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A35931 The royalist's defence vindicating the King's proceedings in the late warre made against him, clearly discovering, how and by what impostures the incendiaries of these distractions have subverted the knowne law of the land, the Protestant religion, and reduced the people to an unparallel'd slavery. Dallison, Charles, d. 1669. 1648 (1648) Wing D138; ESTC R5148 119,595 156

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name of King and Parliament and all such as have acted therein or adhered thereunto are guilty of Treason p. 100. CHAP. X. That the Subjects of this Nation are not only commanded from doing violence to the Kings Person or prejudice to His authority but are obliged with their lives and fortunes to assist and preserve His person and just rights from the fury of His enemies both forraigne and domestick p. 112. CHAP. XI That those persons at Westminster who call themselves The Parliament of England are not the two Houses nor Members of the Parliament p. 113. CHAP. XII Results upon the premises That the people of England under the government of the King according to the Laws of the Realme are a free Subject p. 125. CHAP. XIII That the people of England under the government claimed by the Members of the two Houses are absolute slaves p. 128. CHAP. XIV How the Subjects of England were brought into this slavery p. 132. CHAP. XV. The way how to restore the people unto their former Liberty p. 135. The Preamble or Introduction to the insuing Discourse wherein are contained the Motives which induced the Authour to take up Armes for the KING against the Forces raised by command of the Members of the two Houses of PARLIAMENT WHen the unhappy difference between His Majesty and the two Houses began to appear I endeavoured to satisfie my self of the cause thereof which I found to be thus The Members formed a 〈◊〉 concerning the Militia of the Kingdome to this effect viz. That certain persons by them therein named shall have power to Call together Muster and Arme all the people of the Kingdome and Conduct them into any part of the Realme to suppresse rebellious Insurrections or Invasions in such sort as the Members without the King shal signifie this power to continue so Long and no longer then those Members please and disobedience therein to be punished by the Members and none else This being presented to the King He refused to confirm it with His Royall Assent The Members thereupon stiling it An Ordinance of Parliament without the King declared it a Law By which in words not onely the Militia of the Kingdome and the Government of the Realm was taken from the Crowne and removed to the Members but an Arbitrary power usurped by them to signifie and declare what Facts were Rebellion and what not and accordingly by pretext and colour thereof caused the people to be Arrayed Armed and Mustered And so in effect the Kings Sword and Scepter wrested out of His hands by His owne Subjects And further the Members pretending the King not consenting to that Law was Evil-counselled by like Ordinances raised Armies appointed the Earl of Essex their Generall authorized them by War to Kill and slay their fellow Subjects and to remove from the King those pretended bad Counsellours The King by His Proclamation inhibited all Persons from adhering unto them and required His Subjects obedience unto Him their King Hereupon I seriously bethought my self whether I was obliged herein to obey the King or the Members and resolved the Laws of England ought to be my guide which I found to be thus That this Nation is governed by a known Law that Law expounded by the Judges of the Realme Those Judges appointed and authorized by the King our only Supream Governor unto whom alone all the people of England are obliged in point of Soveraignty and Government to submit themselves Then I considered in whom the power of the Militia was before the making of the aforesaid Ordinances Secondly 〈◊〉 ●●…teration those Ordinances made For the first I found that the Militia of the Kingdome by the known Law was inherently in the King For the latter that no New Law can be made or the Old changed but by the King with the assent of the two Houses of Parliament And finding the King therein to dis-assent I did without scruple resolve the law was not altered therefore the Militia still in the Crown and consequently that it was my duty herein to obey the Kings Command not the Members Then I considered what was the offence of a Subject to joyne with those Forces raised by the Members which I found to be the crime of High Treason And lastly it being the duty of every Subject not onely to decline opposing his Soveraigne but to assist Him against all disloyall actions I took up Armes for Him and in His defence in this War Since which I have met with some Objections against these my proceedings which with my Answers to them I have set down in this ensuing Discourse And first concerning the grounds of the Law CHAP. I. That the Lawes of England consist in generall customes particular Customes and Acts of Parliament MOst evident it is that from the