while these envious Preachers cryed out against our Preaching and perswaded men how fully we were maintained they laboured for Laws to increase their setled maintenance and some of them in my hearing Preached how miscrable a case the Clergy were in were they left to the people's kindness and bounty And yet proclaim our fulness who are left to the kindness of those few who also pay fully their Tythes to the Parish Ministers who these Envyers say are but the smaller and poorer sort in the Land which comparatively is true though by this time I think the far greatest part are grown into dislike with the present Prelates who yet cleave to their Church And if their noble rich and numerous followers would leave them in want were they left to their Charity it seems they take their Church to consist of men much more covetous and less Religious and liberal than our few poor men § 261. The Lord's day before the Parliament was dissolved one of these Prelatists Preached to them to perswade them that we are obstinate and not to be tolerated nor cured by any means but Vengeance urging them to set Fire to the Fagot and teach us by Scourges or Scorpions and open our eyes with Gall. Yet none of these men will procure us leave to publish or offer to Authority the Reasons of our Non-conformity But this is not the first proof that a carnal worldly proud ungodly Clergie who never were serious in their own professed belief nor felt the power of what they Preach have been in most Ages of the Church its greatest plague and the greatest hinderers of Holiness and Concord by making their formalities and Ceremonies the test of Holiness and their Worldly Interest and Domination the only cement of Concord And O how much hath Satan done against Christ's Kingdom in the World by setting up Pastors and Rulers over the Churches to fight against Christ in his own name and livery and to destroy piety and peace by a pretence of promoting them § 262. This foresaid Preacher brings to my remembrance a Silenced Minister who heard the Sermon Mr. Iohn Humphrey a man not strait and factious in Doctrin Government or Worship as his Books shew for the middle way about Election Justification c. and his former Writings for giving the Lord's Supper to the Ungodly to convert them and his own Reordination and writing for Reordination The former Sessions of Parliamen he printed a sheet for Concord by restoring some silenced Ministers and tolerating others for which he was Imprisoned as was Dr. Ludovicus Molinaeus M. D. Son to old Peter for writing his Patronus against the Prelatists but delivered by the Common Act of Pardon And this Session the said Mr. Humphrey again printed another sheet and put it into the hands of many Parliament men which though slighted and frustrate by the Prorogation of the House yet I think hath so much reason in it that I shall here annex it though it speak not at all to the righteousness of our Cause and the Reasons of our Non-conformity that the Reader may see upon what Terms we stood But the truth is when we were once contrived into the Parliament's Inquisition and persecution it was resolved that we should be saved by the King or not at all and that Parliaments and Laws should be our Tormenters and not our Deliverers any more Mr. Iohn Humphrey's Papers given to the Parliament-Men Comprehension with Indulgence Nihil est jam dictum quod non fuit dictum prius Terence IT hath pleased his Majesty by several gracious Overtures to commend a Union of his Protestant Subject to the consideration of a Parliament A design full of all Princely Wisdom Honesty and Goodness In this Atchievement there is a double Interest I apprehend to be distinguished and weighed that of Religion it self and that of the Nation The advance of Religion doth consist much in the Unity of its Professors both in Opinion and Practice to be of one Mind and one Heart and one way in Discipline and Worship so far as may be according to the Scriptures The advance of the Nation does lie in the freedom and flourishing of Trade and uniting the whole Body in the common Benefit and dependence on the Government The one of these bespeaks an Established Order and Accommodation the other bespeaks Indulgence Liberty of Conscience or to eration For while People are in danger about Religion we dare not launch out into Trade say they but we must keep our Moneys being we know not into what straits we shall be driven and when in reference to their Party they are held under severity it is easie for those who are designing Heads to mould them into Wrath and Faction which without that occasion will melt and dissolve it self into bare Dissent of Opinion peaceably rejoycing under the Enjoyment of Protection The King we know is concerned as Supreme Governour and as a Christian Protestant Governour As he is King he is to seek the welfare of the Nation as he is a Christian the Flourishing of Religion and the Protestant Religion particularly is his Interest as this Kingdom doth lie in Ballance he being the chief Party with its Neighbour Nations The Judgment now of some is for a Comprehending Act which may take in those who are for our Parochial Churches that severity then might be used for reclaiming all whosoever separate from them The Judgment of some others is for a free and equal Act of Grace to all indifferently the Papists with most excepted whether separatists or others abhorring Comprehension as more dangerous to them upon that Account mentioned than all the Acts that have passed Neither of these Judge up to the full interest of the King and Kingdom as is proposed It becomes not the Presbyterian if his Principles will admit him to own our Parochial Churches and enjoy a Living to be willing to have his Brethren the Independents given up to Persecution And it becomes not the Separatist if he may but enjoy his Conscience to Repine or envy at the Presbyterian for reaping any further Emolument seeing both of them supposing the later may do so have as much at the bottom as can be in their Capacities desired of either It is an Act therefore of a mixt Complexion providing both Comprehension and Indulgence for the different Parties must serve our Purpose And to this end as we may humbly hope there is a Bill at present in the House A Bill for the ease of the Protestant Dissenter in the business of Religion Which that upon this present Prorogation it may be cast into this Model I must present the same yet in a little farther Explication There are two sorts we all know of the Protestant Dissenters one that own the Established Ministry and our Parish Congregations and are in Capacity of Union upon that account desiring it heartily upon condescension to them in some small matters The other that own not our Churches and so are
with him into Scotland Mr. Baxter's Letter to him upon that occasion p. 75. Another Letter of his to the Earl of Lauderdail p. 77. falsly pag'd 93. a Letter of his to Sir Robert Murrey about a Body of Church Discipline for Scotland which was sent to him for his Iudgment about it p. 78. the Affair of the Marquis of Antrim with reference to his Commission from K. Charles 1. p. 83. of Du Moulin's Jugulum Causae and two Books of Dr. Fowler 's p. 85. of Serjeant Fountain's kindness to him p. 86. of Major Blood and his stealing the Crown p. 88. of the shutting up the Exchequer by which Mr. Baxter lost a thousand pounds which he had devoted to charitable uses p. 89. of Fowlis's History of Romish Treasons p. 90. Characters of many of the silenc'd Ministers of Worcestershire Warwickshire in and about London c. from p. 90 to p. 98. the second Dutch War and the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience thereupon p. 99. the different Sentiments of People about the desirableness either of an establisht Toleration or a Comprehension p. 100. Mr. Baxter gets a License p. 102. the Merchants Lecture set up at Pinners-Hall and Mr. Baxter's Accusations for his Sermons there p. 103. Malitious Writings and Accusations of Parker and others ibid. a private Conference between Mr. Baxter and Bp. Gunning p. 104 the Parliament jealous of the growth of Popery p. 106. a private Conference of Mr. Baxter's with Edward Wray Esq. about the Popish Controversies p. 107. Mr. Falkener writes for Conformity p. 108. a Letter of