which indeed struck a great discouragement in the expectation of all his Favourers and made his welcome the colder to the Duke of Brittaine the rather also because he had beene with the French King before he came to him which was taken but ill although the Earle could not otherwise doe being forc't upon the Coasts of Normandy And comming into the Road at Deipe landed to refresh himself and company From thence he intended to Roan which being so neare Paris ingaged him thither to the King being as Philip de Comines saith followed in a very honourable Port by 500 Englishmen In his stay there to shew us how much interest a provident and active spirit hath in fortune he so heightned and sweetned his behaviour to the Court as conciliated the favour and respect of the Greatest and Noblest Persons to him But most happily the faire opinion and esteeme of the Princely Lady Anne de France eldest Sister to King Charles the eight who had such an influence upon him in his minoritie that she out-pitched Lewis Duke of Orleance chiefe Prince of the Blood In envy or mis-like whereof he tooke Armes and raysed a Civill Warre in France as Iohn Tillet and others write she was wife to Pierce de Bourbon Lord of Beaujen after Duke de Bourbon but Beaujen being his most stately and honourable Signiory he was called Mounâ—ieur de Beaujen and this Lady had so flexible an inclination to the Earle of Richmonds Cause that she importuned the King to aide him with a good summe of mony and 3000 men but odde fellowes For Philip de Comines saith they were trois mille hommes les plus meschants que lux peut trouver no better then Rogues and Trewans men of base qualitie and as low courage Whilst these were Levying the Earle thriftie of all opportunities and as diligent to adde what advantage of time and ayde he could visits the Duke of Brittaine to the same purpose The Duke propounds it to his Councell which Peter Landois his Treasurer and chiefe Counsellour objects against with this reason That if the Enterpize succeeded well yet the event must fall out unhappily and ill to him the Earle having now interested himself to the favour and assistance of Charles King of France And this would be the first linke of so strong an ingagement that the Earle and his Confederacy must be lost to Brittaine when he came to be King being respectively tyed to lend the King of France ayde against them if any cause should happen which the King of France had a prepared stomack for and had not beene nice to seeke any provocation that might countenance a Quarrell against the Dutchy of Brittaine which was beyond his spanne so long as they continued in League with England that being untwisted and France and England Contracted how easie was it for the French to envade and swallow up both him and his Dukedome To make the present advantage therefore as profitable as safe his advice was to stay the Earle the Duke knowing his Coffers at that time very lanke and that the King of England would offer well for him approved the Counsell and resolved to be led by Landois whose respects notwithstanding were very affectionate to the Earle But whether by the secret caution of some friends or suggested to him by his better genius Sure it is by some unknowne meanes he had knowledge of it and yet this was determined but at night and designed for the morning But before midnight or the knowledge of their flight he and twelve Gentlemen his followers had left Vannes and recovered Aniow under the French Kings protection from thence to the French Court againe the King being still very pliable and constant to his promise concerning those French forces under his owne charge The next thing he works at is how to enlarge the Earl of Oxford out of the Castle of Hammes committed thither by Edward the fourth and in this he uses or rather followed indeed the contrivement of Doctor Morton who held good quarter with the Earle of Oxford and by his frequent visits had a familiar and easie doore open'd which the Earl readily tooke the opportunitie of least it might be shut againe by some miscarriage for Richmond thought or found the constitution of his Designe not a little strengthned by the Earle of Oxfords coâ—federacy nor did he mistake himselfe in his accompt when he set him downe of speciall use knowing him a man of an eminent power wisely and valiantly temper'd And to give him the stronger presumptions and confidence one that most mortally hated Edward the fourth and all the house of Yorke To begin therefore an Obligation the Earle of Richmond makes a Complementall journey to Hammes where the Earle of Oxford was then under the charge of Sir Iames Blound He finds all honourable and respective entertainment with fit libertie and occasion to propound himselfe unto the Earle who had beene partly prepar'd by Doctor Morton and therefore met him the nearest way engaging himselfe solely to the premises and by vertue of an indefatigable confidence sets upon his Keeper winnes him to the Faction and to Paris with them By which time all preparations were in readinesse and whilst they