suffring of them to serve six yeeres in regard of their necessity yet if they should hold them in perpetuall servitude they should usurpe upon the Lords right seeing they were his servants 2. Another reason is taken from the manner and condition of their service Deut. 15.18 Hee hath served six yeeres which is the double worth of an hired servant which is so said either because the service of six yeeres is double to the time of hired servants who used to covenant from three yeeres to three yeeres Vatab. Or rather because their workes were more laborious than were the hired servants Iun. For hee was to doe his worke for the which he was hired and no more but the other when he had done in his businesse in the field came home and ministred to his master first before hee did eaâ— himselfe Luk. 17.10 And they only served not their master by day but by night they kept their flockes in the field as is evident in the example of Iacob Gen. 31.40 Simler 3. A third reason is taken from a promise of blessing The Lord thy God shall blesse thee in all that thou doest Deut. 15.18 Simler 3. Though this Law concerning the freedome of servants did specially concerne the policy of the Jewes and so belongeth not unto us for now servants are not bought and sold among Christianâ— in the Romane Empire but only hired Osiander Yet the equity of this Law doth binde us that all they which have others in subjection under them should use their authority moderately and in mercy Galas 4. The word here used châ—pshi interpreted free signifieth also solitarie because servants were not solitary or alone by themselves in the house but attended on their masters they which were free were solitary and by themselves giving no attendance upon any Oleaster QUEST XIII Why the space of six yeeres is limited for their service BUt concerning the limiting of the space of six yeeres for service and the appointing of the seventh for liberty what might be the reason thereof thus it is diversly scanned 1. Some doe thus moralize it by six yeeres they understand the perfection of the active life because in six dayes the Lord made the world hee that will come unto contemplation must first approve himselfe in action Lyrâ—n 2. Isidâ—re maketh this application in sex atatibus hujus sâ—culi servientes c. when wee have served the six ages of this world in the seventh which is the eternall Sabbath we shall be free 3. But I preferre rather Rupertus conjecture that this privilege of going out free in the seventh yeere and serving six was proper to the Hebrewes Quia videlicet pater â—orum Iacob sex annis pro gregibus Laban servivit c. Because Iacob their father served six yeeres for Labans flockes and went out free in the seventh chusing rather to sojourne with his fathers Abraham and Isaack than to serve among his kindred for more profit therefore Haec ingenuit as patris illam posteris apud Dominum thesaurizavit This ingenuous minde of their father did treasure up this privilege before the Lord for his posterity that none should be compelled to serve above six yeeres Rupert lib. 3. in Exod. cap. 35. 4. But the best reason of all is because as the Lord had from the beginning given them a Sabbath of dayes which was the seventh day of rest so also he gave them a Sabbath of yeeres that every seventh yeere the land should rest and servants should rest from their labours and debters from their creditors and they had also a Sabbath of seven times seven yeeres prescribed that when they had counted seven times seven yeeres then the fiftieth yeere should be the great yeere of remission the yeere of Jubile which was a lively figure of that acceptable time of generall remission at the comming of the Messiah QUEST XIV How the servant is said to come in with his body and to goe out with his body Vers. 3. IF he came himselfe alone 1. Some read If he came with his garment he shall goe out with his garment Hierom. Lyran. But the word is guph which signifieth a body not gaph a wing of a garment the true reading therefore is If he came with his body that is alone without either the body of his wife or children Oleaster And so read both the Chalde and Septuagint If he entred alone he shall go out alone 2. But this case is excepted that if he in the time of service should marry a free woman and not a maid servant given him by his master in this case the free woman should not lose her freedome but should goe out with her husband Tostat. qu. 7. 3. And beside as if he brought a wife with him he went out with his wife so by the like reason if he had children before they should be free likewise Iun. Nay if he should gâ—t children during his service by a wife married before his service those children also should â—oe out with him and not remaine with his master partus sequitur 〈◊〉 the childe followeth the condition of the mother Tostat. quaest 6. 4. And of the former reading If he come in with his body rather than with his garment these two reasons are given 1. Because it is not like that the same garment with the which he entred could continue six yeeres Pallican 2. And the servant was not to bee sent out with his garment alone but with a liberall reward of shâ—epe corne and wine Deut. 15.14 Simler 3. Beside the next clause confirmeth this reading but If he were married c. so to come in alone is to come without a wife or children Iun. QUEST XV. What manner of wife the master was to give to his servant Vers. 4. IF his master have given him a wife 1. Some indifferently understand any maid servant whether a stranger or an Hebrewesse and that such wife and her children shall be her masters till the time of servitude come out Genevens But the master had no power to give an Hebrewesse maid to his servant to wife but he must either take her himselfe or give her to his sonne vers 7 8. Piscat Tostat. It is understood therefore of such maid servants as were of other nations Osiana 2. But it seemeth that the master could not give a Cananitish woman to his servant to wife for they are forbidden to contract marriages with them Deut. 7.4 Tostat. quaest 7. Neither had the master power to give any free woman to his servant for the master was to give onely his owne but a free woman was none of his possession Tostat. 5. This must be understood if the servant will take a wife for otherwise he was not to be compelled for if there were not a free consent it is held to be no marriage and the Master could no more compell the servant to lye with a maid against his will to get children for his masters profit than to force his maid to
two respects First in a metaphoricall sense as we are said to rest when we cease from labour so the earth is said to rest when wee forbeare labouring therein Againe because the earth when it is plowed to bring forth fruit sendeth out the strength and nourishment thereof which is abated and weakened by continuall bringing forth of fruit for which cause wee see by experience that Husbandmen doe let their grounds lye fallow and rest to gather strength therefore in this respect also it is said to rest Tostat. qu. 9. And although by this rest of the seventh yeere both the earth waxed stronger for to beare fruit afterward and the beasts also of the field were provided for yet this was not the speciall end of this seventh yeere of rest but these were the reasons of the institution thereof 1. That the poore might by this meanes be liberally provided for when they might freely without any let reape the fruit of the ground of vineyard and olive trees Tostat. 2. It was a benefit also to the servants who this yeere were set at liberty and as they had every weeke a day of rest so now they have every seventh yeere a whole yeere of rest and intermission 3. Beside the rich hereby were taught to moderate their greedy desire in gathering and laying up the fruits of the earth without any end Gallas And in this yeere the rich man tooke care as well as the poore What shall I eat Therefore the Lord would teach them by experience what the state of a poore man was 4. This also was a type and figure of their spirituall rest in Christ which should be accomplished in the kingdome of God as this seventh yeere of rest was made perfect and full in the yeere of Jubile Simler QUEST XX. What the poore lived upon in the seventh yeere BUt here a further question ariseth what the poore did eat this yeere and that which they left the beasts of the field did eat 1. Augustine is of opinion that they did sow the seventh yeere as they did in the six yeeres yet they did not reape or gather their fruit this yeere but left it to the poore But this is against the text here for six yeeres they are bidden to sow and gather their fruits but the seventh to let it rest therefore there here being an apparent opposition betweene the six yeeres and the seventh in the seventh they were neither to sow nor reape but it is yet more evident Levit. 25.4 in this seventh yeere the Lord saith Thou shalt neither sow thy field nor cut thy vineyard And so it is the opinion of Iosephus and generally of the Hebrewes and with them consent Lyranus Tostatus Simlerus with others that the land did rest upon the seventh yeere from all manner of labour and tillage for it would have seemed an hard thing to the stiffenecked Hebrewes if they should have sowed and others reape 2. Cajetane thinketh that the poore lived by selling of such herbes as grew of their owne accord that yeere in the field vendebant eas ex earum pretâ—â— viveâ—â—â—â— they sold them and lived of the price of them but the text saith The rest of the land shall be meat for you Levit. 25.6 they then did eat of that which grew in the field 3. Wherefore they lived not only of the herbes which grew in the fields but of the fruit of vines and olives and other fruitfull trees Beside they had a kinde of harvest of the seed which was shed the former yeere as in some countries yet that are fruitfull the seed which was left after harvest doth bring forth abundance Gallas Simler and therefore it is said Levit. 25.5 That which groweth of it owne accord of thy harvest thou shalt not reape c. 4. And beside this common provision which came of it selfe out of the ground which as well the owner as the poore and strangers gathered for their use Levit. 25.6 the fruits of the sixth yeere were by Gods promise in such abundance as that they served for three yeeres the sixth seventh and eighth till the ninth yeere Levit. 25. vers 21 22. QUEST XXI Whether the seventh yeere were generally neglected in Israel 490. yeeres together as Tostatus thinketh NOw concerning the observation of this seventh yeere of rest Tostatus hath here a singular opinion by himselfe that it was neglected generally of the Israelites for the space of 490. yeeres and kept only during the time of 380. yeeres as he thus would gather from the going up of the Israelites out of Egypt till the captivity of Babylon under Nabuzaradan Nebuchadnezzars chiefe Captaine he counteth yeeres 867. which are thus divided from their departure out of Egypt unto the building of Salomons Temple were 480. yeeres 1 King 6.1 from the which he would have abaâ—ed 40. yeeres the time of the Israelites being in the wildernesse so there remaine 440. from the building of Salomons Temple untill the captivity he counteth 427. yeeres more so the whole maketh 867. of this time 490. yeeres they neglected the seven Sabbath of yeares and therefore they were 70. yeeres in captivity for omitting 70. Sabbaticall yeeres which fell out just in 490. yeeres as it is said 2 Chron. 36.21 To 〈…〉 of the Lord by the mouth of Ieremy untill the land had her fâ—ll of Sabbaths for all the dayes that 〈…〉 desolate she kept Sabbath to fulfill seventy yeeres Tostat. quaest 1â— Contra. 1. But it is not like that this observation of the seventh yeere of rest was so long time or generally neglected for part of this terme of 490. yeeres will reach Davids reigne for all the yeeres of the reignes of the Kings after David untill the captivity make but 440. the other 50. yeere will comprehend all Davids reigne and ten yeeres before some part whereof might extend to 〈◊〉 time but it is not like that such an evident Law under those faithfull Prophets and Kings would have beene omiâ—ted altogether 2. In the corrupt times under the idolatious Kings it is true that this yeere of remission was neglected as may appeare Ierem. 36.8.14 when as the King and Princes proclaimed liberty to their servants according to the Law and afterward revoked it againe for the which the Prophet thâ—re sharply reproveth them Neither would the faithfull Prophets of God have spared to tell the Princes and people of this great negligence if that the Sabbaticall yeere had altogether beene discontinued 3. In Hezekiah his time this yeere of rest was not intermitted for while the City was besieged by Senacherib for two yeeres together the land brought forth fruit without sowing 2 King 19.29 which blessing was conditionall in respect of their keeping of the seventh yeere of rest Levit. 25.6.21 They therefore enjoying the promised blessing did in all likelihood performe their due obedience 4. Beside captivity is threatned for the neglect of their Sabbaths of all sorts Levit. 26. â—5 both the Sabbath of dayes of weekes of moneths
3. Wherefore if all gifts doe blind the eyes of Judges and pervert their words then it is not safe to receive any gift in that kinde which is given for the furtherance of ones cause No it is not lawfull for a Judge to take a gift to give right judgement Nam de vendâ—tione justi judicii veniretur ad venditionem nequissimi Lest from selling of just judgement they should fall to sell unjust judgement Tostat. And as it is unlawfull to sell justice so it is also to buy as S. Paul might have beene delivered for a reward Act. 24.25 but he chose rather to answer at Rome And in the ancient Church they were noted which did give money for their liberty that they might not be compelled to be present at the Gentiles idolatrous sacrifices Simler 4. So then howsoever the Canon law and the practice of the Church of Rome doth tolerate small gifts yet it is the safest way not to accept of any at all And herein the ancient Romane lawes are to be preferred which as is extant in their 12. Tabulae capite puniendum Iudicem c. did decree that Judge to be punished with death which tooke money to give sentence in a cause Dioclesian also made a Law that a sentence pronounced by a corrupt Judge ipso jure infirmam esse by the Law should be void and to be suspended by appeale Lystat being asked why he received not gifts of the Messerians answered Quia in lege justitiae peccatur Hee should have offended against the Lawes of justice Innocentius also hath a good saying speaking of corrupt Judges Vos non attenditis merita causarum sed personarum non jura sed munera non quod ratio dictet sed quod voluntas affectet non quod licâ—at sed quod lubeat c. pauperum causam cum mora negligitis divitum causam cum instantia promovetis c. You doe not consider the merit of the cause but of the persons not right but gifts not what reason enditeth but what will affecteth not what is lawfull but what you list c. the cause of the poore you neglect by delaying the cause of the rich you are diligent in promoting therefore Tostatus here resolveth and concludeth well that howsoever the Canons doe tolerate the receiving of small gifts yet it is better Si volunt effugere conscientiae scrupulum ut nihil omnino accipiant If they will avoid the scruple of conscience that they take nothing at all 5. A gift then is of great force it prevaileth much as the Wise-man saith in the Proverbs chap. 17.8 A reward is as a stone pleasant in the eyes of them that have it it prospereth whither soever it turneth As a precious stone shineth every way so a gift is available to any purpose Gifts doe much hurt in private matters as Amphiarans wife being corrupted with a precious jewell betrayed him and Procris chastity was overcome with a gift but in publike affaires gifts doe much more hurt as well in civill as Philip King of Macedonia non tam armis quam auro expugnavit libertatem Graecia did not so much by force and armour as by gifts and treasure overthrow the liberty of Greece As also in Ecclesiasticall matters where simonie doth as much hurt as bribery in the Common-wealth for they which by corrupt meanes attaine to the great preferments of the Church must needs also corruptly administer the same Aâ— the Prophet Ezechiel noteth the false Prophets which for handfuls of barley and peeces of bread did prophesie false things chap. 13.18 Simler Therefore seeing the Spirit of God hath set it downe that gifts and bribery doe corrupt and blinde Nimia eorum est impudentia c. They are very impudent and shamelesse that will make their boast notwithstanding that though they receive gifts they can give right judgement Gallas QUEST XVII Why strangers are not to be oppressed in judgement Vers. 9. THou shalt not oppresse a stranger 1. Some thinke that this is a repetition of the former Law chap. 22.21 Thou shalt not doe injury to a stranger that it may appeare quanta cura domino sint peregrini c. how carefull God is of strangers Lippom. And because the Israelites were given to be inhumane and hard toward strangers as the Jewes are to this day that contemne all people beside themselves the Lord saw it necessary often to inculcate this precept Simler But rather I thinke with Cajetane and Gallasius that this is a new Law Illud communiter hoc specialitèr datur judicibus testibus accusatoribus That was given in generall this in particular to Judges witnesses accusers 2. And to this end God so provided in his wisdome that the Israelites and their fathers should be strangers and sojourners in other countries as in Canaan and Egypt ut captivitatis peregrinationis miseriam discerent to learne by experience what the misery of captives and strangers was that they might the better know how to have pity on the like Nemo libentius hospitem sine tecto suo introducit hospitio c. No man more willingly receiveth him into his house that wanteth lodging than he that was sometime without lodging himselfe no man sooner feedeth the hungry and giveth the thirsty drinke than he that felt hunger and thirst himselfe c. August 3. And whereas it is added You know the heart of a stranger the meaning is how full of care and griefe they are that you need not afflict them more Simler that they are destitute of friends and had need to be so much the more pitied Tostat. and seeing strangers are no inhabitants but such as passe thorow the country they should not be stayed nor hindred ut iter suum posset exequi that they may finish their journey Lyran. You know also by your selves their hearts how ready they are to call unto God for helpe against their oppressors as you did in Egypt Simler QUEST XVIII Of the divers festivals of the Hebrewes Vers. 10. SIx yeeres thou shalt sow thy land c. The Hebrewes had divers kindes of festivall dayes which all tended to the honour of God Now impendimus honorem Deo c. wee doe give honour unto God either for an eternall benefit and so they had juge sacrificium every dayes sacrifice or for some temporall which is either generall as of our creation in remembrance whereof they kept the seventh day holy or of our preservation ideo erat festum Neomemae therefore they kept the feast of the new Moone every moneth or speciall as of some speciall benefit and deliverance in remembrance whereof they had their festivals of weekes as Pentecost of moneths as the seventh moneth of yeeres as the seventh yeere and the seventh seventh yeere which was the Jubile Thomas QUEST XIX Why the land was to rest the seventh yeere Vers. 11. BVt the seventh yeere thou shalt let it rest c. 1. The land is said to rest in