Mr. Baxter's to the Earl of Orery about a general Union of all Protestants against Popery with Proposals for that purpose p. 109 c. the Strictures return'd upon these Proposals with the Answers to them from p. 113. to 140. More bitter and malignant Writings against the Nonconformists p. 141. a Paper of Mr. John Humphreys for Comprehension with Indulgence that was distributed among the Parliament men p. 143 c. a great change of Affairs in Scotland p. 147. a Character of Mr. Thomas Gouge the silenc'd Minister of St. Sepulchres p. 147. a Letter of Mr. Baxter's to Dr. Good Master of Baliol Colledge in Oxford about some passages in a Book he had lately publish'd p. 148. fresh Accusations whereby Mr. Baxter was assaulted p. 151. a Deliverance when he was preaching over St. James's Market-house p. 152. his success while he preach't there and his opposition p. 153. a Proclamation publish'd to call in the Licenses and require the Execution of the Laws against the Nonconformists ib. false Reports about his preaching at Pinners-Hall p. 154. Mr. Baxter apprehended as a Conventicler p. 155. a difference at Court on occasion of Mr. Baxter's Sufferings p. 156. a private Treaty between Dr. Stillingfleet Dr. Tillotson Dr. Bates Dr. Manton Mr. Baxter and Mr. Pool about an Act for Union and Comprehension p. 157. An Act for the Healing and Concord of his Majesty's Subjects in matters of Religion then agreed upon amongst thâ—m p. 158. Petitions Mr. Baxter was then put upon drawing up which were never presented 160. the Case of the City as to the Prosecution of Dissenters p. 165. falsly pag'd 565. an account of his trouble with Sir Thomas Davis ibid. great Debates about the Test in Parliament p. 167. a Censure of it p. 168. a penitent Confession of one of the Informers who had given Mr. Baxter much trouble p. 171. further troubles that he met with and weakness p. 172. a further Account of Sir Matthew Hale p. 175. of Mr. Read's imprisonment p. 176. Of the Additions of the years 1675 1676 1677 1678 c. OF Monsieur Le Blank 's Theses p. 177. of Dr. Jane's Sermon before my Lord Mayor and his Charge against Mr. Baxter ibid. further troubles he met with p. 178. a passage between the Bp. of Exeter and Mr. Sangar ibid. an horrid Lie reported of Mr. Baxter in a Coffee-house about his killing a Tinker the Reporter whereof was brought openly to confess his fault p. 179. Mr. Hollingworth's Sermon against the Nonconformists p. 180. a further passage of Sir Matth. Hale p. 181. Dr. Manton's death p. 182. about the Controversie of Predetermination started amongst the Nonconformists by a Book of Mr. How 's ib. of the Popish Plot and Sir Edmundbury Godfrey's murder c. p. 183. of several of Mr. Baxter's Writings p. 185. of the Writings of Dr. Stillingfleet Mr. Hinkley Mr. Dodwell and others against the Nonconformists p. 187 188. of the deaths of many of his dear Friends p. 189. some further account of Mr. Thomas Gouge p. 190. of his new apprehension and sickness p. 191. an Account of his Case at that time p. 192. the Iudgment of Saunders and Pollixtin about it p. 195. of some other of his Writings p. 196. of a Legacy of 600 l. left by Mr. Robert Mayot of Oxon to be distributed by Mr. Baxter among Sixty ejected Ministers p. 198. a further Account of his sufferings and weakness ibid. p. 199. The Appendix contains these several Pieces following Numb I. A Reply to some Exceptions against the Worcestershire Agreement a large Account whereof is given at the beginning of the second Part of this Narrative and Mr. Baxter's Christian Concord written by a nameless Author supposed to be Dr. Gunning and sent by Dr. Warmestry p. 1. Numb II. Several Letters that pass'd between Mr. Baxter and Mr. Martin Johnson about the Point of Ordination and particularly the necessity of a constant uninterrupted Succession in order to the validity of Ministerial Functions p. 18. Numb III. Several Letters between Mr. Baxter and Mr. Lamb p. 51. Numb IV. Letters and Papers between Mr. Baxter and Mr. Allen p. 67. Numb V. A Letter of Mr. Baxter's to Mr. Long of Exeter p. 108. Numb VI. A Resolution of this Case What 's to be done when the Law of the Land commands persons to go to their Parish Church and Parents require to go to private Meetings p. III Numb VII A Letter of Mr. Baxter's about the Case of Nevil Symmons Bookseller p. 117. Numb VIII Mr. Baxter's general Defence of his accused Writings call'd Seditious and Schismatical p. 119. Numb IX An Act for Concord by Reforming Parish Churches and Regulating the Toleration of Dissenters p. 127. A Letter to the Right Worshipful Sir E. H. about that matter p. 130. Be pleased Candid Reader to correct these Errours in the beginning thus PAge 1. line 29. for and read one and after rest r. and. p. 2. l. 10. after clock r. in the. and l27 dele and. p. 3. l. 35. for being r. bringing me p. 4. l. 28. dele of and l. 40. after knowledge r. was l. 42. for wonder r. wondred p. 6. l. 17. r. that part of Physick p. 8. l. 29. r. usually p. 199. l. 14. for he r. it l. 46. for rejections r. objections The rest as they occur inter legendum for I could not attend the Press and prevent the Errata THE
poor Plowmen understood but little of these Matters but a little would stir up their Discontent when Money was demanded But it was the more intelligent part of the Nation that were the great Complainers Insomuch that some of them denied to pay the Ship-money and put the Sheriffs to distrain the Sheriffs though afraid of a future Parliament yet did it in obedience to the King Mr. Hampden and the Lord Say brought it to a Suit where Mr. Oliver St. Iohn and other â—Lawyers boldly pleaded the Peoples Cause The King had before called all the Judges to give their Opinions Whether in a Case of need he might impose such a Tax or not And all of them gave their Opinion for the Affirmative except Judge Hatton and Judge Crook The Judgment passed for the King against Mr. Hampden But this made the Matter much more talk of throughout the Land and considered of by those that thought not much of the Importance of it before § 25. Some suspected that many of the Nobility of England did secretly Consederate with the Scots so far as to encourage them to come into England thinking that there was no other way to cause the Calling of a Parliament which was the thing that now they bent their minds to as the Remedy of these things The Earl of Essex the Earl of Warwick the Earl of Bedford the Earl of Clare the Earl of Bullingbrook the Earl of Mulgrave the Earl of Holland the Lord Say the Lord Brook and I know not how many more were said to be of this Conâ—ederacy But Heylin himself hath more truly given you the History of this That the Scots after they came in did perswade these Men of their own danger in England if Arbitrary Government went on and so they petitioned the King for a Parliament which was all their Consederacy and this was after their second Coming into England The Scots came with an Army and the King's Army met them near Newcastle but the Scots came on till an Agreement was made and a Parliament called and the Scots went home again But shortly after this Parliament so displeased the King that he Dissolved it and the War against the Scots was again undertaken to which besides others the Papists by the Queens means did voluntarily contribute whereupon the Scots complain of evil Counsels and Papists as the cause of their renewed dangers and again raise an Army and come into England And the English at York petition the King for a Parliament and once more it is resolved on and an Agreement made but neither the Scottish or English Army disbanded And thus began the Long Parliament as it was after called § 26. The Et caetera Oath was the first thing that threatned me at Bridgenorth and the second was the passage of the Earl of Bridgwater Lord President of the Marches of Wales through the Town in his Journey from Ludlow to the King in the North For his coming being on Saturday Evening the most malicious persons of the Town went to him and told him that Mr. Madestard and I did not sign with the Cross nor wear the Surplice nor pray against the Scots who were then upon their Entrance into England and for which we had no Command from the King but a printed Form of Prayer from the Bishops The Lord President