and you may ride from fiue fathomes to twentie but wee ridde in three a little within the point on our Larboord side going in The eighteenth of Ianuary wee parted from our Man of Warre at Cape Saint Anthony and set saile for England in a Prize a ship of some one hundred and fortie tunnes laden with Campeche Wood and Hides the Master of the Prize was William Goobreath and from Cape Saint Anthony we stood off North-west and by North. The nine and twentieth day at noone we had sight of the Westermost Land of the Organes being East South-east from vs and then we stood North-east and the twentieth day we were in latitude 23. degrees 15. minutes the winde being at East North-east we stood off North and from the twentieth day to the one and twentieth day wee made our way West and by North and this day we were in latitude 23. degrees 20. minutes then we stood to the Eastward The two and twentieth day we were North-west and by North from the Crowne in Cuba fourteene leagues then we stood to the North-ward these fourteene leagues we turned vp and downe with the winde Easterly The three and twentieth day wee were in laâ—itude of 24. degrees no minutes the wind being at East North-east and we lay North with the stemme and this night we came in twelue fathomes being then in latitude of 24. degrees 35. minutes the winde being at East and by South we stood to the Southward The fiue and twentieth day wee fell with Cobey twelue leagues to the Eastward of the Hauana and this day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we had the Pam of the Matanças South-east and by South from vs some sixe leagues the winde being at East and we stood North North-east three Watches and brought the Pan vpon the Matanzas South of vs the winde being at East North-east we stood to the Northward for so we made the ships way The seuen and twentieth day at foure of the clocke in the afternoone wee fell with the South-east part of the Martyrs then wee stood off South-east and by South three watches with a low saile and so cast about and stood North-east and by North three watches and then obserued and found the ship to bee in the latitude of 24. degrees and 55. minuts being then South-west and by South of the Cape of Florida about three leagues the winde being at South-east and by East we stood off South and by West three watches and then cast about and stood North-east two watches and then obserued and found the ship to be in 25. degrees 36. minutes being the nine and twentieth day of Ianuarie 1602. and then two watches North and by East and foure North North-east and the thirtieth day at noone wee had the Cape Canaueral West and by North from vs sixe and twentie leagues by supposition being now in latitude 28. degrees 14. minutes the winde being at South wee stood North-east and by East into the Sea The eighteenth day of March at noone being Thursday wee fell with Silley and wee were South from it three leagues or ten miles the winde being at West South-west wee stood for the Lizzard and the twentieth day of this moneth we came to winde being at anchor in Dartmouth this was my first voyage which I haue to the West Indies CHAP. XI The description of the I le of Trinidad the rich Countrie of Guiana and the mightie Riuer of Orenoco written by FRANCIS SPARREY left there by Sir WALTER RALEIGH 1595. and in the end taken by the Spaniards and sent prisoner into Spaine and after long captiuitie got into England by great sute 1602. The description of the I le of Trinidad POrta la Spaniola lyeth North-east The Spaniards name themselues Conquerabians Anapâ—rima is the name of the Riuer which goeth to Corona the Spanish Towne The North part is very mountainous The Indians of Trinidad haue foure names 1. Those of Parico are called Iaios 2. Those of Punta Carao Aruacas 3. Those of Curiadan are called Saluages 4. Those betweene Punta Carao and Punta de la Galera Nepoios But those which are seruants to the Spaniards name themselues Carinapagâ—tos The chiefest of the Indians I meane the Kings and Lords of the Ilands in times past named themselues Acarewanas but now Captaines The description of Guiana and of the great Riuer Orenoco GViana beareth directly East from Peru and lyeth almost vnder the Equinoctiall Line The entrance to the Riuer Orenoco through the Riuer Capuri at the mouth at a full Sea hath nine foot water and at the ebbe but fiue foot The water floweth but a small time but increaseth much and the ebbe goeth but slowly for it continueth sixe houres In the bottome of the Gulfe of Guanipa there is the Riuer of Amana which leadeth into Orenoco also In this Riuer which wee named the Riuer of the Red Crosse wee tooke an old Tinitiuan for our Pilot to Orenoco The Riuer of Orenoco or Barequan hath nine mouthes which lye on the North-side of the mayne land but I could heare but of seuen mouthes vpon the South-side So that betweene Ilands and broken Lands it hath some sixteene mouthes in all The Ilands are somewhat bigge so as I can hardly ghesse how many leagues it is from the North-side to the South-side At the entrance of this Riuer are two great Lords Tiuitiuans which hold warre one with the other continually The one Nation are called the Tiuitiuans of Pallamos and the other of Hororotomaca He that entreth the Riuer of Amana from Curiapan cannot possibly returne the same way hee came by reason of the Easterly windes and the great Currents but must of force goe in a Riuer within the Land which is called Macurio To goe from the I le of Trinidad to the great Riuer Orenoco the Riuer of Amana beareth South But parting from that Riuer by a branch which beareth to the West we entred Orenoco Toparimaca is the chiefe Gouernour vnder Topiawari of the entrance of the Eastermost part of the Riuer Orenoco The Towne of this Gouernour is called Arwacan These are friends to the Carapanans Tiuitiuans and all Nations the Caribes excepted Carapana lyeth in the Prouince of Emeria and the Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria Assapana is the first Iland in Orenoco it is but small The second Iland is called Iwana There is another entrance into Orenoco which I discouered not but the Indians name it Arraroopana Europa is a Riuer which commeth into Orenoco but the head of it I know not In the middest of Orenoco there is a pretie bigge Iland which is somewhat mountainous and the name of it is Ocawita One Putima commandeth vnder Topiawari in the Confines of Morrequito which lyeth in the Prouince of Arromaia The Iland of Putapaima is farre vp within the Riuer of Orenoco and standeth right against the high Mountaine called Oecope Ouer this
and Shooes Sawes Pick-axes Spades and Shouels Axes Hatchets Hookes Kniues Sizzers Hammers Nailes Chissels Fish-hookes Bels Beades Bugles Looking-glasses Thimbles Pinnes Needles Threed and such like They set saile from Kingrode the twentieth day of March. We set saile from Milford Hauen where the winds had stayed vs a fortnight in which space we heard of Queene Elizabeths death the tenth of Aprill 1603. In our course we passed by the Iles of the Açores had first sight of the Pike and afterward of the Iland of Cueruo and Flores and after we had runne some fiue hundred leagues we fell with a multitude of small Ilands on the North Coast of Virginia in the latitude of 43. degrees the 〈◊〉 of Iune which Ilands wee found very pleasant to behold adorned with goodly grasse and sundry sorts of Trees as Cedars Spruce Pines and Firre-trees Heere wee found an excellent fishing for Cods which are better then those of New-found-land and withall we saw good and Rockie ground fit to drie them vpon also we see no reason to the contrary but that Salt may bee made in these parts a matter of no small importance We sayled to the South-west end of these Ilands and there rode with our ships vnder one of the greatest One of them we named Foxe Iland because we found those kind of beasts thereon So passing through the rest with our Boates to the mayne Land which lieth for a good space North-east and South-west we found very safe riding among them in sixe seuen eight ten and twelue fathomes At length comming to the Mayne in the latitude of 43. degrees and an halfe we ranged the same to the South-west In which course we found foure Inlets the most Easterly whereof was barred at the mouth but hauing passed ouer the barre wee ranne vp into it fiue miles and for a certaine space found very good depth and comming out againe as we sailed South-westward wee lighted vpon two other Inlets which vpon our search we found to pierce not farre into the Land the fourth and most Westerly was the best which we rowed vp ten or twelue miles In all these places we found no people but signes of fires where they had beene Howbeit we beheld very goodly Groues and Woods replenished with tall Okes Beeches Pine-trees Firre-trees Hasels Wich-hasels and Maples We saw here also sundry sorts of Beasts as Stags Deere Beares Wolues Foxes Lusernes and Dogges with sharpe noses But meeting with no Sassafras we left these places with all the foresaid Ilands shaping our course for Sauage Rocke discouered the yeere before by Captaine Gosnold where going vpon the Mayne we found people with whom we had no long conuersation because here also we could find no Sassfras Departing hence we bare into that great Gulfe which Captaine Gosnold ouer-shot the yeere before coasting and finding people on the North side thereof Not yet satisfied in our expectation we left them and sailed ouer and came to an Anchor on the South side in the latitude of 41. degrees and odde minutes where we went on Land in a certaine Bay which we called Whitson Bay by the name of the Worshipfull Master Iohn Whitson then Maior of the Citie of Bristoll and one of the chiefe Aduenturers and finding a pleasant Hill thereunto adioyning wee called it Mount Aldworth for Master Robert Aldworths sake a chiefe furtherer of the Voyage aswell with his Purse as with his trauell Here we had sufficient quantitie of Sassafras At our going on shore vpon view of the people and sight of the place wee thought it conuenient to make a small baricado to keepe diligent watch and ward in for the aduertizement and succour of our men while they should worke in the Woods During our abode on shore the people of the Countrey came to our men sometimes ten twentie fortie or threescore and at one time one hundred and twentie at once We vsed them kindly and gaue them diuers sorts of our meanest Merchandize They did eat Pease and Beanes with our men Their owne victuals were most of fish We had a youth in our company that could play vpon a Gitterne in whose homely Musicke they tooke great delight and would giue him many things as Tobacco Tobacco-pipes Snakes skinnes of sixe foot long which they vse for Girdles Fawnes skinnes and such like and danced twentie in a Ring and the Gitterne in the middest of them vsing many Sauage gestures singing Io Ia Io Ia Ia Io him that first brake the ring the rest would knocke and cry out vpon Some few of them had plates of Brasse a foot long and halfe a foote broad before their breasts Their weapons are Bowes of fiue or sixe foot long of Wich-hasell painted blacke and yellow the strings of three twists of sinewes bigger then our Bow-strings Their Arrowes are of a yard and an handfull long not made of Reeds but of a fine light wood very smooth and round with three long and deepe blacke feathers of some Eagle Vulture or Kite as closely fastened with some binding matter as any Fletcher of ours can glue them on Their Quiuers are full a yard long made of long dried Rushes wrought about two handfuls broad aboue and one handfull beneath with prettie workes and compartiments Diamant wise of red and other colours We carried with vs from Bristoll two excellent Mastiues of whom the Indians were more afraid then of twentie of our men One of these Mastiues would carrie a halfe Pike in his mouth And one Master Thomas Bridges a Gentleman of our company accompanied only with one of these Dogs and passed sixe miles alone in the Countrey hauing lost his fellowes and returned safely And when we would be rid of the Sauages company wee would let loose the Mastiues and saddenly with out-cryes they would flee away These people in colour are inclined to a swart tawnie or Chestnut colour not by nature but accidentally and doe weare their haire brayded in foure parts and trussed vp about their heads with a small knot behind in which haire of theirs they sticke many feathers and toyes for brauerie and pleasure They couer their priuities only with a piece of leather drawne betwixt their twists and fastened to their Girdles behind and before whereunto they hang their bags of Tobacco They seeme to bee somewhat iealous of their women for we saw not past two of them who weare Aprons of Leather skins before them downe to the knees and a Beares skinne like an Irish Mantle ouer one shoulder The men are of stature somewhat taller then our ordinary people strong swift well proportioned and giuen to treacherie as in the end we perceiued Their Boats whereof we brought one to Bristoll were in proportion like a Wherrie of the Riuer of Thames seuenteene foot long and foure foot broad made of the Barke of a Birch-tree farre exceeding in bignesse those of England it was sowed together with strong and tough
would haue it done as they had formerly determined by Lot Which thing I did with all faithfulnesse and diligence the manner of it doth aboue appeare and is more largely manifested in a Booke of the Suruey of the Country exhibited to the Right Honorable his Maiesties Counsell and the Court of Aduenturers for these parts And then began this which was before as it were an vnsetled and confused Chaos I mean as touching a Plantation for considered onely as a Regiment it was otherwise to receiue a conuenient disposition forme and order and to become indeed a Plantation for though the Countrey was small yet they could not haue beene conueniently disposed and well settled without a true description and suruey made of it and againe euery man being settled where hee might constantly abide they knew their businesse and fitted their houshold accordingly They built for themselues and their Families not Tents or Cabins but more substantiall houses they cleered their grounds and planted not onely such things as would yeeld them their fruits in a yeere or halfe a yeere but all such too as would affoord them profit after certaine yeeres c. So that in short time after euen before expiration of Captaine Tuckers gouernment the Country began to aspire and neerely to approch vnto that happinesse and prosperity wherein now it flourisheth For may it not iustly be accounted happinesse and prosperitie for men to liue where they enioy the meanes of true Religion and Saluation to wit the sincere Ministerie of the Word and Sacraments where the gouernment is good without rigour and oppression the place healthfull and temperate where they are freed from all extreme care and toyle where they haue food in abundance and very good with other things needfull to the body and where they haue Commodities meete for Trade by which they better aduance their estates all which and more is largely verified in the presâ—nt estate of that Colonie whatsoeuer some maliciously minded or to euill ends suborned may say to the contrary so that there may seeme to bee a restauration of that Golden Age so much spoken of The Gouernour now there resident is one Captaine Butler for Captaine Tucker departing thence in December 1618. left in his place Captaine Kendall who also was one that supplied the same place in the interim betweene Master Moores time and Captaine Tuckers and hath spent some nine or ten yeeres in the Countrey But in the yeere 1619. about Midsummer the Aduenturers sent thither as Gouernour for three yeeres according to the custome the said Captaine Butler and foure ships with some fiue hundred persons there beeing at that time in the Countrey onely fiue hundred more for by the space of foure yeeres to wit during the latter part of Master Moores gouernment and all the time of Captaine Tuckers they had sent few thither being almost hopelesse of the place by reason of the Rats But since there haue beene sent many companies more then haue come to my knowledge Insomuch that I vnderstand the Countrey is now almost fully planted and inhabited Thus haue I briefly related so farre forth as hath come to my knowledge and remembrance euery thing of most note and importance that hath befallen in the first Discouerie and planting of these Ilands till this present I haue laboured to contract my selfe yet haue exceeded my entended limits Now I must speake something of the Countrey it selfe Which consisteth of a company of small Ilands situate and formed as aboue appeareth It lyeth in the Westerne Ocean in that part of the World lately discouered and called America or the New World vulgarly the West Indies It hath Latitude or Eleuation as is abouesaid 32. degrees 25. minutes which is almost the same with the Maderaes or rather more Southward The Countrey is round about enuironed with Rockes which to the Northward Westward and Southward extend farther then hath beene yet discouered By reason of these Rockes the Countrey is very strong For there is onely two places and scarce two except to such as know them well where shipping may safely come in and those places are very well fortified but within is roome to entertaine a Royall Fleet. The Rockes in most places appeare at a low water neither are they much couered at a high water For it ebbes and flowes there not aboue fiue foot The shoare it selfe for the most part is a Rocke so hardned by the Sunne Wind and Sea that it is not apt to be worne by the Waues whose violence is also broken by the Rocks before they come at the shoare The Mould is of diuers colours neither Clay nor Sand but a meane betweene The Red which resembleth Clay is worst the whitish resembling Sand and the blackish Clay is good the Browne betweene them both which they call white because there is mingled with it as it were a white Marle is best Vnder the Mould two or three foote deepe and sometimes lesse is a kind of white hard substance which they call the Rocke the Trees vsually fasten their Roots in it and draw their nourishment from it Neither is it indeed Rocke or Stone nor so hard though for the most part harder then Chalke not so white but Pumice-like and Spongie easily receiuing and contayning much water I haue seene in some places Clay found vnder it It seemes to be engendred of the Raine water drayning through the earth and drawing with it of his substance vnto a certaine depth where it congeales The hardest kind of it which is commonly vnder the red ground is not so Spongie nor retaynes much water but lyeth in the ground in Quarries as it were thicke Slates one vpon another and there is some chinkes or creuises betwixt one late and another through which the water hath passage so that in such places there is scarce found any fresh water For all or the most part of their fresh water whereof they haue good store commeth out of the Sea drayning through the Sand or through the foresaid substance which they call the Rocke and leauing his Salt behind it becomes fresh Sometimes we digged Welles of fresh water within foure or fiue paces of the Sea-side sometimes further off The most part of them would ebbe and flow as the Sea did and be leuell or little higher then the Superficies of the Sea The Aire is most commonly cleere very temperate moist with a moderate heate very healthfull and apt for the Generation and nourishing of all things so that there is scarce any thing transported from hence thither but it yeelds a farre greater encrease and if it be any liuing thing becomes fatter and better liking then here By this meanes the Countrey was so replenished with Hennes and Turkeyes within the space of three or foure yeeres that beeing neglected many of them forsooke the Houses and became wilde and so liued in great abundance The like encrease there is of Hogges and other Cattle according to their kinds There seemes to be
towne in Virginia 1687 1688 Rapahanock River 1694 Rashnesse in great enterprizes greatly blamed 1961 Ratliffe alias Sicklemore slaine by Powhatan 1732 Rats of twelue kinds 1303. Râ—ts that sleepe all day and wake all night 1316. Danger by Rats and the preventing thereof in ships 1391. Rats innumerable in the Bermudas 1796 1797. A strange Rat-plague 1727 Henry Ravens his voyage from Bermuda to Virginia 1742 Ravens in Bermudas which seemed to portend a sequell of mortalitie 1797 Raleighs viz. Sir Walter Raleighs his acts and esteeme at Orenoco 1269. His furnishing Ships for the first Discoverie of Virginia 1645. For a second third fourth fift and sixt voyage 1645 1646. He is accused of breach of Articles in the voyage to the Iles of Azores he answereth for himselfe 1958. His men left in Virginia and what became of them 1728 Recibo a towne in Port-Ricco 1170 Red-Reed a plant in the Bermudas causing a forcible vomit and effectually purging the stomacke 1801 Registers observed by the Indians and their manner of registring 1870 Richard Duke of Yorke father to Plantagenet his wilfull casting away himselfe 1962 Richard Sanders and his companions their comming from the Bermudas to Ireland in a small boat without any instrument in a direct line 1803 Rinde of a tree which is more strong then any spice in Virginia 1653 Rio del Oro River the breadth and depth thereof 1141 Rio de la Hacha a place taken by the English 1183. The riches and strength thereof 1419 Rio grand an American River the situation description and commodities thereof 1224 1237 1552 Rivers of gold 1216. A Riuer running vnder-ground 1217. Names of Riuers in America 1282 1286. A medicinable Riuer 1400. Riuers that encrease very much and ouerflow the bankes in dry weather without the flowing of the Sea 1553. River of Toads 1223. 1240. River of Stones 1223 1238. River of Palmes 1505. River of Kine 1562. River of Saint Crosses 1562. River Saint Margaret in Canada 1617. River Canada 1631. River de Carinas from the end of which if there were a channell made of foure leagues in length there would bee a passage to the South Sea through it without passing the perilous straits of Magellane 1433 Lord of Robewall Lieutenant to the French King in the Countreys of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga 1605 Rocke of Christall which if a man looke on in a Sunne-shine day will dazell his eyes 1285 Roecrafts Voyage to the New-found-land his surprizing of a French-Barke the conspiracie of his owne Mariners against him the discouerie of the conspiracie c. 1829. his voyage to Virginia kind vsage by Sir Samuel Argoll the distresse hee suffered in a tempest his death in a priuate quarrell 1830 Romanes custome in managing of Martiall affaires 1942 Rome a Citie of murtherers and haters of Kings 1894. New Rome much more drunken with the blood of Christians then heathenish Rome with the blood of Ethnicks 1894. Romane policie 1669 Rosier his relation of a voyage to Virginia 1651 seq Ruminnaui an Indian Captaine his cruell tyranny in Peru 1486 Russels Iles in Virginia 1712 Russia a little village in the Riuer Marwin 1283 S. SAbbath 1163 1657 Sabuco a Riuer and Towne in Port-Ricco 1170 Sacatekas the richest Mynes in the Indies 1177 Sachim of Mattachuest acknowledgeth the power of the English God 1866 Sacrifices and Sacrificers 1472 1531 1557 Sacrifices to the Deuill 1531 1868 Sacrifices to the water 1702 Sacriledge punished 1163 Sagenay-riuer and the adioyning Countries described 1606 1610 Sayles of cotton cloth 1394 Sagadohoc a riuer in Mawooshen 1874 Sagamos the name of a Captaine among the Northerne Americans 1633 Saint Lucia one of the Ant-Iles in the latitude of 14 degrees and 20 minutes 1833 Salma riuer 1248 Salomons Ilands their situation discouery and losse 1399 Salt how made and purified by the Indians 1550 Saltcountrie 1365. Salt made in New-found Land 1889 Salt-water dangerous to drinke 1143 Salt-water made drinkeable 1378 Samuel Champlain a Frenchman his taking vpon him the plantation of Kebec in New France 1642. a conspiracy against him ibid. his aduice for a further discouery 1642 1643. his fight with the Sauages and returne for France 1643. another voyage ibid. 1644 Samia-plains neere the riuer Orenoque 1248. Indians inhabiting those Plaines 1248 Samambaia a Tree in America 1213 Sambo Bay 1245 Sanctifying meat vsed by the Portingals in the Indies 1522 Sands rained downe in Peru 1476 Sands dangerous for nauigation in Brasil called by the Portingals Bayhas de Sant Antonio 1238 Sandy places trauelled by Compasse 1242 Sandy Cape 1620 Santa Port 1399 Santa Maria one of the Azores Ilands 1834 Santa Cruce a Carracke surprised by Captaine Norton and St. Iohn Burroughs 1144 1145. is burne by the Portingals ibid. Santa Fe del Nueuo regno di Granada the chiefe Citie in new Granada 1419 Santas a towne 1438 Sapparow the high countrie of Guiana 1280 Saquarema a nauigable riuer in Brasile its description and commodities 1240 Sassafrage 1649. its medicinable vertue 1655 Sasquesahunock certaine Indian Gyants their description 1693 Sauseges made of the heart and guts of Cods and Lord spiced 1628 Sauage-rocke 1647 Sauage and his crue plotted the death of Q. Elizabeth 1893 Sauages haue their goods interred with them and why 1605 Sauages fight with the English 1187. Sauages of Tuppan Bass 1188. Sauage towne described ibid. their manners warres and vsage of their captiues 1188 1218. drunkennesse 1189. their religion commodities they esteem not gold ibid. their hospitall fidelity to Anthony Kniuet Englishman 1209. their infidelity 1211. their ambition 1212. Sauages called Carijos and their battells 1218. Sauages called Petiuares 1225. Mariquites 1226. Topinambazes 1227. Tomominos Waytaquazes ibid. Waymores ibid. Abasanguaretam 1228. Wayanasses ibid. Topinaques ibid. called Pories Molopaques Motayas 1229 Lopos Wayanawazons 1230. Sauages their religious desires 1251. Sauages that make flat their childrens faces that liue in hollow trees quartering their faces into foure colours yellow azure particoloured and blacke 1481. Sauages very courteous and weeping at the distresse of Christians 1507. Sauages that kill their children left they should marrie with their aduersaries that eate any kind of Serpents that are great theeues lyars drunkards their tormenting Flies 1512 1513. their drinking onely raine-water 1514. Other Sauages strange customes fights feare of horses quicke-sensed 1518 1519 Sauage strange fashions in Florida 1520 1521. Forty English slaine by the Sauages of St. Lucia Anno 1605. 1833 Saugaleon Cape 1398 Saualet a Frenchman making two and forty voyages to New-found-Land 1605 Sauona Iland 1141 Sausa a Prouince in the Indies whose inhabitants worship the picture of Dog 1471 Scorpions not deadly 1304 Scourge of Malice a fortunate ship 1148 Schnirdels trauells to Peru and accidents there 1347 1362 Schenetveba a large towne in the Indies 1364 Scouring or flux how it may be prouoked or stayed 1265 Scooadodepon a towne of the Caribes in the Indies 1286 Scriueners voyage to Werawocamoco 1719. his death by drowning in the passage
The loue of the Sauages towards their children Arriuall into Poâ—t Royall Vse of a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mâ—ll The de 〈…〉 on of the 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abundance of faire Cod. Port dela Heue The Rain-bow appearing in the water Port Saualet 42. Voyages made in New-found-land Good fishing Exceeding faire Corne. Faire Wheate The Sauages returne from the warres The Sauages teares at the going away of the Frenchmen Meale left behinde Monsieur de Poutrincourt his going away The departing from New France The sight of the Sorlingues Haâ—uest of New France shewed to the King Outards or wild Geese presâ—nted to the King Priuiledge of Beuers confirmed to Monsieur de Monts Three ships sent 1608. Newes from New France since our comming from thence It is very dangerous to teach the Sauages the vse of Guns Eagles The Sauages wisdome Monsieur Champlein is now in the Riuer of Canada Cattell Fruit trees Vines Hempe Monsieur de Poutrincourt his resolution 1609. Monsi de Mont his sending of Ships Note the intention of the French Kebec 40. leag aboue Saguenay Champlein A conspiracy Exemplary punishment The naturall fruite of the land Blacke Foxes Scuruie Lib. 3. cap. 22. Champleins counsell Their Voiage to the Iroquois Their arriual at the Lake which is sixtie leagues long Faire Ilands in the Lake The Iroquois and their exercise Houses of foure stories The alarum among the Iroquois The Prudence of the Sauages Flight Fiftie of the Iroquois slaine 1609. Capt. Pierre Capt. du Pont. None died noâ— were sicke 1610. Champlein his new Voyage A Lake of an hundred leag in length discouered Agreement to goe to war towards the great Lake A Battell 1611. 〈◊〉 A faire Countrey Beuers burnt Horses Merueilous industry Forts towns Houses with stories Strong bowes Hope for the passage to China Some great Riuer running Westward into the Westerne Sea The Northern Sea 1610. A tedious Nauigation A conspiracy Their arriuall at Port Royall Buildings and housholdstuffe preserued Pillage of the ground The first Christenings made in New France Sagamos doth siâ—nifie a Prince Ruler or Captaine The King was thâ—n slaiâ—e which they knew not A returne into France The first Voyage to Virginia and possession taken Virginia named so by Q. Elizabeth Second Voyage Sir R. Greenuile Spanish Prise First Colony Sir F. Drake Third Voyage Fourth Voyage Second Colonie Master Thomas Hariot Fifth Voyage and third Colonie Bay of Chesepiok Enâ—lish borne there Si 〈…〉 Voyage Ocean seeming yellow Sea-oare Smell of the shoare Sauage Rocke Sauages Their behauiour Shole-hope Cape Cod. Tucke 〈…〉 Terror Poinâ— Care Gilberts Point Diuers Ilands Sauages Pengwins Marthaes Vineyard Douer-cliffesound Gosnolls Hope Elizabeths Ile Hills Hap. Haps Hill Elizabeths 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. 〈◊〉 10. minutâ—s 〈◊〉 Fort began The pâ— Goodly Countrey in Their purpose of stay broken off Sauage assault Returne Oakes Cedars Beech. Elme Hollie Walnut trees Cherrie trees Sassafras trees Diuers other trees A Lake three miles about Smal Tortoises Abundance of fowles much bigger than ours in England Ground-nuts Shell fish The exceeding beauty of the maine Land Great Lakes Large Medows Seuen Indians A broad Riuer A good Harbour The English House 11. Canoas with â—0 Indians in them Their Captain Seuerall sorts Furres Red Copper in abundance Chaines Collars Drinking cups of Copper Mines of Copper Mineral stones Emerie stones Flaxe Indians apt for service Saffafras A goodly people and of good conditions Their apparell Their women The goodnesse of the Climat Their returne M. Salterne yet liueth neither is his zeale dead to this action He is now a Minister and hath both by word and writing to mee testified his affection to Virginia M. Pring whose Voyage to the East Indies are in the former Tome April 10. 1603. They discouer many Ilands Good fishing place Foxe Iland Sauage Rocke People Great Gulfe Whitson Bay M. Aldworth The people visit them The Sauages take great delight in mus 〈…〉 Dances Weapons The great vse of Mastiues Ornaments The fashion of their Boats Excellent sweet Rozen and Turpentine Their Gardenâ— Corne and plants Barke sent home Danger of the Sauages They trade aâ— Santa Lucia Dominica Meuis Great Tortoyse Lignum vitae S. Christopher Abundance of Tortoyses They disem boke The Westerne winds begin Poore Iohn Ground in 30. fathomes An Headland The mouth of the Chesepian Bay They departed Eastward from the mouth of the Chesepioc Bay A shew of entrance of a Riuer Captaine Gilbert and foure more slaine by the Indians March Easter day wee put to See Sounding wee found ground May 14. Land descried A dangerous place of rocks and shoalds Latitude 41. degrees and an halâ—e Sea-charts false Land descried Saturday wee made the land Our Captaine named this S. Georges Iland Great plenty of fish Wee descried the Mâ—ine and Mountaines Vpon Waitsunday wee came into an excellent Harbour Pentecost Harbour Clay Our Pinnace Lanched Varietie of fishes Wee fished The fruits of the Ilands Trees Turpentine plentifull for Tarre and Pitch Pearle Their shape of body Their cloathing Very thankful Of good capacity and vnderstanding Their Canoaâ— very artificiall Trifles left on shoare Wee traded with the Sauages They wondred at the effect of the Loadstone Their Bowes and Arroweâ— Darts Tobacco excellent the Sauages gaue vs. We saw theiâ— Women We brought them home againe Ceremonies of the Sauages Idolatry They lye with their wiues secretly Their Tobacco Pipe They gaue vs Tobacco in a Pipe of a Lobsters Claw Master Booles lay a shoare and Griffin Their Cà noa out-rowed vs. 283. Sauages assembled in a trecherie Disposition of Sauages in the Virginian Masacre other their dealings found too true We caught fiue Sauages two Canoas and Bowes Arrows Our Captaine sounded about the Ilands Rockes and mouth of the Harbour Two Canoas came aboord vs from the Bashabe Their Ornaments of gallantnesse We went vp into the Riuer with our Ship The profits of the Riuer Saint Georges Iland the Land fall The breadth of the Riuer for almost 40. miles The ground is Oaze Clay What it floweth Docks to graue and Carine Ships Salmons and store of fish The Land The Wood. This Riuer preferred before Orienoque Before the Riuer Rio Grande Nescio qua Natale solum c. We marched vp into the land aboue three miles Good Pasture Timber trees vpon the Hils Deere Hares Hogges A plot of the Sauages We searched the Westerne part of the Riuer We set vp another Crosse. Wee saw no signe that euer Christian had beene here before Conueniency of transportation Salmon and great plenty of fish We were all loath to forsak this Riuer The Iland where we watered is named Insula Sanc 〈…〉 Crucis because there wee set our first Crosse Our Capcaine made his perfect obseruation on the Rocke Temperature of climate A fishy banke Linscot c. 97. nine Ilands W 〈…〉 y called Açores Tercera Angra Angra descried Wines small Commodities Fruits Batatas â—â—â—ssas A roote fit to be wouen Woad Canary birds Winter Stones Corne will
