hereafter For where the Topas is found on the Mountaines of Tenaseren in the East Indies the greatest store of Diamonds are also found When my kinsman returned Daptaine Leonard came with him to Wiapoco being aboue an hundred miles from his owne Country onely to visite me and my company for the great loue he did beare to Sir Walter Raleigh and our Nation I much maruelled to see him for assuredly he is the brauest Indian of all those parts After he had beene with me a day or two he earnestly requested me to send some of my company into his Countrey which he greatly commended for the wholesome ayre and plenty of victuals alleading that the place where then wee liued by his owne experience was very vnhealthfull that our men would there be subiect to sickenesse and die and for an instance he named Captaine Lee and his company who formerly were planted there and almost all dyed by sicknesse in the same place But he assured me that his own Country Cooshebery was of a good ayre pleasant and healthfull that there they might haue roome sufficient to build English houses in for those were the words hee vsed that thither they should be welcome and should want nothing Much he perswaded to draw me to his desire which by his importunity I granted and accordingly performed it finding his Country answerable to his report being for the most part champian ground naturally intermixt of plaine fields fruitefull meadowes and goodly woods in such admirable order as if they had beene planted artificially by handy labour The fields appearing aboue the meadowes in pleasant and delightfull manner presenting here and there vnto the eye from stately Mounts most beautifull and liuely prospects the meadowes bordering on euery side betweene the fields and woods the woods growing in the lowest valleys betwixt the meadowes and commonly are â—watered with sweete and pleasant fresh streames running through them which strange and rare mixture of Mounts Valleyes Meadowes Fields and Woods afford as excellent and healthfull habitations as can be wished or desired but is not greatly peopled From the Riuer of Cassipurogh N. Westward to the Riuer of Arracow and vp further into the Land towards the West and South-west as farre as the Riuer of Arwy which falleth into Wiapoco aboue the ouerfalles extend the Prouinces of Arracoory and Morownia which also to the landward by the relation of my Brother Captaine Michael Harcourt and Captaine Haruey who haue trauelled and discouered those parts are pleasant and delightfull plaine Countries like vnto Cooshebery The Arracoory Countrie is well pleopled and their chiefe Captaine is called Ipero Betwixt the Wiapocoories and Arracoories there is no hearty loue and friendship yet in outward shew they hold good quarter In Morrownia there is also store of people which are friendly Indians In that Prouince there is a very high Hill called Callipuny fashioned like a Sugerloafe or a Pyramis which oueruieweth and discouereth all the Territories adioyning aboue an hundred miles Beyond the Country of Morrowni to the Southward bordering the Riuer of Arwy is the Prouince of Norrak the people thereof are Charibes and enemies both to the Morrowinnes the inhabitants of Morrownia and to the Wiapopoories who are also vnder the subiection of Anaky-v-ry the principall and greatest Lord or Cassique of all the Yaios in those Prouinces bordering vpon the Sea betwixt the Amazones South-eastward and Dessequebe North-westward From the Riuer of Amazones to the Bay of Wiapoco there fall into the Sea these Riuers following Arrapoco a branch of Amazones Arrawary Micary Conawini and Cassipuroph In the Bay of Wiapooco to the East of the said Riuer there falleth into the Sea the Riuer of Arracow and into Arracow falleth the Riuer of VVatts To the North of VViapoco there is a small creeke called Wianary which letteth into the Sea a dayes iourney Westward vp into the land some take this creeke to be a Riuer but they doe erre in that opinion it hauing neither Spring nor Fountaine from whence it falleth To the North and North-west of the said creeke there is a ridge of high Mountaines running towards the Riuer of Apurwaca the soile whereof is excellent and fertile for Tobacco and beareth the best of all those parts so are the Sugar-canes there growing the best and fairest that are found vpon the Coast and all the tract of Land betwixt the Riuer of VViapoco and Apurwaca is accounted the Prouince of VViapocoory containing the Signiories of VViapoco and VVianary Beneath the ouerfals in VViapoco which are forty miles distant from the Sea there is much people both of Yaios and Arwaccas of the Yaios in this Riuer Carasana is chiefe Of the Arwaccas Arriquona is principall In Wianary there are few Indians and Casurino is their chiefetaine To the North-west of the Bay of Wiapoco there fall into the Sea the Riuer of Apurwaca Cowo Wio and Caiane Apurwaca is a goodly Riuer and well inhabited Cowo is voide of inhabitants Wio is a faire Riuer and leadeth many dayes iourney into the high land â—and discouereth a fertile and hopefull Countrey At Caiane there is an excellent harbour for shipping of any burden which heretofore by Captaine Lawrence Keymis was called Port Howard On the Starbood side as you enter this harbour there is an Iland of low land called Muccumbro scituate betwixt the Riuer of Caiane and Meccoria containing in circuit about sixteene leaues In this Iland there are two hils the one called Muccumbro whereof the Iland taketh the name the other called Cillicedemo from these hils the greatest part of the Iland may be oueruiewed which containeth many goodly Pastures and Meadowes intermixt with some Woods and is full of Deere both red and fallow On the Larboord side as you enter Caiane there is another Iland of high Land called Mattoory in quantitie much like vnto the first this Iland for the commodious scituation is of great effâ—ct for the defence of the harbour affording naturally two such notable conuenient places for the planting of Ordnance for that purpose as no industry of art could deuise better or more auaileable The Inhabitants of this Prouince of Caiane are Charibes their principall commander is called Arrawicary who dwelleth at Cillicedemo before mentioned we haue found him trusty and faithfull to our Nation but to our friend Leonard of Cooshebery he is a mortall enemy At this mans house I left foure or fiue of my company thereby to hold amity and friendship with the Charibes to learne their language and to keepe peace betweene them and the Yaios Arwaccas and other Narions their allies To the South-westward of these Prouinces aboue mentioned towards the high land there be many others which hereafter shall be more exactly described by a second discouery These Prouinces Signiories to the landward are not plentifully inhabited the greatest numbers of people are seated neare vnto the Riuers trauell from place to place in
for a bastard-sonne of Diego de Almagro to bee reuenged of his fathers death slue Pizarro for which act he lost his head In this controuersie betweene these two partners were slaine also two brothers of Pizarro and the third was carried prisoner into Spaine and there died in Prison but the fourth called Gonsaluo Pizarro rebelled with the whole Countrie and became a cruell Tyrant vanquishing many of the Emperours Captaines in battell and possessing the Countrie in peace for two yeeres howbeit being in the end ouercome hee lost his head like a Traitour And thus died they all an euill death that were causes of the death of that innocent King Atabalipa And yet there are mutinies raised oftentimes by the Spaniards but the Indians neuer rebelled after they had once peace granted vnto them The Indian people of this Land are parted among the Spaniards some being slaues vnto the Gentlemen that conquered their Land other some to others and the residue to the King and these Indians pay each man for his tribute seuen Pezos of fine Gold which is about ten Ducats and an halfe There are in this Countrie aboue fortie Cities and Townes inhabited by the Spaniards also they haue here erected nine Bishopricks and one Archbishopricke Now after this Countrie was fully conquered and brought in good order certaine Spaniards being desirous to discouer the land on the other side of the snowie Mountaines found a very wholesome Countrie and there inhabited The said Prouince situate behinde the Mountaines is called The Prouince of Tucuman wherein are fiue townes inhabited by the Spaniards the last of them called Cordoua from which towne vnto Santa Fee situate vpon the Riuer of Plate it is seuentie leagues This towne of Santa Fee was built in that place to seeke a way to Peru by the Riuer of Plate And from hence downe the said Riuer to Buenos Ayres are 120. leagues and from Buenos Ayres vnto Seal-Island you haue 40. leagues Now hauing put down all that I know concerning the Countrie of Peru and of the way from the Riuer of Plate vnto Tucuman I will returne vnto Atacama the Southermost town vpon the coast of Peru where I left From this towne of Atacama till you come to Arica all the coast is inhabited by Indians subiect vnto the Spaniards But since Captain Drake was here they haue built Towers by the Sea side whereon seeing any saile that they doe mistrust they presently make smoakes and so from Tower to Tower they warne all the Countrey Hauing before spoken of Arica all that I can I will now proceede to the next Port called Camana being a Towne of Spaniards and containing about two hundred houses Here they make store of Wine and haue abundance of Figges and Reisins The next Towne called Acari containeth about three hundred houses and here is made the best and greatest store of Wine in all Peru. From hence passing along the coast you come to El Calao the Port of Lima consisting of about two hundred houses and here was a strong Fort built since Captaine Drake was vpon the coast The Citie of Lima standing two leagues within the land and containing two thousand houses is very rich and of more trade then all the Cities of Peru besides and this Citie is the seate of the Viceroy the Archbishop and the Inquisition Next vnto this standeth a small towne of the Spaniards by the Sea side called Santa and next vnto Santa is another small towne of Christians called Cannete From hence they saile vnto a rich Citie called Truxillo being one of the principall townes of Peru and containing about fiue hundred houses Then followeth Paita which hath to the number of two hundred houses Leauing this towne they passe to Guaiaquil which standeth fortie leagues vp into a great Bay or Riuer at the entrance of which Riuer standeth Tumbez a towne of the Indians All this coast along from Atacama to Tumbez it neuer raineth as I haue before said so that all the houses in their townes are not tyled but couered with boords to keepe off the heate of the Sunne for they feare no raine at all Guaiaquil is the first place where it raineth and here they gather Salsaperilla Here is also great store of timber and at this place they build many Ships Hence they saile along the coast to a small and poore towne called Puerto Vieio which in times past hath beene rich with Emralds but now since these stones in regard of their plenty are growne nothing worth this towne likewise is waxen very poore Below this Village standeth another called La Buena Uentura but whosoeuer goe thither must needes meete with euill fortune the place it selfe is so waterish and vnholesome Here abide not aboue twentie men who serue onely to transport goods into a Citie standing fiftie leagues within the maine in a Prouince called La gouernacion de Popaian From Buena ventura and Popaian till you come to Panama there is no other towne by reason of the high Mountaines the manifold Riuers and the vnholesomenesse of the Countrie In this place doe inhabit the Negros that run from their Masters and vpon these Mountaines was Oxenham the English Captaine and his men taken as is before mentioned Beyond these Mountains standeth the Citie of Panama being a rich place by reason that all the treasure which commeth from Peru is brought thither and it consisteth of about foure hundred houses The coast running along betweene this Citie and Nueua Espanna is called Costa rica Next vnto Costa rica which is a Mountainous and desolate place lieth the coast of Nicaragua being inhabited by the Spaniards and hauing many good ports belonging to it and is frequented with trade of Merchandize but hauing no knowledge of the situation thereof nor of the towns therein contained I surcease to speake any more of it A certaine Viceroy of Nueua Espanna called Don Luis de Velasco caused certaine Ships to be built for the discouery of the Malucos and of the coast of China which Ships in sailing thitherward from certaine Islands eightie leagues distant from the maine land which the Spaniards according to the name of their King called The Philippinas and hauing conquered one of these Ilands called Manilla inhabited with a barbarous kinde of people they built a fort and a towne thereupon from whence they haue trade with the people of China Vnto these Islands they haue foure great Ships that vsually trade two of them continually going and two comming so that such Spices and Silkes as the Portugals bring home out of the East Indies the very same doe the Spaniards bring from these Islands and from China for Mexico the chiefe Citie of Nueua Espanna The principall Port townes of the coast of Nueua Espanna are Guatulco and Acapulco All the Viceroyes and Gouernours that the King of Spaine sendeth for Peru and Nuena Espanna haue a custome for the obtaining of his
Grenado which they call Popayin and Cali and three or foure others which containe more then fiue hundred leagues of ground which they haue destroyed and desolated in the same manner as they haue done others robbing and slaying with torments and the enornities afore spoken of For the land is very fertile and those that come from thence now daily doe report that it is a ruefull thing to see so many goodly Townes burned and laid desolate as they might behold passing vp and downe that way so as there where there was worâ— to be in one towne a thousand or two thousand households they haue not found fiftie and the rest vtterly ransacked and dispeopled And in some quarters they haue found two or three hundred leagues of Land dispeopled and burned and great Cities destroyed And finally by that that sithence into the Realmes of Peru of the Prouince side of Quito are entred farre into the Countrey sore and fell tyrants as farre as to the said Realme of Grenado and of Popayan and of Cali by the coast of Carthagene and Araba and other accursed tyrants of Carthagene haue gone to assault Quito and moreouer afterwards of the Riuers side of Saint Iohn which is on the South side all the which haue met to ioyne hands together in this exploit they haue rooted out and dispeopled aboue sixe hundred leagues of land with the losse of an infinite of soules doing still the selfe same to the poore wretches that remaine behinde howsoeuer innocent they appeare to be After the ends of the slaughters and massacres of the warres they bring the people into the horrible bondage abouesaid and giue them to the commandement of Deuils to one an hundred Indians to another three hundred The commander Deuill commandeth that there come before him an hundred Indians which incontinent present themselues like Lambes He causing forty or fifty amongst them to haue their heads cut off sayth vnto the other there present I will serue you of the same sauce if you doe not me good seruice or if so be that you goe out of my sight without my leaue That for the honour of God all they that haue read this piece of worke or shall giue it a reading consider now whether this act so hideous fell and vnnaturall doe not exceed all cruelty and iniquitie that may bee imagined and whether the Spaniards haue any wrong offered them when a man calleth them Diuels and whether were better to giue the Indians to keepe to the Deuils in Hell or the Spaniards which are at the Indies After this I will rehearse another deuilish part the which I cannot tell whether it bee lesse cruell and voide of manhood then are those of sauage beasts that is that the Spanish which are in the Indies doe keepe certaine Dogs most raging taught and trained wholly to the purpose to kill and rend in pieces the Indians That let all those that are true Christians yea and also those which are not so behold if euer there were the like thing in the whole world that is to feed those Dogs they leade about with them wheresoeuer they goe a great number of Indians in chaines as if they were Hogs and kill them making a shambles of mans flesh And the one of them will say to another Lend mee a quarter of a villaine to giue my Dogs some meate vntill I kill one next altogether as if one should borrowe a quarter of an Hogge or Mutton There be others which goe forth a hunting in the morning with their curres the which being returned to eate if another aske him How haue yee sped to day they answere Very well for I haue killed with my Dogs to day fifteene or twnety Villacoes All these diabolicall doings with others like haue beene proued in the suits of Law that the tyrants haue had one of them against another Is there any case more ougly or vnnaturall I will here now deport me of this discourse vntill such time that there come other newes of things in vngraciousnesse more notcrious and remarkable if it so bee that there can bee any more grieuous or vntill such time as we may returne thither to behold them our selues anew as we behold them for the space of two and forty yeeres continually with mine owne eyes protesting in a good conscience before God that I doe beleeue and I hold it for certaine that the damages and losses are so great with the destructions and ouerthrowes of Cities massacres and murders with the cruelties horrible and ougly with the rauins iniquities and robberies all the which things haue beene executed amongst those people and are yet daily committed in those quarters that in all the things which I haue spoken and deciphered as I was able the neerest to the truth I haue not said one of a thousand of that which haâ—h beene done and is daily a doing at this present bee it that you consider the qualitie or bee it that yee consider the quantitie And to the end that all Christians haue the greater compassion of those poore innocents and that they complaine with me the more their perdition and destruction and that they detest the greedinesse loftinesse and felnesse of the Spanish that all doe hold it for a most vndoubted veritie with all that hath beene abouesaid that sithence the first Discouerie of the Indies vntill now the Indians neuer did harme vnto the Spanish in any place wheresoeuer vntill such time that they first receiued wrongs and iniuries being robbed and betrayed but indeed did repute them to be immortall supposing them to be descended from Heauen and they receiued them for such vntill such time as that they gaue it forth manifestly to be knowne by their doings what they were and whereto they tended I will adioyne hereunto this that from the beginning vnto this houre the Spaniards haue had no more care to procure that vnto those people should be preached the Faith of Iesus Christ then as if they had beene Currâ—dogs or other beasts but in lieu thereof which is much worse they haue forbidden by expresse meanes the religious men to doe it for because that that seemed vnto them an hinderance likely to be to the getting of their Gold and these riches which their auarice foreglutted in And at the day there is no more knowledge of God throughout the Indies to wit whether he be of timber of the aire or the earth then there was an hundred yeeres agoe excepting New Spaine whither the religious men haue gone which is but a little corner of the Indies and so are they perished and doe perish all with Faith and without Sacraments I brother Bartholomew de las Casas or Casaus religious of the Order of Saint Dominicke which by the mercy of God am come into this Court of Spaine to sue that the Hell might bee withdrawen from the Indies and that these innumerable soules redeemed by the bloud of Iesus Christ should not perish for euermore without remedie but
but we could not descrie the same through the thicknesse of the fogge whereunto these coasts are subiect which was the cause that we put farther certaine leagues into the Sea vntill the next day in the morning when we descried land the weather being very cleere which was the Cape of Saint Marie The twelfth day following we were ouertaken with a great flaw of winde which lasted two dayes The fifteenth of the said moneth wee descried the Isles of Saint Peter The seuenteenth following we met with a banke of Ice neere Cape de Raie sixe leagues in length which caused vs to strike saile all the night to auoide the danger we might incurre The next day we set saile and descried Cape de Raie and the Isles of Saint Paul and Cape de Saint Laurence which is on the South side And from the said Cape of Saint Laurence vnto Cape de Raie is eighteene leagues which is the breadth of the entrance of the great Gulfe of Canada The same day about ten of the clocke in the morning we met with another Iland of Ice which was aboue eight leagues long The twentieth of the said moneth we discried an Isle which containeth some fiue and twenty or thirty leagues in length which is called the Isle of Assumption which is the entrance of the Riuer of Canada The next day we descried Gachepe which is a very high land and began to enter into the said Riuer of Canuda ranging the South coast vnto the Riuer of Mantanne which is from the said Gachepe sixtie fiue leagues from the said Riuer of Mantanne we sailed as farre as the Pike which is twenty leagues which is on the South side also from the said Pike we sailed ouer the Riuer vnto the port of Tadousac which is fifteene leagues All these Countries are very high and barren yeelding no commoditie The foure and twentieth of the said moneth we cast anker before Tadousac and the six and twentieth we entred into the said Port which is made like to a creeke in the entrance of the Riuer of Saguenay where there is a very strange currant and tide for the swiftnesse and depth thereof where sometimes strong windes do blow because of the cold which they bring with them it is thought that the said Riuer is fiue and forty or fiftie leagues vnto the first fall and it commeth from the North North-west The said Port of Tadousac is little wherein there cannot ride aboue ten or twelue Ships but there is water enough toward the East toward the opening of the said Riuer of Sagenay along by a little hill which is almost cut off from the maine by the Sea The rest of the Countrie are very high Mountaines whereon there is little mould but rockes and sands full of woods of Pines Cypresses Fir-trees Burch and some other sorts of trees of small price There is a little Poole neere vnto the said Port enclosed with Mountaines couered with woods At the entrance of the said Port there are two points the one on the West side running a league into the Sea which is called Saint Matthewes point and the other on the South-east side containing a quarter of a league which is called the point of all the Diuels The South and South South-east and South South-west windes doe strike into the said hauen But from Saint Matthewes Point to the said Point of all the Diuels is very neere a league Both these Points are dry at a low water THe seuen and twentieth day we sought the Sauages at the Point of Saint Matthew which is a league from Tadousac with the two Sauages whom Monsieur du Pout brought with him to make report of that which they had seene in France and of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them As soone as we were landed we went to the Caban of their great Sagamo which is called Anadabijou where we found him with some eightie or a hundred of his companions which were making Tabagie that is to say a Feast Hee receiued vs very well according to the custome of the Countrey and made vs sit downe by him and all the Sauages sat along one by another on both sides of the said Cabine One of the Sauages which we had brought with vs began to make his Oration of the good entertainement which the King had giuen them and of the good vsage that they had receiued in France and that they might assure themselues that his said Maiestie wished them well and desired to people their Countrey and to make peace with their enemies which are the Irocois or to send them forces to vanquish them He also reckoned vp the faire Castels Palaces Houses and people which they had seene and our manner of liuing He was heard with so great silence as more cannot be vttered Now when he had ended his Oration the said grand Sagamo Anadabijon hauing heard him attentiuely began to take Tobacco and gaue to the said Monsieur du Pont Grane of Saint Malo and to mee and to certaine other Sagamos which were by him after he had taken store of Tobacco he began to make his Oration to all speaking distinctly resting sometimes a little and then speaking againe saying that doubtlesse they ought to be very glad to haue his Maiestie for their great friend they answered all with one voyce ho ho ho which is to say yea yea yea He proceeding forward in his speech said That he was very well content that his said Maiestie should people their Countrey and make warre against their enemies and that there was no Nation in the world to which they wished more good then to the French In fine hee gaue them all to vnderstand what good and prefit they might receiue of his said Maiestie When hee had ended his speech we went out of his Cabine and they began to make their Tabagie or Feast which they make with the flesh of Orignac which is like an Oxe of Beares of Seales and Beuers which are the most ordinary victuals which they haue with great store of wilde Fowle They had eight or ten Kettels full of meate in the middest of the said Cabine and they were set one from another some six paces and each one vpon a seuerall fire The men sat on both sides the house as I said before with his dish made of the barke of a tree and when the meate is sodden there is one which deuideth to euery man his part in the same dishes wherein they feede very filthily for when their hands be fattie they rub them on their haire or else on the haire of their dogs whereof they haue store to hunt with Before their meate was sodden one of them rose vp and took a dog danced about the said Kettels from the one end of the Cabin to theother when he came before the great Sagamo he cast his dog perforce vpon the ground and then all of them with one voice cried ho ho ho
