his men amongst the which were threescore and two Portugals Now whereas this City was very strong as well in regard of the scituation of it as of the Fortifications which were newly made there it had besides within it twenty thousand Mons who it was said were come thither some five days before from the Mountains of Pondalâ—u where the King of Avaa by the permission of the Siamon Emperor of that Monarchy was levying above fourscore thousand men for to go and regain the City of Prom for as soon as that King had received certain news of the death of his daughter and son-in-law perceiving that he was not strong enough of himself to revenge the wrongs this Tyrant had done him or to secure himself from those which he feared to receive of him in time to come namely the depriving him of his Kingdom as he was threatened he went in person with his wife and children and cast himself at the Siamons feet and acquainting him with the great affronts he had received and what his desire was he made himself his Tributary at threescore thousand Bisses by the year which amount to an hundred thousand Duckets of our mony and a gueta of Rubies being a measure like to our pynt therewith to make a jewel for his wife of which Tribute it was said that he advanced the payment for ten years beforehand besides many other precious stones and very rich Plate which he presented him with estimated in all at two millions in recompence whereof the Siamon obliged himself to take him into his protection yea and to march into the field for him as often as need should require and to re-establish him within a year in the Kingdom of Prom so as for that effect he granted him those thirty thousand men of succor which the Bramaa defeated at Meleytay as also the twenty thousand that were then in the City and the fourscore thousand which were to come to him over whom the said King of Avaa was to be the General The Tyrant having intelligence thereof and apprehending that this above all other things he could fear might be the cause of his ruine he gave present order for the fortifying of Prom with much more care and diligence then formerly howbeit before his departure from this River where he lay at anchor being about some leâ—gue from the City of Avaa he sent his Treasurer named Dioçory with whom we eight Portugals as I have related before remained prisoners Embassador to the Calaminhan a Prince of mighty power who is seated in the midst of this region in a great and spacious extent of Country and of whom I shall say something when I come to speak of him The subject of this Embassage was to make him his Brother in Arms by a League and Contract of new amity offering for that effect to give him a certain quantity of Gold and precious stones as also to render unto him certain Frontier Lands of his Kingdom upon condition that the Spring following he should keep the Siamon in war for to divert him from succoring the King of Avaa and thereby give him means the more easily to take his City from him without fear of that assistance which that King hoped should serve for an obstacle to his design This Embassador departed then after he had imbarqued himself in a Laulea that was attended on by twelve Seroos wherein there were three hundred men of service and his guard besides the Watermen and Mariners whose number was little less The Presents which he carryed to the Calaminhan were very great and consisted in divers rich pieces as well of Gold as of precious stones but above all in the Harness of an Elephant which according to reports was worth above six hundred thousand Duckets and it was thought that all the Presents put together amounted to a Million of Gold At his departure amongst other favors which the King his Master conferred on him this same was not the least for us that he gave us eight unto him for to be his perpetual slaves Having clothed us then very well and furnished us abundantly with all things necessary he seemed to be exceedingly contented with having us along with him in this Voyage and ever after he made more account of us then of all the rest that followed him CHAP. LV. Our going with the King of Bâ—amâ—a's Ambassadour to the Calaminham with the Course which we held until we arrived at the Temple or Pagod of Timagoogoo and a Description thereof IT seems fit unto me and conformable to that which I am relaâ—ing to leave for a while this Tyrant of Bramaa to whom I will return again when time shal serve for to intreat here of the way we held for to go into Timplan the capital City of the Empire of the Calaminham which signifies Lord of the world for in their language Cala is Lord and Minhan the world This Prince also entitles himself The absoluâ—e Lord of the indomptable force of the Elephants of the Earth And indeed I do not think that in all the world there is a greater Lord then he as I shall declare hereafter This Ambassadour then departing from Avaa in the month of October a thousand five hundred forty and five took his course up the râ—ver of Queitor steering West South-East and in many places Eastward by reason of the winding of the water and so in this diversity of â—hombâ—s we continued our voyage seven days together at the end whereof we arrived at a Channâ—l called Guampanoo through which the Rhobamo who was our Pilot took his course that he might decline the Siamons Country being so commanded to do by the express Order of the King A while after we came to a great Town named Gataldy where the Ambassadour stayed three days to make provision of certain things necessary for his voyage Having left this place we wâ—nt on still rowing up through his Channel eleven dayes longer during which time we met not with any place that was remarkable only we saw some small villages the houses whereof were covered with thatch and peopled with very poor folks and yet for all that the fields are full of Cattel which seemed to have no Master for we killed twenty and thirty of them in a day in the sight of those of the Country no man so much as finding fault with it but contrarily they brought them in courtesie to us as if they were glad to see us kill them in that sort At our going out of this Channel of Guampanoo we entred into a very great river called Angegumaa that was above three Leagues broad and in some places six and twenty fathom deep with such impetuous currents as they drove us often-times from our course This river we coasted above seven dayes together and at length arrived at a pretty little walled Town named Gumbim in the Kingdom of Iangromaa invironed on the Lands side for five or six â—â—agues space with Forrests of Bâ—njamin as alâ—o with
pleased God to restore us to our perfect health so that this virtuous Dâ—me seeing us able to travel recommended us to a Merchant her kinsman that was bound for Patana with whom after we had taken our leave of that noble Matron unto whom we were so much obliged we imbarqued our selves in a Cataluz with Oars and sailing on a River called Sumhâ—chitano we arrived seven days after at Patana Now for as much as Antonio de Faria looked every day for our return with a hope of good success in his business as soon as he saw us and understood what had past he remained so sad and discontented that he continued above an hour without speaking a word in the mean time such a number of Portugals came in as the house was scarce able to contain them by reason the greatest part of them had ventuâ—ed goods in the Lanchara whose lading in that regard amounted to seventy thousand duckets and better the most of it being in silver coyn of purpose with it to return gold Antonio de Faria seeing himself stripped of the twelve thousand duckets he had borrowed at Malaca resolved not to return thither because he had no means to pay his Creditors but rather thought it fitter to pursue those that had robbed him of his goods so that he took a solemn Oath upon the holy Evangelists to part incontinently from that place for to go in quest of those Pyrats for to revenge upon them the death of those fourteen Portugals and thirty six Christians Boys and Mariners killed by them as aforesaid Adding withall that if such a course were not taken they should every day be used so â—ay far worse All the Assistants very much commended him valorous