by the Scripture Iob 26.7 He hangeth the earth upon nothing then not upon the waters Psal. 104.5 He hath set the earth upon her foundation c. that it cannot be moved the earth hath no foundation but of it owne by the word of God and seeing the earth is immoveable it is not like to be founded upon the waters which are moveable QVEST. XV. Whether the dry land was caused to appeare upon the second or third day Vers. 9. GOd said againe 1. Some thinke that this was part of the second dayes worke the causing of the dry land to appeare as Aben Ezra to whom subscribeth Mercerus their reasons are these 1. because it is said Gen. 2.4 that in one day God made the heavens and the earth Ans. This is spoken of the heaven and earth which were made in the beginning on the first day Gen. 1.1 2 because the approbation of this worke omitted before in the second day is inserted here vers 10. Answ. This approbation God saw that it was good is omitted before not because Gehenna was made the second day and thâ— Angels fell then as the Hebrewes imagine nor because two is the beginning of division as Hierome for this division was good whereas the creatures were in confusion before nor yet for that the second dayes worke was not yet ended as Aben Ezra but because the worke begun upon the second day was finished upon the third For the which cause this approbation is omitted in the first verse when as yet the heavens and earth were created in their â—ude and imperfect state 2. It is therefore more probable that this appearing of the drie land was part of the third dayes worke and that the second dayes worke was finished not so much because this worke beginneth with vaiomer and God said which is used sometime in the beginning of a new worke upon the same day as vers 26. but for that vers 8. this conclusion is added the evening and the morning was the second day which is an evident distinction of the severall dayes workes To say with Aben Ezra that an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here to be admitted that to be set downe last which was done first is to force and racke the story QVEST. XVI Of the divers kinds of trees and plants created out of the earth Vers. 11. THen God said let the earth bud forth c. 1. God caused the earth to bring forth these things without helpe of the Sunne or Starres which were not yet made as hee caused the light to shine in the first day without the ordinarie instrument thereof the Sunne Iun. 2. Although God speaketh to the earth yet it hath no understanding or will to obey as some Philosophers imagine but God worketh this by his power Mercer 3. Here are three kindes of plants and fruits brought out of the earth the bud the herb the tree which some distinguish into herbs shrubs and trees Vatablus maketh the bud and herb to be all one the first so called in the sprouting thereof the other in the perfection but they differ rather thus desheh is that kinde which the earth bringeth forth of it owne accord gnesheh that which beareth seed and is set and planted by the industry of man gnetz is that kinde of greater plants which are called trees Iun. 4. Whereas the earth is bid to bring forth gnetz peri the tree of fruit Rob. Sel. his note is ridiculous that God would have had the trees to bee all fruit and not only bearing fruit and because the earth did not bring forth such it was afterward accursed Likewise R. Isaak his collection is curious that would have this clause understood only of the trees of paradise as though there were no fruit-bearing trees without paradise Mercer 5. Neither had the earth onely power given to bring forth these kindes of fruits but it both brought them forth in act and had power given to continue the propagation of them Mercer Calvin And therefore it is added fruitfull trees bearing fruit that is which even then came forth with fruit for the present use of man Iun. 6. Neither yet as Basil thinketh all trees were made fruitfull in the beginning which afterward became barren when the earth was cursed But either Moses speaketh of the fruitfull trees as more principall or even those trees which beare not fruit yet because they are profitable for medicine or other uses may also be numbred among the fruitfull trees or rather they may bee comprehended among those trees that beare their seed though no fruit of such kinde are ashes willowes and such like QVEST. XVII Whether the world were created in the spring or autumne Vers. 12. ANd the earth brought forth the bud of herb Some would prove by this that the world was made in the Autumne because the trees were created with ripe fruit Concerning this matter there are three opinions 1. Mercator thinketh that the world was made in Iulie and his chiefe reason is taken from Noahs floud where the beginning of the yeere he would have to bee in Julie because in the eleventh moneth which he supposeth to bee in May when the olive beginneth to put forth the dove brought greene olive leaves Contra. 1. There is no mention made of greene leaves Gen. 8.11 the word is gnaloh which Hierome translateth elsewhere frondes olivae branches of olive Nehem. 8.16 such as they made bowers of and the Septuagint cals it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a dry stalke it might be then some branch of the olive tree rather than the leaves 2. Admit that the branch or stalke had leaves this is no argument of the spring in May for the olive loseth not her leaves as other trees Plin. lib. 16. c. 20. and therefore as Chrysostome thinketh the olive might remaine greene under the water for it is unlike that the olive in seven dayes should have new leaves for seven dayes before the dove was sent forth and could finde nothing 2 Other doe thinke that the world was made in the Autumne in the moneth Tisri 1. because that moneth was the beginning of the yeere as Iosephus thinketh before Moses by a new institution appointed Nisan which answereth to part of March and April to be the first moneth and therefore it is called the end of the yeere Exod. 34.22 from whence they began the account of the Jubile 2. And beside they use this as another reason because in the autumne the fruit of trees and plants as grapes apples are ripe and not before Contra. 1. It might bee that the Israelites accounted the beginning of their yeere according to the manner of the Egyptians among whom they lived who began their yeere in the moneth Ptho which answereth to September as the Athenians did in the moneth Hecatombaion which is in June but it cannot bee shewed that this reckoning was observed from the beginning It is indeed called the end of the yeere because all the fruit of
not to returne because he came not againe into the Arke bur onely rested upon it or for that he returned without giving notice of that wherefore he was sent as the Dove did sic Lyranus Tostatus 3. Their conjecture also which say that the Raven returned not but lighted upon some carrion or dead body cannot be allowed as contrary to the text and beside unlikely seeing now it was the eleventh moneth in which time all the dead bodies were either consumed of the water or devoured of the fish 4. Wherefore we hold the Septuagint and Latine to be corrupt and that according to the Hebrew text the Raven went and came to the Arke both because there was his food his mate or fellow and his nest or resting place though I thinke that Raven was not received into the Arke as the Dove was 5. But the Hebrewes fables we refuse how that the Raven was sent forth out of the Arke because of his intemperancie with his mate and that two other in the Arke were in the same case Cham and Canis the dogge likewise they imagine that the Raven should expostulate with Noah why he was sent out from his mate as though Noah should keepe her for himselfe some thinke that this was the Raven that afterward fed Elias but these ridiculous toyes are not worth the rehearsall 6. The Hebrewes and some Christian writers doe here much stand upon allegories some of them which tend to edifying we refuse not as that the simple hearted are signified by the Dove who are to be received into the Church but Hypocrites and carnall men must not be admitted into the Arke of the Church as the Raven returned not Mercer QVEST. XII Of the sending out of the Dove and the computation of the seven dayes Vers. 8. HE sent also forth a Dove from him c. 1. Though the tops of the mountaines appeared before the sending forth of the Dove yet she found no rest for the sole of her foot because the earth was not yet dry but muddy and standing with water as Chrysostome noteth and Iosephus saith that the dove returned with fowle and durty feet and beside the dove delighteth in the vallies and places which were yet under the water Mercer 2. whereas she brought an olive leafe c. I rather thinke with Chrysostome that the olive tree yet keepe the leaves greene under the water especially seeing the olive as Pliny noteth is one of those trees whose leaves are alwayes greene then with Ambrose that Deo jubente uno die c. germinavit terra c. at Gods commandement the earth in the same day wherin it began to be dry did bud and bring forth that this olive branch was fetcht forth from Paradise or out of the land of Israel is a Jewish fable 3. Where Moses saith v. 10. he abode yet other seven dayes I approve rather the opinion of Tostatus and Lyranus and Mercerus that Moses observeth thrice seven dayes then of Rupertus and Pererius that understand but twice seven which Noah waited for the sending forth of the dove for it is evident that he had staid 7. dayes before not seven other from those forty dayes as Pererius expoundeth it but other seven from the first seven as the seven other mentioned v. 12. were other from the second seven QVEST. XIII Of the account of the 601. yeare of Noahs age Vers. 13. IN the six hundred and one yeare c. 1. Whereas in the first moneth the upper face of the earth was dried and yet v. 14. it is said the earth was dried the 27. day of the second moneth wee need not with Cajetan to reconcile this doubt to say that this was all one moneth but divers in computation the first in respect of Noahs age the second of the yeare for it was not like that Moses in the same place would use a divers computation which would breed a confusion in the story but the text expoundeth it selfe that in the first moneth onely the upper face of the earth seemed to bee dry but it was not firme and sound and fit for habitation till the second moneth 2. In that Noah removed the covering of the Arke that is part thereof so much as might serve to looke forth it followeth not that the window of the Arke was too little for Noah to looke out at as Pererius noteth or not convenient in respect of the situation for that use for both Noah out of the window had perceived before the tops of the mounntaines to bee bare v. 5. for how else and of whom were they seene as also in that Noah put his hand out of the window and tooke in the dove it appeareth it was not out of his reach but from the top of the Arke Noah might see round about whereas the window opened but one way and therefore he removed some part of the cover QVEST. XIIII Noahs floud of the longest continuance of all others Vers. 14. ANd in the second moneth the 27. day of the moneth 1. This floud then which was in Noahs time was of the longest continuance of all flouds and inundations that ever were that great inundation of Nilus under Prometheus endured but a moneths space that under Ogyges in Achaia two moneths another under Deucalion in Thessalia three moneths they make mention also of a fourth inundation of the Isle Pharos called therefore Pharonica under the Aegyptian Proteus but none of these were like unto this inundation in Noahs time neither for generality of place or perpetuity of time 2. For this floud neither continued only nine moneths as Anniaâ—â—s thinketh or ten moneths as Cajetanus supposeth but twelve moneths full and ten dayes according to the course of the Sunne for Noah went into the Arke when the floud began in the second moneth and 17. day of the six hundred yeare and hee came forth the second moneth of the yeare six hundred and one upon the 27. day of the moneth QVEST. XV. Abstinence in the Arke Vers. 18. ANd Noah came forth c. 1. Ambrose noteth as some Hebrewes before that whereas Noah is bid to come forth he and his wife his sonnes and their wives v. 16. but when he is bid to come in he and his sonnes and his wife and his sonnes wives are joyned together chap. 6. v. 18. that they lived apart in the Arke and companied not together non commiscetur sexus in introitu sed commiscetur in ingressu although it is like that Noah and his sonnes lived in abstinence in the Arke because it was a time of mourning and therefore the Hebrewes note that Ioseph had his children not in the yeares of famine in Aegypt but before yet this cannot be gathered out of the 16. v. where Noah and his wife his sonnes and their wives are named together when they are bidden to come out of the Arke for here v. 18. they are againe named asunder 2. But R. Isaack Carus his
16. THe wickednesse of the Amorites is not yet full c. 1. The Amorites are named whereas there were other people of the Canaanites because they were the most mighty among the rest both in power and stature of body whose height was like the height of Cedars Amos 2.9 and they excelled in wickednesse and therefore the Prophet setting forth the wickednesse of Israel saith their father was an Amorite Ezech. 16.2 2. Neither did the punishment of this people depend upon any fatall necessity before the which they could not be punished but upon Gods will and purpose who would not cut them off at the first but in his just judgement permitted them till they came to the height of iniquity 3. Some by sinnes here understand the punishment of sinne which God suspended for a time but the other sense is better to take the word properly for the wickednesse of that people which was not yet ripe which God deferreth to punish both to make them excusable that despise so long a time of repentance and to justifie his owne judgements which he sendeth not without just cause 4. And there are foure arguments or marks of the ripenesse of sinne and the nearenesse of Gods judgements 1. the quality of the sinnes themselves when they are such as are directly against God as superstition Idolatry the offering up of their owne children in the fire against the law of nature as in unnatural uncleannesse such as reigned among the Sodomites against humane society as in cruelty and oppression as in the old world Gen. 6.11 2. The generality of sin when not a few but the whole multitude are corrupt so in Sodome were not to bee found ten righteous men 3. The impudency of sinners that are not ashamed openly to transgresse and to boast of their sinne as the Prophet complaineth of the Israelites they have declared their sinne as Sodome they hide them not Isa. 3.9 4. When they are incorrigible and past amendment as Pharaoh and the Aegyptians when they were not humbled with those ten grievous plagues the Lord overthrew them in the red sea Perer. QVEST. XVII Why Euphrates is called the great river Vers. 18. FRom the river of Aegypt to the great river of Euphrates 1. Euphrates is called the great river not as the Talmudists thinke because it confined the holy land but either for that it was the greatest river in Asia as Danubius is in Europe Nilus in Africa in India Ganges and Indus or for that it was one of the rivers that came through Paradise as for the same cause Tigris or Hiddekel is called the great river Dan. 10.4 2. The river of Aegypt is not Nilus as R. Salomon and Mercer for the bound of Palestina never extended so farre but it is a river which runneth out of Nilus betweene Pelusium and Palestina thorow a great desart and falleth into the Mediterranean sea this river is called Sithor as Aben Ezra of the troubled and blacke water Iosuah 13.3 which it borroweth of Nilus which for the same cause is called melas black it is termed also the river of the wildernesse Amos 6.14 the same which the Septuagint call Rinocolura Isa. 27.12 because it did run along by that city so called of the cutting or slitting of noses which punishment King Artisanes inflicted upon malefactors and sent them to inhabite that city Diodorus Siculus lib. 2. and of this opinion is Epiphanius that this river of Aegypt is the river Rinocolura to whom Lunius assenteth Iosu. 13.3 It seemeth to bee an arme of the river Nilus commonly called Carabus which is distant some five dayes journey from Gaza toward Aegypt Perer. ex Masio in Iosua 13. QVEST. XVIII How the land of Canaan is said to be given to Abraham Vers. 18. VNto thy seed c. But v. 7. the Lord said to give thee this land to inherit it and cap. 13.15 both are joyned together I will give it unto thee and thy seed for ever c. Now seeing Abraham had not so much as the breadth of a foot Act. 7.4 how was this land given to Abraham 1. Some thinke it was given to Abraham in right to his seed in possession or to him because it was given to his seed for as the sonne belongeth to the father so what is given or promised to the son concerneth the father 3. but therefore is this land said to be given to Abraham though hee never had possession thereof but his seed because for his sake and the love of God toward him it was given to his seed as Moses saith because he loved thy fathers therefore hath he chose their seed after them Deut. 4.37 QVEST. XIX Whether the Israelites ever enjoyed the whole countrey Euphrates FRom the river of Aegypt to the river Euphrates c. But whereas the land of Canaan is otherwise confined Numb 34.8 where it is not extended beyond Hamath which is a great way on this side Euphrates and the usuall limitation and border was from Dan to Beersheba 1 King 4.25 which as in length not above 160. miles and in breadth from Joppe to Bethlem not above 46. miles as Hierome witnesseth epist. 