Earth neuer agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation being of our constitutions were it fully mannured and inhabited by industrious people Here are Mountaynes Hils Plaines Vallies Riuers and Brookes all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay compassed but for the mouth with fruitful delightsome Land In the Bay and Riuers are many Iles both great and small some woodie some plaine most of them low and not inhabited This Bay lieth North an South in which the water floweth neere two hundred miles and hath a Channell for one hundred and fortie miles of depth betwixt seuen and fifteene fadome holding in breadth for the most part ten or fourteene miles From the head of the Bay at
that there had bin a generall determination to haue shut vp hatches and commending our sinfull soules to God committed the Shippe to the mercy of the Sea surely that night we must haue done it and that night had we then perished but see the goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope by our mercifull God giuen vnto vs. Sir George Summers when no man dreamed of such happinesse had discouered and cried Land Indeede the morning now three quarters spent had wonne a little cleerenesse from the dayes before and it being better surueyed the very trees were seene to moue with the winde vpon the shoare side whereupon our Gouernour commanded the Helme-man to beare vp the Boateswaine sounding at the first found it thirteene fathome when we stood a little in seuen fatham and presently heauing his lead the third time had ground at foure fathome and by this we had got her within a mile vnder the South-east point of the land where we had somewhat smooth water But hauing no hope to saue her by comming to an anker in the same we were inforced to runne her ashoare as neere the land as we could which brought vs within three quarters of a mile of shoare and by the mercy of God vnto vs making out our Boates we had ere night brought all our men women and children about the number of one hundred and fifty safe into the Iland We found it to be the dangerous and dreaded Iland or rather Ilands of the Bermuda whereof let mee giue your Ladyship a briefe description before I proceed to my narration And that the rather because they be so terrible to all that euer touched on them and such tempests thunders and other fearefull obiects are seene and heard about them that they be called commonly The Deuils Ilands and are feared and auoyded of all sea trauellers aliue aboue any other place in the world Yet it pleased our mercifull God to make euen this hideous and hated place both the place of our safetie and meanes of our deliuerance And hereby also I hope to deliuer the world from a foule and generall errour it being counted of most that they can be no habitation for Men but rather giuen ouer to Deuils and wicked Spirits whereas indeed wee find them now by experience to bee as habitable and commodious as most Countries of the same climate and situation insomuch as if the entrance into them were as easie as the place it selfe is contenting it had long ere this beene inhabited as well as other Ilands Thus shall we make it appeare That Truth is the daughter of Time and that men ought not to deny euery thing which is not subiect to their owne sense The Bermudas bee broken Ilands fiue hundred of them in manner of an Archipelagus at least if you may call them all Ilands that lie how little soeuer into the Sea and by themselues of small compasse some larger yet then other as time and the Sea hath wonne from them and eaten his passage through and all now lying in the figure of a Croissant within the circuit of sixe or seuen leagues at the most albeit at first it is said of them that they were thirteene or fourteene leagues and more in longitude as I haue heard For no greater distance is it from the Northwest Point to Gates his Bay as by this Map your Ladyship may see in which Sir George Summers who coasted in his Boat about them all tooke great care to expresse the same exactly and full and made his draught perfect for all good occasions and the benefit of such who either in distresse might be brought vpon them or make saile this way It should seeme by the testimony of Gonzalus Ferdinandus Ouiedus in his Booke intituled The Summary or Abridgement of his generall History of the West Indies written to the Emperor Charles the Fift that they haue beene indeed of greater compasse and I easily beleeue it then they are now who thus saith In the yeere 1515. when I came first to informe your Maiesty of the state of the things in India and was the yeere following in Flanders in the time of your most fortunate successe in these your kingdomes of Aragony and Casteel whereas at that voyage I sayled aboue the Iland Bermudas otherwise called Gorza being the farthest of all the Ilands that are yet found at this day in the world and arriuing there at the depth of eight yards of water and distant from the Land as farre as the shot of a Peece of Ordnance I determined to send some of the ship to Land as well to make search of such things as were there as also to leaue in the Iland certaine Hogges for increase but the time not seruing my purpose by reason of contrary winde I could bring my Ships no neerer the Iland being twelue leagues in length and sixteene in breadth and about thirtie in circuit lying in the thirtie three degrees of the North side Thus farre hee True it is the maine Iland or greatest of them now may bee some sixteene miles in length East North-east and West South-west the longest part of it standing in thirtie two degrees and twentie minutes in which is a great Bay on the North side in the North-west end and many broken Ilands in that Sound or Bay and a little round Iland at the South-west end As occasions were offered so we gaue titles and names to certaine places These Ilands are often afflicted and rent with tempests great strokes of thunder lightning and raine in the extreamity of violence which and it may well bee hath so sundred and torne downe the Rockes and whurried whole quarters of Ilands into the maine Sea some sixe some seuen leagues and is like in time to swallow them all so as euen in that distance from the shoare there is no small danger of them and with them of the stormes continually raging from them which once in the full and change commonly of euery Moone Winter or Summer keepe their vnchangeable round and rather thunder then blow from euery corner about them sometimes fortie eight houres together especially if the circle which the Philosophers call Halo were in our being there seene about the Moone at any season which bow indeed appeared there often and would bee of a mightie compasse and breadth I haue not obserued it any where one quarter so great especially about the twentieth of March I saw the greatest when followed vpon the eues eue of the Annuntiation of our Ladie the mightiest blast of lightning and most terrible rap of thunder that euer astonied mortall men I thinke In August September and vntill the end of October wee had very hot and pleasant weather onely as I say thunder lightning and many scattering showers of Raine which would passe swiftly ouer and yet fall with such force and darknesse for the time as if it would neuer bee cleere againe wee wanted not any and of raine more in
Beame sixe foote floore her Rake forward was fourteene foot her Rake aft from the top of her Post which was twelue foot long was three foot shee was eight foot deepe vnder her Beame betweene her Deckes she was foure foot and an halfe with a rising of halfe a foot more vnder her fore Castle of purpose to scowre the Decke with small shot if at any time wee should bee borded by the Enemie Shee had a fall of eighteene inches aft to make her sterage and her great Cabbin the more large her sterage was fiue foote long and sixe foote high with a close Gallerie right aft with a window on each side and two right aft The most part of her timber was Cedar which we found to be bad for shipping for that it is wonderous false inward and besides iâ— is so spault or brickle that it will make no good plankes her Beames were all Oke of our ruine ship and some plankes in her Bow of Oke and all the rest as is aforesaid When shee began to swimme vpon her launching our Gouernour called her The Deliuerance and shee might be some eighty tunnes of burthen Before we quitted our old quarter and dislodged to the fresh water with our Pinnasse our Gouernour set vp in Sir George Summers Garden a faire Muemosynon in figure of a Crosse made of some of the timber of our ruined shippe which was serued in with strong and great trunnels to a mightie Cedar which grew in the middest of the said Garden and whose top and vpper branches he caused to be lopped that the violence of the winde and weather might haue the lesse power ouer her In the middest of the Crosse our Gouernour fastened the Picture of his Maiestie in a piece of Siluer of twelue pence and on each side of the Crosse hee set an Inscription grauen in Copper in the Latine and English to this purpose In memory of our great Deliuerance both from a mightie storme and leake wee haue set vp this to the honour of God It is the spoyle of an English ship of three hundred tunne called the Sea Venture bound with seuen ships more from which the storme diuided vs to Virginia or Noua Britania in America In it were two Knights Sir Thomas Gates Knight Gouernour of the English Forces and Colonie there and Sir George Summers Knight Admirall of the Seas Her Captaine was Christopher Newport Passengers and Mariners shee had beside which came all safe to Land one hundred and fiftie We were forced to runne her ashore by reason of her leake vnder a Point that bore Southeast from the Northerne Point of the Iland which wee discouered first the eight and twentieth of Iuly 1609. About the last of Aprill Sir George Summers launched his Pinnasse and brought her from his building Bay in the Mayne Iland into the Chanuell where ours did ride and shee was by the Keele nine and twentie foot at the Beame fifteene foot and an halfe at the Loofe fourteene at the Trausam nine and she was eight foot deepe and drew sixe foote water and hee called heâ— the Patience §. III. Their departure from Bermuda and arriuall in Virginia miseries there departure and returne vpon the Lord LA WARRES arriuing IAMES Towne described FRom this time we only awaited a fauourable Westerly wind to carrie vs forth which longer then vsuall now kept at the East and South-east the way which wee were to goe The tenth of May early Sir George Summers and Captaine Newport went off with their long Boates and with two Canoaes boyed the Channell which wee were to leade it out in and which was no broader from Shoales on the one side and Rockes on the other then about three times the length of our Pinnasse About ten of the clocke that day being Thursday we set sayle an easie gale the wind at South and by reason no more winde blew we were faine to towe her with our long Boate yet neither with the helpe of that were we able to fit our Bowyes but euen when we came iust vpon them we strucke a Rocke on the starboord side ouer which the Bowye rid and had it not beene a soft Rocke by which meanes she bore it before her and crushed it to pieces God knowes we might haue beene like enough to haue returned anew and dwelt there after tenne monethes of carefulnesse and great labour a longer time but God was more mercifull vnto vs. When shee strucke vpon the Rocke the Cock-â—wayne one Walsingham beeing in the Boate with a quicke spirit when wee were all amazed and our hearts failed and so by Gods goodnesse wee led it out at three fadome and three fadome and an halfe water The wind serued vs easily all that day and the next when God be euer praysed for it to the no little ioy of vs all we got cleere of the Ilands After which holding a Southerly course for seuen dayes wee had the winde sometimes faire and sometimes scarce and contrarie in whâ—ch time we lost Sir George Summers twice albeit we still spared him our mayne top-sayle and sometimes our fore course too The seuenteenth of May we saw change of water and had much Rubbish swimme by our ship side whereby wee knew wee were not farre from Land The eighteenth â—bout midnight wee founded with the Dipsing Lead and found thirtie seuen fadome The nineteenth in the morning we sounded and â—ad nineteene and an halfe fadome stonie and sandie ground The twentieth about midnight we had a maruellous sweet smell from the shoare as from the Coast of Spaine short of the Straits strong and pleasant which did not a little glad vs. In the morning by day breake so soone as one might well see from the fore-top one of the Saylers descryed Land about an houre after I went vp and might discouer two Hummockes to the Southward from which Northward all along lay the Land which wee were to Coast to Cape Henrie About seuen of the clocke we cast forth an Anchor because the tyde by reason of the Freshet that set into the Bay make a strong Ebbe there and the winde was but easie so as not beeing able to stemme the Tyde we purposed to lye at an Anchor vntill the next flood but the wind comming South-west a loome gale about eleuen we set sayle againe and hauing got ouer the Barre bore in for the Cape This is the famous Chesipiacke Bay which wee haue called in honour of our young Prince Cape Henrie ouer against which within the Bay lyeth another Head-land which wee called in honour of our Princely Duke of Yorke Cape Charles and these lye North-east and by East and South-west and by West and they may bee distant each from the other in breadth seuen leagues betweene which the Sea runnes in as broad as betweene Queeneburrough and Lee. Indeed it is a goodly Bay and a fairer not easily to be found The one and twentieth beeing Munday in the morning wee came vp within