resolution and for the execution thereof there were many young Soldiers amongst them that offered to accompany him in that voyage some likewise presented him with mony and others furnished him with divers necessaries Having accepted these offers and presents of his friends he used such diligence that within eighteen days he made all his preparations and got together five and fifty Soldiers amongst whom poor unfortunate I was fain to be one for I saw my self in that case as I had not so much as a single token nor knew any one that would either give or lend me one being indebted besides at Malaca above five hundred duckets that I had borrowed there of some of my friends which with as much more that dog had â—obbed me of amongst others as I have related befoâ—e having been able to save nothing but my miserable carcass wounded in three places with a Javelin and my skull crackt with a stone whereby I was three or four times at the point of death But my companion Christovan Borralho was yet â—ar worse entreated then my self and that with more hurts which he received in satisfaction of five and twenty hundred duckets that he was robbed of as the rest CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria's setting forth for the Isle of Ainan his arrival at the River of Tinacoren and that which befell us in this Voyage AS soon as Antonio de Faria was ready he departed from Patana on a Saturday the ninth of May 1540. and steered North North-west towards the Kingdom of Champaa with an intent to discover the Ports and Havens thereof as also by the means of some good booty to furnish himself with such things as he wanted for his haste to part from Patana was such as he had not time to furnish himself with that which was necessary for him no not with victual and warlike ammunition enough After we had sailed three days we had sight of an Island called Pullo Condor at the height of eight degrees and three quarters on the North Coast and almost North-west towards the mouth of the River of Camboia so that having rounded all the Coast we discovered a good Haven Eastward where in the Island of Camboia distant some six leagues from the firm Land we met with a Junk of Lequios that was going to the Kingdom of Siam with an Embassador from the Nautauquim of Lindau who was Prince of the Island of Tosa and that had no sooner discovered us but he sent a message by a Chinese Pilot to Antonio de Faria full of complements whereunto was added these words from them all That the time would come when as they should communicate with us in the true love of the Law of God and of his inâ—inite clemency who by his death had given life to all men and a perpetual inheritance in the house of the good and that they beleeved this should be so after the half of the half time was past With this complement they sent him a Courtelas of great value whose handle and scabbard was of gold as also six and twenty Pearls in a little Box likewise of gold made after the fashion of a Salt-seller whereat Antonio de Faria was very much grieved by reason he was not able to render the like unto this Prince as he was obliged to do for whâ—n the Chinese arrived with this message they were distant above a league at Sea from us Hereupon we went ashore where we spent three days in taking in fresh water and fishing Then we put to Sea again laboring to get to the firm Land there to seek out a River named Pullo Cambim which divides the State of Camboia from the Kingdom of Champaa in the height of nine degrees where arriving on a Sunday the last of May we went up three leagues in this River and anchored just against a great Town called Catimparu there we remained twelve days in peace during the which we made our provision of all things necessary Now bâ—cause Antonio de Faria was naturally curious he endevored to understand from the people of the Country what Nation inhabited beyond them and whence that mighty River took its souâ—ce whereunto he was answered that it was derived from a lake named Pinator dâ—stant from them Eastward two hundred and sixty leagues in the Kingdom of Quitirvan and that it was invironed with high mountains at the foot whereof upon the brink of the water were eight and thirty villages of which thirteen were very great and the rest small and that only in one of the great onâ—s called Xincaleu there was such a huge myne of gold as by the repâ—â—t of those that lived thereabout there was every day a bar and a half drawn out of it which according to the value of our mony makes two and twenty millions in a year and that four Lords had share in it who continually were in war together each one striving to make himself master of it I and that one of them named Raiahitau had in an inner yard of his house in pots under ground that were full to the very brims above six hundred bars of gold in powder like to that of Mexancabo of the Island of Samatra And thâ—â— if three hundred Harquebusiers of our Nation should go and assault it
your brains fly out of your heads with a frontal of cord as he did to my Master but God I hope will pay him for all the mischief he hath committed Antonio de Faria being also advertised by this slave that this dog Similau had brought all his men of war along with him and left none in his Junk but some Chinese Mariners he resolved to make use of this good fortune after he had put Similau and his companions to death by making their brains fly out of their heads with a cord as Similau had done to Gaspar de Mello and the other Portugals in Liampao Wherefore he presently imbarqued himself with thirty Soldiers in his Boat and the three Machnaâ— wherein the Enemies came and by means of the â—lood and a favorable wind he arrived withless then an hour where the Junk rode at anchor within the River about a league from us whereupon he presently boarded her and made himself master of the poup from whence with only four pots of powder which he cast in among the Rascals that were asleep upon the hatches he made them all leap into the Sea where nine or ten of them were drowned the rest crying out for help were taken up and saved because we stood in need of them for the navigation of the Junk that was a great tall Vessel Thus you see how it pleased God out of his divine justice to make the arrogant confidence of this cursed dog a means to chastise him for his cruelties and to give him by the hands of Portugals a just punishment for that which he had done unto them The next morning taking an inventory of this prize we found six and thirty thousand Taâ—is in silver of Iapan which amounts in our mony to fifty four thousand duckets besides divers other good commodities that were not then praised for want of time because the Country was all in an uproar and fires every where kindled whereby they use to give warning one to another upon any alarm or doubt of Enemies which constrained us to make away with all speed Antonio de Faria parted from this River of Toobasoy on a Wednesday morning being Corpus Christi Eve in the year 1540. and sailed along by the Coast of the Kingdom of Champaa fearing to abandon it the wind being Easterly which in that place is oftentimes very impetuous especially in the conjunction of the new and full Moons The Friday following we found our selves just against a River called by the inhabitants of the Country Tinacoreu and by us Varella whereinto we thought fit to enter as well to be informed of certain things Antonio de Faria desired to know as also to see whether he could learn any news of Coia Acem whom he sought for in regard that all the Junks of Siam and of all the Coast of Malaya that sail to China use to trade in this River where many times they sell their commodities well in exchange of gold Calembouc wood and Ivory whereof there is abundance in that Kingdom and having cast anchor a little within the mouth of the River over against a Village named Taquilleu there came a number of Paroos and many other small Boats with fishermen full of refreshments who having never seen men made like unto us said one to another Lo this is a strange novelty wherewithall God doth visit us let us beseech him he will be pleased that these bearded men may not be such as for their particular profit do spy Countries like Merchants and afterwards rob