certaine knowledge how to fall with the Coast hauing sounded euery watch and from fifty fathom had come in good deeping to seuenty and so to an hundred This day the weather being faire after the foure a clocke watch when he thought not to haue found ground before sounding in aboue a hundred fathom we had ground in foure and twenty fathom Wherefore our Sayles being downe one of our men presently cast out a hooke and before hee iudged it at ground was fished and haled vp an exceeding great and well fed Cod then there were cast out three or foure hookes more the fish was so plentifull and so great as when our Captaine would haue set sayle we desired him to suffer them to take fish a while because wee were so delighted to see them catch fish so great so fast as the hooke came downe some playing with the hooke they tooke by the backe And one of the Mates with two hookes at a Lead at fiue draughts together haled vp ten fishes all were generally very great some were measured This caused our Captaine not to maruell at the shoalding for he perceiued it was a fish-banke which for our farewell from the Land it pleased God in the continuance of his blessings to giue vs knowledge of Sunday the fourteenth of Iuly about six a clocke at night we were come into sounding in our Channell but for want of sight of the Sunne and Starre to make a true obseruation and with contrary windes we were constrained to beate vp and downe till Tuesday the sixteenth of Iuly when by fiue a clocke in the morning wee made Sylly from whence hindred with calmes and small windes Vpon Thursday the eighteenth of Iuly about foure a clocke wee came to anchor safâ—ly in Dartmouth which Hauen haply with Gods assistance wee made the last and first Harbour in England as the Termini of our Voyage A briefe Note of what profits we found the Countrie yeeld in the small time of our stay there Trees Oake of an excellent graine staight and great timber Elme Beech Birch very tall and great of whose Barque they make their Canoas Nut-hasle Hasle Alder Cherry tree Ash Mâ—ple Ewe Spruce Asp Fir in great abundance many other fruit trees which we know not Fowles Eagles Hernshawes Cranes Duks great Geese Swans Penguins Shark Crow Rauen Kite Soga Mewes Doues Turtles birds of sundry colours and many other fowles vnknown Beasts Deere red and fallow Beare Wolfe Beauer Otter Hare Conie Marterns Sables Hogs Porkespines Polcats Cats wilde great Dogs some like Foxes some like our other beasts the Sauages signe vnto vs with hornes and broad eares which we take to be Olkes or Loshes Fishes Whales Porpoise Seales Cod very great Haddocke great Herring Plaise Thornbacke Rock-fish Lobster great Crabbe Mussels Cockles Wilks Cunner-fish Lumpe-fish Whiting the Sauages signe vnto vs that they haue Tortoise very great Plants Fruits Herbs Tobacco excellent sweet and strong Vine wilde Strawberries Raspberries Gooseberries Hurtleberries Corant trees in abundance Rose bushes Pease which the Sauages signe to be very great in the Maine Ground-nuts Angelica a most soueraigne herbe and an herbe that spreadeth like Camomell and smelleth like sweet Marjoram great plenty Good Dies which appeare by their painting which they carrie with them in bladders Words which I learned of the Sauages in their Language Sunne or Moone Kesus Cod-fish Biskeiore A fish with hornes Manedo Lobster Shoggah Rock-fish Shagatocke Cockle-fish Hesucke Muskell Shoorocke Cunner-fish Tattaucke Crabbe Wussorasha Porpoise Muscopeiuck Plaise Anego Tortoise Romcaneeke Pease Ushcomono Tobacco Tomoch A leafe Mebeere A weed Cashterush A Firre tree Seteock A stone Nabscurr A Bowe Shoanor An Arrow Tobood Barke of a tree Mashquere Water Shamogoon Sand Cheemuck Crowe Cagagoose Haire Messer or Meris A beard Nicowur A Beare Rogsoo Beauer Paneah Otter Nymemano Rat Sanuke Polcat Pocamka Cat Pushuck Fallow Deere Coribo Hogge Madoso Red Deere Moosurr They tell vs of other beasts which they call Tasquus Pisho Narsim Teeth Ibider A hand and finger Breecke A Naile of the hand Cushe A legge Codd A foot Musseete Plum-tree Epsegan Strawberry Pishoa Gooseberry Shewanor Cherry tree Espegononino Corant tree Asheemena Rashberrie Kiskeemy A lippe Metoan Fire Squida The maine Land Bemoquiducke Sea Shoubbe Father Wado Sonne Usto Wane of the Sea Toboogg Pitch and Tallow Poco Wilde Rose Minusheck Birch Pasquar Sword Edagawancke Mountaine Machoucke Winde Puckchawsen Bloud Pagâgocun Red Paint Woroman Blacke Paint Cogosho A Dogge Remâ—ose A Ship or Boat Quiden An Oare Wuttohogauor A Garnepo Fly Chussuah Bread Paune Raine Soogoran A nose Peech-ten An Axe or Hatchet Tomaheegon A Knife Quodogon Oake Askabesse White Bone whereof they haue Chaines Girdles Bracelets Speesone The Cheeke Canoah A Shirt or Coat Tenoganuke The Chinne Queh An Eye Sheesuck Eylid Momon Forehead Scottoquah An Eare Fawwucke A fish-hooke Makeecon A Rainbow Shomogon The Names of their chiefe Gouernours whom they call Sagomoh 1. Bashabez 2. Abatuckquishe 3. Bdahanedo one of them we haue 4. Abokeesussick 5. Shurokinit 6. Psaheno 7. Mentoelmet 8. Ageemohuck 9. Mawermet 10. Chanacoboin 11. Amilquin 12. Muasacoromoneete These dwell vpon the Maine and weare an ornament of white bone vpon their head and Chaines and Bracelets and Girdles and haue their skinne garments laced with them The Names of our Virginians Bdahanedo Brother to the Bashabes Amocret his Brother Satacomoah Maneduck Scikaworrowse Thus haue I giuen thee the proceedings of Virginia and New Englands Discouerie for the originall beginning of the Discouerie Sir Sebastian Cabot was the first Discouerer both of it and the rest of the Continent of America The first Plantation was more Southerly by the charges of Sir Walter Raleigh as before is shewed The next yeere New Patents were obtained of his Maiestie for a double Plantation in these parts I trouble not the Reader with the whole Patent both because it hath sustained diuersified alteration diuision and subdiuision and because I more minde things there done than here for which cause I haue also omitted the Articles and instruction two dayes after dated signed and sealed with the Priuie Seale for the gouernment of the said Plantation of both which I haue the Copies by mee I onely here giue thee the beginning of the first Patent Aprill 10. 1606. CHAP. XIIII The description of the Ilands of Açores or the Flemish Ilands taken out of Linschoten with certaine occurrents and English acts THe Iles of Açores or the Flemish Ilands are seuen that is Tercera Saint Mary Saint George Gratiosa Pico and Faiael There are yet two Ilands called Flores and Coruo which are not contained vnder the name of Açores but yet at this day are vnder the gouernment of the same Ilands so that they are in all accounted nine Ilands They are called Açores that is to say Sparhawkes or Hawkes because that in their first discouery they found many Sparhawks in them wherof they hold the name although at this day there is not any there
seuere course to remedie those things he assured himselfe it would be the ruine of our voyage Whereupon the next day I went on shoare to see my men trayned and calling all the Commanders before me rebuked them for those faults and gaue Articles both for their courses at Land and Sea reading to them my Commissions that they might know I had full power to execute those punishments I set downe for euery offence and assuring them I would not be slow in doing it if they offended The next day being the one and twentieth of Aprill I set saile and betwixt the Grand Canarie and Tenerife met with the Royall Defence a ship which should haue comne with mee out of England but being not readie followed me and thwart the Rocke after I was comne from thence met with a Caruell which by ten English men that were prisoners in Lisbone was stollen forth in the night They assured me word being brought thither that I was gone off the Coast they resolued to send forth the Carracks and that within a few dayes they would come forth Which I making knowne to all my Commanders they agreed with me that it was fit to spend some few dayes and looke for their comming so did we but not seeing them the yeere was so farre spent that I assured my selfe they were either gone by or would not goe this yeere their time for doubling the Cape of Buona Speranza being now past for they neuer went out so late but once and then were all forced to returne Though many would imagine the missing of this faire fortune should much haue troubled me I assure you it did not the reason I will let you know hereafter Now againe calling all the Captaines and Masters aboard me I first asked them whether they thought it was fit to tarry any longer vpon that hope telling them mine opinion how little reason there was in it and that longer stay might much hurt our other purposes to which all agreeing we resolued to proceede Then I asked whether they thought the time was not too farre spent to get Farnanbuco to which many answered No. And though I well knew what it was I would not reply till I had called two Portugall Pilots which I brought with me out of England old men that had at the least beene twentie times a piece there out of Portugall And asking their opinions they told vs that they had gone it at that time of the yeere but diuers times put backe and at their best passage beene sixe or seuen weekes in getting one degree To which there were that answered though sometimes it happened so yet it might fall out otherwise and if not though we should be long in getting thither yet there was assurance to win that place with ease and getting it to haue wealth enough Till this I kept secret what now euery occasion gaue mee fit time to vtter Hauing dispatched from mee a ship that was in Trade at the Canaries and bound for England and being so farre shot to the Southwards as I was sure not to meet with any going to the Northwards so as not any newes where I was could come into Spaine till it came out of the Indies which winning of time would giue me so good leisure to fortifie my selfe in the place whither I meant to goe as hardly I would bee supplanted till either wee honorably quitted the place or had supply you may see too griedie desire is a dangerous enemie for where I should haue but lightly touched this as yet I was almost entring into the bowels of my intention the time ripe I saw to speake more freely then I had done I told them I had aduisedly considered of all these things now pleaded and could as I thought before their speech haue giuen them so sufficient reasons for the shaping of some other course then Brasil as would haue stayed all these pleadings But I thought it better first to heare euery one speake his minde and then to vtter my conceit Which though I assured my selfe was the best for vs yet if any amongst them could giue reason against it I would not onely take it well but be drawne to them Then layed I before them how our men were alreadie many of them sicke and that vndoubtedly the crossing the Line would keepe those from recouering although the passage were as good as man could wish Besides I remembred them of intelligence giuen vs both vpon the Coast of Spaine and the Iland that the King had sent thither to defend the place against me six hundred Souldiers and also it was likely that he had giuen order that if they saw not themselues strong enough to resist that with their portable goods they should fleâ— into the Mountaines and set their Sugar and Brasill wood on fire then were we sure to haue nothing and lastly if wee beat long vnder the Line vndoubtedly the most of our men would fall sicke and then should we be forced to returne without doing any thing for to no other place could we goe once bearing vp vpon that occasion With this I pawsed to heare if there would be any thing said by them but not any speaking I told them I well perceiued by their silence the doubts my wordes had driuen into their mindes but not to conceale any longer from them that which hitherto I had for all their goods done the truth was I neuer had intention after I found I could not get out of England before Christmas to goe for Brasil but onely for the west Indies where there were many possibilities to make a voyage by as first the sacking of Margarita which they knew was rich then Porto Rico after that Saint Domingo then in Iuly the outward bound fleet would be in the Acoa where we could not misse them and if these gaue vs not content in the end of Iuly or August wee should meete the fleet at Cape Saint Antonio Many of these reasons I vttered more to carry my men with good liking thither then for any thought I had of diuers of them And my speech had desired successe for they all went with greedie desire and hopefull expectation I appointing them to make what haste they could to Dominica where we would stay one for another thinking it better to goe straggling thither then to goe togither there being possibilitie to meete some purchase by the way which we were in most likelihood of when we spred furthest Therefore we spred thus till we met at Dominica wee straggled all sauing the Alcedon the Centurian and two Flemmings laden with Corne which I tooke vpon the coast of Spaine and still carried alongst with me as chiefe meanes to effect my most desired purpose These with all the rest came safely to Dominica where wee carried our sicke people ashoare the three and twentieth of May and tarried till the first of Iune This Iland is onely inhabited by Indians that
his Lordship would passe ouer into the Mayne For without him I had no great desire and indeed I should haue beene quickly missed seeing it pleased his Honor to vse mee in the dispatch of all things which were to be done by warrant or direction vnder his hand So that whatsoeuer I shall say here I must be content to report vpon the report of others and I will not tell you any thing which mee thought my selfe did not first see reason to beleeue The plat and figure of the Iland is a square altera parte longius the length exceeding the breadth neere the proportion of seuen to foure for it is told me to be sixe and thirtie leagues long and twentie leagues broad bearing it selfe out from end to end neere in the same distance It lyeth East and West at the West end the two corners doe so jut out that they make a goodly Bay betwixt them but yet not so profitable because a goodly Riuer which would gladly disburden it selfe into the Bay is choaked with sands which the Sea casteth vp into the mouth of the Riuer which being nauigable a good way vp into the Land is within a stones cast of losing his old name and being called the Sea made shallow and vnfit for the receit of Vessels of burthen There are indeed in the same Bay other lesser Riuerets whereat Passengers vse to take in fresh water as Sir Francis Drake did after hee was beaten from the Citie of Puerto Rico and put forth thence to Nombre de Dios. Vpon this part of the Iland which is commonly called La Aquada in English The watering place the greatest Commander and of largest possessions is or of late hath beene one Chereno whose proper land is thought to containe in compasse and circuit neere the quantitie of ten leagues The other end the Easterly end is knowne by the name of La cabeça de San Iuan in English Saint Iohns head The Citie of Puerto Rico is his right side or arme and the South side about the Countrie of Choama whither the Bishop at our comming had carried himselfe will be answerable to the left side or left arme as being lesse fit for action and his feet is the watering place The most famous Riuers of this Iland are Toa and Baiamond the rather because they runne into the Harbour of the Citie of Puerto Rico whereof Toa is by much the greater and falleth more with the West of the Towne This Riuer riseth out of a Mountaine called Guiamo being on the South side of the mayne Iland some fifteene or sixteene leagues from Ricoâ—o â—o the Eastward from Guiamo it runneth North in one streame till it come to another Mountaine called Cawas and though in this way it receiue many Riuerets into it yet it cannot bee said either to lose or retaine his name for thus farre it is not knowne certainly what name it had as they say but here parteth it selfe into two streames the one whereof runneth Northerly to Luisa a Towne not great but somewhat fortified standing some sixe leagues to the Eastward of Puerto Rico. Whether the Towne doe giue or take his name of this arme of the Riuer it is vnknowne But well knowne it is that they haue both one name The other streame being once diuorced from Luisa runneth North North-west and falleth into the Harbour of Puerto Rico where it is called Toa Baiamond riseth betwixt the parting of Toa and Luisa and runneth a Northerly but more Easterly course withall till it mingleth it selfe with salt water on the South-west side of Puerto Rico. The Iland is watered with very many other Riuers and Riuerets and Springs without number or names but those that giue or take names of the Villages and Townes which stand vpon them for the most part runne Northerly For besides Guiamo which riseth in the Countrie of Coama and runneth into the Southerly Sea and the Riuer whereon Saint German which also is called Salamanca and Guadianilla is situate towards the West end of the Iland neere to Cape Roxo all the other of name runne to the leeward of the Iland and fall into the Northerly Sea As first and next to Puerto Rico to the Westward the Riuer and Towne of Saâ—uco next to it Guiamo then the Recibo twixt which and the Laguada is another whose name I could not learne The Laguada whereof I spake before and which giueth name to the Westerly end of the Iland where Sir Francis Drake as I said watered is next vnto the choaked Bay before mentioned in which Bay at the North-west Point is the Gawaraba which the Seas violence hath made something vnprofitable for nauigation so that the passage to Saint Domingo and the other leeward parts of the West Indies are most ordinarily from the Laguada if they of the Westerly part of the Iland haue any businesse that way For as Saint Germans or Salamanca though I haue heard it to be a Harbour and a Sea-faring Towne yet I am told so much to the contrarie as makes me doubt of the former report though I dare not absolutely assent to this later though a Spaniard of good vnderstanding told it me Now in euery one of these Riuers which I haue named is there gold found ordinarily before it be sought And I know it to bee true when the Spaniards perceiued by his Lordships manner of leauing the Citie of Puerto Rico that hee went not away without purpose to returne one of them told his Honor in plaine termes that he could not thrust his spade into any of these named Riuers and many other besides these but hee should finde gold This certainly is true and I haue seene the experience that some of the grauell of one of these Riuers being brought to his Lordship because it looked rich when triall was made onely by washing away the sand and grauell there was cornes of very good gold found in it and that for the quantitie and proportion in great measure Where because we are againe fallen into this argument I will report vnto you a certaine truth whereby the richnesse of the mynes in Puerto Rico may be esteemed One Ioancho de Luyando a Mint-master in this Iland dwelling in the Guadianilla neere to Saint Germans or at the least hauing workes there tooke a bullion or masse of gold so pure as it needed no further triall that being sent to the King it was found worth three thousand and fiue hundreth Duckets and diuers times he found such plates that onely splitting them he made himselfe trenchers of gold to eate his meat on This man may bee judged to haue beene of no great either wit or care for it is certainly reported that oftentimes meeting his owne slaues comming out of the Countrie to his house in Puerto Rico with store of gold hee did not know them to be his owne till themselues told him so and yet this man dyed so very rich that he left euery of his
they staid it made the intelligence of the Mexico fleet more probable And therefore if this were the cause of their stay our hope to make some purchace of it made vs more willing to haue their neighbourhood Mary it might bee they were sent to looke for our comming home which they might thinke would be straggling and weake and yet on the other side the vncertaintie of our comming either at this time or certainly this way made this something vnlikely His Lordship therefore commandeo Captaine Slingsby a fine Gentleman to goe ashoare and to learne more certaintie what was become of the Kings fleet and why they came This relation was from the men of Santa Cruz but the intelligence which Captaine Slingsby brought the same night late was from Uilla de la punta Delgada another Towne of the Ilands The summe of his report for I was by when he made it was that his Excellencie should haue any thing where withall they could doe him seruice and if it would please him to come ashoare they would take it as a great fauour For the Kings men of Warre they said that they iudged them certainly to bee gone home for they were gone hence vpon a fortnight before The cause of their comming was to waft the Caracks which all foure were gone by before the Kings fleet came hither with purpose indeed to stay till the end of this moneth for them But since the Caracks were come home there had beene sent a Caruell of Aduise to recall them As for the Mexico fleet there was not at the Ilands any newes of their comming this yeere This report made by Captaine Slingsby ouer-night was confirmed early the next morning by the Gouernour himselfe of the place a poore Gouernour scarce so good as an English Constable But this Captaine Iuan de Fraga de Mandoça came himselfe and made the same offer to his Lordship and withall brought both Hennes and Muttons with him which hee knew hee should not giue for nothing though hee would seeme vnwilling to receiue any thing He hauing beene sometime with my Lord and told all the newes hee remembred was licensed hauing first asked and obtayned a Passe for himselfe and a Protection for the Ilanders to keepe them from spoile by ours His Lordship granted his suit and which hee farther desired that they might bee conceiued in the same forme as those were which the Earle of Essex had giuen him within two dayes of the same day twelue moneth and which himselfe had carefully kept euer since When this fellow was gone the flagge of Counsell was hanged out c. The returne of this fleet vpon consultation after the newes aforesaid I forbeare to mention in regard of the length of this discourse They set forth from Flores Septemb. 16. 1598. On Michaelmas day they sounded and the ground on the fallow did still more assure vs of being in the sleeue and the Scollop shells confirmed their opinion which held vs rather on the Coast of France by the Master and others iudged otherwise whose iudgement if his Lordship out of his iudgement and authoritie had not contradicted and caused them to take a more Northerly course all had perished in all likelihood on the Vshent and Rocks For the next morning we saw the land of Normandie CHAP. IIII. The first Voyages made to diuers parts of America by Englishmen Sir SEBASTIAN CABOT Sir THO. PERT also of Sir IOHN HAWKINS and Sir FRANCIS DRAKE and many others collected briefly out of Master CAMDEN Master HAKLVYT and other Writers SIr Sebastian Cabota wee haue alreadie mentioned in the former Booke as a great Discouerer of that which most iustly should haue beene called Columbina and a great deale better might haue beene stiled Cabotiana then America neither Uesputius nor Columbus hauing discouered halfe so much of the Continent of the new World North and South as be yea the Continent was discouered by him when Columbus had yet but viewed the Ilands this Herrera for the South part hath mentioned in his Relation of the Riuer of Plate before naming him an Englishman and for the North is by vs in the fourth Booke deliuered A second time Sir Thomas Pert and the said Cabota were set forth with a fleet to America by King Henrie the eighth in the eight yeere of his reigne the same perhaps which Herrera hath also mentioned of an English ship at Hispaniola and other American Ilands in the yeere 1517. Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of many English into those parts as namely of Master Robert Tomson Merchant and Iohn Field which together with Ralph Sarre and Leonard Chilton in a ship of Iohn Sweeting dwelling at Cadiz all Englishmen An. 1555. sayled to Hispaniola and thence to Mexico in New Spaine where they found Thomas Blake a Scottishman who had dwelt there twentie yeeres At Mexico Robert Tomson and Augustine Boatio an Italian were imprisoned many moneths by the Inquisition and then brought out in a Saint Benito or fooles coat to doe penance a thing neuer seene there before which caused much concourse of people giuen to vnderstand of I know not what enemies of God and expecting to see some Monsters of vncouâ—â— shape They were much pitied by the people seeing such personable men but sentenced by the Archbishop to be sent back to Spaine where Tomson did his three yeeres enioyned penance at Siuil Boatio found the meanes to escape and dyed after in London Tomson after his libertie married with a rich Spanish heire The historie at large and his description of Mexico with the cause of his imprisonment about speaking freely of Images his Master had made an Image of our Ladie of aboue 7000. pezos price each pezo being foure shillings and eight pence of our money the Reader may see in Master Hakluyt Where also is deliuered the voyage of Roger Bodenham Englishman 1564. to Mexico also of Iohn Chilton 1568. thither and from thence to Nueua Biscaâ—a and to the Port of Naâ—idad on the South Sea to Sansonate in Guatimala to Tecoantepec to Sâ—conusco to Nicaragua to Nombre de Dios to Potossi Cusco Paita to Vera Paz Chiapa three hundred leagues from Mexico From Chiapa he trauelled thorow Hills till he came to Ecatepec that is The Hill of winde in the end of that Prouince supposed the highest Hill that euer was discouered from the top whereof are seene both the North and South Seas deemed nine leagues high They which trauell vp it lye at the foot ouer-night and about midnight begin their iourney that they may trauell to the top before the Sunne rise the next day because the winde bloweth with such force afterwards that it is impossible for any man to goe vp From the foot of this Hill to Tecoantepec the first Towne of New Spaine are fifteene leagues From Mexico he trauelled againe to Panuco and there fell sick which sicknesse in his returne benefited him for he fell amongst Caniball Indian which