told them That he would himself come to Church on the morrow and see whether we would do these things or not Mr. Madestard went away and left Mr. Swain the Reader and my self in the danger But after he had spoken for his Dinner and was ready to go to Church the Lord President suddenly changed his purpose and went away on the Lord's Day as far as Lichfield requiring the Accusers and the Bailiffs to send after him to inform him what we did On the Lord's Day at Evening they sent after him to Lichfield to tell him that we did not conform but though they boasted of no less than the hanging of us they received no other Answer from him but that he had not the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and therefore could not meddle with us but if he had he should take such order in the business as were fit And the Bailiffs and Accusers had no more wit than to read his Letter to me that I might know how they were baffled Thus I continued in my Liberty of preaching the Gospel at Bridgenorth about a year and three quarters where I took my Liberty though with very little Maintenance to be a very great mercy to me in those troublesome times § 27. The Parliament being sate did presently fall on that which they accounted Reformation of Church and State and which greatly displeased the King as well as the Bishops They made many long and vehement Speeches against the Ship-money and against the Judges that gave their Judgment for it and against the Et caetera Oath and the Bishops and Convocation that were the formers of it but especially against the Lord Thomas Wentworth Lord Deputy of Ireland and Dr. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury as the evil Counsellers who were said to be the Cause of all These Speeches were many of them printed and greedily bought up throughout the Land especially the Lord Falklands the Lord Digbies Mr. Grimstones Mr. Pims Mr. Nath. Fiennes c. which greatly increased the Peoples Apprehension of their Danger and inclined them to think hardly of the King's Proceedings but especially of the Bishops Particular Articles of Accusation were brought in against the Lord Deputy the Archbishop the Judges Bishop Wren Bishop Pierce and divers others The Concord of this Parliament consisted not in the Unanimity of the Persons for they were of several Tempers as to Matters of Religion but in the Complication of the Interest of those Causes which they severally did most concern themselves in For as the King had at once imposed the Ship-money on the Common-wealth and permitted the Bishops to impose upon the Church their displeasing Articles and bowing towards the Altar and the Book for Dancing on the Lord's Day and the Liturgy on Scotland c. and to Suspend or Silence abundance of Ministers that were conformable for want of this Super-canonical Conformity so accordingly the Parliament consisted of two sorts of Men who by the Conjunction of these Causes were united in their Votes and Endeavours for a Reformation One Party made no great matter of these Alterations in the Church but they said That if Parliaments were once down and our Propriety gone and Arbitrary Government set up and Law subjected to the Prince's Will we were then all Slaves and this they made a thing intolerable for the remedying of which they said every true English Man could think no price to dear These the People called Good Commonwealth's Men. The other sort were the more Religious Men who were also sensible of all these things but were much more sensible of the Interest of Religion and these most inveyed against the Innovations in the
had impelled him and as in a Rapture went into the House and reproveth the Members for their Faults and pointing to Vane calls him a Juglar and to Henry Martin and calls him Whoremaster and having two such to instance in taketh it for granted that they were all unfit to continue in the Government of the Commonwealth and out he turneth them And so ended the Government of the Rump and no sort of People expressed any great Offence that they were cast out though all save the Sectaries and the Army almost did take him to be a Traitor that did it § 113. The young Commonwealth being already Headless you might think that nothing was left to stand between Cromwell and the Crown For a Governor there must be and who should be thought fitter But yet there was another Pageant to be played which had a double end 1. To make the Necessity of his Governing undeniable And 2. To make his own Souldiers at last out of love with Democracie or at least to make them hateful that adhered to it A Parliament must be called but the ungodly People are not to be trusted with the choice therefore the Souldiers as more religious must be the Choosers And two out of a County are chosen by the Officers upon the Advice of their Sectarian Friends in the Country This was called in Contempt The Little Parliament This Conventicle made an Act as I remember that Magistrates should marry People instead of Ministers yet not prohibiting the Ministers to do their part And then they came to the Business of Tythes and Ministers and before this Harrison being authorized thereto had at once put down all the Parish-Ministers of Wales because that most of them were ignorant and scandalous and had set up a few iâ—nerant Preachers in their stead who were for Number incompetent for so great a Charge there being but one to many of those wide Parishes so that the People having but a Sermon once in many Weeks and nothing else in the mean time were ready to turn Papists or any thing And this Plight would the Anabaptists and other Sectaries have brought England to And all was 1. That the People might not be tempted to think the Parish-Churches to be true Churches 2. Nor Insant Baptism to be true Baptism and so themselves to be true Christians but must be made Christians and Churches in the Anabaptists and Separatists way Hereupon Harrison became the Head of the Sectaries and Cromwell now began to design the heading of a soberer Party that were for Learning and Ministry but yet to be the equal Protector of all Hereupon in the Little Sectarian Parliament it was put to the Vote whether all the Parish Ministers of England should at once be put down or no And it was but accidentally carried in the negative by two Voices And it was taken for granted that the Tythes and Universities would at the next Opportunity be voted down and now Cromwell must be their Saviour or they must perish when he had purposely cast them into the Pit that they might be beholden to him to pull them out But his Game was so grosly play'd as made him the more loath'd by Men of Understanding and Sincerity So Sir C. W. and some others of them take their time and put it to the vote whether the House as uncapable of serving the Commonwealth should go and deliver up their Power to Cromwell from whom they had received it and they carried it in the Affirmative and away they go and solemnly resign their Power to him and now who but Cromwell and his Army § 114. The intelligent Sort by this time did fully see that Cromwell's design was by causing and permitting destruction to hang over us to necessitate the Nation whether they would or not to take him for their Governour that he might be their Protector Being resolved that we should be saved by him or perish He made more use of the wild headed Sectaries than barely to fight for him They now serve him as much by their Heresies their Enmity to Learning and Ministry their pernicious Demands which tended to Confusion as they had done before by their Valour in the Field He can now conjure up at pleasure some terrible apparition of Agitators Levellers or such like who as they affrighted the King from Hampton-Court shall affright the People to fly to him for refuge that the hand that wounded them may heal them For now he exclaimeth against the giddiness of these unruly Men and earnestly pleadeth for Order and Government and will needs become the Patron of the Ministry yet so as to secure all others of their Liberty Some that saw his Design said We will rather all perish and see both Tythes and Universities overthrown than we will any way submit to such deceitful Usurpations Others said It is the Providence of God whoever be the Instruments which hath brought us into this