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land_n	east_n	league_n	south_n	4,845	5	9.7533	5	true

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A97348	A narrative of the troubles with the Indians in New-England, from the first planting thereof in the year 1607, to this present year 1677, but chiefly of the late troubles in the two last years, 1675 and 1676. To which is added a discourse about the warre with the Pequods in the year 1637. / By W. Hubbard ...; Narrative of the Indian wars in New-England	Hubbard, William, 1621 or 2-1704.	1677 (1677)	Wing H3211_pt2; ESTC W13814	83,110	93

A NARRATIVE OF THE TROUBLES With the Indians in NEW-ENGLAND From Pascataqua to Pemmaquid THe Occasion Rise and Progress of the Warr with the Indians in the Southern and Western parts of New-England together with the Issue and Success thereof hath in the former part of this Narrative been already declared Before an Entrance be made into a Relation of those Troubles that befell the Eastern and Northern parts of the said Country from the Indians inhabiting those parts it will be requisite to give some general Description of the place as being less frequented and so more unknown then the other like Heraulds that use to Blazon the Field before they meddle with the Charge as an Historian once said That so the Reader may not miss the Truth in Story by being unacquainted with the places whereon the discourse proceedeth Briefly therefore that more cost and pains be not spent in the surveying a barren and Rocky Country then will quit cost The List or Border here being known to be more worth then the whole Cloth That whole Tract of Land being of little worth unless it were for the Borders thereof upon the Sea-Coast and some Spots and Skirts of more desireable Land upon the Banks of some Rivers how much soever it be valued by them that know nothing thereof but by the uncertain and fallible Reports of such as have only Sayled by the Country or viewed some of the Rivers and Havens but never passed through the heart of the Continent The whole being scarce worth half those mens lives that have been lost these two last years in hope to save it This North part of New England did first like Zarah put forth its hand thereby inviting the Adventurers to twist the Scarlet Thred of their hopes about the same by that Auspicious beginning they were ready to promise themselves great prosperity in having that Advantage before others to plant and people that part of the Country But that fair opportunity was almost quite lost by some Fatal and mischievous Accidents happening soon after that noble Enterprize was first set a foot as hath been already in part and may hereafter more fully be declared The first place that ever was possessed by the English in hope of making a Plantation in those parts was a Tract of Land on the West-side of the River of Kennibeck then called Sagatawocke since Saga-de-hocke other places adjoyning were soon after seized and improved for Trading and fishing The more remote furthest Northward at this time belonging to the English Penobsot forty years since being surprized by the French and by them held to this day is called Pemmaquid distant seven or eight Leagues from Kennibeck and is the utmost Boundary of New-England being about forty Leagues distant from the mouth of Pascataqua River That Pemmaquid is a very Commodious Haven for Ships and hath been found very Advantagious to such as use to come upon these Coasts to make fishing Voyages South West or South East from whence about six or seven Leagues lies an Island called Monhiggon of much use on the same account for fishing it lying three or four Leagues into the Sea from Damarils Cove a place of like Advantage for the Stages of Fishermen in former times There have been for a long time seven or eight considerable dwellings about Pemmaquid which is well accommodated with Pasture Land about the Haven for feeding Cattle and some Fields also for Tillage All the Land improvable for such uses being already taken up by such a number of Inhabitants as is already mentioned In the mouth of the River of Kennibeck lies a considerable Island cal●ed Aro●ck some years since purchased by Major Clarke and Capt. Lake two Merchanes of Boston on which they built several large dwelings with a Ware-house and many other Edifices near the water side 〈◊〉 being intended by the Owners for a place of Trading as well as Planting there being many of late seated there fit to carry on each designe where also was built a fort which if it had been carefully defended might have proved the defence and Security of all that side of the Country as it used to be their Magazine up higher beyond the River of Kennibeck four Leagues Eastward toward Pemmaquid in another considerable River called Ships-Coat upon the Banks of which were many scattered Planters who lately flying from their dwellings for fear of the Indians left as was judged a thousand head of neat Cattle for the use of the Indians that made the late Insurrection against the Inhabitants of those parts besides their Fields and Barns full of Corn There is another River that issues into Kennibeck a little higher up into the Country called Pegypscot that comes down from behind Casco Bay This Pegypscot is the seat of the Amoscogging Indians who have had a great if not the principal hand in the late mischiefs Some few Leagues to the South of Kennibeck lies that famous and spacious Haven called Casco Bay The North East Cape of which