subduing of this Nation by the Romans which is about 1700 years agoe the people of this Realme have been governed by a Monarchicall power first under the Roman Emperours then under the Saxons awhile under the Danes again under the Saxons and lastly under the Norman Conquerour and his Progeny untill this day yet by what particular Laws those former Kings governed no authentick Author beyond the time of William the Conquerour doth make it appear But certain it is after that Conquerour had in a Battle slaine Harold and vanquished his Army which is neer 600 years since the people of this Nation submitted unto him as King of England who being in possession of the Crown agreed to Govern by known Laws Now whether those were new Laws introduced or the old continued as to this purpose is not materiall But by that very same Law as by severall Acts of Parliament it appeareth divers of his Successours Kings calling unto them for their advice such of their Subjects as they thought fit by Acts of Parliament made new Laws and changed the old but succeeding Kings since that have herein limited themselves insomuch as by the Constitutions of the Realme as now it is setled the Law of England consists in these three particulars 1. Generall Customes as thus the eldest Son to Inherit his Fathers Land the Wife to enjoy a Third part of her Husbands Inheritance for her Dower these and such like are generally Law throughout the Kingdome therefore called the Common Law 2. Particular Customes as thus in some places the yongest Son in other places all Equally Inherit their Fathers Land these and such like are particular Customes being fixed to particular places and by antient constant and frequent use is become Law there although not generally throughout the Kingdome 3. Acts of Parliament made by the King with the assent of the two Houses All which together that is to say The Common Law particular Customes and Acts of Parliament make the Law of England By this Law all men are protected in their Persons and Estates wherein there is no difference between King and People for neither King nor Subject hath or can justly
is and may be in the Subject Answer Although his whole discourse is either false or impertinent yet his saying that Kings were first elected by the people That the people as he beleeves elected the Judges and bounded them by publike Laws And for proof positively affirming although not naming one Act That all this appears by infinite Acts of Parliament regulating the King and His officers The vulgar may thereby conceive that the Members of the two Houses without the King have made Acts of Parliament That by those Acts it appears That the people elected the first King of England and the Judges and bounded them by publike Laws Although Mr. Pryn himselfe well knowes that never any Act of Parliament was or could be made without the Kings expresse consent And that the people of this Nation have been governed under Kings 1200. years before the first Act of Parliament at this day extant So that if Mr. Pryn had made his Argument according to the truth of the fact it had been but thus After King H. 3. begun his reigne and not before the Kings of England have made some Laws by Act of Parliament whereby in some things they have regulated their owne authority and the power of their officers and Judges Ergo the people although we had Kings 1200. years before that elected the first King the Judges and bounded them by publike Laws Besides admit the people had elected the first King and the Judges That nothing proves that the Members of the two Houses at this day by our Law outgh to nominate the Judges And for the rest of his Arguments they are to this effect A question being asked who ought to elect the Judges Mr. Pryn saith Leiutenant Generals and Sheriffs were anciently elected by the Parliament and people Colonels Majors Aldermen Constables Knights of the Shire and Burgesses are elected by the people Kings cannot elect a Member or exclude him from sitting That the Members are honourable grave and wise That the Judges are the Kingdomes as well as the Kings That although the Kings have usually had the election of them perchance it was by usurpation and Mr. Bodin a great Polititian saith that the election of these officers may be and often are in the Subject Now hereupon to conclude Ergo By the Laws of England the Members of the two Houses ought to elect the Judges I cannot more aptly parallel the Argument then thus How many miles to London Answer a poke full of plums Ergo it is 20. miles to London upon this it might as well have been concluded 40. 