make this stay in the French Court the Earle of Richmond receives a faire excuse and protestation from the Duke of Brittaine with offer of Auxiliary Forces This supply came very acceptably and however he resented the Dukes late purpose upon him his wisedome told him he must now convert his anger into thanks which he returns with a reciprocall Protestation and Order to send the Troopes to Harflew where his Shipping lay and was the Rendezvous for his Souldiers In the end of July 1485. he tooke leave of the King and his most Noble Cousin Madam de Beaujen departing for the â—ort of Harflew in Normandy where he met with two thousand Brittaines from the Duke honourably accommodated But by the way he made some stay at Roven and had newes which much distemper'd him That the Lady Elizabeth was forthwith to be married to King Richard this quickned his hast for England presuming his landing would forbid the Banes otherwise he might sit downe with folded hands for upon this marriage insisted the maine hope and consequence of his Fortune without her all his great praetexts would faint yet seemed to heare it as a thing that could not concerne him so much having so present and provident a wit that in any chance he wanted not Councell and determination in himselfe for all Fortunes instantly resolving to apply his suit to her Sister the Lady Cecily but ere he could perfectly fashion these intents they were also counterchecked by the next packet which assured him the Lady Cecily was lately married neither did that after some Collection seeme much to discompose him but quickely varying his disposition to his fortune he would now fixe himselfe upon some choice in Brittaine Amongst his nobler friends for the most part
by the same Titles This was as bitter as short and doubly ill taken First because it came with a Repulse Next because it seemed to proceed from a suspition and as a tax of his Loyaltie and begets another pretence of exception in the Dukes bosome which he called a breach of promise in the King for not joyning the Prince his Sonne in Marriage with the Lady Anne Stafford his Daughter but all those Colours were but to give complexion to the face of his defection the true cause was well devined and found out by the King his Ambition and aime to be Soveraigne rays'd by an overweening of that Royall Blood he supposed to be in his descent from the said Thomas de Woodstock c. Sonne of a King and yet he was not resolutely determined to make his Claime to the Crowne this way nor to attempt the Kingdome by Armes untill those embers which as it were lay but luke-warme in his thoughts were quickned and revived by the animation of Doctor Morton Bishop of Ely then a Privie Counsellour though he stood in some umbrage and disgrace in the Court with the King for his practises against him and was at this time in the custody of the Duke of Buckingham as a Prisoner more expressely for that being a Privie Counsellour he had given secret advertisement to the Earle of Richmond of what passed in the secret Councells of the King To this advantage he applyes that which he had wittily drawne from the Dukes discontent and passionate discourses at times passed By which perceiving the glance of his Ambition and that deriv'd from the great opinion of his Royall Blood he pregnantly tickles and feeds that humour untill he had soothed him past his owne strength or retyrement for his secret drift was to apt and prepare the Duke to a Rebellion at any hand though not to set his owne Title on foot yet layes open the advantage of the present times to it proposing flat usurpation and tyranny against the King Regnant and the strong likelyhood of his Deposing This lifts the Duke something higher in his owne opinion But comming to a pause and perceiving Richmond was the man they had aimed at for this great blow who had conditioned by Oath to marry the Lady Elizabeth for the Countesse of Richmond had by the meanes of Doctor Lewis conciliated the friendship of the Queene Mother to that Alliance and to draw as many of the House of Yorke into the Action as were at her Devotion that many Potent Lords and some Forraigne Princes had promised their ayds he began to retreat and conceive he had taken the wrong path to his journyes end for his Title and Claime must be nothing if those of Yorke and Lancaster were united And that the Earle who stood betweene him and his Aimes was not onely resolute to attempt but strongly ayded for it himselfe not able upon such an instant to raise a power able to encounter much lesse give check unto his violent Ambition therefore concludes all against himselfe and that it would fall out farte better to side with the times a consideration which doubtlesse would highly stirre a spirit where so much greatnesse of opinion and ambition was And the Doctor discerning this disgust and that he was startl'd in his hope and resolusion to recover him an intire man not let him stand by an idle spectator in so meritorious an action he opens a private way of honour and satisfaction suggesting him the first and greatest