Paâ—iaâ— he was counselled not to hazard himself in that Voyage because it was reported for a certainty how all that Country was up in arms by reason of the Wars which the Prechau Muan had with the Kings of Chamay and Champaa And withall he had Information given him of a famous Pirate named Similau whom he went presently to seek out and having found him the said Similau related strange wonders unto him of an Island called Calempluy where he assured him there were seventeen Kings of China interred in Tombes of Gold as also a great number of Idols of the same Metâ—al and such other immense treasures as I dare not deliver for fear of not being credited Now Antonio de Faria being naturally curious and carried with that ambition whereunto Souldiers are for the most part inclined lent so good ear to this Chineses report as looking for no other assurance of it then what he gave him he presently resolved to undertake this Voyage and expose himself to danger without taking further counsel of any man whereat many of his friends were with reason offended CHAP. XXIV Antonio de Faria departs from Liampoo for to seek out the Island of Calempluy the strange things that we saw and the hazard we ran in our voyage thither THe season being now fit for Navigation and Antonio de Faria furnished with all that was necessary for this new Voyage which he had undertaken to make on Munday the fourteenth of May in the year one thousand five hundred forty and two he departed from this Port to go to the Island of Calempluy For which purpose he imbarqued in two Paâ—oures resembling small Gallies but that they were a little higher by reason he was counselled not to use Junks as well to avoid discovery as in regard of the great curranâ—â— of water that descended from the Bay of Nanquin which great Vessels with all their sails were not able to stem especially at the time wherein he set forth for then the snows of Tartaria and Nixihuâ—flaâ— dissolving ran all the Months of May Iune and Iuly into these Seas with a most violent impetuosity In these two Vessels were fiftie Portugals one Priest to say Masse and fortie eight Marriners all Natives of Patana as also two and fortie slaves so that the whole number of our company amounted to an hundred forty and one persons for the Pirate Similaâ— who was our Pilot would have no more men nor Vessels for fear of being known because he was to traverse the streight of Nanquin and to enter into Rivers that were much frequented whereby we might probably be subject to great hazâ—rd That day and al the night following we imployed in getting out from amongst the Islands of Angitur and pursued our course through Seas which the Portugals had neither seen nor sailed on till then The first five dayes we had the wind favourable enough being still within sight of land till we came to the mouth of the River of the Fishings of Nanquin There we croâ—t over a Gulf of forty leagues and discovered a very high Mountain called Nangafo towards the which bending Northerly we sailed fiftie dayes at length the wind abated somewhat and because in that place the Tides were very great Similau put into a little River where was good anchoring and riding inhabited by men that were white and handsome having very little eyes like to the Chineses but much different from them both in language and attire Now during the space of three dayes that we continued there the Inhabitants would have no manner of communication with us but contrariwise they came in troopes to the shore by which we anchored and running up and down like mad-men they howled in a most hideous fashion and shot at us with slings and cross-bows As soon as the weather and the sea would permit us Similau by whom all vvas then governed began to set sail directing his course East Northeast and so proceeded seven dayes in sight of land then traversing another Gulfe and turning more directly to the East he past through a straight ten leâ—gues over called Sileupaquin There he sailed five dayes more still in view of many goodly Cities and Towns this River being frequented with an infinite company of Vessels whereupon Antonio de Faria knowing that if he hapned to be discovered he should never escape with life resolved to get from thence and continue this course no longer which Similau perceiving and opposing the advice that every one gave him Signior said unto him I do not think that any of your company can accuse me for mis-performing my duty hitherto you know how at Liampoo I told you publiquely in the General Councel that was held in the Church before an hundred Portugals at the least that we were to expose our selves to great dangers and chiefly my self because I was a Chinese and a Pilot for all you could be made to endure but one death wheras I should be made to endure two thousand if it were possible whereby you may well conclude that setting apart all treason I must of necessity be faithful unto you â—s I am and ever will be not only this Voyage but in all other enterprizes in despight of those that murmur and make false reports unto you of me howbeit if you fear this danger so much as you say and are therefore pleased that we shall take some other way lesse frequented with men and vessels and where we may sail without dread of any thing then you must be contented to bestow a far longer time in this voyage wherefore resolve with your company upon it without any further delay or let us return back for lo I am ready to do whatsoever you will Antonio de Faria embracing and giving him many thanks fell to discourse with him about that other safer way of which he spake Whereupon Similau told him that some hundred and forty leagues further forwards to the North there was a River somewhat larger by half a league called Sumhepadano where he should meet with no Obstacle for that it was not peopled like the streight of Nanquin wherein they now were but that then they should be retarded a month longer by the exceeding much winding of this River Antonio de Faria thinking it far better to expose himself to a length of time then to hazard his life for abridgement of way followed the counsel that Similau gave him so that going out of the streight of Nanquin he coasted the land five dayes at the end whereof we discovered a very high Mountain towards the East which Similau told us was called Fanius approaching somewhat neer unto it we entred into a very fair Port forty fathom deep that extending it self in the form of a Crescent was sheltred from all sorts of winds so spacious withall as two thousand Vessels how great soever might ride there at ease Antonio de Faria went ashore with some ten or eleven Souldiers and rounded this haven but could not
pleased God to restore us to our perfect health so that this virtuous Dâ—me seeing us able to travel recommended us to a Merchant her kinsman that was bound for Patana with whom after we had taken our leave of that noble Matron unto whom we were so much obliged we imbarqued our selves in a Cataluz with Oars and sailing on a River called Sumhâ—chitano we arrived seven days after at Patana Now for as much as Antonio de Faria looked every day for our return with a hope of good success in his business as soon as he saw us and understood what had past he remained so sad and discontented that he continued above an hour without speaking a word in the mean time such a number of Portugals came in as the house was scarce able to contain them by reason the greatest part of them had ventuâ—ed goods in the Lanchara whose lading in that regard amounted to seventy thousand duckets and better the most of it being in silver coyn of purpose with it to return gold Antonio de Faria seeing himself stripped of the twelve thousand duckets he had borrowed at Malaca resolved not to return thither because he had no means to pay his Creditors but rather thought it fitter to pursue those that had robbed him of his goods so that he took a solemn Oath upon the holy Evangelists to part incontinently from that place for to go in quest of those Pyrats for to revenge upon them the death of those fourteen Portugals and thirty six Christians Boys and Mariners killed by them as aforesaid Adding withall that if such a course were not taken they should every day be used so â—ay far worse All the Assistants very much commended him valorous resolution and for the execution thereof there were many young Soldiers amongst them that offered to accompany him in that voyage some likewise presented him with mony and others furnished him with divers necessaries Having accepted these offers and presents of his friends he used such diligence that within eighteen days he made all his preparations and got together five and fifty Soldiers amongst whom poor unfortunate I was fain to be one for I saw my self in that case as I had not so much as a single token nor knew any one that would either give or lend me one being indebted besides at Malaca above five hundred duckets that I had borrowed there of some of my friends which with as much more that dog had â—obbed me of amongst others as I have related befoâ—e having been able to save nothing but my miserable carcass wounded in three places with a Javelin and my skull crackt with a stone whereby I was three or four times at the point of death But my companion Christovan Borralho was yet â—ar worse entreated then my self and that with more hurts which he received in satisfaction of five and twenty hundred duckets that he was robbed of as the rest CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria's setting forth for the Isle of Ainan his arrival at the River of Tinacoren and that which befell us in this Voyage AS soon as Antonio de Faria was ready he departed from Patana on a Saturday the ninth of May 1540. and steered North North-west towards the Kingdom of Champaa with an intent to discover the Ports and Havens thereof as also by the means of some good booty to furnish himself with such things as he wanted for his haste to part from Patana was such as he had not time to furnish himself with that which was necessary for him no not with victual and warlike ammunition enough After we had sailed three days we had sight of an Island called Pullo Condor at the height of eight degrees and three quarters on the North Coast and almost North-west towards the mouth of the River of Camboia so that having rounded all the Coast we discovered a good Haven Eastward where in the Island of Camboia distant some six leagues from the firm Land we met with a Junk of Lequios that was going to the Kingdom of Siam with an Embassador from the Nautauquim of Lindau who was Prince of the Island of Tosa and that had no sooner discovered us but he sent a message by a Chinese Pilot to Antonio de Faria full of complements whereunto was added these words from them all That the time would come when as they should communicate with us in the true love of the Law of God and of his inâ—inite clemency who by his death had given life to all men and a perpetual inheritance in the house of the good and that they beleeved this should be so after the half of the half time was past With this complement they sent him a Courtelas of great value whose handle and scabbard was of gold as also six and twenty Pearls in a little Box likewise of gold made after the fashion of a Salt-seller whereat Antonio de Faria was very much grieved by reason he was not able to render the like unto this Prince as he was obliged to do for whâ—n the Chinese arrived with this message they were distant above a league at Sea from us Hereupon we went ashore where we spent three days in taking in fresh water and fishing Then we put to Sea again laboring to get to the firm Land there to seek out a River named Pullo Cambim which divides the State of Camboia from the Kingdom of Champaa in the height of nine degrees where arriving on a Sunday the last of May we went up three leagues in this River and anchored just against a great Town called Catimparu there we remained twelve days in peace during the which we made our provision of all things necessary Now bâ—cause Antonio de Faria was naturally curious he endevored to understand from the people of the Country what Nation inhabited beyond them and whence that mighty River took its souâ—ce whereunto he was answered that it was derived from a lake named Pinator dâ—stant from them Eastward two hundred and sixty leagues in the Kingdom of Quitirvan and that it was invironed with high mountains at the foot whereof upon the brink of the water were eight and thirty villages of which thirteen were very great and the rest small and that only in one of the great onâ—s called Xincaleu there was such a huge myne of gold as by the repâ—â—t of those that lived thereabout there was every day a bar and a half drawn out of it which according to the value of our mony makes two and twenty millions in a year and that four Lords had share in it who continually were in war together each one striving to make himself master of it I and that one of them named Raiahitau had in an inner yard of his house in pots under ground that were full to the very brims above six hundred bars of gold in powder like to that of Mexancabo of the Island of Samatra And thâ—â— if three hundred Harquebusiers of our Nation should go and assault it
it was threescore Jaos about each Jao containing three Leagues all along the which there were many Mynes of Silver Copper Tin and Lead from whence great quantities thereof were continually drawn which the Merchants carryed away with Troops of Elephants and Rhinoceroses for to transport it into the Kingdoms of Sornau by us called Siam Passiloco Sarady Tangu Prom Calamniham and other Provinces that are very far within land and distant from these Coasts two or three months journey Further they told us that these Countries were divided into Kingdoms and Regions inhabited with people that were white tawny and others somewhat blacker and that in exchange of those commodities they returned Gold Diamonds and Rubies Having thereupon demanded of them whether those people had Arms they answered none but staves hardened in the fire and daggers with blades two spans long They also assured us that from hence one could not go thither by the River in less then half two months or two months and an half by reason of the impetuosity of the waters descending with a great and â—trong current the most part of the year and that one might return in eight or ten days at the most After these demands Antonio de Faria made them divers others wherein they also gave him good satisfaction and reported many other particulars unto him whereby it may be gathered that if the Country could be taken it would without so much labor and loss of blood be of greater profit and less charge then the Indiaes The Friday following we left this River of Tinacoreu and by our Pilots advice we went to find out Pullo Champeiloo which is an inhabited Island scituate in the entrance to the Bay of Cauchenchina in forty degrees and a third to the Northward Being come to it we cast anchor in an Haven where there was good and safe riding and there we remained three days accommodating our artillery in the best manner we could That done we set sail towards the Isle of Ainan hoping to meet with the Pyrat Coia Acem there whom we sought for and arriving at Pullo Capas which was the first land that we saw of it we sailed close to the shoar the better to discover the Ports and Rivers on that side and the entries into them Now because the Lorch wherein Antonio de Faria came from Paâ—ana leaked very much â—e commanded all his Soldiers to pass into another better Vessel which was immediately performed and arriving at a River that about evening we found towards the East he cast anchor a league out at Sea by reason his Junk was great and drew much water so that fearing the sands which he had often met withall in this Voyage he sent Christovano Bâ—rralho with fourteen Soldiers in the Lorch up the River to discover what fires those might be that he saw Being gone then about a league in the River he incountred a Fleet of forty very great Junks whereupon fearing leâ—t it was the Mandarims Army whereof we had heard much talk he kept aloof off from them and anchored close by the shoar now about midnight the tyde began to come in which Bâ—rralho no sooner perceived but he presently without noise weighed â—nchor and declining the Junks he went on to that part where he had seen the fires that by this time were almost all out there being not above two or three that gave any light and which served to guide him So continuing his course very discreetly he came to a place where he beheld a mighty company of great and small Ships to the number as he guessed of thousand Sails passing through the which very stilly he arrived at a Town of above ten thousand housholds enclosed with a strong wall of Brick with Towers and Bulwarks after our manner and with Curtains full of water Here five of the fourteen Soldiers that were in the Lorch went on shoar with two of those Chineseâ—es that were saved out of Similaus Junk who had left their wives as hostages with us for their return These having spent three hours in viewing and surveying the Town on the outside reimbarqued themselves without any notice taken of them at all and so went back very quietly as they came to the mouth of the River where they found a Junk riding at anchor that was come thither since their departure in the evening Being returned to Antonio de Faria they related unto him what they had seen particularly the great Army that lay up in the River as also the Junk which they had left ridâ—â—g at anchor at the entrance into it telling him that it might well be the Dog Coia Acem whom he sought for These news so rejoyced him that instantly he weighed anchor and set sail saying his mind gave him that it was undoubtedly he and if it proved so he assured us all that he was contented to lose his life in fighting with him for to be revenged of such a Rogue as had done him so much wrong Approaching within sight of the Junk he commanded the Lorch to pass unto the other side of her to the end they might board her both together at once and charged that not a Piece should be shot off for fear they should be heard of the Army that lay up in the River who might thereupon come to discover them As soon as we were come to the Junk she was presently invested by us and twenty of our Soldiers leaping in made themselves Masters of her without any resistance for the most of her men threw themselves into the Sea the rest that were more couragious valiantly made head against our people but Antonio de Faria presently getting in with twenty Soldiers more made an end of defeating them killing above thirty of theirs so as there remained none alive but those which voluntarily cast themselves into the Sea whom he caused to be drawn up to serve for the Navigation of his Vessels and for to learn who they were and from whence they came to which purpose he commanded four of them to be put to torture whereof two chose rather to dye so then to confeâ—â— any thing and as they were about to do the like to a little boy an old man his father that was layd on the deck cryed out with tears in his eyes for to give him the hearing before they did any hurt to the child Antonio de Faria made the Executioner stay and bade the old man say what he would provided he spake truth for otherwise he vowed that both he and the boy should be thrown alive into the Sea whereas on the contrary if he dealt truly he promised to set them both at liberty on shoar and restore unto him whatsoever he would take his oath did appertain unto him Whereunto the old Mahometan answered I accept of the promise which thou makest me and I very much thank thee for sparing the life of this child for as for mine as a thing unprofitable I make no reckoning of it and I
wide nosthrils and were of stature very tall but yet not so high as we thought they had been for Antonio de Faria having caused them to be measured he found that the tallest of them exceeded not ten spans and an half except one old man that reached to eleven The womens stature was not fully ten spans Their very countenances shewed them to be very rude and blockish and lesse rational then all the other people which we had seen in our Conquests Now Antonio de Faria being glad that we had not altogether lost our labour bestowed on them threescore Pourcelains a piece of green Taffety and a pannier full of Pepper wherewith they seemed to be so contented that prostrating themselves on the ground and lifting up their hands to heaven they fell to saying certain words which we took for a thanksgiving after their manner because they fell down three several times on the earth and gave us the three Cows and the Stag as also a great many of Herbs Having been talking about two houres with them by signs and no lesse wondring at us then we at them they returned into the wood from whence they came and we pursued our course up the River by the space of five dayes during the which we saw more of them along by the water side after we had past all this distance of land which might be some forty leagues or thereabouts we navigated sixteen dayes more with the force of Oaâ—s and Sails without seeing any person in that desert place onely for two nights together we discerned certain fires a good way off at land In the end it pleased God that we arrived at the Gulf of Nanquin as Similau had told us with a hope in five or six dayes to see our desires accomplished Being come into the gulf of Nanquin Similau councelled Antonio de Faria that at any hand he should not suffer any Portugal to be seen because if such a thing should happen he feared some uproar would follow amongst the Chineses in regard no strangers had ever been seen in those quarters adding withall that it would be safer for them to keep still in the middle of the gulf then by the shore by reason of the great number of Lorches and Lanteaas that incessantly sailed up and down this advice was approved of every one so that having continued our course some six dayes East and East Northeast we discovered a great Town called Sileupamor whither we directly went and entred the Haven about two houres within night where we found an infinite company of Vessels riding at anchor to the number according to our thinking of three thousand at the least which gave us such an alarum as not daring scarce to wag vve got out again vvith all the secrecy that might be crossing over the vvhole breadth of the River then which vvas some six or seven leagues vve prosecuted our course all the rest of that day and coacted along by a great plain with a resolution to accommodate our selves vvith Victuals vvheresoever vve could first meet vvith any for vve were in such scarcitie as for thirteen dayes together no man had more then three mouthfuls of boyled Rice allowance Being in this extremity we arrived close to certain old buildings there went ashore one morning before day and fell upon a house that stood a little vvay off from the rest where vve found a great quantity of Ryce some Beans diveâ—s pots ful of Honey poudred Geese Onions Garlick and Sugar Canes vvherevvith vve throughly furnished our selves Certain Chineses told us afterwards that this vvas the storehouse of an Hospital which vvas some two leagues off where such were entertained as past that way in Pilgrimage to the Sepulchers of the Kings of China Being re-imbarqued and well provided of Victual we continued on our voyage seven daies more which made up two months and an half since we put out of Liâ—mpoo Then Antonio de Faria began to mistrust the truth of what Similau had said so that he repented the undertaking of this voyage as he confessed publiquely before us all neverthelesse in regard there was no other remedy for it but to recommend himself to God and wisely to prepare for all that might happen he couragiously performed it Hereupon it fell out that Antonio de Faria having one morning demanded of Similau in what part he thought they were he answered him so far from the purpose and like a man that had lost his judgement or that knew not which way he had gone as put Antonio de Faria into such choller that he was going to stâ—b him with a Ponyard that he wore which without doubt he had done had he not been diverted from iâ— by some that counselled him to forbear lest it should be the cause of his utter ruine whereupon moderating his anger he yeelded to the advice of his friends neverthelesse he was not for all that so contained but that taking him by the Beard he swore that if within three dayes at the farthest he did not let him see either the truth or the falshood of what he had told him he would Ponyard him infallibly wherewith Similau was so exceedingly terrified that the night following as we were abiding by the shore he slid down from the Vessel into the River and that so closely as he was never discovered by the Sentinels or any other untill the end of the first Watch when as Antonio de Faria was thereof advertised This news put him so far besides himself as he lost all patience the rather for that â—e feared some revolt upon it from his Souldiers who he saw were too much disposed thereunto But he presently went ashore with a great many of his company and spent the most part of the night in seeking of Similau without meeting him or any other living soul that was able to tell any news of him but the worst of it yet was that upon his return into his Junk of forty six Chinese Mariners that he had aboard him he found six and thirty fled away to prevent the danger they were afraid of whereat Antonio de Faria and all his company were so amazed that lifting up their hands and eyes to heaven they stood a long time mute their tears supplying the defect of their speech thereby testifying the secret sorrow of their hearts for considering well what had hapned unto them and the great peril they were in the least that they could do in this confusion was to lose their courage and judgment much more their speech Howbeit falling at length to consult what we should do for the future after much diversitie of opinion it was in the â—nd concluded that we should pursue our design and labour to take some body that might inform us how far it was from thence to the Island of Calâ—â—plâ—y and this to be done as secretly as possible might be for fear the Country should rise likewise that if upon the report should be made us we found it would