both my hands and strooke him on the head with the Hilts that I made a great wound Then the Captaine commanded mee to bee set in the Stockes and bound my hands where I lay all that night and the next day in the afternoone there came two Portugals and read certaine Articles against mee which the Captaine had caused to bee made saying that I had killed many sicke Indians when I had found them alone and that I had deserued death by making a mutinie in the Court of Guard by striking that was sufficient to make an vprore After they had read all this they bid mee prepare my selfe for death and so went their wayes Within halfe an houre after the Frier came to mee and asked mee whether I would confesse or no I told him that I had stolne nothing from no man and as for my sinnes God knew the secrets of all hearts wherefore I had nothing to confesse to him With that after many Orations that hee made to mee hee went his way All the Portugals went to the Captaine entreating him to pardon me but hee would not heare them desiring God that he might neuer come into Christian Countrey if hee did not hang mee I lay all day and night in the Stocks till it was foure of the clocke the next morning Then the Frier came to me againe and told mee that my houre was very neere and desired mee to prepare my selfe to dye like a Christian I told him I hoped the Lord would haue mercie vpon me Betwixt six and seuen of the clock there came the ensigne and a Scriuener and two or three Portugals with them and an Indian with a cord in his hand and by the command of the Portugals put it about my necke then I was carried to the place of execution all the Portugals being about me I said Gentlemen the Captaine putteth me not to death for the offence that lately I haue done but a grudge he holdeth against me falsely rumered by his Cosen who is now present because I would not saue him and for that and no other matter I am condemned at this present As I was speaking the Indian that should haue beene my executioner came from the top of the house where I should haue bin executed and thrusting me on the side of the head said What doest thou prate knowest thou not that the Captaines Father sent thee hither that thou mightest neuer returne with that the Portugals checkt the Indian and Iohn de soso standing with Graned del Galbo and â—ostâ—o Abanos yea a great many Portugals said what authoritie hath the Captaine to hang this man we come not in the Kings seruice but for our owne profits and he is but the Gouernours bastard Sonne so they commanded the execution to be staied then Iohn de Soso went to the Captaine and told him Sir we know not where we are and many of our men are dead wherefore it is not conuenient at this time that we should weaken our selues for we know not if any of vs shall returne againe or not wherefore wee desire you to pardon this Englishman for he is as good a Souldier as any of vs and the man that is hurt is not in danger The Captaine swore a great oath that I should dye then Iohn de Soso and the rest of the Portugals bid him shew what authoritie he had to put me to death and if he shew not authoritie from the King I should not dye at that time for they were to answere for me as well as he The Captaine came out very angerly and made great protestations against Iohn de Soso that hee was an vpholder of mutinies Iohn de Soso said that he would answere to all that he alleadged and so I was released from death After we had beene at this place two moneths making our prouision we went forward to another Towne we found great store of Ginnie Wheate newly planted here we remained three moneths till the Wheate was ripe from thence all the Company returned home but my selfe and twelue yong men we asked leaue of the Captaine to goe to seeke our aduenture the Captaine gaue vs leaue to doe what we would for mine owne part I asked leaue onely for feare to goe homewards lest the Captaine should worke me some mischiefe likewise wee did all thinke we should hardly get home for we knew not where we were and the way that we did come we durst not returne againe for feare of the Pories and Lepos Tominenos and other Canibals left they seeing vs weake should betraie vs. §. III. His strange trauailes with twelue Portugals whom the Sauages did eate His life with the Canibals and after that with the Portugals from whom hee fleeth to Angola is brought backe and after manifold chances is shipped to Lisbone I And the twelue aforesaid tooke our leaue of the Captaine determining to goe to the South Sea rather then returne againe without any thing The names of the Portugals were these Francisco Tauares Lewes de Pino Gonsalo Fernandes Tomas Deluare Lewis Loello Matheas del Galo Iohn de Siluesa Petro de Casta Antonio fernandes Gorgedias Manuell Caldera and my selfe Anthony Kniuet After we had departed from our Captaine we made a great Canoa of a barke of a tree and went downe the Riuer called Ianary for the space of a weeke that we came where we found a little Village of sixe houses and it seemed it had beene a long time sithence any inhabitants were there when we came to this Village we left our Canoa and determined to goe by land In this Towne we found great store of earthen Pots and in some of them peeces of Gold tied at lines that the Indians fish withall likewise we found Stones as greene as grasse and great store of white glistering Stones like Christall but many of them were blew and greene red and white wonderfull faire to behold when we saw the peeces of Gold and those Stones we made accompt that we were very neere Potasin then we tooke our way South-west and went vp a great Mountaine of Wildernesse After that we came to a place of dry Browne earth full of hils rocks and many small Riuers at the head by many of these Riuers we found little peeces of Gold as bigge as an Hasell nut and great store in dust like sand After which we came into a faire Countrie and we saw a great glistering Mountaine before vs ten daies before we could come to it for when we came into the plaine Countrie and were out of the Mountaines and the Sunne began to come to his height wee were not able to trauaile against it by the reason of the glistering that dazeled our eyes At the last by little and little we came to the foote of this Mountaine where we found great store of Tamandros We went along by this Mountaine at the least twenty daies before we could finde any way to passe ouer it at
should ouercome vs at the landing so we returned home againe from the Riuer called Morgege where we remayned still in peace for the space of eight moneths till we remoued our selues At this place I went all naked with out any thing onely a few leaues I tied before mee for shame One day going all alone a fishing for pleasures sake I sat downe remembring my selfe in what state I was and thinking what I had beene I began to curse the time that euer I heard the name of the Sea and grieued to thinke how fond I was to forsake my naturall Countrey where I wanted nothing then was I out of all hope either to see Countrey or Christian againe sitting by the Riuer in these passionate thoughts there came on old Indian one of the chiefest of them and beganne to talke with me saying It was a good time with them when they dwelt at Cape Frio for then they had trade with the Frenchmen and wanted nothing but now they had neyther Kniues nor Hatchets nor nothing else but liued in great necessitie with that I answered I did heartily wish that he and his company would goe and dwell by the Sea-coast without danger of Portugals whereupon hee and I went home together and the Indian reported in the Towne what I had said vnto him the next morning there came at the least twenty of the chiefest of them into the house where I lay and asked me if I knew my Place certaine where they might finde any French Ships I told them that I was sure betwixt the Riuer of Plate and a Riuer called by the Portugals Dos Patos we should finde French men and if we did not that here the Portugals could not hurt vs. Moreouer it were better to dwell by the Sea side where we should haue plenty of al things then where we did where we had nothing to liue vpon but roots These old men went and told the people which all desired to see the coast so they resolued and making prouision we departed from our abode being thirty thousand of vs. After we had passed many a Hill all Wildernesse and Riuers where wee found many precious stones we came to a faire sandie Countrie through which we trauelled some twentie dayes and we went Northward for feare of comming into the Countrie where there are great store of Spaniards and this Countrie is it selfe very populous and are friends with the Spaniards Therefore we changed our course and trauelled all Northward till we came into the Countrie of the Amasons which the Indians call Mandiocusyanas then we tooke our course Southward againe I would haue perswaded the Tamoyes to haue warred against the Amasons but they durst not for they said we know that their Countrie is very populous and we shall be all killed After wee came to the head of the Riuer called Patos there we found Canoas of barkes of trees that came downe the Riuer some eight dayes then wee found the Riuer very broad and many trees cut by the Riuers side whereby we suspected that we were neere the Sea side or some Town of the Waanasses for the Waanasses neuer inhabit far from the coast When the Indians saw these tokens of abidance they asked me what I thought was best to doe I answerd I thought it best to hide our selues and to send some nine or ten yong men to see if they could spie any Towne so we to circle them in their houses in the night to that they all agreed and ten of them were sent they returned again at night without sight of any Towne but they said there went a great path by the Riuer side and brought peeces of Cords that they found in the way with them Hence we iudged that we should finde some Towne by the Riuer side and determined to goe downe the Riuer in the night with our Canoas to see if we could finde the Towne About foure of the clocke we came to a faire Bay and saw the Sea and doubling a point of the shoare we espied a Towne then as fast as we could we landed our men and the day began to be cleare and one of the Town comming out to the Sea side espied vs whereupon all the Town rose vp in armes and we had a great skirmish We were many more in number and had farre better order so we put them to flight killing a great many of them wee tooke three hundred prisoners men and women which the Tamoyes killed and did eate afterwards These Indians are called Carijos After we had put them to flight they went to Saint Vincents by land and craued succour of the Portugals At this Towne of the Carijos we found great store of prouision Cassaui Ginnie Wheate Potatoes Plantons Pumpions and all other such like that the Countrie yeeldeth and in great plenty there likewise we found great store of Ryals of eight for there had beene a Caruell cast away in that place not long before and the Spaniards were gone before by land to Bonas Ayres in the Riuer of Plate with these Indians the Portugals had peace but now they are in warre with them againe Some of the Carijos went to the Riuer of Plate to craue succour others as I said before came to the Town of Saint Vincents from Saint Uincents newes was sent to the Riuer of Ianero from thence the Portugals made a Nauie of Canoas and Caruels of the which the Gouernours sonne Marten de Sasa which was come home from the Riuer of Iauary where I departed from him was come againe as Captaine of all the Portugals and comming vpon vs in the night they seized our Towne about three of the clocks an Indian that came with the Portugals beganne to speake very loud to the men of the Towne that they should not stirre for if they stirred they should be all put to the sword When the Tamoyes heard the Indian speake they began to russell with their Bowes and Arrowes making a great noise with that the Portugals shot of a Peece then they all lay downe in their beds like men without liues or soules when the day was cleare and my Masters Sonne saw me aliue he blest himselfe and asked me what was become of my companions I told him that the Indians had killed them and eaten them After that about ten of the clocke all the Indians were brought out of their houses and being examined some of them said that I bid them kill them if many of them had not been I had died for it but it was Gods will to discouer the truth by their own mouthes then the Portugals killed all the old men and women and all those that had beene particuler actors of the Portugals deaths which were in all 10000. and 20000. were parted amongst them for their slaues I came againe to my old Master and was sent with the Tamoyes to a Sugar Mill that my Master had newly made There I went still to
many small peeces of Gold that we found in many places where the water washed away the Earth the Gouernour Generall tooke it paying vs for it more then it was worth and sent it to the King with a Sey for to consider whether it should be wrought or not the Gouernor Generall sent likewise 40000. pounds worth of Plate that he had wrought out of the Myne of Saint Paul which is twelue leagues from San Vincents In the time that I went to Etapusicke my Master was gone home then I serued as a Souldier for the space of three moneths that shipping went to the Riuer of Ienero then the Gouernour Generall requited my paines very honourably and sent me backe againe to my Master After that my Master sent to a place called the Organs which Hill is to bee seene from the Riuer of Ienero where we found a little Myne of Gold and many good stones There came a Hulke out of Spaine that brought a Bishop and a Spanish Gouernor to goe from thence in small shipping to the Riuer of Plate and from thence to Somma A little after that this Hulke arriued at the Riuer of Ienero where fell a disease in the Countrey like the meazels but as bad as the plague for in three moneths their dyed in the Riuer of Ienero aboue three thousand Indians and Portugals this disease was generally in all parts of the Countrey At this time going vp and downe from the Sugar-mill to the ship in the night with a Barke lading of Brasill for the Hulke with the Ayre one of my legges swelled that I could not stirre it is common and very dangerous in those Countries when a man is hot to come in the Ayre especially in the night for being a hot Countrey it hath a piercing ayre and suddenly striketh in any part of the bodie I was very ill for the space of a moneth The fourteenth of August 1601. Saluador Corea de Sasa Gouernour of the Riuer of Ianuary embarked himselfe in the aforesaid Hulke with his Wife Donenes de Soso determining to make his Voyage to Fernambuquo we sayled East to Seaward The fifteenth day wee kept still Eastward to the Sea The sixteenth day we kept North-east and about tenne of the clocke we had sight of the Cape The seuenteenth eighteenth and nineteenth hauing the wind North-west we kept stil Eastward for feare of the sands and cliffes called Aborollas they lye betweene the Cape and Spirito Santo The twentieth day hauing the winde South wee sayled our course North-east This course we kept till the fiue and twentieth of the moneth then the winde turned Northward we made East to Sea this course we were faine to keepe till the last day of the moneth the first of February the winde being at South-west wee sayled North-east along the Coast till the seuenth day of the moneth The eight day the Master and the Pilot tooke the height of the Sun and were ten degrees and an halfe Southward of the Line As the Master and the Pilot were talking together concerning the Voyage there came a Sea-foule and sitting vpon the backe stay cast out two or three little fishes with that a Spaniard called Iasper Conquero who had some experience of the Coast said to the Master take heed for I am afraid you are neerer the shoate then you take your selfe to bee for you know not how the current driueth you Westward vpon the Coast the Flemmings bade him meddle with his owne businesse and that they knew what to do without his counsell the Pilot made himselfe forty leagues from the shore directed his course North. The ninth day at midnight wee descried Land the Pilot presently cast his Lead and found but eight fathomes water then he commanded the Saylers to cast about the which they did the wind being at North-east and wee being neere the shore could not beare vp to Sea for wee saw Clifts both on the starboord and larboord side of vs and before wee could get out our Anchor we were driuen so neere the Clifts on the lee side of vs that wee had no other remedie but to runne vpon the Rockes where we had beene all cast away but that it was the pleasure of God to deliuer vs for wee lay with the Prow of our ship vpon one of the Rockes for the space of halfe an houre and we were faine to cut off both our Masts and to cast many chists ouer-boord thinking it had beene impossible to saue any thing but it was the will of God when wee least thought of it that a great Sea brake ouer the Rocke and put vs into eight fathomes water betweene the Rockes and the Cliffes so by the prouidence of God wee were deliuered out of the aforesaid danger The next day we saw Canibals along the shore then the Gouernour commanded mee to be set on shore to talke with the wilde people and to know of them vpon what Coast wee were or if we might goe to Fernambuquo by land the Captaine commanded a Mamaluke called Antonio Fernandes to goe with me ashore but when we came to land this Mamaluke durst not goe on shore for feare of the wilde Canibals so I went alone and saluted them according to the fashion of the Countrey then I enquired of them how they called the place where they were they told me that it was called Cororeyespe which is the Riuer of Toades likewise they said that we were very neere the Riuer of Saint Francis and Northward we had the Riuer called Saint Michell and that they were slaues to the Portugals of Fernambucke hauing driuen cattle to Baya and now they returned home againe One of these bond-slaues went aboord the shippe with mee and talked with the Gouernour the next day the Gouernours Wife entreated her husband that hee would leaue the Hulke and goe by land the which he did at his wifes request so commanding all his Treasure to be set on shore we left our ship the Gouernour commanded the Master to take Fernambuquo if it were possible if not that he should goe to Baya and from thence into Portugall with any ships that should depart from thence this Hulke had nine tunnes of Siluer in her the which incharged to Diego de Guadro by the Gouernour Generall Don Francisco de Sasa and at Fernambuquo the charge of it was giuen to my Master Saluador Corea de Sasa from the place where we were driuen on shore to Fernambucke is fortie leagues In this iourney from the Riuer of Toades or from the Clifts called Bayshas Deamrobrio did I and Domingos Gomes alway carrie a Boxe of pure Gold of my Masters some twelue leagues from the aforesaid Riuer of Toades to a place called by the Indians Vpauasou are three leagues this Vpauasou is a very singular good place to take flesh water from Vpauasou to another Riuer called Casuays is one league from the Casuayes to the Riuer of Saint Michell are foure leagues at
saw and conuerst with in nine moneths that I trauelled through the Wildernesse with the Portugals and a yeere and eleuen moneths that I passed with the Canibals themselues THe Canibals called Pories inhabite at the least one hundred miles within the land they are most like vnto the Wayanasses men of low stature they liue onely on Pine nuts and small Cocos that are as bigge as Apples but they haue shâ—lls like Wall-nuts somewhat harder the Indians call them Eyrires They are of good complexion and esteeme very much of clothes if they can get them the women are all painted with diuers colours as red blue and yellow they are in peace with the Portugals and warre with no Nation neither will they eate mans flesh if they haue any other meate they lie in little Nets made of barkes of trees they haue no houses but two or three boughs tyed together couered with Palme leaues if it happeâ— to raine In this part of the Countrie I saw great store of Leopards and Lions the Indians call the Leopard Iawaryle and the Lions Iawarosou and many great Cats of mountaine which the Indians call Marcayahite here you may haue of the Indians for a Knife or a Combe fiue or sixe Gallons of Balsome oile After you haue passed the famous Riuer of Paraeyua you shall come into a Countrie of Canibals called Molopaques they are much like vnto Dutchmen in bignesse very faire of complexion they haue all beards like other men so hath not any other kinde of Canibals except it bee here and there one Most of them doe couer their priuie parts they are very ciuill in their behauiour their Townes are very strong all circled with walls made of earth and great logs they haue houses seuerall euery man with his familie They haue one amongst them whom they call Morouishaua which is their King but we saw no difference betweene him and the rest but only the name and he had as I remember thirteene wiues and no other had so many Amongst these Canibals we found good store of gold the which they doe not esteeme neither doe they vse it for any thing but to tie on their fishing lines when they goe a fishing in the Riuer of Para where they take great store of good fish Para is beyond Paraeyua eightie leagues these Indians doe not worke in the mynes for gold as the Spaniards doe but onely take such peeces as they finde when the raine hath washt away the earth for where the mynes of gold are there are no trees but are drie Mountaines of black earth which the Indians call Taiuquara and the Mountaine where the Molopaques doe finde this great store of gold is called Eâ—epararange if these Canibals had the knowleâ—ge of God I might bolâ—ly say that there are not any in the world like them The women are goodly of person faire of complexion as our English women are they are very modest and ciuill in their behauiour you shall neuer see them laugh they are people very capable to conceiue any thing they haue their haire so long that they tie it about their middles with the barke of a tree wherewithall they couer their nakednesse they esteeme very much of it Their haire is of colours like our English women some yellow some white some browne the women that haue not long haire to couer their nakednesse doe weare a kinde of Furre which they call Sawyathwasoâ— These Canibals doe eate mans flesh I was not past nine or ten dayes among them therefore I cannot resolue you further of their customes In that time I was with them I saw no manner of Religion among them they doe keepe very good order obseruing times to eate their meate at noone and at night and that doth not any other Nation amongst them they are very cleanly in whatsoeuer they doe Then wee came to a faire champaine Countrie where wee found a kinde of Canibals called Motayas Assoone as these Canibals heard of our being in their Countrie they all left their houses and came to meet vs dancing and singing telling vs that they were very glad of our comming into their Countrie they brought Ginny Wheat Pepper and diuers kinde of rootes to present vs and craued our friendship desiring vs that we would aide them against the Tamoyes We desiring nothing more told them that to that purpose we were come Assoone as wee came to the houses of these Canâ—bals all the women would sit about vs and laying their hands on our bodies they would weepe most bitterly After that euery one of them would bring such victuals as they had some brought boyled Frogs others brought Serpents and Snakes which wee found very good other some brought Munkeis and a kind of wilde Dogge that they kill in the Mountaines The men brought vs mans flesh rosted drie as black as a coale and told vs that it was of a Tamoya that they had killed and desired vs that we would eate of it thinking they had presented vs a great and daintie dish When they saw that wee refused to eate mans flesh they fell a laughing and some of them said that we knew not what was good meat These Canibals are men of small stature browne of complexion they goe all naked they weare their haire as now we doe in England below their eares and so doe the women As their haire gâ—oweth long they burne it with fire making it equall so artificially that you cannot perceiue but that it was cut with Sizors They will not haue any haire grow on their eye-browes nor on their chin but still as it groweth they pull it away with a shell their food is Ginny wheat and Roots Frogs Snakes Serpents Crocodiles Monkeâ—s Dogs that they kill in the Wildernesse Leopards and Cats of Mountaine all this â—s good meat amongst them and we found them very good and were very glad when we could get them to eate Then we came to a kinde of Caniball called Lopos the Portugals call them Bilreros these Canibals are alwayes in the Mountaines of Pine trees and haue not any other thing to liue on I neuer saw any houses that they dwell in but bougâ—s tyed together with rines of trees these Canibals would come to vs and tell vs of many things and would goe with vs two or three dayes and then would run away from vs and many times when they did meet with any of our Indians or our Portugals they would take away such things as they had about them and send them away without any hurt to their persons As wee went through this Countrie we found many mynes of gold and amongst these Indians our Captaine got good store of it and many good stones In all America there is not a richer part then this but it is so farre within the Land and that Countrie is so populous that as yet neither Portugall nor Spaniard can inhabite there They are men of small stature
farre as the Riuer Saint Francis which are alwayes seene the Seas when there are any Spring tides doe ouerflow the land behinde moreouer if any winde blow from the East it beateth the Sea into hils of the Clifts that it maketh a great noise Wherefore the Indians call it the Land of the Bell. Here are reasonable store of Sugars and great store of Coco Nuts On the North side of Fernambuquo you shall see white Downes and when you are past all the Downes on the South you are by Capignramirinij which is a place where alwaies you shall see Fisher-men in small Boates or Iangades and from thence to Fernambuquo are fiue or six miles and so if you be vnder 8. degrees you shall see a flat land euen and bare called Capituya then you must take heede you runne not Southward for then you runne vpon a point of the land called by the Portugals Punto de Olynda which is foure leagues from the Cape and stretcheth into the Sea as farre as Cape Augustin As soone as you haue doubled this point you must take heede you put not in with the Towne of Olynda which you shall see for if you doe you will runne vpon the Sands called by the Portugals Bayhos de S. Antonio which lye at least foure or fiue miles into the Sea being neere the shoare you shall see the Shippes that lye at anker ouer the Clifts called by the Portugals Arecias this place is a league from Fernambuquo being the harbour where all the Shipping that goes from Fernambuquo doe arriue from this place to the Cape you shall see the Clifts as if it were a wall made by Bricklayers no higher in one place then in another but all euen The Towne of Fernambuquo is scituated vpon a hill and very strongly entrenched round about on the Sea side euery twelue score standeth a small Fort or defence for Soldiers with foure cast Peeces and so they scowre all the shoare from the Arecias where the Shippes lye to the point of Olynda which is the farthest part of the Towne Northwards from the Arecias where the Ships lye commeth a Riuer through the land a Harquebusse shot from the Sea coast and runneth right behinde the Towne from the South to the West and East which maketh the Towne almost an Iland all but a little part of the North side The Cape of Saint Augustin is a Point of land that runneth into the Sea two or three miles from the Sea you shall see three hils called by the Petiwares Aquare Wason Remitum they will seeme vnto you like the backe of a Camell and now you may easily know it for you may see a Church that the Portugals haue built and halfe a league towards the South you shall see the Iland of Saint Aleyxo The Iland of Saint Aleyxo is long and narrow it lieth within a league of the shore and stretcheth North-east and South-west you may anker betweene the shoare and it all weathers for the Iland hath very faire Baies where you may lye in ten or twelue fadome water Vpon this Iland you may take wood or fresh water Porto Docalno lyeth Southward of the Iland of Saint Alyyxo it is a flat land you neede not feare the comming in by the rockes for hard by them you shall haue foureteene fathome weater Here you shall haue great store of Cattell and Sugars This Countrie is plaine low land and all planted with Sugar Canes you shall know this harbor very easily from the Southerne point of the Iland Saint Aleyxo for when it ebbeth you shall see a faire Bay and all the shore bare almost to the Cape being blacke ground Eight leagues Southward from the Porto de calno is the Riuer of stones Southward of it you shall see three great red Hills which stand ouer the Riuer of Camarysuâ—a which is a league from this Riuer you shall see from Sea a great Bay run within the Land and before the mouth of it many great Rocks to come to this Bay you must come close to the shoare on the South-west side and after you bee in the Bay keepe full West and it will bring you to a Riuer that runneth into the Land at the least twentie leagues In the mouth of this Riuer dwell sixe or seuen Portugals that keepe Cattell for Iohn Pays but they are of no strength Here you may take water at pleasure and alwayes in those houses that stand in the mouth of the Riuer you shall haue good store of Cassaui meale If you be of any strength that you dare goe ten or twelue miles vp the Riuer you shall take good store of Sugars for there standeth three or foure Sugar mills onely an other on the Riuer side likewise here is good store of Brasill and Pepper Cotton and many other merchandise Camaryiâ—â—â— as I haue said lyeth a league Southward from the Riuer of stones to know it you shall see three Hills of red ground called by the Portugals Bareâ—s Vernellios this place is not inhabited the mouth of this place is narrow and hath not aboue fiue foot water but you may anchor in the Bay hard by the Riuer and send your Boat safely for fresh water without danger or to fish with your Net for there is great store of fresh fish of all kindes The Riuer of Saint Antonio lyeth seuen leagues from Camaryiâ—â—a it is a faire great Riuer lyeth some fiftie leagues within the Land hath foure fathom water at the comming in but is so narrow that no ship can come in It is a very good place for you if you stand in neede hauing salt to make your prouision for there you shall haue great store of all kinde of fish especially of a kinde of fish called by the Indians Varaâ—â— which is as bigge as an Oxe After you are within this Riuer you shall haue high land on both sides and you must be carefull and keep good watch for vp this Riuer dwelleth a kinde of people called Carayâ—â— these people if they see you vnprouided will fight with you but if they see you able to defend your selues then will they bring such things as they haue to traffick The Harbour of French-men called by the Indians A 〈…〉 piâ—sâ—â—e lyeth two leagues Southward from the Riuer of Saint Antonio It is a small Bay that may be knowne by a high Hill that standeth ouer it which is all full of Brasill trees To enter into this Harbour you must marke the Cliffes and when you are to the North of them all but one you may safely come within a stones cast to the shoare When you haue landed if you want fresh water you must seeke on the South side of the Hill and you shall finde a streame that runneth out of the Hill into a great Cisterne of stone which is made out of a Rocke you cannot misse of this place if you seeke for it for all the way you shall see small Rocks