man the Kingdome was to know next the King And finding his particular distasts to King Richard of quickest sense and argument to him he freshly urges and as it were refricates each particle to the greatnesse of his spirit and discontent the Duke replyes not much at that time but busie in his thoughts leaves him and presently fashions a visite to the Countesse of Richmond a Lady of a politick and contriving bosome to know the credit of his intelligence which she insinuates with arguments so full of circumstance and honour besides her Sons indearment to him their hearnesse of blood affirming the Dukes Mother a Somerset the reciprocall affinitie betweene her Father and his and then the bravery and Religion in the Cause that the Duke now forsakes himselfe and fully gives up his resolution and promise to her thus prepar'd he finds out the Lord Stanley the Marquesse of Dorset Edward Courtney Earle of Devonshire and his Brother the Bishop of Exeter Sir Iohn Bowrchier Sir Iohn Wells Robert Willowby Edward Woodvill Thomas Arundel who had severally raised forces and intended their Rendezvous neere Glocester so to march for Dorsetshire there to receive the Earle and the Duke with his Welchmen But the King was early in his preparation to prevent them before they could unite or the Earle of Richmond arrive there else they had fastened a most dangerous Blow upon him And at this full stop in these progresses me thinkes wee may observe how uncertainely in our strongest valuations we are our owne and that our greatest Confidences and humane Policies are but heavie weights hung at trembling Wyers while our expectations are apt to be flattered and out-goe themselves but are overtaken in their Successe and Fates as was this great Mans for their Forces neither met by Sea nor Land the English being scatter'd by a suddaine and huge inundation that so dangerously over-flowed all passages they could not joyne nor passe the River Severne while the suddainnesse and strangenesse of it stroke the Souldiers with such alteration that most part of them forsooke the Duke and left him to himselfe The Earle of Richmond was as unfortunately met at Sea by a great tempest upon the coasts of England The King took the advantage this accident offered and pursued the Duke not only with a galloping Army but with Edicts Proscriptions that promised a thousand pounds in mony whereunto some Writers adde so much Lands as was worth one hundred pounds per annum to any that should bring in the Duke who was betrayed and brought to the King then at Salisbury by Humphry Banister an eternall brand having lived by this mans service and now thought treacherously to subsist by his Ruine The Duke being examined freely confessed all and for it lost his head in the field according to Marshall Law used by Armies in November An. Dom. 1484. An. 2 Rich. 3. And here if wee view him in the figure of his Ambition or Fate wee shall find Doctor Morton his Caput Argoll or the malignant Planet of his fortune who as Sir Thomas Moore confesseth and affirmeth by his Politick Drifts and Pride advanced himselfe and brought the Duke to this ruine The rest fled some into Sanctuaries others into Brittaine to the Earle of Richmond and some into Flanders all their Plots being now how to be safe And thus farre King Richard in the Voyage of his Affaires had a promising Gale wee will therefore here cast
men by their out-sides or as boyes Poetry with a tickled faith through such wide eares and observations crept in that Parasitisme on the one side and Pride and Usurpation on the other side that made the house of Lancaster and the Beauforts alias Somersets all one which whilst the house of York flourished was held to differ as much as Royall and Feudall Soveraignty and Suzeraignty for their modestie at first was very well pleased with that of Beaufort and it seem'd honourable enough untill the children of Iohn de Beaufort the eldest Brother being Earle of Somerset assumed the name of their Fathers greatest honour and Earledome for their Sir-name and the rest following quite left the name of Beaufort and made the other Hereditary From this Iohn de Beaufort Earle of Somerset and Marquesse of Dorset descended Henry Duke of Somerset Father naturall to Charles Somerset created Earle of Worcester by King Henry the eight And it is worth the noting that this Duke Henry left the Faction of Lancaster to follow Edward the fourth The first Beauforts legitimated by the Pope and Richard the second have no other Sir-names but Beaufort in either of the instruments Apostolicall nor any words to give or emure them to any capacitie of Royall Title or state of Soveraignty in the Crown onely purged them by the Popes spirituall power from the foulenesse of Bastardy allowing them as children legitimate and lawfully born but gives them no other title then Ioanna de Beaufort miles Henricus de Beaufort Clericus Thomas de Beaufort Domicellus Ioannus de Beaufort Domicella and more the Pope cannot doe As the Doctors of Sorbone and some of the best Canonists hold who peremprorily affirme