lost in the Gallion where Manael de Souzad Sepulveda also perished A little further to the Northward of this Island of Lequio there is a great Archipelago of small Islands from whence is drawn a great quantity of silver which in my opinion by what I gathered out of a petition which Ray Lopez de Vilhalobos General of the Castillians presented to Iorge de Castro at that time Captain of Ternate should be those whereof the Inhabitants had some knowledge and which they called the Islands of Silver and yet I cannot see with what reason that may be because both by what I have observed and read as well in the writings of Ptolomie as other Geographers not any one of them hath pierced into the Kingdom of Siam and the Island of Sumatra only our Cosmographers since the time of Alphonso d' Albuquerque have passed a little further and treated of the Selebres Pasuaas Mindanaus Champas as also of China and Iapon but not of the Lequios or other Archipelagoes which are to be discovered within the vast extent of that Sea From this brief relation which I have made of the Island of Lequios may be inferred both out of what I have heard and â—een that with two thousand men only this Island might be taken together with all the rest of these Archipelagoes whence more profit might be drawn then from the Indiaes and they might be conserved with less charge as well in regard of men as otherwise for we spake there with Merchants who assured us that the sole Revenue of three Custom houses and of the Island of Lequios amounted unto one million and an half of gold not comprising therein either the Mass of the whole Kingdom or the Mynes of Silver Copper Iron Steel Lead and Tin which are of a far greater revenue then the Customs I will not speak further of other particularities of this Island which I might here insert for that I hold this sufficient to awaken the courages of the Portugals and incite them to an Enterprise of so much service for our King and profit for themselves CHAP. XLIX My sayling from Liampoo to Malaca from whence the Captain of the Fortress sent me to the Chaubainhaa at Martabano and all that befâ—l us in our voyage thither BEing arrived at Liampoo we were very well received by the Portugals that lived there From whence within a while after I imbarqued my self in the Ship of a Portugal named Tristano de Gaa for to return unto Malaca with an intention once more to try my fortune which had so often been contrary to me as may appear by that which I have delivered before This Ship being safely arrived at Malaca I went presently unto Pedro de Faria Governour of the Fortress who desiring to benefit me somewhat before the time of his Government was expired he caused me to undertake the voyage of Martaban which was usually very profitable and that in the Junck of a Mahumetan named Necoda Mamude who had wife and children at Malaca Now the principal designe of this voyage was to conclude a peace with the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano as also to continue the commerce of those of that Country with us because their Juncks did greatly serve for the provâ—sions of our Fortress which at that time was unfurnished thereof by reason of the success of the Wars of Iaoa Besides I had a designe in this my voyage of no less consequence then the resâ— which was to get one called Lancarote Guâ—rreyro to come thither who was then on the Coast of Tanaucarim with an hundred men in four Foists under the name of a Rebel or Mutiner I was to require him to come to the succour of the Fortress in regard it was held for certain that the King of Achem was suddainly to fall upon it so that Pedro de Faria seeing himselfe destitute of all that was necessary for him to sustain a Siege and of men likewise found it fit to make use of these hundred men the rather for that they were nearest and so might be the sooner with him In the third place he sent me upon another important occasion namely to give advice to the Ships of Bengala that they should come all carefully in consort together left their negligence in their Navigation should be the cause of some distaster This voyage then I undertook very unwillingly and parted from Malaca upon a Wednesday the ninth day of Ianuary in the year one thousand five hundred forty and five being under Sail I continued my course with a good wind to Pullo Pracelar where the Pilot was a little retarded by means of the Shelves which cross all that Channel of the firm Land even unto the Island of Sumetra When we were got forth with much labour we passed on to the Islands of Pullo Sambillam where I put my self into a Manchua which I had very well equipped and sayling in it the space of twelve days I observed according to the order Pedro de Faria had given me for it all the Coast of that Country of Malaya which unto Iuncalan contains an hundred and thirty leagues entring by all the Rivers of Bartuhaas Salangor Panaagim Quedâ—m Parles Pendan and Sambilan Siam without so much as hearing any news at all of his enemies in any of them So continuing the same course nine days more being the three and twentieth of our voyage we went and cast anchor at a little Island called Pisandurâ—a where the Necoda the Mahometan Captain of the Junck was of necessity to make a cable and furnish himself with wood and water With this resolution going on shore every man applyed himself so the labour he was appointed unto and therein spent most part of the day Now whilest they were thus at work the Son of this Mahometan Captain came and asked me whither I would go with him and see if we could kill a Stag whereof there was great plenty in that Island I answered him that I would accompany him with all my heart so that having taken my Harquebuse I went along with him athwart the wood where we had not walked above an hundred spaces but that we espied a many of wild boars that were rooting in the earth near to a pond Having discovered this game we got as near to them as we could and discharging amongst them we carried two of them to the ground Being very glad of this good success we presently gave a great shout and ran straight to the place we had seen them rooting But so dreadful to behold in this place we found above a dozen bodies of men digged out of the earth and some nine or ten others half eaten Bâ—ing much amazed at this object we withdrew a little aside by reason of the great stanch which proceeded from these dead bodies Hereupon the Sarrazin told me that he thought we should do well to advertise his father of this to the end we might instantly surround this Island all about for to see whether
all along in the place and so continued a good while without speaking a word Nevertheless being come again to himself he gave order like a good Captain to all that was necessary First of all then he sent the four Galliots in quest of them to an Island called Taâ—basoy distant from that of Pulho Hinhor about seven leagues for he was perswaded that our men were retired thither because this was a better Harbor then that of the Island from whence they were gone As for the five Foists he divided them into three whereof he sent two to another Island named Sambilan and other two to those which were nearest to the firm Land for that all these places were very proper to shelter one in As for the filth Foist in regard she was fleeter then the rest he sent her along with the four Galliots that she might before it was day bring him news of that which should happen with promise of great reward for the same but during these things our men who had always a watchful eye seeing the Turk had rid himself of his greatest Forces and that there was no more remaining with him but the Gally wherein he was they resolved to fight with him and so sallying out of the Creek where they had shrouded themselves they rowed directly to her Now in regard it was past midnight and that the Enemies had but weak Sentinels for that they thought themselves most secure and never dreamt of any body lying in wait to attaque them there our four Foists had the opportunity to board her all together and threescore of their lustiest men leaping suddenly into her in less then a quarter of an hour and before the Enemies knew where they were for to make use of their Arms they killed above fourscore Turks as for the rest they cast themselves all into the Sea not one man remaining alive The dog Hâ—redrin Mahomet was slain amongst the rest and in this great action God was so gracious to our men and gave them this Victory at so cheap a rate that they had but one young man killed and nine Portugals hurt They assured me since that in this Gally in so short a time what by water and the sword above three hundred Mahometans lost their lives whereof the most part were Ianizaries of the Gold Chain which among the Turks is a mark of honor Our Portugals having past the rest of the night with much contentment and always keeping good watch it pleased God that the next morning the two Foists arrived from the Island whither they had been sent who altogether ignorant of that which had past came carelesly doubling the point of the Haven where the Gally lay so that the four Foists made themselves Masters of them in a little space and with the loss of but a few men After so good a success they fell diligently to work in fortifying the Gally and the two Foists which they had taken and then flanked the South-side of the Island with five great Pieces of Ordnance to defend the entry into the Haven Now about evening the other two Foists arrived making to Land with the same indiscretion as the others and although they had much ado to reach them yet were they constrained at length to render themselves with the loss only of two Portugals Hereupon our men resolved to attend the four Galliots that remained and which had been sent to the next Island but the next day so great a wind arose from the North that two of them were cast away upon the Coast not one that was in them escaping As for the other two about evening they discovered them very much in disorder destitute of oars and separated above three leagues the one from the other But at last about Sun-set one of them came to the Port and ran the same fortune as the former without saving any one of the Sarazins lives The next morning an hour before day the wind being very calm our men discovered the other Galliot which for want of oars was not able to recover the Port in regard whereof our men resolved to go and fetch her in as accordingly they did and coming somewhat near her with two Cannon shot they killed the most part of them that were in her and so bording her took her very easily Now because all her men were either slain or hurt they drew her to land by force of other Boats so that of the â—en Sail of this Fleet our men had the Gally two Galliots and four Foysts as for the other two Galliots they were cast away on the Isle of Taubasoy as I have delivered before and touching the fift Foyst no news could be heard of her which made it credible that she also suffered shipwrack or that the wind had cast her upon some of the other Islands This glorious victory which it pleased God to give us was obtained in the month of September one thousand five hundred forty and four on Michaelmas Eve which rendred the name of the Portugals so famous through all those Coasts that for three years after there was nothing else spoken of so that the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano hearing of it sent presently to seek them out and promised them great advantages if they would succour him against the King of Bramaa who at that time was making preparation in his City of Pegu for to go and besiege Martabano with an Army of seven hundred thousand men CHAP. L. The Continuance of our voyage to the Bar of Martabano and certain memorable particularities hapening there BEing departed as I said from the Island of Pulho Hinhor we continued our course towards the Port of Tarnassery for the affair of which I have spoken but upon the approach of the night the Pilot desiring to avoid certain sands that were to the Prow-ward of him put forth to Sea with an intention as soon as it was day to return towards land with the Westerly wind which at that instant blew from the Indiaes by reason of the Season We had now held this course five dayes running with much labour by many different roombs when as it pleased God that we accidentally discovered a little vessel and for as much as we thought it to be a Fisher-boat we made to it for to be informed from them in her whereabouts we were and how many leagues it was from thence to Tarnassery but having passed close by her and haled her without receiving any answer we sent off a Shallop well furnished with men for to compel her to come abord us Our Boat then going directly to the vessel we entred her but were much amazed to find in her only five Portugals two dead and three alive with a Coffer and a sack full of Tangues and Larius which is the mony of that Country and a fardle wherein there were Basins and Ewers of silver and two other very great Basins Having laid up all this safely I caused the Portugals to be brought into our
Junck where looking very carefully unto them yet could I not in two dayes get one word from them But at length by the means of yolks of egs and good broaths which I made them take they came again to themselves so that in six or seven dayes they were able to render me a reason of their accident One of those Portugals was called Christovano Doria who was since sent into this Country for a Captain to Saint Tomé the other Luys Taboâ—da and the third Simano de Brito all men of credit and rich Merchants These same recounted unto us that coming from the Indiaes in a vessâ—l belonging to Iorge Manhoz that was married at Goa with a purpose to go to the Port of Charingan in the Kingdom of Bengala they were cast away in the sands of Rucano for want of taking heed so that of fourâ—core persons that they were in the vessel onely seventeen being saved they had continued their course all along by the Coast for five dayes together intâ—nding if possibly they could to recover the river of Cosmira in the Kingdom of Pegu there to shâ—p thâ—mselves for the Indiaes in some vâ—ssâ—l or other thaâ— they should meet with in the Port but whilest they were in this resolution thâ—y were so driven by a most impetuous Westerly wind that in one day and a night they lost the sight of Land finding themselves in the maâ—n Sea without Oars without Sayls and all knowledge of the winds they continued in that State sixteen daâ—s together at the end whereof their water coming to sail all died but those three he saw before him Upon the finishing of this relation we proceeded on in our course and within four days after we met with five Portugal vessels which were sayling from Bengala to Malaca Having shewed them Pedro de Faria's Order I desired them to keep in consort together for fear of the Achems Army that ranged all over the Coast lest through their imprudence they should fall into any mischief and thereof I demanded a Certificate from them which they willingly granted as also furnished me very plentifully with all things necessary Having made this dispatch we continued our course and nine days after we arrived at the Bar of Martabano on a Friday the seven and twentieth of March one thousand five hundred forty and five having past by Tarnassery Tovay Mâ—rguin Iuncay Pullo Camuda and Vagaruu without hearing any tidings of those hundred Portugals in search of whom I went bâ—cause before that they had taken pay in the service of the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano who according to report had sent for them to assist him against the King of Bramaa that held him besieged with an Army of seven hundred thousand men as I have declared before howbeit they were not at this time in his Service as we shall see presently It was almost two hours within night when we arrived at the mouth of the River where we cast anchor with a resolution to go up the next day to the City Having continued some time very quiet we â—ver and anon heard many Cannon shot whereat we were so troubled as we knew not what to resolve on As soon as the Sun rose the Nâ—coda assembled his men to Councel for in Semblable occasions he always used so to do and told them that as sure as they were all to have a share in the peril so it was fit that every one should give his advice about it Then he made them a Speech wherein he represented unto them that which they had heard that night and how in regard thereof he feared to go unto the City Their opinions upon it were very different howbeit at length they concluded that their eyes were to be witnesses of that whereof they stood in such doubt To this end we set Sail having both wind and tyde and doubled a poâ—nt called Mounay from whence we discovered the City invironed with a world of men and upon the River almost as many vessels and although we suspected what this might be because we had heard something of it yet left we not off from sayling to the Port where we arrrived with a great deal of care and having discharged our Ordnance according to the usual manner in signe of peace we perceived a vessel very well furnished came directly to us from the shore wherein there was six Portugals at which we exceedingly rejoyced These presently came abord our Junck where they were very well entertained having declared unto us what we were to do for the safety of our persons they councelled us not to budge from thence for any thing in the world as we had told them our resolution was to have fled that night to Bengala because if we had followed that designe we had 〈◊〉 been lost and taken by the Fleet which the King of Bramaa had in that place consisting 〈◊〉 seventeen hundred Sayls wherein were comprised an hundred Gallies very well furnished with strangers They added withall that they were of opinion I should go ashore with them to Ioano Cayâ—yro who was Captain of the Portugals for to give him an account of the cause that brought me thither the rather for that he was a man of a sweet disposition and a great friend of Pedro de Faria's to whom they had often heard him give much commendation as well for his noble extraction as for the goodly qualities that were in him besides they told me that I should find Lançarote Gueyreyro and the rest of the Captains with him unto whom my aforesaid Letters were directed and that I should do nothing therein prejudicial to the Service of God and the King This counsel seeming good unto me I went presently to land with the Portugals to wait on Ioano Cayeyro to whom I was exceeding wâ—lcome as likewise to all the rest that were in his quarters to the number of seven hundred Portugals all rich men and of good esteem Then I shewed Ioano Cayeyro my Letters and the Order that Pedro de Faria had given me Moreover I treated with him about the affair that led me thither whereupon I observed that he was very instant with the Captains to whom I was addrest who answered him that they were ready to serve the King in all occasions that should be presented howbeit since the Letter of Pedro de Faria Governour of Malaca was grounded on the fear that he was in of the Army of the Achems composed of an hundred and thirty Sayl whereof Bijaya Sora King of Pedir was General and it having fallen out that his Admiral had been defeated at Tarnasery by those of the Country with the loss of seventy Lanchares and six thousand men it was not needful they should stir for that occasion for according to what they had seen with their own eyes the Forces of that enemy were so mightily weakned as they did not think he could in ten years space recover again the loss he had sustained To this they added many other reasons
his men amongst the which were threescore and two Portugals Now whereas this City was very strong as well in regard of the scituation of it as of the Fortifications which were newly made there it had besides within it twenty thousand Mons who it was said were come thither some five days before from the Mountains of Pondalâ—u where the King of Avaa by the permission of the Siamon Emperor of that Monarchy was levying above fourscore thousand men for to go and regain the City of Prom for as soon as that King had received certain news of the death of his daughter and son-in-law perceiving that he was not strong enough of himself to revenge the wrongs this Tyrant had done him or to secure himself from those which he feared to receive of him in time to come namely the depriving him of his Kingdom as he was threatened he went in person with his wife and children and cast himself at the Siamons feet and acquainting him with the great affronts he had received and what his desire was he made himself his Tributary at threescore thousand Bisses by the year which amount to an hundred thousand Duckets of our mony and a gueta of Rubies being a measure like to our pynt therewith to make a jewel for his wife of which Tribute it was said that he advanced the payment for ten years beforehand besides many other precious stones and very rich Plate which he presented him with estimated in all at two millions in recompence whereof the Siamon obliged himself to take him into his protection yea and to march into the field for him as often as need should require and to re-establish him within a year in the Kingdom of Prom so as for that effect he granted him those thirty thousand men of succor which the Bramaa defeated at Meleytay as also the twenty thousand that were then in the City and the fourscore thousand which were to come to him over whom the said King of Avaa was to be the General The Tyrant having intelligence thereof and apprehending that this above all other things he could fear might be the cause of his ruine he gave present order for the fortifying of Prom with much more care and diligence then formerly howbeit before his departure from this River where he lay at anchor being about some leâ—gue from the City of Avaa he sent his Treasurer named Dioçory with whom we eight Portugals as I have related before remained prisoners Embassador to the Calaminhan a Prince of mighty power who is seated in the midst of this region in a great and spacious extent of Country and of whom I shall say something when I come to speak of him The subject of this Embassage was to make him his Brother in Arms by a League and Contract of new amity offering for that effect to give him a certain quantity of Gold and precious stones as also to render unto him certain Frontier Lands of his Kingdom upon condition that the Spring following he should keep the Siamon in war for to divert him from succoring the King of Avaa and thereby give him means the more easily to take his City from him without fear of that assistance which that King hoped should serve for an obstacle to his design This Embassador departed then after he had imbarqued himself in a Laulea that was attended on by twelve Seroos wherein there were three hundred men of service and his guard besides the Watermen and Mariners whose number was little less The Presents which he carryed to the Calaminhan were very great and consisted in divers rich pieces as well of Gold as of precious stones but above all in the Harness of an Elephant which according to reports was worth above six hundred thousand Duckets and it was thought that all the Presents put together amounted to a Million of Gold At his departure amongst other favors which the King his Master conferred on him this same was not the least for us that he gave us eight unto him for to be his perpetual slaves Having clothed us then very well and furnished us abundantly with all things necessary he seemed to be exceedingly contented with having us along with him in this Voyage and ever after he made more account of us then of all the rest that followed him CHAP. LV. Our going with the King of Bâ—amâ—a's Ambassadour to the Calaminham with the Course which we held until we arrived at the Temple or Pagod of Timagoogoo and a Description thereof IT seems fit unto me and conformable to that which I am relaâ—ing to leave for a while this Tyrant of Bramaa to whom I will return again when time shal serve for to intreat here of the way we held for to go into Timplan the capital City of the Empire of the Calaminham which signifies Lord of the world for in their language Cala is Lord and Minhan the world This Prince also entitles himself The absoluâ—e Lord of the indomptable force of the Elephants of the Earth And indeed I do not think that in all the world there is a greater Lord then he as I shall declare hereafter This Ambassadour then departing from Avaa in the month of October a thousand five hundred forty and five took his course up the râ—ver of Queitor steering West South-East and in many places Eastward by reason of the winding of the water and so in this diversity of â—hombâ—s we continued our voyage seven days together at the end whereof we arrived at a Channâ—l called Guampanoo through which the Rhobamo who was our Pilot took his course that he might decline the Siamons Country being so commanded to do by the express Order of the King A while after we came to a great Town named Gataldy where the Ambassadour stayed three days to make provision of certain things necessary for his voyage Having left this place we wâ—nt on still rowing up through his Channel eleven dayes longer during which time we met not with any place that was remarkable only we saw some small villages the houses whereof were covered with thatch and peopled with very poor folks and yet for all that the fields are full of Cattel which seemed to have no Master for we killed twenty and thirty of them in a day in the sight of those of the Country no man so much as finding fault with it but contrarily they brought them in courtesie to us as if they were glad to see us kill them in that sort At our going out of this Channel of Guampanoo we entred into a very great river called Angegumaa that was above three Leagues broad and in some places six and twenty fathom deep with such impetuous currents as they drove us often-times from our course This river we coasted above seven dayes together and at length arrived at a pretty little walled Town named Gumbim in the Kingdom of Iangromaa invironed on the Lands side for five or six â—â—agues space with Forrests of Bâ—njamin as alâ—o with