too great for so few shâ—ps of no greater burden was in all fourscore and seuenteene whereof threescore were Land-men Being thus imbarked wee set saile from the Rainge at Dartmouth the said three and twentieth of March but the winde altering vpon a sudden put vs backe againe that euening and about two of the clocke the next morning it comming better for vs we weighed anchor and put to Sea the euening following we lost sight of the Lizzard and steered away for the Canaries The seuenth day of Aprill we fell with Alegranza and Lancerote two Ilands of the Canaries we stood in with Alegranza and came to anchor on the South-west side thereof that euening and the next day I landed my companie to exercise their limmes on shoare in this Iland wee found no Inhabitants nor fresh water neither fruitfull Tree Plant Herbe Grasse nor any thing growing that was good onely an abundance of vnwholsome Sea-fowle which after one meale were vnsauourie and distastefull and a few wilde Capritos or wilde Goats which the craggy Rocks defended from our hands and hungrie mouthes The eighth of Aprill we departed from Alegranza and directed our course for Tenerife another of the Ilands The eleuenth day I sent the Pinnasse and the Shallop to water at the Calmes and there to attend my comming but with my ship I held my course for Orotauo a Towne on the other side of the Iland in hope to get some wine amongst the Merchants there but not being able by reason of a contrarie winde to double Punta de Nega wee altered our course from Wine to Water And the twelfth day wee passed by Santa Cruz and watered that euening at the Calmes This watering place is very conuenient for all such as passe by those Ilands and is thus to bee found there is a woodden Crosse neere vnto it the high Pike of Tenerife beareth due North from it There is also a ledge of Rocks to the Eastward of the landing place which is a short Sandie Bay When you are landed you shall finde the place about fortie or fiftie yards from the Sea side Then we stood on our course for the Riuer of Wiapoco in Guiana hauing a prosperous winde faire weather and a smooth Sea The ninth day of May wee fell into the Current of the great and famous Riuer of Amazones which putteth out into the Sea such a violent and mightie streame of fresh water that being thirtie leagues from land we drunke thereof and found it as fresh and good as in a Spring or Poole This Riuer for the great and wonderfull breadth contayning at the mouth neere sixtie leagues is rightly termed by Iosephus Acosta the Empresse and Queene of all Flouds and by Hiâ—ronymus Giraua Tarraconensis it is said to bee the greatest not onely of all India but also of the whole world and for the greatnesse is called of many the Sweet Sea It riseth and floweth from the Mountaines of Peru and draweth out her streames in many windings and turnings vnder the Equinoctiall for the space of one thousand and fiue hundred leagues and more although from her Fountaines and Springs vnto the Sea it is but sixe hundred When we entred into the aforesaid Current we sounded and had fortie foure fathome water sandie sounding The tenth day the colour of the water changed and became muddie whitish and thicke then we sounded againe at noone and had thirtie fathome and seuenteene at foure in the afternoone The eleuenth day at eight of the clocke in the morning wee made land the vttermost Point thereof bearing West from vs and came to anchor in fiue fathom water At night the Patience putting in to neere the shoare came to anchor in two fathome and a halfe water vpon the floud which fell from her vpon the ebbe and left her drie vpon the Oaze and the next floud comming in did so shake and beate her against the ground that before shee could get off her rudder was beaten away and her ribs so rent and crased that if Almightie God had not preserued her shee had beene wrackt but God be thanked with much adoe shee came off into deeper water and mended her Rudder as well as the time and place would afford means Then we followed on our course coasting along to the North North-west the Land so trending It is very shoale all along this Coast the ground soft oaze but no danger to be feared keeping our ship in fiue fathom water When we came to the latitude of two degrees and a halfe wee anchored in a goodly Bay by certaine Ilands called Carripapoory I did at that time forbeare to make particular discouerie of this Coast intending if God spare me life to make a perfect discouerie of the famous Riuer of Amazones and of her seuerall branches and Countries bordering vpon it and of all this tract of land from the Amazones vnto the Riuer of Wiapoco which contayneth many goodly Prouinces and Signiories which are in this discourse but briefly mentioned For at this time I purposed onely to prosecute my first proiect which hastened me vnto another place From hence I stood along the Coast and the seuenteenth of May I came to anchor in the Bay of Wiopoco where the Indians came off vnto vs in two or three Canoes as well to learne of what Nation we were as also to trade with vs who vnderstanding that we were English men boldly came aboard vs one of them could speake our language well and was knowne to some of my companie to be an Indian that sometime had beene in England and serued Sir Iohn Gilbert many yeeres they brought with them such dainties as their Countrie yeeldeth as Hens Fish Pinas Platanaes Potatoes bread of Cassaui and such like cates which were heartily welcome to my hungrie companie In recompence whereof I gaue them Kniues Beades Iewes trumps and such toyes which well contented them But when I had awhile entertayned them and made known vnto them the rerurne of the Indian Martin their Countriman whom I brought with mee out of England they seemed exceeding ioyfull supposing that he had beene dead being aboue foure yeeres since he departed from them The Indian before mentioned to haue serued Sir Iohn Gilbert whose name was Iohn whilest he liued for he is now dead and dyed a Christian was a great helpe vnto vs because hee spake our language much better then either of those that I brought with mee and was euer firme and faithfull to vs vntill his death By him I vnderstood that their Towne was situate vpon the East side of the Hill in the mouth of Wiapoco and was called Caripo that the Indian Martin was Lord thereof and that in his absence his brother was chiefe Moreouer hee certified mee that the principall Indian of that Riuer was called Carasana who by good fortune was then at Caripo and so hauing spent some time in other conference and friendly entertainment they tooke their
point South-west it riseth in three Mounts or round Hillockes bringing it more Westerly they shoot themselues all into one and bringing it Easterly it riseth in two Hillockes This we called Point Tremountaine Some twelue or fourteene leagues from this point to the Eastwards faire by the shoare lyeth a low flat Iland of some two leagues long we named it Faire Iland for it was all ouer as greene and smooth as any Meddow in the Sping of the yeare Some three or foure leagues Easterly from this Iland is a goodly opening as of a great Riuer or an arme of the Sea with a goodly low Countrey adjacent And eight or tenne leagues from this opening some three leagues from the shoare lyeth a bigge Rocke which at the first we had thought to be a ship vnder all her sayles but after as we came neere it discouered it selfe to bee a Rocke which we called Conduit-head for that howsoeuer a man commeth with it it is like to the Conduit-heads about the Citie of London All this Coast so farre as we discouered lyeth next of any thing East and by North and West and by South The Land for that it was discouered in the Reigne of Qâ—eene Elizabeth my Souereigne Lady and Mistris and a Mayden Queene and at my cost and aduenture in a perpetuall memory of her chastitie and remembrance of my endeuours I gaue it the name of Hawkins Maiden-land Before a man fall with this Land some twenâ—y or thirty leagues he shall meet with beds of Oreweed driuing to and fro in that Sea with white flowres growing vpon them and sometimes farther off which is a good shew and signe the Land is neere whereof the Westermost part lyeth some threescore leagues from the neerest Land of America With our faire and large wind wee shaped our course for the Straits and the tenth of February wee had sight of Land and it was the head-head-land of the Straits to the Northwards which agreed with our height wherein wee found our selues to bee which was in 52. degrees and 40. minutes Within a few houres we had the mouth of the Straits open which lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes It riseth like the North foreland in Kent and is much like the Land of Margates It is not good to borrow neere the shoare but to giue it a faire birth within a few houres we entred the mouth of the Straits which is some sixe leagues broad and lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes doubling the Point on the starbood which is also flat of a good birth we opened a faire Bay in which we might descry the Hull of a ship beaten vpon the Beach It was of the Spanish Fleet that went to inhabit there in Anno 1582. vnder the charge of Pedro Sarmiento who at his returne was taken Prisoner and brought into England In this Bay the Spaniards made their principall habitation and called it the Citie of Saint Philip and left it peopled But the cold barrennesse of the Countrey and the malice of the Indians with whom they badly agreed made speedy end of them as also of those whom they left in the middle of the Straits three leagues from Cape Forward to the Eastwards in another habitation We continued our course alongst this Reaâ—h for all the Straits is as a Riuer altering his course sometimes vpon one point sometimes vpon another which is some eight leagues long and lieth West North-west From this we entred into a goodly Bay which runneth vp into the Land Northerly many leagues and at first entrance a man may see no other thing but as it were a maine Sea From the end of this first Reach you must direct your course West South-west and some fourteene or fifteene leagues lyeth one of the narrowest places of all the Straits This leadeth vnto another Reach that lyeth West and by North some six leagues Here in the middle of the Reach the wind tooke vs by the North-west and so we were forced to anchor some two or three dayes In which time we went ashoare with our Boats and found neere the middle of this Reach on the starboord side a reasonable good place to ground and trimme a small ship where it higheth some nine or ten foot water Here we saw certaine Hogs but they were so farre from vs that we could not discerne whether they were of those of the Countrey or brought by the Spaniards these were all the beasts which we saw in all the time we were in the Straits In two tides we turned through this reach and so recouered the Ilands of Pengwins they lye from this reach foure leagues South-west and by West Till you come to this place care is to be taken of not comming too neere to any point of the land for being for the most part sandy they haue sholding off them and are somewhat dangerous These Ilands haue beene set forth by some to be three we could discouer but two And they are no more except that part of the Mayne which lyeth ouer against them be an Iland which carrieth little likelihood and I cannot determine it A man may saile betwixt the two Ilands or betwixt them and the Land on the Larboord side from which Land to the bigger Iland is as it were a bridge or ledge on which is foure or fiue fathom water and to him that commeth neere it not knowing thereof may justly cause feare for it sheweth to be shold water with his ripling like vnto a Race Betwixt the former Reach and these Ilands runneth vp a goodly Bay into the Countrey to the North-wards It causeth a great Indraughty and aboue these Ilands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the Straits to these Ilands the Land on the Larboord-side is low Land and sandy for the most part and without doubt Ilands for it hath many openings into the Sea and forcible Indraughts by them and that on the Starboord side is all high Mountaynous Land from end to end but no wood on either side Before we passed these Ilands vnder the Lee of the bigger Iland we anchored the winde beeing at North-east with intent to refresh our selues with the Fowles of these Ilands they are of diuers sorts and in great plentie as Pengwins wild Ducks Guls and Gannets of the principall we purposed to make prouision and those were the Pengwins The Pengwin is in all proportion like a Goose and hath no feathers but a certaine downe vpon all parts of his bodie and therefore canot flee but auayleth himselfe in all occasions with his feet running as fast as most men He liueth in the Sea and on the Land feedeth on fish in the Sea and as a Goose on the shore vpon grasse They harbour themselues vnder the ground in Burrowes as the Conies and in them hatch their young All parts of the Iland where they haunted were vndermined saue onely one Valley which it seemeth they reserued for their food for it
stand off to Sea close by The Admirall of the Spaniards with the other two were a sterne of vs some foure leagues the Vice-admirall a mile right to lee-wards of vs the Reare-admirall in a manner right a head some culuering shot and one vpon our loofe within shot also the Moone was to rise within two houres After much debating it was concluded that we should beare vp before the winde and seeke to escape betwixt the Admirall and the Vice-admirall which we put in execution not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them but that of the Reare-admirall till after our surrender when they recounted vnto vs all that had past In the morning at breake of day we were cleare of all our Enemies and so shaped our course alongst the Coast for the Bay of Atacames where we purposed to trim our Pinnace and to renew our wood and water and so to depart vpon our Voyage with all possible speede The Spanish Armado returned presently to Callao which is the Port of Lyma or of the Citie of the Kings It was first named Lyma and retaineth also that name of the Riuer which passeth by the Citie called Lyma the Spanish Armado being entred the Port the people began to goe ashore where they were so mocked and scorned by the women as scarce any one by day would shew his face they reuiled them with the name of cowards and golnias and craued licence of the Vice-roy to be admitted into their roomes and to vndertake the surrendry of the English Shippe I haue beene certified for truth that some of them affronted their Souldiers with Daggers and Pistols by their sides This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced as they vowed either to recouer their reputation lost or to follow vs into England and so with expedition the Vice-roy commanded two Shippes and a Pinnace to be put in order and in them placed the chiefe Souldiers and Marriners of the rest and furnished them with victuals and munition The foresaid Generall is once againe dispatched to seeke vs who ranged the Coasts and Ports enforming himselfe what he could Some fiftie leagues to the North-wards of Lyma in sight of Mongon we tooke a Ship halfe loaden with Wheate Sugar Miell de Canas and Cordouan skins which for that she was leake and sailed badly and tackled in such manner as the Marriners would not willingly put themselues into her we tooke what was necessary for our prouision and fired her Thwart of Truxillo wee set the company of her ashoare with the Pilot which we had taken in Balparizo reseruing the Pilot of the burnt Shippe and a Greeke who chose rather to continue with vs then to hazard their liues in going ashore for that they had departed out of the Port of Santa which is in eight degrees being required by the Iustice not to weigh anchor before the Coast was knowne to be cleare It is a thing worthy to be noted and almost incredible with how few men they vse to saile a Shippe in the South Sea for in this prise which was aboue an hundred tunnes were but eight persons and in a Ship of three hundreth tuns they vse not to put aboue foureteene or fifteene persons yea I haue beene credibly enformed that with foureteene persons a Ship of fiue hundred tuns hath beene carried from Guayaquil to Lyma deepe loaden which is aboue two hundred leagues They are forced euer to gaine their Voyage by turning to wind-wards which is the greatest toyle and labour that the Marriners haue and slow sometimes in this Voyage foure or fiue moneths which is generall in all the Nauigations of this coast but the security from stormes and certainty of the Brese with the desire to make their gaine the greater is the cause that euery man forceth himselfe to the vttermost to doe the labour of two men In the height of the Port of Santa some seuen hundred and fiftie leagues to the West-wards lye the Ilands of Salomon of late yeares discouered At my being in Lyma a Fleete of foure saile was sent from thence to people them which through the emulation and discord that arose amongst them being landed and setled in the Countrey was vtterly ouerthrowne onely one Shippe with some few of the people after much misery got to the Philippines This I came to the knowledge of by a large relation written from a person of credit and sent from the Philippines to Panama I saw it at my being there in my voyage towards Spaine Hauing edged neere the coast to put the Spaniards on shore a thicke fogge tooke vs so that we could not see the land but recouering our Pinnace and Boate we sailed on our course till wee came thwart of the Port called Malabrigo It lieth in seuen degrees In all this Coast the currant runneth with great force but neuer keepeth any certaine course sauing that it runneth alongst the coast sometimes to the South-wards sometimes to the North-wards which now runneth to the North-wards forced vs so farre into the Bay which a point of the land causeth that they call Punta de Augussa as thinking to cleare our selues by rouing North-west we could not double this point making our way North North-west Therefore speciall care is euer to be had of the current and doubtlesse if the prouidence of Almighty God had not Freede vs we had runne ashore vpon the Land without seeing or suspecting any such danger his name be euer exalted and magnified for deliuering vs from the vnknowne danger by calming the winde all night the Suns rising manifested vnto vs our errour and perill by discouering vnto vs the land within two leagues right a head The current had carried vs without any winde at the least foure leagues which seene and the winde beginning to blow we brought our tackes aboord and in short time cleared our selues Thwart of this point of Angussa lye two desert Ilands they call them Illas de Lobos for the multitude of Seales which accustome to haunt the shore In the bigger is very good harbour and secure they lye in six degrees and thirty minutes The next day after we lost sight of those Ilands being thwart of Payta which lyeth in fiue degrees and hauing manned our Pinnace and Boate to search the Port we had sight of a tall Ship which hauing knowledge of our being on the coast and thinking her selfe to be more safe at Sea then in the harbour put her selfe then vnder saile to her we gaue chase all that night and the next day but in fine being better of saile then we she freed her selfe Thus being to lee-ward of the Harbour and discouered we continued our course alongst the shore That euening wee were thwart of the Riuer of Guyayaquill which hath in the mouth of it two Ilands the Souther-most and biggest called Puma in three degrees and the other to the North-wards Santa clara Puma is inhabited and is the place where they
Master THOMAS CANNER a Gentleman of Bernards Inne his companion in the same Voyage VPon Wednesday in Easter weeke the seuenteenth of Aprill after I had taken my leaue of some few of my louing and deere friends in Bernards Inne I rode toward Southampton there to be speake Bisket and some other prouision for our Barke wherein Master Bartholomew Gilbert went as Captaine which had beene in Virginia the yeere before with Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold After our businesse was dispatched here wee came into Plimmouth from whence wee put forth the tenth of May. And the six and twentieth of the same we were in the latitude of 32. degrees hoping to haue had sight of the I le of Madera whereof we missed in which course we met with two or three English men of warre The first of Iune we were in the latitude of 27. degrees and haled ouer toward the Ilands of the West Indies and the fifteenth of this moneth toward night wee saw Land Master Gilbert and the Master Henrie Suite dwelling within the Iron Gate of the Towre of London tooke it to be the Bermudas being very neere the shore they sounded many times and had no ground at the last they found good ground in fourteene or fifteene fathomes There wee cast Anchor In the morning we weighed and sounded still as we trended by the shoare but after wee were past a Cables length from our Road we had no Land againe in forty or fifty fathomes we kept still by the shore not yet being certaine what Iland it was The sixteenth in the morning wee spied the people comming from the shore who when they came neere cried out for barter or trade when they came close aboord they made signes and cried out to see our colours which we presently put forth in the maine top and told them we were Ingleses Amigos and Hermanos that is Englishmen their friends and brothers Assoone as they vnderstood we were Englishmen they were bolder to come neere we threw them a Rope and one came aboord vs wee traded with them for some Tobacco Pine-apples Piantanes Pompions and such things as they had wee gaue them Bugles Kniues Whistles and such toyes Here we kept close by the shore When this Canoa had traded with vs and vttered all they had and drunke of our Beere beeing kindly vsed they departed and then presently after diuers Canoas came we traded and vsed them as the first One of them told vs that Iland was Santa Lucia We bestowed all that forenoone shaking in the wind for we had no ground to Anchor neere the shore to trade with them Then wee set our course for Saint Vincent but finding a current against vs and the wind very scant we doubted we should not fetch it and that if we did peraduenture we might bee put to the leeward of Dominica and so consequently of Meuis or Nieues for which Iland we were specially bound for to out Lignum vitae in the same Therefore Master Gilbert thought good to let Saint Vincent alone although in it is the best Tobacco of all the Ilands yet in the end hee put roomer for Dominica whereof we had sight the seuenteenth of Iune and came close to the shore and presently one Canoa came aboord as at Santa Lucia being sent with two men belike to discouer vs and to see what entertainment they should haue we vsed them kindly and so dismissed them There came more full of men with diuers of their commodities The nineteenth in the morning being Sunday we anchored in a good Road at Meuis and after went on shore to seeke Lignum vitae Master Gilbert with the Master and diuers of the company sought farre into the Woods but found none but one little Tree and here and there where one had bin cut so we were in doubt to find enough heere to load our ship a iust plague vnto vs for prophaning the Sabbath in trauelling about our worldly businesse when there was no necessitie This day in the Euening some went out with the Boate vnto the shore and brought on boord a Tortoyse so big that foure men could not get her into the Boate but tied her fast by one legge vnto the Boat and so towed her to the ship when they had her by the ship it was no easie matter to get her on boord The next day we went on shore againe to search another part of the wood for Lignum vitae and then God be thanked we found enough This day at night we opened our Tortoyse which had in her about 500. Egges excellent sweet meate and so is all the whole fish Vpon Tuesday in the morning we went all on shore sauing the Carpenter and Thomas and Master Gilberts man to fell wood and this day we felled good store All the rest of this moneth and three dayes more we continued here euery day labouring sore first in sawing downe the great trees and sawing them againe into logs portable out of the thicke wood to the Sea-shoare so in the Boates and so to the ship where M. Gilbert his paines profited double as well in example as in worke for hee was neuer idle but either searching out more trees or fetching drinke for the Labourers or doing one thing or other so that in this iust fortnight that wee stayed here wee had gotten on boord some twenty tuns Within a few dayes after the Tortoyse was eaten God sent vs another One of these fishes were sufficient meat for twentie men for three or foure dayes if it could bee preserued but in that Climate no salting can preserue it aboue two dayes hardly so long Now the wood growing thinne and hardly to be found on this Iland he thought it best to stay no longer here but to goe for Uirginia to search for better store And so vpon Sunday the third of Iuly in the afternoone we weighed Anchor and sailed North-west and by North and that night passed by Saint Christopher and another little Iland Munday the fourth in the morning we had sight of the Iland we went into the Woods to search for Lignum vitae but found none but one tree which he cut and went on boord we fought also for fresh water but found none At Euening went on shore into the bottome of the Bay to dray the Net and there we gat good store of fine fresh fish and much more enough to haue laden our Boat we should haue gotten if at euery draught we had not had in the Net a Tortoyse which stil brak through and so carried away the fish with them At one draught among the rest we had two in the Net a yong one and an old on the Net held the young one Wee weighed and went through betweene the two Ilands into the mayne Ocean toward our long desired Countrey Uirginia distant three hundred and fiftie leagues from vs. Wee sayled North North-west The seuenth we ran still North-west and North and
by West The eight wee kept the same course The ninth we kept still the same course The winde beganne to vere some thing to the Southward which had beene constant still from the Ilands of the Canaries vnto the Ilands of the West Indies And now began the winde to draw towards the West and then is it as constant there The reason I deferre to longer consideration The current setteth out of the Gulfe of Mexico and from the mayne shore Sunday the tenth we kept still the same course and had now but a small gale almost becalmed The eleuenth we continued the same course with the same small gale we went North. Tuesday the twelfth we kept the same course if any at all for for the most part we were becalmed Wednesday the thirteenth the calme continued the Sunne being extremely hot in the calme Thursday the fourteenth the calme continued as hot as before These dayes we ayred our Newland fish called Poore Iohn which proued ill done For after it was ayred it rotted the sooner being burnt in the same On Friday the fifteenth God sent vs a reasonable gale The sixteenth and seuenteenth the calme came againe Munday we had a good gale and went North and by West and North North-west The nineteenth twentieth and one and twentieth we had an excellent gale and ranne North North-west Then we cast out the Lead and looked out for land but found no ground nor saw no land and therefore we much doubted that the current had set vs very farre to the leeward of the place which wee were bound for being the Chesepian Bay but that could not be knowne till it pleased God to bring vs to land In the afternoone about sixe of the clocke we cast out the Lead againe and had ground in thirtie fathomes whereof we were glad and thanked God knowing we could not be farre from land Saturday the three and twentieth in the morning about eight of the clocke wee saw land in the height of 40. degrees and odde minutes very fine low land appearing farre off to bee full of tall Trees and a fine sandie shoare but a great siege we saw no Harbour and therefore coasted along to seeke one to the Northward the wind being at West Sunday the foure and twentieth the wind being about the North-east we beat hard to fetch an Head-land where we thought we saw an Harbour but when we came vp with it wee perceiued it was none and all our labour lost And therefore the wind beeing now more full in our teeth at the North-east wee considered it were better to put roome so that if the winde should stand then we should fetch the Bay of Chesepian which Master Gilbert so much thirsted after to seeke out the people for Sir Walter Raleigh left neere those parts in the yeere 1587. if not perhaps we might find some Road or Harbour in the way to take in some fresh water for now wee had none aboord On Munday the fiue and twentieth of Iuly at night wee came neere the mouth of the Bay but the wind blew so sore and the Sea was so high that the Master durst not put in that night into the Sea and so continued next day On Wednesday the seuen and twentieth at night the winde came faire againe and wee bare againe for it all night and the wind presently turned againe Thursday the eight and twentieth considering our extremitie for water and wood victuals and beere likewise consuming very fast we could no longer beate for it and therefore ran roomer determining for this time to seeke it no more Friday the nine and twentieth being not farre from the shoare which appeared vnto vs exceeding pleasant and full of goodly Trees and with some shew of the entrance of a Riuer our Captaine Baxtholomew Gilbert accompanied with Master Thomas Canner a Gentleman of Bernards Inne Richard Harison the Masters Mate Henry Kenton our Chirurgion and one Derricke a Dutchman went on shore in the Boate from the ship which lay aboue a mile from the land and with their weapons marched vp into the Countrey leauing two youths to keepe the Boate but shortly after the Indians set vpon them and one or two of them fell downe wounded in sight of our yong men that kept the Boat which had much a doe to saue themselues and it For some of the Indians roming downe to them would haue haled it on shore which notwithstanding they saued and with heauie hearts gat vnto the ship with the losse of their Captain and foure of their principall men Thus being but eleuen men and Boyes in all in the ship though our want of water and wood were great yet wee durst not aduenture the losse of any more of our small company in this place Therefore our Master Henry Sute tooke his course home for England by the Iâ—es of the Açores and fell first with the Pike and afterward entring into our Chanell had first sight of Portland and thence came vp the Riuer of Thames vnto Rateliffe about the end of September 1603. finding the Citie most grieuously infected with a terrible plague CHAP. XIII Extracts of a Virginian Voyage made An. 1605. by Captaine GEORGE WAYMOVTH in the Arch-angell Set forth by the Right Honorable HENRY Earle of South-hampton and the Lord TMOMAS ARVNDEL written by IAMES ROSIER VPon Easter day the last of March the winde comming at North North-east about fiue of the clocke after noone we weighed anchor and put to Sea from the Downes in the Name of God being very well victualled and furnished with Munition and all necessaries our whole companie being nine and twenty persons of whom I dare boldly say few Voyages haue beene manned forth with better Sea-men generally in respect of our small number Munday the thirteenth of May about eleuen of the clocke in the fore-noone our Captaine iudging we were not farre from Land sounded and we had soft oze in an hundred and sixty fathome at foure of the clocke after noone wee sounded againe and had the like oze in an hundred fathome From ten a clocke that night till three a clocke in the morning our Captain tooke in all Sayles and lay at hull being desirous to fall with the Land in the day time because it was an vnknown Coast which it pleased God in his mercy to grant vs otherwise surely we had runne our Shippe vpon the hidden Rockes and perished all for when we set sayle we sounded in an hundred fathom and by eight a clocke hauing not made aboue fiue or sixe leagues our Captaine vpon a sudden change of water supposing verily he saw the sand presently sounded and had but fiue fathome much maruelling because we saw no Land he sent one to the top who descried a whitish sandy Clisse which bare West North-west about sixe leagues off but comming neerer within three or foure leagues we saw many breaches still neerer the Land At last we espied a great
to Coruo the Englishmen at times had taken at the least twenty ships that came from Saint Domingo India Brasillia c. and all sent into England Whereby it plainly appeareth that in the end God will assuredly plague the Spaniards hauing already blinded them so that they haue not the sence to perceiue it but still to remaine in their obstinate opinions but it is lost labour to striue against God and to trust in man as being foundations erected vpon the sands which with the winde are blowne downe and ouerthrowne as we daily see before our eyes and now not long since in many places haue euidently obserued and therefore let euery man but looke into his owne actions and take our Low-Countries for an example wherein we can but blame our owne sinnes and wickednesses which doth so blinde vs that we wholly forget and reiect the benefits of God continuing the seruants and yoke-slaues of Sathan God of his mercy open our eyes and hearts that wee may know our onely health and Sauiour Iesus Christ who onely can helpe gouerne and preserue vs and giue vs a happy end in all our affaires By this destruction of the Spaniards and their euill successe the lading and shipping of the goods that were saued out of the ship that came from Malacca to Tercera was againe put off and therefore wee must haue patience till it please God to send a fitter time and that we receiue further aduise and order from his Maiestie of Spaine All this being thus past the Farmers of Pepper and other Merchants that had their goods in Tercera which were taken out of the lost ship that came from Malacca seeing that the hope of any Armada or any ships in the Kings behalfe to be sent to fetch it was all in vaine they made request vnto his Maiesty that he would grant them licence euery man particularly to ship his goods in what ship he would at his owne aduenture which in the end after long suite was granted vpon condition that euery man should put in sureties to deliuer the goods in the Custome-house at Lisbone to the end the King might be paied his custome as also that the goods that should be deliuered vnto them in Tercera should all be registred whereupon the Farmers of Pepper with other Merchants agreed with a Flushinger to fetch all the Cloues Nutmegs Mace and other spices and goods that belonged vnto them the Pepper onely excepted which as then the King would not grant to lade The same Ship arriued in Tercera about the last of Nouember and because it was somewhat dangerous being the latter end of the yeare we laded her with all the speede we could for as then the coast was cleare of Englishmen To be short this Flushinger being laden with most part of the goods sauing the Pepper that was left behinde we set saile for Lisbone passing some small stormes not once meeting with any ship but onely vpon the coast where we saw ten Hollanders that sailed with Corne towards Ligorne and other places in Italie and so by Gods helpe vpon the second of Ianuary Anno 1592. we arriued in the Riuer of Lisbone being nine yeares after my departure from thence and there I staied till the month of Iuly to dispatch such things as I had to doe and vpon the seuenteenth of the same month I went to Sentuual where certaine Hollanders lay with whom I went for Holland The end of the eight Booke ENGLISH PLANTATIONS DISCOVERIES ACTS AND OCCVRRENTS IN VIRGINIA AND SVMMER ILANDS SINCE THE YEERE 1606. TILL 1624. THE NINTH BOOKE CHAP. I. Part of the first Patent granted by his Maiestie for the Plantation of Virginia Aprill the tenth 1606. IAMES by the grace of God c. Whereas our louing and well disposed Subiects Sir Thomas Gates Sir George Summers Knights Richard Hakluyt Clerke Prebendary of Westminster Edward Maria Wingfield Thomas Hannam Rawleigh Gilbert Esquires William Parker George Popham and diâ—ers others of our louing Subiects haue beene humble Suitors vnto vs that we would vouch safe vnto them our License to make Habitation Plantation and to deduce a Colonie of sundry of our people into that part of America commonly called Virginia and other parts and Territories in America either appertayning vnto vs or which now are not actually possessed by any Christian Prince or people situate lying and being all along the Sea Coast betweene thirtie foure degrees of Northerly latitude from the Equinoctiall Line and fortie fiue degrees of the same latitude and in the mayne Land betweene the same thirtie foure and fortie fiue degrees and the Ilands thereunto adiacent within one hundred miles of the Coast thereof And to that end and for the more speedie accomplishment of the said intended Plantation and Habitation there are desirous to deuide themselues into two seuerall Colonies and Companies the one consisting of certaine Knights Gentlemen Merchants and other Aduenturers of our Citie of London and elsewhere which are and from time to time shall be ioyned vnto them which doe desire to beginne their Plantations and Habitations in some fit and conuenient place betweene thirtie foure and fortie one degrees of the said latitude all alongst the Sea Coast of Virginia and Coast of America aforesaid And the other consisting of sundry Knights Gentlemen Merchans and other Aduenturers of our Cities of Bristoll and Exeter and of our Towne of Plymmouth and other places which doe ioyne themselues vnto that Colonie which desire to beginne their Plantations and Habitations in some fit and conuenient place betweene thirtie eight and fortie fiue degrees of the said latitude all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America as that Coast lyeth We greatly commending and graciously accepting of their desires to the furtherance of so Noble a worke which may by the prouidence of Almightie God hereafter tend to the glorie of his Diuine Maiestie in propagating of Christian Religion to such people as yet liue in darknesse miserable ignorance of the true knowledge and worship of God and may in time bring the Infidels and Sauages liuing in those parts to humane ciuilitie and to a settled and quiet gouernment doe by these our Letters Patents graciously accept of and agree to their humble and well intended desires And doe therefore for vs our Heires and Successours grant and agree that the said Sir Thomas Gates Sir George Summers Richard Hakluyt and Edward Maria Wingfield Aduenturers of our Citie of London and all such others as are or shall be ioyned vnto them of that Colonie shall be called the first Colonie and they shall and may beginne their said first Plantation and Seate of their first abode and Habitation at any place vpon the said Coast of Virginia or America where they shall thinke fit and conuenient betweene the said thirtie foure and fortie one degrees of the said latitude And that they shall haue all the Lands Woods Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mynes Minerals Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments
whatsoeuer from the said first seate of their Plantation and Habitation by the space of fiftie miles of English Statute measure all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America towards the West and South-west as the Coast lyeth withall the Ilands within one hundred miles directly ouer against the same Sea Coast And also all the Lands Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mynes Myneralls Woods Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer from the said place of their first Plantation and Habitation for the space of fiftie like English miles all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America towards the East and North-east as the Coast lyeth together with all the Ilands within one hundred miles directly ouer against the same Sea-coast And also all the Lands Woods Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mynes Mynerals Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer from the same fiftie miles euery way on the Sea Coast directly into the mayne Land by the space of one hundred like English miles And shall and may inhabit and remayne there and shall and may also build and fortifie within any the same for their better safeguard and defence according to their best discretions and the direction of the Councell of that Colonie And that no other of our Subiects shall be permitted or suffered to plant or inhabit behind or on the backeside of them towards the mayne Land without the expresse license or consent of the Councell of that Colonie thereunto in writing first had or obtained And we doe likewise for vs our Heires and Successors by these presents grant and agree that the said Thomas Hanham Rawleigh Gilbert William Parker and George Popham and all others of the Towne of Plimmouth in the Countie of Deuon or elsewhere which are or shall be ioyned vnto them of that Colonie shall be called the second Colonie and that they shall and may begin their said first Plantation and Seate of their first aboad and Habitation at any place vpon the said Coast of Virginia and America where they shall thinke fit and conuenient betweene thirtie eight and fortie fiue degrees of the same latitude and that they shall haue all the Lands Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mynes Minerals Woods Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer from the first Seate of their Plantation and Habitation by the space of fiftie like English miles as is aforesaid all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America towards the West and South-west and towards the South as the Coast lieth And all the Ilands within one hundred miles directly oâ—er against the same Sea Coast. And also all the Lands Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mynes Mynerals Woods Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer from the said place of their first Plantation and Habitation for the space of fiftie like English miles all alongst the said Coast of Virginia and America towards the East and North-east and towards the North as the Coast lyeth and all the Ilands within one hundred miles directly ouer against the same Coast and also all the Lands Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Woods Mynes Mynerals Marishes Waters Fishings Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer from the same fiftie miles eâ—ery way on the Sea Coast directly into the mayne Land by the space of one hundred like English miles and shall and may inhabit there and shall and may also build and fortifie within any the same for their better safeguard according to their best discretions and the direction of the Councell of that Colonie and that none of our Subiects shall be permitted or suffered to plant or inhabit behind or on the backe of them towards the mayne Land without the expresse license or consent of the Councell of that Colonie in writing thereunto first had and obteined Prouided alwayes c. It followeth that neither Colonie shall plant within one hundred miles of each other also that each Colonie shal haue a Councell of thirteene persons to rule and be ruled according to Articles set downe and confirmed vnder the Priuie Seale which I haue but for breuitie omit as also the rest of this Patent the Seales of each Colonie appointed the digging of Mynes granted in the same and on the backside of their Colonies within the mayne Land paying the fift of Gold and Siluer and the fifteenth of Copper to the King libertie to carrie all Subiects not restrained which will goe with them Of coyning for the Colonies vse there of repelling enemies of staying ships which trade there without leaue were too long to reherse seeing this Patent hath beene often altered and renewed CHAP. II. Obseruations gathered out of a Discourse of the Plantation of the Southerne Colonie in Virginia by the English 1606. Written by that Honorable Gentleman Master GEORGE PERCY ON Saturday the twentieth of December in the yeere 1606. the fleet fell from London and the fift of Ianuary we anchored in the Downes but the winds continued contrarie so long that we were forced to stay there some time where wee suffered great stormes but by the skilfulnesse of the Captaine wee suffered no great losse or danger The twelfth day of February at night we saw a blazing Starre and presently a storme The three and twentieth day we fell with the Iland of Mattanenio in the West Indies The foure and twentieth day we anchored at Dominico within fourteene degrees of the Line a very faire Iland the Trees full of sweet and good smels inhabited by many Sauage Indians they were at first very scrupulous to come aboord vs. Wee learned of them afterwards that the Spaniards had giuen them a great ouerthrow on this I le but when they knew what we were there came many to our ships with their Canoas bringing vs many kindes of sundry fruites as Pines Potatoes Plantons Tobacco and other fruits and Roane Cloth abundance which they had gotten out of certaine Spanish ships that were cast away vpon that Iland We gaue them Kniues Hatchets for exchange which they esteeme much wee also gaue them Beades Copper Iewels which they hang through their nosthrils eares and lips very strange to behold their bodies are all painted red to keepe away the biting of Muscetos they goe all naked without couering the haire of their head is a yard long all of a length pleated in three plats hanging downe to their wastes they suffer no haire to grow on their faces they cut their skinnes in diuers workes they are continually in warres and will eate their enemies when they kill them or any stranger if they take them They will lap vp mans spittle whilst one spits in their mouthes in a barbarous fashion like Dogges These people and the rest of the Ilands in the West Indies and Brasill are called by the names of Canibals that will eate mans flesh these people doe poyson their Arrow heads which are made of a fishes bone they worship the Deuill for their God and haue no other beliefe Whilest we remayned at this
but principally to increase the knowledge of the Omnipotent God and the propagation of Our Christian Faith haue graciously accepted of their said intention and suit And therefore doe of Our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion for Vs Our Heires and Successors giue graunt and confirme by these Presents vnto Our right deere and right welbeloued Cousin and Counsellor Henry Earle of Northampton Keeper of Our Priuy Seale and to Our trustie and right welbeloued Sir Laurence Tanfield Knight chiefe Baron of Our Exchequer Sir Iohn Dodridge Knight one of Our Sergeants at Law Sir Francis Bacon Knight Our Sollicitor Generall Sir Daniel Dun Sir Walter Cope Sir Pierciuall Willoughby and Sir Iohn Constable Knights Iohn Weld Esquire William Freeman Ralph Freeman Iohn Slany Humfrey Slany William Turner Robert Kirkam Gentlemen Iohn Weld Gentleman Richard Fishburne Iohn Browne Humfrey Spencer Thomas Iuxon Iohn Stokely Ellis Crispe Thomas Alport Francis Needeham William Iones Thomas Langton Phillip Gifford Iohn Whittingam Edward Allen Richard Bowdler Thomas Iones Simon Stone Iohn Short Iohn Vigars Iohn Iuxon Richard Hobby Robert Alder Anthony Haueland Thomas Aldworth William Lewis Iohn Guy Richard Hallworthy Iohn Langton Humfrey Hooke Phillip Guy William Meredith Abram Ienings and Iohn Dowghtie their Heires and Assignes And to such and so many as they doe or shall hereafter admit to be ioyned with them in forme hereafter in these Presents expressed whether they goe in their persons to bee planted in the said Plantation or whether they goe not but doe aduenture their Monyes Goods and Chattels that they shall bee one Body or Comminaltie perpetuall and shall haue perpetuall succession and one common Seale to serue for the said Body and Comminaltie And that they and their successours shall be knowne called and incorporated by the name of the Treasurer and the Company of Aduenturers and Planters of the Citie of London and Bristoll for the Colony or Plantation in New-found-land and that they and their successours shall bee from henceforth for euer inabled to take require and purchase by the name aforesaid Licence for the same from Vs Our Heires and Successours first had and obtained any manner of Lands Tenements and Hereditaments Goods and Chattels within Our Realme of England and Dominion of Wales and that they and their successours shall bee like wise inabled by the name aforesaid to plead and be impleaded before any Our Iudges or Iustices in any of Our Courts and in any Actions and Suits whatsoeuer And Wee doe also of Our said speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion for Vs Our Heires and Successours giue grant and confirme vnto the said Tresurer and Company and their Successours vnder the reseruations limitations and declarations hereafter expressed all that part and portion of the said Countrie commonly called New found land which is situate lying and being to the Southward of the parallel line to be conceiued to passe by the Cape or hedland commonly called or knowne by the name of Bonewist Inclusiue which Cape or hedland is to be Northward of the Bay commonly called Trinity Bay and also which is situate lying and being to the Eastward of the Meridian line to be conceiued to passe by the Cape or headland commonly called or knowne by the name of Cape Sancta Maria or Cape Saint Maries Inclusiue which Cape or headland is to be Eastward of the Bay commonly called the Bay of Placentia together with the Seas and Ilands lying within ten leagues of any part of the Sea coast of the Countrie aforesaid and also all those Countries Lands and Ilands commonly called Newfound land which are situate betweene forty and six degrees of Northerly latitude and two and fifty degrees of the like latitude and also all the Lands Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mines as well royall Mines of Gold and Siluer as other Mines Minerals Pearles and precious stones Woods Quarries Marshes Waters Fishings Hunting Hawking Fowling Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer together with all Prerogatiues Iurisdictions Royalties Priuiledges Franchises and Preheminencies within any the said Territories and the precincts there of whatsoeuer and thereto or there abouts both by Sea and Land being or in any sort belonging or appertaining and which wee by our Letters Patents may or can grant and in as ample manner and sort as We or any of Our Noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any Company body politique or Corporate or to any Aduenturer or Aduenturers Vndertaker or Vndertakers of any Discouery Plantation or Trafficke of in or into any foraine parts whatsoeuer and in as large and ample manner as if the same were herein particularly mentioned and expressed Neuerthelesse Our will and pleasure is and We doe by these presents expresse and declare that there be saued and reserued vnto all manner of persons of what Nation soeuer and also to all and euery Our louing Subiects which doe at this present or hereafter shall trade or voyage to the parts aforesaid for Fishing c. April 27. A. Reg. 8. Master IOHN GVY his Letter to Master SLANY Treasurer and to the Counsell of the New-found-land Plantation RIght worshipfull it may please you to vnderstand that it was the tenth day of this moneth of May before the Barke of Northam called the Consent arriued here in New-found-land notwithstanding that a Ship of Bristoll called the Lionesse came to this Countrey the second of May in a moneths space and the Trial of Dartmouth arriued here before in sixteene dayes By reason of which stay of the aforesaid Barke nothing could be done to take any of the places desired all being possessed before So that the Ship that commeth whereof as yet there is no newes is to trust to the place here which is reserued for her which I hope will proue a good place Some yeeres as great a Uoyage hath bin made here as in any place in this Land God send her hither in safetie I haue not yet seene any of the Countrey to the Southward or Northward of this Bay of Conception since this spring because I expected daily the arriuall of the Barke and thought it not fit to be absent herehence vntill she were arriued and dispatched but presently vpon her departure no time God willing shall be lost The care that was taken to require generally the Fishermen to assist vs and to supply our wants if any should be was most ioyfull and comfortable to vs which was most willingly accomplished by the most part of those which I haue yet seene yet God be praised such was the state of all things with vs as we were in no want of victuals but had a great remainder as you shall after vnderstand The state of the Autumne and Winter was in these parts of New-found-land after this manner In both the moneths of October and Nouember there were scarce six dayes wherin it either freezed or snowed and that so little that presently it was thawed and melted with the strength of the Sunne All the residue
reasonable weather both to anchor in and from thence to saile towards either the East West or South It hath three Armes or Riuers long and large enough for many hundred fayle of Ships to moare fast at Anchor neere asmile from the Harbours mouest close adioyning to the Riuers side and within the Harbour is much open land well stored with Grasse suffcient Winter and Summer to maintaine great store of ordinary Cattell besides Hogges and Geats if such beasts were carried thither and it standeth North most of any Harbour in the Land where our Nation practiseth Fishing It is neere vnto a great Bay lying on the North side of it called the Bay of Flowers to which place no Ships repaire to fish partly in regard of sundry Rockes and Ledges lying euen with the water and full of danger but â—niefly as I coniecture because the Sauage people of that Countrey doe there inhabite many of then secretly euery yeere come into Trinitie Bay and Harbour in the night time purposely to steale Sailes Lines Hatchets Hookes Kniues and such like And this Bay is not three English miles ouer Land from Trinitie Bay in many places which people if they might bee reduced to the knowledge of the true Trinitie indeed no doubt but it would bee a most sweâ—â— and acceptable sacrifice to God an euerlasting honour to your Maiesty and the heauenliest blessing to those poore Creatures who are buried in their own superstious ignorance The taske thereof would proue easie if it were but well begun and constantly seconded by industrious spirits and no doubt but God himselfe would set his hand to reare vp and aduance so noble so pious and so Christian a building The bottome of the Bay of Trinity lieth within foure leagues through the land South-west Southerly from Trinity as by experience is found and it comes neere vnto the Bay of Trepassey and the bottome of some other Bayes as I haue alreadie touched before Trepassey in like manner is as commodious a Harbour lying in a more temperate climate almost in 46. degrees the like latitude and is both faire and pleasant and a wholesome Coast free from Rockes and Shelues so that of all other Harbours it lies the South-most of any Harbour in the Land and most conueniently to receiue our Shipping to and from Uirginia and the Bermuda Ilands and also any other Shipping that shall passe to and from the Riuer of Canady and the Coast thereof because they vsually passe and returne in the sight of the Land of Trepasse and also for some other purposes as shall be partly declared in the following discourse The soile of this Countrie in the Vallies and sides of the Mountaines is so fruitfull as that in diuers places there the Summer naturally produceth out of the fruitfull wombe of the earth without the labour of mans hand great plentie of greene Pease and Fitches faire round full and wholesome as our Fitches are in England of which I haue there fed on many times the hawmes of them are good fodder for Cattell and other Beasts in the winter with the helpe of Hay of which there may be made great store with little labour in diuers places of the Countrie Then haue you there faire Strawberries red and white and as faire Raspasse berrie and Gooseberries as there be in England as also multitudes of Bilberries which are called by some Whortes and many other delicate Berries which I cannot name in great abundance There are also many other fruites as small Peares sowre Cherries Filberds c. And of these Berries and Fruits the store is there so great that the Marriners of my Ship and Barkes Companie haue often gathered at once more then halfe an Hogshead would hold of which diuers times eating their fill I neuer heard of any man whose health was thereby any way impaired There are also Herbes for Sallets and Broth as Parslie Alexander Sorrell c. And also Flowers as the red and white Damaske Rose with other kindes which are most beautifull and delightfull both to the sight and smell And questionlesse the Countrie is stored with many Physicall herbs and roots albeit their vertues are not knowne because not sought after yet within these few yeeres many of our Nation finding themselues ill haue bruised some of the herbs and streined some of the iuice into Beere Wine or Aquauite and so by Gods assistance after a few drinkings it hath restored them to their former health The like vertue it hath to cure a wound or any swelling either by washing the grieued places with some of the herbes boiled or by applying them so thereunto plaister-wise which I haue seene by often experience This being the naturall fruitfulnesse of the earth producing such varietie of things fit for foode without the labour of man I might in reason hence inferre that if the same were manured and husbanded in some places as our grounds are it would be apt to beare Corne and no lesse fertill then the English soile But I neede not confine my selfe to probabilities seeing our men that haue wintred there diuers yeeres did for a triall and experiment thereof sowe some small quantitie of Corne which I saw growing verie faire and they found the increase to be great and the graine very good and it is well knowne to me and diuers that trade there yeerely how that Cabbage Carrets Turneps Lettice and such like proue well there In diuers parts of the Countrie there is great store of Deere some Hares manie Foxes Squirrels Beuers Wolues and Beares with other sorts of Beasts seruing as well for necessitie as for profit and delight Neither let me seeme ridiculous to annex a matter of noueltie rather then weight to this discourse In the yeere 1615. it was well knowne to eight and fortie persons of my Companie and diuers other men that three seuerall times the Wolues Beasts of the Countrie came downe neere them to the Sea-side where they were labouring about their Fish howling and making a noise so that at each time my Mastiffe Dogge went vnto them as the like in that Countrie hath not been seene the one began to fawne and play with the other and so went together into the Woods and continued with them euerie of these times nine or ten daies and did returne vnto vs without any hurt The Land Fowle besides great number of small Birds flying vp and downe some without name that liue by scraping their food from the earth in the hardest winter that is there are also Hawkes great and small Partridges Thrush and Thrussels abundance very fat As also Filladies Nightingales and such like that sing most pleasantly There are also Birds that liue by prey as Rauens Gripes Crowes c. For Water-fowle there is certainly so good and as much varietie as in any part of the world as Geese Dâ—cks Pidgeons Gulls Penguins and many other sorts These Penguins are as bigge
Shot returned backe for England leauing behinde them certaine Pinasses onely which they enioyned to follow the Spaniards aloofe and to abserue their course And so it came to passe that the fourth of August with great danger and industry the English arriued at Harwich for they had beene tossâ—d vp and downe with a mighty tempest for the space of two or three dayes together which it is likely did great hurt vnto the Spanish fleet being as I said before so maimed and battered The English now going on shoare prouided themselues forth with of Victuals Gunpowder and other things expedient that they might be ready at all assayes to entertaine the Spanish fleete if it chanced any more to reâ—urne Bu â—eing afterward more certainely informed of the Spaniards course they thought it best to leaue them vnto those boisterous and vncouth Northren Seas and not there to hunt after them The Spaniards seeing now that they wanted foure or fiue thousand of their people and hauing diuers maimed and sicke persons and likewise hauing lost ten or twelue of their principall ships they consulted among themselues what they were best to doe being now escaped out of the hands of the English because their victuals failed them in like sort they began also to want cables cordage ankerâ— masts sailes and other nauall furniture and vtterly despaired of the Duke of Parma his assistance who verily hoping vndoubtedly expecting the return of the Spanish fleet was continually occupied about his great preparation commanding abundance of ankers to be made and other necessary furniture for a Nauy to be prouided they thought it good at length so soone as the winde should serue them to fetch a compasse about Scotland and Ireland and so to returne for Spaine For they well vnderstood that commandement was giuen thorowout all Scotland that they should not haue any succour or assistance there Neither yet could they in Norway supply their wants Wherefore hauing taken certaine Scottish and other fisherboats they brought the men on boord their owne ships to the end they might be their guides and Pilots Fearing also least their fresh water should faile them they cast all their horses and mules ouer-boord and so touching no where vpon the coast of Scotland but being carried with a fresh gale betweene the Orcades and Faar-Isles they proceeded farre North euen vnto 61. degrees of latitude being distant from any land at the least 40. leagues Here the Duke of Medina Generall of the Fleet commanded all his followers to shape their course for Biscay and he himselfe with twenty or fiue and twenty of his ships which were best prouided of fresh water and other necessaries holding on his course ouer the maine Ocean returned safely home The residue of his ships being about forty in number and committed vnto his Vice-admirall fell neerer with the coast of Ireland intending their course for Cape Clare because they hoped there to get fresh water and to refresh themselues on land But after they were driuen with many contrary windes at length vpon the second of September they were cast by a tempest arising from the South-west vpon diuers parts of Ireland where many of their ships perished And amongst others the ship of Michael de Oquendo which was one of the great Galliasses and two great ships of Venice also namely la Ratta and Belanzara with other 36 or 31. ships more which perished in sundry tempests together with most of the persons contained in them Likewise some of the Spanish ships were the second time carried with a strong West wind into the channell of England whereof some were taken by the English vpon their coast and others by the men of Rochel vpon the coast of France Moreouer there arriued at Newhauen in Norm andy being by tempest inforced so to doe one of the foure great Galliasses whereby they found the ships with the Spanish women which followed the Fleet at their setting forth Two ships also were cast away vpon the coast of Norway one of them being of a great burthen howbeit all the persons in the said great ship were saued insomuch that of 134 ships which set saile out of Portugall there returned home 53. onely small and great namely of the foure Galliasses but one and but one of the foure Gallies Of the 91. great Galleons and Hulkes there were missing 58. and 33. returned of the Pataches and Zabraes 17. were missing and 18. returned home In briefe there were missing 81. ships in which number were Galliasses Gallies Galeons and other vessels both great and small And amongst the 53. ships remaining those also are reckoned which returned home before they came into the English channell Two Galeons of those which were returned were by misfortune burnt as they rode in the hauen and such like mishaps did many other vndergoe Of 30000. persons which went in this expedition there perished according to the number and proportion of the ships the greater and better part and many of them which came home by reason of the toiles inconueniences which they sustained in this voiage died not long after their arriuall The Duke of Medina immediately vpon his returne was deposed from his authority commanded to his priuate house and forbidden to repaire vnto the Court where he could hardly satisfie or yeeld a reason vnto his malicious enemies and backbiters Many honorable personages and men of great renown deceased soone after their returne as namely Iohn Martines de Ricalde with diuers others A great part also of the Spanish Nobility and Gentry employed in this expedition perished either by fight diseases or drowning before their arriuall and among the rest Thomas Perenot of Granduell a Dutchman being Earle of Cantebroi and son vnto Cardinall Granduell his brother Vpon the coast of Zeland Don Diego de Pimentell brother vnto the Marquesse de Tamnares and kinsman vnto the Earle of Bencuâ—ntum Calua and Colonell ouer 32. bands with many other in the same ship was taken and detained as prisoner in Zeland Into England as we said before Don Pedro de Valdez a man of singular experience and greatly honoured in his country was led captiue being accompanied with Don Uasques de Silua Don Alonzo de Sayas and others Likewise vpon the Scottish Westerne Isles of Lewis and Ila and about Cape Cantyre vpon the maine land there were cast away certaine Spanish Ships out of which were saued diuers Captaines and Gentlemen and almost foure hundred souldiers who for the most part after their shipwracke were brought vnto Edenborough in Scotland and being miserably needy and naked were there cloathed at the liberalitie of the King and the Merchants and afterward were secretly shipped for Spaine but the Scottish Fleete wherein they passed touching at Yarmouth on the coast of Norfolke were there staied for a time vntill the Counsels pleasure was knowne who in regard of their manifold miseries though they were enemies winked at their passage Vpon the
last but a yeere Corne buried G 〈…〉 O 〈…〉 Called by their names Brimstone Hot Springs Gualua Spring 〈…〉 ing wood into stone Cedars common Sanguinbo wood White and yellow woods Teixo a kind of wood as hard as iron Inhabitants Souldiers Strangers The ayre a disease Strong windes S. Michael Saint Mary Gratiosa Earle of Cumberland Sâ—â— sup l. 6. c. 1. Saint George Fayael Fayael taken taken by Earle Cumberland Pico High Hill Pleasant Oranges C. 98. Flores Coruo C. 99. 40. Millions if the number be true Fiue Millions 〈◊〉 Sir M. Frobisher 1589. Note 1590. 280. men die in one ship in one Voyage by one mans vanitie 1591. Earthquake most terrible Prodigies Sir Richard Greenuile See Haâ— Tom. 2. This Storie penned by Sir Walter Raleigh There were but six of these Shippes the Queenes and Sir Richard Greenuile staid to recouer his men on shore 93. of his men were sicke He scorned to flye as the Master counseiled which had beene better and thought to made way thorow their squadrons and made some spring loose till the greatnesse of the S. Philip of 1500 tuns being in the winde of him becalmed his sailes so that the Reuenge could not feele her sailes nor helme and was boorded by the S. Philip and foure others These were beaten off and fifteen seuerall Armadas assailed her All her Powder was spent to the last barrell nor had first aboue 100. sound men to sustaine to the brunt Yet she endured fifteene houres fight fifteene Armadas by turne 800. shot many entries 53. sailes of men of warre and 10000. men to doe this After all this Sir R. Greenfield now wounded commanded to 〈◊〉 vp the Ship but the Captaine intreating to the contrary the Master was sent vnknowne to Sir R Greenfield to treat a composition with â—â—zan the Generall who yeelded their liues to be saued and to be sent for England the better soâ—t to pay ransome but free meane time fromprison and Gallie Almost 1000. of the enemies were slaine in this sight Thus haue I giuen you the briefe of Sir Walters report also to make this storie compleate Great storme Great hurts Reuenge reuenged with the losse of aboue 100. other ships of the Spaniards attending her fates as great a blow as 88. Note Caiaphas prophesieth God taketh part wiâ—h Lutherans So then the gates of hell preuaileth against their faith Two Ships of treasure taken by the English and 20. others of the Indian Fleete 1592 The first Colony to bee planted betwixt 34. 41. degrees of North latitude They to haue all the Lands c. for the space of fiftie miles West South-west from the place of their first plantings and all Mynes c The like East North-east with all Ilands for 100. miles in the Sea ouer against them 100. 〈…〉 hin the Land c. None to inhabit on the backside without their speciall licence in writing c. The next day Cap. Smith was suspected for a suppoâ—ed Mutinie though neuer no such matter Trade at Dominica Brutishnâ—sse of the Dominicans Fight betwixt a Whale the Thresher and Sword-fish Margalanta Guadalupa Bath very hot Meuis Bath at Meuis Commodities there Aprill Tortoises Meuis water vnwholsome Ed. Brookes faint with thirst Moneta Store of fowles We were driuen to try that night and by the storme were forced neere the shoare not knowing where we were They land in Virginia Strawberries Point Comfort Kecoughtan Tobacco Singing and Dancing A long oration A Flute made of a Reed Archers Hope Their Plantation at Iames Towne Land giuen These Sauages are naturally great â—hetues Their arrowes Yellow haired Virginian Riuer of Pohatan * Low Marshes Wee came downe the Riuer Bread how made Distinct habit of Maids and Wiues Sauage 160. yeeres old Bearded Cap. Newports departure The Sauages vse to sacrifice to the Sunne Death of Cap. Bart. Gosnold Miserable famine Gods goodnesse He was a made man * The rest is omitted being more fully set downe in Gap Smiths Relations * By later Patents this is extended further to the â—0 degrees c. The Latitude The temperature The winde The entrances Cape Henrâ— Cape Câ—arâ—es Cap. Smiâ—h The Country The Bay The Mountaines The soâ—â—e The Vallies Plaines The Riuer Powhatan Fals The branches Iames Towne The seuerall Inhabitants Free State R. Pamaunke The Inhabitants K. Pohatan Payankatank R. Toppahanock R. The Inhabitants Patawomeke R. Pawtuxunt R Bolus R. The head of the Bay Sasquesahanock Giantly people The description of a Sasquesahanough See the Map Long Spoone to eate with the Deuill Tockwhogh R. Rapahanock R. Kusk 〈…〉 awaock R. 〈…〉 ghcocomoco R. Accomack R. Chawonock The seuerall Languages Why there is little grasse Woods with their fruits Elme Walnuts Supposed Cypresse Mulberies Chesnuts Plummes Cheries Crabs Vines Chechinquamins Rawcomenes How they vse their fruits Walnut milke Gums Cedars Saxafras trees Berrics Mattoume Strawberries and other berries Herbes Wighsacan a medicinable root Pocones a small root Musquaspenne a root Parietarie Sassafras Onions See insâ— c. 14. of certaine Oxen found by Cap. Aryoll Their chiefe beasts are Decre Aroughcun Squirrels Assapanick a Squirrel flying Opassom Mussascus Be res The Beauer Otters Vetcunquoyes Foxes Doâ—s Martins Polcats Weesels and Mâ—â—kes Note Birds Fish hawkes â—â—sh Strange forme The Rocks How they diuide the yeere How they prepare the ground How they plant How they vse their Corne. How they vse their fish and flesh Planted fruits The commodities in Virginia or that may bee had by industry A proofe cattell will liue well The Commodities The numbers 700. men were the most seene together when they thought to haue surprised Captaine Smith A description of the people The Barbara The constituâ—on The disposition The possessions Their attire Fether Mantels Their ornaments Their buildings Their lodgings Their gardens How they vse their children The industry of their women How they strike fire Their order of diet How they make their Bowes and Arâ—owes Their Knife Their Targets and â—words Their Boats How they spirt Their Fishoo 〈…〉 Hunting labours How they hunt Hunting houses One Sauage hunting alone Their consultations Their enem 〈◊〉 Massawomekes Their offer of subiection Their manner of battell Their Musicke Their entertainment Their trade Their phisicke Their chirurgery Their charmes to cure Their God How they bury their Kings Their ordinary burials Their Temples Their ornaments for their Priests Their times of solem 〈…〉 Their Coniurations Their Altars C. Smith Sacrifices to the water Their solemne making of black-berries C. Smith Their resurrection A description of Powhatan His attendance watch His treasurie His Wiues His Successors The title of succession Their authoritie The tonor of their lands His manner of punishments Vanitie of Effeminate Planters Vanitie of self-seeking gloriosos Miserie of base idlenesse * I haue many written Treatises lying by me written by Capt. Smith and others some there some here af ter there returne but because these haue alreadie seene the light and containe a full relation of Virginian affaires I was