That the Pope cannot make Bastards capable to inherit the Hereditary Lands of their Father neither can give them power to Constitute Successours or Heires or hold Offices Dignities or Titles without the Princes speciall dispensation to which the Civill and Imperiall Lawes agree and is Authentick in England as a Learned and eminent Judge reports though others thinke it of too severe a nature and moderately agreeable to reason and Law the Law much observing reason That Bastards being honest and worthy men the rather if they be avowed by their Fathers may be admitted to Honours Dignities Titles Feuds and other Ornaments of rewards and vertue Of this indulgence and connivence wee have examples in England by two worthy and deserving men flourishing in this Age who though Bastards held the greatest Offices in England So Richard the second in his Charter for the legitimation of the Beauforts would have men of desert and avowed by their Fathers capable of Advancement and Honours The Tenor of which Charter and Confirmation of it by Parliament I shall exhibite as it is taken out of the Archives and Tower Records opening the way by a short advertisement That in this Act of Parliament there is an Induction to the Charter made by Doctor Edmond Stafford Brother to the Earle of Stafford and Bishop of Exeter Lord Chancellour of England in the twentieth yeare of Richard the second which intimateth that Pope Vrbanus the sixt at the earnest request of the King vouchsafed to legitimate these Beauforts the base sonnes and the daughter of the Duke of Guyen and Lancaster That the King also having power to legitimate and enable Bastards in the same kind and in as ample manner as the Emperour hath or had for so he pressed and avowed in the Act was pleased at the humble request and suit of the Duke their Father to make them not onely legitimate but also capable of Lands Heritages Titles Honours Offices Dignities c. And that the King for the more authority therof crav'd the allowance and favourable assent of the Barons in Parliament which was granted The Charter runnes thus Charta Legitimationis Spuriorum Ioannis Ducis Lancastriae RIchardus dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hiberniae charissimis Consanguineis nostris Nohilibus viris Ioanni de Beaufort Militi Henrico de B. Clerico Thomae de Beaufort Domicello Nobili mulieri Ioannae Beaufort domicellae praeclarissimi patrui nostri Nobilis viri Ioannis Ducis Aquitaniae Lancastriae Germanis natis liegis nostris salutem Nos pro honore meritis c. Avunculi nostri Proprio arbitratu meritorum suorum intuitu vos quia magno probitatis ingenio ac vitae ac morum Honestate fulgetis ex regali estis prosapia propagati c. hinc est quod Ioannis c. avunculi nostri genitoris vestri precibus inclinati vobis cum ut asseritur defectum natalium patimini hujusmodi defectum ejusdem qualitates quascunque abolere praesentes vos haberi volumus pro sufficientibus ad quoscunque honores dignitatis praeeminentias status gradus officia publica privata tam perpetua quam temporalia atque Iudicialia Nobilia quibuscunque nominibus nuncupentur etiam si Ducatus Principatus Comitatus Baroniae vel alia feuda fuerint etiamsi mediate vel immediate à nobis dependeant seu teneantur praefici praemoveri eligi assumi admitti illaque recipere pro inde libere ac licite valeatis ac side legitimo thoro nati existeritis quibuscunque Statutis seu Consuetudinibus regni nostri Angliae in contrarium editis seu observatis quae hic habemus pro totaliter expressis nequa quam obstantibus de plenitudine nostrae regalis potestatis de assenssu Parliamenti nostri tenore praesentium dispensamus vosque quemlibet vestrum natalibus restituimus Legitimanus Die Feb. Anno regni 20. R. 2. Here wee find large Graces Honours and Priviledges conferred upon those Beauforts for the King calls them Consanguineos sous and not onely confirmes their Legitimation but makes them by the helpe of the Parliament capable of Baronies Earledomes Dukedomes and Principalities enableth them for all Offices publique and private temporary and perpetuall to take hold of and injoy all Feuds as well noble as other all Lands and Signiories Hereditary as lawfully firmly and rightfully as if they had beene borne in lawfull matrimony but yet conferres no Royall Title nor interest in the Crowne at the least to the observation of those who allow not the claime of the Beauforts and Somersets and say that to reach that there must be words of a higher intent words of Empire Majesty and Soveraigntie such as Regni summa potestas Corona Sceptrum Diadema Purpura Majestas and the like Neither of these nor any importing their extent being in this grant so no Title to the Crowne nor Soveraigntie could passe to them To which the other side replyes That there is a word in the Charter that comprehendeth Empire Raigne and Soveraigntie that is Principatus whereof the King and Parliament make the Beauforts capable Principatus being the State of Princeps a Title of the most absolute Soveraigne Power for the Roman Emperours