neer a moneth in this Port of Zunda where a good number of Portugals were assembled together so soon as the season to go to China was come the three Vessells set sail for Chincheo no more Portugals remaining ashore but only two who went to Siam in a Junck of Patana with their Merchandise I bethought me then to lay hold on this occasion and put my self into their company because they offered to bear my charges in this voyage yea and to lend me some money for to try fortune once more and see whether by the force of importuning her she would not use me bâ—tter then formerly she had done Being departed then from this place in six and twenty daies we arrived at the City of Odiaa the Capitall of this Empire of Sarnau which they of this country do ordinarily call Siam where we were wonderfully well received and intreated by the Portugals which we found there Now having been a moneth and better in this City attending the season for the voyage to China that so I might passe to Iapon in the company of six or seven Portugals who had imbarqued themselves for that purpose I made account to imploy in commodities some hundred duckats which those two with whom I came from Zunda had lent me In the mean time very certain news came to the King of Siam who was at that time with all his Court at the said City of Odiaa that the King of Chiammay allied with the Timocouhos Laaos and Gueos people which on the North East hold the most part of that country above Capimpâ—r and Passilâ—â—o and are all Soveraignes exceeding rich and mighty in Estates had laid siege to the Town of Quiteruan with the death of above thirty thousand men and of Oyaa Capimper Governor and Lievtenant Generall of all that Frontire The King remained so much appalled with this news that without further temporising he passed over the very same day to the other side of the river and never standing to lodge in houses he went and incamped under Tents in the open field thereby to draw others to do the like in imitation of him Withall he caused Proclamation to be made over all the City That all such as were neither old nor lame and so could not be dispensed with for going to this war should be ready to march within twelve daies at the uttermost upon pain of being burned alive with perpetuall infamy for themselves and their descendants and confiscation of their Estates to the Crown To the which he added many other such great and dreadfull penalties as the only recitall of them struck terror not into them of the country but into the very strangers whom the King would not exempt from this war of what Nation soever they vvere for if they would not serve they were very expresly enjoyned to depart out of his Kingdome within three daies In the mean time so rigorous an Edict terrified every one in such sort as they knew not what counsell to take or what resolution to follow As for us Portugals in regard that more respect had alwayes been carried in that country to them then to all other Nations this King sent to desire them that they would accompany him in this voyage wherein they should do him a pleasure because he would trust them onely with the guard of his person as judgiâ—g them more proper for it then any other that he could make choice of and to oblige them the more thereunto the message was accompanied with many fair promises and very great hopes of pensions graces benefits favours and honors but above all with a permission which should be granted them to build Churches in his Kingdome which so obliged us that of an hundred and thirty Portugals which we were there were sixscore of us that agreed together to go to this war The twelve daies limited being past the King put himself into the field with an Army of four hundred thousand men whereof seventy thousand were strangers of divers Nations They imbarqued all in three hundred Sâ—roos Lauleas and Iangâ—s so that on the nineth day of this voyage the King arrived at a Frontire Town named Suropisâ—â— some twelve or thirteen leagues from Quitiruan which the enemies had besieged There he abode above seven daies to attend four thousand Elephants which came to him by Land During that time he was certified that the Town was greatly prest both on the rivers side which the enemies had seized upon with two thousand Vessels as also towards the Land where there were so many men as the number of them was not truly known but as it was judged by conjecture they might be some three hundred thousand whereof forty thousand were horse but no Elephants at all This news made the King hâ—sten the more so that instantly he made a review of his forces and found that he had five hundred thousand men for since his coming forth many had joyned with him by the way as also four thousand Elephants and two hundred carts with field pieces With this Army he parted from Suropisem and drew towards Quitiruan marching not above four or five leagues a day At the end of the the third then he arrived at a valley called Siputay a league and an half from the place where the enemies lay Then all these men of War with the Elephants being set in battell array by the three Masters of the Camp whereof two were Turks by Nation and the third a Portugal named Domingâ—s de Sâ—ixas they proceeded on in their way towards Quitiruan where they arrived before the Sun appeared Now whereas the enemies were already prepared in regard they had been advertised by their Spies of the King of Siaâ—s forces and of the design vvhich he had they attended him resolutely in the plain field relying much on their forty thousand horse As soon as they discovered him they presently advanced and with their vant-guard which were the said forty thousand horse they so charged the King of Siams rearward composed of threescore thousand foot as they defeated them in lesse then a quarter of an hour with the losse of three Princes that were slaine upon the place The King of Siam seeing his men thus routed resolved not to follow the order which he had formerly appointed but to fall on with the whole body of his Army and the four thousand Elephants joyned together With these forces he gave upon the battalion of the enemies with so much impetuosity as at this first shock they were wholly discomfited from whence ensued the death of an infinite company of men for whereas their prinâ—â—s â—ll strength consisted in their horse as soone as the Elephants sustained by the harqueâ—uses and the field pieces fell upon them they were defeated in lesse then an half hour so that after the routing of these same all the rest began instantly to retreat In the meane time the King of Siam following the honor of the victory pursued them to the rivers side
of the teares of your eyes for the entertainment of my soul because of the good newes I now bring you which is that by the wil of God this Country is setled on our King Chaumigrem without being tyed to make any restitution thereof for which you have all of you good cause to rejoyce like good and faithfull servants as you are He had scarcely made an end of speaking thus when as all those of the assembly clapping their hands gave great demonstrations of joy and cryed out in a way of thanksgiving Be thou praised O Lord. All this ceremony ended the Priests full of devotion and zeal immediately took all the parts of this poor King dismembred in that sort and with great veneration carried them to a place below where a great fire was kindled of Sandal Aloes and Benjamin which cost a great deal then three of them taking up of the body of the deceased with the bowels and all the rest threw it into it and afterwads with a strange ceremony offered many sacrifices unto him whereof the most part were of sheep The body burned all that night untill the next moâ—ning and the ashes thereof was put into a silver urne wherein with a very solemn assembly of above ten thousand Priests it was carried to a Temple called The God of thousand Gods and there was buried in a rich tomb within a Chappel guilt all over Behold what was the end of the great and mighty Xemindoo King of Pegu unto whom his subjects bore so great respect and honour during the time of his raign which was so flourishing that it seemed there was no other Monarch greater then he on the earth but such is the course of all the world CHAP. LXXV My imbarking in the Kingdome of Pegu to go to Malaca and from thence to Japan and a strange accident which arrived there THe death of the good King of Siam and the adulterie of the Queen his wife whereof I have spoken at large heretofore were the root and beginning of so many discords and of so many cruell warres which hapning in those two Kingdomes of Pegu and Siam indured three years and an half with so much expence of mony and bloud as is horrible to think of Now the end of all those warres was that the Chaumigrem King of Bramaa remained absolute Lord of the Kingdome of Pegu howbeit for the present I will speak no further of him but will deliver that which arrived in other Countries untill such time as the same Chaumigrem King of Bramaa returned upon the Kingdome of Siam with so mighty an Army as never any King whatsoever in the Indiaes brought a greater into the field as consisting of seventeen hundred thousand men and of sixteen thousand elephants whereof nine thousand were for the carriage of the Baggage and seven thousand for fighting an enterprize that was so dammageable for us as I learned afterwards that it cost us two hundred and four score Portugals I come now again to my designe from which I have wandered a good while After that these commotions whereof I have spoken heretofore were all appeased Gonçalo Pacheco departed from the City of Pegu with all us the rest of the Portugals which remained there and whom the new King of Bramaa had delivered as I have already declared causing their merchandize to be restored unto them and obliging them with many other courtesies as well of Honour as of Liberty So we an hundred and three score Portugals as we were imbarqued our selves in five vessels which were at that time in the Port of Cosmin one of the principal Townes of that Kingdom and there we divided our selves as pilgrims and travellers to the Indiaes for to go into divers Countries according as each of us thought to be most convenient for him As for me I set sail for Malaca with six and twenty of my companions where when we were arrived I sojourned there one month only and then imbarqued my self again to go to Iapan with one Iorge Alvarez who in a Sip belonging to Simono de Mello Captain of the Fortresse went to traffick Now having been already six and twenty dayes under sail in contiâ—â—ing our course with a good winde according to the season wee came in sight of an Iland called Tanixumaa some nine Leagues South towards the point of the Land of Iapan so that turning our prow that vvay vve vvent and rode the next day in the midst of the haven of Ganxiroo In this place the Nautaquin who was Governour thereof had the curiositie to come unto us for to see a thing which he had never seen before to which effect he got aboard of us where amazed with the fashion and equipage of our vessel as being the first that ever arrived in that Country he seemed to be infinitely glad of our coming yea and was very earnest vvith us to have us trade in that place with him but Iorge Alvarez and the Merchants excused themselves saying that this port was not safe for their Ship if any contrary winde should happen to arise The day following being parted from this place to go to the Kingdom of Bungo from whence vve vvere distant some hundred leagues to the Northward in five dayes after our departure it pleased God that we arrived in the port of the Town of Fucheo where we were vvell received as vvell by the King as the people vvho greatly favoured us in that vvhich concerned the duties of our Merchandize and the King had yet more obliged us if in the little time that vve abode there he had not been miserably slain by a Vassal of his named Fucarandono a mighty Prince Lord of many Subjects and exceeding rich a disaster which hapned as followeth At the time when we arrived there there was in the King of Bungo's Court a young man called Axirandoo Nephew to the King of Arimaa vvho in regard of the ill intreaty vvhich he had received from the King his Uncle had retired himself into this Court and continued there above a yeer with an intent never to return into his Country again but his good fortune was such as his Uncle coming to die and having no other to succeed him he declared him for his Heir Whereupon the Fucarandono of whom I lately made mention desiring to marry this Prince to a Daughter of his intreated the King to mediate this marriage for him which he easily condescended unto For vvhich effect the King one day invited the Prince to go a hunting with him into a Wood which was some two leagues off and where there was great store of game vvhich he much delighted in When they were there in private together he moved this Marriage unto him and certified how exceedingly it vvould content him that hee vvould accept of it vvhich accordingly he did vvherewith the King seemed to be extremely satisfied so that upon his return unto the Town hee sent for the Fucarandono and told him how he had prevailed for the
from Sues with a design to take in Adâ—m and then to build a Fortress there before they attempted any thing in the Indiaes according to an express charge sent by the great Turk from Constantinople to the Bassa of grand Cairâ— who was going to be General of the Army Besides this he confessed many other things conformable to our desire amongst the which he said that he was a renegado Christian a Maliorquin by Nation born at Cerdenha and son to one named Paul Andrez a Merchant of that Island and that about four years before growing enamored of a very â—air Greekish Mahumetan that was then his wife for the love of her he had abjured Christianity and embraced the Law of Mahomet Our Captains much amazed hereat gently perswaded him to acquit this abominable belief and become a Christian again whereunto the wicked Caytiff made answer with a brutish obstinacy that at no hand he would yield to forsake his Law shewing himself so hardened in the resolution to continue therein as if he had been born in it and never had profest any other By these speeches of his the Captains perceiving there was no hope of recalling him from his damnable error caused him to be bound hand and foot and so with a great stone tyed about his neck to be cast alive into the Sea sending him to participate with the torments of his Mahomet and to be his companion in the other world as he had been his confident in this This Infidel being executed in this sort we put the other prisoners into one of our Foists and then sunk their Vessel with all the goods that were in her which consisted most in packs of stained Cloths whereof we had no use and a few pieces of Chamlet that the Soldiers got to make them apparel CHAP. III. Our travelling from Mazua by land to the Mother of Prester Iohn as also our re-imbarquing at the Port of Arquicâ— and that which befell us by the incounter of three Turkish Vessels WE departed from this place with an intent to go to Arquico the Territory of Prester Iohn Emperor of Aethiopia for we had a Letter to deliver which Antonio de Sylvera sent to a Factor of his named Anrique Barbosa who had been three years resident in that Country by the Commandment of the Governor Nuno de Cunha When we were arrived at Gottor a league lower then the Port of Mazua we were all received there very courteously as well by the Inhabitants as by a Portugal called Vasco Martins de Seixas born in the Town of Obidos who was come thither by Henrico Barbosa's order and had been there a month attending the arrival of some Portugal ship The cause of that his abode was to deliver a Letter from the said Henrico as accordingly he did to the Captains of our Foiâ—ts By this Letter he certified the estate of the Turkish Army and besought them at any hand to send him some Portugals to induce them whereunto he remonstrated unto them how it much imported the service both of God and the King and that for his own part he could not come unto them because he was employed with forty other Portugals in the Fort of Gileytor for the guard of the person of the Princess of Tigremahon Mother to Prester Iohn The two Captains having perused this Letter communicated it to the chiefest of the Soldiers and sat in Councel upon it where it was determined that four of them should go along with Vasco Martins to Barbosa and that they should carry the Letter which Antonio de Sylvera had sent him This was no sooner resolved then executed for the next day three other Portugals and my self departed accordingly and we went by Land mounted upon good Mules which the Ciquaxy Captain of the Town sent us by the Command of the Princess the Emperors Mother together with six Abissins to accompany us The first night we lay at a very fair Monastery called Satilgaon The next day before the Sun rose we travelled along by a River and by that time we had rode five leagues we arrived at a place named Bitonte where we spent that night in a Convent of religious persons dedicated to S. Michael there we were very well entertained both by the Prior and the Fryers A little after our arrival the son of Bernagais Governor of that Empire of Aethiopia a very proper and courteous Gentleman about seventeen years old came to see us accompanied with thirty men all mounted upon Mules and himself on a horse furnished after the Portugal manner the furniture was of Purple Velvet trimmed with Gold fringe which two years before the Governor Nuno de Cunha sent him from the Indiaes by one Lopez Chanoca who was afterwards made a slave at Gran Cario whereof this young Prince being advertised he presently dispatched away a Iewish Merchant of Azabiba to redeem him but as ill fortune would he dyed before the Jew could get thither which so grieved this Prince when he understood of it as the sâ—id Vasco Martins assured us that in the said Monastery of S. Michael he caused the most honorable funerals to be celebrated for him that ever he saw wherein assisted above four thousand Priests besides a greater number of Novices which in their language are called Santilcos Noâ— was this all for this Prince hearing that the deceased had been married at Goa and likewise that he had left three daughters there behind him which were very young and poor he bestowed on them three hundred O quâ—â—â— of Gold that are worth twelve Crusadoes of our mony a piece â— liberality truly royal and which I relate here as well to amplifie the nobleness of this Prince as that it may serve for an example to others and render them more charitable upon like occasions The next morning we continued our journey making all the hastâ— that possibly we could to which end we got upon good Horses that were given us by this Prince and withall he appointed four of his servants to accompany us who during our Voyage entertained us every where very sumptuously That day our lodging was at a goodly place called Betenigus which signifies a royal house and in truth it was not without reason so named for on whatsoever part one cast an eye it was invironed with gallant high Trees for three leagues about nor is it to be credited how pleasing this Wood was for that it was composed all of Cedars Cypres Palm Date Trees and Cocos like to those in the Indiaes Here we past the night with all kind of contentment In the morning we proceeded on our journey and travelling after five leagues a day we past over a great Plain all full of goodly Corn Then we arrived at a Mountain named Vangaleu inhabited by Jews which were very white and handsom Two days and an half after we came to a good Town called Fumbau not above two leagues distant from the Fort of Gileytor there we found Barbosa and the