Necessity which we were unable to prevent and being in it we are not bound to choose our own destruction Therefore Necessity requireth us to accept of any One to rule us that is like to deliver us But the generality of the Ministers went the middle way and our Consciences thus apprehended the state of our present Duty We acknowledge that God Almighty hath over-ruled in all these great Mutations and hath permitted the perfidiousness of Men and their Success And the Common Good being the end of all just Government we may not do any thing against the Common Good much less to the Destruction of it under pretence of resisting an Usurper or of Restoring him who is our rightful Governour If the Universities be overthrown the Fabricks demolished the Lands alienated the Ministry put down the Tithes sold or given to the People to engage them all to be against any means which tend to a Recovery whatever we contribute to this we do against the King and Kingdom and do but cut his Throat in kindness For we pull down the House that he may be Master of it and destroy the Commonwealth that he may be the Head of it We strengthen his Enemies by our imprudent Passions But yet we must neither do nor approve of Evil for any Good End nor forbear in our Places seasonably to reprehend it Therefore it is unlawful for us to Consent to any Governour but the King or take any Engagement or Oath of Allegiance to any But it is not unlawful for us to submit to them by living quietly in our Places and to make use of the Courts of Justice established by Law yea and to demand protection from the Usurper For his stepping into the Ruler's place and Usurping the Government obligeth him to do all the parts of a Governour 's Office while he is there and warranteth us to demand it and accept it of him but it doth not at all oblige us to obey him or consent to his Usurpation Even as we may demand Justice of a General of Rebels or a
a sober Christian hath the least reason to scruple Communion in Will you have a Pastor that shall not speak in the Name of the People to God or will you call his Prayers his own which he puts up by Virtue of his Office according to God's Word Ad 17m. I think they cannot without Sacriledge make such Alienation except where God's Consent can be proved For Example if the Ministers of the Church have full as much means given as is fit for the Ends to which it is given and yet the People will give more and more to the Burden and ensnaring of the Church and the impoverishing or ruin of the Common-wealth here I think God consents not to accept that Gift and therefore it was but an Offer and not plenarily a Gift for want of Acceptance for he accepts not that which he prohibits Here therefore the Magistrate may restore this to its proper use But whether this were any of the Case of these Sacrilegious Alienations too lately made in this Land is a farther Question I apprehend a deep Guilt of Sacriledge upon some Ad 18m. The Particulars here mentioned must be distinctly considered 1. About Fasts and Feasts the Question as referring to the Obligation of the Laws of the Land is of the same Resolution as all other Questions respecting those Laws which being a Case more out of my way I shall not presume to determine without a clearer Call Only I must say that I see little Reason why those Men should think themselves bound in this who yet suppose themselves loose from many other Laws and who obey many of the Laws or Ordinances of the present Powers 2. I much fear that not only the Querist but many more are much ensnared in their Consciences by misunderstanding the Nature and use of Synods It 's one thing for an Assembly of Bishops to have a superior Governing Power directly over all particular Churches and Bishops and another thing for such an Assembly to have a Power of determining of things necessary for the Concord of the several Churches I never yet saw it proved that Synods are over Bishops in a direct Governing Order nor are called for such Ends but properly in ordine ad Unitatem and so oblige only more than single Bishops by Virtue of the General Precept of maintaining Unity and Concord This is the Opinion of the most learned Bishop and famous antiquary that I am acquainted with 3. And then when the end ceases the Obligation is at an End So that this can now be no Law of Unity with us 4. All human Laws die with the Legislator farther than the surviving Rulers shall continue them The Reason is drawn from the Nature of a Law which is to be jussum Majestatis in the Common wealth and every where to be a sign of the Rectors Will de debito vel constituendo vel confirmando Or his Authoritative Determination of what shall be due from us and to us Therefore no Rector no Law and the Law that is though made by the deceased Rector is not his Law but the present Rector's Law formally it being the signifier of his Will And it is his Will for the continuance of it that gives it a new Life In all this I speak of the whole Summa potestas that hath the absolute Legislative Power If therefore the Church Governors be dead that made these Laws and no sufficient Power succeeds them to continue these Laws and make them theirs then they are dead with their Authors 5. The present Pastors of the Church though but Presbyters are the true Guides of it while Bishops are absent and the true Guides conjunctly with the Bishops if they were present according to the Judgment of your own side Whoever is the sole existent governing Powerâ— may govern and must be obeyed in things Lawful Therefore you must for all your unproved Accusation of Schism obey them The Death or Deposition of the Bishops depriveth not the Presbyters of that Power which they had before 6. Former Church Governors have not Power to bind all that shall come after them where they were before free But their Followers are as free as they were 7. The Nature of Church Canons is to determine of Circumstances only for a present time place or occasion and not to be universal standing Laws to all Ages of the Church For if such Determinations had been fit God would have made them himself and they would have been contained in his perfect Word He gives not his Legislative Power to Synods or Bishops 8. Yet if your Conscience will needs persuade you to use those Ceremonies you have no ground to separate from all that will not be of your Opinion 9. For the Cross the Canons require only the Minister to use it and not you and if he do not that 's nothing to you 10. Have you impartially read what is written against the Lawfulness of it by Amesius's fresh Suit Bradshaw Parker and others If you have you may at least see this that it 's no fit matter to place the Churches Unity or Uniformity in and they that will make such Laws for Unity go beyond their Commission Church Governors are to determine the Circumstances pro loco tempore in particular which God hath in Word or Nature made necessary in genere and left to their Determination But when Men will presume beyond this to determine of things not indeed circumstantial or no way necessary in genere nor left to their Determination as to institute new standing Symbols in and with God's Symbols or Sacraments to be engaging Signs to engage us to Christ and to Work Grace on the Soul as the Word and Sacraments do that is by a moral Operation and then will needs make these the Cement of Unity this is it that hath been the Bane of Unity and Cause of Divions 11. Kneeling at the Sacrament is a Novelty introduced many hundred years after Christ and contrary to such Canons and Customs of the Church to which for Antiquiâ—y and Universality you owe much more respect than to the Canons of the late Bishops in England 12. If your General Rule hold that you stand bound by all Canons not repealed by equal Power you have a greater burden on your back than you are aware of which if you bore indeed you would know how little this usurped Legislative Power befriends the Church And among others you are bound not to kneel in the Church on any Lord's Day in Sacrament or Prayer Grotius de Imperio Sumpotest would teach much more Moderation in these Matters than I here perceive Ad Q. 19m. 1. It 's too much Self-conceitedness and Uncharitableness to pass so bold a Censure as your Supposition doth contain of the visible ruling Church being Schismatical and so Heretical Which is the ruling Church I know none in England besides Bishops that pretend to rule any but their own Provinces and but few that pretend Order to Regiment Perhaps when the