Richard pursued him with so much speed and fiercenesse that he forc't him to his Standard And now high in bloud and anger to see his Valour deluded by such a politicke Bravery with his Sword makes way and with his owne hand slew Sir Charles Brandon Standerd-Bearer thinking to have made the next blow as fatall to the Earle but the confluence of Souldiers interjecting rescued him Sir Iohn Cheney being one of the foremost whom the King stroke from his Horse to the Earth But Charged and invironed with multitudes that like a storme came on him Valiant Richard falls the Sacrifice of that day under their cruell Swords so rabious in their execution as if his body must suffer more because they could not kill his better part mangling and wounding his dead Corps whilst it lies drentcht in gore Et Lupus turpes instant morientibus ursi Et quaecunque minor nobilitate fera est As Currs in their kenells will bite and teare the skin of those beasts which in the fields they durst not barke at Occidit in bello miseranda caede Richardus Crinibus attractus dum ferro saeviat hostis And after all to compleate their barbarisme threw his body behind one upon a Jade and so conveyed it to Leicester A story to be thought incredible at least to charitable and modest eares and highly upbraided by the happier and Christian fame of William the Conquerour who severely punished a Souldier but for hacking the thigh of King Harold after he was dead though an Usurper and his perfidious enemy with all noblenesse causing the body to be delivered to his Mother for an honourable interment which was solemnly celebrated in his own Abbey at Waltham The Battle thus fought and won the Victor was Crowned in the field with that Crown K. Rich. wore which the L. Stanley put upon his head salutes him King by the stile of Hen. 7. K. of England c. And Henry Earle of Richmond Son of Edmund ap Meredith ap Teudor alias of Hadham Earle of Richmond and of Margaret Daughter and Heiâ—e of Iohn Beaufort Duke of Sommerset attained to the Crowne and had the easier ascent by the oversight and remissnesse of Richard in that Catastrophe of his Raign who gave too much opportunity and scope to the actings of his Enemies when they were under his power and arme And in the Fortune of his judgment at the closing Scene that did not better presuppose his Enemy too prudent and reserved to trust the advantage he had upon so sharpe and single an hazzard But Richard beleeving he had the odds in courage and monomachie of him which probably might make him Master of the Combate and so of the Field the straite being so desperate too resolved rather to trust to the Fate of his owne Valour then the chance of an uncertaine escape a resolution not so rash and overweening as commendable if we looke upon the very aymes and necessity of it neither is it new or improper for Princes to demand the tryall of campe fight or single Combate personaly in their Armies and to the Generals in their absence William the Conquerour challenged King Harold Before that a Combate was fought betweene Edmund Ironside and Canute the Danish King for the whole Kingdome of England our Richard the first and Edward the first in Palestine proffered the like to some of the Pagan Princes so did Edward the third Henry the fifth with the Kings of France In the last Age the valiant Prince Iaâ—es the fifth of Scotland in Person challenged Thomas Lord Howard Duke of Norfolke Generall for the King of England who accepted it But the King into his Demands would have the Country or Lands then in Controversie to be made Brabium victoris which was without the Generalls power to engage being the Inheritance of the King his Master but proffers better Lands of his owne upon the Combate which was not accepted so that concluded nothing The better end of these Challenges and Combates being at first levelled from Mercy and Piety for by this single adventure the Innocent bloud of Armies was more then stanched preserved Forraigne Stories brings this home to us and highly Characters their Kings and Generalls in the like examples which this Age draws a Curtaine before as not fit for imitation making too desperate a wound in a setled State and Succession the first who rendred that or some more Politike reason for Princes not to adventure themselves was Phi. the 2 K. of Spain as a late writer ascribeth but is mistaken For the more ancient Histories of Syria and Persia mentions some Kings that refrain'd from Warres long before as Herodotus Diodorus Trogus Pompeius tells us But let us take measure from that Times Wisedome Valour Policy c. to this and wee shall find them but tottering foundations of States which cannot uphold themselves or obvert the least Decree of God when he intends to scourge or alter kingdomes for where such vicissitudes are destin'd the Councells and faculties of men must be darkned and there will fall out all concurrences and advantages to further that purpose So in the extirpation and transferring of Families the Potter in Ieremy breaking one Jarre to make another whose fatall commutations should extimulate the pietie of our