answer Certainly you might do better for the Salvation of your Soul to distribute some part of the excessive riches you possess amongst these poor Soldiers then seek with feigned speeches full of hypocrisie and deceit to rob them of these slaves which have cost the lives of so many brave men their fellows in arms and have been dearly bought by us that survive even with our dearest blood as the wounds we have upon us can but two well witness so can it not be said of your Cabayage a Sacerdotal Robe after their fashion which for all it sits so trim and neat upon you covers a pernicious habit you have of purloyning other mens estates from them Wherefore I would wish you to desist from the damnable plot you have layd against the absolute Masters of this Prize whereof you shall not have so much as a token and seek out some other Present for the Cacis of Mecqua to the end he may conceal your theeveties and impiety provided it be not done with the expence of our lives and blood but rather with the goods you have so lewdly gotten by your wicked and cunning devices This Cacis Moulana having received so bold an answer from this Captain found it very rude and hard of digestion which made him in bitter terms and voyd of all respects exceedingly to blame the Captain and the Soldiers that were there present who as well Turks as Saracens being much offended with his ill language combined together and mutined against him and the rest of the people in whose favor he had spoken so insolently nor could this mutiny be appeased by any kind of means though the Governor of the Town Father-in-law to the said Solyman Dragut together with the Officers of Justice did all that possibly they could In a word that I may not stand longer upon the particulars of this affair I say that from this small mutiny did arise so cruel and enraged a contention as it ended not but with the death of six hundred persons of the one and the other side But at length the Soldiers party prevailing they pillaged the most part of the Town especially the said Cacis Moulana's house killing seven wives and nine children that he had whose bodies together with his own were dismembered and cast into the Sea with a great deal of cruelty In the same manner they intreated all that belonged unto him not so much as giving life to one that was known to be his As for us seven Portugals which were exposed to sale in the publique place we could find out no better expedient to save our lives then to return into the same hole from whence we came and that too without any Officer of Justice to carry us thither neither did we take it for a small favor that the Jaylor would receive us into the prison Now this Mutiny had not ceased but by the authority of Solyman Dragut General of the Gallies aforesaid For this man with very gentle words gave an end to the sedition of the people and pacified the Mutiners which shews of what power courtesie is even with such as are altogether ignorant of it In the mean time Heredrin Sopho Governor of the Town came off but ill from this hurly burly by reason that in the very first incounter he had one of his arms almost cut off Three days after this disorder was quieted we were led all seven again to the Market place there to be sold with the rest of the booty which consisted of our Stuff and Ordnance that they had taken in our Foists and were sold at a very easie rate For my self miserable that I was and the most wretched of them all Fortune my sworn enemy made me fall into the hands of a Greek renegado whom I shall detest as long as I have a day to live because that in the space of three Months I was with him he used me so cruelly that becoming even desparate for that I was not able to endure the evil he did me I was seven or eight times upon the point to have poysoned my self which questionless I had done if God of his infinite mercy and goodness had not diverted me from it whereunto I was the rather induced to make him lose the mony he payd for me because he was the most covetous man in the world and the most inhumane and cruellest enemy to the name of a Christian. But at the end of three Months it pleased the Almighty to deliver me out of the hands of this Tyrant who for fear of losing the mony I cost him if I should chance to make my self away as one of his neighbors perswaded him I would telling him that he had discovered so much by my countenance and manner of behavior wherefore in pity of me he counselled him to sell me away as he did â—ot long after unto a Jew named Abraham Muça Natifâ— of a Town called in those quarters Toro not above a league and an half distanâ— from Mount Sinay This man gave for me 〈◊〉 value of three hundred Reals in Dates which was the Merchandise that this Jew did ordinarily trade in with my late Master and so I parted with him in the company of divers Merchants for to go from Babylon to Cayxem whence he carried me to Ormuz and there presented me to Don Fernand de Lima who was at that time Captain of the Fort and to Doctor Pedro Fernandez Commissary General of the Indiaes that was then residâ—ng at Ormuz for the service of the King by order from the Governor Nunho de Cunha These two namely Fernandez and de Lima gave the Jew in recompence for me two hundred Pardaos which are worth three shillings and nine pence a piece of our coyn whereof part was their own mony and the rest was raised of the alms which they caused to be gathered for me in the Town so we both remained contented the Jew for the satisfaction he had received from them and I to find my self at full liberty as before Seeing my self by Gods mercy delivered from the miseries I had endured after I had been seventeen days at Ormuz I imbaâ—qued my self for the Indiaes in a ship that belonged to one Iorge Fernandez Taborda who was to carry Horses to Goa In the course that we held we sailed with so prosperous a gale that in seventeen days we arrived in view of the Fort of Diu There by the advice of the Captains coasting along by the Land for to learn some news we descryed a great number of fires all that night also at times we heard divers Pieces of Ordnance discharged which very much troubled us by reason we could not imagine what those fires oâ— that shooting in the night should mean in so much that we were divided into several opinions During this incertainty our best advice was to sail the rest of the night with as little cloth as might be until that on the next morning by the favor of day light we
to be two thousand in number besides those that were killed which because they could not be so suddenly buried were thrown into the current of the River Hereupon the two Kings continued quiet for four days after at the end whereof one morning when nothing was less thought of there appeared in the midst of the River on Penaticans side a Fleet of fourscore and six Sails with a great noise of musick and acclamations of joy At first this object much amazed the Bataes because they knew not what it was howbeit the night before their scouts had taken five fishermen who put to torture confessed that this was the Army which the Tyrant had sent some two months before to Tevassery in regard he had War with the Sornau King of Siam and it was said that this Army was composed of five thousand Lussons and Sornes all choyce men having to their General a Turk named Hametecam Nephew to the Bassa of Cairo Whereupon the King of Batas making use of these fishermens confession resolved to retire himself in any sort whatsoever well considering that the time would not permit him to make an hours stay as well because his Enemies Forces were far greater then his as for that every minute they expected succors from Pedir and Pazen whence as it was reported for certain there were twelve ships full of strangers coming No sooner was the King fortified in this resolution but the night ensuing he departed very sad and ill contented for the bad suâ—cess of his enterprize wherein he had lost above three thousand and five hundred men not comprising the wounded which were more in number nor those that were burnt with the fire of the Mynâ— Five days after his departure he arrived at Panaiu where he dismissed all his Forces both his own subjects and strangers That done he imbarqued himself in a small Lanchara and went up the River without any other company then two or three of his Favorites With this small retinue he betook himself to a place called Pachissaru where he shuâ— himself up for fourteen days by way of pennance in a Pagod of an Idol named Giâ—nasserâ—d which signifies the God of Sadness At his return to Panaiu he sent for me and the Mahometan that brought Pedro de Faria's Merchandise The first thing that he did was to enquire particularly of him whether he made a good sale of it adding withall that if any thing were still owing to him he would command it to be presently satisfied Hereunto the Mahometan and I answered that through his Highness favor all our business had received a very good dispatch and that we were well payd for that we had sold in regard whereof the Captain of Malaca would not fail to acknowledg that courtesie by sending him succor for to be revenged on his Enemy the Tyrant of Achem whom he would inforce to restore all the places which he had unjustly usurped upon him The King hearing me speak in this manner stood a while musing with himself and then in answer to my speech Aâ— Portugal said he since thou constrainest me to tell thee freely what I think beleeve me not hereafter to be so ignorant as that thou mayst be able to perswade me or that I can be capable to imagine that he which in thirty years space could not revenge himself is of power to succor me at this present in so short a time or if yet thou thinkest I deceive my self tell me I pre thee now whence comes it that thy King and his Governors could not hinder this cruel King of Achem from gaining from you the Fort of Pazem and the Galley which went to the Moluâ—quaes as also three Ships in Queda and the Gallion of Malaca at such time as Garcia was Captain there besides the four Foists that were taken since at Salengor with the two Ships that came from Bengalâ— or Lopâ— Chanocâ— 's Iounk and Ship as likewise many other Vessels which I cannot now remember 〈◊〉 the which as I have been assured this Inhumane hâ—th put to death above a thousand Portugals and gotten an extream rich boâ—ty Wherefore if this Tyrant should happen to come once more against me how canst thou have me rely upon their word which have been so often overcome I must of necessity then continue as I am with three of my children murdered and the greatest part of my Kingdom destroyed seeing you your selves are not much more assured in your Fortress of Malaca I must needs confess that this answer made with so much resentment rendred me so ashamed knowing he spake nothing but truth that I durst not talk to him afterwards of any succor nor for our honor reiterate the promises which I had formerly made him CHAP. VIII What past between the King of Batas and me until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca my Arrival in the Kingdom of Queda and my return from thence to Malaca THe Mahometan and I returning to our lodging departed not in four days after employing that time in shipping an hundred Bars of Tin and thirty of Benjamin which were still on Land Then being fully satisfied by our Merchants and ready to go I went to wait upon the King at his Passeiran which was a great place before the Palace where those of the Country kept their most solemn Fairs There I gave him to understand that now we had nothing more to do but to depart if it would please his Majesty to permit us The entertainment that he gave me then was very gracious and for answer he said to me I am very glad for that Hermon Xabandar who was chief General of the Wars assured me yesterday that your Captains commodities were well sold but it may be that that which he told me was not so and that he delivered not the truth for to please me and to accommodate himself to the desire he knew I had to have it so wherefore continued he I pre-thee declare unto me freely whether he dealt truly with me and whether the Mahometan that brought them be fully satisfied for I would not that to my dishonor those of Malaca should have cause to complain of the Merchants of Panaiu saying that they are not men of their word and that there is not a King there who can constrain them to pay their debts and I swear to thee by the faith of Pagan that this affront would be no less insupportable to my condition then if I should chance to make peace with that Tyrant and perjured Enemy of mine the King of Achem. Whereunto having replyed that we had dispatched all our affairs and that there was nothing due to us in his Country Verily said he I am very well pleased to hear that it is so wherefore since thou hast nothing else to do here I hold it requisite that without any further delay thou shouldst go for the â—â—me is now fit to set sail and to avoyd the great heats that ordinarily are endured in passing the Gulph which is
the cause that ships are many times cast upon Pazem by foul weather at Sea from which I pray God deliver thee for I assure thee that if thy ill fortune should carry thee thither the men of Achem would eat thee alive and the Tyrant himself would have the first bite at thee there being nothing in the world these Inhumanes so much vaunt of as to carâ—y on the crest of their Arms the device of Drinkers of the troubled blood of miserable Caâ—sers who they say are come from the end of the world calling them Tyrannical men and Vsurpers in a soveraign degree of other mens Kingdoms in the Indiaes and Isles of the Sea This is the title wherein they glory most and which they attribute particularly to themselves as being sent them from Mecqua in recompence of the golden Lamps which they offered to the Alcoran of their Mahomet as they use to do every year Furthermore although heretofore I 〈◊〉 often advised thy Captain of Malaca to take careful heed of this Tyrant of Achem yet do not thou omit to advertise him of it once more from me for know that he never had nor shall have other thoughts then to labor by all means to expel him out of the Indiaes and make the Turk Master of them who to that end promiseth to send him great succors but I hope that God will so order it as all the malice and cunning of this disloyal wretch shall have a contrary success to his intentions After he had used this language to me he gave me a Letter in answer to my Embassage together with a present which he desired me to deliver from him to Captain de Faria this was six small Javelins headed with Gold twelve Cates of Calambuca Wood every one of them weighing twenty ounces and a box of exceeding value made of a Tortoise shâ—ll beautified with Gold and full of great seed pearl amongst the which there were sixteen fair pearls of rich account For my self he gave me two Cates of Gold and a little Courtelâ—â—â— garnished with the same Then he dismissed me with as much demonstration of honor as he had always used to me before protesting to me in particular that the amity which he had contracted with our Nation should ever continue inviolable on his part Thus I imbarqued my self with Aquarem Dabâ—lay his Brother-in-law who was the same he had sent Embassador to Malaca as I have related before Being departed from the Port of Panaiu we arrived about two hours in the â—ight at a little Island called Apofingua distant some league and an half from the mouth of the River and inhabited by poor people who lived by the fishing of Shadâ— The next morning leaving that Island of Apofingua we ran along by the coast of the Ocean Sea for the space of five and twenty leagues until such time as at length we entered into the Straight of Minhagaruu by which we came then passing by the contrary coast of this other Mediterranean Sea we continued our course along by it and at last arrived near to Pullo Bugay There we crost over to the firm Land and passing by the Port of Iunçalan we sailed two days and an half with a favorable wind by means whereof we got to the River of Parles in the Kingdom of Queda there we rode five days at anchor in expectation of a fit wind to carry us on During that time the Mahometan and my self by the counsel of certain Merchants of the Country went to visit the King with an Odiaa or Present of divers things that we thought were convenient for our design which was received with much demonstration of being very well pleased therewith When we came to his Court we found that with a great deal of pomp excellent musick dancing and largess to the poor he was solemnizing the funerals of his Father whom he himself had poynarded of purpose for to marry his own mother after he had gotten her with child Wherewithall not being contented to decline the murmur which so wicked and horrible an act might provoke unto he had made proclamation that on pain of a most rigorous death no person whatsoever should be so daring as to speak a word of that which had past and it was told us there how for that cause he had most tyrannically put the principal Personages of his Kingdom and a number of Merchants already to death whose goods he had confiscated to his own use and thereby enriched his Coffers with two millions of Gold So that upon our arrival we perceived such a general fear to be amongst the people as not the most hardy of them all durst so much as make the least mention in the world of it Now in regard the Mahometan my companion named Coia Ale was a man liberal of his tongue and that would say any thing which came into his head he perswaded himself in regard he was a stranger and the Captain of Malaca's Factor that he might with more liberty then those of the Country talk what he listed and the King not punish him for it as he did his Subjects But he found himself far short of his account and this presumption cost him his life For being invited to a feast by another Mahometan like himself a Merchant stranger born at Patana when as they were both of them high with wine and meat as I learned since they began to talk boldly and without any respect of the Kings Brutality and Parracide whereof the King being incontinently advertised by Spies which he had in every corner for that purpose he caused the house to be presently invested and all the guests to be apprehended to the number of seventeen persons These poor wretches were no sooner brought bound before him but immediately without observing any form of Justice or hearing what they could say for themselves either good or bad he commanded them to be put to a most cruel kind of death called by them Gregoge which is to saw off the feet hands and heads of them that are condemned to it as I beheld afterwards my self This execution done the King feaâ—ing lest the Captain of Malaca should be offended for that he had executed his Factor thus with the rest and therefore might arrest some goods that he had at Malaca sent the night following for me to the Iurupango where I was sleeping and altogether ignorant of that which had past understanding the Kings pleasure away I went and coming about midnight to the Palace I perceived in the outward Court a great many men in arms the sight whereof I must confess put me into a mighty amazement and mistrust because I could not imagine what should be the cause of it and doubting lest it might be some such Treason as at other times they had practised against us I would fain have returned but they that accompanied me judging that my fear proceeded from the Soldiers which I beheld there bid me be afraid of nothing for these
For a conclusion of his speech he related unto me the little punishment which was ordained for such as were culpable of these matters and the great rewards that he had seen conferred on those which had not deserved them whereunto he added that if the King desired throughly to perform the duty of his Charge and by Arms to conquer people so far distant from his Kingdom and to preserve them it was as necessary for him to punish the wicked as to recompence the good This said he sent me to lodg in a Merchants house who for five days together that I remained there entertained me bravely though to speak truth I had rather have been at that time in some other place with any poor victuals for here I was always in fear by reason of the Enemies continual alarms and the certain news that came to the King the next day after my arrival how the Achems were already marching towards Aaru and would be there within eight days at the farthest which made him in all haste to give directions for such things as he had not taken order for before and to send the women and all that were unfit for War out of the City five or six leagues into the Wood amongst the which the Queen her self made one mounted on an Elephant Five days after my arrival the King sent for me and asked me when I would be gone whereunto I replyed at such time as it would please his Greatness to command me though I should be glad it might be with the soonest for that I was to be employed by my Captain with his Merchandise to China Thou hast reason answered he then taking two Bracelets of massy Gold off from his wrists worth some thirty Crowns I pre-thee now said he giving them to me do not impute it to miserableness that I bestow so little on thee for thou mayst be assured that it hath been always my desire for to have much for to give much withall I must desire thee to present this Letter and this Diamond from me to thy Captain to whom thou shalt say that whatsoever I am further engaged to him in for the pleasure he hath done me by succoring me with those Ammunitions he hath sent me by thee I will bring it to him my self hereafter when I shall be at more liberty then now I am Having taken leave of the King of Aaru I presently imbarqued my self and departed about Sun-set rowing down the River to an Hamlet that is at the entrance thereof composed of ten or eleven houses covered with â—traw This place is inhabited with very poor people that get their living by killing of Lezards of whose livers they make a poyson wherewith they anoint the heads of their arrows For the poyson of this place chiefly that which is called Pocausilim is held by them the best of those Countries because there is no remedy for him that is hurt with it The next day having left this small Village we sailed along the coast with a land wind until evening that we doubled the Islands of Anchepisan then the day and part of the night following we put forth somewhat farther to Sea But about the first watch the wind changed to the North-east for such winds are ordinary about the Isle of Samatra and grew to be so tempestuous that it blew our mast over board tore our sails in pieces and so shattered our Vessel that the water came in that abundance into her at two several places as she sunk incontinently to the bottom so that of eight twenty persons which were in her three and twenty were drowned in less then a quarter of an hour For as five that escaped by the mercy of God we passed the rest of the night upon a Rock where the waves of the Sea had cast us There all that we could do was with tears to lament our sad fortune not knowing what counsel or course to take by reason the Country was so moorish and invironned with so thick a Wood that a bird were she never so little could hardly make way through the branches of it for that the trees grew so close together We sat crouching for the space of three whole days upon this Rock where for all our sustenance we had nothing but Snails and such filth as the â—oam of the Sea produced there After this time which we spent in great misery and pain we walked a whole day along by the Isle of Samatra in the owze up to the girdle-stead and about Sun-set we came to the mouth of a little River some Crossbow-shot broad which we durst not undertake to swim over for that it was deep and we very weak and weary so that we were forced to pass all that night standing up to the chin in the water To this misery was there adjoyned the great affliction which the Flies and Gnats brought us that coming out of the neighboring Woods bit and stung us in such sort as not one of us but was gore blood The next morning as soon as we perceived day which we much desired to see though we had little hope of life I demanded of my four companions all Mariners whether they knew the Country or whether there was any habitation thereabout Whereupon the eldest of them who had a wife at Malaca not able to contain his tears Alas answered he the place that now is most proper for you and me is the house of death where ere it be long we must give an account of our sins it therefore behoves us to prepare our selves for it without any further delay and patiently to attend that which is sent us from the hand of God For my part let me intreat thee to be of a good courage whatsoever thou seest and not be terrified with the fear of dying since every thing well considered it matters not whether it be to day or to morrow This spoken he embraced me and with tears in his eyes desired me to make him a Christian because he beleeved as he said that to be so was sufficient to save his Soul which could not otherwise be done in the cursed sect of Mahomet wherein he had lived till then and for which he craved pardon of God Having finished these last words he remained dead in mine arms for he was so weak as he was not able to subsist any longer as well for that he had not eaten ought in three or four days before as in regard of a great wound the wrack of the Lanchara had given him in his head through which one might see his brains all putrefied and corrupted occasioned both for want of looking unto as by salt water and flies that were gotten into it Verily this accident grieved me very much but for my self I was in little better case for I was likewise so weak that every step I made in the water I was ready to swoon by reason of certain hurts on my head and body out of which I had lost a great