129. ad Dardan a great question is here moved how their borders could reach to Euphrates 1. Some thinke that there were two countries promised to Abrahams seede the lesse of Canaan which they possessed and a larger extending to Euphrates upon condition if they walked in obedience which condition because they performed not they never injoyed that countrey sic Hier. like as in the Gospell saith he the Kingdome of heaven is promised to the obedient but if they performe not obedience they shall misse of the reward nequaquam erit culpa in promittente sed in me qui proâ—issâ—â— acceperâ— non merui and yet the fault shall not be in him that promiseth but in mee that am not worthy to receive the promise Hieron ibid. to whom subscribeth Andreas Masius in c. 1. Iosue 2. Augustine is of another opinion that the promised land was of two sorts the lesse which comprehended the land of Canaan which the Israelites possessed under Iosua the other which reached to Euphrates which was not under their dominion till David and Salomons time who reigned over all Kingdomes from the river that is Euphrates and from Tipsack which was a City upon that river afterward called Amphipolis even unto Azzah or Gaza 1. King 4.21.24 August qu. 21. in Iosue to whom agree Cajetane and Oleaster and Iunius upon this place and this seemeth to bee the better opinion for wee are not to thinke but that this promise made so solemnely to Abraham accordingly tooke effect 3. Whereas it is objected that all the country to the river Euphrates was never given unto Israel no not in Salomons time because they did not expell thence the inhabitants and plant the Israelites there as they had done in Canaan First Augustine answereth that concerning the Cities which were a farre off they were commanded if they
and consumed therewith as a child halfe consumed in the mothers wombe Numb 12.10 Iunius QUEST V. Whether the third signe of turning the water into bloud were shewed at this time Vers 9. IT shall bee turned into bloud Iosephus thinketh that this signe as likewise the two other were done in this place But the truth is as Philo noteth that the other two were shewed now the third was done in Egypt because hee is bid to take of the water of the river that is of Nilus Perer. 2. This miracle seemeth to bee divers from that chap. 7. of turning the waters of the rivers into bloud for there the waters in the rivers are changed here the water is taken out of the river there the waters so continued 7. dayes but here the water is powred upon the dry land and so it is like it was soone dried up of the earth and returneth not into his kinde as in the two first miracles And againe Aaron is said to have done these miracles in the sight of the people vers 30. but the waters of the rivers were not yet turned into bloud therefore in this place those signes are shewed which should serve principally to confirme Moses calling before the Israelites which afterward as occasion was offered were done also before Pharaoh Simler 3. And this signe of turning water into bloud did signifie that the time was at hand that God would judge the Egyptians for the death of the infants whose bloud they had shed in the waters Lyranus Simlerus QUEST VI. Whether in these miracles there were a substantiall change NOw here it will be demanded whether these conversions and changes were verily and substantially done or they so appeared only 1. But it is not to be doubted of for the very substance and nature of these things for the time was changed 1. Because the word and the thing must agree together Now the Lord saith that the water shall be turned into bloud therefore it was turned but the Hebrew phrase is more significant shall bee into bloud so the rod was into a serpent that is turned or changed 2. The sense both of the sight and feeling discerned them to be truly changed 3. Because it is not impossible or hard with God the creator of the substance to change the substance 4. Such were these conversions as that of water into wine by our Saviour Christ at the marriage feast Ioh. 2. which was a true conversion Simler 2. And this is one speciall difference betweene the miracles which are wrought by God and such wonders as are wrought by Satan these are done in truth the other in illusion as our Saviour saith A spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see me to have Luke 24.39 that is spirits may assume a shape but a true body Satan cannot counterfeit as Hierome saith Signa qua faciebat Moses imitabantur signa Aegyptiâ—rum sed noâ— erant in veritate The signes of the Egyptians did counterfeit the signes which Moses did but they were not in truth for the rod of Moses devoured the rods of the Egyptians QUEST VII Whether Moses indeed had an impediment of speech and what it was Vers. 10. I Am not eloquent c. but I am slow of speech and slow of tongue 1. Some thinke that Moses spake thus only of modesty and humility Borrh But it appeareth by the Lords answer that hee had some want in his speech 2. Others judge that Moses thus speaketh by way of comparison that since God had talked with him which they define to be three dayes taking those words simply according to the letter as they are in the Hebrew I am not eloquent from yesterday to yer yesterday whereas he seemed somewhat before now hee seeth that his eloquence is nothing Origen in cap. 3. Ruperius But these words yesterday and yer yesterday doe for the most part signifie indefinitely the time past as Gen. 31.2 Labans countenance was not toward Iacob as yesterday and yer yesterday and so it is taken here and the rather because these two times are distinguished I am not eloquent yesterday and yer yesterday and that which followeth no not since thou spakest with thy servant and beside Moses after this complaineth that hee was of uncircumcised lippes Chap. 6.12 Hee therefore only at this time seemeth not so to bee 3. Some thinke that Moses indeed was astonished at this vision and thereby began to be as speechlesse Osiander Pellican But that infirmity continued afterward as is before shewed and therefore it was not procured by his present astonishment 4. Others do thinke that Moses had indeed an impediment of speech but it was onely in the Egyptian language which he might have forgotten in this long time of his exile Hugo S. Victor But beside that it is not like that Moses could forget that language wherein he had beene trained up 40. yeeres he simply complaineth of his utterance 5. Therefore it is most like that Moses had some naturall impediment in his speech and some one or more of these defects either that hee was a man of few words not flowing in speech for so it is in the Hebrew a man of words which the Chalde translateth a man of speech or that he was not a man of choice words not eloquent as the Latine readeth or that he was of a slow tongue as the Latine so it is in the Hebrew of a heavy tongue or of bad pronuntiation as the Septuagint reade of a small voyce for he saith that hee was both of an heavie or slow mouth and of a slow tongue 6. But that seemeth to be one of the Hebrewes fables that Moses by this meanes became a man of imperfect speech that when Pharaoh playing with him had set his crowne upon his head and he had cast it downe which one of the Egyptian Priests interpreted to be an ominous signe against Pharaoh and his Kingdome then to trie the childs innocencie they put a burning cole to his mouth by the which the top of his tongue was seared and so the child thereupon began to stammer in his speech Perer. 7. Now it pleased God to make choice of such an unlike instrument one of an imperfect speech that God might have all the glory of this worke and nothing should be ascribed unto man As for the same cause our Saviour made choice of his Apostles from simple and unlettered men to whom he gave the gift of utterance and of divers languages Theodoret. 8. But here it will bee objected that S. Stephen saith of Moses that he was mighty in words and in deeds Act. 7.22 How then could he be imperfect and defective in speech To this some answer that he was mighty in invention and disposition not in elocution for so the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may as well bee referred to the inward conceit of the minde as to the words of the mouth Simler But this rather may bee answered that as S. Paul saith of himselfe
to doe the like therefore in the same kind of water 2. Neither yet is it like as some Hebrewes thinke as Lyranus saith that beside the rivers and lakes which were changed there were certaine fountaines of water beside from whence they might fetch their water for this is contrary to the text which includeth all pooles of water vers 9. 3. Some admit here a synecdoche that all is taken for the most part and that we need not understand that all the waters in generall were converted Borrh. But the generall speeches of Scripture are not so to be restrained where no cause is 4 Cajetanus thus resolveth that all the waters were not changed at once but first the rivers then the lakes and pooles and standing waters and last of all the waters kept in vessels of stone and of wood vessels of mettall are excepted But what should let why by the power of God to make the wonder greater all the waters should not be changed at once and by these kinds of vessels named all other are signified unlesse it was the manner of the Egyptians to use none other vessels than of stone or wood 5. Iustinus Martyr to whom consenteth Osiander doth thinke that the Sorcerers had this water out of the pits which they digged about the river But it seemeth that these waters were changed also by the generall words and that they laboured in vaine For if the Egyptians could so have helped themselves they needed not to have we â—ried themselves in assaying to drinke of the waters of the river as it is said vers 8. 6. Some thinke that the Sorcerers turned some of the water changed into bloud as it was before and then turned it againe into bloud but this is altogether unlike that they had power to undoe Moses worke or to destroy his miracle 7. Ferus thinketh that it was but water in shew as the conversion of it into bloud was but counterfeit likewise but as the Sorcerers rods were very rods though the conversion of them into serpents were but imaginary so the water here which they used was true water though their worke were counterfeit 8. Thostat and Lyranus thinke that the Devill did minister unto them water brought from some other place out of the land of Egypt but in that the text saith they did the like it must be understood of the waters of Egypt wherein they did like unto Moses 9. Augustine hath two solutions the first that the Sorcerers might stay seven dayes till the waters returned to their first nature and then they shewed their cunning also But it is not like that they stayed so long for then their power should have seemed to be small and Pharaohs heart was hardned before the seven dayes were expired upon this practice of the Sorcerers 10. His other solution is that the Sorcerers tooke this water from the land of Goshen where the Israelites dwelt for there the water was not changed as Iosephus well conjectureth and this is most like so also Iunius Simler But Pererius thinketh that even the waters in the land of Goshen were also turned into bloud and that to the Egyptians they were noisome to the Israelites they were pleasant and sweet as before Contra. Seeing in other plagues the land of Goshen and the Israelites were excepted as in the fourth fifth seventh and ninth plague it is not to be doubted but that they were privileged in the rest and seeing the substance of the water was changed and became very bloud a second miracle must be admitted to make it sweet and pleasant to the Israelites beside this would have extenuated the miracle that it had beene but a deceit if the one could drinke of it and not the other Wherefore it is most like that the waters which the Israelites used were not become bloud but that they had an exemption both from this and from the other plagues QUEST XLI What shift the Egyptians made for water during the continuance of the first plague Vers. 25. ANd seven dayes were fulfilled What shift then did the Egyptians make all this while for drinke 1. Eusebius Câ—sâ—riensis thinketh that this plague of bloudy waters lasted but one day and the space of seven dayes is set betweene the first and the second miracle but if this had beene so the Egyptians if they had wanted water but one day should not so greatly have beene distressed neither needed they to have toiled themselves in digging of wels 2. Iustinus Martyr respon ad quaest Orth. 26. thinketh that the Egyptians dranke of the water of the pits which they digged but it is more like that they digged in vaine for water as Ferus judgeth for neither could the plague sent of God by humane wit or labour be prevented if the Egyptians could thus have helped themselves their distresse necessity had not beene so great 3. Thostatus thinketh that they found water in the pits which they digged not altogether pure neither yet wholly bloudy but yet by the veines and pipes of the earth somewhat refined from the thicke bloudy grossenesse as we see that salt sea water is strained and clensed by putting the same into certaine vessels and with this water the Egyptians necessity so compelling them contented themselves Contra. There is not the like reason of naturall things and supernaturall this turning of water into bloud being supernaturall how is it like that it could by naturall meanes be qualified 4. Therefore I thinke rather that the Egyptians were driven to drinke of the water of the river they had no other shift and therefore it is said vers 18. That they should be weary or labour as the word signifieth to drinke of the river which they needed not to have done if there had beene any other shift And as Philo writeth it is like that many in the space of these seven dayes some died of thirst some were poisoned by the stinking waters so that they lay dead on heapes and the living scarce sufficed to bury them QUEST XLII Whether the raine that fell was turned into bloud as the Latine translator readeth BUt whereas Psalm 78.44 the Septuagint reade 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Latine translator following them interpreteth imbres that he turned their raine or showers into bloud Augustine here moveth a question how this should be Moses making no mention of raine water and resolveth that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifieth as well waters that flow from below as that fall from above and so Ianseniâ—â— deriveth it of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to flow together but this doubt will easily be removed if we consult with the originall where the word is nozliâ—â— which signifieth flouds and rivers of Nazal to flow so Vatablus translateth â—ivos Paguin and Montan. fluenta for it is notoriously knowne that in Egypt falleth no raine as Philo testifieth lib. 3. de vita Mosis and Plinie lib. 6. Mela. lib. 3. cap. 9. and so much