them like Theeves Let us get to the woods for fear lest the sparks of these firebrands do not burn up our houses and reduce the fields of our labors into ashes as they use to do unto the Lands of other men Whereunto some of them made answer God forbid it should be so but if by misfortune they should come amongst us let us carry our selves in such sort as they may not perceive we fear them as Enemies for so they would set upon us with the more confidence wherefore the best course for us will be in a fair way and with gentle words to endevor to learn of thâ—m what they would have of us that upon knowledg thereof we may certifie it unto Hoyaa Paquir who is now at Congrau Antonio de Faria making as though he did not understand them although all that they said was delivered to him by an Interpreter received them very courteously and bought the refreshments which they brought of them at their own price wherewithall they were very well satisfied And they demanding of him from whence he came and what he would have he answered them that he was of the Kingdom of Siam and as a Merchant was going to traffique in the Isle of Lequios being come into that place only to learn some news of a friend of his named Coia Acem that was also bound thither whereupon he enquired of them whether he were past by or no howsoever he intended to depart thence suddenly both for to lose no time as for that he knew he could not sell his commodities there To which they replyed You say true for in this village of ours there is nothing but nets and fisher Boats wherewith we get our living and that poorly enough God knows Howbeit added they if thou wilt go up the River to the Town of Pilaucacem where the King is thou wilt sell not only the commodities which are in thy ships be they never so rich but likewise more then ten such ships as thine could carry by reason that there are Merchants in that place so wealthy and that drive so great a trade as they go with whole Troops of Elephants Oxen and Camels whom they send laden with goods to the Lands of the Lauhos Pafuaas and Gueos which are inhabited by very rich people Antonio de Faria seeing a good occasion offered to inform himself of that he desired to know questioned them at large concerning many things whereunto some of them that seemed to be of more authority then the rest answered very aptly how the River where we rode at anchor was called Tinacoreu and that it extended to Moncalor a mountain distâ—nt from thence some fourscore leagues and that further upwards it was far broader but not so deep where in many places there was great shelves of sand and a world of land overflown with water in the which werâ— such a multitude of fowls as they covered all the Country thereabout And how beyond that it was all mountainous and rocky and so full of Elephants Rhinoceroses Lions wilde Boars Buffles and such other wilde beaâ—ts as men could not possibly live there for them And moreover how in the midst of that continent there was a great Lake which the inhabitants thereof called Cunebetea and others Chiammay from whence this River took its beginning as also three others that watered a good part of this Country And that the said Lake according to the report of those who have written of
Soul doth now enjoy the promised delights of thy Mahomet as thou didst yesterday publish to these other Dogs such as thy self Thereupon he commanded all the Slaves and Captives of his company together with their Masters before him unto whom he made a speech like a true Christian as indeed he was whereby he prayed them in the Name of God to manumit these Slaves according to the promise he had made them before the fight engaging himself to satisfie them for it out of his own Estate Whereunto they answered all with one consent that since it was his desire they were wel contented and that they did even then set them at full liberty whereof he caused a writing to be presently made with all their hands unto it being as much as could be done for the instant but afterwards each of them had in particular Letters of manumission granted unto them This done an Inventory was taken of such Commodities as were found to be good and merchantable over and above those which were given to the Portugals and all was praised at an hundred and thirty thousand Taeis in Silver Lingots of Iapan consisting of Sattin Damask raw Silk Taffety Musk and very fine Porcelain for as touching the rest they were not put in writing And all these Robberies the Pyrats had committed on the Coasts between Sumbor and Fucheo where for above a year together they had coursed up and down After that Antonio de Faria had remained four and twenty days in this River of Tinlau during which time all his hurt men were cured he set sail directly for Liampoo where he purposed to pass the Winter to the end that with the beginning of the Spring he might set forth on his Voyage to the Mynes of Quoaniaparu as he had resolved with Quiay Panian the Chinese Pyrat that was in his company but being advanced even to the point of Micuy which is at the height of six and twenty degrees so great a Tempest arose towards the North-west that we were fain to strike our top-sails for fear we should be forced back again from our course but after dinner it increased with such a terrible storm of rain and the Sea went so high that the two Lanteas were not able to brook it so that about evening they made to Land with an intent to recover the River of Xilendau which was about a league and an half from thence whereupon Antonio de Faria doubting some misfortune carried as little sail as possibly he could as well for that he would not outgo the Lanteas as in regard of the violence of the wind which was such as they durst not carry more Now by reason the night was so dark and the billows so great they could not discern a shelf of sand that lay betwixt an Island and the point of a Rock so that passing over it our Junk struck her self so rudely on it as her upper keel cleft in two or three places and her under keel a little whereupon the Gunner would have given fire to a Falconet for to have warned the other Junks to come in to succor us in this extremity but Antonio de Faria would by no means permit him saying that since it pleased God he should be cast away in that place there was no reason that others should be lost there also for his cause But he desired every one to assist him both with manual labor and secret prayers unto God to pardon their sins Having said so he caused the main Mast to be cut down whereby the Junk came to be in somewhat a better case then she was before but alas the fall of it cost three Mariners and one of our servants their lives who chancing to be under it when it fell were battered all to pieces In like manner he made all the other Masts from poop to prow to be hewed down together with all the dead works as the cabins and galleries without so that all was taken away close to the hatches And though all this was done with incredible diligence yet it stood us in little stead for that the weather was so foul the sea so swoln the night so dark the waves so furious the rain so great and the violence of the storm so intolerable that no man was able to withstand it In the mean time the other four Junks made a sign to us as if they also were cast away Whereupon Antonio de Faria lifting up his eyes and hands to Heaven Lord said he before them all as through thy infinite mercy thou wast fastened upon the Cross for the Redemption of sinners so I beseech thee who art all mercy that for the satisfaction of thy Iustice I alone may suffer for the offences which these men have committed since I am the principal cause of their trespassing against thy divine goodness permit not then O Lord that in this woful night they may fall into that danger wherein I see my self as this present by reason of my sins but with a repentant Soul I most humbly beseech thee and that in the name of all the rest though I am most unworthy to be heard that in stead of having regard to our sins thou wilt behold us with the eyes of that pity and infinite clemency wherewith thou art replenished Upon these words we all fell a crying out so lamentably Lord have mercy upon us that it would have grieved any heart in the world to