him 3. That executively it is to be done by every one in their places the Pastors giving or denying the Sacraments c. and the People holding or refusing Communion or Company with Men according as they are judged by the Church I think there is no Controversie among us about these § 325. 3. And therefore the Work will resolve us of the place viz. That the Execution must be in that place where he had or desired Communion or was capable of it And therefore that the Iudgment should be by those that being upon the place have fullest opportunity to know the Persons and the Case Even by those Pastors who labour amongst the People that are over them in the Lord 1 Thess. 5. 12 13. who have the rule over them and preach to them the Word of God Hebr. 13. 7 17 24. and not by those that are strangers to them § 326. 4. And as to the Manner all Divines are agreed That it is not to be like the proceedings of a Civil Court where there is no more to be done but examine the Cause and pass the Sentence and execute it by Corporal Penalties and Mulcts But 1. That it is to be managed by grave Divines the Physicians of Souls for the saving of the Sinner if it may be with great seriousness and light and weight of Scripture Argument convincing the Erroneous terrifying the Secure with the terrours of the Lord reproving and admonishing and perswading the penitent Offender and all this with Love and Compassion and due Patience and restoring the Penitent with Tenderness and Consolation and necessary Caution From all which it is evident That one single Person thus dealt with in case of Heresie may hold the Pastor or Bishop many days time and one gross Sinner may hold him many hours time before this Work can be done as the Nature and Ends of it do require 2. And it is to be done by the meer Keys of the Kingdom of Christ by managing God's Word by particular Application to the Case and Conscience of the Sinner and not by outward Force of Penalties § 327. 5. And all this is apparent in the Ends of it which is 1. That Churchâ—Communion may be a Communion of Saints 2. That the Sinner may be saved and converted to that end 3. Or however that others may be warned by his sad Example 4. And that the unbelieving and ungodly World may see the Excellency of Christian Religion and not be hardened in their Infidelity and Impietyâ— 5. And so that Christ and the Father by him may be honoured in his holiness among the Sons of Men These are the Ends of Church-Discipline § 328. 3. And as you see what the Discipline is that is to be Exercised so the Number of Persons on whom it is to be exercised may be gathered from what is said in the beginning where is shewed 1. How many hundred Parishes are in a Diocess 2. How many hundred or thousand Souls in a Parish unless the very smallest 3. And how many Hereticks Atheists Papists Infidels or Swearers Cursers Railers Drunkards Fornicators and other scandalous Sinners there are proportionably in most Parishes I leave to the judgment of every faithful Pastor that ever tried it by a particular knowledge of his Flock § 329. 4. And lastly who they be that are to Exercise all this Discipline I have shewed before even one Court or Consistory in a whole Diocess with the inconsiderable subserviency of the Arch-Deacon's Court For the Rural Deans do nothing in it and are themselves scarce known and the Pastor and Churchwardens do nothing but present Men to the Courts and execute part of their Sentences § 330. All this being laid together the impossibility of Christ's Discipline in our Churches is undeniable 1. Because by this Computation there must stand at once before the Court many thousand Persons to be at once examined convinced reproved exhorted or a great Multitude at least whenas they can speak but to one at once 2. Because the second Admonition which should be before two or three is there before an open Judicature which is not suited to the appointed End so that really our Controversie with the Diocesans is the same in effect as if it were controverted whether a thousand or six hundred Schools shall have as many governing School-masters or whether one only shall govern all these Schools and the rest of the School-masters have only power to â—each and not to govern were it only whether one should have a general Inspection over the rest that they may be punished for Malc-administration we should not be so far disagreed for though we might question whether Christ ever made or allowed any such Officer besides the Magistrate yet if the Work were but done by any we should judge it more tolerable Or the Controversie is as if it were questioned whether all the Diocess should have any more than one Physician that should have any power to prescribe any Government to the Patients and all the rest should only read general Lectures of Physick to them and be his Apothecaries to carry them his Prescripts and Medicines which were to question whether most shall have any Physician or none and whether the People shall have their Lives sacrificed to the mad Ambition of some one Man that would be their only Physician Shifting may deceive the unexperienced but let any Minister in England be but so faithful as to know all his Flock and regard their Souls and he can never deny that this is the true Case For my own part the Lord knoweth that I did with too much remisness exercise some Discipline a few years when I had liberty in one Country Parish upon one of the most Reformed People in the Land and that with the help of many Fellow-Ministers and of many of the People in their places and the countenance and presence of three Justices of the Peace and yet I found the burden too great for me and that one half of that Parish would have been enough It is in this as in Military Discipline or Navigation The Judgment of that Man that never tried it is of very little value in the Case Do but try the Government of one Parish in the Scripture way and we shall not differ § 331. And the Nonconformists further prove that our Prelacy maketh this Discipline morally impossible thus Were it not morally impossible some one godly Bishop in England would have executed it as Christ appointeth But no one godly Bishop in England doth or ever did so execute it Ergo The Major will not be denied of a Moral Impossibility or at least of a difficulty next it That which no one Man no not the wisest or the best ever did may well be called morally impossible or neer it And that England hath had some such Bishops we are not so uncharitable as to question when we remember Hooper Farrar Latimer Cranmer Ridley Iewel Grindall Hall and many more And I never met with
skill in Laws than they 12. They find that even the greatest Episcopal Divines approved by our Princes and most Learned Defenders of Monarchy and Obedience do yet set up the Laws above the King and write more in this Case than we can consent to◠Mr. Tho. Hooker whom King Charles the First commended to his Children to be read speaketh so very high not only in his whole Eighth Book dedicated by Bishop Gauden to the King but also in his First Book which was extant when King Charles the First commended his Works that for my part I do not believe him that the Body as such hath the Legislative Power and that the King is singulis major and universis minor with much of the like And therefore I have wrote a full Confutation of him in the Fourth Tome of my Christian Directory And yet he is one of the most magnified Authours with the Bishops And so is Bishop Bilson who in his Treatise for Christian Subjection dedicated to Queen Elizabeth hath that terrible passage for resisting Kings before-recited § 253. 