is made by an Island called Saguin The Southern or opposite point of Land is called Cape Elizabeth which is in the Bosome of this Bay being about eight or nine Leagues over at the mouth of it and aboundance of small Islands many of them being inhabited by Fishermen and others one of the principal of that sort is called Jewels Island There are many places about this Bay fit to make commodious habitations and on the South side of it is a small Village called Falmouth All or most of it lately destroyed by the Indians Not far from Casco to the Southward or South-west still is a River called Spurnuik over against which lies Richmond Island not far from the main Land being divided therefrom by a small Channel foordable at Low water It hath for a long time been the Seat of Mr. Jordan in right of Mr. Winter the former if not the first promoter thereof whose daughter he married The next Plantation Southward is called Scarborough a small Village seated upon black point over against which is another point for distinction from the former called blue point This black point was lately the Seat of M. Josselin being a parcel of the Province of maine or falling within the Precincts thereof and was formerly by Patent granted to the said Josselin or his Predecessors since purchased by Mr. Scotto of Boston Saco River lies next in order to Pascataqua a Navigable River where Major Philips had a commodious Scituation ●ately at the mouth of which River lies winter Harbour encompassed on one side by a Neck of Land formerly the Propriety of one Mr. Winter whose Name it still retains but lately purchased by Major Pendleton where he enjoyed a very comfortable Seat and habitation There is another Harbour lying a little Southward of Saco made by that which is called Cape Porpuise a convenient Seat for Fishermen as are most of the other places above named Between Cape Porpuise Pascataqua there are but two small Towns

demonstrate by giving a little touch as we pass along on the several changes of Government the places forementioned have been moulded into the several Proprietours of have claimed Interest in the Land In the year 1624. A Patent was granted by the Councel of Plimouth the grand Proprietours to Captain Mason for a large Tract of Land about Pascataqua but it not being distinctly bounded himself with Sir Ferdinando Gorges obtayned a joynt Patent in the year 1629. for the Land betwixt Saga de-Hock East Naum Keag West but that also interferring with the Bounds ganted before that time to sundry Gentlemen Merchants that had obtained a Patent from the South of Charles River to the Northward of Merrimack Capt. Masons bounds were afterwards by Consent as is said of his Agent or Agents reduced to some Branches about Pascataqua River who yet could not agree with those that acted in the Name of Shrewsbury men but being wholly neglected by the pretended Proprietour or his Successours till of late dayes was by the desire of the Inhabitants yielded up to the Massachusets Government near twenty years since In the year 1630. A Patent was granted by the said Councel of Plimouth signed by the Earl of Warwick and Sir Ferdinando Gorgeri and sealed with the common Seal of the Councel aforesaid to John Dy Thomas Impe Grace Harding and John Roach of London for a large Tract of Land on the South of Saga-de Hock forty mile square by the Sea side and so up into the Country John Dy afore said and his Partners took in another as Partner and Associate with them Mr. Richard Dummer of Newbury in New-England in the year 1638. to whom they delivered the Oreginal Patent with an order from them and in their Name to take up the Land described in the Patent but he being denyed opportunity to Effect it as also a Ship formerly sent by the Patentees for that End not accomplishing their desire they not long after sold all their Interest in the said Patent to one Mr. Rigby a Lancashire Gentleman who made Mr. Cleaves his Agent to manage the business of his purchased Interest in the said Patent To whom Mr. Dummer was ordered to deliver the Original Patent which accordingly he did what trouble was occasioned soon after between the said Mr. Cleaves and Mr. Vines Agent for Sir Ferdinando Gorges is well known to the Inhabitants of the place and need not be here mentioned nor yet how the said Mr. Rigby came afterward to loose his Interest at least with the Inhabitants in the Patent In the year 1632. Sir Ferdinando Gorges not resting in the joynt Patent obtained for himself and Capt. Mason obtained a distinct Patent for himself and got it confirmed by King Charles the first of blessed and famous memory for all that large Tract of Land from Saga-de-hock to Pascataqua River and so about an hundred miles up into the Country by the Name of the Province of Maine What benefit and Improvement was ever made thereof by his Agents or Successours is best known to themselves But for the Inhabitants who upon one account or another had been induced either by any precedaneous grant or liberty from himself or his Agents to take up any Land within the Bounds of the said Province They finding much inconvenience and trouble for want of an orderly and setled Government did at the last petition the general Court of the Massachusets to be taken under their Jurisdiction and Government reserving the Liberties and Priviledges of their former purchases and Grants as to Title possession and propriety to themselves which was granted them though not only and altogether upon the grounds