that is in their Language Most penâ—trating Wits For they could not apprehend how in so short a time we had been able to build so great a Ship tho' it was but 60 Tuns It might have been indeed call'd a moving Fortress for all the Savages inhabiting the Banks of those Lakes and Rivers I have mention'd for five hundred Leagues together were fill'd with Fear as well as Admiration when they saw it The best Designs are often cross'd by some unexpected Accidents which God permits to happen to try Men's Constancy as I experienc'd at that time One of our Crew gave me notice that the Sieur de Tonti our Commander entertain'd some Jealousie of me because I kept a Journal of all the considerable Things that were transacted and that he design'd to take the same from me This Advice oblig'd me to stand upon my guard and take all other Precautions to secure my Observations and remove the Jealousie that Gentleman had of me For I had no other Design but to keep our Men to their Duty and to Exercises of Piety and Devotion for preventing Disorders and for the furtherance of our Common Undertaking In the mean time our Enemies spread very disadvantageous Reports of us in Canada where we were represented as rash and inconsiderate for venturing upon a dangerous Voyage age from which in their Opinion none of us would ever return This together with the Difficulties we labour'd under for transporting the Rigging of our Ship and the other Inconveniencies necessarily attending a Voyage through an unknown Country Lakes and Rivers where no European had travell'd before and the Oppositions from the Iroquois caus'd me an unparallel'd Vexation But these Reports were still more prejudicial to M. la Salle whose Creditors without enquiring into the Truth of the matter or expecting his Return from Fort Frontenac seiz'd all his Effects in Canada tho' that very Fort alone the Property whereof belong'd to him was worth twice more than all the Debts he ow'd However it being impossible to stop the Mouth of our Enemies who had no other Design but to oblige us to give over our Enterprize notwithstanding the Trouble and great Charge we had been at for our Preparations we resolv'd to wait with patience the Opportunities Divine Providence would present us with and to pursue with Vigour and Constancy our Design Being thus prepar'd against all Discouragements I went up in a Canow with one of our Savages to the Mouth of the Lake Erie notwithstanding the strong Current which I master'd with great difficulty I sounded the Mouth of the Lake and found contrary to the Relations that had been made unto me that a Ship with a brisk Gale might sail up to the Lake and â—urmount the Rapidity of the Current and that therefore with a strong North or North-East Wind we might bring our Ship into the Lake Erie I took also a view of the Banks of the Streight and found that in case of need we might put some of our Men a-shoar to hall the Ship if the Wind was not strong enough CHAP. XVII The Author's Return to Fort Frontenac BEfore we could go on with our intended Discovery I was oblig'd to return to Fort Frontenac to bring along with me two Monks of my own Order to help me in the Functions of my Ministry I left our Ship riding upon two Anchors within a League and a half of the Lake Erie in the Streight between the said Lake and the great Fall Niagara Mr. Charon an Inhabitant of Canada desir'd to return with me to avoid the ill Usage he receiv'd from M. Tonti who was an irreconcileable Enemy of all the Subjects of the King of Spain having been as he thought hardly us'd by the Spaniards in the Revolution of Naples in which he was concern'd as well as his Father We embark'd in a Canow with one of our Savages and fell down the Streight till we came to the great Fall where we went ashoar and carry'd our Canow over-land to the Foot of the great Rock already mention'd and from thence we continu'd our Course to the Mouth of the Lake Ontario where we found the Bark or Brigantine we have spoken of which the Sieur la Forest had brought from Fort Frontenac M. la Forest having spent some Days in that place for Bartering his Commodities with the Natives we embark'd on board his Brigantine together with fifteen or sixteen Savage Women who took that opportunity to make forty Leagues by Water which otherwise they had been oblig'd to travel a-foot over-over-land through the Woods but they not being us'd to this way of Travelling fell so sick that their Vomiting created an insufferable Stink in our Ship Being arriv'd into the River of Aoueguen M. la Forest exchang'd some Brandy for Beavers-Skins but I must confess this Commerce of Strong-Waters was never accepable to me for if the Savages drink but a little too much of that Liquor they are worse and more dangerous than mad Men. Having done our Business in that Place we sail'd from the Southern to the Northern Coast of the Lake and the Wind being favourable we quickly pass'd by the Village which lies on the other side of Keute and Ganeousse but were becalm'd not far from Fort Frontenac which oblig'd me to get into a Canow with two Savages to manage it We landed in the Island of Goilans so nam'd from Sea-Fowls of that Name who abound in that Place and lay their Eggs upon the Sand where they are hatch'd by the Heat of the Sun I carry'd away along with us four Baskets full of them which we found very relishing in Omelets and Pancakes I was kindly receiv'd by Four Missionaries of my own Order that I found there viz. Father Gabriel de la Ribourde Luke Buisset Zenobe Mambre and Milithon Watteau all Natives of the Spanish Netherlands They told me that they knew how much I had suffer'd in my Mission during the Winter and chiefly from that Italian who deserted the Service of his Natural Prince that is Tonti I have already spoken of I conceal'd part of the Discouragements I had met with because I design'd to engage Fathers Gabriel and Zenobe in our Voyage and also because I knew that M. de la Salle whose Temper I was acquainted with by my own Experience made a constant use of this famous Maxim Divide impera to dispose with a greater facility of the Men under him to compass his own Designs And having as great a Passion as he to discover some New Countries I thought it best to make no Complaints which he took very kindly and receiv'd me in a very obliging manner That Gentleman was Judicious and of extraordinary Parts and very desirous to make himself famous by some New Discoveries about which we had frequent Conferences He told me several times That he knew no Religious Order so fit as ours for improving New Colonies and he was a very good Judge in those Matters having spent nine or ten Years
Latitude CHAP. XX. An Account of what hapned in our Passage from the Lake Erie unto the Lake Huron I Had often advis'd M. la Salle to make a Settlement upon the Streight between the Lake Erie and Ontario where the Fishery is more plentiful for that Settlement would have been very advantageous to us to maintain our Communication with Fort Frontenac I told him also that it were fit to leave in that Settlement the Smith he and M. la Motte had promis'd to the Iroquois and that it would be a means to engage that wild Nation into our Inteeest and to trade only with us whereby he would grow rich in a little time But M. la Salle and the Adventurers who were with him would not hearken to my Advice and told me that they would make no Settlement within 100 Leagues of their Fort lest other Europeans should get before them into the Country they were going to discover This was their Pretence but I soon observ'd that their Intention was to buy all the Furrs and Skins of the remotest Savages who as they thought did not know their Value and so inrich themselves in one single Voyage I endeavour'd also to perswade him to make a settlement upon this charming Streight for being in the midst of so many Nations of Savages we could not but have a good Trade amongst them This was the Argument I made use of but the main Reason which I kept to my self was to have an Opportunity to preach the Gospel to those ignorant Nations M. la Salle would by no means hearken to my Advice and told me he wonder'd at my Proposal considering the great Passion I had a few Months before for the Discovery of a New Country The Current of that Streight is very violent but not half so much as that of Niagara and therefore we sail'd up with a brisk Gale and got into the Streight between the Lake Huron and the Lake St. Claire this last is very shallow especially at its Mouth The Lake Huron falls into this of St. Claire by several Canals which are commonly interrupted by Sands and Rocks We sounded all of them and found one at last about one League broad without any Sands its depth being every where from three to eight Fathoms Water We sail'd up that Canal but were forced to drop our Anchors near the Mouth of the Lake for the extraordinary quantity of Waters which came down from the Superiour Lake and that of Illionois because of a strong North-West Wind had so much augmented the Rapidity of the Current of this Streight that it was as violent as that of Niagara The Wind turning Southerly we sail'd again and with the help of twelve Men who hall'd our Ship from the Shoar got safely the 23d of August into the Lake Huron We sung Te Deum a second time to return our Thanks to the Almighty for our happy Navigation We found in that Lake a large Bay the Banks of which the ancient Hurons inhabited They were converted to the Christian Religion by the first Franciscans that came into Canada but the Iroquois have in a great measure destroy'd that Nation CHAP. XXI An Account of our Navigation on the Lake Huron to Missilimakinak HAving thus travell'd above 300 Leagues from Quebec to the Lake Huron notwithstanding the rapid Currents and Lakes we went through we continuâ—d our Voyage from the Mouth of this Lake steering our Course North-North-East but the next Day finding our selves near the Land we steer'd North-North-West and cross'd a Bay call'd Sakinam which may be thirty Leagues broad The 24th we run the same Course but were becalm'd between some Islands where we found but two Fathoms Water which oblig'd us to make an easie sail part of the Night to look for a good Anchorage but in vain and the Wind turning then Westerly we bore to the North to avoid the Coast till the Day appear'd We sounded all the Night long because our Pilot though a very Understanding Man was somewhat negligent The 25th we lay becalm'd till Noon but then run North-West with a brisk Southerly Gale The Wind turning South West we bore to the North to double a Cape but then the Wind grew so violent that we were forc'd to lie by all the Night The 26th the Storm continuing we brought down our Main Yards and Top-Mast and let the Ship drive to the Mercy of the Wind knowing no place to run into to shelter our selves M. la Salle notwithstanding he was a Courageous Man began to fear and told us we were undone and therefore every body fell upon his Knees to say his Prayers and prepare himself for Death except our Pilot whom we could never oblige to Pray and he did nothing all that while but Curse and Sweaâ— against M. la Salle who as he said had brought him thither to make him perish in a nasty Lake and lose the Glory he had acquir'd by his long and happy Navigations on the Ocean However the Wind being somewhat abated we hoisted up our Sail and so we drove not above two Leagues The 27th in the Morning we continu'd our Course North-West with a South-East Wind which carry'd us the same Day to Missilimakinak where we anchor'd in a Bay at six Fathoms Water upon a slimy white Bottom That Bay is shelter'd by the Coast and a Bank from the South-West to the North but it lies expos'd to the South which is very violent in that Country Missilimakinak is a Neck of Land to the North of the Mouth of the Streight through which the Lake of the Illinois discharges it self into the Lake Huron That Canal is about three Leagues long and one broad About fifteen Leagues to the Eastward of Missilimakinak there is another Point at the Mouth of the Streight whereby the Superiour Lake runs into that of Huron which Streight is about five Leagues broad at its Mouth and about fifteen Leagues long but it grows narrow towards the Fall of St. Mary which is a rapid Stream interrupted by several Rocks However a Canow may go up by one side but it requires a great Fatigue and therefore the safest and easiest way is to make a Portage above the Fall to go and Trade with the Savages inhabiting the Banks of the Superiour Lake We lay between two different Nations of Savages those who inhabit the Point of Missilimakinak are call'd Hurons and the others who are about three or four Leagues more Northward are Outtaouatz Those Savages were equally surpriz'd to see a Ship in their Country and the Noise of our Cannon of which we made a general Discharge fill'd them with a great Apprehension We went to see the Outtaouatz and celebrated the Mass in their Habitation M. la Salle was finely dress'd having a Scarlet Cloak with a broad Gold Lace and most of his Men with their Arms attended him The Chief Captains of that People receiv'd us with great Civilities after their own way and some of them came on board with us