taking effect our Gouernor hauing caused to be carried aboord all the Armes and all the best things in the store which might to the Aduenturers make some commodity vpon the sale thereof at home and burying our Ordnances before the Fort gate which looked into the Riuer The seuenth of Iune hauing appointed to euery Pinnace likewise his complement and number also deliuered thereunto a proportionable rate of prouision hee commanded euery man at the beating of the Drum to repaire aboord And because hee would preserue the Towne albeit now to be quitted vnburned which some intemperate and malicious people threatned his owne Company he caused to be last ashoare and was himselfe the last of them when about noone giuing a farewell with a peale of small shot wee set saile and that night with the tide fell downe to an Iland in the Riuer which our people haue called Hogge Iland and the morning tide brought vs to another Iland which we haue called Mulberry Iland where lying at an ancor in the afternoone stemming the tide wee discouered a long Boate making towards vs from Point Comfort much descant we made thereof about an houre it came vp by which to our no little ioyes we had intelligence of the honorable my Lord La Warr his arriuall before Algarnoone Fort the sixt of Iune at what time true it is his Lordship hauing vnderstood of our Gouâ—rnours resolution to depart the Country with all expedition caused his Skiffe to be manned and in it dispatched his letters by Captain Edward Bruster who commandeth his Lordships Company to our Gouernour which preuenting vs before the aforesaid Mulberry Iland the eight of Iune aforesaid vpon the receipt of his honours letters our Gouernour bore vp the helme with the winde comming Easterly and that night the winde so fauourable relanded all his men at the Fort againe before which the tenth of Iune being Sunday his Lordship had likewise brought his Ships and in the afternoone came a shoare with Sir Ferdinando Weinman and all his Lordships followers Here worthy Lady let mee haue a little your pardon for hauing now a better heart then when I first landed I will briefely describe vnto you the situation and forme of our Fort. When Captain Newport in his first Voyage did not like to inhabit vpon so open a roade as Cape Henry nor Point Comfort he plied it vp to the Riuer still looking out for the most apt and securest place as well for his Company to sit downe in as which might giue the least cause of offence or distast in his iudgement to the Inhabitants At length after much and weary search with their Barge coasting still before as Virgill writeth Aeneas did arriuing in the region of Italy called Latium vpon the bankes of the Riuer Tyber in the Country of a Werowance talled Wowinchapuncke aditionary to Powhatan within this faire Riuer of Paspiheigh which wee haue called the Kings Riuer a Country least inhabited by the Indian as they all the way obserued and threescore miles better vp the fresh Channell from Cape Henry they had sight of an extended plaine spot of earth which thrust out into the depth middest of the channell making a kinde of Chersonesus or Peninsula for it was fastened onely to the Land with a slender necke no broader then a man may well quaite a tile shard no inhabitants by seuen or six miles neere it The Trumpets sounding the Admirall strooke saile and before the same the rest of the Fleete came to an ancor and here as the best yet offered vnto their view supposed so much the more conuenient by how much with their small Company they were like inough the better to assure it to loose no further time the Colony disimbarked and euery man brought his particular store and furniture together with the generall prouision ashoare for the safety of which as likewise for their owne security ease and better accommodating a certaine Canton and quantity of that little halfe Iland of ground was measured which they began to fortifie and thereon in the name of God to raise a Fortresse with the ablest and speediest meanes they could which Fort growing since to more perfection is now at this present in this manner A low leuell of ground about halfe an Acre or so much as Queene Dido might buy of King Hyarbas which she compassed about with the thongs cut out of one Bull hide and therein built her Castle of Byrza on the North side of the Riuer is cast almost into the forme of a Triangle and so Pallizadoed The South side next the Riuer howbeit extended in a line or Curtaine six score foote more in length then the other two by reason the aduantage of the ground doth so require containes one hundred and forty yards the West and East sides a hundred onely At euery Angle or corner where the lines meete a Bulwarke or Watchtower is raised and in each Bulwarke a peece of Ordnance or two well mounted To euery side a proportioned distance from the Pallisado is a setled streete of houses that runs along so as each line of the Angle hath his streete In the middest is a market place a Store house and a Corps du guard as likewise a pretty Chappell though at this time when wee came in as ruined and vnfrequented but the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall hath giuen order for the repairing of it and at this instant many hands are about it It is in length threescore foote in breadth twenty foure and shall haue a Chancell in it of Cedar and a Communion Table of the Blake Walnut and all the Pewes of Cedar with faire broad windowes to shut and open as the weather shall occasion of the same wood a Pulpet of the same with a Font hewen hollow like a Canoa with two Bels at the West end It is so cast as it be very light within and the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall doth cause it to be kept passing sweete and trimmed vp with diuers flowers with a Sexton belonging to it and in it euery Sonday wee haue Sermons twice a day and euery Thursday a Sermon hauing true preachers which take their weekely turnes and euery morning at the ringing of a Bell about ten of the clocke each man addressèth himselfe to prayers and so at foure of the clocke before Supper Euery Sunday when the Lord Gouernour and Captaine Generall goeth to Church hee is accompanied with all the Counsailers Captaines other Officers and all the Gentlemen and with a Guard of Holberdiers in his Lordships Liuery faire red cloakes to the number of fifty both on each side and behinde him and being in the Church his Lordship hath his seate in the Quier in a greene Veluet Chaire with a Cloath with a Veluet Cushion spread on a Table before him on which he kneeleth and on each side sit the Counsell Captaines and Officers each in their place and when he returneth home againe he is
vngodly and inhumane also to deny the world to men or like Manger-dogges neither to eat hay themselues nor to suffer the hungry Oxe to prohibite that for others habitation whereof themselues can make no vse or for merchandise whereby much benefit accreweth to both parts They which doe this Tollunt è vita vitae societatem to vse Tullies phrase hominem ex homine tollunt to borrow Saint Ieroms in another matter The Barbarians themselues by light of nature saw this and gaue Ours kind entertainment in mutuall cohabitation and commerce and they hauing not the Law were a Law to themselues practically acknowledging this Law of Nature written by him which is Natura naturans in their hearts from which if they since haue declined they haue lost their owne Naturall and giuen vs another Nationall right their transgression of the Law of Nature which tieth Men to Men in the rights of Natures commons exposing them as a forfeited bond to the chastisement of that common Law of mankind and also on our parts to the seueritie of the Law of Nations which tyeth Nation to Nation And if they bee not worthy of the name of a Nation being wilde and Sauage yet as Slaues bordering rebells excommunicates and out-lawes are lyeble to the punishments of Law and not to the priuiledges So is it with these Barbarians Borderers and Outlawes of Humanity Armatenenti Omnia dat qui iusta negat If the Armes bee iust as in this case of vindicating vnnaturall inhumane wrongs to a louing and profitable Nation entertained voluntarily in time of greatest pretended amity On this quarrell Dauid conquered all the Kingdome of the Ammonites and leâ—â— it to his 〈◊〉 in many generations notwithstanding Moses had otherwise left a speciall caution for their security testifying that God had giuen it the sonnes of Lot and prohibiting inuasion to Israel That natural right of cohabitation and commerce we had with others this of iust inuasion and conquest and many others praeuious to this we haue aboue others so that England may both by Law of Nature and Nations challenge Virginia for her owne peculiar propriety and that by all right and rites vsuall amongst men not those mentioned alone but by others also first discouery first actuall possession prescription gift cession and liuery of seisin sale for price that I mention not the naturall Inheritance of the English their naturally borne and the vnnaturall outcries of so many vnnaturally murthered for iust vengeance of rooting out the authors and actors of so prodigious iniustice And first for discouery the English Spaniard and Portugall seeme the Triumuiri of the Worlds first discoueries the Spaniard and Portugall first opening the Eastern Western and Southern parts the English the Northern America and all known parts thence to the North Northeast I could bring authority for King Arthurs conquests aboue 1000. yeers since in Island Gronland Estotiland but I feare this would seeme too weake a foundation and which lyers get by lying discredit our other authorities lesse suspicious howsoeuer Authors of best note in Geography alledge those which reuerence of the truth makes me let passe And so I doe King Malgo soone after him and Saint Brandon and the Friar of Oxford which A. 1360. is said to discouer to the Pole and Owen Gwined Prince of North Wales his sonne Madock A. 1170. which conueyed a Colony as learned men thinke into the West Indies In all Antiquities as Uarro obserued there are somethings fabulous so I deeme the former something vncertaine as this last and somethings Historicall as that which we shall deliuer Robert Thorne in a Booke to Doctor Leigh writeth that his father with another Merchant of Bristol Hugh Eliot were the first discouerers of the New-found-lands and if the Mariners would haue beene ruled by their Pilot the Lands of the West Indies from whence the Gold commeth had beene ours What yeere this happened he expresseth not but the words import that it was before Columbus his discouery And before Columbus his discouery of the continent Sir Sebastian Cabot at the charges of K. Henry the seuenth with two Caruels in the yeere 1496. so him selfe in Ramusio the Map with his picture in the Priuy Gallery hath 1497. sailed to the New-found land which he called Prima Vista and the Iland S. Iohns because it was discouered on the Feast of S. Iohn Baptist from whence he sailed Northerly to 67. deg and a halfe hoping by that way to passe to Cathay but his mutinous company terrified haply with Ice and cold forced his returne which hee made along the Coast toward the Equinoctiall to the part of the firme land now called Florida and then his victualls failing he returned into England where by occasion of warres with Scotland the imploiment was laid aside Afterwards the same Sir Sebastian Cabot was sent A. 1516. by King Henry the eight together with Sir Thomas Pert Viceadmirall of England which after coasting this Continent the second time as I haue read discouered the Coast of Brasil and returned from thence to S. Domingo and Puerto Rico. Now Columbus his first discouery of the Ilands was in 1492. of the Continent in his third voyage in August 1497. or as others 1498. so that counting most fauourably for Columbus Cabot had discouered the Continent in Iune next before by one reckoning aboue a yeere by another aboue two yeeres before And indeed that New World might more fitly haue borne his name then America of Americus vesputius or of Columbus Cabot hauing discouered farre more of that Continent then they both or any man else in those Seas to wit from 67. degrees and an halfe to the Line and from thence Southerly to the Riuer of Plate Hee also was the principall mouer in the setting forth of Sir Hugh Willoughby in King Edwards time vnder whom he was constituted Grand Pilot of England with the annuall stipend of one hundred sixtie sixe pound thirteene shillings foure pence in which voyage Greeneland was discouered neither is there any other Willoughbys Land to be found but in erroneous Maps and the Russian Empire by the North Cape and the Bay of Saint Nicolas But for Uirginia as it was then discouered by Sir Seb. Cabot so it receiued that name from our Virgin-Mother Great Elizabeth in whose time formal actual possession was taken for her Maiesty the thirteenth of Iuly 1584. by Captain Philip Amadas and Captain Barlow whom Sir Walter Raleigh had sent thither with two Barkes furnished who also the next yeere 1585. sent Sir Richard Greenevile with seuen sayle which there left an English Colony vnder the gouernment of M. Ralph Lane A. 1586. hee sent another Ship of one hundred Tuns thither for their reliefe but the Colony being returned in Sir Francis Drakes Fleet shee returned also Sir Richard Greenevile also about a fortnight after their departure arriued with three Ships and not finding the Colonie