and reuerend Diuine Doctor LAYFIELD his Lordships Chaplaine and Attendant in that expedition very much abbreuiated §. I. The Shippes emploied in the Voyage and accidents on the Coasts of Spaine in the Canaries and the Nauigation thence to Dominica HIs Lordship being authorised by Letters Patents giuen at Westminster the foureteenth of Ianuary to leuie Forces seruiceable by Sea and Land came downe to Portesmouth the eight of February wherein nothing memorable happened till Munday being the thirteenth of March. While we were at Morning Prayer his Lordship happened to see a Gallant of the company purposely I name him not reading of Orlando Furioso to whom himselfe in person went presently after Seruice all the Company being by and hauing told him that we might looke that God would serue vs accordingly if we serued not him better bad him be sure that if againe he tooks him in the like manner he would cast his Booke ouer-boâ—â—d and turne himselfe out of the Ship The next day by obseruation it was found that towards the euening we had runne within fiue or sixe and twenty leagues of the North Cape whereupon his Lordship gaue direction to the Vice-admirall that he should carry his Flagge in the Maine-top and with a peece of Ordnance should hale in the rest of the Fleete to his Lee and that they all with him as their Admirall for the time should this night winde South and by West and there they should ride off and on scattering themselues to the North and South in the height of the Burlings till his Lordshippe should come to them In the meane season himselfe attended onely with the Guiana and the Scourges scoâ—t run to fall in with the North Cape meaning by the taking of some Caruell or some Fisherman to haue some certaine intelligence in what forwardnesse the fiue Carracks were which at this very time his Lordship knew were outwards bound The defect of his maine Maste caused him to stand in for the Burlings The Burlings is an Iland something longer then broad and by the violent beating of the Sea it selfe almost made two Ilands and within few yeares it will be so exceeding rockie it is and barren aboue measure We found no liuing thing in it but Lysards and some few Conies Vpon thursday being the thirteenth of Aprill we had sight of the Ilands The first that was within kenning was Alegrança the most Northerly of the Canaries we left it on the star-boord side as also three little hils rather then the Islands hauing all one name of the Grange In the afternoone we had Lancerota one of the six great Canaries in cleere kenning The next morning twixt fiue and six we were come to an anchor in the Roade which beareth East South-east of the Iland His Lordship had taken colde with watching the last night whereupon he found himselfe so ill the next morning being good Friday that he kept his Cabbin and was glad to take some strong Physicke He sent therefore for Sir Iohn Barkley his Lieutenant generall and gaue him order to land with certaine Companies to the number of betweene fiue and six hundred men They were in their March by ten that morning and marched the next way as they thought to the chiefe Towne of the Iland but their foremost desire was if they might to haue surprised the Marquesse who commandeth both that and the next Iland called Fortenentura as his owne possession The Towne is from the place they landed at as they coniecture some ten miles at the least By fiue in the afternoone they entered the Towne which besides the expectation they found clearely quitted of the enemy and nothing in a manner left sauing good store of very excellent Wine and Cheese After the Towne was assured Sir Iohn sent a troope to a strong Hold some halfe a mile of from the Towne called the Castle a place which the Marquesse had fortified with good store of Munition and Ordnance When our Troopes were come vp the Hill they found twixt 80 and 100. Ilanders and Spaniards within and about the house but without fight they quitted the place so that our men entered it without losse or danger They found in it a dozen or more cast Peeces of Brasse the least Bases the most whole Culuering and Demiculuering and an innumerable company of Stones laid in places of greatest aduantage The House it selfe built of squared stone flanked very strongly and cunningly both for defence and offence the entrance thereunto not as in our Forts of equall height with the foundation and ground but raised about a Pikes length in height so that without the vse of a Ladder there could be no entrance there I haue heard sundry of our wisest Commanders say that if they had drawne in their Ladder and onely shut the doore twenty men victualled might haue kept it against fiue hundred The Towne consisteth of somewhat more then a hundred houses whose building is rude being commonly but of one Storie their Roofes flat and something sloping to cast of raine couered onely with Canes or Straw laid vpon a few rafters and very dirt cast vpon all which being hardned by the Sunne becommeth of showre-proofe The Inhabitants are of very able and actiue bodies their stature commonly tall of swiftnesse in that Mountainous Countrie not farre behinde their Horses and Cammels their Armes are Pikes and Stones when a Peece is presented to them so soone as they perceiue the cocke or match to fall they cast themselues flat to the ground and the report is no sooner heard but they are vpon their feete their stones out of their hands and withall they charge with their Pikes and this in scattered incounters or single fight for either they know not or neglect orderly baâ—talion oftner giueth then receiueth hurt The Iland it is not round but stretched somewhat in length to the North-east and South-west parted by a ridge of Hils from end to end as Italie is by the Mountaines Apennine These hils are barren otherwise then that in prettie store they feede flocks of Sâ—eepe and Goates Their Vallies promise no fruitfulnesse being very sandy and dry something like Rye-fields in England and yet they yeelde passing good Barley and Wheate Their beasts be Sheepe and Goates few Neate many Asses fewer Camels but fewest Gennets and these of no great stature The Iland is thought to exceede the Wight both in breadth and length of the Temper a man may iudge besides that it lyeth in 28. degâ—ees and some minutes by the complexion of the Inhabitants which is blackish and by their Haruest-time which was past before the middest of Aprill and looke for a second about Michaelmas their landing there was vpon good Friday The next day the fifteenth of Aprill Sir Iohn Barkeley being out of hope to finde the Marquesse not knowing where to seeke him whom feare had taught to hide himselfe closely marched backe to the Nauie without farther
looke into their present abilitie and accordingly would send his Lordship assurance that within seuen dayes it should be sent to him to be receiued at the Point where hee held continuall guard Concluding that in these sendings they sought nothing but delaies his Lordship determined not to send them any more but withall speed to make himselfe and the fleet readie for a happy and by many much desired returne since it was cleere that it was not Gods pleasure that yet this Iland should bee inhabited by the English All the Hides therefore and Ginger and Sugar which either was alreadie readie or in time could be gotten was forthwith shipped and so was all the munition in the Towne all the Ordnance in any place of that Iland which amounted in all and of all sorts very neere the full number of fourscore cast peeces some of them the goodliest that euer I saw But when they saw his Lordship resolute to send no more to them for negotiating touching the ransome of their Citie they now begin to send againe and againe to him His Lordship neuer meant to deface their Citie or to make it vnfit to be inhabited But withall he tooke the likeliest wayes to conceale this from the knowledge of the enemie whom hee could not so well rule with any other bit our owne strength being now growne so weake His Lordship therefore entertayned their offers and so farre granted their desires that some in the name of them all might with his Lordships Passe come to the Citie to goe through with his Excellencie There came two Immaâ—â—el Corderâ— and Don Pedro de Pantoia who without the Bishops consent they said offered fiue hundred kintals of Ginger at whose returne which should bee within three or foure dayes they did thinke that thrice so much would be giuen The fleet was not yet altogether readie and Sir Iohn Barkley not yet so well recouered of his the common disease as that it was deemed fit hee should presently commit himselfe to the Sea being to bee so long without a bayting place and hee by his Lordships directions left him might dispatch the matter These two therefore were licensed to returne to Luisa to their friends vpon Saturday being the twelfth of August with promise to be againe with vs on the Tuesday following But before their appointed day his Lordship set saile yet it is not vnlikely his returne was something hastened by an accident that fell out The old man Pedro Suarez had a countenance that promised an honest minde and in regard of his age and weaknesse he was not so narrowly looked to as for sometime hee had beene This old sicke man found a meanes to escape the Sunday-night after they were gone to Luisa certainly not without practice with his Countrimen and it is thought with the priuitie of his Keeper Now this mans departure onely therefore misliked because it was traiterous and without leaue did more and more confirme his Lordship in his opinion that the Spaniards dealing with vs was traiterous and for some other end then was pretended And therefore seeing his owne stay should not be needfull for he knew Sir Iohn very sufficient to dispatch any thing that was to bee done he presently commanded that his owne ship should weigh and with her of great ships onely the Samson of the lesser the Royall Defence the Frigat the Scout the Elizabeth the Guiana and two little ones that were found in the Harbour one a Frenchman and the other a Spanish Frigat which were rigged during our aboad there So that his Lordship left with Sir Iohn the strength of the Nauie the Ascention the Gallion the Alcedo the Consent the Pegasus the Centurion two strong flie-boats and the Anthonie The true reason of his Lordships desire to be gone from Puerto Rico quickly was indeed a longing he had to be quickly at the Ilands For hee had so plotted the voyage that still hee would haue a string left in store for his Bow And now hee had intelligence that the fleet of Mexico which hee knew was to goe this yeere was euen now vpon their dispatch For vpon very good aduertisements he was giuen to vnderstand that the fleet meant to disimbogge the first light Moone in their September which falleth out to bee the seuen and twentieth of our August and his desire was to be at the Ilands before them which he might well hope for being in the height of the Bermuda by that time they should put forth of the Bay Besides this he had reason to looke for the meeting of a Carack if by the middest of September hee were at the Ilands For though they which are homewards bound hauing made their voyage in the East Indies ordinarily haue timelier passage and are at home by August yet if any of them which this yeere were to goe from Lisbon should be put backe againe September is the moneth wherein they were to bee expected at the Açores And for their more certaine meeting againe with his Lordship that so all the fleet might come home together his Lordship left them this direction which was giuen to euery ship vnder his hand You shall steere in with the Southward part of Flores if you finde me not in that course then seeke me betwixt ten and fourteene leâ—gues of Fayal West South-west If there you finde mee not then come through betwixt Fayal and the Pike and seeke me in the Road at Graâ—iosa if you finde me in none of these places you may be assured I am gone from the Ilands for England And for the Towne Sir Iohn had order giuen to leaue it vndefaced sauing that the Fort Mora should bee razed to the landward Thus wee left Puerto Rico and steered as directly to the Ilands as the windes would suffer vs which are there continually Easterly yet serued vs so fauourably that blowing much at East South-east wee tooke our selues to hold a North North-east course allowing our ships to driue one point to the leeward which course it we could hold we hoped to weather the infamous Iland of Bermuda notorious with vnmercifull and incredible stormes of fearfull thunder and lightning It was the sixt day after our departure from Puerto Rico being Saturday the nineteenth of August when I writ out this note then were wee a great way from the height of the Bermuda which lyeth in thirtie three degrees Now we are in the way from Puerto Rico to the Ilands of Açores which must needes be found a long passage and the way being not much beaten with resort of the Passengers puts me in hope that this may be a leisurefull place to pay a piece of a promise that I made before to say something more of the nature and qualitie and largenesse of the mayne Iland of Puerto Rico. The meanes which I did most wish and hope for to enable mee the better for the payment of this debt I could neuer with conueniency come by For I alwayes waited if
farre as the Riuer Saint Francis which are alwayes seene the Seas when there are any Spring tides doe ouerflow the land behinde moreouer if any winde blow from the East it beateth the Sea into hils of the Clifts that it maketh a great noise Wherefore the Indians call it the Land of the Bell. Here are reasonable store of Sugars and great store of Coco Nuts On the North side of Fernambuquo you shall see white Downes and when you are past all the Downes on the South you are by Capignramirinij which is a place where alwaies you shall see Fisher-men in small Boates or Iangades and from thence to Fernambuquo are fiue or six miles and so if you be vnder 8. degrees you shall see a flat land euen and bare called Capituya then you must take heede you runne not Southward for then you runne vpon a point of the land called by the Portugals Punto de Olynda which is foure leagues from the Cape and stretcheth into the Sea as farre as Cape Augustin As soone as you haue doubled this point you must take heede you put not in with the Towne of Olynda which you shall see for if you doe you will runne vpon the Sands called by the Portugals Bayhos de S. Antonio which lye at least foure or fiue miles into the Sea being neere the shoare you shall see the Shippes that lye at anker ouer the Clifts called by the Portugals Arecias this place is a league from Fernambuquo being the harbour where all the Shipping that goes from Fernambuquo doe arriue from this place to the Cape you shall see the Clifts as if it were a wall made by Bricklayers no higher in one place then in another but all euen The Towne of Fernambuquo is scituated vpon a hill and very strongly entrenched round about on the Sea side euery twelue score standeth a small Fort or defence for Soldiers with foure cast Peeces and so they scowre all the shoare from the Arecias where the Shippes lye to the point of Olynda which is the farthest part of the Towne Northwards from the Arecias where the Ships lye commeth a Riuer through the land a Harquebusse shot from the Sea coast and runneth right behinde the Towne from the South to the West and East which maketh the Towne almost an Iland all but a little part of the North side The Cape of Saint Augustin is a Point of land that runneth into the Sea two or three miles from the Sea you shall see three hils called by the Petiwares Aquare Wason Remitum they will seeme vnto you like the backe of a Camell and now you may easily know it for you may see a Church that the Portugals haue built and halfe a league towards the South you shall see the Iland of Saint Aleyxo The Iland of Saint Aleyxo is long and narrow it lieth within a league of the shore and stretcheth North-east and South-west you may anker betweene the shoare and it all weathers for the Iland hath very faire Baies where you may lye in ten or twelue fadome water Vpon this Iland you may take wood or fresh water Porto Docalno lyeth Southward of the Iland of Saint Alyyxo it is a flat land you neede not feare the comming in by the rockes for hard by them you shall haue foureteene fathome weater Here you shall haue great store of Cattell and Sugars This Countrie is plaine low land and all planted with Sugar Canes you shall know this harbor very easily from the Southerne point of the Iland Saint Aleyxo for when it ebbeth you shall see a faire Bay and all the shore bare almost to the Cape being blacke ground Eight leagues Southward from the Porto de calno is the Riuer of stones Southward of it you shall see three great red Hills which stand ouer the Riuer of Camarysuâ—a which is a league from this Riuer you shall see from Sea a great Bay run within the Land and before the mouth of it many great Rocks to come to this Bay you must come close to the shoare on the South-west side and after you bee in the Bay keepe full West and it will bring you to a Riuer that runneth into the Land at the least twentie leagues In the mouth of this Riuer dwell sixe or seuen Portugals that keepe Cattell for Iohn Pays but they are of no strength Here you may take water at pleasure and alwayes in those houses that stand in the mouth of the Riuer you shall haue good store of Cassaui meale If you be of any strength that you dare goe ten or twelue miles vp the Riuer you shall take good store of Sugars for there standeth three or foure Sugar mills onely an other on the Riuer side likewise here is good store of Brasill and Pepper Cotton and many other merchandise Camaryiâ—â—â— as I haue said lyeth a league Southward from the Riuer of stones to know it you shall see three Hills of red ground called by the Portugals Bareâ—s Vernellios this place is not inhabited the mouth of this place is narrow and hath not aboue fiue foot water but you may anchor in the Bay hard by the Riuer and send your Boat safely for fresh water without danger or to fish with your Net for there is great store of fresh fish of all kindes The Riuer of Saint Antonio lyeth seuen leagues from Camaryiâ—â—a it is a faire great Riuer lyeth some fiftie leagues within the Land hath foure fathom water at the comming in but is so narrow that no ship can come in It is a very good place for you if you stand in neede hauing salt to make your prouision for there you shall haue great store of all kinde of fish especially of a kinde of fish called by the Indians Varaâ—â— which is as bigge as an Oxe After you are within this Riuer you shall haue high land on both sides and you must be carefull and keep good watch for vp this Riuer dwelleth a kinde of people called Carayâ—â— these people if they see you vnprouided will fight with you but if they see you able to defend your selues then will they bring such things as they haue to traffick The Harbour of French-men called by the Indians A 〈…〉 piâ—sâ—â—e lyeth two leagues Southward from the Riuer of Saint Antonio It is a small Bay that may be knowne by a high Hill that standeth ouer it which is all full of Brasill trees To enter into this Harbour you must marke the Cliffes and when you are to the North of them all but one you may safely come within a stones cast to the shoare When you haue landed if you want fresh water you must seeke on the South side of the Hill and you shall finde a streame that runneth out of the Hill into a great Cisterne of stone which is made out of a Rocke you cannot misse of this place if you seeke for it for all the way you shall see small Rocks
Mountaine lye the Playnes of Samia Through these Playnes you may goe to Cumana or to the Caracaâ— which are at least one hundred and twentie leagues iust North. In these Playnes are foure Nations which are held for great men The Samias the Assawais the Wikeries and the Arroras These Nations are something blacke On the left side of this Riuer Orenoco are two small Ilands a small distance the one from the other The one is called Aroami the other Aio In the morning before the Sunne bee high the winde is still Easterly in this place Manoripano lyeth in the middle of Orenoco Aromaio is the name of Morrequito Orenoco reacheth to the Mountaines of Wacarimoc which is to the East in the Prouince of Emeria or Carapana The Vallies are called Amariocapana and the people by that name also Vpon this Riuer Orenoco there is a pleasant Riuer for many kindes of victuals which is called Caroli and the people Cassipagotos This Countrie of Morrequito lyeth in some fiue or sixe degrees to the North of the Equinoctiall Line At the Point of the Riuer Caroli is the small Iland called Caiama The Inhabitants of this Iland Caiama are enemies to the Epuremi Here is a very great fall of Land water Canuri lyeth in the Prouince of Morrequito The Gouernour is called Wanuretona The Epuremians are richest in gold onely These people called Epuremi haue many enemies but three especially which are very strong which are these the Cassipagotos Eparigotos and Arawagotos Hee that will passe the Mountaines of Curaa shall finde store of gold which is farre to the West The Riuer Arni runneth continually North and so to the Riuer Cassipa and from thence into Orenoco neere vnto the Riuer Arui are two Riuers the one is called Atoica the other Caera and also one branch which is called Caora To the Westward of Caroli is a fourth Riuer which is called Casnero it falleth into Orenoco on the side of Amapaia The first Riuer that falleth into Orenoco from the North is called Cari. Beyond it on the same side is the Riuer Limo to the West of it is the Riuer Paoo and beyond that are the Riuers Caturi and Voari and another called Capuri which is dangerous to enter To the Westward of Capuri in the Prouince of Amapaia is most vile vnwholsome and bad water to drinke it is of a bad tawnie colour it hath killed many a man both Indians and others They say this water commeth from Anebas On the North part of Peru is a way to enter into Orenoco as I haue heard by the Indians The first place whereby they are to passe is called Guicar the second Goanâ—â— and so to the Riuer of Papemena which is the Riuer that runneth toward the Iland of the Amazones Neere vnto the Iland of the Amazones is the famous Iland of Athul The Riuer Ubra beating to the West of Carthagena beareth to the Southward of the Iland of the Amazones This Riuer Vbra if you stand to the South-west leadeth to a part of Aromaijo which is called Eregoodawe This Countrie of Eregoodawe is very Mountainous and nothing fruitfull it is inhabited by the Coman Ibes They haue Ginny wheat but no store and very little Cassaui Venison Hogs and Conies they haue in great abundance The King or chiefe Gouernour of this Prouince or part of Aromaijo which is called Eregoodawe is one which beareth great sway in those parts whose name is Oromona But all are chiefly commanded by Tapuawary King of Morrequito In mine vndertaking the discouerie of the North part of Orenoco I was aduertised by certaine Indian Pilots that I should finde a perfect and readie way to goe to Peru. In which my trauell I fell by reason of a great storme into a Riuer which is called by the Indians Salma This Riuer is not great in three dayes I passed through this Riuer and entred into the Riuer of Papemena This Riuer of Papemena is more in my iudgement then fiue or sixe Leagues broad North North-west of this Riuer is the Iland of the Amazones But leauing that course I came to the most sweete pleasant and temperate Iland which is called Athul If I had had companie to my liking I could haue found in mine heart to haue stayed there and spent my life Athul is not rich in mettals but some stones I found in the fresh-water Riuers for there are great store of fresh-water Riuers and no want neither of Fish Tortoyses which the Indians name Catsepames Foules nor other good things It hath Wood great store Fruites all the yeere in abundance many good places to make a Towne if you will Cotton and Balsamum Brasill Lignum vitae Cypresses and many other sweete trees The earth of this Iland doth promise to the eye to be good it is very sad and much like to Oare which I found in diuers places I cannot report of the goodnesse of the stones because my knowledge in them is nothing Athul is not inhabited by any The Iland is small and for feare of the Caribes there is no body I returned from this good Iland Athul toward the Riuer of Orenoco because I found my labour was lost For to finde the way to Peru that way was impossible And to make my iourney the shorter I returned by the Riuer Papemena but left the Riuer of Salma cleane and came my directest way to Orenoco which mine Indian Pilots held to bee through the Riuer of Limo and so I came into the Riuer of Orenoco Then I went from Orenoco and held my course altogether Westerly because I found the West most rich although it was most dangerous to trauaile thither I meane farre into the Countrie by reason of the Epuremi which liue continually in armes and hold warres against many Nations but against three Nations especially These are as I wrote before the Cassipagotos the Eparigotos and the Arawagotos My desire was to goe to Curaa and from Orenoco I first entred into the Riuer of Cosnero and so coasted to Amapaia where is the bad tawnie water which before I mentioned from thence I went to the Riuer Paoo and within sixe weekes after I departed out of the Riuer of Orenoco I came to the rich Countrie of Curaa The Countrie of Curaa is in the Prouince of Guiana or Manoa where are the mynes of white stone in which mynes is much naturall and fine gold which the Indians call Callicurij The gold in this place I say in Manoa or Guiana runneth betweene the stones like veines of which gold I had some store but now the Spaniard is the better for it In Curaa is also gold in small graines which lye in the sands in the little Riuers or Brookes I alwayes tooke those graines for the finest gold In these Riuers where gold lyeth are many Aligattos or Crocodiles I heard by the Nation of the Tiuitiuans that a place called Tulahe had many good things in it but I
rest in the Sea Now of the fight betwixt the Whale and his contraries which are the Sword-fish and the Thresher The Sword-fish is not great but strongly made and in the top of his chine as a man may say betwixt the necke and shoulders he hath a manner of Sword in substance like vnto a bone of foure or fiue inches broad and aboue three foote long full of prickles of either side it is but thinne for the greatest that I haue seene hath not beene aboue a finger thicke The Thresher is a greater fish whose taile is very broad and thicke and very weighty They fight in this manner the Sword-fish placeth himselfe vnder the belly of the Whale and the Thresher vpon the Ryme of the water and with his tayle thresheth vpon the head of the Whale till he force him to giue way which the Sword-fish perceiuing receiueth him vpon his sword and wounding him in the belly forceth him to mount vp againe besides that he cannot abide long vnder water but must of force rise vp to breath and when in such manner they torment him that the fight is sometimes heard aboue three leagues distance and I dare affirme that I haue heard the blowes of the Thresher two leagues off as the report of a peece of Ordnance the Whales roaring being heard much farther It also happeneth sundry times that a great part of the water of the Sea round about them with the bloud of the Whale changeth his colour The best remedy the Whale hath in this extremitie to helpe himselfe is to get him to land which hee procureth as soone as he discouereth his aduersaries and getting the shore there can fight but one with him and for either of them hand to hand he is too good Amber-greece is thought by some to breede in the Whales belly by eating of a certaine hearb but that which carrieth likliest probabilitie is that it is a liquor which issueth out of certaine Fountaines in sundry Seas and being of a light and thicke substance participating of the Ayre suddenly becommeth hard as the yellow Amber of which they make Beades which is also a liquor of a Fountaine in the Germaine Sea in the bottome it is soft and white and partaking of the Ayre becommeth hard and stonie Also the Corrall in the Sea is soft but commeth into the Ayre becommeth a stone Those who are of this former opinion thinke the reason why the Amber-greece is sometimes found in the Whale to be for that hee swalloweth it as other things which he findeth swimming vpon the water and not able to digest it it remaineth with him till his death From the Tropicke of Cancer to three or foure degrees of the Equinoctiall the breze which is the North-east winde doth raigne in our Ocean Sea the most part of the yeere except it be neere the shore and then the winde is variable In three or foure degrees of either side the line the winde hangeth Southerly in the moneths of Iuly August September and October all the rest of the yeere from the Cape bona esperança to the Ilands of Azores the breze raigneth continually and some yeares in the other moneths also or calmes but he that purposeth to crosse the line from the Northwards to the Southwards the best and surest passage is in the moneths of Ianuary February and March In the moneths of September October and Nouember is also good passage but not so sure as in the former Betwixt nineteene and twenty degrees to the Southwards of the line the winde tooke vs contrary which together with the sicknesse of my people made me to seeke the shore and about the end of October we had sight of the land which presently by our height and the making of it discouered it selfe to be the Port of Santos alias nostra Senora de Victoria and is easie to be knowne for it hath a great high hill ouer the Port which howsoeuer a man commeth with the land riseth like a bell and comming neere the shore presently is discouered a white Tower or Fort which standeth vpon the top of a hill ouer the Harbour and vpon the Sea-most-land It is the first land a man must compasse before he enter into the Port comming within two leagues of the shore we anchored and the Captaines and Masters of my other Ships being come aboord it was thought conuenient the weakenesse of our men considered for wee had not in our three Ships twenty foure men sound and the winde vncertaine when it might change wee thought with policie to procure that which we could not by force and so to offer traffique to the people of the shore Entring the Port within a quarter of a mile is a small Village and three leagues higher vp is the chiefe towne where they haue two Forts one on either side of the Harbour and within them ride the Ships whih come thither to discharge or loade In the small Village is euer a Garrison of a hundreth Souldiers whereof part assist there continually and in the white Tower vpon the top of the hill which commandeth it Here my Captaine whom I sent with a Letter had good entertainment and those of the shore receiued his message and Letter dispatching it presently to the Gouernor who was some three leagues off in another place at least they beare vs so in hand In the time that they expected the Post my Captaine with one other entertained himselfe with the Souldiers ashore who after the common custome of their profession except when they be besonios sought to please him and finding that he craued but Oranges Lemmons and matters of small moment for refreshing for his Generall they suffered the women and children to bring him what he would which he gratified with double Pistolets that I had giuen him for that purpose So got he vs two or three hundreth Oranges and Lemmons and some few Hens The answere of the Gouernor was that he was sorry that he could not accomplish our desire being so reasonable good for that in consideration of the war betweene Spaine and England he had expresse order from his King not to suffer any English to trade within his iurisdiction no nor to land or to take any refreshing vpon the shore And therefore craued pardon and that we should take this for a resolute answere And further required vs to depart the Port within three daies which he said he gaue vs for our courteous manner of proceeding If any of my people from that time forwards should approach to the shore that hee would doe his best to hinder and annoy them With this answere we resolued to depart and before it came with the first faire winde we determined to be packing but the winde suffered vs not all that night nor the next day In which time I liued in a great perplexitie for that I knew our owne weakenesse and what they might doe vnto vs if that they had knowne so much