100. or 1000. miles to London as 20. and so for electing the Judges upon any of Mr. Pryns reasons or upon all together admitting them all true It might with as much sence and reason have been concluded thus Ergo the Major of Quinborough the great Turke or the man in the Moon ought to elect them Besides the Members of the two Houses cannot have the election of the Judges for these reasons First the Chancery the Kings Bench the Common Pleas and the Court of the Exchequer are Courts of Justice by prescription they were instituted before the time of memory none knows the beginning thereof but certaine it is they were Courts of Iustice before the House of Commons had being Secondly as it is necessary that the Iudges of the Law be knowne persons It is as requisite that such as elect them should be constantly visible But the Members out of Parliament are invisible Thirdly suppose it enacted That none that shall be a Iudge unlesse elected by A. and B. It were no wonder for them irreconcileably to differ in their choice And the two Houses are as distinctly two as A. and B. That difference which is renders the Members more improper for the worke and consequently not of a Composier fit to elect the Iudges And that this is the Kings right is made good thus First It appears before that those Courts have had Judges time out of mind And so long as any may can shew or prove there hath been Judges of those Courts so antiently the Kings of England and none else have elected and authorized them which is the strongest proof in the Law It is the Law it selfe It were absurd for any man to deny that it is felony to steale or that the eldest son is heir to his Fathers land yet there is no other proof to make it good but use and practise And the Kings have as antiently and constantly elected the Iudges as theft hath been punished or that the eldest son hath by discent enjoyed his fathers land Secondly if this King hath not right to elect the Iudges no former King had it and consequently we never had one Judge rightly authorized So that Mr. Pryn hath found out a point in Law which at once makes a nullity of all former proceedings in those Courts as things done coram non Judice But this not all If Mr. Pryns doctrine be true we have had no Parliament for the Kings not having power legally to authorize the Lord-keeper all creations of Peeres are void and so the Writs for electing the Knights and Burgesses were illegall and void too And consequently Mr. Pryns Law admitted there is no Member of either House Lawfully authorized to sit or Vote And for authority of bookes either Law or History I dare be bold to say there is not one man in the World untill the sitting of these Members who hath upon any occasion mentioned these things but hath delivered it as a fundamentall ground and a positive truth That the authority to elect the Iudges is in the King alone So thatsuch as are unsatisfied of the Kings right herein may with as much reason doubt whether we have had a King Law or government Nothing can herein be alledged against the King or on the Members behalfe unlesse a new maxime of Law be started up That no proof be it never so clear is sufficient to entitle the King to any Interest or authority But for the Members although they have neither authority use practise president or reason to make it good have title and interest to what they list But if the two Houses have the finall power to judge the Law and that every one who shall dispute their Votes break the priviledge of Parliament It matters not who hath the election of them nor who are chosen If the man be flexible enough the meanest capacity in one dayes study and with the expence of one single penny may be sufficiently compleat for a States Judge his Library needs not consist of more bookes then a copy of the Houses Votes whereby we are declared breakers of the priviledges of Parliament to deny that to be Law which they declare so to be For by these Votes we have no Law but the Members will And consequently those persons they call Iudges are no other but their Ecchoes But the true Judges authorized by the King have not only the
thing but by Act of Parliament And if they shall in this case make a new Statute that Law must even by the same Judges be expounded too 3. The Parliament is a body so composed as that it is not onely improper but almost impossible for these persons finally to determine any one point of Law A Court of Judicature ought to consist of one entire body and of such a body as at all times hath power not onely to deliver its owne opinion but by that sentence to decide the question depending before them but the Parliament is not so composed The Members of that Assembly are divided into three severall bodies and their proceedings severall and distinct and obvious it is that in one and the same thing they frequently conclude opposite each to other yet untill all three concur it binds not And so though every Member of those bodies hath given his sentence according to his owne conscience yet the question is not decided and that which is worse peradventure never can be brought to a period for it may fall out these three bodies of the King the Lords House and the Commons may in that perpetually differ in opinion These things considered every rationall man must conclude that the Parliament is not of a Composure fit for this worke nor instituted for that purpose Those things as afterwards in its proper place is more fully shewed are the office of the Judges of the Realme By this it appears that when the two Houses have passed a Bill for an Act of Parliament and to it the Kings Royall Assent is had the Parliaments power ends and then begins the authority of