great that it contains along the Coast above three thousand leagues as may easily be seen by the cards and globes of the world if so be their graduation be true Besides if this loss should happen which God of his infinite mercy forbid though we have but two much deserved it for our carelessness and sins we are in danger in like manner to lose the Customs of Mandorim of the City of Goa which is the best thing the King of Portugal hath in the Indiaes for they are Ports and Islands mentioned heretofore whereon depends the greatest part of his Revenue not comprehending the Spices namely the Nutmegs Cloves and Maces which are brought into this Kingdom from those Countries Now to return to my discourse I say that the Tyrant of Achem was advised by his Councel how there was no way in the world to take Malaca if he would assail it by Sea as he had done divers times before when as Dom Stephano de Gama and his Predecessors were Captains of the Fortress but first to make himself Master of the Kingdom of Aaru to the end he might afterwards fortifie himself on the River of Panetican where his Forces might more commodiously and nearly maintain the War he intended to make For then he might have means with less charge to shut up the Straights of Cincapura and Sabaon and so stop our Ships from passing to the Seas of China Sunda Banda and the Molucques whereby he might have the profit of all the Drugs which came from that great Archipelague And verily this counsel was so approved by the Tyrant that he prepared a Navy of an hundred and threescore Sails whereof the most part were Lanchares with oars Galiots Calabuzes of Iaoa and fifteen Ships high built furnished with Munition and Victual In these Vessels he imbarqued seventeen thousand men namely twelve thousand Soldiers the rest Sailers and Pioners Amongst these were four thousand Strangers Turks Abissins Malabares Gusurates and Lusons of the Isle of Borneo Their General was one named Heredin Mahomet Brother-in-law to the Tyrant by marriage with a Sister of his and Governor of the Kingdom of Baarros This Fleet arrived safely at the River of Panetican where the King of Aaru attended them with six thousand of his own natural Subjects and not a forraigner amongst them both in regard he wanted mony for to entertain Soldiers and that also he had a Country unprovided of victual to feed them At their arrival the Enemies found them fortifying of the Trench whereof I spake heretofore Whereupon without any further delay they began to play with their Ordnance and to batter the Town on the Sea side with great fury which lasted six whole days together In the mean time the besieged defended themselves very valiantly so as there was much blood spilt on either side The General of the Achems perceiving he advanced but little caused his Forces to Land and mounting twelve great Pieces he renewed the battery three several times with such impetuosity that it demolished one of the two Forts that commanded the River by means whereof and under the shelter of certain packs of Cotton which the Achems carried before them they one morning assaulted the principal Fortress In this assault an Abissin commanded called Mamedecan who a month or thereabout before was come from Iuda to confirm the new League made by the Bassa of Caire on the behalf of the grand Signior with the Tyrant of Achem whereby he granted him a Custom-house in the Port of Pazem This Abissin rendered himself Master of the Bulwark with threescore Turks forty Ianizaries and some Malabar Mooâ—s who instantly planted five Ensigns on the walls In the mean time the King of Aaru encouraging his people with promises and such words as the time required wrought so effectually that with a valorous resolution they set upon the Enemy and recovered the Bulwark which they had so lately lost so as the Abissin Captain was slain on the place and all those that were there with him The King following his good fortune at the same instant caused the gates of the Trench to be opened and sallying out with a good part of his Forces he combated his Enemies so valiantly as he quite routed them In like manner he took eight of their twelve Pieces of Ordnance and so retreating in safety he fortified himself the best he could for to sustain his Enemies future assaults CHAP. XI The Death of the King of Aaru and the cruel Iustice that was executed on him by his Enemies the going of his Queen to Malaca and her reception there THe General of Achem seeing the bad success which he received in this incounter was more grieved for the death of the Abissin Captain and the loss of those eight Pieces of Ordnance then for all them that were slain besides whereupon he assembled his Councel of War who were all of opinion that the commenced siege was to be continued and the Trench assailed on every side which was so speedâ—ly put in execution that in seventeen days it was assaulted nine several times in so much as by divers sorts of fire-works continually invented by a Turkish Engineer that was in their Camp they demolished the greater part of the Trench Moreover they overthrew two of the principal Forts on the South side together with a great Platform which in the manner of a false-bray defended the entry of the River notwithstanding all the resistance the King of Aaru could make with his people though they behaved themselves so valiantly as the Achems lost above two thousand and five hundred men besides those that were hurt which were far more then the slain whereof the most part dyed shortly after for want of looking to As for the King of Aaru he lost not above four hundred men howbeit for that his people were but few and his Enemies many as also better ordered and better armed in the last assault that was given on the thirteenth day of the Moon the business ended unfortunately by the utter defeat of the King of Aaru's Forces For it was his ill hap that having made a salley forth by the advice of a Cacis of his whom he greatly trusted it fell out that this Traytor suffering himself to be corrupted with a bar of gold weighing about forty thousand duckets which the Achem gave him whereof the King of Aaru being ignorant set couragiously on his Enemies and fought a bloody battel with them wherein the advantage remained on his side in all mens judgment but that Dog the perfidious Cacis whom he had left Commander of the Trench sallied forth with five hundred men under colour of seconding the King in his pursuit of so prosperous a beginning and left the Trench without any manner of defence which perceived by one of the Enemies Captains a Mahometan Malabar named Cutiale Marcaa he presently with six hundred Gusarates and Malabars whom he had led thither for that purpose made himself Master of the Trench
of thirteen years during the which the King of Cauchin was five several times defeated in open Battel At length this Hoyha Paguarol coming to dye without issue in regard of the good offices that in his life time he had received from the King of China he by his testament declared him for his Successor and lawful Heir so that ever since being now two hundred thirty and five years ago to this present this Isle of Ainan hath remained annexed to the Scepter of the great Chinese And touching that you have further demanded of me concerning the Treasures and Revenue of this Island I am able to say no more then what I have learnt of some ancient Personages who as I have related before have governed it in quality of Teutons and Chaems and I remember they said that all the Revenues thereof as well in Mynes of Silver Customs and otherways amounted unto two Millions and an half Taeis yearly And perceiving that our Captain was amazed to hear him speak of so mighty a riches continuing his discourse Truly my Masters said he laughing if you make such a matter of that little I have spoken of what would you do if you saw the great City of Pequin where the son of the Sun the name they give to their King with his Court is always resident and where the Revenues of two and thirty Kingdoms that depend on this Monarchy are received of which out of fourscore and six Mynes of Gold and Silver only is annually drawn above fifteen thousand Picos which according to our weight comes to twenty thousand quintals After Antonio de Faria had given him many thanks for satisfying him so fully in his demands he dâ—sired him to tell him in what Port he would advise him to go and sell his Commodities seeing the season was not proper to set sail for Liampoo Whereunto he answered that we were not to go into any Port of that Country nor to put trust in any Chinese whatsoever for I assure you said he there is not one of them will speak truth in any thing he says to you and believe me for I am rich and will not lye to you like a poor man besides I would wish you to go in this Straight always with the plummet in your hand for to sound your way because there are very many dangerous shelvs all along till you come to a River called Tanauquir and there is a Port where is very good anchoring and where you may be as safe as you can desire as also you may there in less then two days put off all your commodities and much more if you had them Nevertheless I will not counsel you to disimbarque your goods on land but to sell them in your Vessels in regard that many times the sight causeth desire and desire disorder amongst peaceable persons much more with them that are mutinous and of an evil conscience whose wicked inclination carries them rather to take away another mans goods from him then give of their own to the needy for Gods sake This said both he that spake and those that accompanyed him took leave of our Captain and us with many complements and promises whereof they are not ordinarily very sparing in those parts bestowing on Antonio de Faria in return of that he had given them a little Box made of a Tortoise shell full of seed-pearl and twelve pearls of a pretty bigness craving his pardon for that they durst not traffique with him in this place for fear lest if they should do so to be all put to death conformably to the Law of the rigorous justice of the Country and they again intreated him to make haste away before the Mandarims arrival with his Army for if he found him there he would burn both his Vessel and him and all his company Antonio de Faria unwilling to neglect the counsel of this man lest that which he told him should prove true he set sail immediately and passed to the other side towards the South and in two days with a Westerly wind he arrived at the River of Tanauquir where just over against a little village called Neytor he cast anchor We remained all that day and the next night at the mouth of the River of Tanauquir intending the next morning to sail up to the Town which was some five leagues from thence in the River to see if by any means we might put off our commodities there for our Vessels were so heavy laden with them as there was scarce a day wherein we ran not twice or thrice on some shelve or other which in divers places were four or five leagues long wherefore it was concluded that before we did any thing else we were to sell away our commodities so that we labored with all our might to get into the River whose current was so strong that though we had all our sails up yet could we prevail but very little against it As we were in this pain we perceived two great Junks in warlike manner come out of the River upon us which chaining themselves together for the more strength attaqued us so lively as we had scarce the leasure to defend our selves so that we were constrained to throw into the Sea all that stood in our way to make room for our artillery being that we had then most need of The first salutation we had from them was a peal of six and twenty pieces of Ordnance whereof nine were Falconets and field-pieces Antonio de Faria as a man verst in such affairs seeing them chained one to another perceived their drift and therefore made as though he fled as well to win time to prepare himself as to make them beleeve that they were no Christians whereupon they like cunning thieves desiâ—ing that the prey which they held to be surely their own should not escape out of their hands loosed themselves the one from the other the better to set upon us and approaching very near to us they shot so many arrows and darts into our Junk as no man was able to appear upon the deck Antonio de Faria to avoyd this storm retired under the half deck with five and twenty Soldiers and some ten or twelve others Slaves and Mariners there he entertained the Enemy with Harquebuse shot the space of half an hour in which time having used all their munitions of war some forty of them that seemed to be more valiant then the rest longing to finish their enterprize leaped into our Junk with a purpose to make themselves master of the prow but to hinder them from it our Captain was constrained to go and receive them so that there began a most bloody fight wherein it pleased God within an hour to give us the upper hand by the slâ—ughter of four and twenty of their forty in the place Thereupon twenty of ours pursuing this good success boarded the Enemies Junk where finding but small resistance by reason the principals were already slain all that were
de Faria did with the Captain of the Pyrats Iunk that which past between him and the people of the Country with our casting away upon the Island of Theeves ANtonio de Faria having obtained this Victory in the manner I have related the first thing he did was to see his hurt men drest as that which chiefly imported him then being given to understand that the Pyrat Hinimilau the Captain of the Junk he had taken was one of the sixteen he had saved he commanded him to be brought before him and after he had caused him to be drest of two wounds that he had received he demanded of him what was become of the young Portugals which he held as Slaves Whereunto the Pyrat being mad with rage having answered that he could not tell upon the second demand that was made him with menaces he said that if first they would give him a little water in regard he was so dry as he was not able to speak that then he would consider what answer to make Thereupon having water brought him which he drunk so greedily as he spilt the most part of it without quenching his thirst he desired to have some more given him protesting that if they would let him drink his fill he would oblige himself by the Law of Mahomets Alcoran voluntarily to confess all that they desired to know of him Antonio de Faria having given him as much as he would drink questioned him again about the young Christians whereto he replyed that he should find them in the chamber of the prow thereupon he commanded three Soldiers to go thither and fetch them who had no sooner opened the scuttle to bid them come up but they saw them lie dead in the place with their throats cut which made them cry out Iesus Iesus come hither we beseech you Sir and behold a most lamentable spectacle hereat Antonio de Faria and those that were with him ran thither and beholding those youths lying so oâ—e upon another he could not forbear shedding of tears having caused them then to be brought upon the deck together with a woman and two pretty children about seven or eight years old that had their throats also cut he demanded of the Pyrat why he had used such cruelty to those poor innocents Whereunto he answered that it was because they were Traytors in discovering themselves to those which were such great Enemies to him as the Portugals were and also for that having heard them call upon their Christ for help he desired to see whether he would deliver them as for the two infants there was cause enough to kill them for that they were the childrâ—n of Portugals whom he ever hated with the like extravagancy he answered to many other questions which were propounded to him and that with so much obstinacy as if he had been a very Devil Afterwards being asked whether he were a Christian he answered no but that he had been one at such time as Don Paulo de Gama was Captain of Malaca Whereupon Antonio de Faria demanded of him what moved him since he had been a Christian to forsake the Law of Iesus Christ wherein he was assured of his salvation for to embrace that of the false Prophet Mahomet from whence he could hope for nothing but the loss of his Soul Thereunto he answered that he was induced so to do for that so long as he was a Christian the Portugals had always contemned him whereas before when he was a Gentile they called him Quiay Necoda that is to say Signior Captain but that respect immediately upon his Baptism forsook him which he verily believed did arrive to him by Mahomets express permission to the end it should open his eyes to turn Mahometan as after he did at Bintan where the King of Iantana was in person present at the ceremony and that ever since he had much honored him and that all the Mandarins called him brother in regard of the vow he had made upon the holy Book of Flowers that as long as he lived he would be a sworn Enemy to the Portugals and of all others that profest the Name of Christ for which both the King and the Cacis Moulana had exceedingly coÌ„mended him promising that his Soul should be most blessed if he performed that vow Being likewise demanded how long ago it was since he revolted what Portugal Vessels he had taken how many men he had put to death and what Merchandize he had despoyled them of He answered that it was seven years since he became a Mahometan that the first Vessel he took was Luiso de Pavia's Junk which he surprized in the River of Liampâ—o with four hundred Bars of Pepper only and no other spice whereof having made himself master that he had put to death eighteen Portugals besides their slaves of whom he made no reckoning because they were not such as could satisfie the Oath he had made That after this prize he had taken four ships and in them put to death above an hundred persons amongst whom there was some threescore and ten Portugals and that he thought the Merchandize in them amounted to fifteen or sixteen hundred Bars of Pepper whereof the King of Pan had the better moity for to give him a safe retrait in his Ports and to secure him from the Portugals giving him to that purpose an hundred men with commandment to obey him as their King Being further demanded whether he had not killed any Portugals or lent an hand for the doing thereof he said no but that some two years before being in the River of Choaboquec on the Coast of China a great Junk arrived there with a great many Portugals in her whereof an intimate friend of his named Ruy Lobo was Captain whom Don Estevan de Gama then Governor of the Fortress of Malaca had sent thither in the way of commerce and that upon the sale of his commodities going out of the Port his Junk about five days after took so great a leak as not being able to clear her he was constrained to return towards the same Port from whence he parted but that by ill fortune clapping on all his sails to get the sooner to Land she was overset by the violence of the wind so as all were cast away saving Ruy Lobo seventeen Portugals and some slaves who in their skiff made for the Island of Laman without sail without water or â—ny manner of victual That in this extremity Ruy Lobo relying on the ancient friendship that was between them came with tears in his eyes and pray'd him on his knees to receive him and his into his Junk which was then ready to set sail for Patana whereunto he agreed upon condition that therefore he should give him two thousand duckets for the performance whereof he bound himself by his Oath of a Christian. But that after he had taken them in he was counselled by the Mahometans not to trust unto the friendship of Christians lest he might
meet with any one body that could instruct him in the way he pretended to make whereat he was very much vext and greatly repented him for that without any kinde of consideration or taking advice of any one he had rashly and out of a capacious humour undertaken this Voyage Howbeit he dissembled this displeasure of his the best he could for fear lest his company should tax him with want of courage In this Haven he discoursed again with Similau before every one concerning this our Navigation which he told him was made but by guesse whereunto the Chinese answered Signior Captain If I had any thing I could engage to you of more value then my head I protest unto you I would most willingly do it for I am so sure of the course I hold that I would not fear to give you my very children in Hostage of the promise I made you at Liampoo Neverthelesse I advertise you again that if repenting the undertaking of this enterprise you fear to proceed any further in regard of the tales your people are ever tatling in your ear as I have often observed do but command and you shall finde how ready I am to obey your pleasure And whereas they would make you believe that I spin out this Voyage longer then I promised you at Liampoo the reason thereof you know well enough which seemed not amisse when I propounded it unto you seeing then you once allowed of it let me intreat you to set your heart at rest for that matter and not to break off this design by returning back whereby at length you shall finde how profitable this patience of yours will prove This speech somewhat quieted Antonio de Faria's minde so that he bid him go on as he thought best and never trouble himself with the murmuring of the Souldiers whereof he complained saying that it was ever the manner of such as were idle to finde fault with other mens actions but if they did not mend their error the sooner he would take a course with them to make them to do it wherewith Similau rested very well satisfied and contented After we were gone from this Haven we sailed along the coast above thirteen dayes together alwaies in sight of land and at length arrived at a Port called Buxipalem in the height of fortie nine degrees We found this Climate somewhat colder then the rest here we saw an infinite company of Fishes and Serpents of such strange forms as I cannot speak of them without fear Similau told Antonio de Faria incredible things concerning them as well of what he had seen himself having been there before as of that had been reported unto him especially in the full Moons of the months of November December and Ianuary when the storms raign there most as indeed this Chinese made it appear to our own eyes whereby he justified unto us the most of that which he had affirmed For in this place we saw Fishes in the shape of Thornbacks that were four fathoms about and had a Muzzle like an Oxe likewise we saw others resembling great Lizards spotted all over with green and black having three rows of prickles on their backs that were very sharp and of the bignesse of an arrow their bodies also were full of the like but they were neither so long nor so great as the others These Fishes would ever and anon bristle up themselves like Porcupines which made them very dreadful to behold they had Snouts that were very sharp and black with two crooked teeth out of each jawbone two spans long like the tusks of a wild Boar. We also saw Fishes whose bodies were exceeding black so prodigious and great that their heads onely were above six spans broad I will passe over in silence many other Fishes of sundry sorts which we beheld in this place because I hold it not fit to stand upon things that are out of my discourse let it suffice me to say that during two nights we stayed here we did not thinke our selves safe by reason of the Lizards Whales Fishes and Serpents which in great numbers shewed themselves to us Having left this Haven of Buxipalem by us called the River of Serpents which in great numbers shewed themselves to us Similau sailed fifteen leagues further to another Bay named Calindano which was in form of a Crescent six leagues in circuit and invironed with high Mountains and very thick woods amidst whereof divers Brooks of fresh waters descended which made up four great Rivers that fell all into this Bay There Similau told us that all those prodigious creatures we had both seen and heard of as well in this Bay as in that where we were before came thither to feed upon such Ordure and Carrion as the overflowing of these Rivers brought to this place Antonio de Faria demanding of him thereupon whence those Rivers should proceed he answered that he knew not but it was said that the Annals of China affirmed how two of those Rivers took their beginnings from a great Lâ—ke called Moscombia and the other two from a Province named Alimania where there are high Mountains that all the year long are covered with Snow so that the Snow coming to dissolve these Rivers swelled in that manner as we then beheld them for now they were bigger then at any other time of the year Hereunto he added that entring into the mouth of the River before the which we rode at anchor we should continue our course steering Eastward for to finde out the Port of Nanquin again which we had left two hundred and threescore leagues behinde us by reason that in all this distance we had multiplied a greater height then that of the Island was which we were in quest of Now although this was exceeding grievous unto us yet Similau desired Antonio de Faria to think the time we had past well spent because it was done for the best and for the better securing of our lives being asked then by Antonio de Faria how long vve should be in passing through this River he answered that vve should be out of it in fourteen or fifteen dayes and that in five dayes after he would promise to land him and his Souldiers in the Island of Calempluy vvhere he hoped fully to content his desire and to make him think his pains vvell bestowed vvhereof he now so complained Antonio de Faria having embraced him very lovingly thereupon vowed to be his friend for ever and reconciled him to his Souldiers vvho were very much out vvith him before Being thus reconfirmed by Similauâ— speeches and certified of this nevv course vve vvere to take he incouraged his company and put all things in order convenient for his design to that end preparing his Ordnance vvhich till then had never been charged he caused also his Arms to be made ready ordained Captains and Sentinels to keep good vvatch together vvith all besides that he thought necessary for our defence in case of any attempt upon