torment and paine which is such that he who hath beene throughly punished with the Collique can quickly decipher or demonstrate The Antidote for this pernicious worme is Garlique and this was discouered by a Phisitian to a Religious person §. III. THARLTONS treacherie Discouerie of Land vnknowne Entrance of the Straits accidents therein and description thereof diuers occasionall discourses for the furtherance of Marine and Naturall knowledge IN our Nauigation towards the Straits by our obseruation we found that our Compasse varied a point and better to the Eastwards In the height of the Riuer of Plate we being some fiftie leagues off the coast a storme tooke vs Southerly which endured fortie eight houres In the first day about the going downe of the Sunne Robert Tharlton Master of the Francie bare vp before the winde without giuing vs any token or signe that she was in distresse We seeing her to continue her course bare vp after her and the night comming on we carried our light but she neuer answered vs for they kept their course directly for England which was the ouerthrow of the Voyage as well for that we had no Pinnace to goe before vs to discouer any danger to seeke out roades and anchoring to helpe our watering and refreshing as also for the victuals necessaries and men which they carried away with them which though they were not many yet with their helpe in our fight we had taken the Vice-admirall the first time shee bourded with vs as shall be hereafter manifested For once we cleered her Decke and had wee beene able to haue spared but a dozen men doubtlesse we had done with her what we would for she had no close fights Moreouer if she had beene with me I had not beene discouered vpon the coast of Peâ—ew But I was worthy to be deceiued that trusted my Ship in the hands of on hypocrite and a man which had left his Generall before in the like occasion and in the selfe same place for being with Master Thomas Candish Master of a small Shippe in the Voyage wherein hee died this Captaine being aboord the Admirall in the night time forsocke his Fleete his Generall and Captaine and returned home Pitie it is that such perfidious persons are not more seuerely punished These absentings and escapes are made most times onely to pâ—lâ—er and steale as well by taking of some prize when they are alone and without command to hinder or order their bad proceedings as to appropriate that which is in their intrusted shippe casting the fault if they bee called to account vpon some poore and vnknowne MarineÌ„rs whom they suffer with a little pillage to absent themselues the cunninglier to colour their greatest disorders and Robberies The storme ceasing and being out of all hope wee set saile and went on our course During this storme certaine great Fowles as bigge as Swannes soared about vs and the winde calming setled themselues in the Sea and fed vpon the sweepings of our ship which I perceiuing and desirous to see of them because they seemed farre greater then in truth they were I caused a Hook and Line to be brought me and with a piece of a Pilehard I baâ—ted the Hooke and a foot from it tied a piece of Corke that it might not sinke deepe and threw it into the Sâ—a which our ship driuing with the Sea in a little time was a good space from vs and one of the Fowles beeing hungry presently seized vpon it and the Hooke in his vpper beake It is like to a Faulcons bill but that the point is moore crooked in that manner as by no meanes hee could cleere himselfe except that the Line brake or the Hooke righted Plucking him towards the ship with the wauing of his wings he eased the weight of his body and being brought to the sterne of our ship two of our company went downe by the ladder of the Poope and seized on his neck and wings but such were the blowes he gaue them with his Pinnions as both left their hand fast beeing beaten blacke and blue we cast a snare about his necke and so triced him into the ship By the same manner of fishing we caught so many of them as refreshed and recreated all my people for that day Their bodies were great but of little flesh and tender in taste answerable to the food whereon they feed They were of two colours some white some grey they had three ioynts in each wing and from the point of one wing to the point of the other both stretched out was aboue two fathomes The wind continued good with vs till we came to 49. degrees and 30. minutes where it took vs Westerly being as we made our account some fifty leagues from the shoare Betwixâ— 49. and 48. degrees is Port Saint Iulian a good Harbour and in which a man may graue his shippe though she draw fifteene or sixteene foot water But care is to bee had of the people called Patagones They are treacherous and of great stature most giue them the name of Gâ—ants The second of February about nine of the clocke in the morning wee descried land which bare South-west of vs which we looked not for so timely and comming neerer and neerer vnto it by the lying wee could not coniecture what Land it should be for wee were next of any thing in 48. degrees and no Plat nor Sea-card which we had made mention of any Land which lay in that manner neere about that height In fine wee brought our Lar-boord tacke aboord and stood to the North-east-wards all that day and night and the winde continuing Westerly and a faire gale we continued our course alongst the Coast the day and night following In which time we made account we discouered well neere threescore leagues off the Coast. It is bold and made small shew of dangers The land is a goodly Champion Countrey and peopled wee saw many fires but could not come to speake with the people for the time of the yeere was farre spent to shoote the Straits and the want of our Pinnasse disabled vs for finding a Port or Road not being discretion with a ship of charge and in an vnknowne Coast to come neere the shoare before it was founded which were causes together with the change of the winde good for vs to passe the Strait that hindered the further Discouery of this Land with its secrets This I haue sorrowed for many times since for that it had likelihood to bee an excellent Countrey It hath great Riuers of fresh waters for the out-shoot of them colours the Sea in many places as we ranne alongst it It is not Moâ—ntaynous but much of the disposition of England and as temperate The things we noted principally on the Coast are these following the Westermost point of the Land with which wee first fell is the end of the Land to the Westwards as wee found afterwards If a man bring this
yet rich of Gold The nineteenth of Aprill being Easter-euen we anchored vnder the Iland Mocha It lyeth in thirty nine degrees it may bee some foure leagues ouer and is a high mountaynous Hill but round about the foot thereof some halfe league from the Sea-shore it is Champaine ground wel inhabited and manured From the Straits to this Iland we found that either the Coast is set out more Westerâ—y then it is or that we had a great current which put vs to the Westwards for wee had not sight of Land in three dayes after our reckoning was to see it but for that wee coasted not the Land I cannot determine whether it was caused by the current or lying of the Land But Spaniards which haue sayled alongst it haue told me that it is a bold and safe Coast and reasonable sounding of it In this Iland of Mocha we had communication and contractation with the Inhabitants but with great vigilancie and care for they and all the people of Chily are mortall enemies to the Spaniards and held vs to bee of them and so esteemed Sir Francis Drake when hee was in this Iland whâ—ch was the first Land also that hee touched on this Coast. They vsed him with so fine a treachery that they possessed themselues of all the Oares in his Boat sauing two and in striuing to get them also they slue and hurt all his men himselfe who had fewest wounds had three and two of them in the head Two of his company which liued long after had the one seuenteene his name was Iohn Bruer who afterward was Pilot with Master Candish and the other aboue twentie a Negro Seruant to Sir Francis Drake And with me they vsed a policie which amongst barbarous people was not to be imagined although I wrought sure for I suffered none to treate with me nor with my people with Armes Wee were armed and met vpon a Rocke compassed with water whether they came to parley and negotiate Beeing in communication with the Casiques and others many of the Indians came to the heads of our Boates and some went into them Certaine of my people standing to defend the Boats with their Oares for that there went a bad sege were forced to lay downe their Muskets which the Indians perceiuing endeauoured to fill the barrels with water taking it out of the Sea in the hollow of their hands By chance casting mine eye aside I discouered their flynesse and with a Truncheon which I had in mine hand gaue the Indians three or foure good Lambeskinnes The sheepe of this Iland are great good and fat I haue not tasted better Mutton any where They were as ours and doubtlesse of the breed of those which the Spaniards brought into the Countrey Of the sheepe of the Countrey wee could by no meanes procure any one although we saw of them and vsed meanes to haue had of them This Iland is situate in the Prouince of Arawea and is held to bee peopled with the most valiant Nation in all Chily though generally the Inhabitants of that Kingdome are very couragious They are clothed after the manner of antiquitie all of woollen their Cassockes made like a Sacke square with two holes for the two armes and one for the head all open below without lining or other art but of them some are most curiously wouen and in colours and on both sides alike Their houses are made round in fashion like vnto our Pidgeon houses with a louer in the top to euacuate the smoake when they make fire They brought vs a strange kinde of Tobacco made into little cakes like Pitch of a bad smell with holes through the middle and so laced many vpon a string The people of this Iland as of all Chily are of good stature and well made and of better countenance then those Indians which I haue seene in many parts They are of good vnderstanding and agilitie and of great strength Their weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Macanas their Bowes short and strong and their Arrowes of a small Reed or Cane three quarters of a yard long with two Feathers and headed with a flint-stone which is loose and hurting the head remaineth in the wound some are headed with bone and some with hard wood halfe burnt in the fire We came betwixt the Iland and the Mayne On the South-west part of the Iland lieth a great ledge of Rockes which are dangerous and it is good to be carefull how to come too neere the Iland on all parts Immediatly when they discouered vs both vpon the Iland and the Mayne wee might see them make sundry great fires which were to giue aduice to the rest of the people to bee in a readinesse for they haue continuall and mortall warre with the Spaniards and the shippes they see they beleeue to be their Enemies The Citie Imperiall lyeth ouer against this Iland but eight or ten leagues into the Countrey for all the Sea-coast from Baldiuia till thirtie sixe Degrees the Indians haue now in a manner in their hands free from any Spaniards Hauing refreshed our selues well in this Iland for that little time we stayed which was some three dayes we set sayle with great ioy and with a faire winde sayled alongst the Coast and some eight leagues to the North-wards wee anchored againe in a goodly Bay and sent our Boats ashoare with desire to speake with some of the Indians of Arawca and to see if they would be content to entertaine amitie or to chop and change with vs. But all that night and the next morning appeared not one person and so we set saile againe and towards the Euening the wind began to change and to blow contrary and that so much and the Sea to rise so suddenly that wee could not take in our Boats without spoyling of them This storme continued with vs tenne dayes beyond expectation for that wee thought our selues out of the Climate of fowle weather but truely it was one of the sharpest stormes that euer I felt to endure so long The storme tooke end and we shaped our course for the Iland of Saint Maries which lyeth in thirtie seuen degrees and fortie minutes and before you come vnto the Iland some two leagues in the Trade way lieth a Rocke which afarre off seemeth to be a ship vnder sayle This Iland is little and low but fertill and well peopled with Indians and some few Spaniards in it Some ten leagues to the Northwards of this Iland lieth the Citie Conception with a good Port from this wee coasted alongst till wee came in thirtie three degrees and forty minutes In which height lay the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes betwixt threescore and fourescore leagues from the shoare plentifull of fiâ—h and good for refreshing I purposed for many reasons not to discouer my selfe vpon this Coast till we were past Lyma otherwise called Ciuidad de los Reyes for that it
and parting In the warres of France in the time of Queene Marie and in other warres as I haue heard of many ancient Captaines the Companie had but the fourth part and euery man bound to bring with him the Armes with which he would fightâ— which in our time I haue knowne also vsed in France and if the Companie victualed themselues they had then the one halfe and the Owners the other halfe for the ship powder shot and munition If any Prize were taken it was sold by the tunne ship and goods so as the loading permitted it that the Merchant hauing bought the goods hee might presently transport them whither soeuer he would By this manner of proceeding all rested contented all being truly payd for this was iust dealing if any deserued reward he was recompenced out of the generall stocke If any one had filched or stolne or committed offence he had likewise his desert and who once was knowne to be a disordered person or a thiefe no man would receiue him into his ship whereas now a dayes many vaâ—â—t themselues of their thefts and disorders yea I haue seene the common sort of Mariners vnder the name of pillage maintaine and iustifie their robberies most iâ—solently before the Queens Maiesties Commissioners with arrogant and vnseemly termes Opinion hath hold such for tall fellowes when in truth they neuer proue the best men in difficult occasions For their mindes are all set on spoyle and can be well contented to suffer their associates to beare the brunt whilest they are prolling after pillage the better to gaine and maintaine the aforesaid attributes in Tauernes and disorderly places For the orderly and quiet men I haue euer found in all occasions to be of best vse most valiant and of greatest sufficiency Yet I coâ—demne none but those who will be reputed valiant and are not examine the accusation All whatsoeuer is found vpon the Decke going for Merchandise is exempted out of the censure of pillage Silkes Linnen or Woollen cloth in whole pieces Apparell that goeth to be sold or other goods whatsoeuer though they be in remnants manifestly knowne to bee carried for that end or being comprehended in the Register or Bills of lading are not to be contayned vnder the name of Pillage But as I haue said of the consort so can I not but complaine of many Captaines and Gouernours who ouercome with like greedy desire of gaine condiscend to the smothering and suppressing of this ancient discipline the cleanlier to smother their owne disloyalties in suffering these breake-bulkes to escape and absent themselues till the heate be past and partition made Some of these cause the Bills of lading to be cast into the Sea or so to be hidden that they neuer appeare Others send away their prisoners who sometimes are more worth then the ship and her lading because they should not discouer their secret stolne treasure for many times that which is left out of the Register or Bills of lading with purpose to defraud the Prince of his Customes in their conceits held to be excessiue is of much more value then that which the ship and lading is worth Yea I haue knowne ships worth two hundred thousand pounds and better cleane swept of their principall riches nothing but the bare bulke being left vnsacked The like may be spoken of that which the disorderly Mariner and the Souldier termeth Pillage My Father Sir Iohn Hawkins in his instructions in actions vnder his charge had this particular Article That whosoeuer rendred or tooke any ship should be bound to exhibite the Bills of lading to keepe the Captaine Master Merchants and persons of account and to bring them to him to be examined or into England If they should bee by any accident separated from him whatsoeuer was found wanting the prisoners being examined was to be made good by the Captaine and Companie which tooke the ship and this vpon great punishments Running alongst the coast till wee came within few leagues of Arica nothing happened vnto vs of extraordinarie noueltie or moment for wee had the Breze fauourable which seldome happeneth in this climate finding our selues in 19. degrees wee haled the shoare close aboord purposing to see if there were any shippiâ—g in the Road of Arica It standeth in a great large Bay in 18. degrees and before you come to it a league to the Southwards of the Road and Towne is a great round Hill higher then the rest of the land of the Bay neere about the Towne which we hauing discouered had â—ight presently of a small Barque close aboord the shoare becalmed manning our Boat wee toke her being loden with fish from Moormereno which is a goodly head-land very high and lieth betwixt 24. and 25. degrees and whether ordinarily some Baâ—ques vse to goe a fishing euery yeere In her was a Spaniard and sixe Indians The Spaniard for that he was neere the shoare swam vnto the Rockes and though we offered to returne him his barke and fish as was our meaning yet he refused to accept it and made vs answere that he durst not for feare lest the Iustice should punish him In so great subiection are the poore vnto those who haue the administration of Iustice in those parts and in most parts of the Kingdomes and Countries subiect to Spaine Insomuch that to heare the Iustice to enter in at their doores is to them destruction and desolation for this cause wee carried her alongst with vs. In this meane while wee had sight of another tall ship comming out of the Sea which wee gaue chase vnto but could not fetch vp being too good of sayle for vs. Our small Prize and Boate standing off vnto vs descried another shippe which they chased and tooke also loden with fish comming from the Ilands of Iuan Fernandes After we opened the Bay and Port of Arica but seeing it cleane without shipping wee haled the coast alongst and going aboord to visite the bigger Prize my Companie saluted mee with a vollie of small shot Amongst them one Musket brake and carried away the hand of him that shot it through his owne default which for that I haue seene to happen many times I thinke it necessary to note in this place that others may take warning by his harme The cause of the Muskets breaking was the charging with two bullets the powder being ordayned to carrie but the weight of one and the Musket not to suffer two charges of powder or shot By this ouersight the fire is restrained with the ouerplus of the weight of shot and not being able to force both of them out breaketh all to pieces so to finde a way to its owne Centre And I am of opinion that it is a great errour to proue great Ordnance or small shot with double charges of powder or shot my reason is for that ordinarily the mettall is proportioned to the waight of the shot which the Peece is to beare and the
powder correspondent to the waight of the bullet and this being granted I see no reason why any man should require to proue his peece with more then is belonging to it of right for I haue seene many goodly peeces broken with such trials being cleane without hony combes cracke flawe or other perceauable blemish which no doubt wiâ—h their ordinary allowance would haue serued many yeares If I should make choice for my selfe I would not willingly that any peece should come into Fort or ship vnder my charge which had borne at any time more then his ordinary allowance misdoubting least through the violence of the double charge the Peece may be crased within or so forced as at another occasion with his ordinary allowance he might breake in peeces how many men so many mindes for to others this may seeme harsh for that the contrary custome hath so long time beene receiued and therefore I submit to better experience and contradict not but that in a demy culuering a man may put two Saker or Minion shots or many of smaller waight and so in a Musket two Calieuer shot or many smaller so they exceede not the ordinary waight prescribed by proportion art and experience Hauing visited our prizes and finding in them nothing but fish we tooke a small portion for our victualling and gaue the bigger Ship to the Spaniards againe and the lesser wee kept with purpose to make her our Pinnace The Indians which we tooke in her would by no meanes depart from vs but desired to goe with vs for England saying that the Indian and English were brothers and in all places where wee came they shewed them selues much affectionated vnto vs. These were Natiues of Moremoreno and the most brutish of all that euer I had seene and except it were in forme of men and speech they seemed altogether voide of that which appertained to reasonable men They were expert swimmers but after the manner of Spaniels they diue and abide vnder water a long time and swallow the water of the Sea as if it were of a fresh Riuer except a man see them he would hardly beleeue how they continue in the Sea as if they were Mermaides and the water their naturall Element Their Countrie is most barren and poore of foode if they take a fish aliue out of the Sea or meete with a peece of salted fish they will deuoure it without any dressing as sauourly as if it had beene most curiously sodden or dressed all which makes me beleeue that they sustaine themselues of that which they catch in the Sea The Spaniards profit themselues of their labour and trauell and recompence them badly they are in worse condition then their slaues for to those they giue sustenance house-roome and clothing and teach them the knowledge of God but the other they vse as beasts to doe their labour without wages or care of their bodies or soules §. V. The Viceroy sends an Armado against the English which vieweth them and returneth is againe set forth their fight the English yeelde vpon composition Diuers martiall discourses BY generall accord we eased our selues of a leake prise and continued our course alongst the coast till we came thwart of the Bay of Pisco which lyeth within 15. degrees and 15. minutes Presently after we were cleare of Cape Sangalean and his Ilands we ranged this Bay with our Boate and Pinnace It hath two small Ilands in it but without fruite and being becalmed we anchored two dayes thwart of Chilca By Sea and by Land those of Clyly had giuen aduise to Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoca Marquis of Cauete Vice-roy of Peru resident in Lima of our being on the Coast. He presently with all possible diligence put out six Ships in warlike order with well neere two thousand men and dispatched them to seeke vs and to fight with vs vnder the conduct of Don Beâ—â—rian de Castro Ydelaluca his wiues brother who departing out of the Port of Callao turned to wind-ward in sight ouer the shore from whence they had daily intelligence where wee had beene discouered And the next day after our departure out of Chilca about the middle of May at breake of day we had sight each of other thwart of Cauete we being to wind-wards of the Spanish Armado some two leagues and all with little or no winde Our Pinnace or prize being furnished with Oares came vnto vs out of which we thought to haue taken our men and so to leaue her but being able to come vnto vs at all times it was held for better to keepe her till necessitie forced vs to leaue her and so it was determined that if we came to likelihood of boording she should lay our Boate aboord and enter all her men and from thence to enter our Ship and â—o to forsake her Although by the euent in that occasion this proued good notwithstanding I hold it to be reproued where the enemy is farre superiour in multitude and force and able to come and boord if he list and that the surest course is to fortifie the principall and the best that may be and to cut off all impediments where a man is forced to defence for that no man is assured to haue time answerable to his purpose and will and vpon doubt whether the others in hope to saue themselues will not leaue him in greatest extremitie We presently put our selues in the best order we could to fight and to defend our selues our prayers we made vnto the Lord God of battels for his helpe and our deliuerance putting our selues wholly into his hands About nine of the clocke the Brese began to blow and wee to stand off into the Sea the Spaniards cheeke by iole with vs euer getting to the wind-wards vpon vs for that the shipping of the South Sea is euer moulded sharpe vnder water and long all their voyages depending vpon turning to wind-wards and the Brese blowing euer Southerly As the Sunne began to mount aloft the winde began to fresh which together with the rowling Sea that euer beateth vpon this coast comming out of the westerne-bourd caused a chapping Sea wherewith the Admirall of the Spaniards snapt his maine Mast asunder and so began to lagge a sterne and with him other two Ships The Vice-admirall split her maine-saile being come within shot of vs vpon our broad side but to lee-wards the Reare-admirall cracked her maine-yard asunder in the middest being a head of vs one of the Armado which had gotten vpon the broad side of vs to wind-wards durst not assault vs. With these disgraces vpon them and the hand of God helping and deliuering vs night comming we began to consult what course was best to be taken to free our selues wherein were diuers opinions some said it was best to stand off to the Sea close by all the night others to lye it a hull others to cast about to the shoare-wards two glasses and after all the night to
build their principall shipping from this Riuer Lima and all the valleyes are furnished with Timber for they haue none but that which is brought from hence or from the Kingdome of Chile By this Riuer passeth the principall trade of the Kingdome of Quito it is Nauigable some leagues into the Land and hath great abundance of Timber Those of the Peru vse to ground and trim their Shippes in Puma or in Panama and in all other parts they are forced to carene their Shippes In Puma it higheth and falleth fifteene or sixteene foote water and from this Iland till a man come to Panama in all the coast it ebbeth and floweth more or lesse keeping the ordinary course which the Tides doe in all Seas The water of this Riuer by experience is medicinable for all aches of the bones for the stone and strangurie the reason which is giuen is because all the bankes and low land adioyning to this Riuer are replenished with Salsaperillia which lying for the most part soaking in the water it participateth of this vertue and giueth it this force In this Riuer and all the Riuers of this coast are great abundance of Alagartoes and it is said that this exceedeth the rest for persons of credit haue certified me that as small fishes in other Riuers abound in scoales so the Alagartoes in this they doe much hurt to the Indians and Spaniards and are dreadfull to all whom they catch within their clutches Some fiue or six leagues to the North-wards of Puma is la Punta de Santa Elena vnder which is good anchoring cleane ground and reasonable succour Being thwart of this point wee had sight of a Shippe which wee chased but being of better saile then wee and the night comming on we lost sight of her and so anchored vnder the Isla de Plata to recouer our Pinnace and Boate which had gone about the other point of the Iland which lyeth in two degrees and fortie minutes The next day we past in sight of Puerto Vicjo in two degrees ten minutes which lying without shipping we directed our course for Cape Passaos It lyeth directly vnder the Equinoctiall line some fourescore leagues to the West-wards of this Cape lyeth a heape of Ilands the Spaniards call Illas de los Galapagos they are desert and beare no fruite from Cape Passaos we directed our course to Cape Saint Francisco which lyeth in one degree to the North-wards of the line and being thwart of it we descried a small Shippe which we chased all that day and night and the next morning our Pinnace came to bourd her but being a Ship of aduise and full of passengers and our Ship not able to fetch her vp they entreated our people badly and freed themselues though the feare they conceiued caused them to cast all the dispatches of the King as also of particulars into the Sea with a great part of their loading to be lighter and better of saile for the Ships of the South Sea loade themselues like lighters or sand barges presuming vpon the securitie from stormes Being out of hope to fetch vp this Shippe we stood in with the Cape where the Land beginneth to trend about to the East-wards The Cape is high land and all couered ouer with trees and so is the land ouer the Cape and all the coast from this Cape to Panama is full of wood from the Straits of Magelan to this Cape of San Francisco In all the coast from head-land to head-land the courses lye betwixt the North and North and by West and sometimes more Westerly and that but seldome It is a bold coast and subiect to little foule weather or alteration of windes for the Brese which is the Southerly winde bloweth continually from Balparizo to Cape San Francisco except it be a great chance Trending about the Cape wee haled in East North-east to fetch the Bay of Atacames which lyeth some seuen leagues from the Cape In the mid way some three leagues from the shore lyeth a banke of sand whereof a man must haue a care for in some parts of it there is but little water The tenth of Iune we came to an anchor in the Bay of Atacames which on the Wester part hath a round hammock It seemeth an Iland in high Springs I iudge that the Sea goeth round about it To the Eastwards it hath a high sandie Cliffe and in the middest of the Bay a faire birth from the shoare lieth a bigge blacke Rocke aboue water from this Rocke to the sandy Cliffe is a drowned Marsh ground caused by his lownesse And a great Riuer which is broad but of no depth Manning our Boate and running to the shoare wee found presently in the Westerne bight of the Bay a deepe Riuer whose Indraught was so great that we could not benefit our selues of it being brackish except at a low water which hindred our dispatch yet in fiue dayes wee filled all our emptie Caske supplied ouâ— want of wood and grounded and put in order our Pinnasse Here for that our Indians serued vs to no other vse but to consume our victuals we eased our selues of them gaue them Hookes and Lines which they craued and some bread for a few dayes and replanted them in a rarre better Countrey then their owne which fell out luckily for the Spaniards of the Shippe which wee chased thwart of Cape San Francisco for victuals growing short with her hauing many mouthes shee was forced to put ashoare fifty of her passengers neere the Cape whereof more then the one halfe died with famine and continuall wading through Riuers and waters the rest by chance meeting with the Indians which we had put ashore with their fishing guide and industry were refreshed sustained and brought to habitation Our necessary businesse being ended we purposed the fifteenth day of May in the morning to setsaile but the foureteenth in the euâ—ning we had sight of a Shippe some three leagues to Sea-wards and through the importunitie of my Captaine and Companie I condiscended that our Pinnace should giue her chase which I should not haue done for it was our destruction I gaue them precise order that if they stood not in againe at night they should seeke me at Cape San Francisco for the next morning I purposed to set sayle without delay and so seeing that our Pinnace slowed her comming at nine of the clocke in the morning we waied our Anchors and stood for the Cape where we beate off and on two dayes and our Pinnace not appearing wee stood againe into the Bay where we descried heâ— turning in without a maine Mast which standing off to the Sea close by with much winde and a ch 〈…〉 ng Seâ— bearing a taut-sayle where a little was too much being to small purpose sodainely tâ—ey bare it by the bourd and standing in with the shore the winde or rather God blinding thâ—m for our punishment they knew not the
hee would send some of them in the Kings Packet others to his Vncle Don Rodrigo de Castro Cardinall and Archbishop of Seuill and to other friends of his Not making any doubt but that they would bee speedily in England For which I thanked him and accepted his courtesie and although I was my selfe vnable to write yet by the hands of a seruant of mine I wrote three or foure copies of one Letter to my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins In which I briefly made relation of all that had succeeded in our Voyage The dispatches of Spaine and New Spaine went by ordinarie course in ships of aduice but that for the Peru was sent by a kinsman of the Generals called Don Francisco de la Cuena Which being dispatched Don Beltran hasted all that euer he could to put his ships in order to returne to Lyma Hee caused the Daintie to be grounded and trimmed for in those Ilands it higheth and falleth some fifteene or sixteene foot water And the Generall with his Captaines and some Religious men being aboord her and new naming her named her the Uisitation for that shee was rendred on the day on which they celebrate the Visitation of the Virgin Marie In that place the ground being plaine and without vantage whereby to helpe the tender sided and sharpe Ships they are forced to shoare them on either side In the middest of their solemnitie her props and shores of one side fayled and so shee fell ouer vpon that side suddenly intreating many of them which were in her very badly and doubtlesse had shee beene like the ships of the South Sea shee had broken out her bulge but being without Masts and emptie for in the South Sea when they bring aground a shippe they leaue neither Mast Balast nor any other thing aboord besides the bare Hull her strength was such as it made no great showe to haue receiued any dâ—mage but the feare shee put them all into was not little and caused them to runne out of her faster then a pace In these Ilands is no succour nor refreshing onely in the one of them is one house of straw and a little spring of small moment For the water which the Shippes vse for their prouision they fetch from another Iland two leagues West North-west of these which they call Tabaga hauing in it some fruit and refreshing and some few Indians to inhabite it What succeeded to mee and to the rest during our Imprisonment with the rarities and particularities of the Peru and Tierra firme my Voyage to Spaine and the successe with the time I spent in prison in the Peru in the Tercera in Seuill and in Madrid with the accidents which befell mee in them I leaue for a second part of this discourse if God giue life and conuenient place and rest necessarie for so tedious and troublesome a worke desiring God that is Almightie to giue his blessing to this and the rest of my intentions that it and they may be fruitfull to his glorie and to the good of all then shall my desires bee accomplished and I account my selfe most happie To whom be all glory and thankes from all eternitie CHAP. VI. A briefe Note written by Master IOHN ELLIS one of the Captaines with Sir RICHARD HAWKINS in his Voyage through the Strait of MACELAN begunne the ninth of Aprill 1593. concerning the said Straite and certaine places on the coast and Inland of Peru. THe second of Februarie 1593. wee fell with the Land of Terra Australis in 50 degrees fiftie fiue leagues off the Straite of Magelan which Land lay East and by North or East North-east from the Straite which is a part of Terra Australis from which Land wee entred the Straite vpon the West South-west course then we ran ten leagues West North-west other ten leagues West South-west then eight leagues South-west and came to an anchor on the starboord side in a hooke where you may moore any ship in twelue fathomes water From thence wee ranne South-west and by South seuen leagues where we came to an Iland called Penguin Iland and tooke in fiue or sixe tunnes of Penguins and flayed them and salted them Thence twelue leagues South South-west and found good riding in twelue fathoms fine sand from thence to Port Famine the new Towne of Pedro Sarmiento fiue leagues South-west Then West North-west sixteene leagues where we anchored in good riding Then North-west and by West till wee came to the Riuer of Geneuera on the starboord side eight leagues Then fiue leagues North-west Then North-west and by West thirtie leagues till wee came out of the Straite which is in length one hundred and eleuen leagues The mouth or entrance of the Straite is in thirtie two degrees and an halfe and the Out-let is in the same heigth The middle is in fiftie foure degrees and a terce After wee were come out of the Straite wee went away North-west and by North fortie leagues into the Sea then North vntill wee came to the Iland of Mocha which is in thirtie eight degrees and thirtie minutes where we had good trade with the People This I le is three leagues long where great reliefe of Mutton Mais and other things may bee had from the Indians This I le is twelue leagues from the mayne Land From thence wee went North and past by the I le of Saint Marie from thence vnto Valparaiso which standeth in thirtie three degrees into which Hauen I went with our Boate and tooke foure shippes in which wee had Wines and other good prouition and there wee remayned the space of twelue dayes And in this time I went on shoare and tooke fiue houses which were full of Wine and other good things And in this time there came a shippe by the Harbour which the Generall went to take but hee did not yet I with twelue men did take her and within one houre the Generall came to vs. The shippe had clothes of Cotton for men to weare of the Indian making and some Gold Valparaiso is a Port and a 〈◊〉 in the bottome of the Bay where they make excellent Wine From thence eighteene leagues into the Land is Saint Iago a great Towne of Spaniards From thence wee passed to Arica which is in twentie degrees as I take it All this Coast lieth North and South From thence wee passed to Pisco and Chincha where the Generall and the Master Hugh Cornish went to goe on shoare but they did not Heere wee met with sixe of the Kings shippes which came to seeke vs but at that time wee escaped them These places are in fourteene degrees and an halfe From thence wee passed by the Citie of Lima which is in twelue degrees and an halfe From thence by Paita which is an Hauen and a Towne and standeth in fiue degrees From thence wee passed by the Equinoctiall Line and went to Atacame where wee were taken the two and twentieth