13. And they find that not only Politicians speak more in this Case than we allow and the Roman Greek and other Historians but the Historians and Chroniclers of this Land For instance Hollingshead Lib. 1. in his Chapter of Parliaments saith This House hath the most high and absolute Power of the Realm For thereby Kings and mighty Princes have from time to time been deposed from their Thrones Laws either enacted or abrogated Offenders of all sorts punished and corrupted Religion either disannulled or reformed which commonly is divided into two Houses or Parts c. Here is more then I assent to or think to be justifiable Now when all these say so much more for Resistance than we judge sound it seemeth hard to us to go so far contrary to them all in Matters of other Mens Profession as to Subscribe That on no pretence whatsoever no one Commissionated by the King may be resisted by taking up Arms. 14. And we read how Dr. Mainwairing and other Divines have been condemned by Parliament for Matters of this Nature And whatever any Latitudinarian may say we are sure that on no pretence whatsoever are words that exclude all these fore-mentioned Pretences from being lawful And if it yet be said That it is disloyal to suppose that any such illegal Commission will be granted we do not suppose that it will be so but if it be not possible to be so in this Age or another then we are contented to Subscribe this Clause For Parliaments will not differ about Impossibilities § 395. Incident to this Controversie are other Clauses of the Declaration as that the Covenant was in it self an unlawful Oath and imposed against the known Laws c. which though they contradict not yet many that were Children then and know neither Matter of Law or Fact no not so much as the Fundamental Laws and Constitution of the Kingdom do think themselves very uncapable of determining § 396. And for the Trayterous Position of taking Arms by his Authority against his Person or against those that are Commissionated by him We see no position here recited and therefore must annex this Clause to the former as before supposing that the meaning is that it is a Trayterous Position to say That it is lawful by the King's Authority to take up Arms on any pretence whatsoever against c. And we all confess that it is a Contradictory and Trayterous Position for any man to say that he may take up Arms by the King's Authority against his Authority or Dignity or Honour or Person But all the Doubt is as aforesaid Whether the King's Laws have not his Authority and whether his Laws and his Commission may not be contrary or one Commission contrary to another And in that case whether it be Trayterous to say that one side hath his Authority against the other As if his Law allow Men to defend their Lives and Purses against Assaults and an Assailant produce a Commission whether the King's Authority in his Laws and Courts enable not a Man by Arms to save his Purse or Life against such a pretended Commissioner And how shall any Subject at the time of the Assault be sure whether the Commission be true or spurious If as Ioa◠and Abner sent the young Men to play mad play before them and the Romans caused their Gladiators to fight to make them sport so if the King to try the Valour of some Subjects would Commission a few on both sides to fight against each other doth it follow that both sides were Traytors because they both fought by his Authority against such as were Commissionated by him If it be said That this is not the meaning of the Act we answer◠That where Forms are supposed to be deliberately worded by a Parliament if we must not understand Universals universally but may put in Limitations or Exceptions at our Pleasure then their words are not the signifiers of their Minds and we know not whether to go to understand them nor what be the Exceptions and Limitations allowed but every Man may except according to his Fancy and thus all will be but Equivocation and Deceit And Dr. Sanderson resolveth it That when Oaths and consequently subscribed Forms are ambiguously worded and the Imposers will not explain them it is not fit at all to take them Some Lawyers tell me that if it came before the Judges they would judge an unlawful Commission to be no Commission and that the Judges are the Expositors of the Law I answer 1. We have no assurance that the Judges would so judge much less unanimously nor that they have so done 2. Lately Mr. Ioseph Read offered at the King's-Bench-Bar to take the Oxford Oath as expounded in that sence by the Vote of the Lords about the Test and he was reproved for his Offer and told that he must take it as the Law imposed it and was sent back to Jail 3. The Law-makers only can expound a Law as antecedently Obligatory to all the Subjects The Judges can only expound it consequently for the decision of a particular Case in order to Execution and ad hoc which warranteth no Man to take that for the true meaning of the Statute § 397. IV. The Fourth Controversie is about the Oath of Canonical Obedience And the Reasons why this is scrupled by the Non-Conformists are these Because they take the Power it self to which they are to swear to be specifically Evil and against the Word of God of which their Proofs are given before And therefore they dare not be guilty of swearing Obedience to them lest they 1. Take the Name of God in vain and Oath being a thing which is not to be ventured on but with the greatest reverence deliberation and sincerity 2. And lest they scandalously approve of Usurpation in Christ's Kingdom to the wrong of his Crown and Dignity and contract the guilt of Treason or Disloyalty
in things of greatest moment to the Party 's good determineth that An impious hypocritical Protestant is worse than a sober godly Papist for such I doubt not but some be But he that is sound both in Judgment and in Life is better than either 2. In case it be very likely to prove some great Commodity to Church or State For so I doubt not but a Protestant Lady might marry a Papist Prince or other Person on whom the Publick Good doth eminently depend so be it 1. That she be stable and of good Understanding her self 2. And like to keep such Interest in him as may conduce to his own and the Publick Good 3. And in case she may not be as well disposed of to the Good of the Publick other ways When all these concur the probability of Publick Utility is so great that the Person I think may trust God to make up Personal Incommodities and preserve the Soul who aimeth at his Glory and keepeth in his way But small inconsiderable Probabilities are not enough to move one to hazard their Soul in so perillous a way 3. Besides these two Cases of real Necessity and Publick Utility I remember no Case at the present in which it is lawful for such a Protestant Lady to marry a Papist At least in the ordinary Case of Persons in this Land I take it to be undoubtedly sinful what hopes soever may be imagined of his Conversion My Reasons are these 1. A Husband is especially to be a Meet-helper in Matters of the greatest moment And this help is to be daily given in counselling in the things that concern Salvation instructing in the Scriptures exciting Grace subduing Sin and helping the Wife in the constant course of a Holy Life and in her preparation for Death and the Life to come And a humble Soul that is conscious of its own weakness will find the need of all this Help which how it can be expected from one who only promiseth not to disturb her in her Religion I cannot understand I should as soon advise her to take a Physician in her Sickness who only promimiseth not to meddle with her Health as a Husband who only promiseth not to meddle with her in Matters of Religion 2. A Husband who is no helper in Religion must needs be a hinderer For the very Diversions of the Mind from holy Things by constant talk of other Matters will be a very great Impediment And as not to go forward is to go backward so not to help is to hinder in one of so near relation How hard it is to keep up the Love of God and a Delight in Holiness and heavenly Desires and a fruitful Life even under the greatest Helps in the World much more among Hinderances and especially such as are in our Bosom and continually with us I need not tell a humble and self-knowing Christian. And of what Importance these things are I shall not declare till I am speaking to an Infidel or Impious Person 3. And as for the Conversion of another Marriage is none of the means that God hath commanded for that end that ever I could find Preaching or Conference with judicious Persons are the means of such Conversion And if it be a hopeful thing it may be tried and accomplished first There are enow of us who are ready to meet