natures and make us modest censurers of their events For as wee see things but through a Cloud whilst wee measure them by accidents so wee intrude on Gods providence judging mens actions in their successe while wee over-act our owne Of such a composition was the ill-wishers of King Richard who forgot him not in his grave but indeavoured to be equally cruell to his memory And in November following a Parliament was holden in which he was attainted of High Treason a straine very high to make him guiltie of that being a King he could not commit By the same figure may others who were stiled chiefe ayders and assistants of King Richard in the Battaile of Bosworth as Sir Iohn Howard Duke of Norfolke c. though some would have him retired from the Court all King Richards raigne But Sir Thomas Moore affirmes He was constantly with him and neare his Counsells Sir Thomas Howard Earle of Surrey Sonne and heire apparent to the Duke Francis Lovel Viscount Lovel Sir Walter Devereux Lord Ferrers of Chartley Sir Iohn de la Sâ—uch Sir Robert Harrington Richard Charleton Richard Ratcliffe William Berkley William Catesby Thomas Broughton Iohn Buck Humphrey Stafford Robert Midleton Robert Brokenbury Iohn Kendall Secretary to the King Walter Hopton Ieoffry Saint-German Roger Wake Thomas Billington William Sapcoate William Brampton all Knights and some Heralds at Armes with divers other an Act of Parliament being made to disable and fore-judge them of all manner of Honour State Dignitie Also to â—orfeit all Mannors Castles Lordships Hundreds Franchises Lâ—berties Advowsons Priviledges Nominations Presentations Tenements Rents Suits Reversions Portions Annuities Pensions Rights Hereditaments
judging by the noyse which he sought earely to prevent For Phillip Comines reports When he first came to know this Earle he was then a Prisoner in Brittaine and told him he had beene either in Prison or under strict command from five yeares old which is not unlikely for I find him but young when he was committed to the custody of Sir William Herbert Lord of Ragland Castle in Montmouthshire where he continued not long for Iasper Earle of Pembrooke who was Uncle unto Him being then in France whether he had fled after the overthrow of the Lancastrians at Tewkesbury as Iohn Sâ—ow having advertisement that his Nephew was under Sir William Herberts custody with whom he had Alliance and friendship came secretly out of France into Wales and at Ragland Castle found onely the Lady Herbert her Husband being with the King in whose absence the Earle practised so cunningly with her that he got his Nephew from thence and conveighed him to his owne Castle of Pembrooke the young Earles native place presuming upon the strength of it and the peoples affection but over-weaned in his opinion and hope For so soone as the King received notice of the escape Sir William Herbert was commanded to Levie Forces and make towards them a man of a wise and valiant disposition descended from Herbertus who was Chamberlaine and Treasurer of the Kings William Rufus and Henry Beauclerke and was created Earle of Pembrooke afterward from this Noble Herbertus are descended the Herberts Earles of Pembrooke and Montgomery and many other Welâ—h Gentlemen of that Sir name and Family The two Earles being informed of his approaches and strength distrusting their owne fled by night and posted to the Port of Timby where they kept close untill a fit opportunitie offered them transportation for France intending to see the Court there where the Earle of Pembrooke had not long before received very favourable entertainment But a violent storme diverted their course and runne them upon the coasts of Little Brittaine which fell out as a sad disaster and crosse to them and their Designe for a long time after the Duke of Brittaine being no friend to it but at the Port of St. Malos they must land What successe they met with in this flight and other Noble Englishmen which followed the unluckie partie of Henry the sixt being constrained when he was overthrowne by Edward the fourth to fly will fall into our discourse hereafter there is this memoriall in the Stories of Brittaine Plusieurs du Seigneâ—rs d' Angleterre qui tenoyent la partie du Roy H. 6. sen fairent par mer hâ—rs du Royaâ—lme entr autres le Conte du Pembrooke â—aisant sauué un jeune Prince de Angleterre nommé Henry Conte du Richmont Whilst these Earles made some stay in Saint Malo to refresh themselves Francis the second Duke of Brittaine had notice of their landing who sent as speedily a Command to the Governour to arrest them both into safe custody an act as it appeared both strange and injurious being subjects to a Prince with whom the Duke had league But for a better glosse he had found a considerable clause to detaine the Earle of Richmond untill he had received satisfaction of him for usurping and holding the Title and Estate of Richmond belonging to the ancient Dukes of Brittaine whose heire and successor he was though diseised by the space of thirty yeares now he would expect either restitution or