transitus the Passeover because the Apostle readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our pasch Christ is sacrificed for us 1 Cor. 6.7 Iun. Vatab. QUEST XVII Wherefore it was called the pasch or passeover NOw it was called the Lords pasch 1. Not because of the passing or going over of the Israelites through the red Sea as August seemeth to thinke quòd tunc primùm pascha celebravit populus Dei quando ex Egypto fugientes mare rubrum transierunt because then first the people of God kept the pasch when they fled out of Egypt and passed over the red Sea Tract 55. in Evang. Iohan. For the people kept the pasch and it was so called before they came to the red Sea 2. Neither as Philo thinketh because it was migrationis publicae festivitas a Feast of the publike passage of the Israelites out of Egypt as Nazianzen also thinketh 3. But the reason is given in this place why it is called the pasch for I will passe thorow the land of Egypt the same night and smite all the first borne it was therefore so called of the passing of the Angell over the houses of the Hebrewes and sparing them Perer. 4. But it is here to be noted that there are two words used that signifie to passe over pasach and ghabar but that betokeneth a passing over in mercie to spare the other a passing over the Egyptians houses in judgement to smite Simler QUEST XVIII The divers significations of the word pasch NOw the word pasch is taken to signifie three things in Scripture 1. It betokeneth the paschall Lambe it selfe as 2 Chron. 35.11 They slew the pasch and vers 13. they rosted the pasch at the fire 2. It is taken for the solemnitie it selfe of the pasch for the whole seven dayes of unleavened bread as Act. 3. then were the dayes of unleavened bread then it followeth vers 4. intending after the pasch to bring him i. Peter forth to the people 3. It is used also to signifie the very sacrifices which were offred at the pasch as Deut. 16.2 Thou shalt offer the pasch unto the Lord thy God of thy sheepe and bullocks Perer. 4. But here it is taken in a divers sense from any of these it is called the pasch because it signified and represented unto them the Lords passing over as the next words do shew in the 12. verse Genevens So circumcision is called the Lords covenant Genes 17.13 My covenant shall be in your flesh being onely a Sacramentall signe and seale thereof QUEST XIX What things are generally commanded concerning the keeping of the day of unleavened bread Vers. 15. SEven dayes shall yee eat unleavened bread 1. The Hebrewes had foure kinds of ceremoniall observations the first their sacrifices wherein they offred bullocks sheepe goats lambs calves the second were the holy things which belonged to the Sanctuary as the vessels curtaines Priestly garments as also to this sort belonged their festivals and solemnities the third sort was of their Sacraments which were circumcision and the paschall lambe the fourth more certaine ceremoniall rites which belonged to the cleansing and sanctitie of their persons as in their washings and legall purgations in the choice of meats and garments and such like This observation of unleavened bread belongeth to the fourth sort for it was a principall member and part of the paschall solemnitie Pererius 2. Foure things are here prescribed concerning the eating of unleavened bread First how long they should observe it for seven dayes secondly of the speciall preeminence and solemnitie of two dayes above the rest the first and the seventh with the manner how they should keepe them in abstaining from all worke saving about their meat thirdly the danger and punishment of him that should not observe this rite lastly the cause to put them in mind of their deliverance out of Egypt Simler QUEST XX. Why they were enjoyned to eat unleavened bread THe reasons of this observation of unleavened bread were these 1. They then of necessitie were forced to eat unleavened bread because they had no time to lay leaven as is shewed vers 39. Calvin Perer. 2. But afterward this ceremonie was injoyned to put them in remembrance of their deliverance out of Egypt when for haste they could not leaven their bread Simler 3. As also to call to their remembrance the great power of God in bringing them out of Egypt when they had no provision for their journey for when men are best provided of secundarie meanes Gods grace is more obscured Calvin 4. As also to put them in mind of sodaine deliverance even before they had thought that God made such speed to deliver them that they had no time to provide bread for God is more readie to bestow his benefits thâ—â— we are to aske them Pellican 5. This also did put them in mind of their bitter and unpleasant servitude in Egypt as unleavened bread is not so pleasant to the taste as leavened Calvin And so God did deliver them from their former sorrow Vatab. 6. It also did move them to consider of Gods providence who nourished them 30. dayes even untill Manna came with that provision of unleavened bread dow which they brought out of Egypt Iosephus For like as the Manna ceased when they did eat of the fruit of the land so when their provision was done it is like that Manna came Pererius QUEST XXI Why seven dayes are limited for the keeping of the Feast of unleavened bread BUt why they were commanded to eat unleavened bread seven dayes the reason is not 1. Either because a finite number is taken for an indefinite as the number of seven is sometime used in Scripture and so these seven dayes did bring to their minde those thirtie dayes wherein they did eat unleavened bread Ioseph Perer. 2. Neither doe these seven dayes so much signifie that at all times they should remember their deliverance even all the yeere long Pellican 3. But this is more likely to have beene the reason thereof because there were so many dayes from the going out of Egypt untill the overthrow of the Egyptians in the red sea untill when their deliverance was not perfect nor they wholly out of danger for then the Lord is said to have saved or delivered Israel from the hand of the Egyptian chap. 14.30 Iun. And that this destruction of the Egyptians in the red sea followed seven dayes after the going of Israel out of Egypt shall be shewed in the 26. quest QUEST XXIII Whether the 14. or 15. day were the first of the seven COncerning the number of these dayes of unleavened bread 1. Neither is Iosephus opinion to bee received who saith Festa per octo dies celebramus quos vocamus azymorum We doe celebrate the Feast eight dayes which we call of unleavened bread for the direct words of the text are against him vers 15. Seven dayes shall yee eat unleavened bread 2. Nor yet is Rupertus reason any
untill the time of Israels departure out of Egypt are just 430. yeeres as is shewed before quest 56. 6. Wherefore the best computation of all is to begin the 430. yeere from the 75. yeere of Abrahams age when hee came into the land of Canaan both because while hee remained with his father and kindred in Haran he could not be said to sojourne or be a stranger and for that if we begin the account before the 75. yeere of Abrahams age there will arise more than 430. yeeres Thus Iosephus reckoneth these 430. yeeres Postquam Abraham in Canaan venit After Abraham came into the land of Canaan so also Eusebius A septuagesimo quinto anno Abrahae usque ad egressum Hebraeorum ex Aegyptâ— supputanâ—ur anni quadringenti triginta From the seventy five yeere of Abraham unto the going of the Hebrewes out of Egypt are counted foure hundred thirty yeeres and this computation Augustine followeth quaest 47. in Exod. QUEST LXII When the terme of 430 yeeres ended AS we have seene where this terme of 430. yeeres must take beginning so it is to be considered when they were to determine and end 1. Epiphanius hath here a singular conceit by himselfe who extendeth these 430. yeeres unto the time of the Israelites entring into the land of Canaan as Pererius thus collecteth Epiphanius terminat in eo tempore quo terram promissionis intrarant Epiphanius doth determine them at that time when they entred into the land of promise But this cannot be for the Israelites continued 40. yeeres in the desert before they were admitted to the possession of Canaan Epiphanius saith they were in the desert 50. yeeres but he is therin also deceived if this terme of 40. yeeres be comprehended in the 430. yeeres it will follow that from Iacobs comming downe into Egypt untill the Israelites returne from thence are not above 175. yeeres which were indeed 215. yeeres as is shewed before quest 56. 2. Therefore these 430. yeeres doe determine and expire at the very time of the Israelites departure out of Egypt as Moses here saith When the 430. yeeres were expired even the selfe same day departed all the hostes of the Lord out of the land of Egypt And S. Paul also extendeth these yeeres but unto the giving of the Law in mount Sinai Gal. 3.17 Thus Eusebius and Augustine following him quaest 47. in Exod. define these yeeres so also Iun. Simler Osiander Pererius Ferus with others QUEST LXIII How the terme of 400. yeeres foretold to Abraham and Moses summe of 430. yeeres doe agree together NOw whereas the Lord telleth Abraham that his seed should be a stranger in a land not theirs and be evill entreated 400. yeeres Gen. 15.13 and the same is repeated by S. Stephen Acts 7.6 that summe of yeeres very well agreeth with this number of 430. for this summe beginneth at Abrahams first comming into Canaan when he was 75. yeeres old 25. yeeres before the birth of Isaack for there the Lord speaketh of the sojourning and hard usage of his seede and even then the first manifest affliction of Abrahams seede in Isaack began by Ismael of Agar the Egyptian 2. But from Isaacks birth unto the going downe of Iacob into Egypt are in precise account 220. yeeres and so the whole time is 405. yeeres from Isaacks birth unto the going out of Israel from Egypt for if from Abrahams 75. yeere there are 430. yeeres from Abrahams 100. yeere when Isaack was borne are 405. yeeres to make the summe even the od 5. yeeres are omitted which thing is not unusuall in Scripture as in one place David is said to have reigned in Hebron 7. yeeres and 6. moneths 2. Sam 5.5 in another place the yeeres of his reigne in Hebron are counted 7. yeere even and in Jerusalem 33. yeeres 40. yeere in all 1. King 2.11 the odde moneths are omitted Augustine also hereof thus writeth Non mirum si quaâ—ringentos quinque annos sumae solidae quadringenâ—es voluit appellare scriptura c. No marvell if the Scripture call 405. yeeres in one round summe 400. yeere which useth so to set downe the times that what is over or under the perfâ—ct number is not counted quaest 47. in Exod. Hence then both Lyranus and Cajetane are found to bee in an error who therein following some Hebrewes doe account but 210. yeeres for the time of the Israelites abode in Egypt reckoning but 400. yeeres strictly from Isaacks birth unto the departure of Israel out of Egypt 3. But Procopius would thus reconcile these two summes he would have both the 400. yeeres and the 430. begin together and that the Lord saith not that after 400. yeeres expired the Israelites should returne but simply after 400. yeeres so that the other 30. yeeres also may bee included M. Calvin also somewhat to the same effect saith Restabant plures anni quà m quadringenti nempe viginti vel circiter There remained more yeeres than foure hundred as twenty or thereabout but because the Lord purposed onely to prepare them unto patience he defineth not a certaine number of yeeres But herein is their error they would extend these 400. yeeres beyond the time of their deliverance out of Egypt whereas the Lord setting the end of this time saith The nation whom they shall serve will I judge and afterward shall they come 〈◊〉 with great substance Gen. 15.14 then immediately after the expiration of these 400. yeeres the Israelites must come forth of the land of their bondage with great substance QUEST LXIV When the 400. yeeres prefixed to Abraham must take their beginning NOw concerning the beginning of these 430. yeeres here commeth to be examined and discussed a singular and private opinion of Zeiglerus who beginneth the account of these 430. yeeres from the 10. yeere of Abrahams sojourning in Canaan 15. yeeres before the birth of Isaac and he endeth them in the tenth yeere of Moses exile in the land of Midian where he continued 40. yeeres when hee saith the captivity of Israel should have ceased but because Moses would have prevented the time and delivered Israel ten yeeres before when he slew the Egyptian the Lord did punish his presumption with 40. yeeres exile and deferred the deliverance of Israel 30. yeeres longer both to fulfill the 40. yeeres of his penance and because the Lord purposed to appoint no other Captaine of his people but Moses Thus we reade that the Lord hath observed this proportion and number of forty at other times also for the time of penance as the Israelites wandred 40. yeeres in the wildernesse it rained 40. dayes upon the old world 40. dayes are set for the repentance of Niniveh sic Zeigler Contra. 1. This terme of 400. yeeres limited for the sojourning and servitude of Abrahams seede cannot begin before Abraham had seede and therefore not 15. yeeres before the birth of Isaac 2. Gods purpose and determination altereth not mans infirmity cannot make the counsell of God of none effect therefore
seeing the Lord who foreseeth all things did set unto Abraham this terme of 400. yeeres â—ee no doubt most faithfully kept his promise and as he had decreed so after 400. yeeres expired he delivered his seede from their oppressors 3. Moses act in killing the Egyptian was an act of faith not of presumption as both S. Stephen witnesseth Acts 7.25 Hee supposed 〈◊〉 brethren would have understood that God by his hand should give them deliverance as also the Apostle to the Heb. 11.25 By faith Moses when hee was come to age refused to be called the sonne of Pharaohs daughter and chose rather to suffer adversity with the people of God and againe vers 27. By faith he forsooke Egypt c. If Moses then of faith shewed himselfe to be the deliverer of his people as when he killed the Egyptian and cares not for the favour and honour of Pharaohs court then was it not a presumptuous act for the which he should be punished 4. And how standeth it with Gods justice to punish all the people of Israel with the captivity of 30. yeeres longer for the sinne and presumption of one man if Moses had offended and trespassed therein 5. Neither is that observation of forty perpetuall neither David for his sinne nor Peter for his deniall of Christ nor the incestuous young man among the Corinthians were injoyned any such time of penance and Nebuchadnezzars time of repentance farre exceeded this proportion which continued seven yeeres Dan. 4.20 for true repentance is not measured by the number of dayes but by the weight of the contrition and sorrow of heart neither is it found in Scripture that any one man had 40. dayes penance imposed upon him There was another reason of the 40. yeeres wandring of Israel in the desert for according to the time wherein the spies searched the land which was 40. dayes they have a yeere set for a day for the punishment of the sinne of the spies in raising a slander upon that good land all but Caleb and Iosuah and of the people in giving no credit unto them see Numb 14.34 QUEST LXV The time of the Hebrewes departure out of Egypt compared with the Chronology of the Heathen NOw in the last place it shall bee declared how this time of the departing of Israel agreeth with the â—orren computations according to the Chronology of the Heathen 1. They therefore observe five notable periods of times from whence they use to make supputation of their yeeres from the monarchy of Ninus and Semiramis in Abrahams time from the floud of Ogyges and from Inachus and Phâ—râ—neus about the time of the Patriarke Iacob from the battell of Troy which fell out in Sampsons dayes or under Helâ— the high Priest from the beginning of the Olympiades which began in the 8. yeere of the reigne of Ahaz from the building of Rome in the 1. yeere of the seventh Olympiade which concurreth with the 16. yeere of the reigne of Hesekiah 2. According then to these divers kindes of computations there are also divers opinions concerning the time of Israels departure out of Egypt Apion the Gramarian a professed adversary to the Jewes against whom Iosephus wrote two bookes will have Moses to bring the Israelites out of Egypt in the time of the seventh Olympiade when the City Carthage was built by the Tyrians in Africa thus Iosephus reporteth the opinion of Apion in his 2. booke But this to bee apparantly false Iosephus sheweth proving that the Temple of Salomon was built 143. yeeres before Carthage and the Israelites came out of Egypt 480. yeeres before that 1. King 6.1 so that their leaving of Egypt was above 600. yeeres before the building of Carthage 3. As Apion commeth farre short in his computation so Porphyrius goeth as much beyond who in the fourth booke of those which hee wrote against the Christians will have Moses to be before the times of Semiramis which is a grosse error for it is without all question that Abraham was borne under the monarchy of Ninus and from Abrahams birth untill the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt are 505. yeeres whereof an 100. are counted from Abrahams birth to Isaacs and 405. from thence unto Israels redemption as hath beene shewed 4. Lactantius lib. 4. cap. 5. thinketh that Moses was 900. yeeres before the battell of Troy whereas it will be found that he was only 356. yeeres or thereabout elder than those times 5. Manethon an ancient Writer of the Egyptian affaires maketh Moses more ancient by 393. yeeres than when Danaus went to Argos that is about a thousand yeeres before the battell of Troy But that cannot bee seeing the Trojan warre is held to have beene in the time of Sampson or Helâ— not above 356. yeeres after the returne of the Hebrewes out of Egypt 6. Some Christian Writers thinke that the Hebrewes were delivered out of the Egyptian Captivity in the time of Ogyges floud as Iustinus Martyr Clemens Alexandrinus 1. lib. Stromatum Iulian Africanus But that is not like for the same Iulian African by the testimony of divers Heathen Writers sheweth that Ogyges floud was 1020. yeeres before the beginning of the Olympiades But from the departure of Israel out of Egypt untill the Olympiades began which was in the 8. yeere of the reigne of Ahaz are counted but 760. yeere or thereabout so that Moses should bee above two hundred and fifty yeeres after Ogyges floud 7. This is then the right computation compared with the Chronology of the Heathen that the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt was 356. yeere before the Trojan battell and 764. yeeres before the Olympiades 788. yeeres before the building of Rome 910. yeeres before the Captivity of Babylon 980. yeeres before the reigne of Cyrus 1200. yeeres before Alexander the Great 1496. yeeres before Herod under whose reigne Christ was borne And according to the sacred Chronologie this redemption of Israel from the Egyptian bondage was 2453. yeeres after the creation of the world 797. yeeres after Noahs floud 505. yeeres after the death of the Patriarke Ioseph 480. yeeres before the building of Salomons Temple and 1536. yeeres before the birth of our blessed Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus Ex Perer. 4. Places of doctrine 1. Doct. How the Lords holy dayes should be kept Vers. 16. IN the first day shall be an holy convocation The word is mikra which also signifieth reading which sheweth how holy and festivall dayes ought to be spent in assembling the people together and in reading and preaching unto them the mercies and benefits of God Pellican And this was the use among the people of God as S. Peter saith Moses hath of old time them that preach him in every City seeing he is read in the Synagogues every Sabbath 2. Doct. A particular application of our redemption by Christs death needfull Vers. 21. CHuse out of every of your households a lambe God would as it were by a speciall application have every private house and family