be 〈◊〉 tâ—keâ— â—s Similau had assured us we should then proceed on otherwise that we should 〈◊〉 wiâ—h the current of the water which would bring â—s directly to the Sea with its ordinary course This resolution taken and approved of every one we went on with no less confusion then fear for in so manifest a danger we could not chuse but be very much perplâ—â—ed the night following about break of day we discovered a little Bâ—rque â— heâ—d of us riding at 〈◊〉 in the midst of the River her we boarded with as little noise as might be and took five men asleep in her whom Antonio de Faria questioned each one apart by himself to see how they would agree in that they said To his demands they answered all of them that the Country wherein we were was called Temquilâ—m from whence the Island of Calâ—mplâ—y was distant but ten leagues and â—o many other questions propounded 〈◊〉 â—heâ— for our common securitie they answered likewise separately one from the other to very good purpose wherewith Antonio de Faria and his whole company were exceedingly well satisfied but yet it grieved us not a little to think what an inconvenience the lack of Similau would prove to us in this attempt however Antonio de Faria causing the five Chineses to be arrested and chained to oares continued his course two dayes and an half more at the end whereof it pleased God that doubling a cape of land called Guimai Tarâ—â— we discovered this Island of Calâ—mpluy which we had been fourscore and three dayes seeking for with extream confusion of pains and labour as I have before related CHAP. XXV Our Arrival at Câ—lempluy and the description thereof what hapned to Antonio de Faria in one of the Hermitages thereof and how we were discovered HAving doubled the Cape of Cuimai Tarâ—â— two leagues beyond it we discovered a goodly levell of ground scituated in the midst of a River which to our seeming was not above a league in circuit whereunto Antonio de Faria approached with exceeding great joy vvhich yet vvas intâ—rmingled vvith much fâ—â—r because he knew not to vvhat danger he and his were exposed about twelve of the clock at night he anchored vvithin a Canon shot of this Island and the next morning as soon as it vvas day he sate in Councell with such of his company as he had called to it there it was concluded that it was not possible so great and magnificent a thing should be without some kind of guard and therefore it was resolved that with the greatest silence that might be it should be rounded all about for to see what advenues it had or what Obstacles we might meet with when there was question of landing to the end that accordingly we might deliberate more amply on that we had to do With this Resolution which was approved by every one Antonio de Faria weighed anchor and without any noyse got close to the Island and compassing it about exactly observed every particular that presented it self to his sight This Island was all inclosed with a platform of Jasper six and twenty spans high the stones whereof were so neatly wrought and joyned together that the wall seemed to be all of one piece at which every one greatly marvelled as having never seen any thing till then either in the Indiaes or elsewhere that merited comparison with it this Wall was six and twenty spans deep from the bottome of the River to the Superficies of the water so that the full height of it was two and fifty spans Furthermore the top of the Platform was bordered with the same stone cut into great Tower-work Upon this wall which invironed the whole Island was a Gallerie of Balisters of turn'd Copper that from six to six fathom joyned to certain Pillars of the same Mettal upon each of the which was the figure of a Woman holding a bowl in her hand within this gallery were divers Monsters cast in mettal standing all in a row which holding one another by the hand in manner of a dance incompassed the whole Island being as I have said a league about Amidst these monstrous Idols there was likewise another row of very rich Arches made of sundry coloured pieces a sumptuous work and wherewith the eye might well be entertained and contented Within was a little wood of Orange Trees without any mixture of other plants and in the midst an hundred and threescore Hermitages dedicated to the gods of the year of whom these Gentiles recount many pleasant Fables in their Chronicles for the defence of their blindness in their fâ—lâ—â— belief A quarter of a league beyond these Hermitages towards the East divers goodly great Edifices were seen separated the one from the other with seven fore-fronts of Houses built after the manner of our Churches from the top to the bottome as far as could be discerned these buildings were guilt all over and annexed to very high Towers which in all likelihood were Steeples their Edifices were invironed with two great streets arched all along like unto the Frontispieces of the Houses these Arches were supported by very huge Pillars on the top whereof and between every arch was a dainty Prospective now in regard these buildings towers pillars and their chapters were so exceedingly guilt all over as one could discern nothing but Gold it perswaded us that this Temple must needs be wonderfull sumptuous and rich since such cost had been bestowed on the very Walls After we had surrounded this whole Island and observed the advenâ—es and entries thereof notwithstanding it was somewhat late yet would Antonio de Faria needs go ashore to see if he could get any Intelligence in one of those Hermitages to the end he might thereupon resolve either to prosecute his design or return back So having left a guard sufficient for his two Vessels and Diego Lobato his Chaplain Captain of them he landed with fourty Souldiers and twenty slaves as well Pikes as Harquebuses He also carried with him four of the Chineses which we took a while before both for that they knew the plaâ—e well as having been there at other times and likewise that they might serve us for truthmen and guides Being got to the shore unespied of any one and without noise we entred the Island by one of the eight Advenues that it had and marching through the middest of the little wood of Orange-trees we arrived at the gate of the first Hermitage which might be some two Musket-shot from the place we dis-imbarqued where that hapned unto us which I will deliver hereafter Antonio de Faria went directly to the next Hermitage he saw before him with the greatest silence that might be and vvith no little fear for that he knew not into what danger he was going to ingagâ— himself which he found shut on the inside he commanded one of the Chineses to knock at it as he did two or three times vvhen at last he heard one speak in
you may and cause us not to be all miserably slain with your further stay Howbeit little regarding or afraid of their words he went ashore only with six souldiers having no other arms but swords and targots and going up the stairs of the Key whither it were that he was vext for having lost so fair an occasion or carried thereunto by his courage he entered into the gallery that invironed the Island and ran up and down in it like a mad man without meeting any body That done and being returned abord his vessel much grieved and ashamed he consulted with his company about what they should do who were of opinion that the best course we could take was to depart and therefore they required him to put it accordingly in execution Seeing them all so resolved and fearing some tumults among the souldiers he was fain to answer that he was also of their mind but first he thought it fit to know for what cause they should fly away in that manner and therefore he desired them to stay for him a little in that place because he would trie whether he could learn by some means or other the truth of the matter whereof they had but a bare suspition for which he told them he would ask but half an hour at the most so that there would be time enough to take order for any thing before day some would have alledged reasons against this but he would not hear them wherefore having caused them all to take their oaths upon the holy Evangelists that they would stay for him he returned to land with the same souldiers that had accompanied him before and entering into the little wood he heard the sound of a bell which addressed him to another Hermitage far richer then that wherein we were the day before There he met with two men apparaled like Monks with large hoods which made him think they were Hermits of whom he presently laid hold wherewith one of them was so terrified as he was not able to speak a good while after Hereupon four of the six souldiers past into the Hermitage and took an Idol of silver from the altar having a crown of gold on its head and a wheel in its hand they also brought away three candlesticks of silver with long chains of the same belonging to them This performed Antonio de Faria carrying the two Hermits along with him went abord again and sailing away he propounded divers questions to him of the two that was least affraid threatning to use him in a strange fashion if he did not tell the truth This Hermit seeing himself so menaced answered That an holy man named Pilau Angiroo came about midnight to the house of the Kings Sepultures where knocking in haste at the gate he cryed out saying O miserable men buried in the drunkenness of carnal sleep who by a solemn vow have profest your selves to the honour of the Goddess Amida the rich reward of our labouâ—s hear hear hear O the most wretched men that ever were born There are strangers come into our Island from the further end of the World which have long beards and bodies of Iron these wicked creatures have entred into the Holy House of the seven and twenty Pillars of whose sacred Temple an holy man is keeper that hath told it me where after they had ransacked the rich treasures of the Saints they contemptedly threw their bones to the ground which they prophaned with their stinking and infectious spitting and made a mockerie of them like Devils obstinate and hardned in their wretched sins wherefore I advise you to look well to your selves for it is said that they have sworn to kill us all as soon as it is day Fly away then or call some people to your succour since being Religious men you are not permitted to meddle with any thing that may shed the blood of man Herewith they presently arose and ran to the gate where they found the Hermite laid on the ground and half dead with grief and wearinesse through the imbecillity of his age whereupon the Grepos and Meingrepos made those fires that you saw and withall sent in all haste to the Towns of Corpilem and Fonbana for to succour them speedily with the Forces of the Country so that you may be assured it will not be long before they fall upon this place with all the fury that may be Now this is all that I am able to say concerning the truth of this affair wherefore I desire you to return us both unto our Hermitage with our lives saved for if you do not so you will commit a greater sin then you did yesterday Remember also that God in regard of the continuall penance we perform hath taken us so far into his protection as he doth visit us almost every hour of the day wherefore labour to save your selves as much as you will yet shall you hardly do it For be sure that the earth the air the winds the waters the beasts the fishes the fowls the trees the plants and all things created will pursue and torment you so cruelly as none but he that lives in heaven will be able to help you Antonio de Faria being hereby certainly informed of the truth of the businesse sailed instantly away tearing his hair and beard for very rage to see that through his negligence and indiscretion he had lost the fairest occasion that ever he should be able to meet withall CHAP. XXVI Our casting away in the Gulf of Nanquin with all that befell us after this lamentable Shipwrack WE had already sailed seven dayes in the Gulf of Nanquin to the end that the force of the Current might carry us the more swiftly away as men whose safety consisted wholly in flight for we were so desolate and sad that we scarce spake one to another In the mean time we arrived at a Village called Susequerim where no news being come either of us or what we had done we furnished our selves with some Victual and getting Information very covertly of the course we were to hold we departed within two hours after and then with the greatest speed we could make we entred into a straight named Xalingau much lesse frequented then the gulf that we had past here we navigated nine dayes more in which time we ran an hundred and fourty leagues then entring again into the said Gulf of Nanquin which in that place was not above ten or eleven leagues broad we sailed for the space of thirteen dayes from one side to another with a Westerly winde exceedingly afflicted both with the great labour we were fain to indure and the cruel fear we were in besides the want we began to feel of Victuals In this case being come within sight of the mountains of Conxinacau which are in the height of forty and one degrees there arose so terrible a Southwind called by the Chineses Tufaon as it could not possibly be thought a natural thing so that our Vessels being
time since it was discovered being above two hundred years it never failed but rather more and more was found Having past about a league beyond those twelve Hoâ—ses up the River we came to a place inclosâ—d with three ranks of Iron grates where we beheld thirty Houses divined into five rows six in each row which were very long and compleat with great Towers full of Bells of cast mettle and much carved work as also guilt Pillars and the Frontispieces of fair hewed stone whereupon many Inventious were engraved At this place we went ashore by the Chifâ—us permission that carried us for that he had made a Vow to this Pagod which was called Bigay potim that is to say God of an hundred and ten thousand Gods Corchoo fungané ginaco ginaca which according to their report signifies strong and great above all others for one of the Errors wherewith these wretched people are blinded is that they beleeve every particular thing hath its God who hath created it and preserves its natural being but thâ—t this Bigay potim brought them all forth from under his arm-pitâ— and that from him as a father they derive their being by a filial union which they term Biâ—â— Porentasay And in the Kingdom of Pegu where I have often been I have seen one like unto this named by those of the country Ginocoginans the God of all greatness which Temple was in times past built by the Chineses when as they commanded in the Indiaes being according to their supputation from the year of our Lord Iesus Christ 1013. to the year 1072. by which account it appears that the Indiaes were under the Empire of China but onely fifty and nine years for the successor of him that conquered it called Exiragano voluntarily abandoned it in regard of the great expence of mony and bloud that the unprofitable keeping of it cost him In those thirty Houses whereof I formerly spake were a great number of Idols of guilt Wood and a like number of Tin Lâ—tten and Pourcelain being indeed so many as I should hardly be believed to declare them Now we had not past above five or six leagues from this place but we came to a great Town about a league in circuit quite destroyed and ruinated so that asking the Chineses what might be the cause thereof they told us that this Town was anciently called Cohilouza that is The flower of the field and had in former times been in very great prosperity and that about one hundred forty and two years before a certain stranger in the company of some Merchants of the Port of Tanaçarim in the Kingdom of Siam chanced to come thither being as it seems an holy man although the Bonzes said he was a Sorcerer by reason of the wonders he did having raised up five dead men and wrought many other Miracles whereat all men were exceedingly astonished and that having divers times disputed with the Priests he had so shamed and confounded them as fearing to deal any more with him they incensed the Inhabitants against him and perswâ—ded them to put him to death affirming that otherwise God would consume them with fire from Heaven whereupon all the Townsmen went unto the House of a poor Weaver where he lodged and killing the Weaver with his son and two sons in Law of his that would have defended him the Holy man came forth to them and reprehending them for this uproar he told them amongst other things That the God of the Law whereby they were to be saved was called Iesus Christ who came down from heaven to the earth for to become a man and that it was needful he should dye for men and that with the price of his precious bloud which he shed for sinners upn the Crosse God was satisfied in his justice and that giving him the charge of Heaven and Earth he had promised him that whosoever professed his Law with Faith and good works should be saved and have everlasting life and withall that the gods whom the Bonzes served and adored with sacrifices of bloud were false and Idols wherwith the Devil deceived them Here at the Churchmen entred into so great furie that they called unto the people saying Cursed be he that brings not wood and fire for to burn him which was presently put in execution by them and the fire beginning exceedingly to rage the Holy man said certain Prayers by vertue whereof the fire incontinently went out wherewith the people being amazed cryed out saying Doubtlesse the God of this man is most mighty and worthy to be adored throughout the whole World which one of the Bonzes hearing who was ring-leader of this mutiny and seeing the Town-men retire away in consideration of that they had beheld he threw a stone at the holy man saying They which do not as I do may the Serpent of the night ingulf them into hell fire At these words all the other Bonzes did the like so that he was presently knock'd down dead with the stones they flâ—ng at him whereupon they cast him into the river which most prodigiously staid its course from running down and so continued for the space of five days together that the body lay in it By means of this wonder many imbraced the law of that holy man whereof there are a great number yet remaining in that country Whilest the Chineses were relating thishistory unto us we arrived at a point of land where going to double Cape we descryed a little place environed with trees in the midst whereof was a great cross of stone very well made which we no sooner espied but transported with exceeding joy we fell on our knees before our Conductor humbly desiring him to give us leave to go on shoar but this Heathen dog refused us saying that they had a great way yet to the place where they were to lodge whereat we were mightily grieved Howbeit God of his mercy even miraculously so ordered it that being gone about a league further his wife fell in labour so as he was constrained to return to that place again it being a Village of thirty or forty houses hard by where the Cross stood Here we went on land and placed his wife in an house where some nine days after she died in Child-bed during which time we went to the Cross and prostrating our selves before it with tears in our eyes The people of the Village beholding us in this posture came to us and kneeling down also with their hands lift up to heaven they said Christo Iesu Iesu Christo Maria micauvidau late impont model which in our tongue signifies Iesus Christ Iesus Christ Mary always a Virgine conceived him a Virgine brought him forth and a Virgine still remained whereunto we weeping answered that they spake the very truth Then they asked us if we were Christians we told them we were which as soon as they understood they carried us home to their houses where they entertained us with great affection Now all these
Benan Prince of Pafua whom the death of her husband had made resolve to shut her self up in this Monastery with six thousand women that had followed her thither and she had taken upon her as the most honourable Title she could think on the name of the broom of the House of God The Ambassadors went to see this Lady and kissed her feet as a Saint she received them very courteously and demanded many things of them with great discretion whereunto they rendred such answers as became them but coming to cast her eye upon us who stood somewhat far off and understanding that never any of our Nation was seen in those parts before she enquired of the Ambassadors of what Country we were They answered that we were come from a place at the other end of the world whereof no man there knew the name At those words she stood much amazed and causing us to come nearer she questioned us about many things whereof we gave her such an account as greatly contented her and all that were present In the mean time the Princess wondring at the answers which one of ours made her They speak said she like men that have been brought up amongst people who have seen more of the world then we have So after she had heard us talk a while of some matters that shâ— had propounded unto us she dismissed us with very good words and caused an hundred Taeis to be given us in way of an alms The Ambassadors having taken their leave of her continued their voyage down along the river so that at the end of five days we arrived at a great Town called Rendacalâ—m scituated on the uttermost Confines of the Kingdom of Tartaria Out of this place we entred upon the State of the Xinalâ—ygrau and therein we proceeded on four days together until such time as we came to a Town named Voulem where the Ambassadors were very well entertained by the Lord of the Country and abundantly furnished with all things necessary for their voyage as also with Pilots to guide them in those rivers From thence we pursued our course for seven days together during the which we saw not any thing worthy of note and at length came to a straight called Catenâ—ur whereinto the Pilots entred as well to abridge their voyage as to avoid the encounter of a famous Pirot who had robbed those parts of most of their wealth Through this straight running East as also East North-east and somtimes East and by East according to the windings of the water we arrived at the Lake of Singapamor called by them of the Country Cunebetea which was as our Pilots affirmed six and thirty leagues in extent where we saw so many several sorts of birds that I am not able to recount them Out of this Lake of Singapamor which as an admirable Master-piece nature hath opened in the heart of this Country do four very large and deep rivers proceed whereof the first is named Ventrau that runneth Eastward through all the Kingdoms of Sornaâ— and Siam entring into the Sea by the Bâ—â— of Chiamtabuu in six and twenty dâ—grees The second Iangumaa that going South and South-east traverseth also the greatest part of this Country as likewise the Kingdom of Chiammay the Laos Gueos and another part of Danbambur disimboking into the Sea by the Bar of Martabano in the Kâ—ngdom of Pegu and there is in distance from the one to the other by the degrees of this Climate above seven hundred leagues The third called Pamphileu passeth in the same manner through all the Countries of Capimper and Sacotay and turning above that second river runs quite through the Empire of Monginoco and a part of Meleytay and Sovady rendring it self into the Sea by the Bar of Cosmim near to Arracaâ— The fourth which in all likelihood is as great as the rest is not known by any name neither could the Ambassadors give us any reason for it but it is probable according to the opinion of divers that it is Ganges in the Kingdom of Bengala so that by all the discoveries which have been made in these Oriental Countries it is conceived that there is not a greater river then it Having crossed this Lake we continued our course for the space of seven dayes till we came to a place named Caleyputa the inhabitants whereof would by no means permit us to land for the Ambassadors endeavouring to do so they entertained us with such store of darts and stones from the shore as we thought us not a little happy in that we could save our selves from the danger of it After we had gotten out of this place much vexed with the bad entreaty we had received there that which most afflicted us was to sâ—t our selves unprovided of things we were greatly in need of but by the counsel of our Pilots we sailed by another river far larger then the straight which we had left and that by the spâ—ce of nine dayes at the end whereof we arrived at a very good Town called Tarem the Lord of which was subject to the Cauchin who received the Ambassadors with great Demonstrations of love and furnished them abundantly with all that they wanted The next day we departed from thence about Sur-set and continuing our voyage down the river about seven days after we came to an Anchor in the Port of Xolor which is a very fair Town where all the enammelled purcelain which is carried to China is made There the Ambassadors stayed five days during which time they caused their ships that were very heavy to be haled ashore by the force of boats That done and provision made of all things nâ—cessary they went to see certain Mines which the King of Cauchin hath in that place from whence great store of silver is drawn and the Ambassadors being desirous to know how much silver those Mines yielded every year they were answerâ—d that the whole amounted to some six thousand Picos which make eight thousand Quintals of our weight After our departure from the Town of Xolor we still continued our course for five days together down that great river and saw all along that while a many of great Boâ—oughs and goodly Towns for in that Climate the Land is better then other where very well peâ—pled and full of riches withall the rivers are frequented with a world of vessels and the fields very well tilled and replenished with abundance of wheat rice all kind of pulse and exceeding great Sugar-canes whereof there is marvellous store in all that Country The Gentlemen there are ordinarily clothed in silk and mounted on horses handsomly furnishâ—d as for the women they are exceeding white and fair Now it was not without much labour pain and danger that we passed those two Channels as also the river of Ventinau by reason of the Pyrats that usually are encountred there nevertheless we at the length arrived at the Town of Manaquileu which is scituated at the foot of the Mountains