the Judges of the Realme whose office is the case being regularly brought before them first to judge whether the Act it selfe be good and if binding then to declare the meaning of the words thereof And so the necessity of having a power upon emergent occasions to make new Laws is supplied and yet the fundamentall grounds of the Law by this limitation of the power of the Law-maker with reference to the Judges to determine which Acts of Parliament are binding and which void is preserved Upon the whole matter cleere it is The Parliament it selfe that is the King the Lords and Commons although unanimously consenting are not boundlesse the Judges of the Realme by the fundamentall Law of England have power to determine which Acts of Parliament are binding and which void and to expound the meaning of every Statute Thus whilst every person Court and Assembly keep within its owne bounds the knowne Law protecteth every man in his just rights the Subject whilst that is observed need not doubt protection of his person and may securely challenge a property in his estate But the Members do now teach or to speake more properly force upon the people another doctrine They without the King not onely assume the power of a Court of Judicature and that without any appeale from it but an authority and power to make and declare the Law and that boundlesse too whereby Law it selfe is totally destroyed It is a Maxime in Law that every disseisor of Land is seised in fee simple and that no man can give a particular estate by wrong for example A. Tenant for years remainder to B. for life remainder to C. in taile remainder to D. in fee E. outs A. from his possession E. doth not hereby get the estate for years but by that entry hath displaced all the remainders and untill re-entry by A. is wrongfully seised to him and his heires Like unto this was that of the Members They injuriously excluded the King from his negative Voice in Parliament They have not by it gained power to make Laws without Him but whilst they continue this usurpation they wrongfully disinherit both King and people of all their birth-rights The knowne Laws of the Land is by this totally subverted untill the King be reinvested herein we have neither common Law particular custome or Statute Law nor can any man challenge protection of his person or property in his Lands or goods for what Law they make how repugnant to sense and reason how barbarous soever it be neither the Judges of the Realme nor any other if we may believe the Members have power to examine controle or oppose it Thus our excellent Laws the Members have so much so often boasted to defend are by the same persons at the same instant and even by the same medicine excluding the King from His negative Voice they pretended to preserve them destroyed So that I confesse the Members were necessitated not onely to deny the King this power but to assume authority without Him to make Laws and that without stint or limitations for by the knowne Law the facts and proceedings of these Members are Treason Therefore they must make new ones else be judged by the old And to make new Laws yet to admit the Judges power to determine whether they binde or not were to fall into the same Predicament of Treason In the next place it is shewed who are the Judges of the Law which power although with as little reason or sense as the former the Members have usurped too CHAP. V. That the Judges of the Kings Bench of the Common Pleas and the Barons of the Exchequer are the Judges of the Realme unto whom the people are bound lastly and finally to submit themselves for matter of Law BUt some give this power to the Parliament others to the two Houses joyntly others to the Lords House singly and some make the House of Commons Judge of the Law All which are meere surmises by faction raised and spread abroad since this Parliament for besides what before is said herein in the next precedent Chapter upon consideration had of the quality of the persons of those Members the Commission required to authorize a Judge of the Law and the composier of that Body It will appear they are so far from having any such power as that the Lords House in some particular things excepted neither the Parliament nor the two Houses joyntly nor either of them singly can judicially or finally determine any one point of Law First for the quality of the persons And to begin with the House of Commons They consist of Knights of Shires Citizens and Burgesses The Knights of the Shire we see by experience although sometimes men of estates are chosen yet not alwaies of the best understanding For the Citizens and Burgesses the Cities and Corporations for which they serve are Instituted onely for advancement of trade and accordingly the bodies of such townes and places consist of Tradesmen whose educations are onely to learne Crafts and occupations and the far greater number of them mecanick handy-crafts Besides the true cause of authorizing Corporations to send Burgesses to Parliament is that they may give information concerning the Trading in those places to the end if need be to make Laws for the increase thereof And