have heard us And as all men that find themselves in the like extremity are naturally carried to the preservation of their lives without any regard at all of ought else there was not one amongst us that sought not the means to safe his so that all of us together employed our selves in discharging our Vessel by casting our goods into the Sea To which effect about an hundred men of us as well Portugals as Slaves and Mariners leapt down into the Ship and in less then an hour heav'd all over-board without any respect in so eminent a danger of that which we did for amongst the rest we threw twelve great chests full of lingots of Silver into the Sea which in the last incounter we had taken from Coia Acem besides many other things of great value whereby our Junk was somewhat lightened Having past the night in that miserable state we were in at length as the day began to break it pleased God that the wind also began to slack whereby our Junk remained a little more at rest though she was still in great peril by reason of the water shâ— had taken in it being almost four yards deep in her so that to avoyd the eminent danger we were threatened with we all of us got forth and catching hold by the tackle we hung on the out-side of the Junk because the waves beat with such violence against her that we feared to be drowned or cast against the Rocks which had already happened to eleven or twelve of our company for want of taking
Paâ—iaâ— he was counselled not to hazard himself in that Voyage because it was reported for a certainty how all that Country was up in arms by reason of the Wars which the Prechau Muan had with the Kings of Chamay and Champaa And withall he had Information given him of a famous Pirate named Similau whom he went presently to seek out and having found him the said Similau related strange wonders unto him of an Island called Calempluy where he assured him there were seventeen Kings of China interred in Tombes of Gold as also a great number of Idols of the same Metâ—al and such other immense treasures as I dare not deliver for fear of not being credited Now Antonio de Faria being naturally curious and carried with that ambition whereunto Souldiers are for the most part inclined lent so good ear to this Chineses report as looking for no other assurance of it then what he gave him he presently resolved to undertake this Voyage and expose himself to danger without taking further counsel of any man whereat many of his friends were with reason offended CHAP. XXIV Antonio de Faria departs from Liampoo for to seek out the Island of Calempluy the strange things that we saw and the hazard we ran in our voyage thither THe season being now fit for Navigation and Antonio de Faria furnished with all that was necessary for this new Voyage which he had undertaken to make on Munday the fourteenth of May in the year one thousand five hundred forty and two he departed from this Port to go to the Island of Calempluy For which purpose he imbarqued in two Paâ—oures resembling small Gallies but that they were a little higher by reason he was counselled not to use Junks as well to avoid discovery as in regard of the great curranâ—â— of water that descended from the Bay of Nanquin which great Vessels with all their sails were not able to stem especially at the time wherein he set forth for then the snows of Tartaria and Nixihuâ—flaâ— dissolving ran all the Months of May Iune and Iuly into these Seas with a most violent impetuosity In these two Vessels were fiftie Portugals one Priest to say Masse and fortie eight Marriners all Natives of Patana as also two and fortie slaves so that the whole number of our company amounted to an hundred forty and one persons for the Pirate Similaâ— who was our Pilot would have no more men nor Vessels for fear of being known because he was to traverse the streight of Nanquin and to enter into Rivers that were much frequented whereby we might probably be subject to great hazâ—rd That day and al the night following we imployed in getting out from amongst the Islands of Angitur and pursued our course through Seas which the Portugals had neither seen nor sailed on till then The first five dayes we had the wind favourable enough being still within sight of land till we came to the mouth of the River of the Fishings of Nanquin There we croâ—t over a Gulf of forty leagues and discovered a very high Mountain called Nangafo towards the which bending Northerly we sailed fiftie dayes at length the wind abated somewhat and because in that place the Tides were very great Similau put into a little River where was good anchoring and riding inhabited by men that were white and handsome having very little eyes like to the Chineses but much different from them both in language and attire Now during the space of three dayes that we continued there the Inhabitants would have no manner of communication with us but contrariwise they came in troopes to the shore by which we anchored and running up and down like mad-men they howled in a most hideous fashion and shot at us with slings and cross-bows As soon as the weather and the sea would permit us Similau by whom all vvas then governed began to set sail directing his course East Northeast and so proceeded seven dayes in sight of land then traversing another Gulfe and turning more directly to the East he past through a straight ten leâ—gues over called Sileupaquin There he sailed five dayes more still in view of many goodly Cities and Towns this River being frequented with an infinite company of Vessels whereupon Antonio de Faria knowing that if he hapned to be discovered he should never escape with life resolved to get from thence and continue this course no longer which Similau perceiving and opposing the advice that every one gave him Signior said unto him I do not think that any of your company can accuse me for mis-performing my duty hitherto you know how at Liampoo I told you publiquely in the General Councel that was held in the Church before an hundred Portugals at the least that we were to expose our selves to great dangers and chiefly my self because I was a Chinese and a Pilot for all you could be made to endure but one death wheras I should be made to endure two thousand if it were possible whereby you may well conclude that setting apart all treason I must of necessity be faithful unto you â—s I am and ever will be not only this Voyage but in all other enterprizes in despight of those that murmur and make false reports unto you of me howbeit if you fear this danger so much as you say and are therefore pleased that we shall take some other way lesse frequented with men and vessels and where we may sail without dread of any thing then you must be contented to bestow a far longer time in this voyage wherefore resolve with your company upon it without any further delay or let us return back for lo I am ready to do whatsoever you will Antonio de Faria embracing and giving him many thanks fell to discourse with him about that other safer way of which he spake Whereupon Similau told him that some hundred and forty leagues further forwards to the North there was a River somewhat larger by half a league called Sumhepadano where he should meet with no Obstacle for that it was not peopled like the streight of Nanquin wherein they now were but that then they should be retarded a month longer by the exceeding much winding of this River Antonio de Faria thinking it far better to expose himself to a length of time then to hazard his life for abridgement of way followed the counsel that Similau gave him so that going out of the streight of Nanquin he coasted the land five dayes at the end whereof we discovered a very high Mountain towards the East which Similau told us was called Fanius approaching somewhat neer unto it we entred into a very fair Port forty fathom deep that extending it self in the form of a Crescent was sheltred from all sorts of winds so spacious withall as two thousand Vessels how great soever might ride there at ease Antonio de Faria went ashore with some ten or eleven Souldiers and rounded this haven but could not