had another opportunity of persecuting us afâ—esh He had so dexterously manag'd the matter with the Warriours of his Party that it was one Day impracticable for us to encamp near the young Chief Narhâ—toba who protected us but were forc'd to go and place our selves with our Canow and Effects at the end of the Camp Then it was that these Barbarians gave us to understand that the aforesaid Captain was fully resolv'd to have our â—eads This oblig'd us to have recourse once more to our Chest and to take out twenty Knives and some Tobacco which we distributed among them with an Air that sufficiently testify'd our Discontent The unreasonable Wretch look'd earnestly upon his Followers one after another as if he were in doubt what to do and consequently to demand their Advice whether he ought to receive our Present or refuse it But whilst we were inclining our Necks and delivering him the Ax the young Commander who seem'd to be our Protector and it may be really was came and snatch'd us by the Arm and all in a rage hurry'd us away to his Cabin His Brother too taking up some Arrows broke 'em in our sight to assure us by that Action that he would protect our Lives at the hazard of his own The next Day they left us alone in our Canow without putting any of their Men a-board to assist us as they had hitherto done However they kept all in the reer of us After rowing four or five Leagues another of their Captains came up to us and made us land As soon as we got on shoar he fell to cutting of Grass which he made into three little Heaps and bade us sit down upon them Then he took a piece of Cedar which was full of little round Holes into one of which he thrust a Stick of a harder Substance than the Cedar and began to rub it about pretty fast between the Palms of his Hands till at length it took fire The use he put it to was to light the Tobacco in his Great Pipe and after he had wept some time over us and laid his Hands on our Heads he made me smoak in a Calumet or Pipe of Peace and then aâ—quainted us by Signs that within sixteen Days we should be at home CHAP. LI. Ceremonies us'd by the Savages when they share their Prisoners Continuation of our Iourney by Land HAving thus travell'd nineteen Days in our Canow by Water we arriv'd at length within five or six Leagues of the Fall to which we had formerly given the Name of St. Anthony as we came to understand afterwards Here the Barbarians order'd us to land in a Creek of the River Meschasipi after which they held an Assembly to consult what they were to do with us In short they separated and gave us to three of their Chiefs instead of three of their Sons which had been kill'd in the War Then they seiz'd our Canow and took away all our Equipage The Canow they pull'd to pieces for fear it might assist us to return to their Enemies Their own they hid amongst the Alders to use again when they should have occasion to hunt that way So that though we might have gone conveniently enough quite up into their Country by Water yet were we oblig'd by their Conduct to travel no less than sixty Leagues a-foot Our ordinary Marches were from break of Day till ten at Night And when we met with any Rivers we swam them themselves who for the most part are of an extraordinary size carrying our Clothes and Equipage on their Heads and the Canow-men who were less than me upon their Shoulders because they could not swim As I us'd to come out of the Water which was often full of Ice for we travell'd still North I was hardly able to stand upon my Legs In these Parts the Frosts continue all night even at this time of the Year so that our Legs were all over Blood being cut by the Ice which we broke by degrees in our Passage as we waded o'er the Lakes and Rivers We never eat but once in four and twenty Hours and then nothing but a few Scraps of Meat dry'd in the Smoak afâ—er their Fashion which they afforded us with abundance of regâ—et I was so weak that I often lay me down resolving rather to die than follow these Savages any farther who travell'd at a rate so extraordinary as far surpasses the Strength of any European However to hasten us they sometimes set fire to the dry Grass in the Meadows through which we pass'd so that our Choice was march or burn I had a Hat which I had taken with me to fence me from the Sun during the Heats of the Summer This would often fall from my Head into the Fire because it was not over-fit and the Fire so very near The Barbarians would snatch it out again and lend me a hand to save me from the Flames which they had kindled as well to hasten our March as I have said as to give notice to their People of their return I must here acknowledge that had it not been for du Gay who did all he could to encourage me through the whole Course of this tiresome March I had certainly sunk under the Fatigues of it having neither Spirits nor Strength left to support me CHAP. LII A great Contest arises amongst the Savages about dividing our Merchandise and Equipage as also my Sacerdotal Ornaments and little Chest. AFter having travell'd about sixty Leagues a-foot and undergone all the Fatigues of Hunger Thirst and Cold besides a thousand Outrages daily done us in our Persons after we had march'd Night and Day without ceasing wading thro' Lakes and Rivers and sometimes swam As we now began to approach the Habitations of the Barbarians which are situated in Morasses inaccessible to their Enemies they thought it a proper time to divide the Merchandise which they had taken from us Here they had like to have fallen out and â—ut one another's Throats about the Roll of Martinico-Tobacco which might still weigh about fifty Pound These People value this Commodity far beyond what we do Silver or Gold They have very good of their own growth but this was so well dress'd and made up into such beautiful Rings that they were perfectly charm'd with it The most reasonable amongst them made us understand by Signs that they would give their Canow-men several Castor-Skins in return for what they had taken But others looking upon us as Slaves because they said we had furnish'd Arms to their Enemies maintain'd that they were no ways oblig'd to make any return for the Things they had taken The reason why they divided the Spoil here was because this Band was compos'd of two or three different People So that those that liv'd at a distance were apprehensive lest the others who were just at home might detain all the Merchandise which they had taken in the first Villages they should come at and therefore were resolv'd to
Dangers The Stream is so rapid that we cou'd not tell the Trees that were on the Bank and yet there was hardly room for our Canow to pass between the Rocks We were carry'd away by these horrid Currents above two great Leagues in a very short time and in two Days we came from Frontenac to Montreal which are about Threescore Leagues distant one from another Before our landing at Montreal my Men desir'd me to leave them with the Skins in a neighbouring Island to save some Duties or rather to keep off from M. la Salle's Creditors who wou'd have seizâ—d the Commodities they had got in their long Voyage with me in our gâ—eat Discovery Count Frontenac who was at Montreal looking out of a Window saw me alone in a Canow and took me for Father Luke Fillatre one of our Recollects who serv'd him as Chaplain But one of his Guards knowing me again went to him and acquainted him with my coming he was so kind as to come to meet me and made the best Reception that a Missionary might expect from a Person of that Rank and Quality He thought I had been murther'd by the Savages two Years ago He was at first surpriz'd thinking I was some other Recollect that came from Virginia But at last he knew me and gave me a very kind Entertainment This Lord did wonder to see me so much alter'd being lean tir'd and tann'd having lost my Cloak that the Issati had stoll'n from me being then cloath'd with an old Habit patch'd up with pieces of wild Bull's-Skins He carry'd me to his own House where I continu'd for twelve Days to refresh my self He forbad all his Servants to give me any thing to eat without his express Order because he was afraid I shou'd fall sick if I was left to my own Discretion to eat as much as I wou'd after so long Diet and he gave me himself what he thought was best He was much pleas'd to hear me talk of all the Hazards I had run in so long a Voyage among so many different Nations I represented to him what great Advantages might be got by our Discovery But having observ'd that he was always repeating the same Questions he ask'd me the first Day I was with him I told him I had acquainted him with what I knew and that I did not question but M. la Salle who was to go to the Court of France about his Affairs had acquainted him with all the Particulars of our Voyage having been in our Company till he was forc'd to leave us to return into Canada I knew that M. la Salle was a Man that wou'd never forgive me if I had told all that I knew of our Voyage therefore I kept secret the whole Discovery we had made of the River Meschasipi My Men were as much concern'd as I in concealing our Voyage for they had been certainly punish'd for having undeâ—taken it against Orders and the Skins they had got in their return from the Issati with M. du Luth who did stay for that reason among the Outtaouacts had likewise been confiscated Count Frontenac shew'd me in private a Letter M. du Luth had sent him by a Huron who liv'd in the Neighbourhood of the Outtaouacts by which he acquainted him he cou'd never learn any thing about our Voyage neither from me nor from the Men who attended me I cou'd not forbear then to tell him that M. du Luth was not so much devoted to his Service as he thought and that I might assure him that some Men that were oppos'd to him had stop'd M. du Luth's Mouth and that I was fully persuaded he had been sent by them with a secret Order to pump me but I was bound by my Character and in Charity to spare those Men tho' in many Occasions they had not dealt so justly with me but I was willing to leave all to God who will render to every one according to his Works Francis de Laval the first Lord Bishop of Quebec came along the River St. Laurence to make his Visitation while I was coming to Quebec with the Lord Frontenac We met him near Fort Champlein which had been fortif'd to put a Stop to the Inroads of the Iroquois The Lord Frontenac ask'd me if I had got an Ague and then looking upon those that attended him he said that the feeling of the Pulse increas'd the Feaver insinuating to me thereby that there was a Design laid against me to get out cunningly what I kept secret in my Heart After a short Conversation with the Bishop I ask'd his Episcopal Blessing tho' I did not think fit to reveal to him all that I knew of our Discoveries We were going to discourse more largely upon this Subject when the Lord Frontenac came in to invite the Bishop to Dine with him and thereby to give me an opportunity to put an end to our Conversation I was much puzzl'd in the Company of these two Great Men the Bishop was the Chief of the Company but I was yet to pay a great Respect to the Lord Frontenac I did avoid to talk of Matters that might be troublesome to me and I told the Bishop that the Lord Frontenac had prescrib'd me a Course of Diet lest I shou'd fall sick after all the Hardships I had endur'd and the bad Food I fed upon among the Savages therefore I desir'd him to give me leave to return to Quebec that I might live there in private for I was not able then to catechize the Children nor to perform any Functions of a Missionary in his Visitation and that I wanted from Rest that I might work more vigorously afterwards By these Means I avoided a Conversation with the Bishop that wou'd have prov'd very troublesome to me for he gave me leave to retire to our Monastery to rest there after all my Fatigues CHAP. LXXIV A great Defeat of the Illinois that were attack'd and surâ—riz'd by the Iroquois WHile I was resting after my great Labours the Lord Frontenac did receive Letters from Father Zenobe Mambre whom I left among the Illinois He sent him Word that the Iroquois had drawn the Miamis into their Party and that being joyn'd together they had form'd a great Army and were fall'n on a sudden upon the Illinois to destroy that Nation and that they were got together to the number of Nine hundred all Fusiliers these two Nations being well provided with Guns and all sort of Ammunitions of War by the Commerce they have with the Europeans The Iroquois were projecting this Enterprize about the 12 th of September 1680. while I was about the Discovery of the River Meschasipi The Illinois did not mistrust them for they had concluded a Treaty of Peace with these two Nations and M. la Salle had assur'd them that he wou'd do his utmost Endeavours to oblige them to observe the Treaty therefore the Illinois were easily surpriz'd having sent most part of their Youth to make a War in another