wantonized and danced a Loath to depart in the winding of those Streames which seeme willingly againe and againe to embrace that beloued Soile and to present her with rich Collers of siluer Esses murmuring that they must leaue so fresh and fertile a Land of which at last with Salt teares they take their leaue but contracting with their New Sea Lord to visit their old Land-lord and former Loue euery Floud Meane whiles those many impetuous clippings and sweet embraces searching refuges euery way make shew as if they would meet together in consultation and agree on some Conspiracie which howsoeuer disappointed yeeld neuerthelesse many conueniences of entercourse and easier portage each Riuer comming within foure eight ten miles more or fewer in diuers places of another All these Riuers runne into a faire Bay on which the Earth euery way is a greedie gazing Spectator except where the Ocean rusheth in to rauish her beauties flowing neere two hundred miles into it and forcing a Channell one hundred and fortie of depth betwixt seuen and fifteene fathome and ten or fourteene miles in ordinary breadth The Earth yet vndermining it by Ilands and mustering those Riuer Captaines and innumerable Springs and Brookes maintaineth his fresh challenge with continuall Warres forcing backe the Ocean euery Ebbe to retire which yet loth to lose so sweete a possession returneth within few houres freshly flowing with Salt re-enforcements Fifthly the soile is blessed euery Element bestowing a rich portion on her The fire hath treasures laid vp to maintaine her fewell vnto prodigality yea which seldome meete a thriftie prodigality for many yeeres Her store of waters you haue heard but not her watery store of fishes vnto incredibility in kinds goodnesse numbers The Aire is no lesse luxuriant in the Fowles of Heauen But the Earth fruitfull Mother of Mankind she is prodigiously prodigall in fatnesse of the soile talnesse sweetnesse strength varietie numberlesse numbers of her Trees her Oakes no lesse excellent then frequent many of them bearing two foote and an halfe square of good Timber twenty yards long of which also are diuers kinds Elmes and Ashes of which Sope-ashes are made Wal-nuts in three sorts Cypresses or much resembling them Cedars and other sweet smelling Timbers Chesnuts Plummes of diuers sorts Cheries and other Trees c. reckoned by Virginian Relators I omit But most remarkable and promising are the Mulberie and the Vine the one to the backe the other to the belly yeelding Silkes and Wine As for Silke how great profits are raised thereof to the Chinois and Persian Yea to come neerer in Naples and other parts of Italy which haue prouoked France to a generall imitation And how vnualuable are the expenses of this Kingdome for that materiall Ut matronae in publico luceant Likewise for Wines from France Spaine Germanie and other parts how many thousands are yeerely expended to the profits of Strangers that I say not to enemies or at least to suspected friends It hath pleased his Maiestie to take these two into his Princely consideration and by his Letter to the Right Honorable the Earle of Southampton and the Company of Virginia to commend and command this care to them The Countrey it selfe naturally produceth Vines in great abundance and some of a very good sort diuers plants also haue beene sent thither of the better kinds of Christendome with eight Vignerons procured from Languedock for the husbanding of that commoditie The Soyle is no lesse naturally happy in Mulberie Trees of the best kind and some Silke-wormes also and generall order hath beene taken for the abundant planting of them in all places inhabited large supply also of Silke-worme-seed from his Maiesties store and men skilfull in that kind for the well ordering of that businesse haue beene sent In a word the very prosperity and pregnant hopes of that Plantation made the Deuil and his lims to enuy feare and hate it Hence thatbloudy Massacre which caused almost a sudden Chaos to the hinderance of those affaires by the convulsions combustions and almost confusion of that Body and their Designes whereof yet we hope not only a recouery but greater aduantage the greatest danger from the Sauages growing out of our mens confidence which that terrible stroke except a stupid Deuill possesse vs hath cut off which likewise requires that seruile natures be seruily vsed that future dangers be preuented by the extirpation of the more dangerous and commodities also raised out of the seruilenesse and seruiceablenesse of the rest As for Sassafras Salt Terra Lemnia Gummes and other profitable Drugges I shall not neede speake nor of their Silke-grasse naturally growing besides a kind of Hempe or Flaxe yeelding most excellent Cordage Pot-ashes Sope-ashes Pitch and Tarre haue beene the employment of Polacres sent thither In foure yeeres space before the Massacre the Iron Oare of Virginia being found very good and very plentifull aboue fiue thousand pounds were spent and one hundred and fiftie persons sent for that imployment which being brought in manner to perfection was interrupted by that fatall accident since which the restituion is with all possible diligence as it is said ordered and furthered There haue beene also sent skilfull men from Germany for setting vp of Saw-mils Virginia yeelding to no place in the knowne World for Timbers of all sorts commodious for strength pleasant for sweetnesse specious for colours spacious for largenesse vsefull for Land and Sea for housing and shipping in which Timber vses England and Holland alone are said to disburse about 300000. pounds sterling yeerely And the defects at home where the Hearth hath climbed into the Roofe where back-fewell hath deuoured our buildings in the Woods and bellyfewell hath deuoured the Woods and conuerted them to arable where so many ships are employed for prouisions of and for shipping Virginia by diuine bountie is Magnae spes altera Britanniae Herein we may verifie the old Prouerbe That he which liueth longest shall fetch his wood furthest but so as he shall be paid for the fetching with great aduantage And if an Iland needs woodden Wals to secure it against others to enrich it from others Virginia offers her seruice herein and will looke so much more cheerefully on you how much more you shall disburthen her in this kind yea as England hath wooed and visited Virginia so herein Virginia will be glad and reioyce to visit England in her there-built ships and to dwell here with vs in thence-brought Timbers and esteeme her selfe aduanced to adorne our Towres and take view of our Pomps and Spectacles And touching shipping and the materials thereof Timbers Pitch Tarre Cordage Sayles Anchors c. necessitie of the times exacteth in our defects at home for securitie from enemies abroad employment of Mariners Merchants and our numerous multitudes offending our Offenders defending our Allies that I adde not the Riches of the World and glory of Exploits all which depend on Nauigation
made three or foure thousand pounds worth of Oyle they preferred it before Greenland Whale-fishing and purpose the next winter to fish for Whale here for Cod we assaied but found none there is good store no doubt in their season Neither got we anie fish all the time we lay there but some few little ones on the shoare We found great Mussles and verie fat and full of Sea Pearle but we could not eate them for they made vs all sicke that did eate as well sailers as passengers they caused to cast and scoure but they were soone well againe The Baie is so round and circling that before we could come to anchor we went round all the points of the Compasse We could not come neere the shoare by three quarters of an English mile because of shallow water which was a great preiudice to vs for our people going on shoare were forced to wade a Bow shoote or two in going aland which caused manie to get colds and coughs for it was manie times freezing cold weather This day before we came to harbour obseruing some not well affected to vnitie and concord but gaue some appearance of faction it was thought good there should be an association and agreement that we should combine together in one bodie and to submit to such gouernment and Gouernours as we should by common consent agree to make and choose and set our hands to this that followes word for word IN the name of God Amen We whose names are vnderwritten the loyall Subiects of our dread Soueraigne Lord King Iames by the grace of God of Great Britaine France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith c. Hauing vndertaken for the glorie of God and aduancement of the Christian faith and honor of our King and Countrie a Voiage to plant the first Colonie in the Northerne parts of Virginia doe by these presents solemnely and matually in the presence of GOD and one of another couenant and combine our selues together in a ciuill bodie politike for our better ordering and preseruation and furtherance of the ends aforesaid and by vertue hereof to enact constitute and frame such iust and equall Lawes Ordinances acts constitutions offices from time to time as shall be thought most meete and conuenient for the generall good of the Colonie vnto which wee promise all due submission and obedience In witnesse whereof we haue here vnder suscribed our names Cape Cod eleuenth of Nouember in the yeare of the raigne of our Soueraigne Lord King IAMES of England France and Ireland 18. and of Scotland 54. Anno Domino 1620. The same day so soone as we could we set ashoare fifteene or sixteene men well armed with some to fetch Wood for we had none left as also to see what the Land was and what Inhabitants they could meete with they found it to be a small necke of Land on this side where we lay is the Bay and the furthest side the Sea the ground or earth sand hils much like the Downes in Holland but much better the crust of the earth a Spits depth excellent blacke earth all woodded with Oakes Pines Saffafras Iuniper Birch Holly Vines some Ash Walnut the Wood for the most part open and without vnder-wood fit either to goe or ride in at night our people returned but found not anie person nor habitation and laded their Boate with Iuniper which smelled verie sweete and strong and of which wee burnt the most part of the time we lay there Munday the thirteenth of Nouember we vnshipped our Shallop and drew her on land to mend and repaire her hauing bin forced to cut her downe in bestowing her betwixt the decks and she was much opened with the peoples lying in her which kept vs long ther for it was sixteene or seuenteene daies before the Carpenter had finished her our people went on shoare to refresh themselues and our women to wash as they had great neede but whilest wee lay thus still hoping our Shallop would be readie in fiue or six daies at the furthest but our Carpenter made slow worke of it so that some of our people impatient of delay desired for our better furtherance to trauaile by Land into the Countrie which was not without appearance of danger not hauing the Shallop with them nor meanes to carrie prouision but on their backes to see whether it might be fit for vs to seate in or no and the rather because as we sailed into the Harbour there seemed to be a Riuer opening it selfe into the maine Land the willingnesse of the persons was liked but the thing it selfe in regard of the danger was rather permitted then approued and so with cautions directions and instructions sixteene men were set out with euery man his Musket Sword and Corslet vnder the conduct of Captaine Miles Standish vnto whom was adioyned for counsell and aduise William Bradford Stephen Hopkins and Edward Tilley Wednesday the fifteenth of Nouember they were set a shoare and when they had ordered themselues in order of a single File and marched about the space of a mile by the Sea they espied fiue or six people with a Dogge comming towards them who were Sauages who when they saw them ran into the Woods and whistled the Dogge after them c. First they supposed them to be Master Iones the Master and some of his men for they were a shoare and knew of their comming but after they knew them to be Indians they marched after them into the Woods least other of the Indians should lye in Ambush but when the Indians saw our men following them they ran away with might and maine and our men turned out of the Wood after them for it was the way they intended to goe but they could not come neere them They followed them that night about ten miles by the trace of their footings saw how they had come the same way they went and at a turning perceiued how they raune vp an hill to see whether they followed them At length night came vpon them and they were constrained to take vp their lodging so they set forth three Sentinels and the rest some kindled a fire and others fetched Woods there held our Randeuous that night In the morning so soone as we could see the trace we proceeded on our iournie and had the tracke vntill wee had compassed the head of a long creake and there they tooke into another Wood and we after them supposing to finde some of their dwellings but we marched thorow Boughes and Bushes and vnder Hils and Vallies which tore our verie Armour in peeces and yet could meete with none of them nor their houses nor finde any fresh water which we greatly desired and stood in neede off for we brought neither Beere nor Water with vs and our victuals was onely Bisket and Holland Cheese and a little Bottell of Aquauite so as we were sore a thirst About ten a clocke we came into a deepe Valley full of