any Man of the Papal way and to evince the Errours of their Sect by the allowance of Authority If Reason or Scripture or the Church or Sense it self may be believed we shall quickly lay that before them that hath evidence enough to convince them But if none of this can do it before hand how can a Wife hope to do it she ought not to think a Husband so fond and weak as in the Matters of his Salvation to be led by his Affections to a Woman against his Reason his Party and his Education Or if she can do more than a Learned Man can do let her do it first and marry him after I had rather give my Money or my House and Land in Charity than to give my self in Charity meerly in hope to do good to another It is a Love of Friendship and Complacence and not a love of meer Benevolence which belongeth to this Relation Moreover Errour and Sin are deep rooted things and it is God only that can change such hearts and Women are weak and Men are the Rulers and therefore to marry if it were a vicious ungodly Protestant meerly in hope to change him is a Course which I think not meet here to name or aggravate as it deserveth 4. Yea she may justly fear rather to be changed by him For he hath the advantage in Authority Parts and Interest And we are naturally more prone to Evil than to Good It 's easier to infect twenty Men than to cure one And if he speak not to her against her Religion enow more will 5. Or if she be so happy as to escape Perversion there is little hope of her escaping a sad calamitous Life Partly by guilt and partly by her grief for a Husband's Soul and partly by Family-disorders and sins and also by daily temptations disappointments and want of those helps and comforts in the way to Heaven which her Weakness needeth and her Relation should afford So that if her Soul scape she must look that her great Affliction should be the means And yet we cannot so confidently expect from God that he sanctifie to us a self-chosen Affliction as another 6. Supposing him to be one that loveth her Person truly and not only her Estate for else she must expect to stand by as a contemned thing yet his Religion will not allow him otherwise to love her than as a Child of the Devil in a state of Damnation may be loved For their Religion teacheth them That none can be saved but the Subjects of the Pope If it be objected It seemeth it is no sin in that you can allow it in a Case of Necessity or for the notable benefit of the Church or State I answer It is no sin in those Cases but out of them it is It is no sin but my duty to lay down my Life for my King or Country but it followeth not that I may therefore do it without sufficient Cause So it is in this Case Having plainly given you my judgment in the proposed Case I leave it to that Noble Lord who sent for it to use it or conceal it or burn it as he please For it being not the Lady that sent to desire my Resolution but he my Answer is not hers but his that sent for it But I humbly crave that if she be at all acquainted with my Answer or any one else it may not be by report but by shewing it her entire as I have written it And as I doubt not but his Honour will find it self engaged to preserve me from the displeasure of such
be sinful and hazarding our Souls c. We should never have stuck at Conformity to them And it is no small Number of Sins so heiâ—ous which we suppose since imposed that we dare not so much as name them least we displease you and make you say that we render the Conformists such heinous Sinners But I will alledge your Authority when any of us are next blamed for discovering the â—einous Sinfulness of Conformity as we yet believe it would be to us If you say that the Licensers would licence our Writings if we did it with Sobriety 1. You know that the Canon and Law is against it 2. I shall then in Justice challenge you to make it good and here promise you an account of my Nonconformtiy whenever you will procure it licensed 6. And which way got you so strong a Faith as to be past doubt that did we discover any sinfulness it would by Authority have been taken away Make this true yet after neer Two Thousand Ministers have been neer Sixteen Years ejected and silenced and many killed by Imprisonment and the People of the Land divided and distracted by the training Engines and you shall have the Honour of being the greatest healer of our Breaches that ever rose in the Days of my Remembrance But if it be not true III. The Third Passage is p. 69 70. throughout These are great things to be spoken so boldly 1. Do you suppose your Reader one that never read Church-History What Work the Bishops made for Arrianism for Nestorianism for the Eutychians and Aâ—â—phalites against Nazianzen Chrysostom c. for the Monothelites about the tria Capitula for Images against Emperors and Kings setting up the Pope and decreed the Deposition of all Princes that obey him not and making Loyalty to be Heresis Henriciana How the River Oronte at Antioch hath been coloured with the Blood and the Graves of the Monks and People that fought it out in the Streets for the several Bishops what work they made at the first Council at Constance the first and the second of Ephesus the Council at Calcedon and many another How many Ages they were and yet are the Army of the Pope to subdue Princes and Nations Truth and Justice and set up the Evil that now reigneth in the Christian World How even against the Popes Will they made the best King and Emperor Ludovicus Pius as a Pennance resign his Crown and Scepter on the Altar to a Rebel Son and sent him to Prison He that ever read but Baronius Binnius or other Episcopal History will pity you can you name one Presbyter for very many Bishops that have been the Heads or Fomenters of Heresie Schism or Rebellion and yet Presbyters were more in Number than Bishops Innumerable Bishops saith Binnius were in the Monothelite Council under â—hilipicuâ— Of all things that ever befel the Christian Church I scarce know any thing comparable in Shame and Mischievous Effects to the horrid perfideousness Contention Schism and Pride of Bishops Cursing one Year by Hundreds all that were of one Opinion and another Year all that were of the contrary as the times and Interest and Emperor changed And if Arius or Novatus Aerius and Donatus which are all you name were the Beginners of any Schism how many hundred Bishops were the Promoters of them all save that of Aerius against themselves And is it any honour to Episcopacy that Arius and Aerius an Arian were not Bishops when they were said to be Seekers of Bishopricks and to divide because they could not obtain them Sure they were Prelatical Presbyters what honour were it to Episcopacy that you are no Bishop if all these and such things were vended by you in hope of a Bishoprick or some Preferment I will never whilst I breathe trust a Presbyter that sets himself to get Preferment no more than I will trust a But did you know or did you not that as for Novatus and Novatian one of them was an ill-chosen Bishop of Rome and the other a Promoter of his Prelacy and that as for Donatus there were two of them one of them a Bishop and that the Donatists Schism was meerly and basely Prelatical even whether their Bishop or Cecilianus should carry it and that their Re-baptizing and Re-ordaining and Schism was because they took none to have power that had it not from their Bishop as being their right like our Re-ordainers And are these Instances to prove what you assert Were it not for entring upon an unpleasing and unprofitable Task I would ask you 1. Who that Iuncto of Presbyters was that dethroned the King was it they that petitioned and protested against it 2. Whether it was not an Episcopal Parliament forty to one if not an hundred that began the War against the King 3. Whether the General and Commanders of the Army twenty to one were not Conformists 4. Whether the Major Generals in the Countries were not almost all Episcopal Conformists The Earl of Stamford was over your Country 5. Whether the Admiral and Sea-Captains were not almost all Episcopal Conformists As Heylin distinguisheth them of Archbishop Abbots mind disliking Arminianism Monopolies c. 6. Whether the Archbishop of York were not the Parliaments Major General 7. Whether the Episcopal Gentry did not more of them take the Engagement and many Episcopal Ministers than the Presbyterians 8. Whether if this Parliament which made the Acts of Uniformity and Conventicles should quarrel with the King it would prove them to be Presbyterians and Nonconformists 9. Whether the Presbyterian Ministers of London and Lancashire did not write more against the Regicides and Usurpers and declare against them than all the Conformists or as much And the Long Parliament was forced and most of them cast out before the King could be destroyed And when they were restored it made way for his Restoration And Sir Thomas Allen Lord Mayor and the City of Londons inviting General Monk from the Rump into the City and joyning with him was the very Day that turned the Scales for the King But all these are Matters fitter for your better Consideration than our Debate I rest Your Servant Rich. Baxter Iuly 26. 