wide nosthrils and were of stature very tall but yet not so high as we thought they had been for Antonio de Faria having caused them to be measured he found that the tallest of them exceeded not ten spans and an half except one old man that reached to eleven The womens stature was not fully ten spans Their very countenances shewed them to be very rude and blockish and lesse rational then all the other people which we had seen in our Conquests Now Antonio de Faria being glad that we had not altogether lost our labour bestowed on them threescore Pourcelains a piece of green Taffety and a pannier full of Pepper wherewith they seemed to be so contented that prostrating themselves on the ground and lifting up their hands to heaven they fell to saying certain words which we took for a thanksgiving after their manner because they fell down three several times on the earth and gave us the three Cows and the Stag as also a great many of Herbs Having been talking about two houres with them by signs and no lesse wondring at us then we at them they returned into the wood from whence they came and we pursued our course up the River by the space of five dayes during the which we saw more of them along by the water side after we had past all this distance of land which might be some forty leagues or thereabouts we navigated sixteen dayes more with the force of Oaâ—s and Sails without seeing any person in that desert place onely for two nights together we discerned certain fires a good way off at land In the end it pleased God that we arrived at the Gulf of Nanquin as Similau had told us with a hope in five or six dayes to see our desires accomplished Being come into the gulf of Nanquin Similau councelled Antonio de Faria that at any hand he should not suffer any Portugal to be seen because if such a thing should happen he feared some uproar would follow amongst the Chineses in regard no strangers had ever been seen in those quarters adding withall that it would be safer for them to keep still in the middle of the gulf then by the shore by reason of the great number of Lorches and Lanteaas that incessantly sailed up and down this advice was approved of every one so that having continued our course some six dayes East and East Northeast we discovered a great Town called Sileupamor whither we directly went and entred the Haven about two houres within night where we found an infinite company of Vessels riding at anchor to the number according to our thinking of three thousand at the least which gave us such an alarum as not daring scarce to wag vve got out again vvith all the secrecy that might be crossing over the vvhole breadth of the River then which vvas some six or seven leagues vve prosecuted our course all the rest of that day and coacted along by a great plain with a resolution to accommodate our selves vvith Victuals vvheresoever vve could first meet vvith any for vve were in such scarcitie as for thirteen dayes together no man had more then three mouthfuls of boyled Rice allowance Being in this extremity we arrived close to certain old buildings there went ashore one morning before day and fell upon a house that stood a little vvay off from the rest where vve found a great quantity of Ryce some Beans diveâ—s pots ful of Honey poudred Geese Onions Garlick and Sugar Canes vvherevvith vve throughly furnished our selves Certain Chineses told us afterwards that this vvas the storehouse of an Hospital which vvas some two leagues off where such were entertained as past that way in Pilgrimage to the Sepulchers of the Kings of China Being re-imbarqued and well provided of Victual we continued on our voyage seven daies more which made up two months and an half since we put out of Liâ—mpoo Then Antonio de Faria began to mistrust the truth of what Similau had said so that he repented the undertaking of this voyage as he confessed publiquely before us all neverthelesse in regard there was no other remedy for it but to recommend himself to God and wisely to prepare for all that might happen he couragiously performed it Hereupon it fell out that Antonio de Faria having one morning demanded of Similau in what part he thought they were he answered him so far from the purpose and like a man that had lost his judgement or that knew not which way he had gone as put Antonio de Faria into such choller that he was going to stâ—b him with a Ponyard that he wore which without doubt he had done had he not been diverted from iâ— by some that counselled him to forbear lest it should be the cause of his utter ruine whereupon moderating his anger he yeelded to the advice of his friends neverthelesse he was not for all that so contained but that taking him by the Beard he swore that if within three dayes at the farthest he did not let him see either the truth or the falshood of what he had told him he would Ponyard him infallibly wherewith Similau was so exceedingly terrified that the night following as we were abiding by the shore he slid down from the Vessel into the River and that so closely as he was never discovered by the Sentinels or any other untill the end of the first Watch when as Antonio de Faria was thereof advertised This news put him so far besides himself as he lost all patience the rather for that â—e feared some revolt upon it from his Souldiers who he saw were too much disposed thereunto But he presently went ashore with a great many of his company and spent the most part of the night in seeking of Similau without meeting him or any other living soul that was able to tell any news of him but the worst of it yet was that upon his return into his Junk of forty six Chinese Mariners that he had aboard him he found six and thirty fled away to prevent the danger they were afraid of whereat Antonio de Faria and all his company were so amazed that lifting up their hands and eyes to heaven they stood a long time mute their tears supplying the defect of their speech thereby testifying the secret sorrow of their hearts for considering well what had hapned unto them and the great peril they were in the least that they could do in this confusion was to lose their courage and judgment much more their speech Howbeit falling at length to consult what we should do for the future after much diversitie of opinion it was in the â—nd concluded that we should pursue our design and labour to take some body that might inform us how far it was from thence to the Island of Calâ—â—plâ—y and this to be done as secretly as possible might be for fear the Country should rise likewise that if upon the report should be made us we found it would
question betwixt them and to pay him two thousand Picos of Silver for to defray the Charges of those strangers the Tartar had entertained in this War by this means China continued for a good while quiet but the King doubting lest the Tartar might in time to come return to annoy him again resolved to build a Wall that might serve for a Bulwark to his Empire and to that end calling all his Estates together he declared his determination unto them which was presently not onely well approved of but held most necessary so that to enable him for the performance of a business so much concerning his state they gave him ten thousand Picos of Silver which amount according to our account unto fifteen Millions of Gold after the rate of fifteen hundred Ducates each Pico and moreover they entertained him two hundred and fifty thousand men to labour in the work whereof thirty thousand were appointed for Officers and all the rest for manual services Order being taken then for whatsoever was thought fit for so prodigious an enterprise they fell to it in such sort as by the report of the History all that huge Wall was in seven and twenty years quite finished from one end to the other which if credit may be given to the same Chronicle is seventy Iaos in length that is six hundred and fifteen miles after nine miles every Iao wherein that which seemed most wonderfull and most exceeding the belief of man was that seven hundred and fifty thousand men laboured incessantly for so long a time in that great work whereof the Commonalty as I delivered before furnished one third part the Priests and Isles of Aynen another third and the King assisted by the Princes Lords Chaems and Anchacys of the Kingdom the rest of the building which I have both seen and measured being thirty foot in