which standeth on the North side of the Riuer These foresaid Spaniards were twentie yeeres in this place before any of them in Spaine heard of these poore mens dwelling in this Riuer But the Spaniards now waxing old and fearing that if they were dead that then there Sonnes which they had in this Countrey which were very many should liue without the knowledge of any other Christians determined among themselues to make a ship and so to send newes into Spaine with Letters vnto the King of all things that had passed within the Riuer among them Vpon this newes the King sent them three ships with a Bishop Friers and Priests and more men and women to inhabit with all kind of cattell When this succour was come they inhabited in two places more on the North side of the Riuer and trauelled three hundred leagues beyond the Ascension but found neither Gold nor Siluer but returned backe againe to Ascension the people are so multiplyed in this Citie that it is now one of the greatest Cities in all the Indies and hath aboue two thousand houses it is a fruitfull Countrey of all kind of victuall and there is Sugar and Cotton from this Citie of Ascension one hundred and fiftie leagues toward the Riuers mouth there is another Towne which they call Santa Fee Also fiue yeeres past they haue inhabited againe the Towne of Bonos Ayres on the South side because they would haue some Trade with them on the Coast of Brasill but there fortune was such that the first time that they went to Brasill and would haue returned to the Riuer of Plate againe they were taken by two shippes of England that were going to the Straits of Magellanes The Coast along from this Riuer to the Straits of Magellanes is a Land which hath not beene discouered neither by Sea nor Land sauing only certaine Ports which they haue seene going to the Straits The next that sought to passe the Straits after Magelanes were two shippes of Genoa which came to the mouth of the Straits and with a great storme were put back againe and one of them whose Master was called Pancaldo put into the Riuer of Plate and was cast away about Bonos Ayres and to this day there is part of the ship to be seene and some of the men are yet liuing in the Riuer among the Spaniards and the other ship went home to Genoa againe Also there was a Bishop of Placencia in Spaine coueting Riches made a fleet of foure ships to passe the Straits and so to goe vnto the Moluccas and getting license of the Emperour he sent his ships to the Straits and had very faire wind til they came thither and entring the Straits twentie leagues the storme of Westerly windes tooke them and droue three of them ashoare and the other went into the Sea and the storme being past hee returned into the Strait to seeke his companions and found many men going on the shoare side but the ships were â—eaten all in pieces and they on the Land called vnto the ship But the Captaine seeing that his ship was but little and had small store of victuals he would not goe to them ashoare but went on his Voyage and passed the Straits and because he was alone he would not goe to the Moluccas but went to the Coast of Peru vnto the Citie of Lamâ— where the ship is yet vnto this day the men that were in the Straits where the three ships were cast away were to the number of two hundred and fiftie men whose Captaine was called Queros being Kinsman to the Bishop of Placentia it is fortie yeeres since these men were left there but neuer heard of vnto this day A yeere after this certaine Merchants of the Groine in Galizia set forth other three ships which ship also came to the Straits mouth where one of them was cast away withall the men and the other returned for Spaine also I haue had intelligence that there hath beene certaine Portugall ships which haue come to the mouth of the Straits and loft two of their Pinnasses which they sent to know the Land and so the ships returned and after these other two French ships were sent from the Riuer of Ienero by Monsieur de villagagnon ouer for the Straits but when they came into the height of fortie fiue degrees they put backe againe by a great storme of contrary winds After all this the Gouernour of Chili called Don Garcia de Mendoza Sonne to the Marquesse of Taneta would also discouer the Straits from the South Sea and sent from Chili two ships with a Captaine called Latherelio but the danger to seeke the Straits by the South Sea is more then by the North Sea because all the stormes on the North Sea come from the Land and in the South Sea the wind and stormes came all out of the Sea and forceth the ship on the shoare so that these two ships were lost in fiftie degrees The seeking of the Straits of Magelanes is so dangerous and the Voyage so trouble some that it is almost vnpossible to be obtained so that for the space of thirtie yeeres no man made account of it till of late yeeres one Francis Drake an Englishman c. Captaine Drake carried from the Coast of Peru eight hundred sixtie sixe thousand pieces of siluer which is eight hundred sixtie sixe Kintals at a hundred pound waight the Kintall and euery Kintall is worth twelue hundred Duckets of Spaine which is a Million thirtie nine thousand and two hundred Duckets besides this he carried away a hundred thousand pieces of Gold which is ten Kintals and euery Kintall is worth fifteene hundred Duckets of Spaine which amounteth to a hundred and fiftie thousand Duckets besides that which hee had in the ship that was not customed which I doe not know of as well Pearles Precious stones and other things of great value besides the money he had in coine with all this he went towards Noua Hispania and at an Iland which is before you come there called The Iland of Cockles he discharged all things out of his ship and graued her there and remayned there fiftie dayes from hence he went along the Coast of Hispania where he tooke many ships laden with Spices Silkes and Veluets but no Gold nor Siluer for here is none on this Coast. Pedro Sarmiento was sent to the Straits with two ships and at the Straits met with a storme and he not knowing how nor which way in a night he was put into the Straits the other ship runne more into the Sea and came into fiftie eight degrees the storme being past he found many Ilands ioyning to the maine Lands and so returned with faire weather all along the shoare and neuer found any other way to enter the Straits but only that which Magellanes did discouer which is thought to be otherwise by the sayings of others which affirme the Straits to be full of Ilands to
fauour to seeke and discouer new Countries But the greatest and most notable discouery that hath beene from those parts now of late was that of the Isles of Salomon which were found in manner following The Licenciate Castro being gouernour of Peru sent forth a Fleete of Ships to discouer certaine Islands in the South Sea vpon the coast of Peru appointing as Generall of the same Fleete a kinsman of his called Aluares de Mendanio and Pedro Sarmiento as Lieutenant and in the Viceadmirall went Pedro de Ortega This Fleete departing forth of the hauen of Lima and sailing 800. leagues Westward off the coast of Peru found certaine Islands in eleuen degrees to the South of the Equinoctiall inhabited with a kinde of people of a yellowish complexion and all naked whose weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Darts The Beasts that they saw here were Hogs and little Dogs and they found some Hens Here also they found a muster of Cloues Ginger and Sinamon although the Sinamon were not of the best and here appeared vnto them likewise some shew of Gold The first Island that the Spaniards discouered they named Santa Izabella and here they built a small Pinnace with the which and with their Ships Boate they found out betweene nine and fifteene degrees of Southerly latitude eleuen great Islands being one with another of eightie leagues in compasse The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder called Guadalcanal on the coast whereof they sailed 150. leagues before they could know whether it were an Island or part of the maine land and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it but thinke that it may be part of that continent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellan for they coasted it to eighteene degrees and could not finde the end thereof The Gold that they found was vpon this Island or maine land of Guadalcanal whereas they landed and tooke a towne finding small graines of Gold hanged vp in the houses thereof But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the Countrey and also for that the Indians were very stout men and fought continually against them they could neuer learne from whence that Gold came nor yet what store was in the Land These Indians vse to goe to Sea in great Canoas that will carrie one hundred men a piece wherein they haue many conflicts one against another howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt for that with a small Pinnace and two Falcons a few may ouercome one hundred of them At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing rowed to land to take in fresh water whom on the sodaine certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon tooke the Ships Boate and slew all the men therein wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong nor yet be too warie in a strange land Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their Pinnace and burnt the Towne and in this towne they found the small graines of Gold before mentioned They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths at the end of which time because that vpon the coast where they were the winde continuing still in one place might be an occasion of longer tarrying they consulted which way to returne Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall wherefore sayling to the North of the line they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna on which coast they met with such terrible stormes that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-boord and to lye nine moneths beating it vp and downe in the Sea before they could get into any harbour of the Christians In which time by reason of euill gouernment and for lacke of victuals and fresh water most of the men in their Admirall dyed for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water nor meate but in the other Ships they behaued themselues so well that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land He that passeth the Straits of Magellan or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needes runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish your selfe with plenty of victuals as Hogs Hennes excellent Almonds Potatos Sugar-canes with diuers other sorts fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of Gold which the Indians will giue you in trucke for other commodities For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of Gold brought home notwithstanding 40000. pezos with them besides great store of Cloues and Ginger and some Sinamon also which is not so good as in other places The discouerer of these Islands named them the Isles of Salomon to the end that the Spaniards supposing them to be those Isles from whence Salomon fetched Gold to adorne the Temple at Ierusalem might be the more desirous to goe and inhabit the same Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Islands Captaine Drake entered the South Sea whereupon commandement was giuen that they should not be inhabited to the end that such Englishmen and of other Nations as passed the Straits of Magellan to goe to the Malucos might haue no succour there but such as they got of the Indian people CHAP. XII Briefe extracts translated out of IEROM BENZOS three Bookes of the New World touching the Spaniards cruell handling of the Indians and the effects thereof ANno 1641. Ierom Benzo went from Millaine to Siuill in Spaine and thence to the New World where he was entertained of the Spaniards and practised with them the huntings of the Indians which they did by lurking in couerts till some of the Natiues came within their reach by bribing the Cacikes with trifles to procure captiues and other meanes Peter Chalice came while we were there to Amaracan with aboue 4000. slaues and had brought many more but with labour wearinesse hunger and griefe for losse of their Countrie and friends many had perished in the way Many also not able to follow in the Spaniards swift march were by them killed to preuent their taking armes A miserable spectacle to see those troopes of slaues naked with their bodies rent maimed starued the mothers dragging or carrying on their shoulders their children howling the neckes of all armes and hands chained not any growne Maide amongst them which the spoilers had not rauished with so profuse lust that thence grew contagion and pernicious diseases The Spanish horsemen in those warres vsed quilted Iackes with Launces and Swords the footemen Sword Shield and Crosse-bow with lighter Iackes The moisture and great dewes made Peeces vnseruiceable in those parts The Islanders in Hispaniola seeing no hope of better or place for worse killed their children and then hanged themselues The women
more then Rockie Spaniards which massacred him and all his companie This butcherie was reuenged in a fourth Floridan Voyage made from France by Captaine Gaurgues Anna 1567. who borrowed and sold to set forth three ships and entring the Riuer Tacaâ—acourn which the French called Seine he made league with eight Sauage Kings which had beene much dispighted by the Spaniards and were growne as dispightfull to them The Spaniards were accounted foure hundred strong and had diuided themselues into three Forts vpon the Riuer of May the greatest begun by the French two smaller neerer the Riuers mouth to fortifie each thereof with twelue hundred Souldiers in them well prouided for Munition In Aprill 1568. he tooke these two Forts and slue all the Spaniards the vindicatiue Sauages giuing him vehement and eager assistance especially Olotocara Nephew to Saturioua As they went to the Fort he said that he should die there and therefore desired Gourgues to giue that to his wife which he would haue giuen himselfe that it might bee buried with him for his better welcome to the Village of the Soules departed This Fort was taken the Spaniards some slaine others taken and hanged on the same trees on which the French hung fiue of which on of these Spaniards confessed he had hanged and now acknowledged the Diuine Iustice. In steed of the Writings which Melendes had hanged ouer them I doe not this as to Frenchmen but as to Lutherans Gourgues set vp another I doe not this as to Spaniards or Mariners but as to Traitors Robbers and Murtherers The Forts he razed not hauing men to keepe them and in Iune following arriued in Rochel Comming to the King with expectation of reward the Spanish King had so possessed him that he was faine to hide himselfe This Dominicke de Gourgues had beene an old Souldier once imprisoned and of a Captaine made a Gally-slaue by the Spaniards and grew for his seruice in reputation with the Queene of England he died Anno 1582. And thus much of the French Voyages in Florida for Virginias sake worthy to be knowne of the English Now for their more Northerne Voyages and Plantations Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of Iaques Cartier who in Aprill 1534. departed from Saint Malo with two ships and in May arriued at Newfoundland On the one and twentieth of May they came to the Iland of Birds a league about so full of Birds as if they were sowed there and a hundred times as many houering about it some as bigge as Iayes blacke and white with beakes like Crowes lying alway on the Sea their wings not bigger then halfe ones hand which makes that they cannot flie high In lesse then halfe an houre they filled two Boat with them These they named Aporatz another lesse Port which put themselues vnder the wings of others greater they called Godetz a third bigger and white byting like Dogges they called Margaulx Though the Iland be fourteene leagues from the Continent Beares come thither to feed on those Birds One white one as bigge as a Kow they killed in her swimming and found her good meate Three such Bird Ilands they also discouered the fiue and twentieth of Iune which they called the Ilands of Margaulx There also they found Morses Beares and Wolues But these Northerne Coasts are better knowne to our Countrymen then that I should mention his French names which from Cabots time almost forty yeeres before had beene knowne to the English The next yeere Cartier set forth with three ships to Saint Lawrence his Bay and so to the Riuer of Hochelaga They went to Canada and to the Towne of Hochelaga They saw the great and swift fall of the Riuer and were told of three more therein The Scorbute that Winter killed fiue and twentie of their men in their Fort the rest recouered by the vse the sap and leaues of a tree called Hameda which was thought to be Sassafras These reports of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga caused King Francis to send him againe Anno 1540. purposing also to send Iohn Francis de la Roche Lord of Robewall to be his Lieutenant in the Countries of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga Hee went Anno 1542. his chiefe Pilot was Iohn Alphouso of Xantoigne whose Notes as also the Relation of that Voyage with three shippes and two hundred persons men women and children Master Hakluyt hath recorded He built a Fort and wintered there and then returned These were the French beginnings who haue continued their Trading in those parts by yeerly Voyages to that Coast to these times for fishing and sometimes for Beauers skinnes and other Commodities One Saualet is said to haue made two and forty Voyages to those parts Marke Lescarbot hath published a large Booke called Noua Francia and additions thereto part of which we haue here for better intelligence of those parts added with Champleins Discoueries CHAP. VI. The Voyage of SAMVEL CHAMPLAINE of Brouage made vnto Canada in the yeere 1603. dedicated to CHARLES de Montmorencie c. High Admirall of France WE departed from Houfleur the fifteenth day of March 1603. This day we put into the Roade of New Hauen because the winde was contrary The Sunday following being the sixteenth of the said moneth we set saile to proceed on our Voyage The seuenteenth day following we had sight of Iersey and Yarnsey which are Iles betweene the Coast of Normandie and England The eighteenth of the said moneth wee discryed the Coast of Britaine The nineteenth at seuen of the clocke at night we made account that we were thwart of Ushent The one and twentieth at seuen of clocke in the morning we met with seuen ships of Hollanders which to our iudgement came from the Indies On Easter day the thirtieth of the said moneth wee were encountred with a great storme which seemed rather to be thunder then winde which lasted the space of seuenteene dayes but not so great as it was the two first dayes and during the said time we rather lost way then gained The sixteenth day of Aprill the storme began to cease and the Sea became more calme then before to the contentment of all the Company in such sort as continuing our said course vntill the eighteenth of the said moneth we met with a very high Mountaine of Ice The morrow after we discried a banke of Ice which continued aboue eight leagues in length with an infinite number of other smaller peeces of Ice which hindred our passage And by the iudgement of our Pilot the said flakes or Ice were one hundred or one hundred twenty leagues from the Country of Canada and we were in 45. degrees and two third parts we found passage in 44. deg The second of May at eleuen of clocke of the day we came vpon The Banke in 44. degrees one third part The sixt of the said moneth we came so neere the land that we heard the Sea beate against the shore
Salt Sea which may be the South Sea the Sunne setting where they say it doth On Friday the tenth of the said moneth we returned to Tadousac where our ship lay ASsoone as wee were come to Tadousac wee embarqued our selues againe to goe to Gachepay which is distant from the said Tadousac about some hundred leagues The thirteenth day of the said moneth we met with a companie of Sauages which were lodged on the South side almost in the mid-way betweene Tadousac and Gachepay Their Sagamo or Captaine which led them is called Armouchides which is held to be one of the wâ—sest and most hardy among all the Sauages Hee was going to Tadousac to exchange Arrowes and the flesh of Orignars which they haue for Beauers and Marterns of the other Sauages the Mountainers Estechemaâ—ns and Algoumequins The fifteenth day of the said moneth we came to Gachepay which is in a Bay about a league and a halfe on the North side The said Bay containeth some seuen or eight leagues in length and at the mouth thereof foure leagues in breadth There is a Riuer which runneth some thirty leagues vp into the Countrie Then we saw another Bay which is called the Bay des Mollues or the Bay of Cods which may be some three leagues long and as much in bredth at the mouth From thence we come to the I le Percee which is like a Rocke very steepe rising on both sides wherein there is a hole through which Shalops and Boats may passe at an high water and at a lowe water one may goe from the maine Land to the said Ile which is not past foure or fiue hundred paces off Moreouer there is another Iland in a manner South-east from the I le Percee about a league which is called the Ile de Bonne-aduenture and it may bee some halfe a league long All these places of Gachepay the Bay of Cods and the I le Percee are places where they make dry and greene Fish When you are passed the I le Percee there is a Bay which is called they Bay of Heate which runneth as it were West South-west some foure and twenty leagues into the land containing some fifteene leagues in breadth at the mouth thereof The Sauages of Canada say that vp the great Riuer of Canada about some sixtie leagues ranging the South coast there is a small Riuer called Mautanne which runneth some eighteene leagues vp into the Countreys and being at the head thereof they carrie their Canowes about a league by land and they come into the said Bay of Heate by which they goe sometimes to the Isle Percee Also they goe from the said Bay to Tregate and Misamichy Running along the said coast we passe by many Riuers and come to a place where there is a Riuer which is called Souricoua where Monsieur Preuert was to discouer a Mine of Copper They goe with their Conowes vp this Riuer three or foure dayes then they passe three or foure leagues by land to the said Mine which is hard vpon the Sea shoare on the South side At the mouth of the said Riuer there is an Iland lying a league into the Sea from the said Island vnto the Isle Perçee is some sixtie or seuentie leagues Still following the said coast which trendeth toward the East you meete with a Strait which is two leagues broad and fiue and twenty leagues long On the East side is an Isle which is called the Isle of Saint Laurence where Cape Breton is and in this place a Nation of Sauages called the Souricois doe winter Passing the Strait of the Iles of Saint Lawrence and ranging the South-west Coast you come to a Bay which ioyneth hard vpon the Myne of Copper Passing farther there is a Riuer which runneth threescore or fourescore leagues into the Countrey which reacheth neere to the Lake of the Irocois whereby the said Sauages of the South-west Coast make warre vpon them I would be an exceeding great benefit if there might be found a passage on the Coâ—â—â— of Florida neere to the said great Lake where the winter is salt aswell for the Naâ—igation of ships which should not bee subiect to so many perâ—ls as they are in Canada as for the shortning of the way about three hundred leagues And at is most certaine that there are Riuers on the Goaâ—â— of Florida which are not yet discouered which â—â—erce vp into the Countries where the soile is exceeding good and fertile and very good Hauens The Countrey and Coast of Florida may haue another temperature of the season and may be 〈◊〉 more fertile in abundance of fruites and other things then that which I haue seene But it cannot haue more euen not better sayles then those which we haue seene The Sauages say that in the foresaid great Bay of Hete there is a Riuer which runneth vp vp some twentie leagues into the Countrey at the head whereof there is a Lake which may be about twentie leagues in compasse wherein is little store of water and the Summer it is dried vp wherein they find about a foot or a foot and an halfe vnder the ground a kind of Metall like to â—â—luer which I shewed them and that in another place neere the said Lake there is a Myne of Copper And this is that which I learned of the foresand Sauages WE departed from the I le 〈◊〉 the ninteenth day of the said moneth to returne to Tadousâ—c When we wâ—â—e within three leagues of Cape le Vesque or the Bishops Cape we were encountred with a storme which lasted two dayes which forced vs to put roomer with a great creake and to stay for faire weather The day following we departed and were encountred with another storme Being loth to pâ—â— roome and thinking to gaine way wee touched on the North shore the eight and twentieth day of Iuly 〈◊〉 creeke which is very bad because of the edges of Rockes which lie there This creeke is in 〈◊〉 degrees and certaine minutes The next day we anchored neere a Riuer which is called Saint Margarites Riuer where at a full Sea is some three fathomes water and a fathome and an halfe at a low water this Riuer goeth farre vp into the Land As farre as I could see within the Land on â—he East shoare there is a fall of water which entreth into the said Riuer and falleth some fiftie or sixtie â—athomes downe from whence commeth the greatest part of the water which descendeth downe At the mouth thereof there is a banke of Sand whereon at the ebbe is but halfe a faâ—home water All the Coast toward the East is mouing Sande there is a point some halfe league from the said Riuer which stretcheth halfe a league into the Sea and toward the West there is a small Iland this place is in fiftie degrees All these Countries are exceeding bad full of Firre-trees The Land here is somewhat high but not so high as that on the Southside
that I le was like vnto it which they found in the earth about a foot or two deepe The said Monsieur Preuert gaue the Sauages Wedges and Cizers and other things necessarie to draw out the said Myne which they haue promised to doe and to bring the same the next yeere and giue it the said Monsieur Preuert They say also that within some hundred or one hundred and twentie leagues there are other Mynes but that they dare not goe thither vnlesse they haue Frenchmen with them to make warre vpon their enemies which haue the said Mynes in their possession The said place where the Myne is standeth in 44. degrees and some few minutes neere the South Coast within fiue or sixe leagues it is a kind of Bay which is certaine leagues broad at the mouth thereof and somewhat more in length where are three Riuers which fall into the great Bay neere vnto the I le of Saint Iohn which is thirtie or fiue and thirtie leagues long and is sixe leagues distant from the South shoare There is also another little Riuer which falleth almost in the mid way of that whereby Monsieur Preuert returned and there are as it were two kind of Lakes in the said Riuer Furthermore there is yet another small Riuer which goeth toward the Mountaine of the painting All these Riuers fall into the said Bay on the South-east part neere about the said Ile which the Sauages say there is of this white Metall On the North side of the said Bay are the Mynes of Copper where there is a good Hauen for ships and a small Iland at the mouth of the Hauen the ground is Oze and Sand where a man may run his ship on shoare From the said Myne to the beginning of the mouth of the said Riuers is some sixtie or eightie leagues by Land But by the Sea Coast according to my iudgement from the passage of the I le of Sain Lawrence and the Firme Land it cannot be past fiftie or sixtie leagues to the said Myne All this Countrey is exceeding faire and flat wherein are all sorts of trees which wee saw as wee went to the first Sault vp the great Riuer of Canada very small store of Firre-trees and Cypreâ—â—es And this of a truth is as much as I learned and heard of the said Monsieur Preuert BEfore we departed from Tadousac to returne into France one of the Sagamoz of the Mountayners named Bechourat gaue his Sonne to Monsieur du Pont to carrie him into France and he was much recommended vnto him by the Great Sagamo Anadabijou praying him to vse him well and to let him see that which the other two Sauages had seene which we had brought backe againe We prayed them to giue vs a woman of the Irocois whom they would haue eaten whom they gaue vnto vs and we brought her home with the foresaid Sauage Monsieur de Preuert in like manner brought home foure Sauages one man which is of the South Coast one woman and two children of the Canadians The foure and twentieth of August we departed from Gachepay the ship of the said Monsieur Preuert and ours The second of September we counted that wee were as farre as Cape Rase The fift day of the said moneth we entred vpon the Banke whereon they vse to fiâ—â— The sixteenth we were come into the Sounding which may be some fittie leagues distant from the Ushant The twentieth of the said moneth we arriued in New Hauen by the grace of God to all our contentments with a continuall fauourable wind CHAP. VII The Patent of the French King to Monsieur de MONTS for the inhabiting of the Countries of La Cadia Canada and other places in New France HEnry by the grace of God King of France and Nauarre To our deare and well beloued the Lord of Monts one of the ordinarie Gentlemen of our Chamber greeting As our greatest care and labour is and hath alwayes beene since our comming to this Crowne maintaine and conserue it in the ancient dignitie greatnesse and splendour thereof to extend and amplifie as much as lawfully may bee done the bounds and limits of the same We being of a long time informed of the situation and condition of the Lauds and Territories of La Cadia moued aboue all things with a singular zeale and deuout and constant resolution which we haue taken with the helpe and assistance of God Author Distributour and Protectour of all Kingdomes and Estates to cause the people which doe inhabit the Countrey men at this present time Barbarous Atheists without Faith or Religion to be conuerted to Christianitie and to the Beliefe and Profession of our Faith and Religion and to draw them from the ignorance and vnbeliefe wherein they are Hauing also of a long time knowne by the Relation of the Sea Captaines Pilots Merchants and others who of long time haue haunted frequented and trafficked with the people that are found in the said places how fruitfull commodious and profitable may be vnto vs to our Estates and Subiects the Dwelling Possession and Habitation of those Countries for the great and apparent profit which may be drawne by the greater frequentation and habitude which may bee had with the people that are found there and the Trafficke and Commerce which may be by that meanes safely treated and negotiated We then for these causes fully trusting on your great wisdome and in the knowledge and experience that rou haue of the qualitie condition and situation of the said Countrie of La Cadia for diuers and sundry Nauigations Voyages and Frequentations that you haue made into those parts and others neere and bordering vpon it Assuring our selues that this our resolution and intention being committed vnto you you will attentiuely diligently and no lesse couragiously and valorously execute and bring to such perfection as we desire Haue expresly appointed and established you and by these Presents signed with our owne hands doe commit ordaine make constitute and establish you our Lieutenant Generall for to represent our person in the Countries Territories Coasts and Co fines of La Cadia To begin from the 40. degree vnto the 46. And in the same distance or part of it as farre as may bee done to establish extend and make to be knowne our Name Might and Authoritie And vnder the same to subiect submit and bring to obedience all the people of the said Land and the Borderers thereof And by the meanes thereof and all lawfull wayes to call make instruct prouoke and incite them to the knowledge of God and to the light of the Faith and Christian Religion to establish it there And in the exercise and profession of the same keepe and conserâ—â— the said people and all other Inhabitants in the said places and there to command in peace rest and tranquillâ—â—ie as well by Sea as by Land to ordaine decide and cause to bee executed all that which you shall iudge fit and necessarie to be done for