and mens names written in them This Riuer in our language is called the Riuer of Crocodiles for in it there are many which the Indians call Faquares it is narrow and in the mouth of it standeth a white Rocke To enter it you must take heed you keepe on the North side of this Rocke and you shall finde nine and ten foot water after you be within it you shall come to a great Bay and on the North-east side you shall finde a small Riuer where you may take fresh water but let euery man take heed how hee leapeth into the water for the Crocodiles lie by the banke-side hidden and if any thing fall into the water presently they kill it Here is nothing to bee had vnlesse you will fish for the Crocodiles and take the Bladders or Cods of muske from them here you need not feare any Inhabitants except you be espyed by some passengers that goe to Ferâ—ambuquâ— Alaqua is a very faire Riuer that lyeth foure leagues Northward from the Riuer of Saint Michael and three leagues Southward from the afore said Riuer of Crocodiles On either side of it you shall see a great Hill called by the Portugals Os Caiâ—â—â— You shall finde but seuen or eight foot water at the comming and very cleere from any Rocks but after you bee within you shall finde many bankes of sand where you shall kill good store of fish and alwayes you shall bee sure to haue Caruells fishing in this place at the comming in on both sides you may take fresh water Before the Riuer of Saint Michael you shall see the Cliffes like Arecines of Fernambuquo you must enter at the end of the Cliffe hard by the shoare on the South-west and you must marke a small Cliffe that lyeth betweene the mouth of the Riuer and the shoare this Cliffe you leaue betweene you and the shoare and betwixt this Cliffe and the great Rocks you may enter it three fathom water But take heed when you enter that you saile not towards the North-east although you see the Bay great for you shall run vpon many great bankes of sand therefore you must keepe West still within a stones cast of the shoare so shall you be sure to keepe in the Channell Thus you must saile till you discouer a house that you shall see doubling a Point full South from you then your best is to anchor for if you goe farther you are in danger except you know the Channell very well In this place dwels a Portugall called Iohn de Rocho and vp a Riuer that you shall see runne into the Land dwell many Portugals where they haue a Church with Friars to say Masse Here you shall haue good store of Cattell if you need and Brasill wood Cassaui meale and in this Riuer you shall haue good store of Oisters and in them you shall find many great Pearles likewise here is good store of Balsom oile and trees of All Nesico which is a very precious and rich wood singular good for bruises or old hurts also here is good store of Tabacco This place is eight leagues from the Riuer of Toades where we were driuen on the Rocks because we knew not where wee were for it is a singular good Harbour to enter if a man know the comming in betweene the Rocks called Os Bayos de Don Rodrigo Because the Indians indeed doe kill many Toades therefore they call it Cororoen that is to say the Riuer or water of Toades I tell you the name in the Indian language Because in all places you shall haue of them and so you may know when they tell you where you are When you are in ten degrees and an halfe Southwards of the Equinoctiall Line you shall see fiue hils and the three that standeth on the North side of this place whereof wee speake are round and high the other two that stand on the South not farre in distance one from another are long and lower then the other if you come neere the shoare you shall see a great many of small Rockes and a great Bay which is the place I speake of right before this Bay you shall see two great Rockes to goe into this Harbour you must passe betweene these Rockes which are called Bayos de don Rodrigo when you are â—ntred you may anchor hard by the Rockes and sound the Channell which will lye Norâ—h-east from you Here you may haue fresh water vp the Riuer but it will be hard for you to find therefore your best is to goe a quarter of a mile by the Sea side and you shall see a faâ—re Riuer where you may take water at pleasure and kill good store of fish At this place comming from the Riuer of Ienero in the night we were driuen vpon the Rockes for want of a Pilot that knew the Coast. I doe not set downe the places betweene this and the Cape Frio because I know them not but by report of other Trauellers and therefore I leaue it to them for I will write no more but what I haue seene and am able to proue when time shall serue and thus I end shewing you all that I haue seene on the Coast Northward of Cape Frio which is in our Language Cape Cold. Cape Frio is a point of the Land that runneth into the Sea at least twelue mile it lyeth vnder 22. degrees At this Cape you may haue sight of a great Mountaine that you may see ouer it called Abausango Reâ—ambuera here you may anchor on the East-side of this Cape in a Harbour called Abaâ—â—a formozo Here you may haue great store of Brassell-wood and in this Bay you shall find oftentimes good store of Ambeâ—-greece and on the North side of this Bay you shall see a great Riuer called vparason where you may kill good store of many kinde of fishes and in the mouth of this Riuer you shall haue great store of Corall if you will dragge for it Saquarema is a Riuer where the Frenchmen did traffique with the Canibals called Tamoyes it floweth foure leagues Southward from the Cape This Riuer is nâ—rrow at the comming in you shall find twelue foote water till you be three or foure leagues vp the Riuer You shall find fresh water on either side of the Riuer and great store of Brassell-wood all along the Riuer side On the South side of this Riuer you shall â—ee a great hill which the Indians call Boypeâ—a that is The rotten Whale for you shall see the top of it like a dead Whale If you want refreshing you may haue good store of Potato Roots there Plantons Lemons Orenges and many other good Roots as bigge as great Tuâ—nips which the Indians call Carauasou Etioca is a league Southward of the Riuer of Saquarema It is as I haue said in the description of my trauell a great and huge Rocke hollow within where the Indians say that the seruant of God did preach vnto them which they
call Topaâ—uayaperâ— before the mouth of this Rocke towardes the Sea standeth another flat Rocke that reacheth somewhat into the Sea vpon it you shall see the prints of bare feet here if you fish with Lines you may quickly lade your shippe A little behind this stone house you shall see a fine Riuer of water where you shall finde many pretie greene stones that Indians doe vse to weare in their lips You may anchor within a Musket shoâ— of the shore but it is verie dangerous if the wind be in the East Pirateningâ— is fiue leagues to the Southward of Etioca right before it standeth a small Iland it is inhabited by the Portugâ—ls It is a Bay that runneth betweene two Mountaines a mile and more within the Land There I haue seene a Mermaid and many other strange fishes You may lie with your shipping at the Iland and send your Boates ashore where you shall find great store of Cattle and you may take good 〈…〉 ore of all kind of fishes iâ— you will either with Hook or Net Here you may haue Oranges Lemmons and Cassaui Meale and all other such things that the Countrey yeeldeth but you must be alwaies sure to keepe good watch for feare of the Portugals of the Riuer of Ianuary which are hard by you The Riuer of Ianuary lieth three leagues from Pirateâ—inga it is a great Arme of the Sea that runneth into the Land at the least fourteene miles on the mouth of this place stand foure Ilands and now the best marke that it hath to be knowne is a Fort that standeth on the North side of the comming in of the Harbour vpon a Rock On the South side standeth a Hill that reacheth into the Sea which the Portugals call Câ—â—o that is The top of a ship for it seemeth like the maine top-saile of a ship from Sea Hard by the Sea side on the foote of this Hill on the North side of the Hill as you saile into the Harbour standeth a Rocke of great height made like a Sugar-loafe and is called by the Portugals the Sugar-loafe In the midst of the going in in the mouth of this Riuer lieth a Rocke plainly to bee seene to goe in you must keepe betweene the Rocke and the Fort that standeth on the North side of you When you are entred the mouth of the Riuer and are past the Fort you shall see an Iland lie right before you and euen with a Church called Santa Lucia this Iland is called the Iland of Brigalion You must be sure to passe on the North side of this Iland and assoone as you haue passed it you shall see all the Citie both on the Hill and on â—he Sea side Then you must take heed that you goe not right to the Towne for you shall run vpon certaine shelues of sand that lie right before the Towne all along to a small Iland called the Iland of Saint Bent this Iland lâ—eth a quarter of a mile from the Iland of Bragalion and Eastward of this Iland of Saint Bent standeth a great Rocke you may saile betweene the Rocke and the Iland and assoone as you haue entred betweene them you may anchor hard by the Iland and then you shall see a Church standing vpon a Hill which is called Saint Bent then you need not feare to goe right before the Towne within a Caleeuer shot of the shore from the Towne you shal see on the North-east shore a towne of Canibals called Saint Lorenzo which is in peace with the Portugals and within the Bay you shall finde many Riuers and Sugar-mils where there is great profit to be made Waratiua lieth three leagues from the Riuer of Ianuary you may know it by two Ilands that lie right before the mouth of the aforesaid Riuer At the mouth of the Riuer likewise standeth a high Hill and on either side both on the South-west and North-east is low Land in this place you cannot enter with any ship but you may anchor betweene the Ilands and send your Boats ashore If you goe vp you shall find good store of Potatoe Roots Plantons great store of Oranges and Lemmons and many other kind of fâ—uits which are very good to releeue sicke men If you will fish with youâ— Net heere you shall kill all kinde of good fishes but alwayes bee sure to keepe good watch for the Portugals are very neere you From the Riuer of Waratiâ—â— for the space of foure leagues is all sâ—ndy low Land you shall see a high Hill which the Indiaâ—s call Mâ—rambayapâ—â—â— that is in our Language the end of Warre right ouer against this point you shall see a great Iland at the comming in of this Harbour you need not feare for hard by the shore you shall haue twâ—ntâ—â— fathome wateâ— When you are in the mouth of this Harbour right before you shall see a whiâ—e Rocke which will lie full West from you you must leaue the Iland Southward from you then shall you descrie another great Iland called Epâ—oya at a point of this Iland that lieth full West towards the firme Land you shall see two small Ilands and when you are right against those two Ilands you shall see a faire Bay where you may anchor at pleasure to come into this Bay you must enter between those two Ilands that I haue spoken of I doe describe this Harbour vnto you aboue many good Harbours that you may find because you may depart from hence with any wind for the mouth of Marambaya lieth Soâ—th-eaâ—â—â—rom you when you are in this Harbour then you haue another going out that lieth North-east from you from this Port where you shall anchor called Epeoya If you want victuals for your ships you may take your Boat or your Pâ—nnâ—sse and goe out betweene the two Ilands that you entred and when you are betweene those Ilands you shall see a flat broad Iland which will lye fâ—â—t South-west from you this Iland the Indians called Sâ—peawera that is the morning and this is the Iland that I was driuen vpon when I runne away to Master Hawkins as I haue told you in the discourse of my troubles you must come with your Boat to this Iland and you must be sure to passe betweene the West shore and the Iland and assoone as you haue passed the point of this Iland you shall see three Hils of red Earth one hard by another You must leaue one of them West from you then may you land your men at pleasure when you haue landed you must goe through a little Copps for the spâ—â—e of a Harquebusse shot then shall you come into a faire Lawne where you shall find great store of Cattle and a house or two that standeth vpon a Hiâ—l where you shall haue alwayes good store of Câ—ssaâ—i meale if you will haue Rootes and Plantonâ— vpon the Iland where you anchor there are good store but there is an Iland called the Long Iland where you shall
haue of all these things in abundance To know this Hand â—ow with your Boate to the Iland of Epeoya that lieth full South from your ship and then you shall see a long Iland hard by the firme Land which is this whereof wee speake and because you shall bee sure not to misse it be attentiue When you come neere the shore beholding a Rocke that lieth a quarter of a mile from the shore vpon which Rocke standeth a Crosse this is the place where a Portugall called Manuell Antones dwelleth but now there is no bodie but a kinde of Canibals that come and goe therefore be sure alwaies in those parts to keepe good watch and be carefull if you can speake their language you may haue many things From this Iland Southwards you shall see two small Ilands halfe a league from you these Ilands are called Amâ—â—buqâ—â—â—o right against them lieth a faire Riuer where you shall haue alwaies great store of fish and by the Riuer side you shall see the Mandioca plainly and many other Roots very good to refresh your companie Southward from this place some two leagues you shall see a faire Bay called Pâ—ratâ—â—y there dwelleth a kind of Canibals called Vâ—â—â—asses of them you may buy skins of diuers wilde beasts and sometimes they haue good store of Amber which they call Pira pâ—niâ— ergaty Saint Sebastian lieth some three leagues from Great Iland It is a long and a faire Iland you may anchor betweene it and the shore After you haue entred at the North point of this Iland you shall see a great white Rocke right ouer against this Rocke you shall see a point of the fiâ—me Land runne into the Sea and right before this point lie three Rockes where commonly you shall see Indians shooting fishes with their Bowes and Arrowes if you goe with your Boate to that point you shall see a great Bay called by the Indians Iequerequere There likewise standeth a great Towne of Canibals such as those that dwell at Great Iland halfe a league from Saint Sebastians standeth a small Iland right into the Sea called by the Indians Uraritan and by the Portugals Alquatrasses heere you shall finde great store of Sea-foules and Seales Alegators that liue on the Land called by the Indians Fisewâ—soâ— Right ouer against the South point of the Iland of Saint Sebastian standeth a great white Rocke called by the Portugals Paidemilio that is the life of Ginnie Wheate then shall you see an Iland hard by the shoare callâ—d by the Indians Boâ—souconga that is the Whales head this Iland standeth in the mouth of Pertioqua which is the Riuer that goeth to Saint Vincents as you goe to this place after you haue passed the Iland you shall see North-east from you certaine houses where there dwell a kind of Canibals called Caâ—â—oses there you may haue good store of Cattle Orenges Lemmons and many kinds of Râ—ots and Fruits Right against this Towne of Canibals called Caryhos standeth the Towne of Saint Uincents called by the Indians Warapiuâ—ama as you goe farther vp the Riuer you shall see a small Iland Southward where you shall see a Sugar-mill of the Captaines of Santos called Ieronimo Letâ—â— where our Gentlemen were slaine Farther vp the Riuer you shall see a Castle stand at the foote of the Hill then you come to the Towne of Santos which standeth haâ—d by the water side Right behind the Towne of Saâ—â—os standeth a Hill wher Brascubas had a house from the top of this Hill did Iohn Dauies make a Plate of the Countrey Now the Portugals haue found Mynes of siluer in this place The third Pariena is a good Harbour for ships and here are great store of Canibals and Carijâ—os which very lately are inleagued with the Portugals you may buy of them great store of Pepper and Ginger very rich Furres and Cotton-wooll and Waxe this is the place that I came vnto after I had beene taken by the Tâ—mâ—yâ—s within the Land Here the Tamoyes were taken by the Portugals and I was giuen againe to be my Masters slaue when 10000. of the â—â—â—oyes were slaine and 20000. of them parted among the Portugals for slaues The mouth of the Riuer of Plate is wide and within it there are many Downes of sand you must bee sure to keepe very neere the North shoare till you shall see a high Mountayne white at the top then must you saile Southward at least foure leagues and shall you see another small Hill on the Northside you must saile right with it then shall you come into a faire Bay where you must be sure to keepe still along the shoare and after you haue passed the Westerne point of this Bay you shall haue the Riuer Maroer then you need not feare any shallowes till you come before the Towne of Bonâ—s Ayres There the Riuer runneth full Southward and along the Riuer side from Bonos Ayres is a small Village built by the Spaniards of Lime and stone that they brought from Brasill for all the Countrey is sandie the Indians doe make their houses all couered with earth Here are great store of wilde Horses and Cattle sheepe and Goats but for siluer and gold there is none but that which commeth from Cordiâ—a and Potasin Here likewise the Indians haue great store of Wheate twentie leagues within Land lyeth a Prouince called Tocoman now it is a Bishopricke this Countrey is the diuision of Brasill and all the Prouinces of Noâ—a Hispania Here the Indians haue Wheate and Cassaâ—i Apples Peares Nuts and all other fruites of Spaine likewise they haue all the fruites of Brasill But after you trauell Southward of this Countrey you shall not find any thing that groweth in Brasill nor any wild beasts as Leopards or Câ—piâ—â—ras Iawasenings Cat of Mountaines Aqâ—eqâ—es Wari 〈…〉 s Mâ—râ—qâ—ies Ioboyas Surâ—câ—oâ—s â—â—rarcas Boyâ—eâ—a Boyseninga Boybeua Brasill is full of all these wilde and dangerous beasts and diuers others But the Prouinces of Peru are cleere of them except it bee some chance From Tâ—coman to Saint Iâ—go is eightie leagues and you shall trauell it as you doe by Sea with a Compasse for the Countrey is all sand and as the wing bloweth so shall you haue the Mountaynes of sand to day on one side of you to morrow on the other in this passage you shall passe through many Riuers which to your thinking are not aboue a foote deepe but if you haue not good guides and great experience your waggons and horses will quickly be cast away in them and at an instant be couered with quicke sand After you haue passed this Countrey you shall come to Saint Iago then till you come to Potosin you shall trauell through great Mountaines and Valleyes and all the way as you goe you shall haue great Townes of Indians who are all in peace with the Spaniards you shall haue fiue hundred of these Indians by the way as you trauell readie with Nets to carrie you tyed
we haled ouer to the Coast of Tierra firma and arriued first at the I le of Margarita and comming to the Rancheria or fishing of Pearles in the small Iland of Cubagua we found the Gouernour of Cumana there with a company of Souldiers neuerthelesse we made bold to land and in our landing we receiued a great fight wherein diuers of our men on both sides were wounded but in the end I tooke the place with diuers of the stoutest of our Enemies Prisoners and thirteene Periaguaes and Canoes which are Barkes and Boats of the Countrey for ransome of all which I receiued fiue hundred pounds in Pearle This done I proceeded on my iourney sayling directly for Cape dela Vela and there meeting with a Portugall shippe of two hundred and fiftie tuns laden with three hundred and seuentie Negros brought from Congo or Angola and going to Cantagena with little resistance I tooke the same And sayling along with my prize Westward not able to double the Iles called Las Cabeças I was driuen farre downe to the Southward into the Gulfe of Acle in Spanish called Eusenada de Acle where we landed all our Portugals and Negros keeping only the Captaine which afterward paid â—â—e fiue hundred pounds for his owne and their ranâ—omes Within a while after we stood Westward with our shippes and went into the Iles called the Cabeças where I embarked an hundred and fiftie of my men in two small Pinnasses and two fine shallops and went for the Iles de Bastimentos and landing there vpon the said Ilands which are peopled and very fruitfull I tooke sixe or seuen Negroes for guides and so presently with our Pinnasses and Boates entred the mouth of the Riuer of Porto bello the seuenth of Februarie about two of the clocke after midnight the Moone shining very brightly At our first entrance into the Hauen which is aboue twelue score ouer and very deepe at the mouth and farre vpward we were halled by the strong and stately Castle of Saint Philip hauing thirtie fiue great pieces of Brazen Ordnance and fiftie Souldiers in the same to know whence we were wee hauing aboord vs such as could speake Spanish excellent well answered that we were of Cartagena then they commanded vs to anchor which we did accordingly About one houre afterwards with my two shallops which lay close by my Pinnasses and some thirtie of my principall men I went vp the Riuer hauing some of the smaller Fort called the Fort of Saint Iago which is directly ouer against the great Castle of Saint Philip running still on the shoare and crying out on me to stay but neglecting their out-cryes I landed at the first Towne called Triana where the alarme was presently giuen which neuerthelesse I set on fire and marched ouer a little Brooke into the great rich Towne of Porto bello and comming directly vp to the Kings Treasure-house which is very faire and large we found a squadron of souldiers whereof there are two hundred and fiftie alwayes belonging to the Towne and another company of the Inhabitants with two brasse Pieces of field Ordnance well mounted on their carriages which we presently possessed and fiercely set vpon the Souldiers At which alarme Captaine Antonie Fugars and Captaine George Lawriman of Ratcliffe came vp with my two Pinnasses with an hundred and twentie men to my rescue which was very hardly laid vnto At this house at our first comming into the Towne my Lieutenant Samuel Barnet was shot on the side of his head and through his eare and Captaine Giles comming to second him was likewise shot ouer the brest and through his arme In this meane space Pedro Melendes the Gouernour of the Towne had gathered sixtie Souldiers together and was comming toward a certaine bridge to encounter me I hauing not then aboue eight or nine men with mee to withstand them but God did prosper our proceedings mightily For the first two shot that went from vs shot Melendes through his Target and went through both his armes and the other shot hurt the Corporall of the field Whereupon they all retired to the house which they made good vntill it was almost day Against whom I sent Captaine Ward with some Souldiers who entred the house killing diuers of them and wounded Melendes in eight places more himselfe being shot through both his thighes in entring and some of his men hurt but in the end he tooke Melendes Prisoner and became Master of the house My selfe with others went to the Kings house wherein were many of the Souldiers who would not come to any composition but stoutly defended the same against Captaine Giles and our Lieutenant Samuel Barnet who in the end flue diuers of them and hurt many others taking the Kings Scriuano prisoner This fight endured for the space of foure or fiue houres The fight being ended and we being Masters of the Kings Treasure-house and all the Towne and hauing the Gouernour Melendes and the Scriuano with many others of the chiefest my Prisoners except the Alcalde which fled out of the Towne with a chaine of Gold about his necke Such Treasure as was found in the Kings house to the value of some nine or ten thousand Duckets I reserued to my selfe which was nothing to that which wee did expect that being the receite at one time of the yeere of all the Treasure that commeth from Peru and Chile amounting at least to fiue or sixe Millions of Duckets and had I come but seuen dayes sooner I had taken heere an hundred and twentie thousand Duckets which were newly laden in two Frigats for Cartagena The rest of the spoile of the Towne which came to no small value in Money Plate and Merchandize I gaue wholy to my Souldiers which being done I disposed my Corpses du guard in diuers places for keeping the Towne all that day and at the end of the streete leading toward Panama on the South Sea being full of all Artificers we made a barricado where Captaine Giles stood with another Corps du guard being diuers times assaulted by the enemy whom still hee valiantly repulsed and put to the worse Pedro Melendes the chiefe Gouernour of the Towne being my Prisoner in regard that he had valiantly carried himselfe in making resistance vntill he had tenne or eleuen wounds vpon him I did not only at length dismisse without any peny for his ransome but also caused my Chirurgion very carefully to dresse and trimme his wounds vsing him and his farre otherwise then Pedro Melendes his great Vncle vsed Iohn Ribault Landoniere and the French Nation in Florida whom they most cruelly murdered and massacred as many as they could lay any hands vpon Thus being Master for one whole day of the stately and new builded Towne of Porto bello which had two goodly Churches in it fully finished and sixe or seuen faire streets whereof two were full of all necessarie Artificers and of Merchants with three small