on which it was desired by the Petitioners Yet notwithstanding all this were not things setled either to the comfort or content of the Inhabitants for sometimes some demanded Right of Jurisdiction over them by virtue of Sir Ferdinando's Patent sometimes Commissioners imployed by his Highness the Duke of York attempted to settle a Government amongst the people sometimes they tryed what might be done by Agreement amongst themselves but after their Returne for England by one means or other the Government relapsed again into the hands of the Massachusets although a Supersedeas thereunto seems to have been put by an order from his Majesty this last year By these several Vic●ssitudes and changes of Government the flourishing of the said Province hath been much obstructed which else might have been much advanced and the Inhabitants been put into a Capacity to have secured themselves against the late Barbarous Incursions of the Indians and possibly those Exorbitancies that many of the present Proprietours have run into to the just provocation of the Indians might thereby have been prevented and so the mischief also which hath ensued might thereby have been averted For a well ordered Government would never have suffered those things that now were connived at which if they had been timely lookt into by such as had absolute or positive and unquestioned power of Rule in their hands would have been otherwise ordered the present mischief that is come upon those places might thereby have been if not prevented yet more easily redressed then now is like to be As for the Tract of Land that lies Eastward beyond Kennibeck betwixt that and Pemmaquid it is said to have belonged to one Mr. Aldworth and his Successours who was Alderman of Bristol and one that had a Patent thereof and imployed some as his Agents that did sometimes reside upon the place And was lately setled in some order of Government by his Highness the Duke of Yorks Commissioners by whom also was an Agreement made betwixt the Sagamores of the Indians in those parts and the English at a Court kept by their Appointment in Kennibeck which if it had been observed might in all probability have prevented in great measure the quarrel which is now fallen out betwixt the English and the said Indians For upon some Jealousies of the Rising of those Indians about twelve or thirteen years since it was agreed that if any mischief should happen to be done by the English or Indians one against another though it were to the killing any person neither side should right themselves but complaint should be made to the Sagamores if the Indians did the wrong and to the Court if it were done by the English Both which did promise satisfaction should be made for the preventing any quarrel The Names of the Sachems as likewise of them that were in power at the Court do stil remain upon publick Record But matters of Government in those parts being since collapsed no Authority more then what was meerly voluntary and perswasive being owned Things are now brought to that miserable state which follows next to be declared Ever since the first setling of any English Plantation in those parts about Kennibeck for the space of above fifty years the Indians alwayes carryed it fair and held good Correspondence with the English until the

them went a shore leaving two Indians aboord with the English Skipper After he had got so well rid of them he contrived how to get shut of the other also Therefore he perswaded them that the Vessel would not ride safely in that place so as he prevailed with them to let him go to another Harbour called Damaris Cove two or three Leagues more Eastward In the way as he Sayled he so ordered his steering that sometimes the waves were ready to overrake the Vessel which put his two Indians into a fright so as they made all the hast they could to get a shore as soon as ever they came within the Harbour urging him to go along with them but he pretended a necessary Excuse to stay behind to look after the Vessel but with intent as soon as ever he should see them a shore to boyse Sayle for some English Harbour having no body aboord with him but a small English Child about three ●ears old It seems the Indians had a Child or two of their own dead in the Vessel who dying after they began their Voyage they were the forwarder to go a shore with them for buryal The said Abbot now perceiving he had obtained his purpose for he oft resolved on this Project before first tallowing the Mast with a piece of fat Pork left by the Indians as high as he could reach that he with his own hands might the more easily hoyse the Sayle so choosing rather to cast himself upon the Providence of God in the waters than to trust himself any longer with perfidious Salvages on the dry Land he came safe to Isle of Shoales before the Evening of the next day February the nineteenth Within a few dayes after John Abbot aforesaid made his escape in the Vessel There came an express from Major Waldern that commanded in chief over our Forces sent to Kennibeck to subdue the Indians in those parts deliver the English Captives that have been detained in their hands since August last which giveth this Account of their proceeding February the seventeenth this morning the wind North East soon after South and South West we sate Sayle with our Vessels from Black Point for Portland but on the East-side of Cape Elizabeth we espyed John Pain who was sent out a Scout who brought word the way was clear of Ice and