the manner as it past I will say no more but that the Necoda of the Lorche which had brought us thither from Vzamguee amâ—zed at this so great barbarousness of ours seperated himself from us in such displeasure that he would not charge himself either with our messages or letters saying that he had rather the King should command his head to be cut off then to offend God in carâ—ying with him any thing whatsoever that belonged to us Thus different as we were in opinions and in very bad terms amongst our selves we lingered above nine dayes in this litâ—le Island during which time the three Juncks departed without vouchsafing to take us in so that we were constrained to remain in these solitudâ—s exposed to many great dangers out of which I did not think that ever we could have escaped if God had not been extraordinarily merciful unto us for having been there seventeen dayes in great misery and want it hapened that a Pyrat named Samipocheca arrived in this place who having been defeated went flying from the Fleet of Aytao of Chincheo that of eight and twenty Sayl which this Pyrat had had tâ—ken six and twenty of them from him so that he had with much ado escaped with those only two remaining wherein the most part of his men were hurt for which cause he was consâ—rained to stay there seven dayes to have them cured Now the present necessity inforcing us to take some course whatsoever it were we were glad to agree for to serve under him until such time as we might meet with some good opportunity to get unto Malaca Those twenty dayes ended wherein yet there was no manner of reconciliation between us but still continuing in discord we imbarqued our selves with this Pyrat namely three in the Junk where he himself was and five in the other whereof he had made a Nephew of his Captain Having left this Island with an intent to sail unto a Port called Lailoo some seven leagues from Chincheo we continued our voyage with a good wind all along the Coast of Lamau for the 〈◊〉 of nine dayes until that one moâ—ning when we were near to the river of salt which is about five leagues from Chabaquea it was our ill fortune to be assailed by a Pirate who with seven great Juncks fell to fighting with us from six in the morning till ten of the clock before noon in which conflict we were so entertained with shoâ— and pots full of arâ—â—ficâ—al fire that at last thâ—re were three Sâ—il burnt to wit two of the Pirats and one of ours which was the Junck wherein the five Portugals were whom we could by no means succour for that then most of our men were hurt But at length towards night being well refreshed by the afternoons gale it pleased our Lord that we escaped out of this Pirats hands In this ill equipage wherein we were we continued our course for three dayes together at the end whereof we were invironed by so great and impetuous a Tempest that the same night in which it seized us we lost the Coast and because the violence of the Storm would never suffer us after to recover it again we were forced to make with full Sail towards the Islands of the Lequios where the Pirate with whom we went was well known both to the King and those of the Country with this resolution we set our selves to â—ail through the Archipelage of these Islands where not withstanding we could not make land as well for that we wanted a Pilot to steer the vessel ours being slain in the last fight as also because the wind and tide was against us Amidst so mâ—ny crosses we beat up and down with labour enough from one â—homb to another for three and twenty dayes together at the end whereof it pleased God that we discovered land whereunto approaching to see if we could descry any appearance of a Port or good anchorage we perceived on the South-coast near to the Horizon of the Sea a great fire which perswaded us that there we might peradventure find some Borough where we might furnâ—sh our selves with fresh water whereof we had very great need So we went and rode just before the Island in seventy fathom and presently we beheld two Almedias come towards us from the Land with six men in them who being come close to the side of our Junck and having complemented with us according to their manner demanded of us from whence we câ—me whereunto having answered that we came from China with merchandise intending to trade in this place if we might be suffered one of the six replyed That the Nautaquim Lord of that Island called Tanixumaa would very willingly permit it upon payment of such customs as are usual in Iapan which is coâ—â—inued he this great Country that you see here before you At these news and many other things which they told us we were exceeding glad so that after they had shewed us the Port we weighed anchor and went and put our selves under the lee-shoar of a crâ—ek which was on the South-side and where stood a great Town named Miay-gimaa from whence there came instantly abord of us divers Paraoos with refreshments which we bought We had not been two hours in this Creek of Miaygimaa when as the Nautaquim Prince of this Island of Tanixumaa came directly to our Junck attended by divers Gentlemen and Merchants who had brought with them many Chests full of silver Ingots therewith to barter for our commodities so after ordinary complemenâ—s past on either side and that we had given our word for his easiest coming aboard of us he no sooner perceived us three Portugals but he demanded what people we were saying that by our beards and faces we could not be Chineses Hereunto the Pirate answerâ—d That we were of a Country called Malaca whither many years before we were come from another Lend named Portugal which was at the further end of the world At these words the Nautaquim remained much amazed and turning himself to his followers Let me not live said he unto them if these men here be not the Chenchicogis of whom it is written in our books that flying on the top of the waters they shall from thence subdue the inhabitants of the earth where God hath created the riches of the world wherefore it will be a good fortune for us if they come into our Country as good friends Thereupon having called a woman of Lequia whom he had brought to serve as an interpreter between him and the Chinese Captain of the Junck Ask the Necoda said he unto hâ—r where he met with these men and upon what occasion he hath brought them hither with him into our Country of Jappon The Captain thereunto replied That we were honest men and Merchants and that having found us at Lampacau where we had been cast away he had out of charity taken us in as he used to do unto all such as he met withall in the
Taeis it rose before the end of eight dayes to an hundred and threescore at which rate too the Merchants seemed to part with it very willingly Thus by the means of this unreasonable desire of gain nine Juncks which were then in the Port were in fifteen days ready to set Sail though to say the truth they were all in such disorder and so unprovided that some amongst them had no other Pilots then the Masters themselves who had but little understâ—anding in Navigation In this bad order they departed all in company together one Sunday morning notwithstanding that they had the wind the season the sea and all things else contrary not suffering themselves to be guided by reason or the consideration of the dangers which they are subject unto that commit themselves to this Element For they were so obstinate and so blinded as they would not represent any inconvenience to themselves and I my self was so infortunate that I went along with them in one of their Vessels In this manner they sailed all that same day as it were groping between the Islands and the firm Land but about midnight there arose in the dark so mighty a Storm accompanied with such horrible rain that suffering themselves to be carried at the mercy of the wind they ran upon the Sands of Gotom whereof the nine Juncks two only as it were by miracle were saved so that the other seven were lost out of which not so much as one man escaped This loss was thought to amount unto above three hundred thousand Crowns in commodities besides the greater which was of six hundred persons that left their lives there whereof there were an hundred and forty Portugals all rich men and of quality As for the other two Juncks in one of the which by good hap I was joyning in conâ—ort together they followed the course they had begun until such time as they arrived at the Island of the Lequios There we were beaten with so furious a North-east wind which inâ—reased by the conjunction of the new Moon that our vessels were seperated in such sort as we could never see one another again After dinner the wind turned to West North-west whereby the Sea was so moved and the waves rose with such fury as it was a most dreadful thing to behold whereupon our Captain named Gaspar Melo a very couragious Gentleman seeing the greatest part of the prow of the Junck to be half open and that there was niâ—e spans water in the bottom of her he resolved by the advice of all the Officers to cut down the two Masts whose weight was the cause of the opening of the Junck howbeit this could not be done with such care but that the main Mast in its â—all overwhelmed fourteen persons whereof five were Portugals which were all crushed in pieces a spectacle so lamentable to behold that it exceedingly grieved every mans heart Now forasmuch as the Storm increased more and more we were constrained to let our selves be carried at the mercy of the Sea even until Sun-set at which time the Junck made an end of splitting quite asunder whereupon our Captain and every one of us seeing the deplorable estate whereunto our sins had reduced us fell to preparing our selves for our last end Having in this sort past away half of the night about the first quarter of the watch we struck upon a Shelâ— where at the first blow the Junck broke all to pieces the event whereof was so lamentable that threescore and two men left their lives there some of which were drowned and the rest squeezed to death under the Keel of the Vessel There were but four and twenty of us besides some women that escaped from this miserable Shipwrack Now as soon as it was day we perceived by the sight of the Island of fire and of the Mountain of Taydacano that the Land where we were was the great Lequio whereupon wiâ—h tears in our eyes recommending our selves â—o God and marching up to the brest in water we swam over certain dâ—eper places and so went five dayes together in great pain not finding in all that time any thing to eat but the slime which the Sea cast up on the mud Howbeit aâ— length by the mercy of God we got to land where going into the woods we sustained our selves with a certain herb like unto Sorrel whereof there was great plenty along these Coasts which was all the nourishment that we had for three days space that we were there until at last we were espyed by a boy that was keeping of cattel who as soon as he had discovered us ran to the next Village which was some quarter of a league off for to give notice of it to the inhabitants there who presently thereupon with the sound of Drums and Cornets assembled all their Neighbours round about them so that within three or four hours they wâ—re a Company of about two hundred men whereof there were fourteen on horsback As soon as they descried us a far off they made dirâ—ctly towards us whereupon our Captain seeing the wretched estate whereunto we were reduced fell down upon his knees and began to encourage us with many good words desiâ—ing us to remember That nothing in the world could fall out without the Providence of God and therefore like good Christians we should assure our selves it was his pleasure that this should be the last hour of our lives so that we could not do better then to conform our selves to his holy will and with patience imbrace this pitiful end which came from his Almighty hand craving pardon from the bottoâ— of our hearts for all our sins past and that for himself he had such confidence in his mercy that we duly repenting us according as we were obliged by his holy Commandments he would not forget us in this our extremity Having made us this Exhortation and lifted up his hands to Heaven he cried out three times together with abundance of tears Lord have mercy upon us which words were reiterated by all the rest but with such sighs and groans of true Christians and so full of devotion and zeal that I may truly say the thing which then we feared least was that which naturally is most abhorr'd As we were in this grievous agony six horsmen came unto us and beholding us in a manner naked without arms on the ground upon ouâ— knees and two women lying as it were dead before us they were so moved with compassion that four of them turning back to the footmen which were coming on made them all to stay not suffering them to approach us Howbeit a little after they came to us again bringing with them six footmen which seemed to bâ— some of the Officers of Justice who by the commandment of the horsmen tied us three and three together and with some shew of pity bid us That we should not be afraid for that the King of the Lequios was a man greatly fearing God and
what he had to do The Rolim went herewith back to the City where he gave the Queen an account of all things saying That this Tyrant was a man without faith and replete with damnable intentions for proof whereof he represented unto her the Siege of Martabano the usage of the Chaubainhaa after he rendred himself unto him upon his word and how he had put him his wife his children and the chiefest Nobility of his Kingdom to a most shamefull death These things considered it was instantly concluded as well by the Queen as by all those of her Councel that she should defend the City till such time as succour came from her Father which would be within fifteen days at the furthest This resolution taken she being of a great courage without further delay took order for all things that were thought necessary for the defence of the City animating to that end her people with great prudence and a man-like Spirit though she was but a woman Moreover as she liberally imparted to them of her Treasure so she promised every one throughly to acknowledg their services with all manner of recompences and honours whereby they were mightily encouraged to fight In the mean space the King of Bramaa seeing that the Rolim returned him no answer within the time prefixt began the next day to fortifie all the Quarters of his Camp with double rows of Cannon for to batter the City on every side and for assaulting of the walls he caused a great number of Ladders to be made publishing withall throughout his whole Army that all Souldiers upon pain of death should be ready within three days to go to the Assault The time then being come which was the third of May 1545. About an hour before day the King went out of his Quarter where he was at anchor upon the river with two thousand vessels of choice men and giving the Signal to the Commanders which were on Land to prepare themselves they altogether in one Body assailed the walls with so great a cry as if Heaven and earth would have come together so that both sides falling to encounter pell-mell with one another there was such a conflict betwixt them as within a little while the air was seen all on fire and the earth all bloody whereunto being added the clashing of weapons and noise of guns it was a spectacle so dreadful that we few Portugals who beheld these things remained astonished and almost besides our selves This fight indured full five hours at the end whereof the Tyrant of Bramaa seeing those within defend themselves so valiantly and the most part of his Forces to grow faint he went to land with ten or eleven thousand of his best men and with all diligence re-inforcing the Companies that were fighting the Bickering renewing in such sort as one would have said it did but then begin so great was the fury of it The second trial continued till night yet would not thâ— Kâ—ng desist from the fight what counsel soever was given him to retire but contrarily he swore not to give over the Enterprise begun and that he would lie that night within the inclosure of the City walls or cut off the heads of all those Commanders that were not wounded at their coming off In the mean time this obstinacy was very pejudicial to him for continuing the Assault till the Moon was gone down which was two hours past midnight he was then forced to sound a Retreat after he had lost in this Assault as was the next day found upon a Muster fourscore thousand of his men besides those which were hurt which were thirty thousand at the least whereof many died for want of dressing whence issued such a plague in the Camp as well through the corruption of the air as the water of the river that was all tainted with blood and dead bodies that thereby about fourscore thousand more perished amongst whom were five hundred Portugals having no other buriall then the bellies of Vultures Crows and such like birds of prey which devoured them all along the Coast where they lay The King of Bramaa having considered that this first Assault having cost him so dear would no more hazaâ—d his men in that manner but he caused a great Terrace to be made with Bavins and above ten thousand Date-trees which he commanded to be cut down and on that he raised up a platform so high as it over-topped the walls of the City two fathom and more where he placed fourscore pieces of Ordnance and with them continually battering the City for the space of nine dayes together it was for the most part demolished with the death of fourteen thousand persons which quite abated the poor Queens courage especially when she came to understand that she had but six thousand fighting men left all the rest which consisted of women chidren old men being unfit and unable to bear Arms. The miserable besieged seeing themselves reduced to such extreamity assembled together in Councel and there by the advice of the chiefest of them it was concluded That all in general should anoint themselves with the Oile of the Lamps of the Chappel of Quiay Nivandel God of Battail of the field Vitan and so offering themselves up in sacrifice to him set upon the platform with a determination either to dye or to vanquish in vowing themselves all for the defence of their young King to whom they had so lately done homage and sworn to be true and faithful Subjects This resolution taken which the Queen and all her Nobility approved of for the best and most assured in a time wherein all things were wanting to them for the longer defending themselves they promised to accomplish it in the manner aforesaid by a solemn Oâ—th which they all took Now there being no further question but to see how they should carry themselves in this affair they first of all made an Uncle of the Queens the Captains of this resolute Band who assembling these six thousand together the same night about the first quarter of the watch made a sally out of the two gates that were neerest to the Terrace and platform and so taking courage from their despair and resolution to dye they fought so valiantly that in less then half an hour the whole Camp was put in disorder the Terrace gained the fourscore pieces of Cannon taken the King himself hurt the Pallisado burnt the Trenches broken and the Xenimbrum General of the Army slain with above fifteen thousand â—en more amongst the which were five hundred Turks there weâ—e moreover forty Elephants taken besides those that were killed and eight hundred Bramaas made prisoners so that these six thousand resolute men did that which an hundred thousand though valiant enough could hardly have effected After this they retreated an hour before day and upon a review they found that of six thousand which they were there was but seven hundred slain This bad success so grieved and incensed the