found above fifty of them there fit for Navigation which run all from the West or North-West of that Continent The Ground whereupon the Fort is built is somewhat sandy though any where else nothing but a good and rich Soil is to be found You may there see Meadows on all sides where the Grass grows higher than our Corn and that in all the Seasons of the Year also you meet with Rivers at two or three Leagues distance one from the other which are all beset on both sides with Oaks and Mulberry-Trees This continues Westward within two Days Journey from the Spaniards The Fort is built upon a rising Ground North and Southward having the Sea South-East vast Meadows on the West and on the South-West two Ponds and Woods of a League in Compass a River running at the Foot of it The neighbouring Nations are the Quoaki's who have very cheap Horses the Bahamo's and the Quinets wandring Nations with whom M. de la Salle was in War He omitted nothing during all that time that might comfort his small new Colony the Families whereof increas'd much in Children He propagated very much the grubbings up and the new Plantations M. Cheâ—deville and Cavelier with three Recollect Fryars did with one accord apply themselves to their Edification and to the Instructions of some Savage-Families who came from the foreign Nations to join with them All this while M. de la Salle us'd all his Endeavours to tame the Barbarians as knowing well that the keeping Peace with these People was of the utmost Importance for the settling of his Colony At last M. de la Salle thought that the onely way to effect it was to take another Journey into the Illinois and to that purpose he made as he was wont to do a very pathetick Speech before his little Colony who were all assembled and mov'd thereby so as to shed Tears being persuaded both of the necessity of this Journey and of the Rectitude of his Intentions and it had been well they had all persever'd in the same Sentiments He caus'd them to finish the Fortifications of the Inclosure wherein both the Habitations and the Fort were included After which he chose twenty Men the Priest Sieur Cavelier his Brother the Sieurs Moranger and Cavelier his Nephews with the Sieur Ioustel a Pilot and Father Anastasius a Recollect Fryar Publick Prayers were made for a Blessing both upon his Journey and Colony CHAP. VI. The Sieur la Salle's Departure from the Bay of St. Louis to go to the Illinois M. De la Salle set forth from that Bay with Twenty Men on the 7th of Ianuary 1687. And the very first day they met with an Army of Bahamo's who went to War against the Errigoanna's M. de la Salle made an Alliance with them and was willing to treat after the same manner with the Quinets but they betook themselves to flight at his Approach however by the Celerity of our Horse they were overtaken and Promises of an inviolable Peace were given on both sides On the 4th day three Leagues further to the North-East they found the first River abounding in Canes There is nothing to be seen there but Meadows and little Woods a little distant from one another These Lands are so plentiful that the Grass grows ten or twelve foot high There is a very great Number of Villages seated on that River which are extremely populous They visited none but the Quara's and the Anachorema Upon the same Rhomb three Leagues further is found the second River of Canes inhabited by different Nations And there are whole Fields full of Hemp. About five Leagues further they pass'd the River Sablonniere so call'd for its running upon a sandy bottom though the Lands about are firm Ground and consisting of large Meadows They march'd thence seven or eight Leagues further to the River Robec passing through Meadows and over three or four Rivers distant a League one from the other The Country about the River Robec is peopled with several large Villages the People whereof speak so much in the throat that it is almost impossible for a Stranger to fashion himself to it They are in War with the Spaniards and sollicited very much M. de la Salle to join himself with their Warriors but the making any stay there would not have advanc'd their Design Moreover M. de la Salle was not very likely with twenty Men to do great harm to the Spaniards Nevertheless they remain'd five or six Days amongst those People endeavouring to win them with Christian Instructions which they are not us'd to receive from the Spaniards In their March they travers'd great Meadows as far as the Malignant River It is very deep and so call'd because one oftheir Menhad been devour'd there by a monstrous Crocodile This River runs a great length and is inhabited by great numbers of People divided into forty very populous Villages which compose the Nation of the Kanoatinnos who are in War with the Spaniards and exercise Dominion over the Neighbouring Nations They visited some of those Villages inhabited by good though barbarous People Father Anastasius adds that the Cruelty of the Spaniards had made them yet more wild and unsociable But I suspect it to be one of M. de la Salle's Remarks who was willing to win those Nations to himself and to put them out of conceit with the Spaniards 'T is true that the Spaniards have been forc'd to destroy several Neighbouring Nations thereby to secure the Conquest of New Mexico because certainly those People would have destroy'd them had they not prevented them It ought to be taken for granted that those Barbarians have no consideration for the Europeans but so far as they stand in fear of them The promoting then of M. de la Salle's Design could not be done but by pulling down the Spaniards therefore he endeavour'd to raise those Barbarians against them He might however remember that being formerly together at Fort Frontenac I assur'd him very often of a thing with which he could not disagree viz. That the Spanish Yoke is perhaps the easiest and most tolerable in the World The Sieur de Lâ—â—â—lle unhappily assasinated Within the same Rhomb about four Leagues thence they pass'd in a Cajeu over the River Hiens or Hans mention'd already before Afterwards they took their way to the North-East and were oblig'd to cross several small Rivers and Inundations of Waters They did it in Winter-time which is felt in those Countries only by some Rains but the Spring was gone before they got out of that Country which upon the whole they found to be curiously diversify'd with Meadows Hills and Springs They came at last to three large Villages call'd Taraha Tyahappan and Palonna where they found Horses Some Leagues farther they came to the Palaquessons compos'd of ten Villages ally'd with the Spaniards I wonder that Father Anastasius hath not made a more distinct Journal of so many different Nations I desire then my
all underwoven with Brooks and Rivers with Meadows small Woods Hills and Vineyards They pass'd amongst others four large Navigable Rivers and at last after a march of about 60 Leagues they came to the Ossoteoez which do inhahit along a very large River which runs from North-West being edg'd on both sides with the finest Woods in the World The Beaver and Otter-Skins are there in so great abundance as also all sorts of other Furrs that great heaps of them are burnt being of no value there The famous River Akansa is border'd with great numbers of Villages as I have mention'd in the First Tome of my Discoveries Father Anastasius saith that they begun then to know where they were Yet he knew very well that neither he nor any of those four Persons had ever been over the River Meschasipi And indeed I alone with my two Watermen had been there in the Year 1680. and M. de la Salle had been there since in 1682. as far as Akansa 'T is likely Father Anastasius thought they were come then to Fort Crevecoeur in the Country of the Illinois because he found there a great Cross and at the Foot of it the Arms of France He saw moreover there a House built after the European fashion and this gave occasion to M. Ioutel and to the other two Men to let off their Guns At the noise of this Salvo two French-men of Canada appear'd to them The Commandants Name was Couture with whom I was particularly acquainted during my stay in Canada as having been one of the Company in the Expedition which we undertook for the Discovery of the Louisiana This M. Couture gave them to understand that M. Tonti had plac'd him in that little Fort by order of M. de la Salle for to maintain there Alliance with the Wild Nations neighbouring to those Parts and to shelter them against the Insults of the Iroquois their irreconcilable Enemies They visited three of those Villages the Torimans the Dogingas and the Kappas They were feasted and complemented every where and recreated with the Dances of the Calumet They had their Lodgment in the House appertaining to that little Fort and those of Canada who were setled there made them all the good Reception that could be wish'd for and made them Masters of every thing As for the Decision of Affairs amongst those Savages they never do resolve on any thing immediately but assemble first the Chief Men and Elders of the Villages and then they deliberate These Travellers had desir'd a Pyrogue or Boat of them and some Savages to sail upon the River Meschasipi and to go as far as the Illnois by the River of that Nation which I have nam'd in the Map of my Louisiana the River Seignelaâ— in Honor to the Minister of State of that Name who laid to the Heart and took care of all the Concerns of our Discovery Father Anastasius saith that they offer'd to those Savages their Horses with Powder and Bullets in exchange for a Pyrogue The Council having been call'd upon that account they were answer'd That the Pyrogue was granted them and four Savages to be their Guides one of each Nation the more to confirm the Alliance which they made with them This was executed very punctually so that they dismiss'd the Cahinnios with Presents to their Satisfaction We ought to observe on this Subject though I don't â—retend thereby to predjudicate in the least the Knowledge of M. de la Salle that certainly he had not yet found out the True Mouth of the River Meschasipi nor Father Anastasius neither who never had been in that Country And if this latter hath happily found it out by means of those Savages who were his Leaders it hath been only by the Knowledge which M. Fortin Commandant of the said little Fort gave him He will perhaps clear better this Business afterwards CHAP. X. A Voyage of the Sieur Cavelier a Priest and Father Anastasius a Recollect in a Canow in order to go to the Illinois and several other Circumstances concerning their Return AFter they had sojourn'd for some time amongst those People M. Cavelier and Father Anastasius embark'd on the first of August 1687. upon the River Meschasipi and travers'd it the same Day upon a Pyrogue forty foot long The Stream of the River was very strong in that place therefore being landed on the other side they continu'd their Journey a-foot for they had left their Horses at Akansa and perhaps it had been better for them had they kept them Noâ—e remain'd in the Pyrogue but the Young Cavelier whose tender Age together with the Fatigues of the Journey they had