compensation for it and the better to assure himselfe he conveyes them with a good guard to the Castle of Vanes where himselfe often resided continuing a more cautious and strict eye upon the Earle of Richmond as Nephew to Henry the sixt and he that laid claime to the Title and Crowne of England by the bloud of Lancaster For which he made their imprisonment more honourable as Philip Comines saith Le Duc les traict'e doâ—cement pour Prisonniers And Iean Froisard cals it Prison Courtoise for the Duke had well considered what expectation and use he might raise by them and knew the newes could not be distastefull to the King of England whose Throne had been threatned so much by the Earle of Richmonds liberty and therefore from hence he hoped an answerable benefit and to contract the King in a firme amity and acknowledgment unto him nay which is further if we may beleeve Iac. Nyerus he thought by this occasion to beare the reines so hard upon King Edward as that he should not dare to make any breach with him propter Henricum Richmontiae Comitem non audebat Anglus ab amicitia Brittani discedere Nor was this Author much mistaken for the King would have accorded to any reasonable thing to purchase the Earle into his hands and it was no little perplexity to him when he heard of their flight but was the better calmed when he understood where they were the Duke of Brittaine being his friend and Allie in whom he supposed so neare an interest set off by some other conditions that he saw a faire encouragement to demand and gaine them both whereas had they falne into France he must have expected the greatest disadvantage could have been contrived out of such an occasion For Lewis though he were then in truce and league with him was meerly a Politician and studied only his owne ends yet feares him as a King famous for his Prowesse and Victories and as ably supplyed in his Coffers for all undertakings But which did equally quicken the hate aswell as feare of France had threatened to enter it with fire and sword for the reconquest of the Dutchy of Normandy and Aquitaine the Counties of Poictou and Turaine wherefore we may beleeve that beares the credit of an Oracle which good Ennius said Quem metâ—unt â—derunt Quem oderunt periisse expetunt And doubtlesse in his heart he was favourable to any chance that might have ruined or insested England and could have wisht the Earle of Richmond and his Title under his Protection King Edward seasonably prevented this that such attempts though at first they appeared but like the Prophets Cloud might not spread after into spacious stormes And to prevent all underhand Contracts with the Duke of Brittaine dispatcht Letters unto him further interpreted by a rich Prssent and richer promises The Duke receives both with as Honourable Complement protesting none could be more ready to doe the King of Englands Commands then he But where he treated for tâ—e delivery of the Earles he hoped to be lawfully excused being an Act would cast a staine and scandall not only upon his credit and honour but upon all Princely and hospitable Priviledges and could appeare no lesse then a meere impiety to thrust such distressed persons as fled to their protection into the Armes of their enemies and it was his opinion if any malice or violence should be acted upon them the guilt must reflect on him But that
terra cujus Rex est Puer But here Sir there is exception of further consequence against them That they were not borne in lawfull Marriage the King having than another Wife living Dame Elizabeth Butler Besides the great dishonour and reproach he received by disparaging his Royall bloud with a woman so far unmeet for his bed These Considerations have resolutely turned all their eyes and Election towards your Grace as only worthy of it by your singular vertues and that interest in the Crownes of England and of France with the Rights and Titles by the high Authority of Parliament entailed to the Royall bloud and issue of Richard Duke of Yorke whose lawfull begotten Sonne and heire you are which by a just course of inheritance and the Common Lawes of this Land is divolv'd and come to you And unwilling that any inferiour Bloud should have the Dominion of this Land are fully determined to make your Grace King to which with all willingnesse and alacrity the Lords and people of the Northerne parts concurre And the Maior Aldermen and Commons of this City of London have all allowed and gladly embraced this generall Choice of your Grace and are come hither to beseech you to accept their just Election of which they have chosen me their unworthy Advocate and Speaker I must therefore againe crave leave in the behalfe of all to desire your Grace will be pleased in your noble and gracious zeale to the good of this Realme to cast your eyes upon the growing distresses and decay of our Estate and to set your happy hand to the redresse thereof for which we can conceive no abler remedy then by your undertaking the Crowne and Government which we doubt not shall accrew to the laud of God the profit of this