septentrionem per directam lineam introitum siue oâ—tium magnae illius stationis nauium traijcientem quae excurrit in terrae orientalem plagam inter Regionis Suriquorum Etechemmorum vulgo Suriquois Etechemines ad fluuium vulgo nomine Santae Crucis appellatum Et ad scaturiginem remotissimam siue fontem ex occidentali parte eiusdem qui se primum praedicto fluâ—io immiscet vnde per imaginariam directam lineam quae pergere per terram seu currere versus septentrionem concipietur ad proximam nauium stationem fluuium vel scaturiginem in magno flunio de Cannada sese exonerantem Et ab co pergendo versus orientem per maris oras littorales eiusdem fluuij de Cannada ad fluuium stationem nauium portum aut littus communiter nomine de Gachepe vel Gaspie notum appellatuÌ„ Et deinceps versus Euronotum ad insulas Bacalaos vel Cap. Briton vocatas Relinquendo casdem Insulas à dextra voraginem dicti magni fluuij de Cannada siue magne stationis naâ—ium terras de New-found-land cum insulis ad easdem terras pertinentibus à sinistra Et deinceps ad Caput siue promentorum de Cap. Briton praedictum iacens prope latitudinem quadraginta quinque gradnum aut eo circa Et à dicto promentorio de Cap. Briton versus meridiem Occidentem ad praedictum Cap. Sable vbi incipit per ambulatio includenda comprehenda intra dictas maris oras littorales ac carum circumferentias à mari ad omnes terras continentis cum fluminibus torrentibus sinubus littoribus insulis aut maribus iacentibus prope infra sex lucas ad aliquam earundem partem ex occidentali boreali vel orientali partibus ororum litteralium praecinctuum earundem Et ab Euronoto vti iacet Cap. Britton ex australi parte eiusdem vbi est Cap. de Sable omnia maria ac insulas versus meridiem intra quadraginta leucas dictarum orarum littoralium earundem magnam insulam vulgariter appellatam Ile de Sable vel Sablon includen iacen versus carban vulgo South South-east circa triginta leucas à dicto Cap. Britton in mari existen in latitudine quadraginta quatuor graduum aut eo circa Quae quidem terrae praedictae omni tempore affuturo nomine Noua Scotia in America gauâ—lebunt Quas etiam praefatus Dominus Willelmus in partes portiones sicut et visum fuerit diuidet ijsdemque nemiâ—â— pro beneplacito imponet Vua cum omnibus fodinis tum regalibus auri argenti quam alijs fodinis ferri plumbi cupri stanni aeris c. In cuius rei testimonium huic praesenti Chartae nostrae magnum Sigillum nostrum apponipraecepimus Testibus praedict is nostris consanguineis Confiliarijs Iacobo Marchione de Hamilton Comite Arraniae Cambridge Domino Auen Innerdail Georgio Mariscalli comite Domino Keith alt regni nostri Mariscallo Alexandro Comite de Dunfermling Domino Fyviae vrquhant nostro Cancellaris Thoma Comite de Melâ—os Domino Byres Bynning nostro Secretario Dilectis nostris familiaribus Consiliarijs Domino Richardo Ko Kburne Iuniore de Clerkington nostri Secreti Sigills custode Georgio Hay de Knifarunis nostrorum Rotulorum Registrorum ac Concilij Clerico Ioanne Cockburne de Ormestoun nostrae lustitiariae Clerico Ioanne Scot de Scottistaruet nostrae Cancellariae Directore Militibus Apud Castellum nostrum de Winsore decimo die mensis sebtembris Anno Domini milesimo sex entesimâ— vigesimo primo Regnorumque nostrorum annis quinquagesimo quinto decimo nonâ— This Scale conteineth 150 English Leagues The three and twentieth of Iune they loosed from Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-Land and sayled towardes New Scotland where for the space of fourteene dayes they were by Fogges and contrarie Windes kept backe from spying Land till the eight of Iuly thereafter that they saw the West part of Cape Breton and so till the thirteenth day they sayled to and fro alongst the Coast till they came the length of Port de Muton where they discouered three very pleasant Harbours and went a shoare in one of them which they called Lukes Bay where they found a great way vp to a very pleasant Riuer being three fathoms deepe at low water at the entry thereof and on euery side of the same they did see very delicate Meadowes hauing Roses white and red growing thereon with a kind of wild Lilly which had a very daintie smell The next day they resolued to coast alongst to discouer the next Harbour which was but two leagues distant from the other where they found a more pleasant Riuer being foure fathom water at a low water with Meadowes on both sides thereof hauing Roses and Lillies growing thereon as the other had They found within this Riuer a very fit place for a Plantation both in regard that it was naturally apt to bee fortified and that all the ground beweene the two Riuers was without Wood and was good fat earth hauing seuerall sorts of Berries growing thereon as Gooseberry Strawberry Hyndberry Rasberry and a kinde of Red-wineberry As also some sorts of Graine as Pease some eares of Wheat Barley and Rye growing there wild the Pease grow euery where in abundance very big and good to eate but taste of the Fitch This Riuer is called Port Iolly from whence they coasted alongst to Port Negro being 12. leagues distant where all the way as they sailed alongst they found a very pleasant Countrey hauing growing euery where such things as they did see in the two Harbours where they had beene They found like wise in euery Riuer abundance of Lobsters and Cockles and other small fishes and also they found not onely in the Riuers but all the Coast alongst numbers of seuerall sorts of Wild-fowle as Wild-goose Black-Duck Woodcock Herron Pigeon and many other sorts of Fowle which they knew not They found likewise as they sailed alongst the Coast abundance of great God with seuerall other sorts of great fishes The Countrey is full of Woods not very thick and the most part Oake the rest Fir-tree Spruce Birch and many other sorts of wood which they had not seene before Hauing discouered this part of the Countrey in regard of the voyage their Ship was to make to the Straits with fishes they resolued to coast alongst from Lukes Bay to Port de Muton being foure leagues to the East thereof where they encountred with a Frenchman that in a very short time had a great voyage hauing furnished one Ship away with fishes and had neere so many ready as to load his owne Ship and others And hauing taken a view of this Port which to their iudgement they found no wayes inferiour to the rest they had seene before they resolued to retire backe to New-found-land where their Ship was to receiue her loading of fishes the twentieth of Iuly they
loosed from thence and the seuen and twentieth thereof they arriued at Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-land and from thence sailed alongst the Bay of Conception where they left the Ship and dispatched themselues home in seuerall Ships that belonged to the West part of England and doe intend this next Spring to set forth a Colony to plant there The description of the Countrey of Mawooshen discouered by the English in the yeere 1602. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. and 9. MAwooshen is a Countrey lying to the North and by East of Uirginia betweene the degrees of 43. and 45. It is fortie leagues broad and fiftie in length lying in breadth East and West and in length North and South It is bordered on the East side with a Countrey the people whereof they call Tarrantines on the West with Epistoman on the North with a great Wood called Senaglecoune and on the South with the mayne Ocean Sea and many Ilands In Mawooshen it seemeth there are nine Riuers whereof the first to the East is called Quibiquesson on which there is one Towne wherein dwell two Sagamos or Lords the one called Asticon the other Abermot In this Towne are fiftie houses and 150. men The name of which Towne is Precante this Riuer runneth farre vp into the Mayne at the head thereof there is a Lake of a great length and breadth it is at the fall into the Sea tenne fathoms deepe and halfe a mile ouer The next is Pemaquid a goodly Riuer and very commodious all things considered it is ten fathoms water at the entrance and fortie miles vp there are two fathoms and a halfe at low water it is halfe a mile broad and runneth into the Land North many daies iourney where is a great Lake of 18. leagues long and foure broad In this Lake are seuen great Ilands toward the farthest end there falleeh in a Riuer which they call Acaconstomed where they passe with their Boates thirtie daies iourney vp and from thence they goe ouer Land twentie daies iourney more and then come to another Riuer where they haue a trade with Anadabis or Anadabijon with whom the Frenchmen haue had commerce for a long time Neere to the North of this Riuer of Pemaquid are three Townes the first is Upsegon where Bashabes their chiefe Lord doth dwell And in this Towne are sixtie houses and 250. men it is three daies iourney within the Land The second is Caiocame the third Shasheekeing These two last Townes are opposite one to the other the Riuer diuiding them both and they are two daies iourney from the Towne of Bashabes In Caioc 〈…〉 dwelleth Maiesquis and in Shasheokeing Bowant two Sagamos subiects to Bashabes Vpon both sides of this Riuer vp to the very Lake for a good distance the ground is plaine without Trees or Bushes but full of long Grasse like vnto a pleasant meadow which the Inhabitants doe burne once a yeere to haue fresh feed for their Deere Beyond this Meadow are great Woods whereof more shall bee spoken hereafter The Riuer of Pemaquid is foure dayes iourney from the mouth of Quibiquesson The third Riuer is called Ramassoc and is distant from the mouth of Pemaquid foure daies iourney it is twentie fathoms at the entrance and hath a mile ouer it runneth into the Land three daies iourney and within lesse then a daies iourney of the dwelling of Bashabes vpon this Riuer there is a Towne named Panobscot the Lord whereof is called Sibatahood who hath in his Town fiftie houses and eightie men The fourth Riuer Apanawapeske lying West and by South of Ramassoc at the entrance whereof there is twentie fathoms water and it is a mile broad it runneth vp into the Countrey fiue daies iourney and within three daies of the mouth are two Townes the one called Meecombe where dwelleth Aramasoga who hath in his Towne fiftie houses and eightie men The other is Chebegnadose whose Lord is Skanke and hath thirtie houses and ninetie men The mouth of Apanawapeske is distant from Ramassoc three daies iourney To the South-west foure daies iourney there is another excellent Riuer in the entranc◠whereof is twentie fathoms water and it is a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two daies iourney and then there is a great fall at the head wherof there is a Lake of a daies iourney long and as much in breadth On the side of this Lake there is a Strait and at the end of that Strait there is another Lake of foure daies iourney long and two daies iourney broad wherin there are two Ilands one at the one end and another at the other end I should haue told you that both these Lakes as also the rest formerly spoken of doe infinitely abound with fresh water fish of all sorts◠as also with diuers sorts of Creatures as Otters Beeues sweete Rats and such like The sixt Riuer is called Apponick on which there are three Townes the first is called Appisham where dwelleth Abochigishic The second is Mesaqueegamic where dwelleth Amniquin in which there is seuentie houses and eightie men the third is Matammiscowte in which are eightie houses and ninetie men and there dwelleth Narracommique To the Westward of this there is another Riuer called Aponeg it hath at the entrance ten fathoms water and is a mile broad it runneth vp into a great Sound of fresh water Vpon the East side of this Riuer there are two Townes the one called Nebamocago the other called Ashawe In the first dwelleth Mentavrmet and hath in his Towne 160. housholds and some 300. men In the second dwelleth Hamerhaw and hath in his Towne eightie housholds and seuentie men On the West side there is another Towne called Neredoshan where are 120. housholds and 100. men There is a Sagamo or Lord called Sabenaw Three daies iourney from Aponeg to the Westward there is a goodly Riuer called Sagadohoc the entrance whereof is a mile and an halfe ouer holding that breadth a daies iourney and then it maketh a great Sound of three daies iourney broad in which Sound are six Ilands foure great and full of Woods and two lesse without Woods The greater are called Sowaghcoc Neguiwo Neiwoc And in the verie entrance of this Riuer there is another small Iland from the West of which Iland to the Maine there is a Sand that maketh as it were a bar so that that way is not passable for shipping but to the Eastward there is two fathoms water This Sound diuideth it selfe into two branches or armes the one running North-east twentie foure daies iourney the other North-west thirtie daies iourney into the Maine At the heads whereof there are two Lakes the Westermost being eight daies iourney long and foure daies iourney broad and the Eastermost foure daies iourney long and two daies broad The Riuer of Aponeg runneth vp into this Sound and so maketh as it were a great Iland