Indians whereupon we steared for Mary Point at the head of Casco Bay and got there this night but too late to get to the Fort before morning February the eighteenth we sent this morning our Scouts out by Land who returning about eight of the Clock brought word they espyed the Tracts of three Indians and found a Birch Canoo at Muckquitt about four miles off by which we feared we were discovered the Companyes about four a Clock were drawn forth and just beginning their march when we espyed five Canoos of the Enemy about half a mile off they landed over against us on an Island and holloed to us whereby we perceived they desired a Trea●y hoping to gain the Captives we sent John Pain to them they promised him to bring the Captives by morning and desired peace After this John Pain was sent again and stayed among the Indians in the room of Simon who came to the Major he was questioned and Answered as followeth Quest How came you to know we were here Answ We continually kept out our Scouts and Yesterday our Indians left a Canoo at Muckquitt which this day we missed and perceived the English had taken it and our Men that left the Canoo espyed you a a great way off at Portland Quest Why did you break your Covenant with me Answ Blind Will stirred us up to the War here and said he would kill you at Quechecho Simon having said this askt the Major what his business was here to whom it was Answered we came to fetch off the Captives and make War as we see good Simon also told us that the Captives were all well that we should have them by morning that Squando was there and would give the Captives to Major Waldern that they intended peace had sent to Boston before now but that Mugg told them the English would be here shortly The Major upon this dismissed Simon and sent for Squando to which Squando Answered he would meet him half way if he would come alone in a Birch Canoo To this the Major Answered he would not venture himself in our Leakie Canoo and that if he had no more to say the Treaty was ended To this Squando Answered he would be with us again at Ten a Clock and bring the Captives On the Nineteenth Wind North East the weather thick About Noon we discovered a party of Indians in fourteen Canoos about three mile above us in the Bay they landed on a point of Land and burnt one English house and shouted to some of our men that were Scouts challenging them to fight Immediately on the Return of our Scouts we marched against them as secretly as we could upon sight of us they fled but Captain Frost came upon them with his whole body before they were half out of Gun shot in this Skirmish we judged we killed and wounded several of them without any damage yet some of their Bullets hit some of our men For the Captives sake immediately after this we hung out a Flag of Truce and the Enemy did the like John Pain was sent to them to demand the Reason why they fired the house and brake their Promise Simon met him half way and Answered the house was fired Accidentally without Order from Squando that they had sent for the Captives who were a great way off and the foul weather hindred their coming He questioned Iohn Pain also why we fought them while we were in Treaty Pain Answered they brake it themselves in not performing their promise challenging our Souldiers to fight this latter Simon denyed and Answered the other as before Simon told him they had two men wounded and expected satisfaction but also promised the Captives the next day and so left us On the twentieth The wind North East and Snow it was resolved to Sayle for Kennibeck the first fair wind whether we had immediately gone upon our knowledge that we were discovered by the Enemy but that the wind and weather hindred us hitherto February the twenty first this morning the wind North West we set Sayle for Kennibeck and arrived at the Harbours mouth at four a Clock About Sun set we set Sayle up the River and got to the lower end of Arowsick Twenty second we set Sayle this morning but could not get to the head of the River for Ice whereupon we landed our Souldiers about two a Clock about twelve miles off Aboundessit Fort and immediately began our march about eight a Clock at night came to the Fort we found no Indians there we took up our Quarters this night Twenty third we sent out Scouts to discover the march of the Enemy

before Concerning which the Judicious Reader may take what notice he pleaseth Although I would not be too forward in obtruding uncertain Reports upon the belief of the far distant Reader especially considering how much the world hath oft been abused with false Coyne of the like nature But for other predictions of the present Calamities some wise men have thought it not unworthy to be communicated to Posterity what hath been observed amongst the Indians themselves as if either God himself had left some Impression on the minds of some of them this way or that by some strange Instinct or other they had some Reason to forbode the Troubles now begun although not yet ended sed dabit Deus his quoque finem in his own time There was within the Compass of the last seven years now current a Sagamore about Ki●tary or the north-North-East side of Pascataqua River called Roules or Rolles who lying very sick and bed rid being an old man he expected some of the English that had seazed upon his Land should have shewn him that Civility as to have given him a visit in his Aged Infirmityes and sickness It matters not much whether it was totally neglected or not to