Land and your Graces happinesse This speech of the Duke is recorded by Doctor Morton Sir Thomas Moore and other Chronicles and Historians to which the Protector gave this reply MY most noble Lords and my most loving friends and deare Country-men Albeit I must confesse your request most respective and favourable and the points and necessities alledged and urged true and certaine yet for the entire love and reverend respect I owe to my Brother deceased and to his Children my Princely Couzens you must give me leave more to regard mine honour and fame in other Realmes for where the truth and certaine proceedings herein are not knowne it may be thought an ambition in me to seeke what you voluntarily proffer which would charge so deep a reproach and staine upon my honour and sincerity that I would not beare for the worlds Diademe Besides you must not thinke me ignorant for I have well observed it there is more difficulty in the Government of a Kingdome then pleasure especially to that Prince who would use his Authority and Office as he ought I must therefore desire that this and my unfained Protestations may assure you the Crowne was never my ayme nor suits my desire with yours in this yet I shall thinke my selfe much beholding unto you all in this Election of me and that hearty love I find you beare me and here protest that for your sakes it shall be all one whether I be your King or no for I will serve my Nephew faithfully and carefully with my best counsels and endeavours to defend and preserve him and this Kingdome nor shall there want readinesse in me to attempt the recovery of that hereditary right in France which belongs to the Kings of England though of late negligently and unhappily lost There the Protector became silent and thought it not safe in his discretion or policy to open all the disgusts he had of the Soveraignty for that would have been matter of Exprobation of the Barons and toucht too neare the quicke though he had well observed by sundry experiences of the leading times and moderne too the inconstant ebbing and flowing of their dispositions how variable and apt they were to take up any occasion of change pursuing their Kings if once stirr'd so implacably that many times they never left without death or deposing Examples he had in the Raignes of King Edward his Brother and Henry the sixth not long before that in the time of Richard the second and his Grandfather Edward the second more anciently the extreame troubles and distresse of King Iohn and Henry the third all by the Barons being dreadfull warnings and insolent monuments of their haughtinesse and Levitie and this was Altamente repostum with the wise Prince But the Duke of Buckingham thinking the Protector set too slight a consideration upon so great a Concernment and the affection tender'd by himselfe and the Nobilitie and over hearing something he privately spake to the Lord Maior and Recorder tending to his mislike for an Epilogue or close to his former Oration he thus freely addes SIR I must now by the Priviledge of this Imployment and in the behalfe of those and my Countrey adde so much freedome unto my dutie as to tell your Grace It is immoveably resolved by the Barons and people that the Children of King Edward shall not Reigne over them Your Grace hath heard some causes nor need I intimate how these Estates have entred and proceeded so offensively to other men and so dangerously to themselves as is now too late to recall or retire And therefore they have fixt this Election upon you whom they thinke mostable and carefull for their safetie But if neither the generall good the earnest Petitions of the Nobility and Commonalty can move you wee most humbly desire your Answer and leave to Elect some other that may be worthy of the Imperiall Charge in which wee hope wee shall not incurre your displeasure considering the desperate necessitie of our welfare and Kingdome urges it And this is our last Suit and Petition to your Grace The Protector toucht by this round and braving farewell which made him very sensible For as Sir Thomas Moore disertly confesseth the Protector was so much moved with these words that otherwise of likelyhood he would never have inclined to their Suit And saith That when he saw there was no remedy but he must either at that instant take the Crowne or both he and his heires irrecoverably let it passe to another paradventure one that might prove an Enemy to him and his especially if Richmont stept in betwixt whom and this Prince the hatred was equally extreame Therefore it behoved the Protector to Collect himselfe and fixing his Consideration upon the effect of that necessitie they last urged gave this Reply MY most Noble good Lords and most loving and faithfull friends the better sense of your loves and most eminent inconveniencies insinuated by your Noble Speaker hath made me more serious to apprehend the benefit of your proffer and Election And I must confesse in the meditation thereof I find an alteration in my selfe not without some distraction when I consider all the Realme so bent