had given them 4. Some doe reade that ascenderunt quintati they went up fived that is five in a ranke as Theodotion readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so also Montanus and some understand it strictly that they went up five and five in a ranke as souldiers use to march Oleaster or that they went up orderly as Iun. militari ordine in battell aray dispositi in certos ordines per quincurias decurias disposed into certaine rankes by fives and tennes c. Simler Some thinke they went up by fifties together as a signe of their Iubile which afterward was every fifty yeere in being now delivered from their long servitude Borrh. Contra. 1. If their meaning bee that they went up by fives in a ranke the whole number being one with another not much under 2000. thousand the people would have taken up not much under one hundred mile in length if as Oleaster thinketh they went by fives in single rankes because they could not conveniently go in the way in a greater breadth for feare of treading their vines and corne 2. If it bee generally understood of battell aray and orderly marching how could the women and children which were a great number be ranged in such battell order and if they went by tennes and twenties how then is it said they went by fives And as for the Jubile which they would have here relation unto it was not yet instituted nor spoken of 5. Wherefore the best reading is that they went up accincti undergirded or trussed up as Pagâ—ine and the Septuagint Iosu. 1.14 doe translate the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the word chamushim may be derived of chomesh the fift ribbe so taken 2. Sam. 2.18 where the place of the girding is and further the word chamushim used of the Rubenites and the rest that they went up girded or well appointed before their brethren Iosuah 1.14 is expounded by another word chalutzim Numb 32.28 which the Latine translator and Iunius interprete expediti ready furnished which word chalutzim hath great affinity with chalatzim which signifieth the loynes because the armour or garments are trussed about the loynes and chalatzim is the same with mateâ—aim as appeareth by the same phrase Isai. 32.11 as Exod. 12.11 they are said to have mainecem chagurim their loynes trussed up So the Prophet saith to the carelesse woman chagorah ghalehalatzim gird upon your loynes This then is the meaning that they went up well appointed girded and prepared not as men flying in feare but as men taking their journey which also includeth a signification of their orderly going not hudling together but as they which goe a journey or into battell doe so dispose themselves as that one be not an hindrance to another And so Aben Ezra doth touch both these senses who interpreteth thus Hebreos processesse accinctos per quinos that the Hebrewes went forward trussed up and girded by fives This then sheweth the peoples obedience how they went out with their loynes girded as Moses had before commanded them to eat the Passeover chap. 12.11 QUEST XVII Whether the rest of the Patriarkes bones were removed with Iosephs Vers. 19. ANd Moses tooke the bones of Ioseph 1. Not only Iosephs bones but the rest of the Patriarkes also were removed out of Egypt and buried in Sechem as S. Stephen sheweth Acts 7.16 Iun. It is not like they were left behind in Egypt as Ferus But mention is made onely of Ioseph as the chiefe and because of the oath which was made unto him for this matter Gen 50. 2. It may be also conjectured that the rest of the Patriarkes gave the like charge concerning their bones being thereunto moved by the example of Ioseph Calvin 3. And this Ioseph did both to testifie his owne faith concerning the land of promise therein consenting with his fathers the patriarkes before him as also to bee an encouragement unto the Israelites with patience to expect the accomplishment of Gods promise Simler 4. This also is to be considered that whereas Iosephs brethren sold him into Egypt they did not only follow him into Egypt but their children brought his bones againe out of Egypt upon their shoulders Ferus QUEST XVIII What it was that appeared in the cloud and who Vers. 21. ANd the Lord went before them by day 1. The Lord could by other meanes have testified his presence and guided his people but hee for their great comfort doth shew them visible signes of his presence Ferus 2. And in saying that the Lord went in the cloud hee doth not pull God out of heaven and conclude him in the cloud for the Lord filleth both heaven and earth but by this phrase he sheweth that it was not a naked signe but a most lively representation of Gods presence indeed Calvin 3. Moses afterward chap. 14.19 calleth him the Angell of God who is here named Iehovah for the Lord by the hand of his Sonne the Angell of his presence did lead his people Calvin Iun. QUEST XIX Of the divers properties of the cloud BY day in a piller of a cloud c. This cloud wherein the Lord went before his people had these properties 1. This piller of a cloud by day and of fire by night did alwayes accompany the people they did never leave them till they were come to the borders of the land of promise as is here shewed vers 22. 2. The use of these pillers was to guide them and shew them the way that they should not wander or erre in that vast unknowne and unwayed desert vers 21. 3. This cloud sometime moved and then the host of Israel removed sometime it stood still and the campe also pitched and went not forward Numb 9.17 18. 4. When the cloud moved it went before the host when it stood still it rested upon the Tabernacle and did as it were fit upon it Numb 9.19 5. This cloud was of such an height and bignesse that both by day and night it might be seene round about in all the host of Israel Exod. 40.38 It was in the sight of all the host of Israel Perer. And therefore the Lord made choice of such signes as might easily be seene as of a cloud in the day and of fire in the night Ferus 6. These pillers did interchangeably one succeed another that as the night followed the day so the fire the cloud it was a cloud in the day and fire in the night Exod. 40.38 7. The Lord spake unto Moses out of this cloudy piller when it descended upon the Tabernacle and out of the same delivered his oracles unto him Exod. 32.9 Ex Perer. 8. As it was common both to the cloud and the piller to guide them the way so it was peculiar to the fire to give them light in the night and to the cloud to defend them from the heate of the Sunne as Psalm 105.35 he spread a cloud to be a covering Iun. whereunto the Prophet alludeth in saying Vpon Mount Sion
Man did fall Num. 11.9 2. Some other are of opinion that first there fell as an hoare frost upon the earth and then the Man fell upon that and so they doe reade that place Numb 11.9 that the Man fell upon the dew Tostat. quaest 6. But there the preposition ghal is better interpreted with than upon as the Latine Interpreter giveth the sense Pariter descendâ—bâ—t Man The Man descended together with it and beside it is said in the verse following that the dew first ascended that is vanished and then the Man appeared but this could not bee if the Man were upon the dew Tostatus taketh the ascending of the dew for the being or lying of it above and upon the earth But that cannot be for in the verse before it is said The dew lay round about the hoast then it followeth When the fall or lying of the dew was ascended Here then two things are evidently expressed concerning this dew the comming and falling of it and the ascending of it and going away 3. A third opinion there is of the Rabbines that the Man had both an hoare frost and congealed dew under it and a dew upon it and so was as it were betweene two covers R. Salomon But if there were as an hoare frost beside the Man how should it have beene discerned from it for the Man it selfe is said to have beene 〈◊〉 a small hoare frost upon the earth 4. This then remaineth as the truest opinion that the Man fell together with the dew as it were wrapped and folded up in it and when the dew was gone and vanished away the Man remained Simler Oleaster Iun. Vatab. But against this Tostatus objecteth 1. That the Man it selfe melted also with the heat of the Sunne so that when the dew wasted the Man should have gone away with it 2. The dew hath an evill relish and taste and so if it had fallen together with Man which had a sweet and pleasant taste it would have marred and corrupted the pleasantnesse and sweetnesse thereof Contra. 1. The dew being of a thinner substance was quickly licked up but the Manna melted not before the heat of the Sunne came in the space then betweene the drying up of the dew and the heat of the Sunne was the time to gather the Man 2. Wee see by experience that when the dew is dried up the hearbs doe nothing relish or savour of it beside there are sweet and pleasant dewes such as this was which would nothing have allayed the pleasant taste of the Man QUEST XX. Whether the Man were a naturall meteore FUrther it is to be enquired whether this Man were a naturall meteore and ordinary thing 1. Iosephus affirmeth that in his time in all that region it used to raine Manna as it did then in Moses time the Arabians also have such a like thing as that was which is called Manna Contra. The Arabian Manna is nothing like unto this Man 1. This fell every day saving the Sabbath for 40. yeeres together the other only in the spring time Pelarg. 2. The Arabian Manna neither hath such a pleasant taste neither doth it melt with the heat of the Sunne nor yet is so hard to bee beaten in a morter and it will continue a whole yeere it is used also rather as a medicine than nourishment beside the Hebrewes write that the Arabian Manna falleth not at all about the mount and circuit of Sinai Simlerus Oleaster 2. Then this Man was not a naturall meteore or an ordinary and usuall thing as may appeare by these reasons 1. The Man was never seene before till that time Tostat. And it came not but according to the word and promise of God Calvin 2. The naturall Manna falleth but in the spring this came winter and summer and ceased not as no naturall meteors doe Simler 3. This came in such abundance that it sufficed 600. thousand daily 4. It fell every day the Sabbath excepted 5. It fell only in that place where the Israelites encamped the other nations bordering upon it as the Amalekites Edomites and others knew it not 6. This Man if it were kept till the next morning upon the weeke-dayes putrified yet was preserved till the Sabbath and indured many yeeres in Aarons pot of Manna Simler 7. It had contrary qualities it melted at the Sunne and was hardned at the fire 8. It fell twice so much upon the sixth day to serve also for the Sabbath 9. As soone as they were gone over Jordan and entred into the Land of promise the Manna ceased Simler Calvin QUEST XXI Whether the Manna lay about the campe only and not within it Vers. 13. IT lay round about the hoast 1. The Manna fell not as the Quailes did which covered the campe and were sent amidst their rents that they might take them with ease but the Manna fell without the campe round about whereof Tostatus yeeldeth these two reasons 1. Because the place where they pitched their tents was trampled upon with their feete and so full of dust and therefore not cleane or fit for the Manna to fall in 2. After that the Sunne rose the Manna melted which remained ungathered and then the ground would have beene moyst and slabby and so discommodious for their waâ—â—ing and footing therefore hee thinketh that the Man fell rather without the campe upon the greene grasse and sword ground which was not walked nor trampled upon 2. Rupertus further maketh this application of the divers site and place of the Quailes and the Manna the one lying within the campe signified the carnall rites and ceremonies of the Law peculiar to the Jewes the other lying without betokened the Gospell of Christ which should be preached to all nations and that as the Israelites went out of the campe to gather Manna so we must leave the Jewish rites and ceremonies if we will bee graft into the faith of the Gospell 3. But this observation of the divers falling and lying of the Quailes and Manna is too curious neither will the text beare it For Numb 11.9 it is said that the Man with the dew fell ghal hamachaneh upon the hoast or campe in the which very word the Quailes are said also vers 13. to have fallen upon the hoast or campe so that indifferently the Manna fell upon and about the hoast as the Quailes did for if the Manna had fallen all without the campe which lay in a great compasse and circuit of ground some miles in length and breadth the people if it had not rained Manna at their doores and neere hand could not so readily have gathered it before the heat of the Sunne And it is not to be imagined but that in the middest of the tents there was some convenient ground for the Manna to light upon and that it was so ordered and disposed in the fall as it was fittest for their gathering neither need the other inconveniences to be feared of moistening the ground for
writer setteth downe that before out of his place which was done after Tostat. He therefore resolveth that Moses did write this propheticè by a propheticall instinct so also Iun. But this may be rather thought to be added by Ioshua or some other of the Prophets afterward as likewise the story of Moses death and buriall Deut. 34. which is not like to have beene penned by himselfe Piscator 2. Till they came to a land inhabited Augustine thus expoundeth Non quia continuò ut venerunt ad terram habitabilem c. Not because as soone as they came to a land inhabited they left eating of Manna Sed quia non ante But because not before But what land inhabited it was is expounded afterward namely the land of Canaan for though the Israelites possessed before the land of the Amorites on the other side of Jordan yet the Manna ceased not till they had passed over Jordan and were entred into the bounds and borders of Canaan which was the promised land that flowed with milke and hony Tostat. quast 15. 4. Places of Doctrine 1. Doct. Of the excellencie and prâ—â—ogative of the Lords day Vers. 5. BVt the sixth day c. it shall be twice so much Origen upon this place well collecteth the prerogative and excellencie of the Lords day beyond the Sabbath of the Jewes proving that the Manna began first to fall upon that day his words are these Si sex diâ—bus continuis ut scriptura dicit collectum est à septima autem die quae est Sabbati cessatum est sine dubio initium ejus à die prima qua est dies Dominica fuit c. If the Manna were gathered six dayes together as the Scripture saith and it ceased upon the seventh which is the Sabbath without doubt it began on the first day which is the Lords day 2. Doct. That it is lawfull to lay up in store so it be done without distrust in Gods providence Vers. 19. LEt no man reserve thereof till the morning Though the Israelites were bound unto this precept because every day they received Manna from heaven and so the Compassions of God were renued every morning as the Prophet Ieremie saith Lament 3.23 yet this taketh not away all store and provision to be laid up aforehand for the sluggard is condemned for his sloth and carelesnesse and is sent by the Wise man to learne of the Ant which gathereth her meat in summer Prov. Our blessed Saviour also commanded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the remainder of the meat to be kept And the reason is not alike for then they received Manna every day and therefore needed not to lay up any thing in store But now the fruits of the earth are onely gathered in summer wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the letter of this precept is not to be urged but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sense and morall equitie bindeth us still that we take heed of an immoderate distrustfull care in making provision for the time to come but depend upon Gods fatherly providence Pelarg. 3. Doct. How Manna was a type and figure of Christ. Vers. 31. THey called the name of it Man c. The holy Apostle S. Paul maketh this Manna an evident type of Christ calling it their spirituall meat 1 Cor. 10.3 And in many things the type and figure agreeth unto the bodie and substance 1. In the causes of sending this Manna 2. In the conditionâ— and qualities thereof 3. In the manner of the gathering 4. In the use thereof Ferus First touching the causes 1. The Lord had compassion of his people when they were in want and almost famished in the wildernesse so Christ was given unto us that by faith in his bodie and bloud our hungrie soules should bee nourished Marbach 2. The Lord in sending Manna shewed his power his mercie goodnesse and love to his people and in nothing more appeareth the love of God to us than in sending his onely Sonne into the world to die for us 3. The Lord by sending Manna did prove whether his people would walke in his law or no vers 4. So the Lord maketh triall of the obedience of the world in receiving the law of his Sonne Christ that is the Gospell Ferus Secondly concerning the qualities and properties of Manna 1. It was but a small thing yet had great vertuâ—â— and Christ though in the low degree of a servant was of great power 2. The Manna was white and Christ was pure and unspotted 3. The Manna was ground in the mill or beaten in a morter and Christ was beaten and bruised for us Ferus 4. The Manna came from heaven so the Sonne of God descended and tooke upon him our flesh Simler 5. The Manna was sweet and pleasant as hony so is Christ unto the soule 6. The Manna fell with the dew so Christ brought with him abundance of spirit and grace 7. The Manna fell every day and Christ hath promised to be with his Church unto the end of the world 8. The Manna ceased as soone as they came into the land of Canaan and in the next world there shall be no use of the Word or Sacraments Ferus Thirdly in the gathering of Manna these conditions were observed 1. It was lawfull and free for all men and children male and female young and old master and servant to gather the Manna so there is neither bond nor free male nor female but all are one in Christ Gal. 3.28 Simler 2. They were commanded to gather every day and we must all our life long gather of the heavenly Manna 3. They were to goe out of their tents to gather it and wee must depart from our old conversation Ferus 4. They which gathered much had not the more nor they which gathered little the lesse so both those which are strong and they which are weake in faith are admitted to this Manna Marbach Fourthly for the use both good and bad did eat of the Manna so men of all sorts come unto the Word and Sacraments but not all to the same end for as the Manna putrified to those which kept it contrary to Moses commandement so the Word of God and the Sacraments are the savour of death unto death to those which unworthily receive them Ferus But it will here bee objected if this Manna were spirituall and heavenly food to the Israelites as S. Paul saith how is he reconciled with our Saviour Christ who saith Moses gave you not bread from heaven but my father giveth you true bread from heaven Ioh. 6.32 The answer here is ready that our Saviour speaketh according to their capacity and understanding with whom he there dealeth who had a carnall imagination of Manna and could see therein nothing but corporall food Simler 5. Places of Confutation 1. Conf. Against the carnall presence in the Eucharist Vers. 5. THe people shall goe out and gather Rupertus hath upon these words this glosse applying them to the