height and ten foot in breadth where it is thickest It is made of Lime and Sand and plaistered on the outside with a kind of Bitumen which renders it so strong that no Cannon can demolish it Instead of Bulwarks it hath Sentries or Watch-towers two stages high flanked with Buttresses of Carpentry made of a certain black wood which they call Caubesy that is to say Wood of Iron because it is exceeding strong and hard every Buttress being as thick as an Hogshead and very high so that these Sentries are far stronger then if they were made of Lime and Stone Now this Wall by them termed Chaufacan which signifies Strong resistance extends in height equal to the Mountains whereunto it is joyned and that those Mountains also may serve for a Wall they are cut down very smooth and sâ—eep which renders them far stronger then the Wall it self but you must know that in all this extent of land there is no Wall but in the void spaces from Hill to Hill so that the Hills themselves make up the rest of the Wall and Fence Further it is to be noted that in this whole length of an hundred and fifteen leagues which this Fortification contains there are are but onely 5 Entries whereby the Rivers of Tartaria do pass which are derived from the impetuous Torrents that descend from these Mountains and running above five hundred leagues in the Country render themselves into the Seas of China and Cauchenchina howbeit one of these Rivers being greater then the rest disemboques by the Bay of Cuy in the Kingdom of Sournau commonly called Siam Now in all these five Passages both the King of China and the King of Tartaria keep Garrisons the Chinese in each of them entertains seven thousand men giving them great pay whereof six thousand are Horse the rest Foot being for the most part strangers as Mogores Pancrus Champaas Corosones Gizares of Persia and other different Nations bordering upon this Empire and which in consideration of the extraordinary pay they receive serve the Chineses who to speak truth are nothing couragious as being but little used to the Wars and ill provided of Arms and Artillery In all this length of Wall there are three hundred and twenty Companies each of them containing five hundred Souldiers so that there are in all one hundred and threescore thousand men besides Officers of Justice Anchacis Chaems and other such like persons necessary for the Government and entertainment of these Forces so that all joyned together make up the number of two hundred thousand which are all maintained at the Kings onely charge by reason the most of them are Malefactours condemned to the reparations and labour of the Wall as I shall more amply declare when I come to speak of the Prison destined to this purpose in the City of Pequin which is also another Edifice very remarkable wherein there are continually above thirty thousand Prisoners the most of them from eighteen to forty five years of age appointed to work in this Wall Being departed from those two Towns Pacau and Nacau we continued our course up the River and arrived at another Town called Mindoo somewhat bigger then those from whence we parted where about half a mile off was a great Lake of Salt-water and a number of Salt-houses round about it The Chineses assured us that this Lake did ebb and flow like the Sea and that it extended above two hundred leagues into the Country rendring the King of China in yearly Revenue one hundred thousand Taeis onely for the third of the Salt that was drawn out of it as also that the Town yielded him other one hundred thousand Taeis for the Silk alone that was made there not speaking at all of the Camphire Sugar Pourcelain Vermilion and Quick-silver whereof there was very great plenty moreover that some two leagues from this Town were twelve exceeding long Houses like unto Magazines where a world of people laboured in casting and purifying of Copper and the horrible din which the Hammers made there was such and so strange as if there were any thing on earth that could represent Hell this was it wherefore being desirous to understand the cause of this extraordinary noise we would needs go to see from whence it proceeded and we found that there were in each of these Houses forty Fornaces that is twenty of either side with forty huge Anvils upon every of which eight men beat in order and so swiftly as a mans eye could hardly discern the blows so as three hundred and twenty men wrought in each of these twelve Houses which in all the twelve Houses made up three thousand eight hundred and forty workmen beside a great number of other persons that laboured in other particular things whereupon we demanded how much Copper might be wrought every year in each of these Houses and they told us one hundred and ten or sixscore thousand Picos whereof the King had two thirds because the Mines were his and that the Mountain from whence it was drawn was called Corotum baga which signifies a River of Copper for that from the
King of Tartaria if we would have continued in his service After the King was departed from the City of Fanaugrem he proceeded on in his journy travelling but only six leagues a day by reason of the great number of persons that he carried along with him The first day he dined at a little Town called Benau where he stayed until the evening and then went to lodge at a Monastery named Pamgatur The next morning he departed from thence and so with not above three thousand horse in his Train he prosecuted his journy for nine dayes together passing by many goodly Towns at least they seemed to be so without permitting any reception to be made him by any of them In this manner he arrived at the City of Lingator seaâ—ed on a river of fresh water which for the bredth and deepness of it is frequented with much shipping There he abode five days for that he found himself somewhat indisposod with the tediousness of the journy From this place he departed before day taking no greater company with him then thirty horse and so withdrawing himself from the communication of so much people as continually importuned him he spent most part of the time as he went by the way in hawking and hunting those of the Countryes by which he past providing game always ready for him In this sort going on he slept most commonly amidst very thick woods in Tents pitched for him to that purpose Being arrived at the river of Baguetor he passed down the same in certain vessels called Laulees and Iangoas which were there ready for him till he came to a Town named Natibasoy where about evening he landed without any kind of pomp The rest of his journy he made by land so that at the end of thirteen dayes he arrived at Vzamguee where he had a most magnificent reception At his entry thereinto there marched before him as it were in triumph all the spoyls which he had taken in the wars whereof the principal and those which he made most reckoning of were twelve Chariots laden with the Idols of whom I have spoken heretofore and whereof the forms were different as they use to have them in their Pagodâ— Of these Idols there were threescore and four of brass which seemed to be Gyants and nineteen of silver of the same Stature for as I havâ— delivered before these people glory in nothing so â—uch as to triumph over those idols that so they may say That in despight of their enemies he had made their gods his slaves Round about these twelve Chariots went divers Priests by three and three weeping and bound with iron chains After them followed forty other Chariots each of them being drawn by two Rhinocerots and full from the bottom to the top of an infinite company of Arms and trayled Colours In the tayl of them there were twenty more carrying each of them a very great Chest barr'd with iron and wherein as we were told was the treasure of the Tâ—nocouhos In the same order marched all other things which are used to be most esteemed of in such triumphant entries as two hundred Elephants armed with Castles and warlike Panoures which are certain swords that are fastened to their teeth when they fight and a great number of horses laden with sacks full of dead mens heads and bones so that in this entry this King of Cauchin presented to the view of his people all that he had gained from his enemies in the battail