undergone hitherto did not permit him to go the rest of that Journey a-foot Father Anastasius is of opinion that from the place of their departure to the Illinois there might be about 400 Leagues distance though he speaks it only by Conjecture One of the Savages with a long Pearch conducted the Pyrogue and one of his Companions helped him by turns to manage it The rest of the Company did not make use of the Pyrogue but when forc'd to it by reason of some dangerous Pass or the crossing of some River They endur'd much Pains and Fatigues in this Journey the Heat being excessive in that Season and the sandy Grounds all burning from the scorching Heat of the Sun But above all the scarcity of Provisions for several Days was a great mortification to them Father Anastasius adds that they had already gone two hundred Leagues cross the Lands from St. Louis Bay viz. an hundred Leagues to the Cenesians threescore to the North-North-East and the other forty to the East-North-East from the Nassonians to the Cadodacchos forty to North-North-East from the Cadodacchos to the Cahinnios and Mentou's twenty five to East North-East and from the Cahinnios to the Akansas sixty East-North-East They went on their Journey up the River by the same places which they had heard of by M. de la Salle in 1682. the Sichacas excepted whither they went For Father Anastasius saith that M. de la Salle was never there I have made mention of that Nation in my Discovery in 1680. describ'd in the precedent Tome The principal Village is twenty five Leagues to the East of the Akansas a strong and numerous Nation having at least four thousand Men employ'd in War They abound with all sorts of Skins The Chief Men brought to them several times the Calumet for a sign that they were willing to make Alliance with them They offer'd even to them the freedom to go and settle on the River Ouabache that so they might be nearer to Fort Crevecoeur in the Illinois Country whither they were a going This famous River Ouabache is very near as large as the River Meschasipi and a great many others are receiv'd into it The Mouth where it runs into the Meschasipi is distant from the Akansas 200 Leagues according to the estimation which M. de la Salle had made of it
to see our Ship which rode all that while in the Bay or Creek I have spoken of It was a diverting Prospect to see every Day above sixscore Canow's about it and the Savages staring and admiring that fine Wooden Canow as they call'd it They brought us abundance of White Fishes and some Trouts of 50 and 60 pound Weight We went the next Day to pay a Visit to the Hurons who inhabit a rising Ground on a Neck of Land over-against Missilimakinak Their Villages are fortify'd with Palisado's of 25 foot high and always situated upon Eminences or Hills They receiv'd us with more Respâ—ct than the Outtaouatz for they made a triple Discharge of all the small Guns they had having learn'd from some Europeans that it is the greatest Civility amongst us However they took such a Jealousie of our Ship that as we understood since they endeavour'd to make our Expedition odious to all the Nations about them The Hurons and Outtaouatz are in Confederacy together against the Iroquois their Common Enemy They sow Indian Corn which is their ordinary Food for they have nothing else to live upon except some Fish they take in the Lakes They boil it with their Sagamittee which is a kind of Broth made with Water and the Flour of the Corn which they beat in a Mortar made of the Trunk of a Tree which they make hollow with Fire There is another Habitation of Savages near the Fall of St. Mary The French caâ—â— them Leapers because they live near that great Fall which they call a Leap These subsist together by Hunting Staggs Elks Beavers and other Beasts as also upon the White Fishes we have spoken of whose Fishery is so difficult in this Place that none but themselves are able to â—atch any They sow no Indian Corn because of the thick Fogs that are commonly on the Banks of the Superiour Lake which stifle Corn before it grows Missilimakinak and the Fall of St. Mary are the two most considerable Passages of all the Savages of the West and North for there are above two hundred Canow's that come through these Passes every Year to carry their Commodities to the French at Montreal below Fort Frontenac Our Enterprize had been very successful hitherto and we had reason to expect that every body would have contributed to carry on vigorously our great Design to promote the Glory of God as well as the Good of our Colonies However some of our own Men oppos'd it as much as they could they represented us to the Outtouatz and their Neighbours as dangerous and ambitious Adventurers who design'd to engross all the Trade of Furrs and Skins and invade their Liberty the only thing which is dear to that People The fifteen Men that M. la Salle had sent before him had been seduced and almost drawn from his Service The Goods which he had given them to exchange with the Natives were dissipated and wasted and instead of advancing as far as the Illinois as they were order'd they remain'd amongst the Hurons notwithstanding the Exhortations and the Prayers of M. Tonti who Commanded them Our Men went into the Country to Trade with the Natives and engag'd themselves too far so that they did not return to Missilimakinak till November M. la Salle being told that the Winds made the Navigation of the Lake very dangerous in the beginning of the Winter resolv'd to continue his Voyage without tarrying any longer for the return of his Men. CHAP. XXII An Account of our Sailling from Missilimakinak into the Lake of the Illinois ON the 2d of September we weigh'd Anchor and sail'd into the Lake of the Illinois and came to an Island just at the Mouth of the Bay of the Puans lying about forty Leagues from Missilimakinak It is inhabited by some Savages of the Nation call'd Poutouatamis with whom some of the Men M. la Salle had sent the Year before had barter'd a great quantity of Furrs and Skins We found our Men in the Island who began to be very impatient having so long waited our arrival The Chief of that Nation had been formerly in Canada and had an extraordinary Respect for Count Frontenac who was Governour thereof and upon that account received us with all the Civâ—lity imaginable and caus'd his Men to dance the Calumet or Pipe before us This is a piece of Civility we shall describe anon Our Ship was riding in the Bay about thirty Paces from the furthermost Point of the Land upon a pretty good Anchorage where we rode safely notwithstanding a violent Storm which lasted four Days And upon this occasion I cannot omit without Injustice the Generosity of that Brave Captain who seeing our Ship toss'd up by the Waves and not knowing it was able to resist ventur'd himself in his little Canow and came to our assistance He had the good Luck to get safe on board and told us he would at all times venture his Life for saving the Children of Onnontio Governour of Canada who was his particular Friend It must be observ'd that that Governour is call'd Onnontio by all the Savages M. la Salle without asking any body's Advice resolv'd to send back his Ship to Niagara laden with Furrs and Skins to discharge his Debts our Pilot and five Men with him were therefore sent back and order'd to return with all imaginable speed to join us toward the Sourthern Parts of the Lake where we should stay for them among the Illinois They sailed the 18th of September with a Westerly Wind and fir'd a Gun to take their leave Tho' the Wind was favourable it was never known what Course they steer'd nor how they perish'd for after all the Enquiries we have been able to make we could never learn any thing else but the following Particulars The Ship came to an Anchor to the North of the Lake of the Illinois where he was seen by some Savages who told us that they advised our Men to sail along the Coast and not towards the middle of the Lake because of the Sands that make the Navigation dangerous when there is any high Wind. Our Pilot as I said before was dissatisfy'd and would steer as he pleas'd without hearkning to the Advice of the Savages who generally speaking have more Sense than the Europeans think at first but the Ship was hardly a League from the Coast when it was toss'd up by a violent Storm in such a manner that our Men were never heard of since and it is suppos'd that the Ship struck upon a Sand and was there bury'd This was a great loss for M. la Salle and other Adventures for that Ship with its Cargo cost about sixty thousand Livres This will seem incredible to many but not to those who will consider that the Rigging Anchors and Goods were brought by Canow's from Quebec to Fort Frontenac which is such a vast Charge that the Carriage of every hundred Weight either of Anchors Cables and the like cost eleven Livres CHAP. XXIII An
Account of our Embarkment in Canow's to continue our Discovery from the Bay of Puans to the Miamis on the Lake of the Illinois WE left the Poutouatamis on the 19th of September to continue our Voyage being Fourteen Men in all in four Canow's I had the Conduct of the smallest tho' it carry'd 500 Weight and two Men but my Fellow being newly come from Europe and consequently unskill'd to manage these sort of Boats I had the whole Trouble upon me in any stormy Weather The other four Canow's were laden with a Smith's Forge and Instruments and Tools for Carpenters Joyners and Sawers besides our Goods and Arms. We steer'd to the South toward the Continent from which the Island of the Poutouatamis is near forty Leagues distant but about the middle of the way in the Night-time we were surpriz'd with a sudden Storm whereby we were in great danger The Waves came into our Canow's and the Night was so dark that we had much ado to keep Company together However we got a-shoar the next Day where we continu'd till the Lake grew calm again which was four Days after In the mean time our Savage went a Hunting but could kill nothing but a Porcupine which made our Cittruls and Indian Corn more relishing The Weather being fair we continu'd our Voyage the 25th and row'd all the Day and best part of the Night all along the Western Coast of the Lake of the Illinois but the Wind growing too high for us we thought fit to land upon a Rock where we had nothing to shelter our selves against the Snow and the Rain but our Coverings We continu'd there two Days having made a little Fire with the Wood the Waves did supply us with The 28th we proceeded on our Voyage but the Wind forc'd us towards Night on a Rock cover'd with thick Bushes where we remainâ—d three Days and there made an end of all our Provisions which consisted in Cittruls and Indian Corn we had bought from the Poutouatamis Our Canows were so loaded that we could not provide our selves for a longer time and we expected to find Provisions enough in our way We left that dismal Place the 1st of October and after twelve Leagues rowing tho fasting came to another Village of the Poutouatamis who came upon the Shoar to receive us But M. la Salle would not suffer any one to land lest his Men should run away and notwithstanding the bad Weather we follow'd him three Leagues farther We were in so great danger that he flung himself into the Water with his three Men and carry'd a-shoar their Canow upon their Shoulders for else it had been broken to pieces We were all oblig'd to do the same and by these means sav'd our Canow's and Goods I carry'd upon my Back that good Man Father Gabriel whose great Age did not permit him to venture himself into the Water As we had no manner of Acquaintance with the Savages of the Village near which we landed our Men prepar'd themselves to make a vigorous Defence in case they were attack'd and in order to it possessed our selves of a rising Ground where we could not be surpriz'd and where we might make head against a great number of Savages We sent afterwards three Men to buy Provisions in the Village with the Calumet or Pipe of Peace which the Poutouatamis of the Island stad given us I had forgot to mention that when they made us that Present they observ'd a great many Ceremonies and because that Calumet of Peace is the most sacred Thing amongst the Savages I think fit to describe the same in the next Chapter CHAP. XXIV A Description of the Calumet or Great Pipe THis Calumet is the most mysterious Thing in the World among the Savages of the Continent of the Northern America for it is