be sure at the last he sent for the chief of the Town and desired a favour of them viz. that though he might as he said challenge all the Plantation for his own where they dwelt that yet they would please to sell or give him a small Tract of Land possibly an hundred or two of Acres and withal desired it might be Recorded in the Town Book as a publick Act that so his Children which he left behind might not be turned out like Vagabonds as destitute of an habitation amongst or near the English adding this as the Reason That he knew there would shortly fall out a War between the Indians and the English all over the Country and that the Indians at the first should prevail and do much mischief to the English and kill many of them But after the third year or after three years all the Indians which so did should be rooted out and utterly destroyed This Story is reported by Major Waldern Mr. Joshuah Moodey Captain Frost that live upon or near the place And one of the three forementioned persons was desired by the said Sagamore to make a Record hereof Valeat quantum valere potest aut debet Many Stories of like nature are confidently told by such as have been more conversant with the Indians which shewed that either the Conspiracy was a long while in Contriving or else that some Impression was by a Divine hand made upon the minds of some of them For the actings of our Neighbour Nations round about us whether they have had actually any hand in our Sufferings either instigating of our Enemies or secretly and underhand supplying them with necessaries where with to carry on their designe against us without whose Assistance it is supposed they could hardly thus long have held out It is no question but there are those in the world that say Aha at the Calamities of our Sion and that like Edom in Jerusalems day cry Rase it Rase it even to the Foundation thereof But for our near Neighbours whether Dutch or French their designe in their several Plantations being solely or principally Trade and knowing that as formerly they had so may they still have more benefit and Advantage by our Commerce and Traffick than by our Ruine it seems therefore not so probable that they should promote or designe such a wicked end to themselves much less that they should joyne with Pagan Infidels therein more Charity we judge is due to them that profess the Christian Name whatever Errour or Superstition their Religion or worship may be blinded with We may well conceive that either of them would not be much unwilling to part with any thing they have to sell for Beaver nor would they very scrupulously enquire what the Indians do with their Powder provided they could get their pay for it no more than the Cutler did to know as the Tale goes what the Cutpurse did with the knife he made him But that purposely either of them have furnished our Enemies with means to do us mischief we are not forward to believe As for the French at Cannada they live at too great a distance to have much Commerce with our Enemies And besides they are not themselves so secure of the Indians they deal with as to be forward to ●et them against others least thereby they come to learn the way to fall upon themselves And besides it hath been affirmed by some of their own Nation that not long since were there and passed home this way that they are more affraid of Attempts from hence than we have cause to be from them Other Reports possibly have been taken up concerning us as if we were divided in our Counsels and were too tenacious of our goods and readier to keep them for our Enemies than prudently to lay out what was necessary for our own defence and preservation no question but many such Rumours as these have taken place in the m●nds of some But it is hoped that such as are wise and serious will not give too much to sinister Report till they are rightly enformed Greater Vnity of minds in things of such a nature hath seldome been found amongst men that might all along have been observed here If in any thing propounded for the better carrying on the war against the Indians there hath been some difference of apprehension either from the seeming Impossibility and Arduousness of the Attempt or difficulty of the Season it never occasioned the least Remora of the Action though in things of the greatest moment Nor was there ever any difficulty in the disbursing what was necessary for carrying on the Affairs of the War how chargeable soever and Expensive it hath been found The scarcity of Coyne hath occasioned a little Trouble in some present Exigent otherwise no Reason hath been given of any just complaint this way But it being the usual Lot of them that are most sorely afflicted of God to be most deeply censured of men but we must expect to pass through Evil as well as good Report Possibly a so some may here take notice of a very distinguishing Providence in these our late Troubles in that this Rod of Affliction hath seemed not to ly in an equal proportion upon the body of the people of New-England which is no new thing to observe in Calamities of this nature wherein it is very ordinary for those parts of a Country that lye next boraering upon the Coast of the common Enemy to be most obnoxious to their Incursions and to be more frequently than others harnessed thereby As hath been the Case of us here in these parts of the Earth ever since the first planting thereof The great numbers of the Salvages being swept away by some unusual mortality in all those places where the