that there had bin a generall determination to haue shut vp hatches and commending our sinfull soules to God committed the Shippe to the mercy of the Sea surely that night we must haue done it and that night had we then perished but see the goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope by our mercifull God giuen vnto vs. Sir George Summers when no man dreamed of such happinesse had discouered and cried Land Indeede the morning now three quarters spent had wonne a little cleerenesse from the dayes before and it being better surueyed the very trees were seene to moue with the winde vpon the shoare side whereupon our Gouernour commanded the Helme-man to beare vp the Boateswaine sounding at the first found it thirteene fathome when we stood a little in seuen fatham and presently heauing his lead the third time had ground at foure fathome and by this we had got her within a mile vnder the South-east point of the land where we had somewhat smooth water But hauing no hope to saue her by comming to an anker in the same we were inforced to runne her ashoare as neere the land as we could which brought vs within three quarters of a mile of shoare and by the mercy of God vnto vs making out our Boates we had ere night brought all our men women and children about the number of one hundred and fifty safe into the Iland We found it to be the dangerous and dreaded Iland or rather Ilands of the Bermuda whereof let mee giue your Ladyship a briefe description before I proceed to my narration And that the rather because they be so terrible to all that euer touched on them and such tempests thunders and other fearefull obiects are seene and heard about them that they be called commonly The Deuils Ilands and are feared and auoyded of all sea trauellers aliue aboue any other place in the world Yet it pleased our mercifull God to make euen this hideous and hated place both the place of our safetie and meanes of our deliuerance And hereby also I hope to deliuer the world from a foule and generall errour it being counted of most that they can be no habitation for Men but rather giuen ouer to Deuils and wicked Spirits whereas indeed wee find them now by experience to bee as habitable and commodious as most Countries of the same climate and situation insomuch as if the entrance into them were as easie as the place it selfe is contenting it had long ere this beene inhabited as well as other Ilands Thus shall we make it appeare That Truth is the daughter of Time and that men ought not to deny euery thing which is not subiect to their owne sense The Bermudas bee broken Ilands fiue hundred of them in manner of an Archipelagus at least if you may call them all Ilands that lie how little soeuer into the Sea and by themselues of small compasse some larger yet then other as time and the Sea hath wonne from them and eaten his passage through and all now lying in the figure of a Croissant within the circuit of sixe or seuen leagues at the most albeit at first it is said of them that they were thirteene or fourteene leagues and more in longitude as I haue heard For no greater distance is it from the Northwest Point to Gates his Bay as by this Map your Ladyship may see in which Sir George Summers who coasted in his Boat about them all tooke great care to expresse the same exactly and full and made his draught perfect for all good occasions and the benefit of such who either in distresse might be brought vpon them or make saile this way It should seeme by the testimony of Gonzalus Ferdinandus Ouiedus in his Booke intituled The Summary or Abridgement of his generall History of the West Indies written to the Emperor Charles the Fift that they haue beene indeed of greater compasse and I easily beleeue it then they are now who thus saith In the yeere 1515. when I came first to informe your Maiesty of the state of the things in India and was the yeere following in Flanders in the time of your most fortunate successe in these your kingdomes of Aragony and Casteel whereas at that voyage I sayled aboue the Iland Bermudas otherwise called Gorza being the farthest of all the Ilands that are yet found at this day in the world and arriuing there at the depth of eight yards of water and distant from the Land as farre as the shot of a Peece of Ordnance I determined to send some of the ship to Land as well to make search of such things as were there as also to leaue in the Iland certaine Hogges for increase but the time not seruing my purpose by reason of contrary winde I could bring my Ships no neerer the Iland being twelue leagues in length and sixteene in breadth and about thirtie in circuit lying in the thirtie three degrees of the North side Thus farre hee True it is the maine Iland or greatest of them now may bee some sixteene miles in length East North-east and West South-west the longest part of it standing in thirtie two degrees and twentie minutes in which is a great Bay on the North side in the North-west end and many broken Ilands in that Sound or Bay and a little round Iland at the South-west end As occasions were offered so we gaue titles and names to certaine places These Ilands are often afflicted and rent with tempests great strokes of thunder lightning and raine in the extreamity of violence which and it may well bee hath so sundred and torne downe the Rockes and whurried whole quarters of Ilands into the maine Sea some sixe some seuen leagues and is like in time to swallow them all so as euen in that distance from the shoare there is no small danger of them and with them of the stormes continually raging from them which once in the full and change commonly of euery Moone Winter or Summer keepe their vnchangeable round and rather thunder then blow from euery corner about them sometimes fortie eight houres together especially if the circle which the Philosophers call Halo were in our being there seene about the Moone at any season which bow indeed appeared there often and would bee of a mightie compasse and breadth I haue not obserued it any where one quarter so great especially about the twentieth of March I saw the greatest when followed vpon the eues eue of the Annuntiation of our Ladie the mightiest blast of lightning and most terrible rap of thunder that euer astonied mortall men I thinke In August September and vntill the end of October wee had very hot and pleasant weather onely as I say thunder lightning and many scattering showers of Raine which would passe swiftly ouer and yet fall with such force and darknesse for the time as if it would neuer bee cleere againe wee wanted not any and of raine more in
anouched that there are incredible varietie of sweet woods especially of the Balfamum tree which distilleth a precious Gumme that there are innumerable white Mulberry trees which in so warme a climate may cherish and feede millions of Silke-wormes and returne vs in a very short time as great a plenty of Silke as is vented into the whole world from all the parts of Italy that there are diuers sorts of Minerals especially of Iron oare lying vpon the ground for ten Miles circuite of which wee haue made a triall at home that it maketh as good Iron as any is in Europe that a kinde of Hempe or Flaxe and Silke Grasse doe grow there naturally which will affoord stuffe for all manner of excellent Cordage That the Riuer swarmeth with all manner of Sturgeon the Land aboundeth with Vines the Woods doe harbour exceeding store of Beauers Foxes and Squirrels the Waters doe nourish a great encrease of Otters all which are couered with precious Furres that there are in present discouered Dyes and Drugges of sundry qualities that the Orenges which haue beene planted did prosper in the winter which is an infallible argument that Lemmons Sugar Canes Almonds Rice Aâ—niseede and all other commodities which wee haue from the Straights may be supplied to vs in our owne Countrey and by our owne industry that the Corne yeeldeth a terrible encrease more then ours and lastly that it is one of the goodliest Countries vnder the S 〈…〉 e enterueined with fiue maine Riuers and promising as rich entrals as any Kingdome of the earth to w 〈…〉 the Sunne is no neerer a neighbour CHAP. VII The Voyage of Captaine SAMVEL ARGAL from Iames Towne in Virginia to seeke the I le of Bermuda and missing the same his putting ouer toward Sagadahoc and Cape Cod and so backe againe to Iames Towne began the nineteenth of Iune 1610. SIr George Summers being bound for the I le of Bermuda with two Pinnaces the one called the Patience wherein he sailed himselfe set saile from Iames Towne in Uirginia the ninteenth of Iune 1610. The two and twentieth at noone we came to an anchor at Cape Henry to take more balast The weather proued very wet so wee road vnder the Cape till two of the clocke the three and twentieth in the morning Then we weighed and stood off to Sea the wind at South-west And till eight of the clocke at night it was all Southerly and then that shifted to South-west The Cape then bearing West about eight leagues off Then wee stirred away South-east The foure and twentieth at noone I obserued the Sunne and found my selfe to bee in thirtie sixe degrees fortie seuen minutes about twentie leagues off from the Land From the foure and twentieth at noone to the fiue and twentieth at noone sixe leagues East the wind Southerly but for the most part it was calme From the fiue and twentieth at noone to the sixe and twentieth about sixe of the clocke in the morning the winde was all Southerly and but little And then it beganne to blow a fresh gale at West South-west So by noone I had sailed fourteene leagues East South-east pricked From the sixe and twentieth at noone to the seuen and twentieth at noone twentie leagues East South-east The wind shifting from the West South-west Southerly and so to the East and the weather faire but close From the seuen and twentieth at noone to the eight and twentieth at noone sixe and twentie leagues East South-east the wind shifting backe againe from the East to the West Then by mine obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie fiue degrees fiftie foure minutes From the eight and twentieth at noone to the nine and twentieth at noone thirtie sixe leagues East by South the wind at West North-west Then by my obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie fiue degrees thirtie minutes pricked From the nine and twentieth at noone to the thirtieth at noone thirtie fiue leagues East South-east The winde shifting betweene West North-west and West South-west blowing a good fresh gale Then by my obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie foure degrees fortie nine minutes pricked From the thirtieth of Iune at noone to the first of Iuly at noone thirtie leagues South-east by East the winde at west then I found the ship in thirtie foure degrees pricked From the first of Iuly at noone to the second at noon twentie leagues East South-east southerly the wind West then I found the ship to bee in thirtie three degrees thirtie minutes pricked the weather very faire From the second at noone to the third at foure of the clocke in the afternoone it was calme then it beganne to blow a resonable fresh gale at South-east so I made account that the ship had driuen about sixe leagues in that time East The Sea did set all about the West From that time to the fourth at noone seuenteene leagues East by North the wind shifting betweene South-east and South South-west then I found the ship to bee in thirtie three degrees fortie minutes the weather continued very faire From the fourth at noone to the fifth at noone ten leagues South-east the wind and weather as before then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees seuenteene minutes pricked From the fixt at noone to the sixt at noone eight leagues South-west then I found the ship to be in thirtie two degrees fiftie seuen minutes pricked the wind and weather continued as before only we had a small showre or two of raine From the sixt at noone to the seuenth at noone seuenteene leagues East by North then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees the wind and weather as bâ—fore From the seuenth at noon to the eight at noone fourteene leagues North-east then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees thirtie two minutes the wind and weather continued as before From the eâ—ght at noon to the ninth at noone fiue leagues South-east there I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees twentie one minutes the wind at South-west the weather very faire From the ninth at noone to the tenth at noone fiue leagues South the wind westerly but for the most part it was calme and the weather very faire From the tenth at noone to the eleuenth at noone it was calme and so continued vntill nine of the clocke the same night then it began to blow a reasonable fresh gale at South-east and continued all that night betweene South-east and South and vntill the twelfth day at noone by which time I had sailed fifteene leagues West southerly then I found the ship in thirtie three degrees thirtie minutes From that time to foure of the clock the twelfth day in the morning twelue leagues West by North the wind all southerly and then it shifted betweene South and South-west then wee tacked about and stood South-east and South-east by South so by noone I had sayled fiue leagues South-east by East
did thinke that we did heare a Peece of Ordnance to windward which made me suppose our Admirall had set saile and that it was a warning piece from him So I set sayle and stood close by the wind and kept an hollowing and a noise to try whether I could find him againe the wind was at South-west and I stood away West North-west From the sixe and twentieth at two of the clocke in the afternoone to eight of the clocke at night I had sayled nine leagues North-west The seuen and twentieth at noone I heaued the Lead in one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I stirred away North-west till foure of the clocke at night then I heaued the Lead againe one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I tooke all my sailes and lay at Hull and I had sayled seuen leagues North-west The eight and twentieth at seuen of the clocke in the morning I did sound in one hundred and twenty fathoms and had no ground Then I set sayle againe and steered away North and North by West At noone I heaued in one hundred and twenty fathoms againe and had no ground So I steered on my course still the wind shifted betweene South and South-west and the fog continued At foure of the clocke in the afternoone I heaued one hundred twenty fathoms againe and had no ground so I stood on vntill eight of the clocke by which time I had sailed twelue leagues then I heaued the Lead againe and had blacke Oâ—e and one hundred thirty fiue fathoms water Then I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull vntill the nine and twentieth at fiue of the clocke in the morning Then I set saile againe and steered away North and North by West At eight of the clocke I heaued the Lead againe and had blacke Ose in one hundred and thirty fathoms water Betweene eleuen and twelue of the clocke it began to thunder but the fogge continued not still About two of the clocke in the afternoone I went out with my Boat my selfe and heaued the Lead and had blacke Ose in ninety fathoms water by which time I had sailed six leagues North by West more Then I tooke in all my sayles sauing my Fore-course and Bonnet and stood in with those sailes onely About sixe of the clocke I founded againe and then I had sixty fiue fathoms water Assoone as I came aboord it cleered vp and then I saw a small 〈◊〉 which bare North about two leagues off whereupon I stood in vntill eight of the clocke And then I stood off againe vntill two of the clocke in the morning the thirtieth day Then I stood in againe and aboue eight of the clocke I was faire aboord the Iland Then I manned my Boat and went on shoare where I found great store of Seales And I killed three Seales with my hanger This Iland is not halfe a mile about and nothing but a Rocke which seemed to be very rich Marble stone And a South South-west Moon maketh a full Sea About ten of the clocke I came aboord againe with some Wood tha I had found vpon the Iland for there had beene some folkes that had made fiers there Then I stood ouer to another Iland that did beare North off me about three leagues this small rockie Iland lyeth in forty foure degrees About seuen of the clocke that night I came to an anchor among many Ilands in eight fathoms water and vpon one of these Ilands I fitted my selfe with Wood and Water and Balast The third day of August being fitted to put to Set againe I caused the Master of the ship to open the boxe wherein my Commission was to see what directions I had and for what place I was bound to shape my course Then I tried whether there were any fis 〈…〉 herâ— or not and I found reasonable good store there so I stayed there fishing till the twelfth of August and then finding that the fishing did faile I thought good to returne to the Iland where I had killed the Seales to see whether I could get any store of them or not for I did find that they were very nourishing meate and a great reliefe to my men and that they would be very well saued with â—alâ— to keepe a long time But when I came thither I could not by any meanes catch any The fourteenth day at noone I obserued the Sun and found the Iland to lie in forty three degrees forty minutes Then I shaped my course for Cape Cod to see whether I could get any fish there or not â—so by the fifteenth that noone I had sailed thirty two leagues South-west the wind for the most part was betweene North-west and North. From the fifteenth at noone to the sixteenth at noone I ran twenty leagues South the wind shifting betweene West and South-west And then I sounded and had ground in eighteene fathoms water full of shels and peble stâ—â—es of diuers colours some greene and some blewish some like diamants and some speckled Theâ— I 〈…〉 oke in all my sayles and set all my company to fishing and fished till eight of the clocke â—hat â—â—ght and finding but little fish there I set sayle againe and by the 〈◊〉 that noone I had sâ—yâ—ed ten leagues West by North the wind shifting betweene South and South-west From noone till sixe of the clocke at night foure leagues North-west the wind shifting betweene West and South-west Then it did blow so hard that I tooke in all my sayles and lay at hull all that night vntill fiue of the clock the eighteenth day in the morning and then I set saile againe and by noone I had sailed foure leagues North-west the wind betweene West and South-west From the eighteenth at noone to the nineteenth at noone ten leagues West by West the wind shifting betweene South and South-west and the weather very thick and foggy About seuen of the clocke at night the fogge began to breake away and the wind did shift westerly and by midnight it was shifted to the North and there it did blow very hard vntill the twenty at noone but the weather was very cleere and then by my obseruation I found the ship to bee in the latitude of forty one degrees forty foure minutes and I had sailed twenty leagues South-west by West From the nineteenth at noone to the twentieth at noone about two of the clocke in the afternoone I did see an Hed-Ta 〈…〉 d which did beare off me South-west about foure leagues so I steered with it taking it to bee Cape Cod and by foure of the clocke I was fallen among so many shoales that it was fiue of the clocke the next day in the morning before I could get cleere of them it is a â—â—ry dangerous place to fall withall to the 〈◊〉 â—â—e at the least-ten leagues off from the Land and I had vpon one of them but one â—ath 〈◊〉 and an
halfe water and my Barke did draw seuen foot This Land lyeth South-west and North-east and the shoales lie off from it South and South by West and so along toward the North. At the Northwest by West Guards I obserued the North-starre and found the ship to be 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 of fortie-one degrees fiftie minutes being then in the middle of the Sholdes and I did finde thirteene degrees of westerly variation then likewise Thus finding the place not to be for my turne assoon as I was cleere of these dangers I thought it fit to returne to â—ames Towne in Uirginia to the Lord De-lawarre my Lord Gouernour and there to attend his command so I shaped my course for that place And the one and twentieth day by noone I had brought my selfe South Southwest thirtie three leagues from this Cape and I had the wind shifting all this while betweene North and North-west and the weather very faire and cleere From the one and twentieth at noone to the two and twentieth at noone I ran thirtie leagues South-West by West and then by mine obseruation I found the ship to be in thirtie nine degrees thirtie 〈◊〉 minutes and I had twelue degrees westerly variation and the wind â—â—ifting betweene North and North-east and the weather very faâ—re and cleere From the two and twentieth at noone to the three and twentieth at noone nine leagues South-west by West and then by obseruation I did find the ship in thirtie nine degrees twentie foure minutes and I had eleuen degrees of westerly variation and there did blow but very little wind and shifting betweene West and North and the weather very faire and cleere From the three and twentieth at noone to the foure and twentieth at noone eighteene leagues South-west and then I found the shippe to be in thirtie eight degrees fortie two minutes and I had twelue degrees of Westerly Variation and the wind shifting betweene North and West and the weather very faire From the foure and twentieth at noone to the fiue and twentieth at noone two and twentie leagues West by South the wind shifting betweene North and East And then I found the ship to bee in thirtie eight degrees fiue and twentie minutes and the same Variation that I had before and the weather very faire From the fiue and twentieth at noone to the six and twentieth at noone fiue and twentie leagues Westerly the wind all shifting betweene South and South-west And I had thirteene degrees fiue and twentie minutes of Westerly Variation About sixe of the clocke at night the water was changed and then I sounded and had red sandie ground in twelue fathomes water about twelue leagues from the shore The seuen and twentieth by day in the morning I was faire aboord the shore and by nine of the clocke I came to an Anchor in nine fathomes in a very great Bay where I found great store of people which were very kind and promised me that the next day in the morning they would bring me great store of Corne. But about nine of the clocke that night the winde shifted from South-west to East North-east So I weighed presently and shaped my course to Cape Charles This Bay lyeth in Westerly thirtie leagues And the Souther Cape of it lyeth South South-east and North North-west and in thirtie eight degrees twentie minutes of Northerly Latitude The eight and twentieth day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone I fell among a great many of shoales about twelue leagues to the Southw 〈…〉 of Cape La Warre So there I came to an Anchor in three fathomes water the winde beeing then all Easterly and rode there all that Night The nine and twentieth in the morning I weighed againe the wind being all Southerly and turned vntill night and then I came to an Anchor in seuen fathomes water in the 〈…〉 ing to Sea How the tyde did set there or whether that there did run any current or not I cannot say but I could find neither current nor tyde The thirtieth in the morning I weighed againe the wind still Southerly and turned all that day but got very little so at Euening I stood off to Sea vntill midnight and then stood in againe The one and thirtieth about seuen of the clocke at night I came to an Anchor vnder Cape Charles in foure fathomes and one third part water and rode there all that night CHAP. VIII A short Relation made by the Lord De-La-Warre to the Lords and others of the Counsell of Virginia touching his vnexpected returne home and afterwards deliuered to the generall Assembly of the said Company at a Court holden the twentie fiue of Iune 1611. Published by authoritie of the said Counsell MY LORDS c. BEing now by accident returned from my Charge at Uirginia contrary either to my owne desire or other mens expectations who spare not to censure mee in point of dutie and to discourse and question the reason though they apprehend not the true cause of my returne I am forced out of a willingnesse to satisfie euery man to deliuer vnto your Lordships and the rest of this Assembly briefly but truly in what state I haue liued euer since my arriuall to the Colonie what hath beene the iust occasion of my sudden departure thence and in what termes I haue left the same The rather because I perceiue that since my comming into England such a coldnesse and irresolution is bred in many of the Aduenturers that some of them seeke to withdraw those payments which they haue subscribed towards the Charge of the Plantation and by which that Action must be supported and mayntained making this my returne the colour of their needlesse backwardnesse and vniust protraction Which that you may the better vnderstand I must informe your Lordships that presently after my arriuall in Iames Towne I was welcommed by a hot and violent Ague which held me a time till by the aduice of my Physition Doctour Lawrence B 〈…〉 n by bloud letting I was recouered as in my first Letters by Sir Thomas Gâ—â—es I haue informed you That Disease had not long left me till within three weekes after I had gotten a little strength I began to be distempered with other grieuous sicknesses which successiuely and seuerally assailed meâ— for besides a relapse into the former Disease which with much more violence held me more thâ—â— a moneth and brought me to great weaknesse the Flux surprized mee and kept me many dayes then the Crampe assaulted my weake bodie with strong paines and afterwards the Gout with which I had heeretofore beene sometime troubled afflicted me in such sort that making my bodie through weaknesse vnable to stirre or to vse any manner of exercise drew vpon me the Disease called the Scuruy which though in others it be a sicknesse of slothfulnesse yet was in me an effect of weaknesse which neuer left mee till I was vpon the point to leaue the World These
in houses sequestred from the common course of men neither may any man be suffered to come into their house or to speake with them but when this Priest doth call him He taketh no care for his victuals for all such kinde of things both Bread and Water c. are brought vnto a place neere vnto his cottage and there are left which hee fetcheth for 〈◊〉 proper neede If they would haue raine or haue lost any thing they haue their recourse to him who coniureth for them and many times preuaileth If they be sicke he is their Physician if they be wounded he sucketh them At his command they make warre and peace neither doe they any thing of moment without him I will not be tedious in these strange Narrations when I haue more perfectly entered into their secrets you shall know all Finally there is a ciuill gouernment amongst them which they strictly obserue and shew thereby that the law of Nature dwellâ—th in them for they haue a rude kinde of Common-wealth and rough gouernment wherein they both honour and obey their Kings Parents and Gouernours both greater and lesse they obserue the limits of their owne possessions Murther is scarsly heard of Adultery and other offences seuerely punished The whole Continent of Uirginia situate within the degrees of 34. and 47. is a place beautified by God with all the ornaments of nature and enriched with his earthly treasures that part of it which we already possesse beginning at the Bay of Chaesapheac and stretching it selfe in Northerly latitude to the degrees of 39. and 40. is interlined with seuen most goodly Riuers the least whereof is equall to our Riuer of Thames and all these Riuers are so neerely ioyned as that there is not very much distance of dry ground betweene either of them and those seuâ—rall maine lands are euery where watered with many veines or creekes of water which sundry waies doe ouerthwart the land and make it almost nauigable from one Riuer to the other The commodity whereof to those that shall inhabite this land is infinite in respect of the speedy and easie transportance of goods from one Riuer to the other I cannot better manifest it vnto you but in aduising you to consider whether the water or land hath beene more beneficiall to the Low-Countries To the Riuer which we inhabit commonly called Powhatans Riuer ebbeth and floweth one hundred and forty miles into the maine at the mouth whereof are the two Forts of Henrico and Charles two and forty miles vpward is the first and Mother-Christian Towne seated called Iames-Towne and seuenty miles beyond that vpward is the new Towne of Henricâ— built and so named in the memory of Noble Prince Henry of lasting and blessed memory tenne miles beyond this is a place called the Fals because the Riuer hath there a great descent falling downe between many minerall Rockes which be there twelue miles farther beyond this place is there a Christall Rocke wherewith the Indians doe head many of their Arrowes three dayes iourney from thence is there a Rock or stony hill found which is in the top couered all ouer with a perfect and most rich Siluer oare Our men that went to discouer those parts had but two Iron Pickaxes with them and those so ill tempered that the points of them turned againe and bowed at euery stroake so that we could not search the entrailes of the place yet some triall was made of that oare with good successe and argument of much hope Six dayes iourney beyond this Mine a great ridge of high hils doe runne along the maine land not farre from whom the Indians report a great Sea doth runne which we commonly call a South Sea but in respect of our habitation is a West Sea for there the Sun setteth from vs. The higher ground is much like vnto the molde of France clay and sand being proportionably mixed together at the top but if we digge any depth as we haue done for out Bricks we finde it to be red clay full of glistering spangles There be many rockie places in all quarters more then probable likelihoods of rich Mines of all sorts though I knew all yet it were not conuenient at this time that I should vtter all neither haue wee had meanes to search for any thing as we ought thorough present want of men and former wants of prouision for the belly As for Iron Steele Antimonium and Terra sigillata they haue rather offered themselues to our eyes and hands then bin sought for of vs. The Ayre of the Countrey especially about Henrico and vpward is very temperate and agreeth well with our bodies The extremity of Summer is not so hot as Spaine nor the cold of Winter so sharpe as the frosts of England The Spring and Haruest are the two longest seasons and most pleasant the Summer and Winter are both but short The Winter is for the most part dry and faire but the Summer watered often with many great and sodaine showers of raine whereby the cold of Winter is warmed and the heate of Summer cooled Many haue died with vs heretofore thorough their owne filthinesse and want of bodily comforts for sicke men but now very few are sicke among vs not aboue three persons amongst all the inhabitants of Henrico I would to God our soules were no sicker then our bodies The naturall people of the Land are generally such as you heard of before A people to be feared of those that come vpon them without defensiue Armor but otherwise faint-hearted if they see their Arrowes cannot pierce and easie to be subdued Shirts of Male or quilted cotten coates are the best defence against them There is but one or two of their petty Kings that for feare of vs haue desired our friendship and those keepe good quarter with vs being very pleasant amongst vs and if occasion be seruiceable vnto vs. Our eldest friends be Pipisco and Choapoke who are our ouerthwart neighbours at Iames-Towne and haue beene friendly to vs in our great want The other is the Werowance of Chescheak who but lately traded with vs peaceably If we were once the masters of their Country and they stood in feare of vs which might with few hands imployed about nothing else be in short time brought to passe it were an easie matter to make them willingly to forsake the Diuell to embrace the faith of Iesus Christ and to be baptized Besides you cannot easily iudge how much they would be auaileable to vs in our Discoueries of the Countrey in our Buildings and Plantings and quiet prouision for our selues when we may peaceably passe from place to place without neede of Armes or Guard The meanes for our people to liue and subsist here of themselues are many and most certaine both for Beasts Birds and Hearbes The Beasts of the Countrey are for the most part wilde as Lyons Beares Wolues and Deere Foxes blacke and red Rakowns Beuers Possowns
were mustered eightie bands of Dutchmen sixtie of Spaniards six of high Germans and seuen bands of English fugitiues vnder the conduct of Sir William Stanlie an English Knight In the suburbs of Cortreight there were 4000. horsemen together with their horses in a readinesse and at Waten 900. horses with the troupe of the Marquesse del Gâ—â—sto Captaine generall of the horsemen Vnto this famous expedition and presupposed victory many potentates Princes and honorable personages hied themselues out of Spaine the Prince of Melito called the Duke of Pastrana and taken to be the Son of one Ruygomes de Silua but in very deede accompted among the number of King Philips base sons Also the Marquesse of Bargraue one of the sons of Arch-duke Ferdinand and Philippa Welsera Vespasian Gonsaga of the family of Mantua being for chiualâ—y a man of great renowne and heretofore Vice-roy in Spaine Item Iohn Medices base son vnto the Duke of Florence And Amadas of Sauoy the Duke of Sauoy his base son with many others of inferiour degrees At length when as the French King about the end of May signified vnto her Maiestie in plaine tearmes that she should stand vpon her guard because he was now certainly enformed that there was so dangerous an inuasion imminent vpon her Realme that he feared much least all her land and sea-forces would be sufficient to withstand it c. then began the Queenes Maiestie more carefully to gather her forces together and to furnish her own ships of warre and the principall ships of her subiects with souldiers weapons and other necessary prouision The greatest and strongest ships of the whole Nauie she sent vnto Plimmouth vnder the conduct of the right honorable Lord Charles Howard Lord high Admirall of England c. Vnder whom the renowned Knight Sir Francis Drake was appointed Vice-admirall The number of these ships was about an hundreth The lesser ships being 30. or 40. in number and vnder the conduct of the Lord Henry Seimer were commanded to lie betweene Douer and Caleis On land likewise throughout the whole realme souldiers were mustered and trained in all places and were committed vnto the most resolute and faithfull captaines And where as it was commonly giuen out that the Spaniard hauing once vnited himselfe vnto the Duke of Parma ment to inuade by the riuer of Thames there was at Tilburie in Essex ouer-against Grauesend a mighty army encamped and on both sides of the riuer fortifications were erected according to the prescription of Frederike Genebelli an Italian enginier Likewise there were certaine ships brought to make a Bridge though it were very late first Vnto the said Armie came in proper person the Queenes most roiall Maiestie representing Tomyris that Scithian warlike Princesse or rather diuine Pallas her selfe Also there were other such armies leuied in England The principal Recusants least they should stir vp any tumult in the time of the Spanish inuasion were sent to remaine at certain conuenient places as namely in the Isle of Ely and at Wisbich And some of them were sent vnto other places to wit vnto sundry Bishops and Noblemen where they were kept from endangering the state of the common wealth and of her sacred Maiestie who of her most gracious clemency gaue expresse commandement that they should be intreated with all humaniâ—ie and friendship The Prouinces of Holland Zeland c. giuing credit vnto their intelligence out of Spaine made preparation to defend themselues but because the Spanish ships were described vnto them to be so huge they relied partly vpon the shallow and dangerous Seas all along their coasts Wherefore they stood most in doubt of the Duke of Parma his small and flat-bottomed ships Howbeit they had all their ships of warre to the number of nintie and aboue in a readinesse for all assâ—yâ—s the greater part whereof were of a small burthen as being more meete to saile vpon their Riuers and shallow Seas and with these ships they besieged all the hauens in Flanders beginning at the mouth of Scheld or from the towne of Lillo and holding on to Greueling and almost vnto Caleis and fortified all their Sea-townes with strong garrisons Against the Spanish fleets arriuall they had prouided fiue and twenty or thirty good ships committing the gouernment of them vnto Admirall Lonck whom they commanded to ioine himselfe vnto the Lord Henry Seymer lying betweene Douer and Cales And when as the foresaid ships whereof the greater part besieged the hauen of Dunkerke were driuen by tempest into Zeland Iustin of Nassau the Admirall of Zeland supplied that squadron with fiue and thirty ships being of no great burthen but excellently furnished with Guns Mariners and Souldiers in great abundance especially with 1200 braue Musquetiers hauing beene accustomed vnto Sea-fights and being chosen out of all their company for the same purpose and so the said Iustin of Nassau kept such diligent ward in the Station that the Duke of Parma could not issue forth with his Nauie into Sea out of any part of Flanders In the meane while the Shanish Armada set saile out of the hauen of Lisbon vpon the 19. of May An. Dom. 1588. vnder the conduct of the Duke of Medina Sidonia directing their course for the Bay of Corunna alias the Groine in Gallicia where they tooke in souldiers and warlike prouision this port being in Spaine the neerest vnto England As they were sailing along there arose such a mighty tempest that the whole Fleet was dispersed so that when the Duke was returned vnto his company he could not escry aboue eighty ships in all whereunto the residue by little and little ioyned themselues except eight which had their Masts blowne ouer-boord One of the foure Gallies of Portingall escaped very hardly retiring her selfe into the hauen The other three were vpon the coast of Baion in France by the assistance and courage of one Dauid Gwin an English Captine whom the French and Turkish slaues aided in the same enterprise vtterly disabled and vanquished one of the three being first ouercome which conquered the two other with the slaughter of their Gouernour and souldiers and among the rest of Don Diego de Mandrana with sundry others and so those slaues arriued in France with the three Gallies set themselues at libertie The Nauie hauing refreshed themselues at the Groine and receiuing daily commandement from the King to hasten their iournie horsed vp sailes the 11. day of Iuly and so holding on their course till the 19. of the same moneth they came then vnto the mouth of the narrow Seas or English channell From whence striking their sailes in the meane season they dispatched certain of their small ships vnto the Duke of Parma At the same time the Spanish Fleete was escried by an English Pinnace Captaine whereof was Master Thomas Fleming after they had beene aduertised of the Spaniards expedition by their scoutes and espials which hauing ranged along the coast of Spaine were lately