among the common people certain Magistrates like to our Aldermen of Wards do decide it and if contention happens to arise between persons of an higher quality then they submit to the judgment of certain religious men who are expresly deputed for that purpose and from them matters pasâ—e on in manner of appeal to the Queitor of Justice which is as the superintendent thereof from whose sentence there is no appeal how great and important soever the business be The Monarchy of these seven and twenty Kingdomes hath seven hundred Provinces that is six and twenty in every Kingdome and in the capitall town of each of those Provinces doth a Governor preside all of them being of like and equall power Now on every new Moon each Captain is bound to muster the souldiers that are under his charge which ordinarily are two thousand foot five hundred horse and fourscore fighting Elephants one of the which is called by the name of the capitall town of the same Province so that if one should make a just computation of all those men of war that are in those seven hundred companies of those Provinces they would appear to be seventeen hundred and fifty thousand whereof there are three hundred and fifty thousand horse and five and fifty thousand Elephants for in regard of the great number that there are of those beasts in that country this Emperor stiles himself in his titles Lord of the indomptable force of Elephants The revenue which the Monarch draws from his Royall Prerogatives by them called the price of the Scepter as also from his Mines amounts to twenty millions of gold without compâ—ising therein the presents which are given him by the Princes Lords and Captains and a great quantity of money that is distributed amongst the men of war according to every onâ—â— merit which are not of that accompt In all this country pearl amber and salt are very much esteemed of because they are things that come from the Sea which is far distant from the City of Timplaâ— but of all other commodities they have infinite store The Country of it self is very healthy the ayr very good and likewise the waters When they sneeze they use to say the God of truth is three and one whereby one may judge that these people have had some knowledge of the Christian Religion Being departed from the town of Bidor we held on our course down the great river of Pitâ—y and the same day at night we went and lodged at a certain Abby of the land of Quiay Iareno the God of married folks this Abby is seated on the bank of the river in a plain where are a great many of trees planted and very rich buildings here the Ambassador was well entertained by the Cabizondo and the Talagrepos then continuing our voyage seven dayes longer we arrived at a town named Pavel where we staid three dayes to furnish our vessells with some provisions which we needed in this place the Ambassador bought divers knacks of China and other commodities that were sold there at a very cheap rate as musk fine porcelains wrought silks Ermins and many other sorts of furs which are much used in that country because it is extreme cold there these wares were brought thither by great troops of Elephants and Rhinocero's from a certain far distant Province as the Merchants told us called Friouâ—araniaa beyond the which they said was a kind of people called Calogâ—â—s and Funcaos tawny men and great Archers having their feet like unto Oxen but hands like unto other men save that they are exceeding hairy they are naturally inclined to cruelty and have below at the end of the backbone a lump of flesh as big as ones two fists their dwelling is in mountains that are very high and rough on some parts where there are mighty deep pits or caves from whence are heard in winter nights most dreadfull cries and dolefull lamentations We were told likewise that not far from these people there were others called Calouhos Timpates and Bugems and a good way beyond them some named Oquens and Magores who feed on wild beasts which they catch in hunting and eat raw as also on all kind of contagious creatures as lizards serpents and adders they hunt those wild beasts mounted on certain animalls as big as horses which have three horns in the midst of their foreheads with thick short legs and on the middle of their backs a row of prickles wherewith they prick when they are angry and all the rest of the body is like â— great lizard besides they have on their necks instead of hair other prickles far longer and bigger then those on their backs and on the joynts of their shoulders short wings like to the sins of fishes wherewith they fly as it were leaping the length of five or six and twenty paces at a jump These creatures are called Banazes upon which these savage ride into the country of their enemies with whom they hold continuall war and whereof some pay them tribute in salt which is the thing they make most account of in regard of the need they have of it for that they are very far distant from the Sea We spake also with other men called Bumioens who live on high mountains where there are Mines of Alum and Lacre and great store of wood of this Nation we saw a troop conducting of above two thousand oxen on whom they had put pack-saddles and so made them to carry their Merchandise these men were very tall and had eys and beards like the Chineses We saw others likewise that had reasonable long beards their faces full of freckles and their ears and nostrills pierced and in the holes thereof small threds of gold made into clasps these were called Ginaphogaas and the Province whereof they were Natives Surobosay which within the mountains of the Laâ—hos are bounded with the lake of Chiammay and are cloathed with hairy skins going bare-foot and bare-headed certain Merchants told us that these had great richeâ— and that all their traffique was in silver whereof they had great store We spake also with another sort of men call d Tuparoâ—ns who are tawny great eaters and much addicted to the pleasures of the flesh these gave us better entertainment then all the rest and oftentimes feasted us Now because in a certain banquet where we nine Portugals were with the Ambassador one of us named Francisco Temuda challenged them to drink they taking it for a great affront caused the feast to continue the longer for the recovery of their honor but the Portugal set on them so lustily twenty that they were as he laid them all along drunk on the ground himself remaining still sober when they were out of their drink the Sapiton that was their Captain and in whose house the feast had been made called his company together which were above three hundred and whether the Portugal would or no made him to mount upon an Elephant and so lead him
bring them the sooner to land In this equipage and in this order the new Roolim parted from the City of Martabano two hours before day and continued his course amidst these Vessellâ— which made as I have delivered a kind of street and forasmuch as it was not yet day there were a great number of Lanterns of different fashions placed amongst the boughs As soon as he began to set forth a Canon was shot off three times at which sign there was such a noyse of Bells and great Ordnance as also of divers sorts of very strange Instruments intermingled with the cries and acclamations of the people as one would have thought that heaven and earth would have come together When he was arrived at the Kay where he was to land he was received with a solemn Procession by certain religious men that live in solitary places and are called Menigrâ—pos which are like to the Capucins in France whom these Gentiles infinitely respect by reason of their manner of living for according to the rule which they observe they use more abstinence by far then all the rest These same being some six or seven thousand in number were all bare foot and cloathed with black Mat to shew their contempt of the world upon their heads they wore the sculls and bones of dead men and great cords about their necks having all their faces dawbed over with dirt and a writing hanging upon them which contained these words Mire mire do not cast thine eye on thy basenesse but on the recompenses which God hath promised to those that vilifie themselves to serve him When as they were very neer to the Roolim who received them very affably they prostrated themselves with their faces down to the ground and after they had continued so some time the chiefest amongst them looking on the Roolim May it please him said he from whose hand thou hast newly received so great a blessing as to be the Head of all on the earth to rendâ—r thee so good and so holy a man that all thy works may be as pleasing unto him as the innocency of children which hold their peace when their mother gives them the dug Whereunto all the rest answered with a great noyse of confused voices Permit O Lord Almighty that it may be so Passing on then accompanied with this Procession which the King for the greater honor governed himself together with some of the principall personages whom he called unto him for that purpose he went directly to the place where the dead Roolim lay buried and being arrived at his Tomb he fell down flat with his face upon it then having shed a great many tears he said with a sad and dolefull voice as if he had spoken to the deceased May it please him who raigns in the beauty of the Stars to make me deserve the honor to be thy Slave to the end that in the house of the Sun where now thou recreatest thy self I may serve as a broom to thy feet for so shall I be made a Diamond of so high a price as the world and all the riches thereof together shall not be able to equall the value of it whereunto the Grepos answered God grant it Thereupon taking a pair of Beads which had belonged to the deceased and that was upon the Tomb he put it about his neck as a relique of great worth giving as an Almes six Lamps of silver two Censors and six or seven pieces of violet coloured Damask This done he retired unto his Palace accompanied still with the King the Princes and great Lords of the Kingdome as also with the Priests that were there assistant from whom he presently rid himself and then from out of the window he threw down upon the Assembly handfulls of Rice as amongst the Papists they use to cast Holy Water which all the people received upon their knees with their hands lifted up This Ceremony ended which lasted very neer three hours they gave three toles with a Bell upon which Signal the Roolim retired for altogether and so did the Vessells and they that came in them wherein all that day was wholly bestowed About evening the King took his leave of the Roolim and returned to the City making directly the next morning towards Pegu which was some eighteen leagues from thence where he arrived the day following two hours within night without making any entry or shew to testifie the extreme griefe he was in for the death of the late Roolim whom it was said he greatly affected CHAP. LXIII That which the King of Bramaa did after his arrivall at the City of Pegu together with his besieging of Savady TWo and twenty daies after the King of Bramaa arrived at the City of Pegu he perceived by the Letter which his Ambassador brought him from the Calaminham that he had concluded the League with him against the Siamon yet in regard the season was not fit for him either to commence that war or to assail the Kingdome of Avaa as he desired he resolved to send his Foster-brother unto whom as I have already declared he had given the title of lawfull Brother to the siege of Savady which was some hundred and thirty Leagues from thence to the North-East Having assembled an Army then of an hundred and fifty thousand men amongst whom were thirty thousand strangers of divers Nations and five thousand fighting Elephants besides three thousand others that carried the baggage and the victualls the Chaumigrem departed from Pegu with a Fleet of thirteen hundred rowing Vessells the fifteenth of the moneth of March Fourteen daies after he arrived in the sight of Savady and having cast Anchor neer to a great Plain called Gâ—mpalaor he remained there six daies in attending the five thousand Elephants which were to come to him by land who were no sooner arrived but he began to besiege the Town so that having begirt it round he assaulted it three times in the open day and retreated still with very great losse as well in regard of the notable resistance which they within made against him as of the extreme trouble his people were at in planting their ladders against the walls by reason of their bad scituation which was all of Slate whereupon consulting with his Commanders about what he should do they were all of opinion to have it battered with the Canon on the weakest side untill that by the overthrow of some part of the wall a breach might be made whereby they might enter with more ease and lesse danger This resolution was as soon executed as taken so that the Ingineers fell to making of two manner of bull-works on the outside upon a great Platform composed of great beams and bavins which in five daies they raised up to such an height as it surpassed the wall two fathom at the least This done they planted on each bulwark twenty great pieces of Ordnance wherewith they began to batter the Town so violently that in a little time they beat
the apprehension and visions of this last end troubled us more then death it self wherewith we imagined our selves to be already ensnared At the end of seventeen daies that this painfull and sad voyage had lasted God shewed us so much grace that during the obscurity of a very rainy night we discovered a certain light little more then a Faulcon shot before us the fear we were in at the first that we were neer some Town made us to stand still for a good space without knowing what to resolve upon untill we observed that this light seemed to move whereby we conjectured that it was some Vessell which went from one port to another as indeed half an hour after we perceived one wherein there were nine persons who approaching to the bank of the river neer to the place where we were landed all in a Creek that was there in the form of an Haven and presently making a fire they began to prepare their supper which was no sooner ready but they fell to eating with great demonstrations of mirth wherein they bestowed a pretty good time At length when they were well replenished with meat and drink it happened that all nine of them amongst whom there were three women fell fast asleep whereupon seeing that we could not find a more favourable occasion to make our benefit of this adventure we went all eight of us very softly into the barque that stuck half in the Ouze and was tyed fast to a great stake which pushing forth with our shoulders we set aflote and then imbarquing our selves in it with all speed we began to row down the river with as little noyse as possibly we could make Now in regard the current of the water and the wind were both very favourable unto us we found our selves the next morning above ten leagues from the place vvhence vve parted namely neer to a Pagode called Quiay Hinarel that is to say the God of Rice vvhere vve met but only vvith one man and seven and thirty vvomen the most of them old and Religionaries of this Temple vvho received us vvith a great deal of charity although in my opinion they did it rather out of fear of us then any vvill that they had to do â—s good Having questioned them about many things vvhich served for our purpose they could give us no pertinent ansvver thereunto alledging still that they vvere but poor vvomen vvho upon a solemn vovv had renounced all things in the vvorld and confined themselves into this inclosure vvhere they bestovved all their time in continuall prayer to Quiay Ponuedea vvhich moves the clouds of heaven that he vvould be pleased to give them rain vvhereby their grounds might be made fruitfull to produce them abandance of Rice In this place vve spent all the day in caulking our barque and furnishing our selves at these religious vvomens cost vvith Rice Sugar French Beans Onyons and some smoak-dried flesh vvherevvith they vvere sufficiently provided Being parted from hence about an hour vvithin night vve continued our course vvith our Oars and Sails for seven vvhole days together vvithout so much as once daring to touch the Land so much vvere vve in fear of some disaster that might easily arrive to us from those places vvhich vve savv all alongst the river But as it is impossible to avoid that here belovv vvhich is determined there above just at the instant as vve vvere continuing on our course all confused as vve vvere and in a perpetuall alarm by reason of the danger that vvas alvvays present before our eys as vvell for that vvhich vve savv as for that vve vvere in doubt of our ill hap vvould have it that an hour before day as vve past thorough the mouth of a Channell three Paraos of Pyrats assaulted us vvith such violence and vvith so many different sorts of Dâ—rts vvhich they showred upon us that within less then two Credoes they had killed three of our companions as for us five that remained vve cast our selves into the Sea all bloudy as we vvere vvith the vvounds vvhich vve had received vvhereof tvvo others died a little after When as vve vvere got ashore vve hid our selves in the vvoods vvhere vve past all that day in lamenting our present mishap after so many fortunes as vve had run thorough before time Thus vvounded as vve vvere parting from thence in more hope of death then life vve proceeded on our vvay by Land vvith so much pain and irresolution concerning vvhat vve vvere to do as vve fell many times a vveeping vvithout being able to comfort one another in regard of the small likelyhood there vvas of saving our lives by any humane means As vve vvere reduced to this deplorable estate vvith tvvo of our companions ready to die it pleased our Lord vvhose succour doth ordinarily supply our defects that in a place vvhere vve found our selves upon the bank of the vvater there chanced to pass by a Vessell vvherein there vvas a Christian vvoman named Violenta vvho vvas married to a Pagan to vvhom this Vessell appertained vvhich he had laden vvith Cotton Wooll to sell off at Cosmin this vvoman no sooner perceived us but moved vvith pity at the sight of us Iesus cried she these are Christians which I behold that said she caused the Vessell vvherein she vvas to come to the shore and leaping on Land together vvith her husband they fell both of them to imbracing us vvith tears in their eys and then made us to be imbarqued vvith them presently whereupon this vertuous Dame took a care to have our vvounds drest and provided us of cloaths the best that she could rendring us many other good offices of a true and charitable Christian Then setting aside all fear vve parted from this place vvith all speed five days after thorough Gods grace vve arrived safely at the Tovvn of Cosmin vvhich is a part of the Sea in the Kingdome of Pâ—gu vvhere in the house of this good Christian vvoman vve vvere as vvel looked unto that in a short time vve found our selves thoroughly cured of all our hurts Now vvhereas there is never any vvant in the grace which God doth to his creatures it pleased him that at that very time vve met in this Port vvith a ship vvhereof Luis de Montorrayo vvas Master vvho vvas upon the point of setting sail for Bengala so that after we had taken our leave of our Hostess to whom we rendred many thanks for all the benefits vvhich we had received of her we imbarqued our selves with the said Luis de Montarroyo who likewise intreated us exceeding well and furnished us abundantly with all that was necessary for us At our arrivall at the Port of Chaâ—igan in the Kingdome of Bengala where there was at that time many Portugals I instantly imbarqued my self in the foist of a certain Merchant called Fâ—rnando Caldeyra who was bound for Goa where it pleased God I arrived in good health There I found Pedro de Faria who had been
Frâ—ncisco Toscano a Worshipfull and rich man who defrayed our chaâ—ge during all our Voyage yea and most part of the time that vve were in China not permitting any of our Company to spend a peny From this Island Pullo Timan we put to sea on Friday the seventh of Iune in the same yeer One thousand five hundred fifty and five and discovering the firm land of the Kingdome of Champaa we sailed along the Coast with a North-West winde and in twelve dayes we arrived at an Island called Pullo Champeiloo in the Straight of Cauchenchina where we took in fresh vvater at a River which descended from an high Mountain There amongst the Rocks we perceived a very-fair Cross graven on a great free Stone and under it 1518 with six letters abbreviated which said Duart Coelho We observed also towards the River and on the South-side two flight shot off threescore and two men hanged on trees alongst the Strand besides others that lay on the ground half eaten a thing which seemed to have been done not above six or seven dayes before Upon another tree there hung a great Banner wherein these vvords vvere seen in Chinese letters Let every Ship or Iunck which shall arrive in this place be sure to dislodg quickly from thence after shee hath furnished her self with fresh water whether shee hath time or hath it not on pain of incurring the same justice as these wretches have done whom the fury of the arm of the son of the Sun hath overwhelmed Wee were mightily surprised vvith so strange an accident so that vve could make no other judgment of it but that some Chinese Army had arrived there and meeting with those vvretches had as Pirats use to do intreated them as vve saw under the specious pretext of Justice CHAP. LXXVIII Our departure from the Iland of Champeiloo and our arrivall at that of Lampacau with a relation of two great disasters which hapned in China unto two Portugal Colonies and of a strange accident that befell in the Country WHen we were parted from the Iland of Champieloo we got to the Ilands of Canton so that on the fifth day of our voyage it pleased God that we arrived at one of them called Lampacau where at that time the Portugals excercised their commerce with the Chineses which continued untill the year One thousand five hundred fifty and seven when as the Mandarins of Canton at the request of the Merchants of the Country gave us the port of Macao where the trade now is of which place that was but a desert Iland before our country men made a very goodly plantation wherein there were houses worth three or four thousand Duckats together with a Cathedral Church Moreover this Colony hath its Governor Auditor and Officers of Justice whereunto I shal add that the inhabitants of this place are in as great safety there as if they were in the quietest part of Portugal But God grant of his infinite mercy and goodnesse that this Colony may be of longer durance then that of Liampoo which was another of the Portugals and whereof I have spoken at large heretofore being two hundred leagues from this same on the North Coast. But ill fortune would that by the disorder of one Portugal it was demolished in a very little time in which disaster I my self was present and can say that the losse which was made there as well of people as of riches was inestimable For in this plantation were three thousand men whereof twelve hundred were Portugals and the rest Christians of divers nations Yea and I have heard many say which spoke like knowing men thereof that the Portugals traffick there exceeded three millions of gold Now the most part of this traffick was in lingots of silver of Iapan which had been found out not above two months before and was such as a man doubled his mony three or four times by the commodities which he sent thither In this Colony there was a Governor who resided in the Country there were also an Auditor Judges Sheriffs Aldermen a Provisor of the deceased and Orphelins a town Clark and all other Officers that are usually in a Commonwealth together with four publick Notaries and six Registers each of whose offices were sold for three thousand duckats yea and there were some farre dearer There were also two Hospitals wherein above thirty thousand duckats was spent every year and the Town house had in revenue six thousand per annum So that it was generally said that this Colony was the richest and best peopled of any that was in the Indiaes besides for matter of extent it had not its fellow in all Asia Furthermore when the Registers or Secretaries passed any Grant or when the publick Notaries made any writings they ordinarily used these termes In this most noble and alwaies faithfull town of Liampoo for the King our Soveraign Lord. Now having said so much of it I hold it not amisse to tell you how and wherefore so noble and rich a Colony was destroyed which arrived in this sort There was living there a man of a good extraction and rank named Lancerote Pereyra born at Pont de Lima a town in Portugal it is said that this same had lent some thousand duckats to certain Chineses who were not men solvent but became bankrupts and never paid him any thing nor could he hear any newes of them afterwards which was the cause that desiring to make good this losse and to recover it of them which were not the occasion of it he assembled for that effect some eighteen or twenty Portugals idle fellows and of lewd dispositions with whom under the favor of the night he fell upon a village some two leagues from thence where he robbed eleven or twelve labouring men and withall seizing on their wives and children killed about half a score persons without any reason at all so to do In the mean time the Alarum being taken up by the whole country round about by reason of this violence the inhabitants went and complained to the Chumbin for Justice and having made a verball process of the businesse they presented it in the name of the people to the Chaem of the Government which is as one of the Vice-Roys of the Kingdome who immediately thereupon dispâ—tched away an Haitau who is as an Admirall amongst us with an Army of three hundred Juncks and four score Vançons with Oares wherein there were threescore thousand men which being all made ready in seventeen daies came and fell on this misfortunate Colony and the matter passed in so strange a manner for them as I must confesse I have not capacity enough to recount it sufficiently neither understanding enough to imagine it only it shall suffice me to say as one who saw it that in lesse then the space of five hours which this dreadfull chastisement of the hand of God indured these cruell enemies left not any thing at all in Liampoo to which one could give a name