LEt them bee ready on the third day c. 1. The opinion of some of the Rabbines is that this was not the 3. day of the moneth but the 6. day and the third from that time when the Lord thus spake to Moses for they say that upon the first day of the moneth Moses went up to God and received that message to bee delivered to the people and came downe the same day and stayed the next and reported not the answer of the people untill the 3. day R. Salom. Lyran. Cajetanus is of the same opinion that the first day of the moneth was but the 45. day after their departure out of Egypt and that the Lord upon the 48. day bid the people to bee ready against the third day after Contra. But this is not like for this would have shewed great negligence in Moses if he should have stayed so long before hee delivered the peoples minde to the Lord seeing mount Sinai was so neere unto the host 2. Some thinke that it was the third of the moneth and that it hath relation to the first day mentioned vers 1. Tostat. quaest 10. Gloss. ordin Ferus But this cannot stand neither for both Ferus and Gloss. interlin doe make the first day of the moneth but the 47. day then the third day wherein the law was given was but the 49. day but the day wherein the law was given is held of all to bee the Pentecost the 50. day Some to take away this doubt would borrow 17. dayes of the first moneth and 30. of the next and 3. of the third and so the publishing of the law shall fall out upon the 50. day So Augustine Gloss. ordin But there remained only 16. dayes of the first moneth to be counted the Passeover being kept upon the 14. day at even therefore they cannot make their reckoning of 17. dayes remaining in that moneth and to account 31. dayes unto the next moneth as some doe it was against the custome of the Hebrewes 3. Therefore it must thus be that on the first day of the moneth when the host was come into the wildernesse oâ— Sinai Moses went up to the Lord and came downe with the message to the people and then the next day went up with the peoples answer unto God for it is not like that all the host came thither and Moses went up and came downe and propounded the Lords words to the Elders and they to the people and received their answer and returned the same all upon one day And Cajetanes conceit herein is not to be refused that because the Lord saith To day and to morrow sanctifie them Insinuatur quod haec dicta fuerint manâ— It is insinuated that this was said in the morning This then was spoken upon the second day in the morning and the third day from thence was the law given which was not the third but the fourth day of the moneth Iun. Simler Rupertus also agreeth that the first day of the third moneth was the 47. day after the Passeover and that the fourth day after which was the 50. day Moses received the tables of the law but herein he differeth that the thicke cloud with the thunder and the lightning were seene and heard the day before which was the 49. But it is evident by the text that upon the third day was the voice of the Lord heard talking with Moses vers 19. QUEST XVII Whether the 15. day of the moneth were one of the fifty which went before the giving of the Law BUt here ariseth another doubt whether in the computation of these 50. dayes after the Passeover the next day after they had eaten the paschall lambe be included in that number or that there were fifty dayes beside 1. Some doe hold that the 15. day being the morrow after the Pasch must bee excluded because afterward in the law of the Pentecost they began the account of seven weekes upon the 16. day the morrow after the Sabbath or first solemne day of the Passeover as is further to be seene Lev. 23.11 and then after seven weekes complete the which make 49. dayes the next day which was the 50. was the day of Pentecost Cajetan But it is not necessary that this first 50. day should be accounted after that rule excluding the morrow after the Passeover as it may appeare partly by the text When yee bee come into the land which I shall give you vers 10. that law is made to bee kept after they were come to Canaan and the reason of this alteration was because they were to begin the account of the seven weekes from that day wherein they first put the sickle into the corne whereof they should bring a sheafe to shake before the Lord Deut. 16.9 which could not be done upon the first day of unleavened bread it being a solemne day and of the nature of a Sabbath wherein they were to doe no servile worke Levit. 23.7 Rupertus here agreeth that the Pentecost was not yeerely kept the just fiftith day after the Passeover as the law was given the fiftith day after the Passeover But herein he is deceived that upon what day soever the Passeover fell in the weeke they did expect the morrow after the next Sabbath when they were to bring in their sheafe and then beginne to count their seven weekes for herein is his errour he taketh the Sabbath there spoken of Levit. 23.10 for the seventh day of rest where it is understood to be the first day of unleavened bread which was a solemne day of rest as the Sabbath was Iun. Borrh. And by the way Rupertus in the same place slippeth in another point Prima dies azymorum Iudaeis in quintam feriam illo anno evenit The first day of unleavened happened to the Iewes that yeere upon the fifth day of the weeke For true it is that our blessed Saviour did eat the Passeover according to the law upon the 14. day which was as our Thursday at even but the Jewes following a tradition of their owne to avoid the concurrence of two Sabbath dayes did put off the eating of the Passeover untill the 15. day of the moneth at even which was the sixth day of the weeke because the next day was the Sabbath for if they had eat the Passeover when Christ did eat it with his Disciples then the next day should have beene kept holy neither were they to doe any worke therein but upon that day they put Christ to death which could not be done without more than servile labour in carrying the crosse and nailing Christ unto it and such like beside the text saith they would not put Christ to death upon the feast day lest there should bee some tumult among the people Mark 14.2 But this point is elsewhere handled more at large whither I referre the Reader 2. Some againe as Cajetane before excludeth the 15. day of the moneth out of the number of the 50. dayes
to give hereof an example in the second verse the first word anochi hath in the last syllable above the head the accent tiphra and under munach Iehovah the second word hath only munach under the last syllable but it serveth insteed of two zakeph above and tiphra below the third word hath atnach below and zakeph the lesse above the fourth hath darga beneath and makkaph on the side The fifth hath in the third syllable thebir and kadmah The sixth hath kadmah above and merca beneath the seventh hath tipher beneath and geresh above the eighth hath beneath merca and munach the last word in the verse hath rebiah above and silluk beneath And the like may be observed in all the other verses saving the three before excepted the 7.12.17 The reason thereof is this because these three verses have no dependance of the other but the 2 3 4 5 6. containing the two first Commandements have some similitude and coherence together So have the 9 10 11. which all belong to the fourth Commandement likewise the 13 14 15 16. containing the 6 7 8 9. Commandements which all concerne the generall duties to be performed to all sorts of men whereas the 5. Commandement in the 12. verse prescribeth speciall duties toward our superiours Iunius in Analys QUEST XV. Why this preamble is set before I am Iehovah thy God Vers. 2. I Am Iehovah thy God 1. This is the preface or preamble to the Commandements as is before shewed quest 1. which sheweth both what right the Lord had to injoyne lawes unto his people and why they were bound to obey it consisteth of three arguments taken from the Majesty of God hee is Iehovah from the grace of the covenant thy God and from the benefit of their deliverance out of Egypt Iun. 2. Iehovah is a name taken from his essence signifying that hee hath his being of himselfe and that all things have their being from him Elohim is a word shewing his power and omnipotencie that as this name being sometime given unto Angels and great men in earth sheweth a kinde of competent power according to their nature and place so being given unto God it insinuateth his absolute and unlimited power in heaven and in earth Simler 3. These two titles given unto God Iehovah Elohim the one signifieth his nature Iehovah the other his excellence Elohim God But Tostatus will have God to signifie his nature and Iehovah his excellency but he is deceived herein because he followeth the Latine text which translateth Iehovah Dominus Lord whereas Iehovah doth not betoken his Lordship and dominion but his eternall essence and being in which sense hee calleth himselfe Eheje I am Exod. 3.14 Then like as men are described by two names one of their nature the other of their dignity as when we say Iacobus Rex King Iames the one sheweth his naturall state and condition the other his dignity So the Lord here doth give himselfe two names one expressing his nature the other his prerogative and excellency And in that he is called God it is more than if any other attribute as just wise mercifull nay if all his attributes were given him together for all these are comprehended in the name God Sunt aliquid de perfectionibus latentibus in illo pelago infinitâ— c. For all these titles and epithites are but a part of those perfections which lye hid in this great Sea imported by the name God Tostat. qu. 2. 4. Hee is Deuâ— per creationem God by right of creation as well of the Israelites as of all other people in the world but Tuus per specialem appropriationem Thy God by speciall appropriation Lyran. He was their speciall God both because Deus specialiter accepit hanc gentem ad se had specially taken this nation to himselfe and for that specialiter ipsi susceperunt cum Deum colendum they specially tooke him to be their God to worshâ—p Tostat. quaest 2. QUEST XVI Why their deliverance out of Egypt is here mentioned Vers. 2. OVt of the land of Egypt out of the house of bondmen 1. Oleaster taketh it literally that the Israelites in Egypt were put into houses with slaves and bondmen and not with free men But the Israelites did inhabite together and were not alwayes as slaves kept in prison therefore Egypt it selfe is by a metaphor compared unto a prison house or house of bondmen for as they used their captives and slaves by day to grinde in their mils Exodus 11.5 as the Philistims served Sampson Iudg. 16.21 and in the night shut them up in dungeons and prisons chap. 12.29 So the Israelites thorowout all Egypt had beene kept in miserable bondage chap. 1.11 So that all Egypt was as a prison house or house of bondmen unto them Iun. 2. This their deliverance out of Egypt was worthy to be remembred First because they were delivered from so cruell bondage in which respect it is called the iron fornace of Egypt Deut. 4.20 Secondly because such a great multitude were partakers of it Thirdly it was lately done and yet fresh in their memories and therefore it ought to move them the more Tostat. quaest 2. Beside in this their deliverance the Lord shewed his great love to his people and his great power in doing such wonderfull workes in Egypt for their cause as were never seene in the world before Simler 3. God maketh mention of this deliverance out of Egypt because it was lately performed for the Lord useth especially to remember those benefits which were neerest and new rather than those which were remotest and furthest off As in Abrahams time he was called the most high God Creator or possessor of heaven and earth Gen. 14.19 Afterward when he had revealed himselfe to the Fathers he is named the God of Abraham Izhak and Iacob Gen. 28.13 Then after the deliverance of Israel out of Egypt the Lord calleth himselfe by that In the time of the Prophets and after when Israel was redeemed out of the captivity of Babylon the Lord stileth himselfe by memoriall of that benefit as the Prophet Ieremy saith Behold the day is come saith the Lord that it shall be no more said the Lord liveth which brought the children of Israel out of the land of Egypt but the Lord liveth that brought the children of Israel out of the land of the North Ierem. 16.14 15. And after our Saviour Christ was come the Redeemer of mankinde then the Lord is called the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ. Lippom. 4. This reason taken from their corporall redemption though it concerneth not us yet we are more strongly bound to obedience by our spirituall redemption purchased by our Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus as Origene excellently noteth Ergo dicitur tibi qui per Iesum Christum existi de Aegypto de domo servitutis â—eductus es non erunt tibi dii alieni praeter me Therefore it is said unto thee which through Iesus Christ art
40. 3. Those feasts excelled the other in respect of the multitude of sacrifices which were to be offered therein as is prescribed Numb 28.29 4. And in regard of their continuance for two of them the Pasch and feast of Tabernacles continued each of them seven dayes the Pasch held from the 15. day of the first moneth unto the 21. day and the feast of Tabernacles likewise began the 15. day of the seventh moneth and ended the 21. day Pentecost onely hath one day allowed which was the 50. day after the Passeover Levit. 23.16 Tostat. 5. These feasts also were observed in remembrance of three great benefits the Passeover of their deliverance out of Egypt the Pentecost of delivering the Law and the feast of Tabernacles of their preservation in the wildernesse Lyranus QUEST XXXI Of the feast of the Passeover Vers. 15. THou shalt eat unleavened bread 1. This was the feast of the Passeover or of unleavened bread which were not two feasts concurring together as Cyril seemeth to thinke Alia est solemnitas Paschae ilia azymâ—rum licet conjuncta vidiatur c. There was one solemnity of the Pasch another of unleavened bread though they seeme to be joyned together 2. Mention is not here made of the Paschal lambe but only of unleavened bread not as Cajetane thinketh Quia non singulis annis omnes tenerentur ad immotandum agnum Paschalem c. Because all were not bound every yeere to offer a paschall lambe but to eat unleavened bread seven dayes they were bound c. For the contrary appeareth Exod. 12.24 they were bound to keepe the Passeover as an ordinance for ever but the feast hath the denomination of the greater part because they did eat the Passeover but one day but unleavened bread they did eat seven dayes together 3. In this feast they offered a sheafe of the first ripe corne which as Iosephus writeth was done in this manner Siccantes spicarâ—â— manipulum commandentes c. They dried an handfull of eares and so rubbed or bruised them and then offered them lib. 3. Antiquit. QUEST XXXII Why Pentecost is called the feast of the first fruits Vers. 16. THe feast of the harvest of the first fruits of thy labours This is called the feast of first fruits and yet in the feast of the Passeover the first sheafe was offered 1. Quod primi paâ—es nunc offerebantur Deo sicut in fine Paschae primae spiâ—ae c. Because the first bread or loaves of the new fruit was then offered as in the end of the pasch the first eares Cajetan which were not then so ripe to make bread of 2. Or because now they presented the first fruits of all their labours that is of all that they had sowen but before they brought the first fruits of some one kinde of graine onely which was first ripe Tostat. 3. Or then they offered only the first ripe eares as if a man went into the field and espied 〈◊〉 aliquas appropinquantes ad maturitatem aâ—â—e alias some eares hastening to be ripe before the rest them he gathered and offered unto the Lord but now in the feast of Pentecost they brought the first fruits of all Lyran. 