us'd in all their important Transactions However it is nothing else but a large Tobacco-Pipe made of Red Black or White Marble The Head is finely polish'd and the Quill which is commonly two foot and a half long is made of a pretty strong Reed or Cane adorn'd with Feathers of all Colours interlac'd with Locks of Women's Hair They tie to it two Wings of the most curious Birds they find which makes their Calumet not much unlike Mercury's Wand or that Staff Ambassadors did formerly carry when they went to treat of Peace They sheath that Reed into the neck of Birds they call Huars which are as big as our Geese and spotted with Black and White or else of a fort of Ducks who make their Nests upon Trees tho' Water be their ordinary Element and whose Feathers are of many different Colours However every Nation adorns the Calumet as they think according to their own Genius and the Birds they have in their Country A Pipe such as I have describ'd it is a Pass and safe Conduct amongst all the Allies of the Nation who has given it and in all Embassies the Ambassadors carry that Calumet as the Symbol of Peace which is always respected for the Savages are generally perswaded that a great Misfortune would befal 'em if they violated the Publick Faith of the Calumet All their Enterprizes Declarations of War or Conclusion of Peace as well as all the rest of their Ceremonies are Sealed if I may be permitted to say so with this Calumet They fill that Pipe with the best Tobacco they have and then present it to those with whom they have concluded any great Affair and smoak out of the same after them I had certainly perish'd in my Voyage had it not been for this Calumet or Pipe as the Reader will observe in perusing the following Account Our three Men provided with this Pipe as a Pass and very well Arm'd went to the little Village of the Savages which was about three Leagues from the place where we landed but they found no body therein for the Savages having heard that we had refus'd to land at the other Village thought we were Enemies and therefore had left their Habitation Our Men finding no body in their Cabins took some Indian Corn and left instead of it some Goods to let them see that we were no Robbers nor their Enemies However the Savages to the number of twenty Men arm'd with Axes small Guns Bows and a sort of Club which in their Language they call Break-heads advanc'd near the Place where we stood whereupon M. la Salle with four Men very well Arm'd went toward them to speak with them and desir'd them to come near us for fear as he said a Party of our Men who were gone a Hunting should meet with them and kill them They were perswaded to sit down at the foot of the Eminence where we were posted and M. la Salle spoke to them all the while of the subject matter of his Voyage which he had undertaken for their Good and Advantage as he told them This was only to amuse them till our there Men return'd who appearing with the Calumet of Peace
take them in they continu'd their way making several Signs with their Hand to follow them along the Shore but we quickly lost the Sight of them Two Days after we saw a great Number of Savages near the River-side and heard immediately after a certain Noise as of a Drum and as we came near the Shore the Savages cry'd aloud Sasacouest that is to say Who goes there as I have been inform'd We weâ—e unwilling to Land but they sent us a Pirogue or heavy Wooden-Canow made of the Trunk of a Tree which they make hollow with Fire and we discover'd amongst them the three Savages we had met two Days before We presented our Calumet of Peace which they receiv'd but gave us to understand by Signs that we must go to the Akansa for they repeated so often that Word pointing at the Savages a-shore that I believe this is the right Name of their Nation We cou'd not avoid it and as soon as we were landed the three Chikacha took our Canow upon their Shoulders and carry'd it to the Village The Savages receiv'd us very kindly and gave us a Cabin for our selves alone and presented us with Beans Indian Corn and Flesh to eat We made them also some Presents of our European Commodities which they admir'd They put their Fingers upon theirMouth especially when they saw our Guns and I think this way of expressing their Surprize is common to all the Savages of the Northern America These Savages are very different from those of the North who are commonly sad pensive and severe whereas these appear'd jovial civil and free Their Youth is so modest that they dare not speak before Old Men unless they are ask'd any Question I observed they have tame Poultry as Hens Turkey-Cocks and Bustards which are as tame as our Geese Their Trees began to shew their Fruit as Peaches and the like which must be a great deal bigger than ours Our Men lik'd very well the Manner of these People and if they had found any Furrs and Skins to barter for their Commodities they wou'd have left me amongst them but I told them that our Discovery was more important to them than their Trade and advis'd them to hide their Commodities under-ground which they might take again upon our return and exchange them with the Savages of the North. They approv'd my Advice and were sensible that they shou'd prevent many Dangers for Men are covetous in all Countries The 18th we embark'd again after having been entertain'd with Dancing and Feasting the carry'd away our Commodities tho' the Savages were very loath to part with them but having accepted our Calumet of Peace they did not presume to stop us by Force CHAP. XXXVIII A Continuation of our Voyage on the River Meschasipi AS we fell down the River we look'd for a fit Place to hide our Commodities and at last pitch'd upon one between two Eminences near a Wood. We took up the green Sodds and laid it by and digg'd a hole in the Earth where we put our Goods and cover'd them with pieces of Timber and Earth and then put on again the green Turf so that 't was impossible to suspect that any Hole had been digg'd under it for we flung the Earth into the River We tore afterwards the Bark of three Oaks and of a large Cotton-Tree and ingrav'd thereon four Crosses that we might not miss the Place at our return We embark'd again with all speed and past by another Village of Savages about six Leagues from Akansa and then landed at another two Leagues lower where we were kindly entertain'd Men Women and Children came to meet us which makes me believe that the first Akansa had given notice of our arrival to all the Villages of their Nation We made them some Presents of little value which they thought very considerable Presents are the Symbols of Peace in all those Countries The 21st those Savages carry'd us in a Pyrogue to see a Nation farther off into the Country which they call Taensa for they repeated often that Word so that we could not but remember it Those Savages inhabit the Banks of a Lake form'd by the Meschasipi but I had not time enough to make any particular Observation concerning several of the Villages which I saw These Savages reciev'd us with much more Ceremonies than the Akansa for their Chief came in great Solemnity to the Shoar to meet us He had a kind of a white Gown made of Cloth of Bark of Trees which their Women spun and two Men carry'd before him a thin Plate of Copper as shining as Gold We presented our Calumet of Peace which he receiv'd with Joy and much Gravity The Men Women and Children who attended him express'd a great Respect for me and kiss'd the Sleeves of the Habit of St. Francis which made me believe that they had seen some Spanish Franciscans from New Mexico it being usual there to kiss the Habit of our Order But this is a meer Conjecture tho' I observ'd they did not pay that Respect to the two Men who were with me The Taensa conducted us into a fine Cabin of flat Rushes and shining Reeds and entertain'd us as well as their Country could afford and then Men and Women who are half cover'd in that Country danc'd together before us Their way of Dancing is much more difficult than ours but perhaps as pleasant were it not for their Musick which is very disagreeable Women repeat every Word the Men have sung That Country is full of Palm-Trees wild Laurels Plum-Trees Mulbery-Trees Peach-Trees Apple-Trees and Walnut-Trees of five or six kinds whose Nuts are a great deal bigger than ours They have also several sorts of Fruit-Trees unknown in Europe but I could not discern the Fruit because of the Season of the Year The Manners and Temper of that Nation is very different from that of the Iroquois Hurons and Illinois These are Civil Easie Tractable and capable of Instructions whereas the others are meer Brutes as fierce and cruel as any wild Beasts We lay that Night in their Village and were entertain'd as civilly as we could have wish'd for and we did likewise our utmost to oblige them We shew'd them the Effect of our Fire-Arms and a Pistol which shot four Bullets one after another without needing to be new charg'd Our Men took their best Cloth which pleas'd them very much and they seem'd well satisfy'd with us as they express'd by many Signs and Demonstrations They sent over night to the Koroa who are their Allies to giveâ—them notice of our arâ—ival and their Chief came next Morning in great Ceremony to see us They seem'd transported with Joy and 't is great pity we could not understand what they told us to know what Opinion they entertain'd of us and from what part of the World they fansy'd we came I order'd my Men to square a Tree and having made a Cross we planted it near the Cabin where we lay The 22d we left that
for their Chief that they dare not pass between Him and a Flambeau which is always carry'd before him in all Ceremonies These Chiefs have Servants and Officers to wait upon them They distribute Rewards and Presents as they think fit In short They have amongst them a Form of Political Government and I must own they make a tolerable use of their Reason They were altogether ignorant of Fire-Arms and all other Instruments and Tools of Iron and Steel their Knives and Axes being made of Flint and other sharp Stones whereas we were told that the Spaniards of New Mexico lived not above forty Leagues from them and supply'd them with all the Tools and other Commodities of Europe We found nothing among them that might be suspected to come from the Europeans unless it be some little Pieces of Glass put upon a Thread with which their Women use to adorn their Heads They wear Bracelets and Ear-Rings of fine Pearls which they spoil having nothing to bore them but with Fire They made us to understand that they have them in exchange for their Calumets from some Nations inhabiting the Coast of the Great Lake to the Southward which I take to be the Gulph of Florida I 'll say nothing here or at least very little concerning their Conversion reserving to discourse fully upon that Subject in a Third Volume wherein I promise my self to undeceive many People about the false Opinions they entertain on this Matter Where-ever the Apostles appear'd they converted so great a number of People that the Gospel was known and believ'd in a short time thro' most part of the then-known World But our Modern Missions are not attended with that Grace and Power and therefore we are not to expect those miraculous Conversions I have imparted to them as well as I cou'd the chief and general Truths of the Christian Religion But as I have observ'd already the Languages of those Nations having little or no Affinity one with another I cannot say that my Endeavours have been very successful tho' I learn'd the Language of the Issati or Nadoussians and understood indifferently that of the Illinois But the Truths of Christianity are so sublime that I fear neither my Words nor Signs and Actions have been able to give them an Idea of what I preach'd unto them GOD alone who knows the â—earts of Men knows also what Success my Endeavours have had The Baptism I have administer'd to several Children of whose Death I was morally assur'd is the only certain Fruit of my Mission But after all I have only discover'd the way for other Missionaries and shall be ready at all times to return thither thinking my self very happy if I can spend the rest of my Days in endeavouring my own and other Men's Salvation and especially in favour of those poor Nations who have been hitherto ignorant of their Creator and Redeemer But leâ—t I shou'd tire the Reader I reassume the Thread of my Discourse CHAP. XLIII An