between Sagadahoc and it From the Iland vpward the water is fresh abounding in Salmons and other fresh-water fish Some thirteene or fourteen daies iourney from the entrance in the North-east branch there is a little arme of a Riuer that runneth East some daies iourney which hath at the entrance foure fathoms water Vpon this arme there is one ouer fail which standeth halfe a daies iourney aboue this braneh vpon this arme there are foure Townes The first is called Kenebeke which hath eightie houses and one hundred men The Lord whereof is Apombamen The second is Ketangheanycke and the Sagamos name is Octoworthe who hath in his Towne ninetie housholds and three hundred and thirtie men This Towne is foure dayes iourney from Kenebeke and eight dayes iourney from To the Northward is the third Towne which they call Naragooc where there are fiftie housholds and one hundred and fiftie men The chiefe Sagamo of that place is Cocockohamas And on the small branch that runneth East standeth the fourth Towne named by Mâ—ssakiga where there are but eight housholds and fortie men Vpon the Northwest branch of this Sound stand two Townes more The first is called Amereangan and is distant from Kenebeke sixe dayes iourney In this place are ninetie housholdes and two hundred and sixtie men with two Sagamoes the one called Sasuâ—a the other Scawas Seuen daies iourney hence there is another Sagamo whose name is Octoworâ—kin and his Townes name Namercante wherein are fortie housholds and one hundred and twentie men A dayes iourney aboue Namercante there is a downefall where they cannot passe with their Cannoes but are inforced to carrie them by Land for the space of a quarter of a mile and then they put them into the Riuer againe And twelue dayes iourney aboue this Downfall there is another where they carrie their Boates as at the first and sixe dayes iourney more to the North is the head of this Riuer where is the Lake that is of eight dayes iourney long and foure dayes broad before mentioned In this Lake there is one Iland and three dayes iourney from this Lake there is a Towne which is called Buccawganecants wherein are threescore housholds and foure hundred men And the Sagamo thereof is called Baccatusshe This man and his people are subiects to the Bashabez of Mawooshen and in his Countrey is the farthest limit of his Dominion where he hath any that doe him homage To the Westward of Sagadahoc foure dayes iourney there is another Riuer called Ashamabaga which hath at the entrance sixe fathoms water and is halfe a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two dayes iourney and on the East side there is one Towne called Agnagebcoc wherein are seuentie houses and two hundred and fortie men with two Sagames the one called Maurmet the other Casherokenit Seuen dayes iourney to the South-west of Ashamabaga there is another Riuer that is sixe fathoms to the entrance This Riuer is named Shawakotoc and is halfe a myle broad it runneth into the Land fiftie dayes iourney but foure dayes from the entrance it is so narrow that the Trees growing on each side doe so crosse with their boughes and bodies on the other as it permitteth not any meanes to passe with Boates that way for which cause the Inhabitants that on any occasion are to trauell to the head are forced to goe by Land taking their way vpon the West side At the end of this Riuer there is a Lake of foure dayes iourney long and two dayes broad wherein are two Ilands To the North-West foure daies iourney from this Lake at the head of this Riuer Shawakatoc there is a small Prouince which they call Crokemago wherein is one Towne This is the Westermost Riuer of the Dominions of Bashabez and Quibiquisson the Westermost To the Reader I Haue thought good to adde to the English Plantations in New England those in the neighbour Countrey of New-found-land This was first discouered Ann. 1497. by S. Sebastian Cabot set forth by King Henry the seuenth the Voyages followed of M. Rut Albert de Prato M. Hore and others Ann. 1583. actuall and formall possession was taken in the right of Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory and her Successours by that memorable Knight Sir Humfrey Gilbert see sup lib. 4. ca. 13. And in the yeere 1609. M. Iohn Guy of Bristoll did write a Treatise to animate the English to plant there a written Copy whereof I haue A. 1610. It pleased his most excellent Maiestie to grant a Patent for a Plantation part whereof the whole might seeme too long for our purpose we haue inserted CHAP. VII The beginning of the Patent for New-found-land and the Plantation there made by the English 1610. deliuered in a Letter dated thence from M. GVY to M. SLANY Also of the weather the three first Winters and of Captaine WESTON with other remarkable Occurrents IAMES by the Grace of GOD of Great Brittaine France and Ireland King Defendour of the Faith c. To all people to whom these Presents shall come greeting Know yee whereas diuers Our louing and well disposed Subiects are desirous to make Plantation to inhabite and to establish a Colony or Colonies in the Southerne and Easterne parts of the Countrey and I le or Ilands commonly called New-found-land vnto the Coast and Harbour whereof the Subiects of this our Realme of England haue for the space of fiftie yeeres and vpwards yeerely vsed to resort in no small numbers to fish intending by such Plantation and inhabiting both to secure and make safe the said Trade of Fishing to Our Subiects for euer And also to make some commendable benefit for the vse of mankind by the lands and profits thereof which hitherto from the beginning as it seemeth manifest hath remained vnprofitable And for better performance of such their purpose and intentions haue humbly besought Our Regall Authoritie and assistance Wee being well assured that the same Land or Countrey adioyning to the foresaid Coasts where Our Subiects vse to fish remaineth so destitute and desolate of inhabitance that scarce any one Sauage person hath in many yeeres beene seene in the most parts thereof And well knowing that the same lying and being so vacant is as well for the reasons aforesaid as for many other reasons very commodious for Vt and Our Dominions And that by the Law of Nature and Nations We may of Our Royall Authoritie possesse our selues and make graunt thereof without doing wrong to any other Prince or State considering they cannot iustly pretend any Soueraigntie or Right thereunto in respect that the same remaineth so vacant and not actually possessed and inhabited by any Christian or other whomsoeuer And therefore thinking it a matter and action well beseeming a Christian King to make true vse of that which God from the beginning created for mankind And therefore intending not onely to worke and procure the benefit and good of many of Our Subiects
eye of men did behold The list of whose names I did seriously inquire after thereby to doe them right but could by no meanes compasse it The end and purpose of this great Preparation was to the taking in of most of those Ilands and especially of the winning of the Tercera it selfe the which was resolued to haue beene attempted by vs with the other Ilands and Holds of importance and in some of them to haue placed strong Garrisons if it had pleased God to haue prospered the iourney with happy successe But in the very beginning with long contrary winds and extremitie of foule weather the maine plot and ground of this enterprise was hindred and maimed as hereafter more at large shall be related in his due place But this intended iourney for the surprising and holding of the Tercera alone if it had taken effect without any further respect to the other Ilands then onely to haue sacked them and rased those Fortresses they haue had beene a seruice of great consequence for vs and as preiudiciall to the King of Spaine as any action that was euer vndertaken against him since the reuolt of the Low-Countries The which to set downe in particular would require more ample discourse then either my leasure or my memory can suddenly afford But what great vse and benefit both the Portugues did and the Spaniards doe make of these Ilands is in daily experience And as for that bare Allegation how difficult and inconuenient it would bee for vs to hold a peece so farre off men of Warre in their true iudgements would easily answere For as well it might be demanded how the Forts are held in the East Indies by the poore Portugues against mightie Nations and yet so farre remote from Christendome And how Rhodes and Cyprus were heretofore long kept in despite of the Turke in his very bosome And how the Spaniards of late haue kept certaine places in Britaine and Amyens and Callice in Picardie â—angâ—â— the force of France and neuer quitted them but by composition And God knowes how long Don Iohn D'Lag 〈…〉 would haue kept Kinsale and Beare Castle if these had bin places halfe sâ— terrible as those of the Tercera or but the fouth part so remote from vs as the Tercera is from Spaine Undoubtedly their industry and patience is far beyond ours both in getting and holding matters of more difficultie But vaine it is to set a price of the Beares skin before hee be slaine although I am verily perswaded that the contrary winds onely lost vs both that and all the King of Spaine his treasure that came that yeere to the Tercera For the iourney was carried with as great secrecie expedition and Royall preparation as euer was any these many yeeres â—â—d they on the contrary as slenderly prouided and little doubting any such attempt When all things were thus ordered and wee furnished of our necessaries after some few daies abode in Sandwich for the meeting mustering and imbarking of our Land Army about the fiue and twentieth of Iune in the yeere 1597. we set saile from the Downes and within threedayes with skant winds recouered Portland Rhode where we ancored and staied some six or seuen dayes taking in men and victualls at Waymouth and thence we made for Plimouth where wee were to take in our freshwater much of our prouisions and most of our Mariners besides that this place was appointed the very randeuous for the knitting vp and dispatch of this Voyage whether in a day and a nights sayle wee came but with very extreme foule weather Insomuch that euen in the entrance of the very Harbour many of our Ships falling foule one of another were sorely distressed The Lord Mountioy his Ship the Defiance had her Beake head stricken cleane off and the Saint Mathew being a Spanish Ship of great charge very leeward and drawing much water had like in the tempest to haue runne her selfe vpon the Rocks had not her Captaine Sir George Carew Master of the Ordnance beene very resolute and carefull in that extremitie when a great part of his Souldiers and Saylers would haue abandoned her and betaken themselues to their Ship-boats to shun the iminent perill that threatned them which he staied to the preseruation of the Ship and the company Moreouer a Flee-boat of our Traine who had in her fortie Last of Powder was likewise bulged and all the store had beene vtterly lost had not the Master of the Ordnance with like care and diligence bestirred himselfe to saue all that hee might who with the aid of many Ship-boats as the Flee-boat was sinking saued the greatest part of her lading Yet notwithstanding seuenteen Lasts of Powder was vtterly spoiled with the Salt-water as I heard the Master of the Ordnance himselfe affirme Thus with great difficultie wee arriued at Plimouth where within six or seuen daies our whole Army and Nauie met and withall the shipping of the Low-Countries came to vs. And soone after hauing watered and taken in all our prouisions and Marinrs and mustered our men we imbarked our Army and set sayle about the ninth of Iuly and for two dayes space were accompanied with a faire leading North-easterly wind In which time we receiued a ship-board all our directions throughout the Nauie with such orders and instructions as are vsually set downe by an Admirall and a Counsell of Warre together with the places of meeting from time to time vpon any occasions of separations by stormes by fight by giuing chase or any other accidents This order of deliuering directions when a Fleet is a Sea-boord and not before is an vse grounded vpon many good reasons as to auoid the reuealing of secret plots and the preuention of sudden execution As also to shun the discouraging of diuers that doe often expose themselues and their aduentures to Sea actions either for loue to the Commanders or out of hope of Purchase or for many other respects which perhaps they would not doe if they knew indeed either the danger or the true ends of some preparations And this secret manner of proceeding hath bin often vsed by Philip the late king of Spain in diuers great expeditions who hath beene sâ— precise and seuere therein as that oftentimes the Admiralls of his Fleet themselues haue not knowne their instructions nor beene suffered to open them vntill they haue beene thirtie or fortie leagues on their way Wee now being in this faire course some sixtie leagues onwards our iourney with our whole Fleet together there suddenly arose a fierce and tempestuous storme full in our teeths continuing for foure dayes with so great violence as that now euery one was inforced rather to looke to his owne safetie and with a low saile to serue the Seas then to beat it vp against the stormy winds to keepe together or to follow the directions for the places of meeting And here some began to taste the inconuenience and perill of high Cargued Ships