4. This feast was celebrated propter benefictum legis data for the benefit of the giving of the Law Lyran. Which was given the 50. day after their going out of Egypt Tostat. And in remembrance ingressionis in terrum promissam of their entrance into the Land of promise when they did first eat of the fruit of the land Theodoret. And it was a signe of the giving of the holy Ghost which descended on the 50. day after the resurrection Lyran. QUEST XXXIII How the feast of Tabernacles is said to be in the end of the yeere Vers. 16. THe feast of gathering in the end of the yeere 1. Oleaster and Tostatus are of opinion that the common account of the yeere began in the seventh moneth when it was thought that the world was created but that upon occasion of the deliverance of the Israelites in the first moneth of the spring that was consecrated to be the first as touching the keeping of their feasts but the former order remained still for the account of civill matters But it is before shewed that the institution of Abib to be the first moneth was rather then revived than of new ordained and that is the more probable opinion that the world was created in the spring and that in remembrance thereof that was counted the first moneth 2. Cajetane saith It is called the end of the yeere in regard of the fruits of the earth which were then all gathered as both grapes and olives not in respect of the season of the yeere for September was the first moneth of the next yeere and so it should rather have beene said in the beginning of the yeere than in the end But seeing the same moneth was both the end of one yeere and the beginning of another it may be said to be in the end of the yeere though in the first moneth of the civill yeere quòd medicùm distat inesse videtur it might be said to be in it though it were distant a little Tostat. So also Lyran. Immediately after the end of the yeere 3. And wee are here to understand the gathering of all the fruits not only come which was before inned and in the barne seeing it was ripe foure moneths before in the feast of Pentecost but all other fruits as wine and olives which were then gathered as Deut. 16.13 Tostat. QUEST XXXIV Which were the three feasts wherein they were to appeare before the Lord. Vers. 17. THree times in the yeere c. 1. The Israelites had divers festivall times in the yeere as beside the continuall and daily sacrifice they had seven other feast dayes every weeke upon the Sabbath every moneth upon the first day thereof the feast of the Pasch and Pentecost and in the seventh moneth they had three more the feast of blowing of Trumpets upon the first day the feast of Reconciliation upon the tenth and of the Tabernacles upon the 15. which continued untill the 21. Thomas Now they are not bound to come together in all these feasts but only at three of them 2. Though it be not expressed here which three feasts they were to goe up in yet it is evident in other places the feast of the Passeover was one Deut. 16.2 they were to offer it in the place which the Lord should chuse and the continuall practice sheweth the same as is evident Luk. 2.41 the parents of our blessed Saviour went up every yeere to the Passeover So in the feast of Pentecost they were all to rejoyce before the Lord they their sonnes and daughters servants and maids Deut. 16.11 3. Onely the question is concerning the third time of their appearing before the Lord which some thinke was at the feast of the blowing of Trumpets in the 1. day of the
an habitation of sucan to dwell as the Lord himselfe saith chap. 25.8 They shall make me a Sanctuarie to dwell in The boords were not this Tabernacle for it is said vers 15. Thou shalt make boords for the Tabernacle and the curtaines of goates haire was a covering for the Tabernacle vers 17. The curtaines then first described are properly called the Tabernacle miscaâ— the other curtaines were called â—he Iteâ—tâ—rium a Tent Vatablus QUEST II. Why the Lord appointed a Tabernacle to be erected and that in the wildernesse THou shalt make a Tabernacle 1. It was requisite that a speciall place for Gods worship should bee made for more reverence sake as we see that Kings and Princes pulchriores habitationes possident have more costly and beautifull houses that they might be had in greater admiration So that although in respect of God himselfe who filleth heaven and earth there was no necessitie of any place yet in regard of men it was necessarie in those two respects that having a peculiar place ordained for the worship of God Cum majori reverentia accederent They should approach with greater reverence Et per dispositionem talis Tabernaculi significarentur c. And that by the disposing of such a Tabernacle those things might bee signified which belonged unto Christ. Thomas 2. It pleased God that this Tabernacle should be first erected in the wildernesse before they came into Canaan 1. Not so much because Moses that great Prophet who was to end his dayes before they should come into the promised land was the meetest instrument to set forward that worke For God who endued Moses with those gifts could also have raised as great Prophets as Moses 2. But one reason was that his people being to sojourne in the desert 40. yeares might be kept from idlenesse and be exercised in the rites and ceremonies of the worship of God lest if no forme of worship had beene prescribed unto them they might have swarved and declined unto superstitious usages 3. Another reason was that they might be afore instructed in the manner of the true worship lest they should have fallen presently to the Idolatry of the Canaanites after they had obtained their land if they had not beene setled before and well grounded in the right worship Tostatus qu. 2. QUEST III. Why the Lord would not yet have a Temple yet built 3. YEt the Lord would not injoyne his people now to make him a Temple in some certaine place because they were now continually to remove their tents and dwelling all the time of their sojourning in the wildernesse And it was a long time after they had possession of the land before the Lord would have a Temple built because till such time as the people had a King to be able to defend them and they had peace and quietnesse from their enemies a Temple could not conveniently be built therefore neither in the time of the Judges was this worke taken in hand because none of them was of sufficient power and ability to doe it the government still shifting and changing from one to another neither under Saul and David was it a fit time to begin that worke because they had much trouble and businesse with their enemies God therefore reserved that worke for the peaceable reigne of Salomon Tostat. qu. 3. 4. And this further may be alleaged as a reason why first the Lord would have a Tabernacle built and afterward a Temple Quod Tabernaculum prasentis adificiâ—m Ecclesia designat Because the Tabernacle doth designe and shew the state of the Church now present sojourning in this world and continually exercised but Salomons Temple was a figure of the Church of God in heaven where there shall be peace and tranquillitie as in the building of Salomons Temple the noise of a hammer was not heard Beda QUEST IV. Of what stuffe these curtaines were made Vers. 1. TEn curtaines of fine twined linen c. 1. To omit here both Augustines note of some corrupt Interpreters that in stead of the Greeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Latine aâ—laa curtaines did reade 〈◊〉 courts as though there should be ten courts in the Tabernacle and to let passe also Rupertus notation of the word cortina curtaine which hee taketh to be derived of corium leather because at the first curtaines were made of leather 2. These curtaines were not made of divers-peeces of cloth of contrarie colours sewed together but the matter and stuffe was fine twisted silke and linen Simler The word shes silke or linen may bee derived of shasah which signifieth to take the sixth part because it is like it was twined in six threeds together Oleast Like unto a fine cord or line Iun. 3. Osiander thinketh that these colours were so mingled together as yet one among the rest most appeared and therefore some of them are called coverings of blew silke some coverings of skarlet Numb 4.7 8. But those there described were not these great curtaines but other smaller coverings that served to cover the things which were carried It seemeth that these coverings were indifferently tempered of all these colours QUEST V. Of the manner of worke used in these curtaines IN them thou shalt make Cherubims of broidered worke 1. Some thinke that these curtaines were not onely pictured with Cherubims Angels but withall flowers and such like Cajetan Iosephus thinketh that there were no pictures of men or beasts at all but onely of trees or flowers but this is contrarie to the text which maketh speciall mention of Cherubims Calvin Simler 2. Arias Montanus imagineth that they were the full and perfect pictures of Cherubs like unto young men with wings and he also conjectureth with what colours they were set forth their flesh with white and red their wings with blew But it is neither like that they were pictured in their full proportion for then there should have beene a great part of the curtaines left bare and naked without any pictures unlesse we imagine some other filling worke but they were such Cherubs as were described before upon the Mercie seate neither were they pictured naked which was against that law Exod. 20.26 which provideth that the nakednesse of none should be discovered As for the colour of their face and wings it was like to be such as best served to resemble them 3. Concerning the manner of worke it was not painted and so set forth with colours because then they should not have needed to have brought stuffe of divers colours to make the curtaines of Tostat. qu 6. Cajetane thinketh that they were not made suendo sed texendâ— by sowing but weaving So the Septuag Vatab. Some thinke it was altogether needle worke as the Latine Interpreter Tostatus Pagnius But the word signifieth artificiall or curious worke or worke devised Oleaster There was both woven worke in it as may be gathered chap 28.32 and needle worke also because it was like on both sides as appeareth in that the vailes
should be there consecrated where the chiefe of their service and ministerie was to be executed 3. And there betweene the doore and the Altar was the brasen Laver where Aaron and the Priests were to wash themselves before they put on the holy garments thither therefore are they called because there they were to be washed with water Tostat. qu. 1. QUEST V. Why Aaron and the rest are washed and how Vers. 4. ANd wash them with water 1. Not with common or every water but with that which was in the brasen Laver chap. 30.18 Iun. 2. But here we must consider that alwayes the order of time is not set downe in Scripture in setting downe the storie of such things as were done for the brasen Laver wherein they were to be washed is afterward appointed to bee made chap. 30. Tostat. quast 2. 3. They were washed not onely their hands and feet as in their daily ministerie chap. 40.33 but in their whole bodie as thinketh Rab. Salomon because their first consecration required a more solemne oblation and washing than their daily ministration And like as the oyle was powred upon Aarons head but ran downe along upon his beard and other parts so it is like the water was applied to his whole bodie Lyran. Tostat. And this washing was a figure of Christs baptisme who went into the water when he was baptised Matth. 3. Simler 4. It was fit they should be washed before they put on the holy garments both for decencie and comelinesse that the soile of their bodie might be cleansed before they applied the precious and glorious apparell and for signification that they might thereby be admonished to cleanse and purge themselves from their sins and corruptions QUEST VI. Of the Priestly apparell which Aaron put on and why the girdle is omitted Vers. 5. PVt upon Aaron the tunicle c. 1. Tostatus thinketh that this was the linen garment which was common to Aaron and the inferiour Priests But it is shewed before chap. 28.39 that the high Priests linen coat was embroidered and so were not the other Priests linen coats 2. Tostatus also hath another conceit that the high Priest did put on this linen coat supervestes communes upon his common wearing apparell qu. 2. But that is not like for Aaron put off his cloaths when he was washed and then he is immediatly cloathed with his Priestly apparell 3. Because no mention is here made of the girdle Cajetan thinketh that cingulum erat commune pontifici sacerdotibus that there was one common girdle for the high Priest and the rest and therefore afterward vers 9. mention is made once for all of the girdles of the Priests But it is evident chap. 28.39 that the high Priests girdle was embroidered of needle worke whereas the common girdles were onely of linen Levit. 16.4 This rather is to be supplied out of Levit. 8.8 where he is girded with a girdle upon his coat and so Oleaster thinketh well that Aaron hath seven ornaments put upon him beside the linen breeches the tunicle the robe the Ephod the pectorall the girdle the miter and golden crowne 4. And whereas it is said and shall cleanse them with the broidered gard of the Ephod Tostatus following Iosephus thinketh that this was the girdle wherewith his garments were girded all together qu. 2. whereas it was the broidered gard which was in the nether part of the Ephod the laps whereof below did gird the Priest in the waste as a girdle Iun. Lippoman Simler Vatab. QUEST VII How Aaron was anointed and with what Vers. 7. ANd thou shalt take the anointing oyle 1. Though it be called oile yet was it more than oile for it was a precious ointment made of Rosin Myrrh Cinamom and other things as it is prescribed chap. 30. Iun. 2. The high Priest was anointed in his head but it is not expressed how the inferiour Priests were anointed it is like but in their hands though Tostatus useth but a slender conjecture to prove it because now their Bishops use to be anointed in the head the inferiour Priests but in the hands to signifie that the one receive a superioritie in their consecration the other but a kinde of service and ministerie for what warrant have they to use the Jewish rites and ceremonies under the Gospell in their consecrations 3. Now because it would seeme an uncomely thing that all Aarons garments should be besmeared with this ointment if it had beene powred on Aarons head R. Salomon thinketh that Moses tooke his finger and dipped it in the oile and so strake it on Aarons forehead But the text is against his conceit both in this place because it is said and shalt powre it upon his head and likewise Psal. 133. where it is expressed that the ointment ran downe upon Aarons beard and so to the skirts of his cloathing Tostat. qu. 2. QUEST VIII How the ordinance of the Priesthood is said to be perpetuall Vers. 9. THe Priests office shall be theirs for a perpetuall law 1. Whereas the like phrase is used chap. 28.43 This shall be a law for ever c. which some restraine unto the particular precept of wearing linen breeches because the law of comelinesse and decencie is perpetuall here it is evident that it is generally meant of the exercising and execution of the whole Priesthood Calvin 2. Therefore this ordinance is said to be eternall and perpetuall in respect of the subject because it was to continue toto tempore quo durarent sacrificia all the time that the sacrifices were to continue the sacrifices then in Christ being determined for the Jewes themselves at this day forbeare to sacrifice nay they would chuse rather to die than offer sacrifice out of the land of Canaan and especially because they have no Tabernacle nor Temple where onely by the law they were to sacrifice the law of the Priesthood must also cease the sacrifices wherein the Priesthood was exercised being abolished Tostat. cap. 28. qu. 21. 3. Augustine giveth another reason why it is called perpetuall quia res significaret aeternas because it signified eternall things So also Gloss. interlin it is so called quia perpetuam futuram id est Christianam religionem significabat because it signified the Christian religion which should be perpetuall And Calvine also approveth this sense Hac vera est ceremoniarum perpetuitas c. This is the true perpetuitie of the ceremonies that they have their being in Christ the substance and truth of them QUEST IX The spirituall application of Aarons manner of consecration NOw this manner of consecrating of Aaron by offering sacrifices washing putting on the Priestly apparell in being anointed hath this signification 1. The presenting of the bullocke to be sacrificed Aspersionem designat sanguinis Domini nostri doth signifie the sprinkling of Christs bloud Beda The two rams doe set forth Christ ex anima corpore c. consisting in his humane nature of bodie and soule Strabus