and you may ride from fiue fathomes to twentie but wee ridde in three a little within the point on our Larboord side going in The eighteenth of Ianuary wee parted from our Man of Warre at Cape Saint Anthony and set saile for England in a Prize a ship of some one hundred and fortie tunnes laden with Campeche Wood and Hides the Master of the Prize was William Goobreath and from Cape Saint Anthony we stood off North-west and by North. The nine and twentieth day at noone we had sight of the Westermost Land of the Organes being East South-east from vs and then we stood North-east and the twentieth day we were in latitude 23. degrees 15. minutes the winde being at East North-east we stood off North and from the twentieth day to the one and twentieth day wee made our way West and by North and this day we were in latitude 23. degrees 20. minutes then we stood to the Eastward The two and twentieth day we were North-west and by North from the Crowne in Cuba fourteene leagues then we stood to the North-ward these fourteene leagues we turned vp and downe with the winde Easterly The three and twentieth day wee were in laâ—itude of 24. degrees no minutes the wind being at East North-east and we lay North with the stemme and this night we came in twelue fathomes being then in latitude of 24. degrees 35. minutes the winde being at East and by South we stood to the Southward The fiue and twentieth day wee fell with Cobey twelue leagues to the Eastward of the Hauana and this day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we had the Pam of the Matanças South-east and by South from vs some sixe leagues the winde being at East and we stood North North-east three Watches and brought the Pan vpon the Matanzas South of vs the winde being at East North-east we stood to the Northward for so we made the ships way The seuen and twentieth day at foure of the clocke in the afternoone wee fell with the South-east part of the Martyrs then wee stood off South-east and by South three watches with a low saile and so cast about and stood North-east and by North three watches and then obserued and found the ship to bee in the latitude of 24. degrees and 55. minuts being then South-west and by South of the Cape of Florida about three leagues the winde being at South-east and by East we stood off South and by West three watches and then cast about and stood North-east two watches and then obserued and found the ship to be in 25. degrees 36. minutes being the nine and twentieth day of Ianuarie 1602. and then two watches North and by East and foure North North-east and the thirtieth day at noone wee had the Cape Canaueral West and by North from vs sixe and twentie leagues by supposition being now in latitude 28. degrees 14. minutes the winde being at South wee stood North-east and by East into the Sea The eighteenth day of March at noone being Thursday wee fell with Silley and wee were South from it three leagues or ten miles the winde being at West South-west wee stood for the Lizzard and the twentieth day of this moneth we came to winde being at anchor in Dartmouth this was my first voyage which I haue to the West Indies CHAP. XI The description of the I le of Trinidad the rich Countrie of Guiana and the mightie Riuer of Orenoco written by FRANCIS SPARREY left there by Sir WALTER RALEIGH 1595. and in the end taken by the Spaniards and sent prisoner into Spaine and after long captiuitie got into England by great sute 1602. The description of the I le of Trinidad POrta la Spaniola lyeth North-east The Spaniards name themselues Conquerabians Anapâ—rima is the name of the Riuer which goeth to Corona the Spanish Towne The North part is very mountainous The Indians of Trinidad haue foure names 1. Those of Parico are called Iaios 2. Those of Punta Carao Aruacas 3. Those of Curiadan are called Saluages 4. Those betweene Punta Carao and Punta de la Galera Nepoios But those which are seruants to the Spaniards name themselues Carinapagâ—tos The chiefest of the Indians I meane the Kings and Lords of the Ilands in times past named themselues Acarewanas but now Captaines The description of Guiana and of the great Riuer Orenoco GViana beareth directly East from Peru and lyeth almost vnder the Equinoctiall Line The entrance to the Riuer Orenoco through the Riuer Capuri at the mouth at a full Sea hath nine foot water and at the ebbe but fiue foot The water floweth but a small time but increaseth much and the ebbe goeth but slowly for it continueth sixe houres In the bottome of the Gulfe of Guanipa there is the Riuer of Amana which leadeth into Orenoco also In this Riuer which wee named the Riuer of the Red Crosse wee tooke an old Tinitiuan for our Pilot to Orenoco The Riuer of Orenoco or Barequan hath nine mouthes which lye on the North-side of the mayne land but I could heare but of seuen mouthes vpon the South-side So that betweene Ilands and broken Lands it hath some sixteene mouthes in all The Ilands are somewhat bigge so as I can hardly ghesse how many leagues it is from the North-side to the South-side At the entrance of this Riuer are two great Lords Tiuitiuans which hold warre one with the other continually The one Nation are called the Tiuitiuans of Pallamos and the other of Hororotomaca He that entreth the Riuer of Amana from Curiapan cannot possibly returne the same way hee came by reason of the Easterly windes and the great Currents but must of force goe in a Riuer within the Land which is called Macurio To goe from the I le of Trinidad to the great Riuer Orenoco the Riuer of Amana beareth South But parting from that Riuer by a branch which beareth to the West we entred Orenoco Toparimaca is the chiefe Gouernour vnder Topiawari of the entrance of the Eastermost part of the Riuer Orenoco The Towne of this Gouernour is called Arwacan These are friends to the Carapanans Tiuitiuans and all Nations the Caribes excepted Carapana lyeth in the Prouince of Emeria and the Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria Assapana is the first Iland in Orenoco it is but small The second Iland is called Iwana There is another entrance into Orenoco which I discouered not but the Indians name it Arraroopana Europa is a Riuer which commeth into Orenoco but the head of it I know not In the middest of Orenoco there is a pretie bigge Iland which is somewhat mountainous and the name of it is Ocawita One Putima commandeth vnder Topiawari in the Confines of Morrequito which lyeth in the Prouince of Arromaia The Iland of Putapaima is farre vp within the Riuer of Orenoco and standeth right against the high Mountaine called Oecope Ouer this
Mountaine lye the Playnes of Samia Through these Playnes you may goe to Cumana or to the Caracaâ— which are at least one hundred and twentie leagues iust North. In these Playnes are foure Nations which are held for great men The Samias the Assawais the Wikeries and the Arroras These Nations are something blacke On the left side of this Riuer Orenoco are two small Ilands a small distance the one from the other The one is called Aroami the other Aio In the morning before the Sunne bee high the winde is still Easterly in this place Manoripano lyeth in the middle of Orenoco Aromaio is the name of Morrequito Orenoco reacheth to the Mountaines of Wacarimoc which is to the East in the Prouince of Emeria or Carapana The Vallies are called Amariocapana and the people by that name also Vpon this Riuer Orenoco there is a pleasant Riuer for many kindes of victuals which is called Caroli and the people Cassipagotos This Countrie of Morrequito lyeth in some fiue or sixe degrees to the North of the Equinoctiall Line At the Point of the Riuer Caroli is the small Iland called Caiama The Inhabitants of this Iland Caiama are enemies to the Epuremi Here is a very great fall of Land water Canuri lyeth in the Prouince of Morrequito The Gouernour is called Wanuretona The Epuremians are richest in gold onely These people called Epuremi haue many enemies but three especially which are very strong which are these the Cassipagotos Eparigotos and Arawagotos Hee that will passe the Mountaines of Curaa shall finde store of gold which is farre to the West The Riuer Arni runneth continually North and so to the Riuer Cassipa and from thence into Orenoco neere vnto the Riuer Arui are two Riuers the one is called Atoica the other Caera and also one branch which is called Caora To the Westward of Caroli is a fourth Riuer which is called Casnero it falleth into Orenoco on the side of Amapaia The first Riuer that falleth into Orenoco from the North is called Cari. Beyond it on the same side is the Riuer Limo to the West of it is the Riuer Paoo and beyond that are the Riuers Caturi and Voari and another called Capuri which is dangerous to enter To the Westward of Capuri in the Prouince of Amapaia is most vile vnwholsome and bad water to drinke it is of a bad tawnie colour it hath killed many a man both Indians and others They say this water commeth from Anebas On the North part of Peru is a way to enter into Orenoco as I haue heard by the Indians The first place whereby they are to passe is called Guicar the second Goanâ—â— and so to the Riuer of Papemena which is the Riuer that runneth toward the Iland of the Amazones Neere vnto the Iland of the Amazones is the famous Iland of Athul The Riuer Ubra beating to the West of Carthagena beareth to the Southward of the Iland of the Amazones This Riuer Vbra if you stand to the South-west leadeth to a part of Aromaijo which is called Eregoodawe This Countrie of Eregoodawe is very Mountainous and nothing fruitfull it is inhabited by the Coman Ibes They haue Ginny wheat but no store and very little Cassaui Venison Hogs and Conies they haue in great abundance The King or chiefe Gouernour of this Prouince or part of Aromaijo which is called Eregoodawe is one which beareth great sway in those parts whose name is Oromona But all are chiefly commanded by Tapuawary King of Morrequito In mine vndertaking the discouerie of the North part of Orenoco I was aduertised by certaine Indian Pilots that I should finde a perfect and readie way to goe to Peru. In which my trauell I fell by reason of a great storme into a Riuer which is called by the Indians Salma This Riuer is not great in three dayes I passed through this Riuer and entred into the Riuer of Papemena This Riuer of Papemena is more in my iudgement then fiue or sixe Leagues broad North North-west of this Riuer is the Iland of the Amazones But leauing that course I came to the most sweete pleasant and temperate Iland which is called Athul If I had had companie to my liking I could haue found in mine heart to haue stayed there and spent my life Athul is not rich in mettals but some stones I found in the fresh-water Riuers for there are great store of fresh-water Riuers and no want neither of Fish Tortoyses which the Indians name Catsepames Foules nor other good things It hath Wood great store Fruites all the yeere in abundance many good places to make a Towne if you will Cotton and Balsamum Brasill Lignum vitae Cypresses and many other sweete trees The earth of this Iland doth promise to the eye to be good it is very sad and much like to Oare which I found in diuers places I cannot report of the goodnesse of the stones because my knowledge in them is nothing Athul is not inhabited by any The Iland is small and for feare of the Caribes there is no body I returned from this good Iland Athul toward the Riuer of Orenoco because I found my labour was lost For to finde the way to Peru that way was impossible And to make my iourney the shorter I returned by the Riuer Papemena but left the Riuer of Salma cleane and came my directest way to Orenoco which mine Indian Pilots held to bee through the Riuer of Limo and so I came into the Riuer of Orenoco Then I went from Orenoco and held my course altogether Westerly because I found the West most rich although it was most dangerous to trauaile thither I meane farre into the Countrie by reason of the Epuremi which liue continually in armes and hold warres against many Nations but against three Nations especially These are as I wrote before the Cassipagotos the Eparigotos and the Arawagotos My desire was to goe to Curaa and from Orenoco I first entred into the Riuer of Cosnero and so coasted to Amapaia where is the bad tawnie water which before I mentioned from thence I went to the Riuer Paoo and within sixe weekes after I departed out of the Riuer of Orenoco I came to the rich Countrie of Curaa The Countrie of Curaa is in the Prouince of Guiana or Manoa where are the mynes of white stone in which mynes is much naturall and fine gold which the Indians call Callicurij The gold in this place I say in Manoa or Guiana runneth betweene the stones like veines of which gold I had some store but now the Spaniard is the better for it In Curaa is also gold in small graines which lye in the sands in the little Riuers or Brookes I alwayes tooke those graines for the finest gold In these Riuers where gold lyeth are many Aligattos or Crocodiles I heard by the Nation of the Tiuitiuans that a place called Tulahe had many good things in it but I
found it nothing so Some bad fresh-water pearles I found there which were nothing round Orient nor very great I brought of them with me to the Spaniards and they said they were no Pearles but Topasses Camalaha is a place where they sell Women at certaine times in the manner of a Faire And there you shall buy colours such as the Saluages paint themselues with In this Faire which is called Camalaha which is to the South of Orenoco I bought eight young Women the eldest whereof I thinke neuer saw eighteene yeeres for one red-hafted knife which in England cost mee one halfe-peny I gaue these Women away to certaine Saluages which were my friends at the request of Warituc the Kings Daughter of Murrequito Tar or Taroo is an Iland which is to the South South-west of Orenoco To which place I went because they said there was neuer any that inhabited in this Iland but that it was in the manner of a bayting place for the Caribes when they had stollen people which they meant to eate One Captaine Caramatoij was my guide to this place whither we went somewhat strong with intent if wee could finde any Caribes on this Iland to kill them but wee found none Many houses wee found there couered with straw which wee set on fire And there I found close by the water side going about the Iland which was but small many stones of diuers colours To the West of this Riuer and Iland which is called Tar or Taroo is a Riuer which is called Habuc There are about this Riuer in most places eight ten seuenteene and thirtie fathomes water This Riuer of Habuc commeth from the Sea The entrance of this Riuer at the mouth is barred but at a full Sea you shall haue fourteene and fifteene foot water but in the Channell in which the Canoas enter which is but narrow there is more then sixe fathoms but I doubt that ships cannot enter there This Riuer Habuc is the best and surest harbour that I could finde for our ships and freest from the danger of the enemie and is not full eight dayes iourney from Orenoco The Riuer Europa lyeth to the East of Orenoco as you come from Trinidad you may as I certainly know going some twentie leagues in the Riuer of great Amana discouer the great and high Mountaine which is called Oecopa being there you shall plainly see the Playnes or Downes of Samia through which Playnes you may safely march ouer the Land within ten or twelue leagues of Cumana or to the Caracas From Orenoco also it is very easie to goe to the Towne of Santo Domingo which beareth North North-west directly but you must passe of force the Riuer Amapaia leauing the Iland called Amazones South and beare your course as neere as you can North-west or North North-west By this course you shall passe and escape the force and danger of the Towne and land some sixe dayes iourney from Santo Domingo The Riuer Wiaumli is to the North of Orenoco To goe into this Riuer which is little worth you may goe in the Land till you come to another small Riuer which is called Maccah directing your course South you shall within two dayes if your Canoa bee good enter the Riuer of Wiaumli The Land taketh the name of the Riuer The Gouernours name is Woripur Worrok Halaha Carrabouca is in the firme Land of the great Iland called Murrequito it is the common trade to goe to the rich Guiana or Manoa Drano is a faire Riuer but it is dangerous to goe farre in it by reason it lyeth due South-east from Orenoco and the Southermost part of the Moores of Anebas is very low so that the tanie waters issue in great abundance into this Riuer of Drano The danger for entring this Riuer is nothing but the doubt is onely of the bad water and most terrible dewes which fall from the Moores which are vnhealthfull and kill the Indians daily for that continually when they trauell they lie in the open aire The Eastermost part of Dorado is called Emeria There is a small Riuer which lyeth farre East in Emeria and beareth North North-west Through this Riuer called Capurisol is a sure a perfect and most safe way to goe to Peru but the iourney will aske eight or ten weekes to finish it Through these Riuers of force wee must passe with Canoas or Ship-boats or such like for there is alway very little water The Riuer of Capurisol lyeth in eight degrees and two terces to the North of the Equinoctiall Line But the North starre keepeth his degree and altitude 11. degrees and two terces In this Riuer is still a fine small brise of winde which lightly bloweth at West but at noone you shall hardly finde any winde CHAP. XII Captaine CHARLES LEIGH his voyage to Guiana and plantation there THe one and twentieth of March 1604. Captaine Charles Leigh in the Oliue Plant a proper Barke of some fiftie Tunnes accompanied with six and fortie men and boyes departed from Wolwich with intention to discouer and inhabit some part of the Countrie of Guiana where he had beene in a former voyage they stayed in the Downes vntill the eight and twentieth of the said moneth and passing thence they touched in the I le of Mogador on the coast of Barbarie in the moneth of Aprill where we stayed about some fiue dayes and watered on the mayne land in despite of the rebell Moores which would haue had money for our watering Thence with prosperous winde coasting the Iles of Cape Verde we passed ouer to the West Indies and vpon the tenth of May comming in change of water which shewed thicke and white by the next day we were in fresh water and the next day following about fiue in the morning wee saw two Ilands in the mouth of the Riuer of Amazones making account that we were fortie leagues vp the Riuer and came to an anchor in three fathoms vnder them which wee found low land couered with high Trees Then the Captaine with some eight of the best men of the ship went toward the shoare and finding many Indians comming toward them they returned aboard and found the ship almost aground but sounding the Bay brought their ship into the Channell which they found very narrow Within awhile after foure Indians in a small Canoa shewed themselues vnto vs to whom we sent our Boat with some of our commodities as Hatchets Kniues Glasses Beades they had nothing but Maiz and small blue-headed Parrots for which we gaue them some of our triffles Not long after another Canoa comming out our Boat clapt betweene them and the shoare to take some of them to learne the state of the Riuer by them but they freed themselues all saue one youth which was brought aboard which next day after escaped leaping into the Sea twelue leagues as we iudged from land Thus we tooke our leaue of the Riuer of Amazones
we had were wonderfull great Insomuch that all the fleete were dispersed and â—ot aboue two ships did hold company together Which put them in great feare lest they shoulâ— haue met with the Hollanders who might with three good ships haue taken all their treaâ—â—re with small adoe for euery little Carauell did put them in feare thinking her to be a man of Warre Vpon 〈…〉 e second day of Februarie 1606. Master Barwicke landed safely thanked bee God at Downes iâ— Kent and gaue me money to bring me to London CHAP. XIIII The Relation of Master IOHN WILSON of Wansteed in Essex one of the last ten that returned into England from Wiapoco in Guiana 1606. CAptaine Charles Leigh and his Brother Sir Olane Leigh did furnish to Sea the good ship called the Phenix with Commodities for the Countrey of Guiana and necessaries for the Voyage with fiftie persons to inhabit Wiapoco of sundry Trades who directing their course towards Wiapoco on the Coast of Guiana which the Spaniards call the Riuer of Canoas arriued on the twentieth of May following where he found a ship of Amsterdam trading with the Indians They perswaded the Indians that our Nation came to inhabit among them only to oppresse them as the Spaniards doe in other parts of the Indies which the Indians themselues confessed vnto Captaine Leigh notwithstanding they offered our Nation no vnkindnesse but vsed them in all the kind manner they could For they prouided whatsoeuer our Company wanted which they could get them In somuch the Gentleman was like to haue done right wel if it had not happened that his Company had not mutined which did partly arise because of the climate which is much hotter then ours And for that they were vnprouided of victuals or other necessaries therefore constrained to liue in such manner as the Indians themselues doe for that they did see at their landing only Mountaynes and Hils couered with Woods And for that the most part of them had beene housholders in England not accustomed vnto such a strange Countrey or Nation nor such a diet for which causes they were so much discontented that they cried to their Captaine home home Thus the Captaine and his whole company was discontented and also the Master of his ship called Martin Prinx who shipped himselfe shortly after their arriuall into the Amsterdamer which they found there whereupon the Captaine placed his Mate Richard Pets of Weymouth to bee Master of the Phenix furnishing him with such victuals as the Countrey affoorded as Cassaui for their bread and Potatoe Roots with fish water and such prouision as they had of their owne aboord appointing Edward Huntly to be their Captaine to goe for England who departed from Wiapoco about the first of Iuly 1605. by whom Captaine Leigh aduertized his Brother Sir Olaue Leigh After whose arriuall Sir Olaue Leigh hee withall speed furnished the aforesaid ship called the Phenix to Sea with Commodities for the Countrey and other necessaries with thirtie men of sundry Trades appointing the aforenamed Richard Pets to be Master and Edward Huntly to bee Captaine they departed from Woollage one the towards Wiapoco who arriued at their Port one the fifteenth of Ianuary following who expected with the rest of their company aboord to haue found the Generall and his company on Land to haue beene in farre better case then they were for that they found them for the most part extreame sickeâ— and some of them dead and presently after their arriuall three or foure men of them died and the Generall himselfe was very weake and much changed which partly proceeded by reason of their great want of victuals for that the Pidians could not at all times prouide them that they wanted And chiefly for that the company were perswaded that the ship would neuer haue returned vnto them againe which plainly appeared amongst them for that at the arriuall of our ship some of them which had not in three monethes time beene a stones cast from their houses came aboord of vs a mile and more from their houses in weake estate which caused very much discontent amongst our fresh water Souldiers aboord and they were the more discontented because they could not aduertize them of any commodities the Country yeelded which would affoord them present benefit insomuch that they wished themselues in England again During which parley our Generall came not aboord of vs for that he was at his house called Mount Howard a mile and more vp into the Land which stood on a hil very pleasantly situated but according to the Country manner by reason that their enemies should not wel find their houses nor suddenly assault them haue there fore very rough passages vnto them inuironed all with Mountaines Woods and Hils Wherefore the Generall sent one Sidney Harrington vnto Captaine Huntly M. Tederington Preacher and to the Master of the ship to land their company in Possession Bay a place which the Indians gaue vnto our Generall and therefore by him so named At whose landing according vnto the Generall his Commission they were all sworne vnto certaine Articles as that they should acknowledge Captaine Charles Leigh to bee their chiefe Generall of Guiana vnder King Iames our King of Great Britaine and that they should not be hurtfull vnto the said Generall his proceedings but to ayde and assist him to their vttermost powers Which being effected our Generall came vnto vs and after kinde salutations hauing taken order for our Lodgings for that time hee departed from vs. The Indians in like manner after their Countrey fashons kindly entertained vs and after further conference had with our Generall hee related at large vnto vs what had happened vnto him and his company in their absence that by reason of his company their discontent and sicknesse they had not trauelled vp into the mayne Land and therfore of his owne knowledge hee could not certifie them of any other commoditie the Countrey did yeeld then such as hee knew of before their departure but the Indians had informed them that there was vp in the Mayne very rich commodities as also Gold and siluer and especially in the Riuer of Caliane where the Caribes inhabit who are enemies vnto our Indians of Wiapoco and so called by them Vpon which information our Generall thought it would haue beene best to haue peaceably traded with the Caribes But our company misliked thereof insomuch that the Generall altered his determination and agreed to ioyne with their friend Indians against the Caribes their enemies Whereof hauing aduertized the chiefest of them they most kindly embraced their offer presently made eight of their Canoas in a readinesse furnishing them with Bread and Drinke and Victuals which for the most part are Crabbes and Fish with some hundred of themselues all naked in their Canoas whome our Generall accompanied with some eight and thirtie of our company leauing the rest to keepe our Shippe and Houses shipping the most part