1678. To Mr. Long of Exeter Numb VI. A Resolution of this Case What 's to be done when the Law of the Land commands Persons to go to their Parish-Church and Parents require to go to private Meetings Quest. THE Law of the Land commandeth me to go to the Publick Churches the Canon commandeth me to go to my own Parish-Church and not to another Parish Both forbid me to go to Conventicles and silenced Preachers My Father and Mother forbid me to go to the Publick Churches and command me to go constantly to a silenced Minister in Meetings forbidden by the Law But specially not to go to my Parish Priest saying he is an insufficient and drunken Railer but to a Neighbour Parish if I will not obey their first Command Am I now bound to obey my Parents
Case I continued Silent as to any further Suit or Plea keeping constantly in the Communion of the Parish Churches where I lived till in 1668. I was imprisoned for Teaching a few ignorant Neighbours whom thereby I drew with me into the Church and was delivered by righteous Judges VIII The Lord Keeper Bridgman near that time called some of us as by the King's pleasure to Receive and Treat of some Proposals offered for Comprehension and Indulgence and appointed Bishop Wilkins and Dr. Burton to Treat with Dr. Manton and Dr. Bates and me which required that we opened to them our Case We came to a full Agreement which Judge Hale then Lord Chief Baron gâ—eatly approving it drew up in an Act to be offered the Commons who Voted to receive no such Act and defeated the King's Offer and our Hopes IX In 1672. the King again declared not only his Judgment but Resolution for our Leave to Preach and gave us actually Licenses But many Church-men opposed it and called it Schism and disswaded us from using our granted Liberty and said we were bringing in Popery by it And the Parliament was against it and caused the King to reverse his Licenses And in this time I wrote my Books against our Silencing in Defence of the Liberty granted by the King though they were after printed X. After this Bishop Gunning of Ely urged me to declare the Reasons of our Nonconformity and said He would Petition the King to force us to it that we might be Answered and not keep up a Schism and not tell for what I told him I would beg leave to do it on my knees but durst not lest they that called for it could not bear it XI And the Right Reverend Bishop of London urged me to the same and said That the King took us as not Sincere because we so long forbore Conforming and declared not our Reasons To whom I gave the same Answer XII The Earl of Orery told me Bishop Morley proposed some Terms for Concord to keep out Popery and urged me to draw up for the said Bishop what we must have granted which I did and had the Bishops frustrating Answer XIII Another time Dean Tillotson and Dr. Stillingfleet moved us to a Treaty for Concord as encouraged by Bishop Morley and others And we gave them all our Desires in terminis which they seem'd to consent to if the Bishop had not rejectect it XIV After this I wrote a Book of the True way of Universal Concord and directed it to to Bishop Morley and Bishop Gunning as the Men that I meant that had frustrated our hopes On which Bishop Gunning sent Dr. Crowther to inviâ—e me to a Conference and ourâ— Debate three days was Which is the true way of Universal Concord which he maintained to be by Obedience to the Legislative and Iudicial Governing of the College of Pastors I drew up the Sum in three Letters to him maintaining Universal Communion but denying all Forreign Iurisdiction and the possibility of one Humane Soveraigntâ— Monarchical or Aristâ—cratical over all Kings and Churches and all the World XV. After and under all this Discourse Pulpits and Press by Men not to be despised openly accused us as Contrâ—ving and Designing a Rebellion by continuing Nonconformists when we had nothing to say for it So that now our Silence past almost into a seeming Confession of an intended Rebellion Now I appeal to Reason and Conscience to Christianity and Humanity Whether all these Calls of Kings and Bishops Friends and Accusers justifie not a Serious Account of our Case after Fourteen or Seventeen Years accused Silence XVI Yet after all this I durst not I did not write either any Iustification of our Scruples or any Reasons to prove the Impositâ—â—ns sinful save that I gave the Reasons for our not ceasing to preach and against a spurious sort of Diocesanes of some Innâ—vatoâ—s Description But only baâ—ely named de facto what it was that we feared as sin protesting over and over not to accuse the Law or the Conformists XVII And that which on all these Provocations I have done in many Books is but these two things 1. To beg for Concord and prove and it never was nor will be had by forcing all to profess consent to numerous dubious unnecessary Things but only on Terms few plain and necessary in which all sound Christians are agreed 2. To beg for mercy not so much to many hundred suffering Ministers and many Thousand dissenting godly Christians such as no Nation under Heaven out of his Majesty's Dominion hath better that I can hear of but specially for many score thousand needy ignorant untaught Souls For I wrote with respect 1. To the Case of the whâ—le Land before I knew that Seven thousand of the former Incumbents would stay in 2. To the Case of London in the dreadful Plague when infected Men cried for help and had no Teachers the Pastors being fled and the Nonconforâ—â—sts prohibited And about a dozen that ventured and as Grosthead spake obâ—â—â—â—ently disobeyed saw wondrous Success of their Labours in the Penitence of the â—â—â—â—ghted humbled Crowds 3. To the Case of the Fire that the next year burnt City and Churches and many years but few Capacious Tabernacles were built so that Publick Worship mostly ceased And hundred Thousands of undone Persons should then have had special Comfort and Counsel But the Nonconformists were forbidden still 4. I had special respect to the Case of Great Parishes such as Martins Giles Stepney and many more where Ten Twenty Forty thousand persons have no room in their Parish Churches and Mahometans use some Publick Worship And what shall all these Persons do who by Custom excused by Necessity grow to live willingly like Atheists In my Poverty I built a Tabernacle in Martins Parish and though I have the Bishops License to preach in London Diocess I could not be suffered to use it though I would have had the Liturgy there used And I thankfully and gladly accepted of Dr. Lloyd's Consent to take it for the Parish use 5. I never beg'd leave for any to preach but loyal sound peaceable Men and that only where there was plain Necessity and for nothing of Salary and only under Government and Laws of Peace And I thank God that all the Passions Provocations Temptations and Trials that have risen have drawn to Plots or Rebellion or Disloyalty no one Person that I can hear of of all those that I was acquainted with and for whom I then beg'd for Liberty and Mercy And most of them are gone out of a Malignant World to their Everlasting Rest. XVIII The contrary minded while they cried down Division as well as I left us but these three impossible ways to cure them 1. To make all Men and Women so much wiser than themselves as to know all their Things called Lawful to be so indeed when we can get too few to understand their Catechism 2. Or else to get all that