that as throwes of a grieuous trauell they brought forth a Virgin both Truth to the Church and Queene to the State the one a fruitfull Mother to the soules the other to the wealth honour domesticke peace forraine victories and Nauall glorie of the English Nation This renowned Queene eight and thirty yeeres after vnable to alter that decree of the windes which now seemed themselues and forced Calis to become Spanish would try their windy fidelity in another expedition and prepared a strong Fleet to inuade the Spanish coast The charge whereof she committed to the Lord Robert Earle of Essex and the Lord Charles Howard Lord high Admirall of England who came vnto Plymmouth about the beginning of May 1596. being there accompanied with diuers other noble Peeres as the Earle of Sussex the Lord Thomas Howard the Lord Herbert the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh the Lord Marshall Sir Francis Vere the Lord Burk Don Christopher yong Prince of Portugall yong Count Lodouick of Nassaw and the Admirall of the Hollanders Sir Iohn Vanderfoord besides many other most worthy Knights and Gentlemen of great worth attending vpon this most honorable Action It pleased them there to make their aboade for the time of that moneth aswell for the new furnishing and reuictualing of her Maiesties Royall Nauie as also for the expecting of some other ships which were to come from diuers places of the Realme and were as yet wanting Before their departure from Plymmouth it pleased their Lordships to publish in Print and make knowne to all the world especially to such as it concerned and that both in the Latine French Dutch English and Spanish tongue what were the true iust and vrgent causes that at this time prouoked her Maiestie to vndertake the preparing and setting forth of this so great a Nauie namely the King of Spaines preparations against her who had before whiles hee treated of peace Anno 1588. prepared to inuade her coast and now also to that purpose daily encreased his Nauie If therefore any should furnish the Spaniard with munition and prouisions they should expect what force could doe for all others of whatsoeuer Nation they aduised them to forsake the Spanish and Portugall Ports or to ioyne with the English for their owne security they hauing no quarrell in this designe but against the Spaniard Thus then all things being in a very good order and well appointed the most holy name of our Omnipotent God being most religiously and deuoutly called vpon ' and his blessed and sacred Communion being diuers times most reuerently and publikely celebrated being furnished with one hundred and fiftie good saile of ships or thereabout In the name of the most high and euerliuing God the first day of Iune they embarked themselues weighed Ancre and hoysed vp faile and put to Sea onward their iourney from the Sownds of Plymmouth to shew her Maiesties religious intendments in this exploit I haue thought good to adde here a Prayer made by her selfe as was reported and vsed as it was fitted for that designe MOst Omnipotent maker and guide of all our worlds masse that eâ—ely searchest and fadomest the bottome of all our hearts conceits and in them seest the true originals of all our actions intended thou that by thy foresight doest truely discerne how no malice of reuenge nor quittance of iniurie nor desire of bloudshed nor greedinesse of lucre hath bred the resolution of our nâ—w set out Army but a heedefull care and wary watch that no neglect of fees nor ouer-suretie of harme might breede either danger to vs or glory to them these being the grounds wherewith thou doest enspire the minde we humbly beseech thee with bended knees prosper the worke and with best forewindes guide the iourney speede the victory and make the returne the aduancement of thy glory the triumph of their f 〈…〉 e and surety to the Realme with the least losse of the English bloud To these deuout petitions Lord giue thou thy blessed grant The ninth of the same moneth comming something neere to the North Cape in a manner in the same altitude or not much differing which was about 43. degrees and something more yet bearing so as it was impossible to be descried from the land There it pleased the Lords to call a select Councell which was alwaies done by hanging out of a Flagge of the Armes of England and shooting off a great warning peece Of this select or priuie Counsell were no moe then these The two Lords Generall the Lord Thomas Howard the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh the Lord Marshall Sir Francis Vere Sir George Cary Master of the Ordnance Sir Coniers Clifford and Sir Anthony Ashley Clarke of the said Counsell And when it pleased the Lords Generall to call a common Counsell as of tentimes they did vpon weighty matters best knowne to their honours then they would cause another kinde of Flag to be hanged out which was the red Crosse of S. George and was very easie to be discerned from the other that appertained onely to the select Counsell and so often as this Flag of S. George was hanged out then came all the Masters and Captaines of all the ships whose opinions were to be demanded in such matters as appertained vnto the said select Counsell It was presently concluded that our course in sailing should forthwith be altered and that we should beare more into the West for some purposes to them best knowne At that instant many Letters of instructions were addressed and sent to euery particular Master and Captaine of the Ships What the contents of those Letters of instructions were it was not as yet knowne vnto any neither was it held meete to be enquired or knowne of any of vs. But vnder the titles and superscriptions of euery mans particuler Letter these words were endorsed Open not these Letters on paine of your liues vnlesse wee chance to be scattered by tempest and in that case open them and execute the contents thereof but if by mishap you fall into your enemies hand then in any case cast them into the Sea sealed as they are It should seeme that these Letters did containe in them the principall place and meaning of this entended action which was hitherto by their deepe foresights kept so secret as no man to my knowledge eiâ—her did or could so much as suspect it more then themselues who had the onely managing thereof All this while our ships God be thanked kept in a most excellent good order being deuided into fiue squadrons that is to say The Earle of Essex the Lord Admirall the Lord Thomas Howard the Lord Warden Sir Walter Raleigh and the Admirall of the Hollanders All which squadrons albeit they did euery day separate themselues of purpose by the distance of certaine leagues as well to looke out for such ships as were happily vnder saile as also for the better procuring of Sea-roome yet alwayes commonly either that day or the next day toward euening they
Westerly wind bringeth in the hollow mother Sea so the wind then being West Southerly blew trade and made both a great Sea gate or wash vpon the shoare and a dangerous rode So as besides the apparant likelihood that our men had been all lost by the ouerturning of our Boats vpon our heads the losse of our Boates which could not haue beene in that place auoided had kept vs from watering and so had beene the manifest destruction of the whole Fleet. Whereupon I the Generall leauing commandement of the great Ships with Sir Walter Raleigh because the Lord Thomas Howard desired to land with mee accompanied with his Lords Ship and all the other principall Officers and persons of qualitie in the Army I put my selfe in the smal Ships and towed the boats at our Sterns to seeke another smal Bay on the other side of the Point to the Eastward called Punta de Galera or Galy Point where there was a Land Fange and consequently a smoother landing But we putting off in this manner at eleuen of the clocke at night I the Generall in a Pinnace of Sir Walter Raleigh called the Guiana wherein all the Officers of the Land Army did accompany me the Aduenturers of quality that came out of my Ship in another Pinnace with Captain Arthur Champernon came to an anchor in this Bay but so dangerously as wee were put from our anchor and had like to haue beene cast away all the rest of the Fleet being put to leeward very farre The next morning at the breake of the day being driuen as low as Uilla Franca and there finding a good landing place wee set our troups on shoare where wee found besides many other commodities with which we refreshed our troupes a better watering place and a safer rode then any other that was about that Iland Which together with the impossibilitie of getting our small Ships and Boats to ply backe againe fiue leagues against the wind and to meet vs that should haue marched by land and they seeing of many of the Queens principal ships driuen from their anchors about and come to Villa Franca These accidents I say made vs to resolue to draw all the Fleet to one place and there to water with all possible diligence And wee being there saw it was so dangerous for our Ships to ride the wind growing more Southerly as on Sunday the fifteenth of October wee re-imbarked all our men the Masters of the Ships hauing before protested that if they were put from their anchors as hourely they looked to bee that the Fleet and Land Forces were in danger to be seuered for this whole Winter So as to haue hazarded her Maiesties honour and so many gallant men for that which was neuer any of our ends had beene as vnwise as it was vnsafe and if the counsell of retyring were good the manner of it was without taxation for wee imbarked first of all our idle persons secondly our aduenterours and the old Companies one after another and when wee had but three hundred and fiftie men on shore the enemy marching in sight of our Guards we went out to meet him and stood two houres readie to fight with the whole Forces of the Iland till at last they retired out of sight Thus left wee that Iland the principall Commanders by Land and Sea staying to bring off the last man In this meane time while the Land Forces were at Villa Franca and the Fleet at Punta Delgada there came into that Road a Carake and a small Brasil man The Carack presently ran her selfe on the Rocks and after her men had saued themselues the last set her on fire with all the goods in her to auoid her being taken Which Sir Walter Raleigh and those with him could not possibly auoid The Brasil man was taken and the Ship being found leakie the goods were taken out and put into English Ships And now wee haue giuen account of all our whole carriage vntill we bare for England If our comming home scattering be obiected wee must plead the violence of stormes against which no fore directions nor present industry can preuaile Wee must conclude with this That as wee would haue acknowledged that wee had done but our duties if we had defeated the Adelantado interpreted the Feet of Treasure and conquered the Ilands of the Açores So wee hauing failed of nothing that God gaue vs meanes to doe wee hoped her Maiestie will thinke our painfull dayes carefull nights euill diet and many hazards deserue not now to be measured by the euent the like honourable and iust construction wee promise our selues at the hands of all my Lords As for others that haue set warme at home and descant vpon vs wee know they lacked strength to performe more and beleeue they lacke courage to aduenture so much Signed ESSEX Thomas Howard Ch Mountioy Walter Raleigh Fran Vere Antony Sherley Christ Blunt §. II. A larger Relation of the said Iland Voyage written by Sir ARTHVR GORGES Knight collected in the Queenes Ship called the Wast Spite wherein he was then Captaine with Marine and Martiall Discourses added according to the Occurrences THese Iles of the Asores are situate in the Atlantike or Westerne Ocean and doe stand betweene 37. and 40. degrees and distant from England 400. leagues They are in number nine namely Saint Maries Saint Michaels The Tercera Gratiosa S. Georges Pykes Fayall Flores and Guerno This name of Asores was giuen vnto these Ilands by the Portugues of a kind of Hawkes called by them Asores which wee name Goshawkes and the Latines Accipitres whereof there did breed great store in those Iles But Ortellius sets downe this name to bee so giuen of the French word Essorer which signifieth to dry or wither but yeeldeth no reason withall for that Etimology The Netherlanders doe call them the Flemish Ilands challenging that they were first discouered by the Merchans of Bridges who found them meerely vn-inhabited abounding with Woods and Cedar Trees whether they sent Colonies to people and manure them And afterterwards in processe of time they yeelded themselues Subiects to the Portugues who since did inhabite and gouerne there so as now with them they are fallen vnder the power of the Spanish vsurpation Amongst these Ilands the Tercera is the chiefe but is so called by the Spaniards because it heth the third Iland distant from the Coast of Spaine It is plentifull of Fruit and Corne and hath some Vines growing in it The Inhabitants doe make great benefit and trade of Oade to dye Cloth which growes there in great plentie The chiefe Towne in that Iland is called Angra and hath thereunto a very strong Fortresse called Brazill and vnder it a Roade for shipping to ride but an Hauen or safe Port for all weathers there is not one amongst these nine Ilands The Pike is so called of a sharpe Mountaine rising steeple wise some three miles in heighe and six or
The Hollanders challenge the discouery of new Straits by Mayre and Schouten before twice sailed about by Sir F. Drake See sup the Preface to the second Chapter of lib. 3. Sir F. Drake imbraceth the Southermost point of the World Since this in that Voiagâ— wherein W. Adams was Pilot whose voiage and Seb. Werts ye haue in the former Tome Theodore Gerards one of that fleet was caried by tempest as â—hey write to 64. degrees South in which height the country was mountainous couered with snow looking like Norway It seemed to extend towards the Ilands of Salomon Simon de Cordes another of that fleet after prosperous successe in Chili was taken by the Portugâ—ls at the Moluccaâ— and carried to Mala ca prisoner Mocha Baldiuia and Conception wonne from the Spaniards by the Indians Beefe kept most safely in Pickell Iland Chule Iland Mocha Note Treacherie of the Indians Of Sheepe Their apparel and housing Strange Tobacco People of Chily Their weapons Their hate to the Spaniards Imperiall A cruel storme in the Sea of Ladies In it they lost their light horsman Saint Maries City of Conception Iuan Fernandes Good to auoid discouery Wilfulnesse of Mariners They seize vpon foure ships And the Ware-houses They seize vpon another ship and some gold Light Anchors brought from the North Sea And the first Artillerie Sayles of Cotton-cloth They depart from Lyma and conceale their weaknes The noblen's of Alonso de Soto The enemy lâ—ste dâ—ngerous then the Wine Description of â—he Bay Note of tides A new deuise for stopping a leake without boord Sparâ— Rudders and to take off at pleasure Bay of Quintera Ingratitude punished Coquinbo Excellent harbour Arica in Chily much commended For all sorts of fruits Chinchilla a rare beast Litle Cocos And plentie of Gold The Indians forbid the search of gold Euery showre a showre of gold Linnen and woollen cloth made in Coquinbo The valour of the Araweant The mischiefe of corrupt or scantie prouisions Of dâ—tayning and deâ—â—auding oâ— wages Of Mariners by challenge of Pillage The lawes of Oleron concerning Pillage Note or brand rather for taltongued-fingred fellowes Whâ—t ought to be reputed pillage Against the disloyalties of Captaines Concealment of much more value then the Trading The preuention of vndue pillagings Aricâ— Moormereno The 〈◊〉 of Spaine Ouerchaâ—giâ—g of Artilerieâ— The amity of the Indians Their rudé manners and expert swimming Bay of Pisco Cape Sangalean Chilca Aduise giuen by Sea and Land Returne of the Spanish Armado Scoffed at They set forth the second time Few men 〈◊〉 a Ship in the South Sea Port of Santâ— Plantation of the Ilands of Salomon Malabrigâ— Current Punta de Augussa Point of Augussa Illas de Lobos Puma Medicinable Riuer Scoales of Crocodiles P. de S. Elena Puerto vicjo Bay of Atacames They dismisse their Indians Distresse of Spaniards Occasion of their ruine A taut saile is that which proportionably is to high for the vess 〈…〉 Boy of S. Mathew The Indians led by a 〈◊〉 Chase the Spaniards Spanish Armado Pride and vnrulinesse forerunners of ruine The vnaduised courage of the multitude The beginning of the fight The inexperience of the Spaniards and ef the English Gunner And carelesnesse of the English How farre a Commander is to trust his officers Deceit of the Gunner and his extreme carelesnesse and suspicious disloyaltie Who to account a true Marriner His knowledge for Materials For prouisions For NauigatioÌ„ Office of the Master Office of the Pilot. The Boateswaine The Steward The Carpenter The Gunner Directions in secret Why the Spanish Admirall came to leewards Rule for Ordnance Intertainment of Spaniards The English 75. The Spaniards 1300. The Spanish discipline The Souldiers The Gunner The Marriner Officers in a Ship of War Captaine of the Ship Captaine of the Soldiers M. Del Campo Ill order Prying of the Spaniards into our Discipline Their imitation of our Discipline Englishman lost the English and therefore the man The Spaniards pay deerly for their rashnesse And take a new resolution Great Ordnance 〈…〉 e 〈◊〉 ship neere Sâ—râ—nge e 〈…〉 of Th 〈…〉 Policies to auâ—ide boordings Dispute concerning ships of Trade Concerning the Prince his ships Courses for Artillery after boording Disuse of engines of Antiquitie Sir R. H. wounded The Spaniards patley Perfidiousnesse often found in Spanish promises The rest of this conference being long is omitted They resolue to fight out The Enemy breatheth The English repaire their defects Vice-admirals mast shot away Aduantages omitted The difference of shot Their effects Errors in fight Learned from the Flemings Easterlings 1. To fight vnarmed 2. To drinke to excesse Folly of the bold English The Spaniard surpasâ—eth vs onely in temperance The vâ—e profit of arming exactly obserued by the Spanish Armes more necessary by Sea then at Land The Reuenge auenged The third cause Race-ships of Warre disliked Wast-clothes not so vsefâ—ull as other deuiÌ„ses The disaduantage of Ships to lee-ward And the best remedie Crosse-barre and Chainshot misliked The Spaniards Fore-Mast thrice shot through The Company againe importunate to come to composition The English surrender Gloue sent for pledge Braue worthy Spaniard The mildnesse of a Generall after victorie The Daintie in danger of perishing Michael Angel recouereth the ship Many Ilands Fishing for Pearles The places where Pearle are found Great Pearle The Generall continueth his honourable vsage towards the sicke and wounded Spanish Surgions ignorant Misprision of the terme Pirats What a Pirate is Three sorts of defiances The custome of Spaine for warre The custome of England A disputation concerning Buena Querra The Resolution c. The noble vsage of the English But abused in these dayes Don Beltran satisfied and answereth Short arrowes for Muskets Tampkin is a small piece of wood turned fit for the mouth of a Peece Iohn Oxnams Voyage to the South Sea What the Symarons are Their habitation Their assistance Iohn Oxnam capitulateth with them His folly and Breach of promise His pursuit See the Storie before This is added of later intelligence La Pacheta The Generall certifieth the Audiencia of his successe The great ioy of the Spaniards Note English treacherie procured by Spanish Gold I haue this Letter translated into Spanish and printed by them together with the discourse of the whole action much agreeing with this except where they lust to magnifie their Spanish worth The Daintie named the Uisitation Penguin Iland Port Famine The Riuer of Geneuera Mocha Santa Maria. Valparaso Gold Arica Pisco Chincha Sixe of the Kings ships Lima. Paita Atacame Baia de Santâ— Mateo Panama Paita Lima. Gnamanga Cusâ—o Potosi Master Lucas sâ—nne to Master Tho. Lucas This is part of another Letter * I found this paper amongst others of Master Hakl without the name of the Author Lima. Payta Acapulca Zumpanga Mexico Atrizco Angeles Vera Cruz. Saint I. de Vllua Saint Domingo Iamaica Not one naturall in Hispaniola Cartagena Saint Martha Nombre de dios Veragua Costa riâ—ca
Panama Venesuela Granada Quito Tucaâ—â— Chili Potossi and Porco Fiue millions laden at Cartagena yearely the Kings and as much of other Merchants Arequipa Cusco Emeralds 14000. Negros Wine and Asses deare Quito Lima. Potasi and the Mines Preciosa pericula * The Latine word is Stadâ—a which in ordinary sense were 25. miles Auracanes not suâ—iect Mexico R 〈…〉 ct to Priests Deare Masse Hides Maguey tree The Viceroy of Peru. â—allao Saint Philip of Auâ—iria Indian gouernmâ—nt Spaniards life Indians disposition state Iustice iâ—ineranâ— Mestizos Indian Prouinciall Councell Ecclesiasticall Reuenues Seminaries Kings Reuenuâ—s 12. Millions from ten Springs * Perhaps it is one of those eight or some later which followeth in Spanish contayning more particulars then this hath Or else it may be of Luys di Vaez c. The printed discourse so I call it rather than translation in English cals it the fifth part but the Spanish hath the fourth perhaps accounting the East Indies for a second America the third and this the fourth reckoning all the first knowne parts for the first Description of the people See of their Boats in Maâ—â—es Voyagâ— Vses of the Coco P. de la vâ—ra Cruz. Riuers Great Ilands Bay in 15 deg 40. minutes * The Sereno is the Dew which fals euery night in great almost snowers infections to those which are abroad in the aire as is before obserued in Drakes Voiages c. L. of Loretto Plus vltra 3. Nauiâ—s Kiâ— Ioâ—dan Taumaco Is 〈…〉 Mas desosenta Islas y vna grande tierra que se llama Manicolo Chicayana Isla He made two Voyages Guatopo Isla Mecaraylay Is 〈…〉 Tucopio Isla Manicolo terrâ— grande â—ono fono Isla Pilen Isla Pupan Isla Pouro gran tierra 15. Grados The first Voyage The second Voyage Islâ— de Santa Cruz. Part of this Discourse was published by M. Hak out of a written copie contayning the whole I haue added inserted those things which I thought fit leauing out such as before haue bin by others deliuered The Ports Saint Iuan de Lua Mexico Silkes and clothes Wine and oyle denied Vineyards Ports and shipping Aguatorke Cornauake Valley 400000. fire-houses in this Valley Veragua rich of Gold A Channell to be made Terra firma Nombre de Dios haâ—h 400. houses Panama * Here followed hâ—â—â—storiâ—s o 〈…〉 Sir 〈◊〉 D 〈…〉 ke and â—oâ—n Oâ—eâ—hâ—m 〈◊〉 you haue beâ—ore more compleat â—â—rre made with the Negros 〈◊〉 Townes Seuen French ships taken by two Gallies Fr. Drake with 24. ships Cartagena New Granada Magdalena a great Riuer The Riuer of Bâ—anco de Malambo Great Mountaines couered with snowe Tagrona Valley 70. Ilands Santa Domingo Cuba and Porta Rico. A strange way to keepe men aliue Cuba La hauana Porto rico The Port Townes Fernanboke The Riuer of Maranoyn La Canela The great Riuer of Marannon Orillana Margareta 〈◊〉 Iland Brasill conquered Pedro de Orzua or Ossâ—â—a Towne founded Lopez de Agira his mutinie The Captaine murthered Fernando de Gusman chosen King He is slaine Hard conceit of French cruelty by Span. and Portugals Nothing so cruell as feare proceeding from an ill conscience R. Amazones why so called Note the truth of that which hath mocked men touching Amazons in Asia Africa and America None other haue yet by credible reports beene found but warlike wiues and not solitary vnimamians His treason at Margarita Lope de Agire slayeth his daughter and is slaine Great riches hidden within the Riuer of Maragnon The coast of Brasill Two English ships See their storie sup l. 6. Parawa now iâ—habited by Spaniards Fernambock hath 3000. houses Baya a town belonging to the King for hee gaue most part of this Country to Gentlemen becauâ—e they found no Mynâ—s c. As Ilhas hath 150. houses Porto Sequero hâ—th foure small townes Rio de Ienero hath 300. houses Villagagnons Fort taken Of him and it you haue before in Lerius The Coast of Saint Vincent hath foure townes Two English ships by Fenton and Ward The Coast of Saint Vincent See sup in Schmidel Breed of 30. Mares and seuen Horses La Ascension Santa Fee Bonos Ayres Captaine Queros Quiedo cais him Zamargo Fr. Drake You haue 〈◊〉 and Câ—ndâ—shes and other English and Du 〈…〉 〈…〉 yages thorow the Stra 〈…〉 before The Iland of Cockels Others say the Iland of Cario Fiftie degrees fiue minutes Pedro Sarmiento D. F. de Valdes his disaduentures The Riuer of Ienero Port of Saint Vincent Fenton Iohn Drake Seale Iland Richard Faire-weather Bonos Ayrâ—â— Parayna Podâ—o Saâ—miento builded within the Straits Two townes in the Straits Nombre de Iesus and Philips Citie Sarmi 〈…〉 〈◊〉 taken by 〈◊〉 W. Ra 〈…〉 Barkes This di 〈…〉 wâ—◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Castro Baldiuia Chili How Chili was first discouered Copiapo Pedro de Ualdiuia El Estado de Arauco Villa nueua de la Serena La Conception Sant Iago La Imperial Baldiuia La Villa Rica the first six Townes that were inhabited in Chili A stratagem of the Indians of Chili against the Spaniards The death of Baldiuia Pedro de Villa grande Don Garcia de Mendoza 11. Towns and 2. Bishoprikes in Chili A description of the Townes of â—hili Baldiuia The Prouince of Arauco ouer against the Iland La Mocha situatâ— in 38. degrees and a halfe La Concepcion Valparizo which is the Port of S. Iago standeth iâ— 3â— dâ—gr 40 min. Coquimbo stâ—ndeth in 20. deg 30. min. Copiapo A description of Peru. Isla del Gallo Tumbez The Riuer of Peru. The cause why it raineth not in Peru. Gold Siluer 〈…〉 er 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 The sheepe of Peru called Llamas Atabalipa and Mango by others called Gaspar in strife Nine Bishopricks and one archbishoprick in Peru. The Prouinces of Tucuman Cordoua Atacama Camana Acari Al Calao Lima. Santa Cannete Truxillo Paita Guaiaquil Tumbez Salsaperilla Ships built at Guaiaquil Puerto Vieio a place where Emralds abound La Bucna ventura La gouernacion de Popaian Negros fled froÌ„ their Masters Panama Osta rico The Prouince of Nicaragua The discouery of the Philippinas The Isse of Manilla The discouery of the Isles of Salomon Cloues Ginger and Sinamon The Isle of Guadalcanal A Town burnt Abundance of good victuals vpon the Isles of Salomon A new rich trade for Gold Cloues Ginger and Sinamon Why these Isles were called the Isles of Salomon Ben. l. 1. c. 1. He serued 14. yeares in the Spanâ—sh-Indian expeditions C. 2. C. 3. Indians spoiled C. 25. L. 2. C. 1. Negro slaues succeede Law of Bayon diuellish deuise Armie of 7000 fugitiues C. 9. See Drakes and Oxenhams stories C. 11. Gotierez his conuerting of Indians Indian magnanimitie Hungry March Indians feare of Horses Cap. 13. Examples of couetousness Sedegnus and his 700. men Sotos acts in Florida Pam. Naruaez Cortez and Aluarado C. 〈◊〉 Indians conceit oâ— Christians Cap. 18. Monkes and Friars Span. Miracles Indian Christianitie Lib. 3. c. 1. Triumuirate First Voyage Second Voyage I. Gorgon Third expedition Cock-Iland Fourth expedition
besides these Reed-Palmes Silke-wormes Other Trees Prickle-peare Waters No Springs then found since Wells haue bin there digged which ebbe and flow with the Sea c. Fish Salt made there 5000. fishes taken at a hale Cause of their wholsomnesse No vnscaled fishes Whale and Sword-fish Cater-tray beare the bell away Medio tutissimus ibis Fowles Wild Swans Web-footed Fowle They call it of the cry which it maketh a Cohow Wild Hogges how first found out and taken Tortoises H. Rauens voyage from Bermuda to Virginia Cap. Win. L. Lawarre Sir George Summers his suruay and other industrie He builds a Pinnace R. Frubbusher builds another Power of example Mutinous conceptions Conspira 〈…〉 Iohn â—ant and 〈◊〉 Another Mutinie Conscience greatest enemy to conscience Stephen Hopkins condemned and pardoned Third Mutiny Euill as it hath a deficient cause so in and before the effects defects are found H. Paine his Mutinus behuiour His execution Diuers of Sir G Summers compâ—ny flâ—d into the woods Sir T. Gates his letter to Sir G. Summers Waters and Carter stand out and are left behind Religious exercises performed by Master Bucke The most holy ciuill and most naâ—urall possession taken of the Bermudas by exercise of Sacraments Marriage Child-birth c. Children named Bermuda and Bermudas Saylers misorder Cedar ill for shipping Crosse set vp for a memoria His Maiestieâ— Picture Signe of Land Chesipiack Bay The long Boat sent by Rauens câ—st away Algernoone Fort M. George Percy Miserable shewes of welcome Old Patent yeelded vp Their miseries in 〈…〉 ed. Ipsi sibi causa malâ—rum Orders established which continued for their short stay the particulers are here omitted They contained a Preface and 21 Articles for Pietie Loyaltie and Politie conuenient to the Colonie Men blamed but not all the Country freed Prou. 6. The Courtrey co 〈…〉 ed. Rem acu tetigit True cause of misery in Virginia Times of labour vnder Sir T. Gates Note The hopes of Virginia Sir T. Gates his care Pohatans policy Sauage Spies Basenesse of our people Mischiefes of Mariners Pursers fraud Remedy The Colony when they came within foure dayes of staruing Purpose to leau the Country The highest pitch lowâ—st depâ—h of the Colonies miseries scarsly escaping the iâ—wes of deuouring desperation Hopes morning L. La Waarr arriuall Description of the seate and site of Iames Towne The Fort c. described The Houses Barke Roofes Vnhealthfulnesse of Iames Towne Commission red Lord La Warrs tiâ—le Sir T. Gaâ—es Lieutenant Generall His speech Prouisions brought Counsell chosen sworne Colonysworn Officers appointed Sir G. Summers vnderâ—aketh to bring prouisions from Bermudas * Ad Gracaâ— Calendaâ— Can a Leopard change his spots Can a Sauage remayning a Sauage be ciuill Were not wee our selues made and not borne ciuill in our Progenitors dayes and were not Caesars Britaine 's as brutish as Virginians The Romane swords were best teachers of ciuilitie to this other Countries neere vs. Grassesilke English Armes treasured by Powhatan Message to Powhatan Powhatans homâ—ge King of Weroscoick taken Prisoner Sir T. Gates bound for England Lord Lawarre Iune 19. 1610. 23. degrees 21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33. degr 〈…〉 30. minutes 32. degrees He speakes with the Adm 〈…〉 ll They faile toward Cape Cod West 〈…〉 atio 〈…〉 gr 〈…〉 A great fog 40. deg 56. mi. 47. fathoms water Water like vna greene grasse They take fish A great fog Sounding Great fog and raine 100. Cods taken The Ship d 〈…〉 th They stand for the Riuer of Sagadahoc Verie foggie weather The thick fog continueth The fog continueth The fog conâ—inueth A Rocke of Marble halfe a miâ—e about 〈◊〉 of Seales The smal rocky Iland lieth in 44. degrees Many Ilands in eight fathoms water August 3. Resonable store of â—â—sh Seale Rocke in 43 deg 41 mâ— Here turneth home Thick and foggie weather 41. deg 44. mi. Cape Cod. â—â—e shoâ—dâ—s of Cape Cod. The middle of the Sholâ—es in 41 deg 50. mi. 15. degrees of westâ—â—ly Variation 12. degrees of westerly Variation 11. degrees of westerly Variation 12 degrees of Westerly variation 13. deg 25. mi. of Westerly variation Many shoales 12. leagues to the South of Cape La Warre Cape Charles Lord La Warres many sicknesses Orenges and Lemons good remedie for the Scuruie Master George Pâ—â—cie Depu 〈…〉 〈◊〉 â—â—e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sir T. Dale Marshall 200. leâ—t there Trade by Cape Argoll Three Forts Sir T. Gates his second voyage 100. Kine and 200. Swine sent K. and R. Pa tamack Sir T. Gates Sir T. Dale The Deliuerance This was in the Riuer of Nansamund His Voyage to Sir T. Smiths Iland Dela War Bay His first Voyage to Patowomec and Penbrooke Riuer Ayapassus the weroance of Pastancie * Cap. Web Ensigne Swift Rob. Sparkes two Boyes 1100. bushels of Corne. The second voyage to Penbrooke Riuer Note Great store of Oxen in Penbrooke Riuer A Myne A medicinable Earth A water that hath the taste of Allum An Earth like Gumme A red Earth like Terra sigillata The greaâ— King Patowomeck Ensigne Swift Pocahuntis taken 7. men freed His third Discouery Kerned Salt found May 12. 1613. Euery mans care is no mans Proprietie is a proper painestaker Sir Thom. Dales good gouernment Bermuda Citie Deere haue 3. or 4. Fawnes at a time Apossumes Strange store oâ—â—owle as before in Ouiedo A Frigâ—â—s lading taken at one draught Faire flowres Crabs Sir Tho. Dales going to Virginia A. 1 1 〈…〉 eight weekes Retchlesse wretches His care and imploiment R. Nansamund Wise seuâ—ritie remedie to slothâ—ull sccuritie Arriuall of Sir Tho. Gates with sixe ships Henrico built by Sir T. Dale Bermuda a city Hundreds set out and distinguished French displanted Long discourses followed in the Author but Virginia is brought to such an abridgement that I haue no heart to follow him or others in that kind Prince Henry Sir T. Dales iourny to Powhatans Country This is more at large deliuered with the particular circumstances which I for breuitiâ— haue omitted by M. Hamor Pocahuntas behauiour and report Opachankanâ— now their king worker of the massaâ—râ— Pocahuntaâ— baptised of Matoâ— so I haue heard she was properly named 〈◊〉 first called Rebecca They called the English Tossantessas and so would themselues be called The particulars and articles of agreemâ—nt are in M. Hâ—amors Booke here omitted Sir T. Dales report of Virginia In another letter to the Committees he writeth that foure of the best Kingdoms of Christendome put all together may no way compare with this country either for commodities or goodnesse of soile Master Alexander Whitaker was son to that worthy of Polemicall Diuine Doctor Whitaker Master of S. Iohns Col. in Cambridge Whatshadowes of men are the most in this age that the best deseruing should neede apologies instead of panegyrikâ—s They which for doing suffer ill cry whore first and by deprauing iustice seek to be iust Their Priâ—sts and manner of liuing Yet Namantack in his returne was killed in Bermuda by another Sauage his