of them in a Pinnasse that was built by one named Howard the Keele whereof hee made of a Canoa which prooued a very fitting Pinnasse for those parts and Riuers This Pinnasse after our Generals death the Indians did breake a pieces because they thought wee would haue stolne away from them in her vnto the Spaniards And the rest of our company were placed in their Canoas all of vs furnished with our Caleeuers and so wee departed on our Iourney and Voyage on the sixe and twentieth of February on which day at night wee came to a place which wee named Mount Huntly where wee lodged in the Woods that night our Generall commanding vs to keepe a good watch which wee need not to haue done for the Indians themselues were very watchfull and wonderfull carefull of our Caleeuers and for to keepe our Powder drie after we had beene acquainted with them and very diligent for to please vs. The next day at night we came to a place called the Cou and there wee lodged and the next day following we came into the Riuer of Wia and there we found two or three of the Caribes Canoas but all their men were runne vp into the Woodes and from thence our Generall went vp farther into the Riuer where wee burned certaine of their houses not finding any people in them From whence our Generall purposed to haue gone farther into the Riuer of Caliane But the Indians did aduertize him that there was an English ship there whom the Generall knew to bee one Iohnson of Plimmouth that had beene some fourteene dayes before at Wiapoco and came thither in the way of Trade But our Generall would not suffer him so to doe for that he would not hinder himselfe and his company which our Generall at that time called to minde and therefore thought it not good to proceed in the Riuer because hee doubted that there would haue risen contention betwixt his company and Iohnsons and for that hee also misdoubted wee should haue wanted Bread and Drinke if hee should haue proceeded in his iourney and therefore returned to Wiapoco where we arriued all except one Canoa About the fourteenth day of March. Our Generall sent with foure of our Nation named Blake Owen Goldwell William Crandall and Henry Powell with commodities vp into the Countrey some thirtie leagues to a place called Urake to the Inhabitants there named Arwakes to trade with them And after our iourney by reason of such Raine and foule weather as wee had in the same most of our company fell sicke and for that they had no comfortable drinkes nor any comforts thaâ— sicke persons doe want diuers of them died of the Fluxe which the Indians as also the Disease called the Calenture know right well for to cure yet concealed it from our Generall But vnto vs after his death they did reueale which sicknesse amongst the company caused no small griefe vnto our Generall and chiefly to see such wants amongst them wherefore hee resolued with himselfe to goe for England which hee acquainted the company with promising them to returne as speedily as hee could with prouision Presently after he had shipped his prouision and such Commodities as hee had gathered together in the Countrey and was in a readinesse to depart for England he sickned of the Fluxe and died aboord his ship and was by Captaine Huntly secretly buried on the Land the twentieth of March whose death was so secretly kept by the Captaine and the Master of the ship that most of the company knew not thereof The reason was because there was prouision too little for them which were shipped and others of the company if they had knowne thereof would haue pressed to haue come with them Wherefore Captaine Huntly with Master Tederington our Preacher and others set saile from Wiapoco towards England on the second of Aprill 1605. promising a ship to returne vnto vs within seuen moneths God not hindering their intents which had happened for Sir Olaue Leigh to his great charge had prouided a great Fly-boat of the burthen of one hundred and seuenty tunnes furnished for to haue come for Wiapoco as I haue heard since my being here in London before Captaine Huntly his arriuall in England but it pleased God that she neuer came to Wiapoco so that we had no comfort of her being in number left at Captaine Huntlies departure out of the Countrey thirtie fiue persons of whom one named Richard Sacksie was by Captaine Leigh in his life time appointed to bee chiefe amongst vs who shipped himselfe into a ship of Middleborough who came into the Riuer about the first of May 1605. and fourteene more of our company with him and more that Zelander would haue carried if Sacksie would haue suffered him such was his kindnesse towards our Nation Hee gaue vnto vs such wine and other comforts as he had vnto our great reliefes His comming vnto vs to Wiapoco was to haue sold vnto our Generall Negroes whose kindnesse we did requite in helping him to such commodities as wee had and did get the Indians to prouide Cassaui and Guinea Wheate for bread with Potato Roots for his Negroes to eat who departed on the one and twentieth of May after he had bin some three weekes in the Riuer of Wiapoco for Point de Ray where he shipped of our company into his Countrimens ships some in one ship and some into others for Holland of which ships we heard that some of them were taken by the Spaniards and they were cast ouer-boord with the Hollanders The same day the Hollander departed which was the one and twentieth of May came vnto vs a French ship of Saint Mallors who dealt very kindly with vs wherefore wee did suffer him to trade with the Indians who did remayne there some two moneths vnto whom many strange Indians did bring their commodities and at his departure hee shipped ten of our men hee tooke Powder and other commodities of vs which we had for their passage into France leauing tenne of vs behind him of which two died before the ship was out of ken of vs Nicholas Wilkins and Andrew Vnderhill But within some fourteene dayes after two of those foure which our Generall had sent to trade vnto Urake came vnto vs not expecting euer to haue seene them the other two were drowned by the way These two named Owen Goldwell and William Candall which came to vs reported they had beene some fortie miles vp into the Land in a very plaine pleasant Countrey and brought commodities hereafter written of About the middle of Iuly our number of ten were all in good health spending our time in planting of Carow called Flaxe whereof we planted about twentie English Acres of Land and some Tabacco obseruing the manners and conditions of the people the nature of the Land and what commodities it yeeldeth and what commodities of ours are in most request with them
too great for so few shâ—ps of no greater burden was in all fourscore and seuenteene whereof threescore were Land-men Being thus imbarked wee set saile from the Rainge at Dartmouth the said three and twentieth of March but the winde altering vpon a sudden put vs backe againe that euening and about two of the clocke the next morning it comming better for vs we weighed anchor and put to Sea the euening following we lost sight of the Lizzard and steered away for the Canaries The seuenth day of Aprill we fell with Alegranza and Lancerote two Ilands of the Canaries we stood in with Alegranza and came to anchor on the South-west side thereof that euening and the next day I landed my companie to exercise their limmes on shoare in this Iland wee found no Inhabitants nor fresh water neither fruitfull Tree Plant Herbe Grasse nor any thing growing that was good onely an abundance of vnwholsome Sea-fowle which after one meale were vnsauourie and distastefull and a few wilde Capritos or wilde Goats which the craggy Rocks defended from our hands and hungrie mouthes The eighth of Aprill we departed from Alegranza and directed our course for Tenerife another of the Ilands The eleuenth day I sent the Pinnasse and the Shallop to water at the Calmes and there to attend my comming but with my ship I held my course for Orotauo a Towne on the other side of the Iland in hope to get some wine amongst the Merchants there but not being able by reason of a contrarie winde to double Punta de Nega wee altered our course from Wine to Water And the twelfth day wee passed by Santa Cruz and watered that euening at the Calmes This watering place is very conuenient for all such as passe by those Ilands and is thus to bee found there is a woodden Crosse neere vnto it the high Pike of Tenerife beareth due North from it There is also a ledge of Rocks to the Eastward of the landing place which is a short Sandie Bay When you are landed you shall finde the place about fortie or fiftie yards from the Sea side Then we stood on our course for the Riuer of Wiapoco in Guiana hauing a prosperous winde faire weather and a smooth Sea The ninth day of May wee fell into the Current of the great and famous Riuer of Amazones which putteth out into the Sea such a violent and mightie streame of fresh water that being thirtie leagues from land we drunke thereof and found it as fresh and good as in a Spring or Poole This Riuer for the great and wonderfull breadth contayning at the mouth neere sixtie leagues is rightly termed by Iosephus Acosta the Empresse and Queene of all Flouds and by Hiâ—ronymus Giraua Tarraconensis it is said to bee the greatest not onely of all India but also of the whole world and for the greatnesse is called of many the Sweet Sea It riseth and floweth from the Mountaines of Peru and draweth out her streames in many windings and turnings vnder the Equinoctiall for the space of one thousand and fiue hundred leagues and more although from her Fountaines and Springs vnto the Sea it is but sixe hundred When we entred into the aforesaid Current we sounded and had fortie foure fathome water sandie sounding The tenth day the colour of the water changed and became muddie whitish and thicke then we sounded againe at noone and had thirtie fathome and seuenteene at foure in the afternoone The eleuenth day at eight of the clocke in the morning wee made land the vttermost Point thereof bearing West from vs and came to anchor in fiue fathom water At night the Patience putting in to neere the shoare came to anchor in two fathome and a halfe water vpon the floud which fell from her vpon the ebbe and left her drie vpon the Oaze and the next floud comming in did so shake and beate her against the ground that before shee could get off her rudder was beaten away and her ribs so rent and crased that if Almightie God had not preserued her shee had beene wrackt but God be thanked with much adoe shee came off into deeper water and mended her Rudder as well as the time and place would afford means Then we followed on our course coasting along to the North North-west the Land so trending It is very shoale all along this Coast the ground soft oaze but no danger to be feared keeping our ship in fiue fathom water When we came to the latitude of two degrees and a halfe wee anchored in a goodly Bay by certaine Ilands called Carripapoory I did at that time forbeare to make particular discouerie of this Coast intending if God spare me life to make a perfect discouerie of the famous Riuer of Amazones and of her seuerall branches and Countries bordering vpon it and of all this tract of land from the Amazones vnto the Riuer of Wiapoco which contayneth many goodly Prouinces and Signiories which are in this discourse but briefly mentioned For at this time I purposed onely to prosecute my first proiect which hastened me vnto another place From hence I stood along the Coast and the seuenteenth of May I came to anchor in the Bay of Wiopoco where the Indians came off vnto vs in two or three Canoes as well to learne of what Nation we were as also to trade with vs who vnderstanding that we were English men boldly came aboard vs one of them could speake our language well and was knowne to some of my companie to be an Indian that sometime had beene in England and serued Sir Iohn Gilbert many yeeres they brought with them such dainties as their Countrie yeeldeth as Hens Fish Pinas Platanaes Potatoes bread of Cassaui and such like cates which were heartily welcome to my hungrie companie In recompence whereof I gaue them Kniues Beades Iewes trumps and such toyes which well contented them But when I had awhile entertayned them and made known vnto them the rerurne of the Indian Martin their Countriman whom I brought with mee out of England they seemed exceeding ioyfull supposing that he had beene dead being aboue foure yeeres since he departed from them The Indian before mentioned to haue serued Sir Iohn Gilbert whose name was Iohn whilest he liued for he is now dead and dyed a Christian was a great helpe vnto vs because hee spake our language much better then either of those that I brought with mee and was euer firme and faithfull to vs vntill his death By him I vnderstood that their Towne was situate vpon the East side of the Hill in the mouth of Wiapoco and was called Caripo that the Indian Martin was Lord thereof and that in his absence his brother was chiefe Moreouer hee certified mee that the principall Indian of that Riuer was called Carasana who by good fortune was then at Caripo and so hauing spent some time in other conference and friendly entertainment they tooke their
great occasion by way of gift to speciall persons When the raines ceased which was in Iuly I beganne to trauell abroad in search of those golden Mountaines promised vnto vs before the beginning of our Voyage by one that vndertooke to guide vs to them which filled my company so full of vaine expectation and golden hopes that their insatiable and couetous mindes being wholy set thereon could not bee satisfied with any thing but only Gold Our guide that vainly made those great promises beeing come vnto the wished place to make performance was then possessed with a shamelesse spirit of ignorance for hee knew little and could performe nothing What other intelligences of Mynes alreadie found I had from other men in England and from the Master of my ship who had beene heretofore in those parts I found them by experience false and nothing true concerning Mynes that was in England reported vnto me Our greedie desire of Gold being thus made frustrate diuers vnconstant persons of my vnruly company began to murmure to bee discontented to kindle discords and dissentions and to stir vp mutinie euen almost to the confusion and ruine of vs all and were vpon the point to shake off all obedience to their commanders to abandon patience peace and vnitie and wilfully to breake out into all mischiese and wretched disorder onely because they were deceiued of their golden hopes and expectations but with good words and comfortable perswasions I pacified them for the time and made them acquainted with my better hopes conceiued of the commodities aboue mentioned I perswaded them in generall from idlenesse to trauell abroad to search and seeke out amongst the Indians what other nouelties they could though Gold were wanting whereby we might hereafter benefit our selues and still I employed them some one way and some another to occupie their minds by doing something the better to preuent dissention which commonly is bred of idlenesse the slouthfull Mother of all filthy viees As I daily conuersed amongst the Indians it chanced one day that one of them presented me with a halfe Moone of Metall which held somewhat more then a third part Gold the rest Copper another also gaue me a little Image of the same Metall and of another I bought a plate of the same which he called a spread Eagle for an Axe All which things they assured mee were made in the high Countrey of Guiana which they said did abound with Images of Gold by them called Carrecoory These things I shewed to my company to settle their troubled minds which gaue much contentment to the greater part of them and satisfied vs all that there was Gold in Guiana Shortly after that my Indian Anthony Canabre brought me a piece of a Rocke of white Sparre whereof the high Countrey is full And if the white Sparres of this kinde which are the purest white of all others for euery sort of Myne hath a Sparre and for the most part white be in a maine Rocke they are certainly Mynes of Gold or Siluer or of both I made triall of a piece of Sparre which the same Indian discouered vnto mee and I found that it held both Gold and Siluer which although it was in small quantitie gaue me satisfction that there be richer Mynes in the Countrey to be found but the best lie deeper in the earth and wee had not time nor power to make search for them I trauelled vp the Riuer of Wiapoco to view the ouer-fals but the waters being high and strong I could not passe them In August when they are fallen with some labour they may bee passed This Riuer hath very many ouer-falls lying one a good distance beyond another euen to the head thereof Aboue some of the first falls there dwelleth an Indian called Comarian who is an old man of a free disposition by him I learned that a certaine distance aboue the first falls the Riuer Arwy falleth into Wiapoco moreouer that certaine dayes iourney beyond him towards the high Land vpon the borders of Wiapoco there is a Nation of Charibes hauing great eares of an extraordinarie bignesse hard to bee beleeued whom hee called Marashewaccas amongst these people as Comarian reporteth there is an Idoll of stone which they worship as their God they haue placed it in a house made of purpose for the greater honour of it which they keepe very cleane and handsome This Idoll is fashioned like a man sitting vpon his heeles holding open his knees and resting his elbowes vpon them holding vp his hands with the palmes forwards looking vpwards and gaping with his mouth wide open The meaning of this proportion hee could dot declare although he hath beene many times amongst them and hath often seene it What other Nations were beyond these he did not know hauing neuer trauelled so farre but he saith they be Charibes and also enemies vnto them It seemeth there bee many Nations of those great eared people for in the Riuer of Marrawini I heard also the like who dwell farre vp towards the high Land as hereafter you shall heare and I suppose by the trending of the Riuers of Wiapoco and Marrawini are all one people Vpon the fourteenth day of August I went vnto a Mountaine called Gomeribo beeing the vttermost point of Land to the North-ward in the Bay of Wiapoco I found the soile of it most excellent for Tabacco Maix Cotton-trees Annoto-trees Vines and for any other thing that should bee planted there When I had taken good view of the place and found it commodious for many purposes then in the presence of Captaine Fisher diuers Gentlemen and others of my company and of the Indians also I tooke possession of the Land by Turfe and Twigge in the behalfe of our Souereigne Lord King Iames I tooke the said possession of a part in name of the whole Continent of Guiana lying betwixt the Riuers of Amazones and Orenoque not beeing actually possessed and inhabited by any other Christian Prince or State wherewith the Indians seemed to be well content and pleased In like manner my Brother Captaine Michael Harecourt and Captaine Haruey whom I left as his associate and he esteemed as an inward friend in a notable iourney which to their great honour they performed to discouer the Riuer of Arrawary and the Countrey bordering vpon it neere adioyning to the Riuer of Amazones did take the like possession of the Land there to his Maiesties vse The dangers and great difficulties which they in that attempt incountred were memorable and such as hardly any of our Nation in such small Canoes being onely some-what longer but not so broad as our Thames Wherries and flat-bottomed euer ouercame the like First the number of their owne attendants besides themselues was onely one man and a Boy Their troope of Indians sixtie persons Their iourney by Sea vnto the Riuer of Arrawary was neere one hundred leagues wherein by the way they met with many dreadfull
plunges by reason of a high going Sea which breaketh vpon the flats and shoalds especially at the next great Cape to the North of Arraway which in respect of the danger they passed there they named Point Perillous Then their Discouery vp the Riuer was fiftie leagues more where they found a Nation of Indians which neuer had seene white men or Christians before and could not be drawne to any familiar commerce or conuersation no not so much as with our Indians because they were strangers to them and of another Nation The Discouery of this Riuer is of great importance and speciall note affoording an entrance more behouefull for the searching and Discouery of the Inland parts of Guiana then any other Riuer yet knowne vpon the Coast for trending Westward vp into the Land it discouereth all the Countreyes and Nations to the Southward of Arricary Cooshebery Morrownia and Norrack which I haue mentioned before Many weekes they spent in this Aduenture still taking vp their Lodgings in the Woods at night Prouision of meate they wanted not for fish were euer plenty and at hand and the Woods yeelded either Deere Tigres or Fowle their greatest want was of bread and drinke which onely defect did hinder at that time the accomplishment of that Discouery For when the Indians perceiued their bread to be neere spent and their drinke to be corrupted they could not be perswaded to proceed hauing no meanes to supply their wants amongst the Arrawaries the Indians of that Riuer who would not freely trade with them vpon this first acquaintance but alwayes stood vpon their guard on the other side of the Riuer where they inhabited yet desiring to obtaine some of our English commodities and make triall of our Indians friendship affoorded some small Trade for their present reliefe during their abode in that Riuer So that of force they were constrained to breake off their Discouerie and hasten homeward But here their dangers ended not for as they returned arriuing at certaine Ilands called Carripoory and passing betweene them and the mayne Land much against the wils of all the Indians who knowing the danger of the place and more respecting their safetie then their owne being themselues all expert Swimmers would haue disswaded them from that hazard but they being ignorant of the perill would needs passe on and at the last met with such a Boore as the Seamen terme it and violent encounter of two tydes comming in which like two furious inraged Rammes or Bulles rushed together and oft retired backe to returne againe with greater violence vntill the one by force had ouer-borne the other that if next vnder God the diligent care and paines of the Indians had not preserued them they had been there destroyed and swallowed vp by that mercilesse Boore or breach of waters which God be thanked they escaped and returned home in safetie When I had as before taken possession at Gomeribo in presence of the said parties I deliuered the possession of that Mountaine to my Indian Anthony Canabre To haue hold possesse and enioy the same to him and to his Heires for euer of our Souereigne Lord King Iames his Heires and Successors as his subiect Yeelding and paying yeerely the tenth part of all Tabacco Cotton-wooll Annoto and other commodities whatsoeuer which should hereafter be either planted or growing within the said Mountaine if it were demanded The Indian most gladly receiued the possession vpon these conditions and for himselfe and his posteritie did promise to bee true Subiects vnto the Kings Maiestie his Heires and Successours And to pay the duties imposed vpon them and so that businesse being finished I returned againe to Wiapoco Now most worthy Prince there came vnto my knowledge an inconuenience happened by the carelesse negligence of the Master of my ship who had the charge of prouiding and laying in the prouisions and victuals for the Voyage which was the cause that I gained no present profit by it but left off all my Discoueries in the first beginning I had a purpose at that time to performe a businesse which might haue proued profitable and honourable vnto vs if I had beene able to haue stayed the time but it was not my chance to bee so fortunate for the Master his Mates and the Steward of my Ship came vnto me and told mee plainly that if I made any longer abode in that Countrey I would neuer in those ships returne into England or if I did aduenture it my selfe and all my Company would starue at Sea for want of Beere Syder and Water for all my Caske was spoyled because it was not Iron-bound the woodden hoopes flew off by reason of the heate of the Climate and our Beere and Syder whereof wee had good store did leake about the ship that we could hardly saue sufficient to releeue vs if wee made a longer stay vpon the Coast which was the Masters fault hauing had a speciall charge to be carefull of that onely point By this default I was constrained to make a vertue of necessitie and prepare my selfe for England and leaue my former purposes to be accomplished hereafter which shall be done God aiding me in time conuenient Then disposing of my company I appointed my Brother Captaine Michael Harecourt to remayne in the Countrey as chiefe Commander in my absence and to continue the possession on the Kings behalfe I gaue him directions to trauell abroad as occasion serued to discouer the Countrey to spend sometime at Cooshebery and sometime also in other places but to make his chiefest residence at Wiapoco the onely Rendeuouz for shippes that trade vpon that Coast and there to plant good store of Maix for our releife of bread and drinke which is the chiefest thing to be respected in those parts for other victuals wee need not take much care being alwayes easily prouided He performed his charge with great reputation discouered many goodly Prouinces and spacious Countreyes and worthily continued the possession full three yeeres compleate I left with him for his assistance Captaine Haruey who hath nobly vowed his time and fortune to be employed in the prosecution of this honourable action For his Lieutenant I appointed Master Edward Gifford a valiant and worthy Gentleman and I left also with him of Gentlemen and others about twentie more with all such necessaries as I could spare and thought conuenient for them and so commending them to God the eighteenth day of August I departed from Wiapoco and the day following arriued at Caiane At my comming to Caiane my Pinnasse receiued a leake which would haue proued dangerous if we had beene farre at Sea whereby enforced to attend the stopping thereof and new trimming of the Pinnasse and vnwilling to be idle in the meane space doing nothing I left my ships there to repaire theire defects and in my ship-boate departed thence the twentie three of August taking with me Captaine Fisher who hath euer beene since