the inferiour or common Priests garments which remained exutic pontificalibus the pontificall vestures or rayment being put off c. for so the word sarad signifieth to remaine to be left But this cannot bee so for in the third place the common garments for Aarons sonnes are mentioned also 3. Iunius thinketh that the curtaines and veiles of the Tabernacle are hereby signified as also those coverings wherein the Arke Altar Table with other things were folded up when the Tabernacle was removed But the curtaines and veiles are not here meant for they were made of foure colours blew silke purple scarlet fine twined linen chap. 26.1 these garments of Ministration were made only of three blew silke purple and scarlet chap. 39.1 â— Therefore the latter kind is onely here understood namely those coverings wherewith those holy things before spoken of were covered Vatabl. Borrh. Simler For such cloathes they had to wrappe them in Numb 4.6 7. The curtaines and veiles of the Tabernacle are before understood vers 7. under the name of the Tabernacle which is taken either generally for the coverings boords and pillars whereof the Tabernacle consisted and so it is called â—hel or more specially for the curtains only which is properly called miscan chap. 26.1 It is taken in the generall sense here Tostat. qu. 7. As likewise chap. 31.26 where it is said thou shalt anoint the Tabernacle QUEST X. The spirituall signification of the furnishing of Bezaleel and Aholiab with gifts BY the furnishing of Bezaleel and Aholiab with excellent gifts for the worke of the materiall Tabernacle 1. Strabus understandeth here the mysterie of the Trinitie Aholiab which he saith signifieth my protection betokeneth the Father Bezaleel interpreted in the shadow of God the holy Ghost and the word or commandement to make the Tabernacle the Sonne of God But this application is curious and dangerous to prefigure the blessed and immortall Trinitie by sinfull and mortall men 2. Yet Bezaleel of Iudah doth most properly prefigure the Messiah of the tribe of Iudah upon whom the Spirit of God was the Spirit of wisdome the Spirit of understanding c. and of knowledge Isai. 11.2 who should be the spirituall builder of the Church Borrh. Marbach 3. And by the inferiour workmen the Apostles are signified the Euangelists Pastors and Ministers who as inferiour workmen under the chiefe builder Christ Iesus doe edifie the Church So Saint Paul saith 1 Cor. 3.10 As a skilfull master builder I have laid the foundation Againe as here Bezaleel and Aholiab and many other were filled with the Spirit of wisdome for the worke of the outward Tabernacle so the Apostle saith Ephes. 4.11 He gave some to be Apostles some Prophets and some Euangelists and some Pastors and Teachers for the gathering together of the Saints for the worke of the Ministerie and for the edefication of the bodie of Christ And so as Hierom well saith Iudais perdentibus architectos omnis aedificandi gratia translata est ad Ecclesiam The Jewes having lost their workmen all the grace of building is transferred to the Church cap. 3. in Isaiam QUEST XI Why the precept concerning the Sabbath is here renued Vers. 13. NOtwithstanding keepe yee my Sabbaths Divers reasons may be yeelded why the Lord maketh rehearsall here of that precept of sanctifying the Sabbath 1. Quia segnes admodum tardi sumus ad cultum Dei Because we are slow and backward in Gods service Gallas 2. Because they were now appointed to begin the worke of the Tabernacle Ne crederem sibi 〈◊〉 esse die Sabbati aedificare Lest they might thinke that it was lawfull for them to build upon the Sabbath day the Lord in this place giveth them charge even in this busie and necessarie worke to keepe the Sabbath Lippoman Tostat. Lyrâ—n Pelarg. Iun. As likewise chap. 34.21 both in earing time and in harvest they are charged to keepe the Sabbath lest they might take themselves to be excused by the necessitie of these works Oleaster 3. Seeing they were not to keepe the ceremoniall lawes untill they came into the land of 〈…〉 omitted for the paschal lambe was but once sacrificed in the wildernes Cajetan 4. Beside the Lord hereby would teach them the right use of the Tabernacle which conâ—â—â—ed in their comming together there especially upon the Sabbaths to serve the Lord. And therefore these two are put together Levit. 23.30 Yee shall keep my Sabbaths and reverence my Sanctuarie and the Lord complaineth by his Prophet Ezech. 23.38 They have defiled my Sanctuarie and prophaned my Sabbaths Simler Pelarg. 5. This charge also renued ad supplet ionem omissâ—rum for the supplie of some things omitted because it was not expressed before what punishment hee should have that did violate the Sabbath which is declared here that hee should die the death and it was put in execution Numb 15. upon the man that gathered stickes upon the Sabbath Tostat. Lyran. QUEST XII Why it was more forbidden to labour in the building of the Sanctuarie upon the Sabbath than for the Priests to sacrifice AMong other reasons before alleaged why mention is here made of sanctifying the Sabbath this was one that the people might be here admonished to forbeare even from the workes of the Sanctuarie upon the Sabbath But then it will be thus objected seeing the Priests did violate and breake the Sabbath as one blessed Saviour saith Matth. 12.5 and were blamelesse as in killing the sacrifices and doing other things thereunto belonging why it was not as lawfull to labour in the building of the Sanctuarie also upon the Sabbath Hereunto answer may be made that there was great difference betweene the sacrifices which the Priests offered upon the Sabbath and other things belonging to their service and the other works of the Sanctuarie 1. The Lord commanded the one namely that sacrifices should be offered upon the Sabbath and that double to any other day for upon the other daies they sacrificed a lambe in the morning and another at night But upon the Sabbath two lambes were appointed for the morning sacrifice and two for night Numb 28.9 And the holy fire upon the Altar was commanded never to go out Levit. 6.13 this fire then they kept upon the Sabbath bringing and laying wood to preserve it These works they had the Lords word and warrant for But for the other they had not nay they were forbidden all kind of worke and labour upon the Sabbath saving those which the Lord himselfe excepted concerning the service of the Sabbath therefore these also in building and framing the things appertaining to the Tabernacle were likewise inhibited 2. The Priests are said to violate the Sabbath in their sacrifices and other Sabbath works but not properly because they did such things upon the Sabbath which if they had not been permitted yea commanded of themselves had tended to the violating of the Sabbath so they did breake it materialiter materially but not formaliter formally he breaketh the
God could be made with mens hands 5. Therefore the plurall here is taken for the singular according to the Hebrew phrase Oleaster As so the Lord saith I have made thee Pharaohs god chap. 7.1 where the word is Elohim in the plurall and sometime a word of the plurall number is joyned with an adjective of the singular as Isai. 19.4 I will deliver the Egyptians into the hands adonim kasheh Dominorum duri of Lords hard where the adjective is put in the singular sometime the adjective that is joyned with it is put in the plurall also but the relative in the singular Iosh. 24.19 Elohim kadashim his he is holy gods that is an holy God so likewise sometime Elohim is put with a verbe singular as Gen. 1.1 Bara Elohim creavit Dii God created sometime with a verbe in the plurall as in this place asherjeeben which may goe before us So then Elohim gods in the plurall is here put for the singular Make us a god Tostat. qu. 4. QUEST VIII How the Israelites would have their god to be made to goe before them TO goe before us 1. It is evident by this wherefore they desired a visible god to be made not to that end that they might with greater libertie eat and drinke feast and play before the idoll which they could not doe before the Lord for the Lord did allow them to rejoyce before him in sober and seemely manner Nor yet because they bee like unto other nations to have some visible image to worship but they shew the end thereof that they might have some visible presence to goe before them Tostat. qu. 6. 2. And whereas Moses being absent they might have desired some other guide in his place to direct them they doe not so both because they know none could be given them like unto Moses and if such an one might be found he was subject to the like danger as they imagined Moses to be fallen into they desire rather some visible god to be given unto them Tostat. qu. 8. 3. Neither were they so senselesse to thinke that an idoll made of silver or gold which hath eyes and seeth not eares and heareth not could goe before them 4 And Tostatus conceit is too curious that because they had seene images in Egypt which had as they thought a certaine divine power in them speaking sometimes and making answer unto demands And among the rest the Egyptian God Apis which was like a pide bull did appeare once in a yeare unto them and used to goe before them unto Memphis and all the Egyptians followed after playing upon their harpâ— and other instruments he thinketh that the Israelites desired the like god to bee given them that they might have an image made endued with some divine power to goe before them But they never had seene any image in Egypt made with mens hands to stirre and move and walke before them The Egyptian god Apis was either a very pide pull indeed or the devill in that likenesse therefore they having seene no such president in Egypt it is not like they imagined any such thing 5. Wherefore these Elohim gods which they desire to be made were none other but images as Laban so calleth his little images gods Gen. 31. Gallas This then is the meaning that some image may be made them quae admoneret eos praesentiae divina which should admonish them of the divine presence Osiander And they say in effect but thus much Instituâ— nobis cultum c. Appoint us some kinde of worship that God may be reconciled unto us Vt pergat nos praecedere That he may go forward still before us as he hath begun Ferus So then their meaning is not that the idoll to be made should still goe before them but that God represented and reconciled thereby might goe on still with them QUEST IX Why the people came to Aaron rather than to Hur his fellow governour BUt it will bee here questioned why the people demand this rather of Aaron than of Hur who was joyned with him in the government chap. 24. 1. R. Salom. maketh this the reason because that the people had killed Hur because he resisted them and this he saith was the manner of his death al the people came and spet into his mouth and so choaked him But it is not like if Hur in so good a cause had given his life that it should have beene omitted Phinehes fact in slaying the adulterer and adulteresse is commended and honourable mention is made thereof but Hur had beene more worthie to have beene recorded for not killing but in suffering himselfe rather to bee killed in defence of Gods pure worship Tostat. qu. 3. 2. Neither yet is it to be supposed that Hur was dead for some mention then is like to have beene made of his death being a principall governour and of the peoples lamentation for him 3. Therefore although Hur may bee thought to have yeelded and consented to their motion as well as Aaron as not being a more holy man than hee yet because Aaron was the chiefe and more principall he onely is mentioned Tostat. qu. 3. QUEST X. Whether at this time the Israelites wanted the presence of the cloud FUrther whereas they desire gods to bee made to goe before them it will be here objected that they had the presence of the cloud which went before them and they therefore needed not to have had any other guide 1. Oleaster therefore thinketh that the cloud might at this time be taken out of their fight but this opinion is briefely confuted before quest 4. the cloud did not leave them till they came into the land of Canaan when the manna also ceased Iosh. 5. 2. Some make the blinde curiositie of the people the cause why they regarded not that ordinarie signe of Gods presence but requested some figure and representation of God answerable to their vanitie Calvin So also Chrysostom Adhuc iâ—spicis quod miraris oblitus es largitoris Thou seest daily that which thou wonderest at namely the manna which fell every morning and thou forgettest the giver 3. But this also may bee joyned to the former reason they had staied 40. dayes in a plat and the cloud stirred not they had continued as long in this place about mount Sinai even fortie dayes as they had beene in all the mansion places since their comming out of Egypt and so they might doubt that this cloud should be their direction no longer to goâ— before them into the promised land and therefore they desire another guide QUEST XI Why they say they knew not what was become of Moses Vers. 1. FOr of this Moses c. we know not what is become of him c. 1. R. Salom. thinketh they supposed he had beene dead and that Satan had made such an apparision in the aire as if they had indeed seene a coffin as if Moses had beene dead and his bodie put into it But if they
the owner is to die when his ox goareth any to death 66. qu. VVhether the owner might redeeme his life with money 67. qu. VVhat servants this law meaneth Hebrewes or strangers 68. qu. VVhy a certaine summe of money is set for all servants 69. qu. VVhat kinde of welles this law meaneth where and by whom digged 70. qu. How the live and dead ox are to be divided where they were not of equall value Questions upon the two and twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Of the divers kinds of theft 2. qu. VVhy five oxen are restored for one and for a stollen sheepe but foure 3. qu. Of the divers punishment of theft and whether it may be capitall 4. qu. VVhy the theefe breaking up might be killed 5. qu. How it is made lawfull for a private man to kill a theefe 6. qu. After what manner the theefe was to be sold. 7. qu. VVhy the theefe is onely punished double with whom the thing stollen is found 8. qu. How man is to make recompence of the best of his ground 9. qu. Of the breaking out of fire and the damages thereby 10. qu. VVhy the keeper of things in trust is not to make good that which is lost 11. qu. How the fraud in the keeper of trust was to be found out and punished 12. qu. VVhat is to be done with things that are found 13. qu. How this law of committing things to trust differeâ—h from the former 14. qu. How the cause of theft differeth from other casualties in matters of trust 15. qu. VVhether it were reasonable that the matter should be put upon the parties oath 16. qu. VVhat was to bee done if the thing kept in trust were devoured of some wilde beast 17. qu. Of the law of borrowing and lending when the thing lent is to be made good when not 18. q. Why such a strait law is made for the borrower 19. qu. Why the hirer is not to make good the thing hired as when it is borrowed 20. qu. Whether the fornicator by this law is sufficiently punished 21. qu. Why the woman committing fornication bee not as well punished by the law 22. qu. What kinde of dowrie this law speaketh of 23. qu. How this law differeth from that Deut. 22.29 24. qu. What was to be done if the fornicator were not sufficient to pay the dowrie 25. qu. What if the fornicator refused to take the maid to wife 26. qu. Whether this law were generall without any exception 27. qu. How farre this positive law against fornication doth binde Christians now 28. qu. Why the law doth require the consent of the father to such mariages 29. qu. Why next to the law of fornication followeth the law against witchcraft 30. qu. What kinde of witchcraft is here understood 31. qu. Whether love may be procured by sorcerie 32. qu. Whether witches can indeed effect any thing and whether they are worthie to bee punished by death 33. qu. Of the odious sinne of bestiall and unnaturall lust 34. qu. The reasons why men are given over to unnaturall lust 35. qu. What is meant by sacrificing to other gods 36. qu. Whether idolatrie now is to bee punished by death 37. qu. Why idolatrie is judged worthie of death 38. qu. Of kindnesse how to be shewed toward strangers and why 39. qu. Why widowes and Orphanes are not to be oppressed 40. qu. How and by what meanes prayers are made effectuall 41. qu. Why usurie is called biting 42. qu. What usurie is 43. qu. Of divers kinds of usuries 44. qu. That usurie is simplie unlawfull 45. qu. Certaine contracts found to be usurie not commonly so taken 46. qu. Whether all increase by the lone of money be unlawfull 48. qu. Whether it were lawfull for the Iewes to take usurie of the Gentiles 49. qu. What garment must bee restored before the Sun set which was taken to pledge and why 50. qu. Who are understood here by gods and why 51. qu. VVhy the Magistrate is not to be reviled and with what limitation this law is to be understood 52. qu. VVhether S. Paul transgressed this law Act. 23. when hee called the high Priest painted wall and whether indeed he did it of ignorance 53. qu. VVhat is understood here by abundance of liquor 54. qu. Of the difference of first fruits and tithes 55. qu. Of the divers kinds of tithe 56. qu. Reasons why tithes ought to be payed 57. qu. VVhether this law bee understood of the redemption of the first borne or of their consecration to Gods service 58. qu. VVhy the first borne of cattell were not to bee offered before the eighth day 59. qu. Of the meaning of this law whether it were mysticall morall or historicall 60. qu. VVhy they are forbidden to eat flesh torne of beasts 61. qu. Of the use and signification of this law Questions upon the three and twentieth Chapter 1. QUest Of raysing or reporting false tales 2. qu. What it is to put to the hand to be a false witnesse 3. qu. How great a sin it is to be a false witnesse 4. qu. VVhether in this law we are to understand the mightie or the many 5. qu. How the poore is not to be esteemed in judgement 6. qu. How person are accepted in judgement and how far the poore may be respected 7. qu. VVhy mercie is to bee shewed toward the enemies oxe and asse 8. qu. VVhether it is to bee read Thou shalt helpe him or lay it aside with him 9. qu. How the poore mans cause is perverted in judgement 10. qu. Against lying in judgement and how it may be committed 11. qu. VVho are meant here by the just and innocent 12. qu. In what sense God is said not to justifie the wicked 13. qu. VVhether a Iudge ought alwayes to follow the evidence when he himselfe knoweth the contrarie 14. qu. A Iudge is not bound of his knowledge to condemne a man not found guiltie in publike judgement 15. qu. VVhat a dangerous thing it is for a Iudge to take gifts 16. qu. VVhether all kinde of gifts are unlawfull 17. qu. VVhy strangers are not to bee oppressed in judgement 18. qu. Of the divers festivals of the Hebrewes 19. qu. VVhy the land was to rest the seventh yeare 20. qu. What the poore lived upon in the seventh yeare 21. qu. VVhether the seventh yeare were generally neglected in Israel 490. yeares together as Tostatus thinketh 22. qu. Why the law of the Sabbath is so oft repeated 23. qu. VVhat manner of mention of strange gods is here forbidden 24. qu. VVhy it is forbidden to sweare by the name of strange gods 25. qu. Whether a Christian may compell a Iew to sweare by his Thorah which containeth five books of Moses 26. qu. VVhether a Iew may be urged to sweare by the name of Christ. 27. qu. VVhether a Saracon may be urged to sweare upon the Gospell or in the name of Christ. 28. qu. VVhether a Christian may sweare upon the the Iewes Thorah 29. qu. That it is