he had given them After we had been a full month in this City during which time we had seen a world of stately shews sports and several sorts of rejoycings accompanied with most costly feasts and banquets set forth and made not onely by the greater persons but by the common people also the Tartar Ambassadour that had brought us thither moved the King again about our voyage whereunto he gave us so gracious an ear that he presently commanded we should be furnished with a Vessel for to carry us to the Coast of China where we hoped to meeâ— with some Portugal ship that might transport us to Malaca and from thence to the Indiaes which accordingly was done whereupon without further delay we prepared all things necessary for our departure CHAP. XLIII Our Departure from the City of Uzamguee and our adventures till our arrivall at the Isle of Tanixumaa which is the first Land of Jappon with our going ashore there UPon the twelfth of Ianuary we departed from the City of Vzamguee exceedingly rejoycing at our escape from so many labours and crosses which we before had sustained and imbarqued our selves upon a river that was above a league broad down the which we went seven dayes together beholding in the mean time on either side thereof many fair Towns and goodly Boroughs which by the outward appearance we believed were inhabited by very rich people in regard of the sumptuousness of the buildings not only of particular houses but much more of the Temples whose steeples were all covered over with gold as likewise in regâ—rd of the great number of Barques and Vessels that were on this river abundantly fraught with all sorts of provisions and merchandise Now when we were come to a very fair Town called Quaâ—geparun containing some eighteen or twenty thousand fires the Naudelum who was he that conducted us by the express commandmâ—nt from the King stayed there twelve dayes â—o trade in exchange of silver and pearl whereby he confessed to us that he had gained fourteen for one and that if he had been so advised as to have brought salt thither he had doubled his mony above thirty times we were assured that in this Town the King had yearly out of the silver Minâ—s above fifteen hundred Picos which are forty thousand Quintals of our weight besides the huge revenue that he drew out of many other different things This Town hath no other fortification then a weak brick wall eight foot high and a shallow ditch some thirty foot broad The inhabitants are weak and unaâ—med having neither Artillery nor any thing for their defence so that five hundred resolute souldiers might easily take it We parted from this place on Tuesday morning and continued our course thirteen dayes at the end whereof we got to the Port of Sanchan in the Kingdom of China Now because there was no shipping of Malaca there for they were gone from thence nine dayes before we went seven leagues further to another Port named Lampacau where we found two Juncks of Malaya one of Patana and another of Lugor And whereas it is the quality of us Portugals to abound in our own sence and to be obstinate in our opinions there arose amongst us eight so great a contrariety of judgment about a thing wherein nothing was so necesâ—ary for us as to maintain our selves in peace and unity that we were even upon the point of killing one another But because the matter would be too shamefull to recount in
Taeis it rose before the end of eight dayes to an hundred and threescore at which rate too the Merchants seemed to part with it very willingly Thus by the means of this unreasonable desire of gain nine Juncks which were then in the Port were in fifteen days ready to set Sail though to say the truth they were all in such disorder and so unprovided that some amongst them had no other Pilots then the Masters themselves who had but little understâ—anding in Navigation In this bad order they departed all in company together one Sunday morning notwithstanding that they had the wind the season the sea and all things else contrary not suffering themselves to be guided by reason or the consideration of the dangers which they are subject unto that commit themselves to this Element For they were so obstinate and so blinded as they would not represent any inconvenience to themselves and I my self was so infortunate that I went along with them in one of their Vessels In this manner they sailed all that same day as it were groping between the Islands and the firm Land but about midnight there arose in the dark so mighty a Storm accompanied with such horrible rain that suffering themselves to be carried at the mercy of the wind they ran upon the Sands of Gotom whereof the nine Juncks two only as it were by miracle were saved so that the other seven were lost out of which not so much as one man escaped This loss was thought to amount unto above three hundred thousand Crowns in commodities besides the greater which was of six hundred persons that left their lives there whereof there were an hundred and forty Portugals all rich men and of quality As for the other two Juncks in one of the which by good hap I was joyning in conâ—ort together they followed the course they had begun until such time as they arrived at the Island of the Lequios There we were beaten with so furious a North-east wind which inâ—reased by the conjunction of the new Moon that our vessels were seperated in such sort as we could never see one another again After dinner the wind turned to West North-west whereby the Sea was so moved and the waves rose with such fury as it was a most dreadful thing to behold whereupon our Captain named Gaspar Melo a very couragious Gentleman seeing the greatest part of the prow of the Junck to be half open and that there was niâ—e spans water in the bottom of her he resolved by the advice of all the Officers to cut down the two Masts whose weight was the cause of the opening of the Junck howbeit this could not be done with such care but that the main Mast in its â—all overwhelmed fourteen persons whereof five were Portugals which were all crushed in pieces a spectacle so lamentable to behold that it exceedingly grieved every mans heart Now forasmuch as the Storm increased more and more we were constrained to let our selves be carried at the mercy of the Sea even until Sun-set at which time the Junck made an end of splitting quite asunder whereupon our Captain and every one of us seeing the deplorable estate whereunto our sins had reduced us fell to preparing our selves for our last end Having in this sort past away half of the night about the first quarter of the watch we struck upon a Shelâ— where at the first blow the Junck broke all to pieces the event whereof was so lamentable that threescore and two men left their lives there some of which were drowned and the rest squeezed to death under the Keel of the Vessel There were but four and twenty of us besides some women that escaped from this miserable Shipwrack Now as soon as it was day we perceived by the sight of the Island of fire and of the Mountain of Taydacano that the Land where we were was the great Lequio whereupon wiâ—h tears in our eyes recommending our selves â—o God and marching up to the brest in water we swam over certain dâ—eper places and so went five dayes together in great pain not finding in all that time any thing to eat but the slime which the Sea cast up on the mud Howbeit aâ— length by the mercy of God we got to land where going into the woods we sustained our selves with a certain herb like unto Sorrel whereof there was great plenty along these Coasts which was all the nourishment that we had for three days space that we were there until at last we were espyed by a boy that was keeping of cattel who as soon as he had discovered us ran to the next Village which was some quarter of a league off for to give notice of it to the inhabitants there who presently thereupon with the sound of Drums and Cornets assembled all their Neighbours round about them so that within three or four hours they wâ—re a Company of about two hundred men whereof there were fourteen on horsback As soon as they descried us a far off they made dirâ—ctly towards us whereupon our Captain seeing the wretched estate whereunto we were reduced fell down upon