we first crept into the world my chiefe companion both in Armes and trauels I tooke also with mee his Brother Unton Fisher Master Cradle the Masters mate of my ship and about sixe more I followed the Coast to the Westward steering during West and passing by the Riuer of Meccooria I lodged that night in the mouth of the Riuer Courwo which hath a narrow deepe entrance and within affoordeth a good Harbour which may in time to come for some speciall purpose be of great vse The next day and the night following I proceeded Westward with full saile and passing the Riuers of Manmanury Sâ—nammara Oorassowini Coonannonia Vracco and Amanna I arriued the twentie fiue day at the Riuer of Marrawini which openeth a faire Riuer but is shoale vpon the Barre which lieth two or three leagues off at Sea hauing but two fathome water within the Barre the Channell is three foure fiue and sixe fathome deepe Fiue leagues within the riuer we passed by certaine Ilands called Curowapory not inhabited for at the rising of the waters they are alwayes ouer-flowne of which sort the Riuer hath very many we lodged that night a little beyond these first Ilands at a Village called Moyemon on the left hand the Captaine thereof is called Maperitaka of the Nation of the Paragotos a man very louing and faithull to our Nation whereof we haue had good proofe The next day wee proceeded vp the Riuer three leagues and stayedat a Towne called Coewynay on the right hand at the house of Minapa the chiefe Charib of that Signiorie to pouide two Canoes to prosecute our iourney for the Discouerie of this Riuer The twentie eight day we went forward passing many Villages any Townes which I forbeare to name and hauing gone about twentie leagues from the Sea wee found the Riuer in a manner barred vp with Rockes ouer which the water falleth with great violence yet notwithstanding we aduentured to proceed and the further wee went the more dangerous wee found the ouer-fals and more in number but when wee had passed the first Mountaine towards the high Countrey of Guiana called Sapparow and discouered farre off before vs other high Mountaines called Matawere Moupanana and had proceeded sixe dayes iourney vp the Riuer which was more then fortie leagues we met with such shoale rockie streame and great ouer-fals that there to our griefe our iourney ended Being thus for that time debarred from our intended Discouerie we prepared our selues with patience to returne towards our ships and the third day of September we turned downe the Riuer shooting the ouer-fals with more celeritie then when we came vp dispatching three dayes iourney in one and the fifth day returned safe to Moyemon but before I departed thence Captaine Fisher told me of certaine Plants which hee had then found much like vnto Rose-trees growing about halfe a yard in height whereof for the strangenesse of them I cannot forbeare to adde a word or two These Plants or little trees had assuredly the sence of feeling as plainly appeared by touching them for if you did but touch a leafe of the tree with your finger that leafe would presently shrinke and close vp it selfe and hang downe as if it were dead and if you did cut off a leafe with a paire of Cizzers then all the other leaues growing vpon the same tree would instantly shrinke and close vp themselues and hang downe as if they were dead and withered and within halfe a quarter of an houre would by degrees open themselues againe and flourish as before and as often as you did either touch or cut off any of them they would doe the like which did euidently shew a restriction of the Spirits inuincibly arguing a Sense Howsoeuer this may seeme strange and incredible to your Highnesse and to them that haue not seene it yet forasmuch as Scaliger and Bartas make mention of the like I dare be bold to affirme it vpon my credit hauing seene and shewed it to fortie others I gathered two of the Plants and did set them in pots in their owne earth and carried them aboord my ship where I kept them fairely growing almost a fortnight vntill they were destroyed by certaine Monkeyes that brake loose and pulled them in pieces which might haue beene preuented but that I was constrained to set them in the open aire the better to preserue them The seuenth day I went to Wiawia a great Towne of Paragotos and Yaios foure leagues to the West of Marrawini whereof Maperitaka aboue mentioned and Arapawaka are chiefe Captaines At this Towne I left my Cousin Vnton Fisher and Humfrey Croxton an Apothecary to beare him company and one seruant to attend him called Christopher Fisher hauing first taken order with Maperitaka for their diet and other necessaries both for trauell and other wise who euer since according to his promise hath performed the part of an honest man and faithfull friend I gaue directions to my Cousin Fisher to prosecute the Discouerie of Marrawini and the inland parts bordering vpon it when the time of the yeere and the waters better serued and if it were possible to goe vp into the high Countrey of Guiana and to finde out the Citie of Manoa mentioned by Sir Walter Raleigh in his Discouerie He followed my directions to the vttermost of his abilitie being of a good wit and very industrious and enabled to vndergoe those imployments by obtaining the loue and gaining the Languages of the people without which helpes there is little or no good to be done in those parts When the waters of Marrawini were risen and the Riuer passable much differing from the Riuer of Wiapoco which is not to be trauelled but in the lowest waters Hee began his iourney for the Discouerie thereof in company of the Apothecarie his seruant Fisher the Indian Maperitaka and eighteene others and proceeded eleuen dayes iourney vp the Riuer to a Towne of Charibes called Taupuramune distant from the Sea aboue an hundred leagues but was foure dayes iourney short of Moreshego which is also a Towne of Charibes situate vpon the Riuer side in the Prouince of Moreshegoro the chiefe Captaine thereof is called Areminta who is a proud and bold Indian much feared of all those that dwell within his Territories hauing a rough skin like vnto Buffe Leather of which kind there be many in those parts and I suppose proceedeth of some infirmitie of the bodie He vnderstood by relation of the Indians of Taupuramune and also of Areminta that six dayes iourney beyond Moreshego there are diuers mightie Nations of Indians hauing holes through their Eares Cheekes Nostrils and neather Lips which were called Craweanna Pawmeeanna Quikeanna Peewattere Arameeso Acawreanno Acooreo Tareepeeanna Corecorickado Peeauncado Cocoanno Itsura and Waremisso and were of strength and stature farre exceeding other Indians hauing Bowes and Arrowes foure times as bigge what the Indians also report of the greatnesse of
their eares I forbeare to mention vntill by experience wee shall discouer the truth thereof Moreouer hee learned that there fall into Marrawini diuers great Riuers called Arrenne Topannawin Errewin Cowomma Poorakette Arroua Arretowenne Waoune Anape Aunime and Carapio whereof some he hath seene himselfe That it was twentie dayes iourney from Taupuramune to the head of Marrawini which is inhabited by Arwaccas Sappaios Paragotos and some Yaios and that a dayes iourney from thence to the Land-ward the Countrey is plaine and Champian ground with long grasse Hee passed in this iourney aboue eightie ouerfals of water and many of them very dangerous of some of them I had experience the yeere before He proceeded no further at that present being vnprouided for so long a iourney supposing that it had beene neerer then he found it to the head of the Riuer by a fortnights trauell and so returned backe in sixe dayes space intending better preparation for a second iourney but his purpose was preuented by an vntimely death for shortly after hee was drowned by misfortune whereby we see that man determineth but God disposeth THe tenth day of September being Sunday I left the maine of Guiana and in my ship-boat stood off into the Sea to seeke my ships which were forced to ride foure leagues from shore by reason of the shoales but as we passed ouer them we were in danger to bee cast away by the breach of a Sea which verily had sunke our Boat if with great celeritie wee had not lightned her by heauing ouer-boord many baskets of bread of Cassain Maix Pinas Platanas Potatoes and such like prouision wherewith our Boat was loden by which means it pleased God to deliuer vs from present destruction and to bring vs safe vnto our ships When I came aboord we weighed anchor and steered away from the Iland of Trinidado and vpon the eighteenth day in the morning we arriued at Punta de Galea where wee found three English ships at anchor which was no small comfort vnto vs considering our great defects and wants One of these shippes was called the Diana belonging to Master Lâ—l a Dutch Merchant dwelling in London The other two the Penelope and the Indeuour belonging to Master Hall a Merchant also of London We stayed at this place sixe daies to mend our bad Caske and to take fresh water during which time I was kindly intreated and feasted by the Merchants and had supply of all such things as I stood in neede of which courtesie I requited in the best manner I could for the present Vpon Sunday the twentie foure of September we weighed anchor so likewise did the Diana the other two shippes beeing gone two or three daies before vs but the winde shifting to the North-east inforced vs backe againe almost to the same place from whence wee departed The twentie fiue we weighed againe and plied along the shoare towards Cape Brea about three leagues This Cape is so called of the Pitch which is there gotten in the earth whereof there is such abundance that all places on this side of the World may bee stored there with It is a most excellent Pitch for trimming of shippes that passe into these Regions and hot Countries for it melteth not with the Sunne as other Pitch doth The twentie sixe day we stood along againe the winde being still contrarie and variable intermixt with many calmes and so continued vntill the second of October when we arriued at Port de Hispania Within two daies after our arriuall there Don Sanches de Mendosa the Teniente for that yeere with certaine other Spaniards came aboord vs wee gaue them the best entertainment that our meanes the time and place would affoord and had much friendly conference together They told me that they lately had a conflict with the Charibes where in they had lost seuen or eight of their men and had many others hurt and wounded whereof some came to my Chirurgion to haue their wounds dressed during our abode there And they plainly confessed that they are very much molested by the Charibes and knew not how by any meanes to suppresse them We staied at Porte de Hispania vntill the seuenth day in hope to get some good Tobacco amongst the Spaniards who daily fed vs with delaies and faire words but in truth they had none good at that present for vs which we perceiuing departed thence vpon the seuenth day about one of the clocke in the morning leauing the other ships to attend their trade and stood away for the passages called Les sciot boccas de Drago and disembogued about eight of the clocke the same morning Then wee steered away for an Iland called Meues and leauing the Ilands of Granado Saint Vincent Guadalupa and Monserate in our starboord side wee arriued there the twelfth day where we stopped to take in ballast and more water for our ships were very light In this Iland there is an hot Bath which as well for the reports that I haue heard as also for that I haue seene and found by experience I doe hold for one of the best and most souereigne in the World I haue heard that diuers of our Nation haue there beene cured of the Leprosie and that one of the same persons now or lately dwelt at Woolwich neere the Riuer of Thames by whom the truth may be knowne if any man desire to bee further satisfied therein As for my owne experience although it was not much yet the effects that I found it worke both in my selfe and others of my company in two daies space doe cause mee to conceiue the best of it For at my comming thither I was grieuously vexed with an extreame cough which I much feared would turne me to great harme but by bathing in the Bath and drinking of the water I was speedily cured and euer since that time I haue found the state of my body I giue God thankes for it farre exceeding what it was before in strength and health Moreouer one of my company named Iohn Huntbatch seruant to my brother as he was making a fire burned his hand with Gunpowder and was in doubt thereby to loose the vse of one or two of his fingers which were shrunke vp with the fire but he went presently to the Bath and washed and bathed his hand a good space therein which soopled his fingers in such manner that with great ease he could stir and stretch them out and the fire was so washed out of his hand that within the space of twenty foure houres by twice or thrice washing and bathing it the sorenesse thereof was cured onely the eye-sore for the time remained Furthermore two or three other of my company hauing swellings in their legs were by the Bath cured in a day Hence we departed the sixteenth day of October in the afternoone and leauing the Ilands of Saint Christopher Saint Martin and Anguilla on the
Starboord side we dissembogued through the broken Ilands on the North side of Anguilla vpon S. Lukes day where I thinke neuer Englishman dissembogued before vs for we found all our Sea-charts false concerning that place those broken Ilands being placed therein to the Southward of Anguilla betweene it and Saint Martins and we found them scituate to the Northward thereof On the eleuenth day of Nouember wee had sight of Fayal one of the Ilands of the Terceras which we left on our starboord side and fleeted away for England the winde continuing faire vntill the twenty foure day But then it changed first to the East by North and then to the East South-east and became so violent and furious that for three dayes space we were not able to beare our saile but did driue before the winde at the least three leagues a watch out of our course and the first land we made was Cape Cleere in the South-west part of Ireland where against our wils we arriued at Crooke Hauen the twenty nine of Nouember During the time of my Voyage we lost but one Land-man who died in Guiana and one Sailer and an Indian Boy who died at Sea in our returne and during the space of these three yeares last past since the voyage of all the men which I left in the Countrey being in number about thirty there died but six whereof one was drowned another was an old man of threescore years of age and another tooke his death by his owne disorder the rest died of sicknesse as pleased God the giuer of life for such small losse his holy name be blessed now and euer The names of the Riuers falling into the Sea from Amazones to Dessequebe and of the seuerall Nations inhabiting those Riuers RIVERS NATIONS 1 Amazones 2 Arrapoco a branch of Amazones 3 Arrawary Charibs 4 Maicary 5 Connawini Yaios and Charibes 6 Cassipurogh 7 Arracow Arracoories 8 Wiapoco 9 Wianary a creeke or inlet of thesea Yaios and Arwaccas 10 Cowo not inhabited 11 Apurwacca 12 Wio 13 Caiane 14 Meccooria 15 Courwo 16 Manmanury 17 Sinammara Charibs 18 Oorassowini not inhabited 19 Coonannoma 20 Uracco Arwaccas 21 Marrawini Paragotos Yaios Charibs Arwas 22 Amanna 23 Camoâ—re or Comawin a branch of Selinama 24 Selinama or Surennamo 25 Surammo 26 Coopannomy 27 Eneccare Charibs 28 Coretine 29 Berebisse Arwaccas and Charibs 30 Manhica 31 Wapary 32 Micowine 33 Demeerare Arwaccas 34 Motooronnes 35 Quiowinne branches of Dessequebe Charibs 36 Dessequebe Arwaccas and Charibs Euery house hath Cocks Hennes and Chickens as in England and the variety of fish is wonderfull without compare but the chiefest comfort of our Country-men is this that the Beast called Maypury and the fish called the Sea-Cow being seuerally as bigge as a Heifer of two years old and of which kinde there are very many are in eating so like vnto our English Beefe that hardly in taste we can distinguish them and may as well as Beefe be salted and kept for our prouision There is also a Beast in colour like a Fawne but fuller of white spots in stature somewhat lesse then a small Sheepe and in taste like Mutton but is rather better meate the Baremo is also of the same taste I haue the Copie of Master Harcourt his Patent and he published also certaine Articles for the Aduenturers c. which for breuity are omitted CHAP. XVII A Relation of the habitations and other Obseruations of the Riuer of Marwin and the adioyning Regions Townes in the Riuer of Marwin INprimis Marracomwin a little Village so called where the Arwaccas dwell whose chiefe Captaine is Coretan and is at the foot of the Riuer of Marwin in a creake on the left hand going vp the Riuer Secondly Russia a little Village so called where likewise Arwaccas dwell being likewise at the foote of the Riuer on the right hand going vp the Riuer Thirdly Moyyemon a large Towne where are some twentie houses all builded very lately inhabited by Parawagotos and Yaios whose chiefe Captaine is Maperitacca being the Captaine with whom the Generall left vs and with whom we continue being on the left hand of the Riuer Fourthly Kiawarie a Towne inhabited by Careebees almost right against Moyyemon whose Chiefetaine is Fiftly Tonorima a little Village aboue Kiawary inhabited by Careebees being on the same side of the Riuer who be gouerned by the Captaine of Quuenow Sixtly Quuenou a Towne some quarter of a mile distant from Tonorima inhabited by Careebees whose Chiefetaine is Vcapea hauing a lame hand Seuenthly Arowatta a Towne situate on the same side of the Riuer whose inhabitants be Careebees but a good prettie way beyond whose Chiefetaine is Seepane Eightly Comurraty a Towne situate beyond Arowatta on the other side of the Riuer whose Inhabitants be Careebees and Chiefetaine is Parapane Ninthly Pasim a Towne situate beyond Comurratiâ— on the same side of the Riuer whose Inhabitants bee Careeb and Chiefetaine is Tanatweya Tenthly Paramaree a Towne situate beyond Pasim on the other side of the Riuer inhabited by Careabees whose Chiefetaine is Iuara There is beyond Paramaree a lone house beeing situate some dayes iourney from Paramaree on the same side of the Riuer being inhabited by Careebees Eleuenthly about some eleuen daies iourney beyond the lone house there is a towne called Tauparamunni whose Inhabitants be Careebees Twelfthly a daies iourney from thence is another Towne called Moreesheego whose Inhabitants be Careebees About some twentie daies iourney beyond Moreesheego is a Towne called Aretonenne whose Inhabitants bee Careebees hauing verie long eares hanging to their shoulders and they are reported to bee a very gentle and louing uing people Some twentie daies farther is the head of the Riuer Marwin where dwell Parawagatos Arwaccas and Suppay and after a daies iourney in the Land they report the way to be very faire and Champian ground with long grasse Townes from the foot of Marwin on the Northside along the Sea FIrst Equiwibone a Towne inhabited by Arwaccas and Parawagotos Secondly Caycooseooâ—ooro inhabited by Arwaccas whose Chiefetaine is Woaccomo Thirdly Amypea inhabited by Arwaccas Fourthly about six mile within Land is Careebee inhabited by Arwaccas whose Chiefetaine is Aramea Fiftly Wia Wiam about two miles from the Sea a Towne inhabited by Yaios Parrawagotos and Arwaccas whose Chiefetaine is Araponaca Sixtly Soorry Soorry some two mile directly farther toward the Sea side inhabited by Parawagotos whose Chiefetaine is Resurrima Seuenthly Amiebas a little distant from Soory Soory inhabited by Parawagotos Eightly Uieguano some sixe mile beyond Soory Soory inhabited by Yaos and Parawagotos Ninthly Vrarinno adioyning to Vicguano inhabited by Arwaccas and Parawagotos Tenthly Surarer a daies iourney beyond Wia Wiam vp into the Land inhabited by Arwaccas Eleuenthly Simarra some sixe miles distant from Wia Wiam inhabited by Arwaccas Twelfthly Caâ—ri a Towne adioyning to Simarra inhabited by Arwaccas Thirteenthly Conâ—oere a Towne adioyning to Cauri inhabited by Parawagotos and
his Canoas Further hee knew Toparimacca and sayth hee is yet liuing and Captaine of Arawaca a Napoy who likewise doth expect Sir Walter his comming and had drawne a companie of Indians for the aide and assistance of Sir Waltor Likewise how Putimay is yet liuing and how the Spaniards haue layd great waite for him but could neuer finger him to bee reuenged for his part of killing the nine Spaniards Further he addeth how the Spaniards were killed at a Mountaine called Riconeri in Putimay's Countrie and how Putimay expected long for Sir Walter Raleigh Likewise he saith how the Epeuremei haue now two very faire Townes one called Aruburguary and the other Corburrimore and saith they are not good people yet they dare not warre with them He further affirmeth of the men whose shoulders are higher then their heads which he called Wywaypanamy and offereth to goe with me thither if I come vp in their high Countrie For since the death of Topiawary they are friends and bend their forces against the Spaniards He further spake of a white cleare high and huge Rocke vnder a Mountaines side which is called Mattuick that on a Sun-shine day if a man looked on it it would dazle his eyes exceedingly Hee shewed mee before his departure from me a piece of metall fashioned like an Eagle and as I ghesse it was about the weight of eight or nine ounces troy weight it seemed to be Gold or at leastwise two parts Gold and one Copper I offered him an Axe which he refused to which I added foure Kniues but could not get it of him but I imagine the Dutch at Selinama haue bought it of him for their only comming was for Axes as he said hearing that the Dutch were at Selinama I demanded where hee had that Eagle his answere was hee had it of his Vncle who dwelt among the Weearaapoyns in the Countrie called Sherumerrimary neere the Cassipagotos Countrie where is great store of these Images Further he said that at the head of Selinama and Marwin there were great store of the halfe Moones which hee called by the name of Vnnaton He likewise spake of a very faire and large Citie in Guiana which hee called Monooan which I take to be that which Sir Walter calleth Manoa which standeth by a salt Lake which he called Parroowan Parrocare Monoan in the Prouince of Asaccona the chiefe Captaine or Acariwanuora as he called him was called Pepodallapa He further said that after that a man is vp at the head of the Riuer and some ten dayes iourney within the Land euery childe can tell of the riches of Monooan Further he addeth how that once in euery third yeere all the Cassiques or Lords and Captaines some seuen dayes iourney from Manooan doe come to a great drinking which continueth for the space of ten dayes together in which time they goe sometimes a fishing fowling and hunting their fishing is in the salt Lake where is abundance of Canoas and those very great They haue many fish-pooles of standing water wherein they haue aboundance of Fish They haue store of wilde Porkes and Deere and other beasts which are very good meate Their Houses be made with many lofts and partitions in them but not boorded but with barres of wood onely the lower floore on the ground is spread with clay very smooth and with fires hardned as they doe their pots then presently they build their houses as is before spoken of Also he affirmeth that within the Citie at the entring in of their houses they hang Carocoore on the posts which I take to be Images of gold Directions to the Towne of Cooropan from Marrawin FRom the head of Marrawin to Itshuerwa a Chareeb Towne from thence to Caperocca a Chareeb Towne from thence to a Mountaine called Payen from thence to Una a Mountaine from thence to Youwalprenay a Charech Towne from thence to Tetatttecoomoyneto a Chareeb Towne from thence to Tunstoorito a Chareeb Towne from thence to Soynoon a Parawag Towne from thence to Crooroorere a Suppay Towne from thence to Macatana a Suppay Towne from thence to Pipicorwarra a Mountaine from thence to Shadden an Arwacca Towne from thence to Lonnoo an Arwacca Towne from thence to Horurra a Mountaine from thence to Habittebin a Plaine from thence to Warooca an Arwac Towne from thence to Hardoo an Arwacca and from thence to Coorepon where he dwelleth which he saith is but ten dayes iourney from the head of Marrawin Directions from the head of Selinama to Cooropan which is but seuen dayes iourney FRom the head of Selinama to Kiarno a Chareeb Towne from thence to Pommaro a Chareeb Towne from thence to Scooadoddepon an Arwac Towne from thence to Sickene a Mountaine from thence to Shuhurway an Arwac Towne from thence to Hadarinner a Suppay Towne from thence to Weeatoopona Arwac from thence to Ruttrahar Arwac from thence to Caboyetitte Arwac from thence to Heeanannerre Suppay from thence to Wabockeyaway Arwac from thence to Hanamob Arwac from thence to Muttuggabee a Mountaine and so to Cooropon which is but seuen dayes iourney from the head of Selinama He likewise saith it is but a moneths iourney by land from the head of Marrawin to the head of Dissikeebee and from the head of Dissikeebee to the head of Orenoque a moneths trauell Riuers from Brabisse to the Amazones RIVERS NATIONS Brabisse Chareebees Winniepa Chareebes Arew Napoys Mannapoo Napoys Mucca 〈…〉 reu not inhabited Morecoose Napoys Arawon not inhabited Orenoco Yaios Arwac Emataccoo Chareebes Eparramoo Chareebes Aratooree Chareebes Amockooroo Chareeb Pareema Chareeb Wine Chareeb Moroka Yaios Paurooma Arwaccas Wacapwhou Arwaccas Dissikeebee Arwac Quiowinne Matooronee Chareeb Marrawin Para. Ya Cha. Arwa Amanna Chareeb Vraco Arwac Coonannoma Arwac Oorassowinni not inhabited Sinomarra Chareeb Mannomanury Chareeb Ecaurwa Chareeb Canrooroo Chareeb Muccurrie Chareeb Kiam Chareeb Wia. Chareeb Kowo not inhabited Apoorwacca Chareeb Wannase Yaios Wiapoco Yaios Aroocona Areecola Casippooroo Areecoole Connawin Yaio Miocaree Areecool Demeerare Arwac Miconine Arwac Wapary Arwac Mauhica Arwac Keribisse Arwac Coretine Chareeb Arw Eneecare Chareeb Coopanomi Chareeb Soorammo Chareeb Surennamo alias Selinama Chareeb Camouree alias Commawin  Arowaree Chareeb Arapoco  Amazone  Topaniwinni a Branch of Marwin at the head thereof going toward Oronoque in which dwell a wilde People called Vrokere which are swift in running The Chareebees with long eares are called Nooraco Ekinnicke a kinde of worme which poisoneth the water And thus much of Guianian affaires Some other Voyages thither haue beene at large published by by Sir W. R. and Master Keymis recorded by Master Hakl A later also with great noise preparation and expectation hath happened written alreadie in bloud therefore and for the latenesse needlesse and vnworthie that I say not too dismall and fatall for our Relations CHAP. XVIII A Description and Discouery of the Riuer of Amazons by WILLIAM DAVIES Barber Surgeon