Account of the Fishery of the Sturgeons and of the Course we took for fear of meeting some of our Men from Fort Crevecoeur WE embark'd the 24th of April as I have already said and our Provisions being â—pent some Days after we had nothing to live upon but the Game we kill d or the Fish we cou'd catch Stags wild-Goats and even wild Oxen are pretty scarce toward the Mouth of the River of the Illinois for this Nation comes as far as the Meschasipi to hunt them but by good chance we found a great quantity of Sturgeons with long Bills as we call d them from the Shape of their Head It was then the Season that these Fishes spawn and they come as near the Shoar as they can so that we kill'd as many as we wou'd with our Axes and Swords without spending our Powder and Shot They were so numerous that we took nothing but the Belly and other dainty Parts throwing off the rest As we came near the Mouth of the River of the Illinois my Men begun to be very affraid to meet with their Comrades of Fort Crevecoeur for having not yet exchang'd their Commodities as they were order'd and refus'd to go Northward at first as I desir'd them they had much reason to fear that they wou'd stop them and punish them for not having follow'd my Directions I was likewise afraid that by these Means our Voyage towards the Sea wou'd be discover'd there being some Reasons to keep it secret as I shall observe in another place and our farther Discovery stopt and therefore to prevent any such thing I advis'd them to row all the Night and rest our selves during the Day in the Islands which are so numerous in that River The Trees and Vines wherewith those Islands are cover'd are so thick that one can hardly Land and so we might lie there very safe it being impossible to discover us This Advice was approv'd and thereby we avoided any Rencounter for I did not doubt but our Men came now and then from Fort Crevecoeur to observe the Meschasipi and get Intelligence of us But when we found our selves pretty far from the the River of the Illinois we travell'd in the Day as we used to do in order to make our Observations and view the Country which does not appear so fertil nor cover'd with so fine Trees above the River of the Illinois as it is below down the Meschasipi to the Sea CHAP. XLIV A short Account of the Rivers that fall into the Meschasipi of the Lake of Tears of the Fall of St. Anthony of the wild Oats of that Country and several other Circumstances of our Voyage NO Rivers as I have already said run into the Meschasipi between the river of the Illinois and the Fall of St. Anthony from the Westward but the River Ottenta and another which falls into it within eight Leagues of the said Fall But on the Eastward we met with a pretty large River call'd Ouisconsin or Misconsin which comes from the Northward This River is near ' as large as that of the Illinois but I cannot give an exact account of the length of its Course for we left it about sixty Leagues from its Mouth to make a Porâ—age into another River which runs into the Bay of Puans as I shall observe when I come to speak of our return from Issati into Canada This River Ouisconsin runs into the Meschasipi about 100 Leagues above that of the Illinois Within five and twenty Leaguesafter we met another River coming from the Eastward nam'd by the Issati and Nadoussians Chebadeba that is The Black River I can say very little of it having observ'd only its Mouth but I judge from thence that it is not very considerable About thirty Leagues higher we found the Lake of Tears which we nam'd so because the Savages who took us as it will be hereafter related consulted in this place what they shou'd do with their Prisoners and those who were for murthering us
that his Brains flew out upon those that were present at the Consult resolving by this means effectually to prevent the Execution of his perniciousDesign We regal'd the three Savages for their good News very nobly having plenty of Provisions at that time The Sieuâ— du Luth as soon as the Savages were gone fell into as great a Passion as before and seem'd very apprehensive lest they shou'd still pursue and set upon us in our Voyage He wou'd have carry'd Matters farther but that he found our Men wou'd not bate him an Ace and were not in an Humour to be bully'd I took upon me to moderate the Matter once more and pacify'd them in the End by assuring them that God wou'd not leave us in distress provided we put our Trust in him and that he was able to deliver us from all our Enemies CHAP. LXVI The Sieur du Luth is in a great Consternation at the Appearance of a Fleet of the Savages who surpriz'd us before we were got into the River Ouisconsin THE Sieur du Luth had reason to believe that the three Savages but now mention'd were really Spies sent to observe our Actions for indeed they knew that we had taken away the Robes of Castor from before the Fall of St. Anthony He cou'd not forego his Fears but told me we shou'd serve the Fellow that did it but right if we shou'd force him to carry them back and leave them in the place where he found them I foresaw Discord wou'd be our Destruction and so made my self Mediator of the Peace once more I appeas'd the Fray by remonstrating That God who had preservâ—d us hitherto in the greatest Dangers wou'd have a more peculiar Care of us on this Occasion because the Man's Action was good in it self Two Days after all our Provisions being dress'd and fit to keep we prepar'd to depart But the Sieur du Luth was mightily surpriz'd when we perceiv'd a Fleet of an hundred and forty Canows carrying about an hundred and fifty Men bearing down directly upon us Our Men's Consternation was no less than the Sieurs But when they saw me take out from amongst our Equipage a Calumet of Peace which the Issati had given us as a Pledge of their Friendship and Protection they took Heart and told me they wou'd act as I shou'd direct I order'd two of them to embark with me in a Canow to meet the Savages But the Sieur desir'd me to take a third to row that by standing in the middle of the Canow I might the better show the Pipe of Peace which I carry'd in my hand to appease the Barbarians whose Language I understood indifferently well The other four of our Men I left with the Sieur de Luth and told them in case any of the young Warriors shou'd Land and come up to them they shou'd by no means discourse or be familiar with them but that they shou'd keep their Posts with their Arms ready sixt Having given these Orders I went into my Canow to the Barbarians who were a coming down the River in theirs Seeing no Chief amongst them I call'd out as loud as I cou'd Ouasicoude Ouasicoude repeating his Name several times At last I perceiv'd him rowing up towards me All this while none of this People had affronted us which I look'd upon as a good Omen I conceal'd my Reed of Peace the better to let them see how much I rely'd upon their Word Soon after we landed and entred the Cabin where the Sieur du Luth was who wou'd have embrac'd their Captain Here we must observe that 't is not the Custom of the Savages to embrace after the manner of the French I told the Sieur du Luth that he need only present him with a piece of the best boyl'd Meat that he had and that in case he eat of it we were safe It hapned according to our Wish all the rest of the Captains of this little Army came to visit us It cost our Folks nothing but a few Pipes of Martinico-Tobacco which these People are passionately fond of tho' their own be stronger more agreeable and of a much better Scent Thus the Barbarians were very civil to us without ever mentioning the Robes of Castor The Chief Ouasicoude advisâ—d me to present some pieces of Martinico-Tobacco to the Chief Aquipaguetin who had adopted me for his Son This Civility had strange effects upon the Barbarians who went off shouting and repeating the Word Louis which as we said signifies the Sun so that I must say without Vanity my Name will be as it were immortal amongst these People by reason of its jumping so accidentally with that of the Sun CHAP. LXVII The Author's Voyage from the Mouth of the River Ouisconsin to the great Bay of the Puans THE Savages having left us to go and War upon the Messorites Mahoras Illinois and other Nations which inhabit towards the lower part of the River Meschasipi and are irreconcilable Enemies to the People of the North the Sieur du Luth who upon many Occasions approv'd himself to be much my Friend cou'd not forbear telling our People that I had all the reason in the World to believe that the Viceroy of Canada wou'd give me a very kind Reception in case we cou'd arrive there before Winter and that he wish'd with all his Heart he had been among so many different Nations as my self As we went up the River Ouisconsin we found it was as large as that of the Illinois which is navigable for large Vessels above an hundred Leagues We cou'd not sufficiently admire the Extent of those vast Countries and the charming Lands through which we pass'd which lie all untill'd The cruel Wars which these Nations have one with another are the cause that they have not People enough to cultivate them And the more bloody Wars which have rag'd so long in all parts of Europe have hinder'd the sending Christian Colonies to settle there However I must needs say that the poorer sort of â—ur Countrymen wou'd do well to think of it and go and plant themselves in this sine Country where for a little Pains in cultivating the Earth they wou'd live happier and subsist much better than they do here I have seen Lands there which wou'd yield three Crops in a Year And the Air is incomparably more sweet and temperate than in Holland After we had row'd about seventy Leagues upon the River Ouisconsin we came to the Place where we were forc'd to carry our Canow for half a League which Ouasicoude had set down in his Chart. We lay at this place all Night and left Marks of our having been there by the Crosses which we cut on the Barks of the Trees Next Day having carry'd our Canow's and the rest of our little Equipage over this Piece of Land we entred upon a River which makes almost as many Meanders as that of the Illinois doth at its Rise For after six Hours rowing which made us go very
matters of Religion tho' in those of Trade and Profit they are very subtle and expert They are nevertheless Superstitious to the greatest Degree imaginable CHAP. XII Means whereby the Salvages may be converted Who are those among them that Baptism ought to be refus'd to OUR Ancient Missionary Recollects of Canada and those who have succeeded them in that Work have always own'd as I must do with them that it is impossible to convert the Salvages without first endeavouring to make them Men before we think of making them Christians It is absolutely necessary therefore for the thorough civilizing of them that Christians of Europe be mixt with them and they habituated to our Conversation all which however cannot possibly be effected unless our Colonies be considerably augmented in those Parts But here it must be acknowledg'd that the Canada Company are the greatest Obstacle to this Design for they seeking only to enrich themselves and having no regard to so pious a Work as the Conversion of stray'd Souls would never yet suffer any particular Establishments to settle in this Country nor permit the Missionaries to fix the Salvages to any Place without which it is impossible ever to convert these Infidels Thus the Covetousness of those who would needs grow rich all of a sudden has very much retarded the Propagating of the Christian Faith among these Salvages The ill Example likewise set by these Christian Traders has occasion'd no small Prejudice to our Religion By all this it may appear that a Mission among these Populous Nations is both troublesome and hazardous and it must be granted likewise that to effect this great Work no small number of Years would be sufficient they being a People so extreamly Ignorant and Dull For this reason therefore except in some few Cases not a little dubious likewise one would not venture to administer the Sacraments to Adults who perhaps seem only to be converted and this I presume has been the Cause that in so many Years Mission so little Progress has been made though so great Pains has been taken Thus it is certain that the Christian Religion will never be in any wise advanc'd among the Salvages if due care be not taken to fortifie the Colonies with a great number of Inhabitants