Voyage Herein was Gods fauour and mercy mightily shewed towards all sides For by this Storme which so furiously for the time afflicted vs were wee and that Spanish Fleet vnder the Adelantado seuered and kept from incountring which had cost much blood and mischiese and to say a truth in all likelihood the worst might haue fallen to our shares For when wee had left the Ilands and were once crosse sayled for England I obserued that before the Storme diuers of our best Ships made all the haste they could homewards neuer following nor attending the Admirals course nor light Which is an Errour too much vsed amongst vs and very disorderly and dangerous as would haue beene well found if the Adelantado had then met with any of those straglers or with the Admirall himselfe homewards bound so stenderly accompanied Which manner of disorder and scattering in the Conduct of a Royall Nauie especially in so long a Voyage is very fit to bee straightly reformed These Spanish Flee-boates and Carauels had made many landings by stealth on that side of Cornewall and put the Countrey in great frights and amazements especially vpon the report of a great Fleet that was comming after them for England Whereupon our Reere Admirall from before the Saint Iues left the Seas and went a Land to take some order for the Countrey of Cornewall whereof hee was then her Maiesties Lieutenant seeing it then in much amazement and feare and so meant to goe ouer land to Plimouth there to meet with our Generall From the Road of Saint Iues the next morning wee in the Wast-spight set sayle for Kingroad and met with such foule weather as that ouer against the flat Holmes shee brake againe her Maine yard which was before broken and new fished in the beginning of this Voyage But at last with much adoe wee brought her about to Kingroad and within a few dayes after moored her safe in Hungread where I tooke speedie order for the paying and discharging of her men at the Spaniards cost and also for the repayring of her decayes By this time wee also had newes that our Admirall and the rest of our Fleet were safely met and arriued at Plimouth And at the same instant also wee had intelligence by a small man of Brasill but newly come from Corke in Ireland that Sir Iohn Norris President of Munster and the Lord Burgh Deputie of Ireland were both lately deceased Of which two men her Maiestie and the Realme had no small losse being both Martiall men of as great worth and seruice as England bred in many yeeres before And although it be no part of this matter to speake of them yet their Deathes being diuulged to vs at the same time cannot be thought vnfit or vnworthy by the way heere to be remembred and lamented After I had thus taken order with the Officers of the Ship at Bristoll I receiued Letters from the Lord Treasurer and the Lord Admirall for the accomplishing of that which I had already out of due consideration gone in hand withall I meane the discharging and paying of the Marriners and Souldiers being to the number of foure hundred men which would haue growne to a great and needlesse expense to haue kept them in pay and victuals vntill such time as I could haue sent vnto the Court to receiue directions backe againe for the same And therefore did first take vp monies vpon credit and then by the Drum make knowne in Bristow that there were Sugars Brasil wood and Fernanbuck aboord o r Ships which I would presently make sale of to those that would giue most for it and not merchand it vnder hand nor in secret to the preiudice and deceiuing of her Maiestie And therefore with the knowledge and aduice of the Master the Purser and Boatswaine of the Ship and the Customer and Searcher of Bâ—â—stow I landed those Wares in safe Cellers and sold them to the best Chapmen in publique testified vnder the hands of these Officers of the Citie and of the Ship for my discharge in that behaâ—â—e and made thereof fiue hundred pounds The which summe I deliuered to one Askew then Purser of the Wast-spight to the end that hee by his Booke might pay the Marriners and the Souldiers by the Powle as a care of mine for those poore-men vnder my Charge which was duely performed The which I haue beene the more precise to remember and notifie for that I tooke no small paines and care in getting those Sugars and Brasill wood aboard vs out of a torne Brasill 〈◊〉 that was ready to founder in the Seaâ— before Saint Michaels and abandoned to any that would aduenture to goe abâ—ord her to fetch away the lading Which businesse in that vacant time that the Ar 〈…〉 e lay at Villa Franca and we before S. Michaels Towne 〈◊〉 put my selfe and my Marriners vnto And I had not so much paines and trauell in the getting as trouble and vexation afterwards to preserue it whilest it was aboord when we came to Kingroad from the purloyning and stealing of the Marriners and Officers of the Ship And to say no more but a truth I dare thus much anouch and iustifie that if there had beene in some other of her Maiesties ships the like regard for these goods that were gotten and of the Prizes taken in this Iourney and as faithfully answered as were these that then for all the crosses and errours that had happened it had fully returned to her Maiestie the double value of all the Charges she had beene at for this Voyage But it was strange to see what carelesse courses were held in all such actions as were set out by the State and what poore returnes were made againe into the Exchequer And therefore more strange that the Prince could subsist so often to set out such chargeable Voyages without any manner of getting more then to particuler persons For so fell it out before in the Indian Voyage when Sancto Domingo and Cartagena were taken and sackâ— by Sir Francis Drake and when Cades in Spaine was surprised and sackt by the English Armie where was infinite wealth But that of Lisbona in Portugall vndertaken by Sir Iohn Norris where the Suburbes did so abound with Merchandize and Spicerie being wholly at the mercy and disposition of our Armie was to be excused for that our Shops kept not promise with him in comming vp the Riuer that should haue both assisted the land Armie with Munition and Victuals and also carried away those Spiceries and rich Merchandize wherein the Sea-men were greatly wanting and taxed by the generall voyce But in this Voyage wee all saw and knew that there were besides Brasill men three good Prizes taken that came from the Hauana laden with Cochynella and other rich Merchandize besides the Siluer Gold Pearle Ciuet Muske Amber-greece which was amongst the Passengers And those three Prizes whereof one was about 400. Tunnes by the report of those Merchants that came in them were
wherewith our countrie Witches are I once saw Tomocomo a Virginian dance with such â—xta icall visages and diabolicall behauiour as if the Deuill had beene in him The forme of the American Cottages The gesture of the Barbarians dansing in a round circle The Caraibes consecrating Maraca * Petum by the Authour is thought to differ from Tobacco because it hath a pleasing sent c. I thinke it the same The Caraibes blowing vpon the Barbarians The confused opinion of the Barbarians concerning the floud Feast following The decking of Maraca A grosse Superstition A most grosse Errour 1. Reg. 18. 19. Truth putteth falshood to flight How the ancient Barbarians entertaine the Frenchmen The occasion of declaring the true God vnto the Barbariaus The Barbarians hearing speech of the true God were astonished A relation of a Barbarian most worthy to bee noted The Barbarians promise to embrace the worship of God are present at Prayers The Barbarians acknowledge their owne ignorance and blindnesse The degrees of Consanguinâ—tie Polygamie The wonderfull agreement betweene the American women The Sauageâ— abhorre adulterâ—e Single women loose How the American women great with child bâ—haue themselues Child-birth The American men performe the office of Midwiues The little Infants Gugawes to play withal What the maÌ„ner is of giuing American names The food of Inâ—ants The American Infants are very clean without the vse of linnen clothes In what thingâ— the Barbarians busie themselues Naturall shâ—mefastnesse is obserued in the American Marriages The purgation of the American women The Barbarians liue peaceably together The punishment oâ— murtherers among the Barbarians Leuiâ— 24. 19. 20 After what manner the villages and American families are ordered The transporting of the American Villages What grounds the Americans peculiarly possesse How the American women spin the cotten Inis Cotton Beds How the Beds of the Barbariâ—â—s are prepaâ—ed and spred Fome whicâ— among the Americans supplieth the vsâ— of Sope. The American women make huge meane and little earthâ—â— vessels Potâ— and othâ—â— vessels of fruits pan 〈…〉 and baskets The Barbarianâ— curteously entertain guests A pleasant discourse of thosâ— things which befell the Authour when he first went vnto the 〈◊〉 The Authorâ— name in the American language Their memorie The American women bewayle the comming of Guests The gesture of the Guest among the Americans How Mâ—â—ssacâ—t entertaineâ—h his Guest How strangers requite their Host. The Barbarians carrie Strangers vpon their shoulders Two legged amblers The Barbarians practisâ— charitie euen by the direction of nature A notable example of the curtesie of the Barbarians How much the Barbarians esteeme kniues and other merchandises Pages the Barbarians Physicians How the Barbarians handle the sicke The Graues and rites of buriall of the Americans A very deuillish errour Dan. 14. Toâ—pin Mendozaâ— crueltie R. Parana Vrassa R. of Plate Lechuruas Buenos Aeres built Carendies Gipsies The fight or â—â—irmish with the Indian Carendies Of the buildings of the Citie of Bonos Aâ—res and of the famine which they indured there Miserable famine How some sailed vp the Riuer of Parana or the Riuer of Plate How the town of Buenas Aeres was befieged assaulted and burnt Foure Nations of Indians Their fights weapons Foure ships burned They muster their Souldiers and build ships to goe further The most of 2000. died of famine They goe vp the Riuer Tiembus Don Petro Meâ—doza being about to returâ— into Spaine dieth in tâ—â— waâ— Alfonso Gabrâ—â—o is sent away from Spaine towards the riuer of Plâ—te They saile further vp the Riuer of Paranâ— toward C 〈…〉 nda R. 〈◊〉 abol Carios Shâ—ep of Peru. Curenda Description of these Sauageâ— We came to Gulgaisi Macuerendas Gulgaisi Macuerendas Huge Serpent We came to Zemais Saluaisco and Nepenes Zemias Saluaisco Mep 〈…〉 Of the Riuer Parabol and the peopleâ— â—ueremagbas and Aygais Cueremagbas Men oâ— tall stature Their gallantry Aygais Of the people Carios Carios custome Of the Citie Lampere how it was besieged and won by assault Their fortifications Stratagem The Spaniards in foure yeeres had not seene a morsell of bread A Castle is built in Lampere and is called the Assumption Aygais destroyed Piembâ—s Parabol well peopled Mount Fernando Weibingo Paiembos trechery Carcariso Amte beasts called Sheepe of Peru and it seemeth bigger and stronger in these paâ—ts then t 〈…〉 For the Author rode on one which in Peru beareth a smal burthen Naperus Peisennos Wickednesse of some 〈◊〉 â—iftie Spâ—â—iards slaine by Tiem 〈…〉 treacherie â—p 〈…〉 ards besieged Captain Mendoza slaine Gabreros comming out of Spaine with 200. Souldiers thither S. Katharines Custome of Marinersâ— Greatnesse of Parana They are wracked Iustice on the negligent Pâ—lot Aluarez Nunnez Note Franciscus Lopez â—hap 89. writeth of this Aluarez Nunnez that in the yeere 1541. he was sent from Caesars Mâ—iestie with 400. men and 46. horses to the Riuer of Plate And he was 8. whole moneths in this Voyage And therefore first in the yeere 1542. hee arriued at the Assumption Ship wracke trauel by land 100. men lost Sauage nation of Surucusis Village of Carios Achkeres hanged Indian fottificaâ—ions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dabero commeth in Paiembos Bascherepos Surucusis Carchararis Generall not beloued Hee returneth Ernandus Rieâ—fiere sayleth vp the Riuer to the Guebuecusis and Achkeres Guebuecusis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Riuer Achkeres Men of tall stature They are callâ—d Achkerâ—s which signifieth Crocodiles oâ— the store 〈…〉 meth of â—hosâ— creatureâ—â—n those parâ—â— Scherues Priâ—sts and wooâ—den Earings Cunning painters Wild pompe of the King Stags and Estridges Musicke Weauers Gold and Siluer The Amazones described Iland of Amazones Siberis Wading Iouâ—ney Bellie-shifts Gnats Trauels in hoâ— waters Orethuisen Locusts The Amazons are still further off I doubt beyond the region of Tâ—uth 〈◊〉 the title be properly meane of such as arâ— here described For wa 〈…〉 ke wiues liuing in societie with men are many Gold and siluer Thirtie dayes wading Profitable tricke Vnhealthfull Countrie Wicked precept The Authours sicknesse Fight with the Carios Fraemidiere Siege and conquest Carieba Fortification and Engines Iuberic Sabaie 46. leagues from Assumption R. Stuefiâ— 44. Naperus Mapais Two kindes of Amidas one able to beare men Acosta mentions those of Peru to bear fiftie pounds or little more Zemie Fields of Mais c. Tobanâ—â— Peionas Mayegory Marronos Paronios Symanos Wall of bushes Barconos Leyhannos Grashoppers Carchconos Suboris They dye of thirst Roote holding water No â—â—ine in 3. moneths Drinke of a roote Peisennos Maigenes Quickset wall Fight betwixt Carios and Maigenos Carookies Salt Country Samdela Machcasies Spanish tongue They ariue in the Kingdome of Peru. Pedro Ansuetes Strang worms A Letter on of Peru. Potosi Hony in trees Bees without stings Ciuill contentions Gaberetho Barâ—â—y Barede Gingie Biesaie Riuer Vrquam Huge Water-snakes Scheuetveba He arriued at Antwerpe whence he had set forth at first in Ianuarie 1554. This ship was named the Repentance an ominous nâ—me and vnfortunate as vsually those celestiall