his knees and began to encourage us with many good words desiâ—ing us to remember That nothing in the world could fall out without the Providence of God and therefore like good Christians we should assure our selves it was his pleasure that this should be the last hour of our lives so that we could not do better then to conform our selves to his holy will and with patience imbrace this pitiful end which came from his Almighty hand craving pardon from the bottoâ— of our hearts for all our sins past and that for himself he had such confidence in his mercy that we duly repenting us according as we were obliged by his holy Commandments he would not forget us in this our extremity Having made us this Exhortation and lifted up his hands to Heaven he cried out three times together with abundance of tears Lord have mercy upon us which words were reiterated by all the rest but with such sighs and groans of true Christians and so full of devotion and zeal that I may truly say the thing which then we feared least was that which naturally is most abhorr'd As we were in this grievous agony six horsmen came unto us and beholding us in a manner naked without arms on the ground upon ouâ— knees and two women lying as it were dead before us they were so moved with compassion that four of them turning back to the footmen which were coming on made them all to stay not suffering them to approach us Howbeit a little after they came to us again bringing with them six footmen which seemed to bâ— some of the Officers of Justice who by the commandment of the horsmen tied us three and three together and with some shew of pity bid us That we should not be afraid for that the King of the Lequios was a man greatly fearing God and
we could discover any vessels with Pirats for said he there may be some lye hidden behind yonder poynt whereby we may very well run the hazard of our lives as it hath often befallen other ships where mâ—ny mâ—n have been lost by the carelesness of their Captains This advice of the Sarrazin seemed so good unto me that we presently returned back unto the Rode where he gave an account to his father of that we had seen Now for that the Necoda was a very prudent man and scalded as one may say with the like inconveniences he straight way gave order to have the Island surrounded then causing the women children and linnen although it were but half washed to be imbarqued he himself being followed by forty men armed with Harquebuses and Lances went directly to the place where we had discovered those bodies and viewing them one after another with stopping our noses by reason of the stâ—nch which was insupportable he was so moved to compassion that he commanded the Marriners to dig a great pit for to bury them in But as they were about to render them this last duty and looking over them again there was found upon some of them little daggers garnished with gold and on others bracelets Whereupon the Necoda understanding well this mystery wished me with all speed to dispatch away the roving vessel that I had to the Captain of Malaca for that as he assured me those dead men which they saw there were Achems who had been defeated near to Tanauçarim whither their Armies ordinarily retired because of the war which they had with the King of Siam The reason he alledged to us for this was that those which we saw there lying dead having golden bracelets about them were Captains of Achem who had caused themselves to be buried without permitting them to be taken away and that he would lose his head if it were not so For a greater proof whereof he further added that he would make some more of them to be dis-enterred as incontinently he did and having digged some seven and thirty of them out of the earth there was found about them sixteen bracelets of gold twelve very rich daggers and many jewels so that thinking of no other but hunting we got a booty worth above a thousand Duckats which the Necoda had besides what was concealed but the truth is this was not altogether to our advantage for the most part of our men became sick with the extream stench of those bodies At the very instant I dispatched away the towing vessel that we had to Malaca and advertised Pedro de Faria of the whole success of our voyage Withall I certified him what course we had held as also into what Ports and into what Rivers we had entred without hearing any other news of his enemies then that it was suspected they had been at Tanauçarim where by the appearances of those dead bodies it was to be believed that they had been defeated whereunto I added for a conclusion that if I could light on any more assured news concerning them I would presently acquaint him with it in what part soever I were After I had dispatched away the rowing Vessel to Malaca with the Letters which I had directed to Pedro de Faria and that our Junck was furnished with all things necessary for her we sayled towards the Coast of Tanauçarim where as I said before I had order to land for to treat with Lancerote Guerreyro that he and the rest of the Portugals of his Company might come to the succour of Malaca which the Achems intended to besiege according to the report that went of it Being under Sail then we arrived at a little Island a league in circuit called Pulho Hinhor where a Parao came unto us in the which were six tawâ—y Moors poorly clad with red Bonets on their heads their Boat being come close to our Junck which was then under Sayl they saluted us in a way of peace whereunto we answered in the like mâ—nner That done they demanded of us if there were any Portugals amongst us we told them that there were but mistrusting it they desired to see one or two of them upon the hatches because added they it imports much that it should be so Whereupon the Necoda prayed me to come up which incontinently I did though at that time I was shut up in my Cabbin below somewhat indisposed in my health when I was on the deck I called to them that were in the Parao who had no sooner seen me and known me to be a Portugal but they gave a great shout and clapping their hands for joy they came abord our Junck Then one of them who by his countenance seemed to have more Authority then the rest began to say unto me Signior Before I crave leave of thee to speak I desire thee to read this Letter to the end it may induce thee the more readily to believe that which I am to say unto thee Thereupon out of an old filthy clout he took a Letter wherein after I had opened it I found this written Signiors Portugals which are true Christians this honourable man that shall shew you this Letter is King of this Island newly converted to the Faith and called Dom Lancerote He hath rendred many good Offices not only to them who have subscribed this writing but to us also that have navigated on these Coasts For he hath given us very important advertisements of the treasons which the Achems and Turks have plotted against us so that by the means of this honest man we have discovered all their designes withall God hath made use of him for to give us not long since a great victory against them wherein we have taken from them one Gally four Galliots and five Foists with the death of above a thousand Sarrazins Wherefore we intreat you by the wounds of our Lord Iesus Christ and by the merits of his holy passion not only to keep him from all wrong but to assist him with all your power as the manner is of all good Portugals that it may serve for an example to those which shall know this to do the like in imitation of you And so we kiss your hands this thirteenth day of November 1544. This Letter was signed by more then fifty Portugals amongâ—t whom were the four Captains that I sought for namely Lançerote Guerreyra Antonio Gomez Pedro Ferreyra and Cosmo Bernaldes When I had read this Letter I made a tender of my person to this petty King for otherwayes my power was so small as it could not reach further then to the giving him a bad dinner and a red Bonnet I had on which all worn as it was was yet better then his own Now after this poor King had made some Declaration to me of himself and of his miseries lifting up his hands to Heaven and shedding abundance of tears Our Lord Iesus Christ said he unto me whose slave I am doth know what great need