both Artificers and Labourers Trading also with the Salvages must be allow'd indifferently to all the Europeans Moreover these Barbarians must be fixt and settled and new moulded after our Manners and Laws Colleges also might be Establish'd among 'em by the Zeal of well affected Europeans wherein the young Salvages might be Educated and Instructed in the Light of the Gospel These in Conjunction with the Missionaries might work Wonders on their Companions in a very short time Without doubt the fortifying of the Temporal and Spiritual Authority in these new Colonies were the only Way to bring this design about But on the contrary we may there observe Men only given to Gain and Commerce and who at the same time have little or no regard to call down the Blessing of God upon them by employing themselves to the Advancement of his Glory God is often pleas'd to experience his Servants Love by Means most sensible and amongst them those chiefly who busie themselves about the Salvation of Souls But nevertheless the Hazards Troubles Sufferings and the very Sacrificing their Lives would be welcome to them if by thus devoting themselves to the safety of their Neighbours they might see their Undertakings crown'd with Success It is impossible when we consider the great Number of People mention'd in this Relation and the little Progress hitherto made in their Conversion that we should not admire at the Unsearchable Judgments of God and cry out with the Apostle O the Profound Riches of the Wisdom and Knowledge of God! A vast number of secular Priests very learn'd and several others of our Order have labour'd indefatigably at this great Work but it seems God has a Mind to convince us that the Conversion of Souls is only the Effect of his Grace which has not yet been in our Power to lay any Claim to in that Degree He contents himself therefore to see us labour under a Dependence on his Power He is Witness of our Wishes and Endeavors He hears our Prayers receives our Vows and accepts our most ardent Supplications that he would be pleas'd through Mercy to draw forth these miserable Wretches from the Abyss of Darkness and Ignorance Yet he is still dispos'd to let the Workmen prepare the Vine while they are to expect the Fruit only from his Hands God no doubt will bring all about in the time he has prescrib'd by his Providence and without Question will prove a just Rewarâ—er of those who shall continue faithful Labourers in this great Work however he does not yet think convenient to flatter our Ambition with Success I must observe here with a great deal of Concern that there is no common difference between our Modern Missions into America and those which our Recollects have formerly begun in this New World and continu'd ever since in South America particularly in Peru. They there converted every day Millions of Souls but now in Canada we have the greatest Reason to reproach it as an ungrateful barren and unfruitful Land There alone is to be met with an unconceivable Blindness Blockish Insensibility and a prodigious Remoteness from its Maker as likewise an entire Opposition to the Mysteries of our Faith Whole Ages would scarce be sufficient to prepare those Barbarians for the Benefits of the Gospel and to augment our Misfortune God has permitted this Country to be under the Power of a Company of Merchants who have greater regard to their Wordly Interest than any such good Works The Missionary-Recollects our Predecessors never granted the Sacrament of Baptism to the Salvages 'till they were well satisfied of them for fear that Sacred Mystery might be profan'd by those Barbarians Nay even to this Day we may perceive that those People are not well dispos'd to receive the Christian Religion seeing they have hardly any Idea of Religion at all and seem to be wholly incapable of the most common Reasonings which bring other Men to the knowledge either of a true Deity or a false These poor blind Creatures look upon all our Mysteries of Faith as Tales and Dreams They have Naturally a great many Vices and are very much addicted to several Superstitions which have no meaning at all in 'em They have many barbarous and brutal Usages amongst them They would suffer themselves to be Baptiz'd six times a Day for a Glass of Aqua vitae or a Pipe of Tobacco They frequently offer their Infants to the Font but that without any manner of Motive or Zeal Those whom one had Converted in a whole Winter as it happen'd I had instructed a few while I was at the Fort of Frontenac do not discover any greater knowledge of matters of Religion than the rest which has occasion'd many dreadful
cannot but declare that the principal end I propos'd to my self in Publishing this great Discovery was to animate the Christians to extend the Lord's Kingdom by bringing the Barbarous Nations to the knowledge of the Gospel in order to enlarge his Dominions and by that means to contribute to the Everlasting Felicity of so many Poor People who stand in so much need of being instructed and enlightned It is certain to return to Trade that the Furrs which may be procur'd in the North Country are capable of â—aising very great Profits for there are to be found the Skins of Elks or Orignaux as they are call'd in Canada of Bears Beavers Ounces and Black Foxes which are of a wonderful Beauty and were formerly valued at Five or Six Hundred Franci a piece by reason of their rarity as also the Skins of common Foxes Otters Martens Wild Cats Roe-Bucks Stags Porcupins Turkey-Cocks that are of an extraordinary largeness Bustards and an infinite number of other Animals the Names of which are unknown to me There may be caught by Fishing as I have already intimated much variety of Sturgeons Salmons Pikes Carps Bremes extreamly large Eels armed and Gilt Fishes Barbels of a prodigious size and other sorts of Fish without number There is likewise much divertisement for the Hunters particularly innumerable multitudes of Sea-Larks which are as it were so many Gobbets of Fat Partridges Ducks of all sorts and Huars which imitate Humane Voice by their Cries and are of an Admirable Beauty and diversity of Colours as also Turtles Ring-Doves Cranes Herons Swans Bustards that have the Taste of all sorts of Meat and very great store of all other kinds of Game The Great River of St. Lawrence which I have often mention'd runs through the middle of the Country of the Iroquois and there makes a large Lake which the Savages call Ontario that is to say the Fine Lake It is extended near an Hundred Leagues in Length and by its vast compass one may take an estimate of the number of Towns and Villages that might be built upon it These Places having a Communication with New-York judicious Persons may easily determine how advantageous that Commerce wou'd prove which might be maintain'd by the means of these Settlements upon whicâ— occasion it may not be improper to observe that the midâ—le of thâ—s River is nearer to Nâ—w-York than to Quebec the Capital Town of Canada The Rivâ—r of St. Lawrence on the Southern side has a branch which proceâ—ds from a Nation call'd Out taouacts or the People with Bored Noses and on the North the Algonquins are settled whom the French have subdu'd The Eastern parts are Inhabited by the Wolf-Nation near New-Holland or New-York and to the Souâ—h of the same River New-England or Boston is Situated where a great number of Vessels are fitted out for Traâ—fick To the South-West lies Virginia which jointly with New-Holland was formerly known by the Name of New-Sweden and to the West appears the Countrey of the Hurons so call'd by reason that they Burn their Hair and only leave some few upon their Head in form of a Wild-Boars-Head which in French is termed Hure This last Nation was almost entirely destroy'd by the Iroquois who have incorporated the rest of the Hurons among themselves but I have added many other Countries to the North of St. Lawrence's River in the General and particular Maps which are annex'd to the First Volume of our present Relation The Large Bay of Hudson is likewise markt to the North of this River having been discovâ—r'd by the Sieur Desgroseliers Rochecoüâ—rt with whom I have often pass'd by Water in a Canou during my Residence in Canada The English have Granted him a Pension and Mr. â—aithwait Principal Secretary for the War to William III. King of Great Britain told me last year that the said Sieur Desgroseliers was still Living in England This Hudson's Bay is Situated to the North of New-France of the same River of St. Lawrence being extended above Four Hundred Leagues every way although by Land 't is not very far distant from Quebec as it may be observ'd in my Maps nevertheless Eight Hundred Leagues are reckoned at least in passing down the River from the said Town of Quebec to the Sea neither can the Navigation of this Bay be perform'd without some difficulty The Sieur Desgrosâ—liers was one day oblig'd to put a stop to his course and cou'd not get ashore till the Second Attempt and indeed 't is very difficult to get on Board or to Land by reason of the almost continual Frosts which are there predominant When I resided at Quebec the Canadians told me That the Sieur Desgroseliers had much ado to make them believe his Assertions concerning the great difficulty of arriving there by reason of the huge cakes of Ice Seven or Eight Foot thick came floating thither from the North and carrying along with 'em whole Trees and even some heaps of Earth There were also seen several Flocks of Birds making their Nests upon these Mountains of Ice which by that means appear'd as it were so many little Islands Indeed I dare not positively Affirm that the circumstances were altogether such as I have now Represented 'em but the said Sieur Desgroseliers and others have â—ssured me that they have pass'd between those cakes of Ice which cannot be avoided for the space of Four Hundred Leagues and that they are of a prodigious bigness being often heap'd one upon another by the force of the Winds even beyond the height of the Towers of the largest Towns and sometimes very steep as it were Rocks planted in the Sea Therefore it ought not to be admir'd that we are inform'd by some Sailers that they have set Forges upon these vast Shelves of Ice where their Smiths have upon occasion Forg'd Anchors and other sorts of gross Iron-work for the use of their Vessels The English as yet retain in this Bay of Hudson the Forts of Nelson and Neusavan The Court of France formerly gave Orders to the Navigators of Canada to drive out all the English from thence but the latter having receiv'd timely information did not fail to frustrate the Enterprize of the Canadians by sending Four large Ships to the Assistance of the Inhabitants of those places As for the condition of the North-Countries and of St. Lawrence's River there are divers Mines of Iron and Steel capable of aâ—fording Forty or Fifty per Cent. Profit when they are wrought There are also others of Lead which may yield about Thirty or Forty per Cent. and of Copper that may produce Eighteen besides that according to all appearance some Mines of Gold and Silver might be discover'd if they were sought for Indeed some Miners were actually sent thither during my Residence in those Parts But the French are somewhat too hasty in the Management of thâ—ir undertakings coveting to become Rich in too short a space of time therefore they were soon dishearten'd and desisted from the attempt