The loue of the Sauages towards their children Arriuall into Poâ—t Royall Vse of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mâ—ll The de 〈…〉 on of the 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abundance of faire Cod. Port dela Heue The Rain-bow appearing in the water Port Saualet 42. Voyages made in New-found-land Good fishing Exceeding faire Corne. Faire Wheate The Sauages returne from the warres The Sauages teares at the going away of the Frenchmen Meale left behinde Monsieur de Poutrincourt his going away The departing from New France The sight of the Sorlingues Haâ—uest of New France shewed to the King Outards or wild Geese presâ—nted to the King Priuiledge of Beuers confirmed to Monsieur de Monts Three ships sent 1608. Newes from New France since our comming from thence It is very dangerous to teach the Sauages the vse of Guns Eagles The Sauages wisdome Monsieur Champlein is now in the Riuer of Canada Cattell Fruit trees Vines Hempe Monsieur de Poutrincourt his resolution 1609. Monsi de Mont his sending of Ships Note the intention of the French Kebec 40. leag aboue Saguenay Champlein A conspiracy Exemplary punishment The naturall fruite of the land Blacke Foxes Scuruie Lib. 3. cap. 22. Champleins counsell Their Voiage to the Iroquois Their arriual at the Lake which is sixtie leagues long Faire Ilands in the Lake The Iroquois and their exercise Houses of foure stories The alarum among the Iroquois The Prudence of the Sauages Flight Fiftie of the Iroquois slaine 1609. Capt. Pierre Capt. du Pont. None died noâ— were sicke 1610. Champlein his new Voyage A Lake of an hundred leag in length discouered Agreement to goe to war towards the great Lake A Battell 1611. 〈◊〉 A faire Countrey Beuers burnt Horses Merueilous industry Forts towns Houses with stories Strong bowes Hope for the passage to China Some great Riuer running Westward into the Westerne Sea The Northern Sea 1610. A tedious Nauigation A conspiracy Their arriuall at Port Royall Buildings and housholdstuffe preserued Pillage of the ground The first Christenings made in New France Sagamos doth siâ—nifie a Prince Ruler or Captaine The King was thâ—n slaiâ—e which they knew not A returne into France The first Voyage to Virginia and possession taken Virginia named so by Q. Elizabeth Second Voyage Sir R. Greenuile Spanish Prise First Colony Sir F. Drake Third Voyage Fourth Voyage Second Colonie Master Thomas Hariot Fifth Voyage and third Colonie Bay of Chesepiok Enâ—lish borne there Si 〈…〉 Voyage Ocean seeming yellow Sea-oare Smell of the shoare Sauage Rocke Sauages Their behauiour Shole-hope Cape Cod. Tucke 〈…〉 Terror Poinâ— Care Gilberts Point Diuers Ilands Sauages Pengwins Marthaes Vineyard Douer-cliffesound Gosnolls Hope Elizabeths Ile Hills Hap. Haps Hill Elizabeths 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. 〈◊〉 10. minutâ—s 〈◊〉 Fort began The pâ— Goodly Countrey in Their purpose of stay broken off Sauage assault Returne Oakes Cedars Beech. Elme Hollie Walnut trees Cherrie trees Sassafras trees Diuers other trees A Lake three miles about Smal Tortoises Abundance of fowles much bigger than ours in England Ground-nuts Shell fish The exceeding beauty of the maine Land Great Lakes Large Medows Seuen Indians A broad Riuer A good Harbour The English House 11. Canoas with â—0 Indians in them Their Captain Seuerall sorts Furres Red Copper in abundance Chaines Collars Drinking cups of Copper Mines of Copper Mineral stones Emerie stones Flaxe Indians apt for service Saffafras A goodly people and of good conditions Their apparell Their women The goodnesse of the Climat Their returne M. Salterne yet liueth neither is his zeale dead to this action He is now a Minister and hath both by word and writing to mee testified his affection to Virginia M. Pring whose Voyage to the East Indies are in the former Tome April 10. 1603. They discouer many Ilands Good fishing place Foxe Iland Sauage Rocke People Great Gulfe Whitson Bay M. Aldworth The people visit them The Sauages take great delight in mus 〈…〉 Dances Weapons The great vse of Mastiues Ornaments The fashion of their Boats Excellent sweet Rozen and Turpentine Their Gardenâ— Corne and plants Barke sent home Danger of the Sauages They trade aâ— Santa Lucia Dominica Meuis Great Tortoyse Lignum vitae S. Christopher Abundance of Tortoyses They disem boke The Westerne winds begin Poore Iohn Ground in 30. fathomes An Headland The mouth of the Chesepian Bay They departed Eastward from the mouth of the Chesepioc Bay A shew of entrance of a Riuer Captaine Gilbert and foure more slaine by the Indians March Easter day wee put to See Sounding wee found ground May 14. Land descried A dangerous place of rocks and shoalds Latitude 41. degrees and an halâ—e Sea-charts false Land descried Saturday wee made the land Our Captaine named this S. Georges Iland Great plenty of fish Wee descried the Mâ—ine and Mountaines Vpon Waitsunday wee came into an excellent Harbour Pentecost Harbour Clay Our Pinnace Lanched Varietie of fishes Wee fished The fruits of the Ilands Trees Turpentine plentifull for Tarre and Pitch Pearle Their shape of body Their cloathing Very thankful Of good capacity and vnderstanding Their Canoaâ— very artificiall Trifles left on shoare Wee traded with the Sauages They wondred at the effect of the Loadstone Their Bowes and Arroweâ— Darts Tobacco excellent the Sauages gaue vs. We saw theiâ— Women We brought them home againe Ceremonies of the Sauages Idolatry They lye with their wiues secretly Their Tobacco Pipe They gaue vs Tobacco in a Pipe of a Lobsters Claw Master Booles lay a shoare and Griffin Their Cà noa out-rowed vs. 283. Sauages assembled in a trecherie Disposition of Sauages in the Virginian Masacre other their dealings found too true We caught fiue Sauages two Canoas and Bowes Arrows Our Captaine sounded about the Ilands Rockes and mouth of the Harbour Two Canoas came aboord vs from the Bashabe Their Ornaments of gallantnesse We went vp into the Riuer with our Ship The profits of the Riuer Saint Georges Iland the Land fall The breadth of the Riuer for almost 40. miles The ground is Oaze Clay What it floweth Docks to graue and Carine Ships Salmons and store of fish The Land The Wood. This Riuer preferred before Orienoque Before the Riuer Rio Grande Nescio qua Natale solum c. We marched vp into the land aboue three miles Good Pasture Timber trees vpon the Hils Deere Hares Hogges A plot of the Sauages We searched the Westerne part of the Riuer We set vp another Crosse. Wee saw no signe that euer Christian had beene here before Conueniency of transportation Salmon and great plenty of fish We were all loath to forsak this Riuer The Iland where we watered is named Insula Sanc 〈…〉 Crucis because there wee set our first Crosse Our Capcaine made his perfect obseruation on the Rocke Temperature of climate A fishy banke Linscot c. 97. nine Ilands W 〈…〉 y called Açores Tercera Angra Angra descried Wines small Commodities Fruits Batatas â—â—â—ssas A roote fit to be wouen Woad Canary birds Winter Stones Corne will
the North the Land is mountainous and so in a manner from thence by a South-west Line So that the more Southward the farther off from the Bay are those Mountaines From which fall certaine Brookes which after come to fiue principall Nauigable Riuers These runne from the North-west in to the South-east and so into the West side of the Bay where the fall of euery Riuer is within twentie or fifteene miles one of another The Mountaines are of diuers natures for at the head of the Bay the Rockes are of a composition like Mil-stones Some of Marble c. And many pieces of Christall we found as throwne downe by water from the Mountaines For in Winter these Mountaines are couered with much Snow and when it dissolueth the waters fall with such violence that it causeth great inundations in the narrow Vallies which yet is scarce perceiued being once in the Riuers These waters wash from the Rockes such glistering tinctures that the ground in some places seemeth as gilded where both the Rockes and the Earth are so splendent to behold that better iudgements then ours might haue beene p 〈…〉 swaded they contained more then probabilities The vesture of the Earth in most places doth manifestly proue the nature of the soile to be lustie and very rich The colour of the Earth we found in diuers places resembleth Bole Armoniac terra sigillata ad lemnia Fullâ—rs Earth Marle and diuers other suâ—h appearances But generally for the most part the Earth is a blacke sandie mould in some places a fat slimie clay in other places a very barren grauell But the best best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth as by the greatnesse of Trees or abundance of Weeds c. The Countrie is not mountainous nor yet low but such pleasant plaine Hils and fertile Vallies one pretily crossing another and watered so conueniently with their sweete Brookes and Christall Springs as if Art it selfe had deuised them By the Riuers are many plaine Marishes contayning some twentie some one hundred some two hundred Acres some more some lesse Other Plaines there are few but only where the Sauages inhabit but all ouer-growne with Trees and Weeds being a plaine Wildernesse as God first made it On the West side of the Bay we said were fiue faire and delightfull nauigable Riuers of which we will now proceed to report The first of those Riuers and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his course from the West and by North. The name of this Riuer they call Powhatan according to the name of a principall Countrie that lieth vpon it The mouth of this Riuer is neere three miles in breadth yet doe the shoales force the Channell so neere the Land that a Sacre will ouer-shoot it at Point blanke This Riuer is nauigable one hundred and fiftie miles as the Channell goeth the shoales and soundings are heere needlesse to be expressed It falleth from Rockes farre West in a Countrie inhabited by a Nation that they call Monacan But where it commeth into our Discouerie it is Powhatan In the farthest place that was diligently obserued are Falles Rockes Shoales c. which makes it past nauigation any higher Thence in the running downeward the Riuer is enriched with many goodly Brookes which are maintained by an infinite number of small Rundles and pleasant Springs that disperse themselues for best seruice as doe the veines of a mans bodie From the South there fals into this Riuer First the pleasant Riuer of Apamatuck next more to the East are the two Riuers of Quiyoughcohanocke A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth three or foure pretie Brookes and Creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac then the Riuer of Nandsamund and lastly the Brooke of Chisaptack From the North side is the Riuer of Chickahamania the backe Riuer of Iames Townes another by the Cedar I le where we liued ten weekes vpon Oisters then a conuenient Harbour for fisher-boats or small Boats at Kecoughtan that so conueniently turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creekes that make that place very pleasant to inhabit their Corne fields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes The most of these Riuers are inhabited by seuerall Nations or rather Families of the name of the Riuers They haue also in euery of those places some Gouernour as their King which they call Werowances In a Peninsula on the North side of this Riuer are the English planted in a place by them called Iames Towne in honour of the Kings most excellent Maiestie vpon which side are also many places vnder the Werowances The first and next the Riuers mouth are the Cecoughtans who besides their women and children haue not past twentie fighting men The Paspaheges on whose Land is seated the English Colonie some fortie miles from the Bay haue not past fortie The Riuer called Chickahamania neere two hundred The Weanocks one hundred The Arrowhatocks thirtie The place called Powhatan some fortie On the South side this Riuer the Appamatucks haue sixtie fighting men The Quiyougcohanocks fiue and twentie The Warraskoyacks fortie The Nandsamunds two hundred The Chesapeacks are able to make one hundred Of this last place the Bay beareth the name In all these places is a seuerall Commander which they call Werowance except the Chickhamanians who are gouerned by the Priests and their Assistants of their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes In Summer no place affoordeth more plentie of Sturgeon nor in Winter more abundance of Fowle especially in the time of Frost There was once taken fiftie two Sturgeons at a draught at another draught sixtie eight From the latter end of May till the end of Iune are taken but young Sturgeons of two foot or a yard long From thence till the midst of September of two or three yards long and few others And in foure or fiue houres with one Net were ordinarily taken seuen or eight often more seldome lesse In the small Riuers all the yeere there is-good plentie of small fish so that with Hookes those that would take paines had sufficient Fourteene miles Northward from the Riuer Powhatan is the Kiuer Pamaunke which is nauigable sixtie miles but with Catches and small Barkes twentie or thirtie miles farther At the ordinary flowing of salt water it diuideth it selfe into two gallant branches On the South inhabit the people of Youghtanund who haue about sixtie men for warres On the North branch Mattapament who haue thirtie men Where this Riuer is diuided the Countrie is called Panamaunke and nourisheth neere three hundred able men About fiue and twentie miles lower on the North side of this Riuer is Werawocomoco where their great King inhabited when Captaine Smith was deliuered him prisoner yet there are not past fortie able men But now he hath abandoned that and liueth at Orapakes by Youghtanund in the Wildernesse tenne or twelue miles lower on the South side of this Riuer is Chiskiack which hath