to be kindled in their Councils Thus it is the same thing with them to make a Council-Fire or to appoint a place to visit one another as to call an Assembly as is usually done by the Relations and Friends whenever they are desirous to Treat about their Affairs Lastly the eighth Present was to demand a Union of their Nation with the Canadians and they added a large Collar of Porcelain with Ten Gowns of Beaver and Elk-Skins to confirm the whole Treaty Whatever inclination the Inhabitants of Quebec might have to punish the Assassines for preventing the like Outrages for the future yet they were oblig'd to pardon 'em in regard that they were not in a condition to make Head against such potent Enemies Therefore two Hostages were demanded of them to serve as a security for the performance of all their Engagements Whereupon the Iroquois delivered to Father Ioseph two young Lads of their Nation nam'd Nigamon and Tebachi to be instructed by him Afterward the Criminals were sent back upon Condition nevertheless that at the arrival of the Ships which were expected from Europe this Affair shou'd be finally determin'd I remember that during my abode in Canada I often heard the French murmur against those Proceedings and even declare that they had made it appear how heinously they resented that Action which remain'd unpunish'd Afterward the Iroquois committed many other Outrages of the like nature saying That in so plucking off the Hair of the French they had found means to be quit with them for certain Skins of Wild Beasts instead of those of the Canadians whom they would Flea and that if the People of their Nation wou'd not suffer the like Insults without revenging them all the Iroquois wou'd be destroyed one after another Indeed these Barbarians have grown more insolent ever since and despise the Canadians as a People destitute of Courage Nay notwithstanding the Overtures the Iroquois have seemingly made of Treating with them yet they have done nothing but play'd the Politicians to the end that they might get a greater quantity of the European Merchandizes into their possession than that which they procure in exchange for their Skins We may observe even at this day that the War which the Iroquois actually maintain against the French in Canada is a sufficient proof of the cruelty and continual enmity of those People Therefore the Europeans ought to take away their Fire-Arms in order to reduce 'em to Obedience as also to force 'em to be more peaceable than they are and live after the manner of the Inhabitants of Europe which wou'd be a proper means to Convert 'em to the Christian Religion The Spaniards have effectually taken this course among the Mexicans who dare not keep any Fire-Arms even at this very day under pain of Death yet those People are never the worse treated nay the Mexicans are as good Roman-Catholicks as any in the World and live under the most gentle Yokâ— of any in the Universe Our first Recollects or Franciscans in the first Colony of Canada soon perceiv'd the necessity there was of frustrating the Counsels of the Iroquois who are the most formidable Enemies of the Europeans They judge that all the Negotiations relating to Peace which those Savages set on foot with their Enemies are Counterfeit and feigned only to conceal the Infractions which they made in former Treaties Therefore the Monks often represented to the King of France that to draw off those Barbarians and to hinder 'em from taking in their Councils any measures which may be prejudicial to the Colony of Canada it was requisite to found a Seminary of fifty or sixty Iroquois Children only for seven or eight Years whicâ— Term being expir'd they might be maintain'd by the Profits of certain Lands which were cultivated during that time As also that these Children wou'd daily offer themselves to the said Monks with the consent of their Parents to be instructed and brought up in the Christian Religion Lastly that the Iroquois and other Savages seeing their Children Educated and Maintain'd after this manner wou'd not propose any Projects in their Counsels for the forming of Enterprizes against the Colony as long as the said Children were as it were so many Hostages for their Father's Fidelity CHAP. XXXV Proper means for the Establishing of good Colonies The Opinions of the Savages concerning Heaven and Earth FOrasmuch as the Franciscan Monks do not possess any thing by right of Propriety not being capable by vertue of the Rules of their Order either to sell alienate or even to enjoy Revenues it may be justly affirm'd that there is no religious Order more proper than their's for the maintaining of Colonies which are settl'd on behalf of the Roman-Catholicks in America The verity of this Assertion appears from those whom the Empâ—râ—ur Charles V. sent to New Mexico where there are â—ven at this day a great number of powerful Families that have reap'd great â—dvantage from the moderate and regular Proceedings of our Monks The best Lands have not been there swallow'd up as in Canada where we see â—hat the Wheat and most Fertile places are now unâ—er the Jurisdiction of certain Commonalties who found means to get possession of them during the absence of the Recollects or Franciscan Friars who nevertheless were the first and most ancient Missionaries of Canada The People of New France having made great Sollicitations to cause us to come back thither after a long forc'd absence our Recollects perceiv'd at their return that an alienation was made of the best Lands of our Settlement belonging to the Convent of Our Lady of Angels where I my self have often renew'd and marâ—t out the Bounds that were left us in order to prevent the designs of those who were desirous absolutely to deprive us of what still remain'd in our possession I have no intention here to Censure or to give Oâ—fence to any Man but if some are displeas'd because I have here Publish'd my Great Discoveries they ought at least not to disturb my Tranquility upon that account Indeed I cou'd publickly declare many things which wou'd not be acceptable to a great number of Persons and yet at the same time speak nothing but the Truth I shall not insiâ—t on the great advantages that arise from the Missions of the Fransciscan Friars into the sour Quarters of the World but a particular enumeration of them wou'd fill up a very large Volume therefore I shall only give some account here of the pains our Monks have taken in the present Age in carrying on the Discoveries we have lately made in America When the French Colony was first settl'd in Canada our Recollects only demanded of the States Twelve Men capable to Cultivate the Lands and to manage a Farm These were to be under the Command of a Master of the Family who ought to be a Lay-Man for the maintenance of Fifty or Sixty Savage Children whilst the Monks were employ'd in Travelling into all Parts to
trod in the steps of the first Missionary of our Holy Order and been careful in maintaining a solid Peace and good Understanding with the Iroquois and other the Savage Nations and mingled and incorporated them by degrees with the Europeans to have rendered them the more tractable and accustomed to our Manners During my Mission in Canada I bethought my self one day to ask some sensible Person how it came to pass that we saw no more annual Relations of the Misâ—â—ons of Canada Those of whom I demanded it making me no answer One that designed no harm by it made bold to tell me that the Court of Rome had ordered that the Relations of all foreign Missions should be precisely true and that the matter of Fact which they contained should be as clear as the Sun at Noon Day and that the Congregation de Propagandâ— fide had enforced it by a secoâ—d Order importing that no more of them should come out at least if what related were not known to be notoriously true This answer seemed to me to come from a Man perfectly well vers'd in Affairs Upon the whole whilst we admire the Judgments of God upon these Barbarous Nations we ought ever to acknowledge his great goodness to us whom he has caused to be born of Parents enlightned by the Faith and in a Country where it is secured to us by our Laws and our selves model'd by it to the practice of virtue and true Piety and where the multitude of Graces from within and assistances from without afford us the means of making our Salvation sure provided we are not wanting to our selves in faithfully improving them To him ought we to give the Glory that is due for the excellent lights which we have Received which distinguish us so advantageously from the many Nations that remain in the darkness of Error and Illusion In a Word 't is what ought to oblige us to take care to make our calling and Election sure by every good work having always before Eyes that we must one day give account before the dreadful Tribunal of God what use we have made of all those Graces he hath been pleased to make us partakers of CHAP. XXXVI History of the Irruption made by the English into Canada 1628. Taking of Quebec the Capital of the Country 1629. Civil Vsage which the Recollects of the City Received at the hands of the English I Think my self obliged to communicate to the publick the Observations which I have taken out of the Reverend Father Valentine le Roux Provincial Commissary of our Recollects of Canada a person of singular merit I have observed in my First Volume how I communicated to him my Journal of the Discovery which I made of the whole River of Meschasipi This Father who is a person of great Sagacity has published under a borrowed Name what he knew of the Intrigues of Canada in which work he makes appear the wonderful conduct of Gods Providence and how it accomplishes its designs by means unsearchable in their Beginning Progress and Execution It Seems says this wise Religious that some Years since the Colony of new France did by little and little begin to form it self Discoveries were daily made Trade improved Inhabitants encreased Chapels and Oratories built in divers places and the Country in short assumed a new Form of Government when it pleased God that all was undone again of a suddain by a Descent from the English who pretend that their King is not only Sovereign of his Three Kingdoms but also of the Ocean Some English out of zeal for their Country equipped a Fleet in 1628. To make themselves Masters of Canada under the Reign of Lewis the 13th Faâ—her of the present French King Two Turtles of which there are great numbers in these Parts fell down of â—hemselves when the weather was very Fair into the Castle of Quebec on the 9th of Iuly in the same Year which the Inhabitants took to be Ominous and a Presage of the disastrous Revolution which fell out just after iâ— The English in their way had taken a French Ship which lay at the Mouth of the River St. Francis in a certain place of the Isle which they called Bored by reason of a Point of Land which runs out into the Sea thro' the middle of which there runs a great Arch naturally wrought thro' the Rock andunder which the Fisher-Mens biggest Shallops always pass as they return from Fishing for Cod. The English sailed all along up the River and advanced as far as Tadoussac which is another River that falls into that of St. Francis and comes from the Lands that lie towards Hudsons-Bay as will appear by the Map Here the English Found a Bark which they made use of to set a Shore Twenty of their Soldiers who were to endeavour to seize on Cape Tourment so called by reason of the danger that ships ride in here during a Storm which are more frequent in this place than any other in the whole River Two Savages that lived amongst the Europeans having discovered them gave notice of it at Quebec which is not above Seven or Eight Leagues from the Cape Mounsieur Champelin who was governour of the City as soon as he heard the News desired Father Ioseph le Caron superior of the Recollects to take a Canou of Bark and go and find out the Enemy and see what was in it The News proved but too true for he met the Confirmation of it within Five Leagues of Quebec and had but just time to get a shore and save himself in the Woods The two Religious which we had there escap'd by Land to Quebec as also the Sieur Faucher Commandant of the place to bring the News of the taking of the Cape The English possessed themselves of all the Effects that were of Service to them but the Inhabitants gained the Woods There were but Three in all that fell into the hands of the Enemy one of which called Piver with his Wife and his Nice appeared soon after before Quebec accompanied by an Officer of Mounsieur Kirk Admiral of the English Fleet. The Officers business was to Summon the Town to Surrender by a Letter which was presented the Governour from the Admiral But the Governour brave in his person tho' otherwise mightily surprized at this suddain Invasion remained firm and intrepid and returned an answer so resolute that the English thô a People that will sooner die than quit what they once undertake concluded from the briskness of the Reply that the Fort of Quebec was in a much better condition to Defend it self than it really was For which reason they let alone the attempting it at this time and set Sail for England deferring the Execution of their Design to a more favourable Opportunity The English Admiral designing to return the next Year satisâ—ied himself I say at this time with making abundance of Prisoners whom he carryed into England and amongst the rest a Young Huron Savage