characters sort not to terrestriall fabrikes instanced in the Reuenge Thunderbâ—lt and this Resentance with the Iesus of Sir Io. Hawk Considerations for pretended Voyâ—ges Prouisions bâ—â—ter prouided at Plimoutâ— then at London Note Danger of Porâ—s open Parts requisite in a good Mariner Abuses of some Sea faring men Master Thomas Candish Master George Reymond Note He addes another remedie in taking away imprâ—sts The consequence of Instructs at departure False calking For preuention thereof Example See Cap. â—rings last Voyagâ— in which the Great Iames was oft endangered thereby Aduice for shooting at Sea Two English shâ—ps haue hâ—â—eby much wroâ—ged each other by mistaking The Madera Ilands Canarie Ilands Gorgosho The descâ—iâ—tion of Tenerif and the Pike Of a Tree in Fierro One M. Lewis Iackson now dwelling in Holboâ—â—e told me that A. 1618. he had beene in this Iland and seene this Tree which he thus described It is as big as an Oake of middle size the barke white like Haâ— dbeame sixe or seuen yards high with ragged boughs the leafe like that of the Bay white on the bottome and greene on the other side It beareth neither fruit nor flower It is scituate in the decliuitie of a Hill in the day it is withered dropping â—n the night a cloude hanging thereon yeelding water sufficient for the whole Iland which containeth 8000. soules and aboue 100000. beasts Camels Mules Goats c. It falls into a Pond made of bricke floored with stones very thight by pipes of â—ead conueighed from the Tree to it and thence diuided into seuerall Ponds through all the Iland They which dwell vp-hill fetch â—t in barrels They water therewith also their Corne-grounds The Pond holds 20000. tuns and is filled in a night He added a report perhaps deuised to keepe off busie fingers or with busie tongues to multiplie wonders that the Moores hauing taâ—en that Iland from the Christians went to fell that Tree but each blowe recoyled on the striker Hee affirmed also that hee had beene â—p the Pike of Teneriff two miles He saith the South side is healthfull the North very Aguish and subiect to Calentures and the Inhabitants on one side looke lustie on the other withered The first discouerers of these Ilands Exercises vpon the Southwards of the Canaries â—â—pe de Verde The vnwholsomnesse thereof The heate The Breze Another cause of Feuers is the dâ—wes which fall euery night so that the exceeding moisture and vnsoundnesse thereof causeth men lying or watching in the open aire to fall sicke The remedie The influence of the Moone in hot Countries Saint Iago Sacked by Manuel Serades Sir Francis Drake and Sir Anthony Sherley Fuego Fiery hill Brano good watering The Palmito The Plantan great leaues Placentia The Cocos their kindes Coquillos A third kinde Cyuet-Cats Munkeyes Parrots * Tawt or taught a Sea-terme sig stiffe and fast Morning and euening praier Change of water Error in reckoning Note The lesse of Edward â—otton Current-consideration New found-land Current Leuant Sea Brasil and South Sea Currents of smaller force neere the shore A discourse of the Scuruey or Scorâ—â—â—â— The signes Azores Strange effect of calmes The remedies By Diet. By shift By labour By early eating and drinking Ten thousand English dead of the Scuruie in 20. yeeres By sowre Oranges and Lemmons By Doctor Steuens water By Oyle of Vitry By the Aire of the Land The company sicke and dismayed Prouerbe Brasill Cape Saint Augustine Farnambuca Todos Santos De Vitoria Dangers of fire By heating of Pitch Vse of â—ugge Gownes Preuention Diuers ships as the Primrose Iesus of Lubeck Robuck Blacke Lion c. haue beene burned By hooping scuâ—ling of Caske Note By natures of waters By swearing An excellent order for shipswearing Custome feedâ— vice which seuerity starueth Pi hy discourse of diuers fishes and their description The Dolphin The Bonito The Sharke His mouth Superstition All-deuouring Three rowes of teeth Whelping Pilats â—â—shes Sea hawking and hunting Flying fishes Alcatrace The fight of the Whale with the Sword-fish and Thresher The strokes heard two leagues Of Whales see our Greeneland discourses li. 3. c. 2. 〈◊〉 Amber-greece Amber Corall Best times to passe the line froÌ„ the Northwards to the Southward Port of Santos For preuention of annoyances c. in Harbours S 〈…〉 rds periury Their punishment Note for that harbour The vertue of Oranges Distilling of Salt water Vnskilfulnesse of the Masters Mâ—te Prouidence of God and the caâ—â— of the Master Care of Steeridge Exquisit in the Spaniards and Portugals Cape Blanco Saint Ialmes Ilands alias Saint Annes Gannets Purslane Cherries Palmitos Purgatiues Artechoques or Prick-pears A good note to take or refuse vnknowâ— fruits Contagious water Waste losse of mâ—n Hawke burnt Sholes of Abrcoios Industry of the 〈…〉 ans They surprise 〈◊〉 French G 〈…〉 at Canoa San sebastian Wise stratagem The merry euents of a care full watch 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 Palmito Iland The creatures Cape Frie. Ienero Little Iland Isla Grand Shels of mother of Pearle Price of Negroes Cassaui meale And for Beuerage The manner of planning Iuca With the labour of the women The description of Brasil Its Hauens Strang worme Variation of the Compasse The ouerthrow of the Voyage by a perfidious man The cunning of Runnawayes Birds like Swans Such the Hollanders found in the Straits which they called Mayres Caughâ— with Line Hooke Proue good refreshment Care of the Patagones Land vnknowne A descriâ—tion of the same A caueat for comming suddenly to neâ—re an vnknowne Land Point Tremountaine Faire Iland Conduit-head Hawkins Maidenland Beds of Oreweed with white flowres Our comming to the Straits Description thereof Pedro Sarmiento buildeth San Philip. Hogs Ilands of Pengwins Note Since it hath bin plainly found that all the South part are Ilands Good prouision in the Straits The description of the Pengwin Hunting the Pengwin The keeping for store The Guls. Ducks Cunning Architecture Their neatnes Of Seales or Sea-woolues Description of the Seale Their Sentinel The second peopling of the Spaniards Elizabeths Bay The Riuer of Ieroniâ—â— Another channell Blanches Bay Obiection of waste Answere Warning against wormes which eate througâ—sâ—aps Of sheathing ships In Spaine and Portugall with double plankes With Canuas With burnt plankes In china with Varnish in England Best manner of sheathing The Naturaâ— Long Reach Mouth of the Straits Note Tempest English Bay The natiues houses Sloth cause of imagination Tobias Coue. Setting of the ship vpon a Rocke To the laborious God propitious Crabby Coue. Gods gracious deliuerance Voyage ouerthrowne by giuing way to murderers Edward Fenton and Master Thomas Candish Master William Hawkins The mending of an vnseruiceable Anchor Entertainment of time to auoid idlenesse A kind of hot Spice in the Straits In gathering of Wiâ—ters Barke Of Pearles in the Straits Discourse of Pearles how they breed Preuention of Rats The calamities they bring to a ship Backwardnes in the company Cape Desire South part of the Straits Ilands
The Hollanders challenge the discouery of new Straits by Mayre and Schouten before twice sailed about by Sir F. Drake See sup the Preface to the second Chapter of lib. 3. Sir F. Drake imbraceth the Southermost point of the World Since this in that Voiagâ— wherein W. Adams was Pilot whose voiage and Seb. Werts ye haue in the former Tome Theodore Gerards one of that fleet was caried by tempest as â—hey write to 64. degrees South in which height the country was mountainous couered with snow looking like Norway It seemed to extend towards the Ilands of Salomon Simon de Cordes another of that fleet after prosperous successe in Chili was taken by the Portugâ—ls at the Moluccaâ— and carried to Mala ca prisoner Mocha Baldiuia and Conception wonne from the Spaniards by the Indians Beefe kept most safely in Pickell Iland Chule Iland Mocha Note Treacherie of the Indians Of Sheepe Their apparel and housing Strange Tobacco People of Chily Their weapons Their hate to the Spaniards Imperiall A cruel storme in the Sea of Ladies In it they lost their light horsman Saint Maries City of Conception Iuan Fernandes Good to auoid discouery Wilfulnesse of Mariners They seize vpon foure ships And the Ware-houses They seize vpon another ship and some gold Light Anchors brought from the North Sea And the first Artillerie Sayles of Cotton-cloth They depart from Lyma and conceale their weaknes The noblen's of Alonso de Soto The enemy lâ—ste dâ—ngerous then the Wine Description of â—he Bay Note of tides A new deuise for stopping a leake without boord Sparâ— Rudders and to take off at pleasure Bay of Quintera Ingratitude punished Coquinbo Excellent harbour Arica in Chily much commended For all sorts of fruits Chinchilla a rare beast Litle Cocos And plentie of Gold The Indians forbid the search of gold Euery showre a showre of gold Linnen and woollen cloth made in Coquinbo The valour of the Araweant The mischiefe of corrupt or scantie prouisions Of dâ—tayning and deâ—â—auding oâ— wages Of Mariners by challenge of Pillage The lawes of Oleron concerning Pillage Note or brand rather for taltongued-fingred fellowes Whâ—t ought to be reputed pillage Against the disloyalties of Captaines Concealment of much more value then the Trading The preuention of vndue pillagings Aricâ— Moormereno The 〈◊〉 of Spaine Ouerchaâ—giâ—g of Artilerieâ— The amity of the Indians Their rudé manners and expert swimming Bay of Pisco Cape Sangalean Chilca Aduise giuen by Sea and Land Returne of the Spanish Armado Scoffed at They set forth the second time Few men 〈◊〉 a Ship in the South Sea Port of Santâ— Plantation of the Ilands of Salomon Malabrigâ— Current Punta de Augussa Point of Augussa Illas de Lobos Puma Medicinable Riuer Scoales of Crocodiles P. de S. Elena Puerto vicjo Bay of Atacames They dismisse their Indians Distresse of Spaniards Occasion of their ruine A taut saile is that which proportionably is to high for the vess 〈…〉 Boy of S. Mathew The Indians led by a 〈◊〉 Chase the Spaniards Spanish Armado Pride and vnrulinesse forerunners of ruine The vnaduised courage of the multitude The beginning of the fight The inexperience of the Spaniards and ef the English Gunner And carelesnesse of the English How farre a Commander is to trust his officers Deceit of the Gunner and his extreme carelesnesse and suspicious disloyaltie Who to account a true Marriner His knowledge for Materials For prouisions For NauigatioÌ„ Office of the Master Office of the Pilot. The Boateswaine The Steward The Carpenter The Gunner Directions in secret Why the Spanish Admirall came to leewards Rule for Ordnance Intertainment of Spaniards The English 75. The Spaniards 1300. The Spanish discipline The Souldiers The Gunner The Marriner Officers in a Ship of War Captaine of the Ship Captaine of the Soldiers M. Del Campo Ill order Prying of the Spaniards into our Discipline Their imitation of our Discipline Englishman lost the English and therefore the man The Spaniards pay deerly for their rashnesse And take a new resolution Great Ordnance 〈…〉 e 〈◊〉 ship neere Sâ—râ—nge e 〈…〉 of Th 〈…〉 Policies to auâ—ide boordings Dispute concerning ships of Trade Concerning the Prince his ships Courses for Artillery after boording Disuse of engines of Antiquitie Sir R. H. wounded The Spaniards patley Perfidiousnesse often found in Spanish promises The rest of this conference being long is omitted They resolue to fight out The Enemy breatheth The English repaire their defects Vice-admirals mast shot away Aduantages omitted The difference of shot Their effects Errors in fight Learned from the Flemings Easterlings 1. To fight vnarmed 2. To drinke to excesse Folly of the bold English The Spaniard surpasâ—eth vs onely in temperance The vâ—e profit of arming exactly obserued by the Spanish Armes more necessary by Sea then at Land The Reuenge auenged The third cause Race-ships of Warre disliked Wast-clothes not so vsefâ—ull as other deuiÌ„ses The disaduantage of Ships to lee-ward And the best remedie Crosse-barre and Chainshot misliked The Spaniards Fore-Mast thrice shot through The Company againe importunate to come to composition The English surrender Gloue sent for pledge Braue worthy Spaniard The mildnesse of a Generall after victorie The Daintie in danger of perishing Michael Angel recouereth the ship Many Ilands Fishing for Pearles The places where Pearle are found Great Pearle The Generall continueth his honourable vsage towards the sicke and wounded Spanish Surgions ignorant Misprision of the terme Pirats What a Pirate is Three sorts of defiances The custome of Spaine for warre The custome of England A disputation concerning Buena Querra The Resolution c. The noble vsage of the English But abused in these dayes Don Beltran satisfied and answereth Short arrowes for Muskets Tampkin is a small piece of wood turned fit for the mouth of a Peece Iohn Oxnams Voyage to the South Sea What the Symarons are Their habitation Their assistance Iohn Oxnam capitulateth with them His folly and Breach of promise His pursuit See the Storie before This is added of later intelligence La Pacheta The Generall certifieth the Audiencia of his successe The great ioy of the Spaniards Note English treacherie procured by Spanish Gold I haue this Letter translated into Spanish and printed by them together with the discourse of the whole action much agreeing with this except where they lust to magnifie their Spanish worth The Daintie named the Uisitation Penguin Iland Port Famine The Riuer of Geneuera Mocha Santa Maria. Valparaso Gold Arica Pisco Chincha Sixe of the Kings ships Lima. Paita Atacame Baia de Santâ— Mateo Panama Paita Lima. Gnamanga Cusâ—o Potosi Master Lucas sâ—nne to Master Tho. Lucas This is part of another Letter * I found this paper amongst others of Master Hakl without the name of the Author Lima. Payta Acapulca Zumpanga Mexico Atrizco Angeles Vera Cruz. Saint I. de Vllua Saint Domingo Iamaica Not one naturall in Hispaniola Cartagena Saint Martha Nombre de dios Veragua Costa riâ—ca