Nations of Indians These liue on the Sea Coast and in a great part of the Land all of one Speech though they differ in some words This is that which the Portugals doe vnderstand it is easie eloquent pleasant and copious the difficultie of it is in hauing many comparisons but of the Portugals almost all those that came from the Kingdome and are seated here and doe communicate with the Indians do know it in a short time and the children of the Portugals borne here doe speake it better then the Portugall as well men as women chiefly in the Captainship of Saint Vincent and with these ten Nations of Indians haue the Fathers communication because they know their Language and they more tame and well inclined These were and are the ancient friends of the Portugals with whose helpe and armes they conquered this Countrie fighting against their owne kindred and diuers other Nations very barbarous and those of this generation were so many that it seemed an impossible thing to extinguish them but the Portugals haue made such haste that they are almost dead and they vse such meanes that they disinhabit the Coast and flie the Land inward some three hundred some foure hundred The first of this Language are called Pitiguaras Lords of Parayba thirtie leagues from Pernambuco and haue the best Brasill woode and are great friends to the Frenchmen and did contract with them vntill now marrying their Daughters with them but now in the yeere 1584. Parayba was taken by Iames Flares his Maiesties Generall driuing out the Frenchmen and he left a Fortresse with 100. Souldiers besides the Portugals which also haue their Captaine and Gouernour one Fructuoso Barbosa that with the principall men of Pernambuco carried an Armie by Land wherewith he ouercame the enemies for from the Sea those of the Armada fought not Neere vnto these liued a great multitude of people which they call Viatan of these there are are none alreadie for they being friends with the Pitaguaras and Kindred the Portugals made them enemies among themselues giuing them to be eaten that by this meanes they might warre against them and hold them for slaues and finally hauing a great dearth the Portugals in stead of releeuing them tooke them Captiues and did send ship-loades to bee sold in other places There was ioyned with this a Magician Portugall Priest that with his deceits conueighed them all to Pernambucò and so ended this Nation The Portugals remained without Neighbours to defend them from the Pitiguaras which vntill now that they were ouercome persecuted the Portugals setting on a sudden vpon their Corne Goods and Sugar-mils burning and killing many of the Portugals because they are verie warlike but now by the goodnesse of God they are freed from this incumbrance Others there be that they call Tupinaba these inhabit from the Riuer Royall till ye come neere the Illeos these were also among themselues contrarie those of the Bay with them of Camamâ— and Intrare Along the Riuer of Saint Francis dwelt another Nation called Caaete and among these were also contrarieties with them of Pernambuco From Illeos or the little Ilands and Port Secure vnto the Holy Ghost inhabited another Nation called Tupinaquin these proceeded from those of Pernambuco and scattered themselues in a Countrie of the Maine multiplying exceedingly but now they are but few These were alwaies great enemies of the things of God hardened in their errours verie reuengefull and would reuenge themselues as soone as they see their enemies and louers of many women of these alreadie are many Christians and they are firme in the faith There is another Nation a kinne to these which runneth off the Maine from Saint Vincent to Pernambuco called Tupiguae these were without number they doe diminish for the Portugals doe goe to seeke them to serue themselues with them and those which escape doe flee verie farre off that they may not be slaues There is another Nation Neighbour to this called Apigapigtanga and Muriapigtanga There is also another Nation contrarie to the Tupinaquins which are called Guaracayo or Itati Another Nation dwelleth in the Holy Ghost called Timimâ—uo they were contrarie to the Tupinaquins but they are now verie few Another Nation which is called Tamuya inhabitors of the Riuer of Ianuarie these the Portugals destroyed when they inhabited the Riuer and of them there be verie few and some that are in the Maine are called Ararape another Nation inhabiteth beyond Saint Vincent about eightie leagues enemies of the Tupinaquins of Saint Vincent of these there are infinite multitudes and doe runne along the Sea Coast and in the Maine vnto the Paraguai which the Castilians doe inhabite all these Nations abouesaid though different and many of them enemies one to another they haue the Language and their conuersion is in hand and they haue a great respect to the Fathers of the company of Iesus and in the Maine they sigh for them and call them Abare and Father desiring they would come to their Countries and conuert them and such is their reputation that some Portugals of badde consciences doe faine themselues Fathers apparelling themselues in Gownes shauing their crownes and telling them they are Abares and that they came to seeke them for the Churches of the Fathers which are theirs aswell as ours Thus they seduce them and assoone as they come to the Sea they diuide them among themselues sell and marke them making first a great slaughter of them in the Countrie robberies and assaults taking away their Daughters and their Wiues c. And if it were not for these and other like hinderances all those of this Language had beene conuerted to our holy Faith There be other contrarie Nations enemies to these of diuers Languages which in a generall name are called Tapuya and they are contrarie also among themselues In the Maine first neighbouring to the Tupinaquins inhabit the Guamures and they occupie some eightie leagues of Coast and toward the Mayne all that they list They are Lords of the wild Woods very great bodied and by the continuance and custome of going through the Woods they haue their skinnes very hard and for this effect they beate their children being young with certaine Thistles to accustome them to goe in the wilde Woods They haue no Husbandrie they liue by rapine and by the point of the Arrow they eate the Mandioca raw and it doth them no hurt they runne verie swiftly and to the White men they come not but on a sudden They vse verie great Bowes they carrie certaine stones made a purpose verie bigge that wheresoeuer they hit they may presently breake the heads in pieces And when they come to fight they hide themselues vnder shrubs and from thence they play their part they are greatly feared there is no power in the world that is able to ouercome them They are great cowards in the fields and dare not
come forth neither passe they any waters vse any shipping nor are giuen to fishing all their liuing is from the woods They are cruel as Lions when they take any enemies they cut off his flesh with a Reed whereof they make their Arrowes and flea them that they leaue them no more but the bones and the guts if they take any child are followed that they may not take it away aliue they strike off his head against a post They disbowell the women with child to eate their children roasted These annoy the Port Secure verie much the little Ilands and Camamû and these Countries goes to decay because of them their speech cannot be vnderstood Besides these towards the Maine and the fields of Caatinga doe liue many Nations of Tapuyas which are called Tucanucu these liue in the Maine of the great Riuer opposite to Port Secure they haue another Language Others doe liue in the Maine before yee come to Aquitigpe and are calle Nacij Others which they call Oquigtâiuba others which are called Pahi these weare course Cotton-clothes wouen like a Net with this they couer themselues as with a sacke they haue no sleeues they haue a different speech In the Ari are others which also liue in the field going toward Aquitigpe Others which are called Larahio it is a great people of a different speech Others which are called Mandeiu also of another speech others called Macutu others Napara these haue husbandrie Others called Cuxare these liue in the middest of the field of the Maine others which liue in the same field that are called Nuhinu others doe liue toward the Maine of the Bay which is called Guayaua they haue a speech by themselues other there about called Taicuiu these dwell in houses they haue another speech others in the same Countrie called Cariu of a different tongue These three Nations and their Neighbours are friends of the Portugals others which they call Pigru they dwell in houses others which are called Obacoatiara these liue in Ilands in the Riuer of Saint Francis they haue Houses like vnto Caues vnder the Earth These when the enemies come against them flie to the water and by diuing escape they continue long vnder water they haue great Arrowes like halfe Darts without Bowes and with them they fight they are verie valiant they eate humane flesh they haue a different tongue Others there are that liue farre within the Maine are called Anhelim they haue another Language others that liue in Houses called Aracuaiati they haue another Speech others called Caiuari they liue in Caues Others called Guaianaguacu they dwell in Caues and haue another Speech others farre within the Maine called Camucuiara these haue paps that reach vnder their waste and neere to their knees and when they runne they binde them about their waste they are neuerthelesse great Warriours eate mens flesh and haue another Speech Others which they call Iobiora Apuayara Lords of sharpe Staues for they fight with tosted staues and sharpe they are valiant and eate humane flesh they haue another Speech Others called Anuacuig they dwell in Houses they haue another Speech but they vnderstand themselues with these abouesaid their Neighbours Others they call Guaiacatu and Guaiatâ—ú these haue another Speech and dwell in Houses Others called Cumpehe these eate no humane flesh when they kill the enemie they cut off the head and carrie it for a shew they haue no Houses and are like Gipsies Others called Guayo dwell in Houses they fight with venomed Arrowes they eat humane flesh they haue another Speech Others called Cicu haue the same Speech and customes of them abouesaid Others called Pahaiu eate humane flesh and haue another Speech Others called Iaicuiu haue the same Speech that these aboue Others called Tupijo dwell in Houses haue Husbandrie and another Speech Others called Maracaguacu are Neighbours to these aboue and haue the same Speech Others called Iacuruiu vse Husbandrie dwell in Houses and haue another Speech Others called Tapecuiu are Neighbours of these aboue and haue the same speech Others called Anacuiu haue the same Speech and customes that those aboue and all of them doe fight with venomed Arrowes Others called Piracuiu haue the same Speech that those aboue and venomed Arrowes Others called Taraguaig haue another Speech they fight with venomed Arrowes Others called Pahacuiu can speake the Language of them abouesaid Others called Tipi are of the field and fight with venomed Arrowes Others called Guacaraiara haue another Speech and haue Husbandries and dwell in Houses Others Neighbours to these aboue called Camaragoa Others called Curupija were enemies of the Tupinaquis Others called Aquirino haue another Speech Others called Piraguayg Aquig liue vnder the Rockes are enemies to these aboue Others celled Piuacuiu Others called Parapoto these can speake the Speech of them of the Coast. Others called Caraemba haue another Speech Others called Caracuin haue another Speech Others called Mainuma these joine themselues with the Guaimures enemies to them of the Coast they vnderstand themselues with the Guaimures but they haue another Speech Others called Aturari enter also in communication with the Guaimures others called Cuigtaio doe also communicate and enter with the Guaimures Others called Cuigpe these were the Inhabitors of Port Secure Others called Guigraiube are friends with them aboue Others called Augarari these dwell not farre from the Sea betweene Port Secure and the Holy Ghost Others called Amixocâ—ri are friends with the former Others called Carata doe liue in the Maine toward Saint Vincent and went flying from the North thither they haue another Speech Others called Apetupa liue in the Maine toward Aquitipi Others called Caraguatijara haue another Speech Others called Aquiguira these doe conuerse with the former Another Nation liueth in the Maine enemies to the Muriapigtaâ—ga and of the Tarape it is a Dwarfish people low of bodie but bigge legged and backed the Portugals call these Pigneos and the Indians call them Taepijguiri because they are little Others called Quiriciguig these doe liue in the Maine of the Bay verie farre Others called Guirig these are great Horsemen and friends of the former Others called Guaiere doe liue in the Maine of Port Secure verie farre off Others called Aenaguig these were Inhabitors of the Countries of the Tupinaquins and because the Tupinaquins remained Lords of the Mountaines they are called Tupinaquins Others called Guaitaca doe liue in the Sea Coast betweene the Holy Ghost and the Riuer of Ianuarie they liue in the fields and will not liue in the Woods they goe to eate to their Husbandries and come to the houses to bed they haue no other treasures They liue as the cattell that feedeth in the fields and come not to the Houses but to sleepe they are so swift in running that by footmanship they catch the game Others called Igbigraâ—pan are enemies to the Tupinaquins they communicate with the Guaimures when they fight with
they are not like in all things to those of Spaine yet are they very like in colour taste and in the aboundance In this Countrie are many kindes of Turtle-doues Stares and Black-birds and Pigeons of many sorts and all these birds are like to them of Portugall and the Pigeons and Turtle-doues are in such abundance that in certaine fields farre within the Land they are so many that when they rise they hinder the light of the Sanne and make a noise like a thunder they lay so many egges and so white that a very farre off yee may see the fields white with egges as if it were snowe and seruing the Indians for meate as they doe they cannot be diminished rather from thence at certaine times it seemeth they runne ouer all the parts of this Prouince In this Countrie are many Ostriches called Andugoacu but they keep only within the Land The Anima is a fowle of rapine great and crieth that it is heard halfe a league and more it is all blacke hath faire eies the beake bigger then a Cocks vpon this beake it hath a little horne of a spanne in length the men of the Countrie say that this Horne is very medicinable for those that are taken in their speech as hath beene proued hanging it about the necke of a girle that did not speake which spake presently There be many other fowles of rapine to wit Eagles Faulcons Gos-hawkes Merlines and Tâ—rsels and many other but they are all ordinarily so wilde that they will flie at any thing neither will they come to hand or stoope to â—ure §. V. Of the Brasilian Trees for fruit medicine and other vses and their Herbes of rare operations THe Trees Acaiu are very great and faire they cast the leafe at their times and the flower groweth in the snags which makes certaine points like fingers and in the said points there groweth a red flower of a good smell and after it groweth a Chesnut and from the Chesnut commeth an Apple as big as a great Apple or a Pippin it is a very faire fruit and some are yellow others red and it is all iuyce They are good for hot weather they coole verie much and laying the iuyce vpon a white cloth it neuer goeth off till the cloth bee worne The Chesnut is as good or better then those of Portugall they are eaten rosted and raw laid in water as blancht Almonds and of them they make Marchpanes and sweet meates as of Almonds The timber of this tree is little worth euen for the fire it yeeldeth of it selfe a certain gumme good to paint and write and there is great store With the barke they dye their yarne and the vessels that serues them for Pots This being stamped and boyled with some Copper till the third part of the water be consumed is a soueraigne remedy for old sores and they heale quickly There bee so many of these trees as of Chesnuts in Portugall they growe about these Woods and they gather many quarters of these Chesnuts and the fruit in their season satisfie all men Of these Acaius doe the Indians make Wine There is great abundance of the trees Mangaba especially in the Bay for in other places they are rare in making they are like the barke of Anafega and in the leafe with those of Frexo they are very pleasant trees and haue alwaies greene leaues They yeeld fruit twice a yeere the first in a knob for then they doe not flower but the very knob is the fruit this season ended which lasteth two or three moneths it giueth another bearing first the flower which is altogether like the Iesamine and of as good a smell but more quicke the fruit is as big as an Apricock yellow and spotted with some spots of blacke within it hath some kernels but all is eaten or sucked as the Seruices of Portugall They are of a very good taste and healthfull and so light that eate they neuer so many it seemes they eate no fruit at all They ripen not on the tree but fall to the ground and from thence they gather them already ripe or gathering them greene they lay them to ripen The Indians make Wine of them The tree and the fruit it selfe being greene is full of white Milke and cleaueth to the hands and is bitter The fruit Murucuge groweth on certaine trees very high and like the wilde Peare-trees of Portugall It hath a very long stalke they are gathered greene and are layd to ripen and being ripe they are very pleasant and of an easie digestion When they are to gather them they cut downe the tree because they are very high and if this destruction were not there would bee more abundance but therefore they are rare the trunke hath great abundance of white Milke and it congealeth it may serue for Sealing-waxe if they will vse it Of the Araca trees are great abundance of many sorts the fruit is certaine small Peares yellow red or greene they are pleasant vnloathsome toothsome because they haue little taste of sowre they yeeld fruit almost all the yeere This Ombu is a great tree not very high but well spread the fruit is like white Plums yellow and round and therefore the Portugals doe call it a Plum It causeth the teeth to fall and the Indians that doe eate it doe lose them The rootes of this tree are eaten and are very pleasant and more toothsome then the Abalancia for they are sweeter and the sweetnesse thereof is like Sugar they are cold and healthfull and they are giuen to the sicke of a Feauer and it serueth for water to them that goe inward to the Land for they haue no other The Iacapucaya is of the greatest and fairest of this Countrie it beareth a fruit like a Pot as big as a great Bowle as thicke as two fingers with a couer vpon it and within it is full of certaine Chesnuts like vnto the Myrabolanes and it seemes they are the same of India when they are already in season that couer doth open and the fruit falleth If any doe eate much of it green he casteth all the haire he hath on his body rosted it is a good fruit They vse the huskes for Cups and they are lasting the timber of this tree is very hard it doth not rotte they esteeme it for the Axel-trees of the Sugar-mills Araticu is a tree of the bignesse of an Orange tree and greater the leafe is like a Citron tree or a Lymond tree it is a faire and pleasant tree it beareth a fruit as bigge as Pine apples and they haue a good smell and a reasonable taste it is a fruit that loatheth not Of these Trees are many kindes and one of them called Araticu panania If they eate much of the fruit it proueth a cold poison and doth much hurt Of the rootes of these trees they make booyes for the Nets and
of Plate There were 2500. Spaniards 150. high and low Dutch vnto which I ioyned my selfe They set forth in September the same yeere and hauing had some trouble at Palma one of the Canaries about stealing of a Citizens Daughter by Gâ—â—rge Mendoza a Kinsman of the Commander Don Pedro de Mendoza arriued at the riuer Ienero They call these Indians Toâ—pin Here we abode fourteene daies and Petro Mendoza our Generall then gaue commandement to Iohn Osorius his sworne Brother to take charge of vs in his steed because hee being weake and consumed in his members was much troubled almost with continuall sicknesse and diseases But when a little after the gouernment receiued Iohn Osorius had beene falsly accused and by forgerie to Mendoza his sworne brother as though he had gone about seditiously to stirre the company against him the said Mendoza commanded other foure Captaines to wit Iohn Eyoldas Iohn Saleisen George Luchsam and Lazarus Saluascho that hauing stabbed him with a Dagger they should expose him as a Traitor in the middle of the Plaine to the view of all beholders And straightly commanded it publikely to be giuen in charge that no man vpon paine of death disquiet or trouble himselfe in the behalfe of Osorius for if he did he should be no more respected whosoeuer or of what condition soeuer he were But hee was altogether iniuried For hee was an honest man and a stout and couragious Warriour and courteous liberall and verie beneficiall to his fellow Souldiers 6. Departing hence with our ships and going to the Riuer of Plate we came into a pleasant Riuer which they call Parana Urassa It is farre from the mouth of the Riuer where the Sea leaues it and is fortie two leagues broad And from the Riuer Ianero to this Riuer are two hundred and fifteene leagues Heere wee came to a Hauen called Saint Gabriel and all our fourteene ships anchored in the Riuer Parana But because we were to abide in the greater shippes on the water a Musket shot from the Land our Generall Petro Mendoza gaue commandement to set the people and Souldiers aland in the lesser Skiffes or Boats which they call Potten then prepared for that purpose So by the grace and blessing of God in the yeere of Christ 1535. wee happily arriued at the Riuer of Plate and there we found a row of houses or an Indian Village wherein there were about 2000. men whom they call Zechuruas who eate no other thing saue fish and flesh And goe all naked but that the women couer their secrets with a thinne piece of Cotton-cloth which reacheth from the Nauell to the knees They therefore at our comming leauing the Towne fled away with their wiues and children Then our Generall Mendoza commanded the people to be shipped againe and conueied ouer to the other side of the Riuer Parana where the bredth of the Riuer extendeth it selfe no more then eight leagues 7. In this place wee built a Citie which for the wholsomenesse of the Aire wee called Bonos Aeres We brought with vs also out of Spaine seuentie two Horses and Mares in our fourteene ships We found also another Village in this Countrie which the Indians inhabit whom they call Carendies of whom there were about 3000. men together with their wiues and children These also as the Zechuruas are couered from the Nauell only vnto the knees who brought vs fish and flesh to eate These Carendies haue no Proper and setled dwellings but wander in the Gountrie hither and thither almost as our Cingari and Zigeunori When they take their iourney in the Summer they often times trauell thirtie leagues and more by Land and finde not a drop of water to drinke If they light vpon a Stagge or other wilde beast when they haue killed it they drinke the bloud thereof some times they find a Roote which they call Cardes and chewing that they quench thirst But that they drinke bloud this only is the cause for that they want other drinke and peraduenture without this they should die for thirst These Carendies for fourteene daies imparted liberally of their pouertie and daily brought fish and flesh vnto our Campe one day only excepted wherein they came not to vs at all Therefore our Generall Don Petro Mendoza sent our Corrigidor Ian. Baban and two Souldiers vnto them for these Carendies abode foure leagues distant from our Campe but they so intreated them when they came vnto them that they sent them home all three soundly cut and mangled with stripes But when our Generall Petro Mendoza vnderstood these things by report of the Iudge who for this cause raised a tumult in our Campe he sent his owne naturall Brother Don Diego Mendoza against them with three hundred Souldiers and thirtie readie light Horsemen among the which I also was one straightly charging him to kill and take all the said Indian Carendies and possesse their Towne But when we came vnto them there were now some 4000. men gathered together for they had sent for all their familiars and friends to helpe them 8. When we set vpon them they so resisted vs that they put vs to trouble enough that day for they slue our Captaine Don Diego Mendoza and sixe Gentlemen with him and of the horse and foote about some twentie But on their part there fell about 1000. men Therefore they fought couragiously and stoutly against vs which wee felt by experience The weapons of these Carendies are Bowes and a kinde of Dart like the staffe of a Speare of a middle length whose point they arme with a flint called a Marchasate with an edge in forme of the three edged T underbolt They haue also bowles of stone hanging at a long coard somewhat like our plummets of Lead These bowles they so cast about the feet of Horses or Stagges that they are constrained to fall After this manner they slue our Captaine and the Gentlemen with these bowles which I my selfe beheld but they slue the Footmen with their Darts yet by the grace of God to whom be praise we ouercame them in battaile and possessed their Towne But we could take none of these Indians their wiues and children also before we assailed them by warre had fled into another Village We found nothing in this Towne of theirs but Otter skins plentie of flesh and flowre and the trane of fish Abiding therefore three daies we remained in that place and after returned to our Campe leauing 100. men there who in the meane time should fish with the Indians Nets to maintaine our Souldiers more plentifully for the waters there are maruellous full of fish for three ounces only of flowre made of fine Wheate were distributed to euerie one for one daies victuall and euerie three daies one fish This fishing lasted two moneths and if any would eate fish otherwise he must seeke them on foot foure leagues off 9. When we returned to our Campe they that were fit for
Cap a Hatchet and certaine other things Which presents beeing receiued the said Zchara Wassu brought vs into their Towne setting before vs fish and flesh plentifully and sufficient food so that we were exceeding well contented For if this Voyage of ours had continued yet but ten daies longer we should all haue died with famine as euen now in this Voyage of foure hundred men who came together in the ships fiftie were dead These people of Tiembus weare on either nostrill a blue starre artificially made of a white and blue stone they are large men and of a tall stature but the women aswell young as old are very deformed with torne faces and alwaies bloudie from the Nauell to the knees they are couered with Cotton-cloth the rest is naked This people hath no other meate saue fish and flesh nor euer liued with any other thing The strength of this Nation is thought to be fifâ—eene thousand men or more The Skiffes or Boates which they vse are made of a Tree eightie foote long and three broad which as the Fishermens Boats of Germanie are rowed with Oares saue that their Oares are not bound with Iron 14. We abode foure whole yeeres in the foresaid Village or Towne but our Generall or Admirall Petro Mendoza by reason of his extreame and continuall sicknesse in that hee was able neither to stirre hand nor foote and had spent in this iourney of his owne about fortie thousand Ducates of ready money would no longer stay with vs in this Towne but returneth in two Brigantines to Buenos Aeres to the foure greater Shippes and there taking two of them and fiftie Souldiers he intended to returne into Spaine but scarce halfe the iourney performed the hand of almightie God so smote him that he miserably died But before his departure he certainly promised vs that he would doe his best as soone as he or the Ships returned into Spaine that two other Shippes should be sent backe to the Riuer of Plate which by his will he had so ordained and was faithfully also performed furnished with Souldiers prouision of victuals Merchandise and other things necessary for such a voyage 15. The name of the Commander of these two Shippes was Alfonso Gabrero who also brought with him two hundred Spaniards and prouision for two yeares He arriued at the Towne of Buenas Aeres in the yeare 1539. where we left the other two Shippes when wee departed together with one hundred and sixtie men They presently sent away a Shippe into Spaine prouided for this purpose for so the Counsell of the Emperours Maiestie commanded and deliuered orderly and at large to the said Counsell the state and condition of these Countries and people and other circumstances After this our Generall Iohn Eyollas consulting with Alfonso Gabrero Martino Don Eyollas and the rest of the Captaines iudgeth it to be most conuenient to muster the Souldiers which being done together with ours and those who came first from Spaine fiue hundred and fiftie men were found of these they choose vnto them foure hundred men leauing one hundred and fiftie in Tiembus 16. By this order of the Captains we saile vp the riuer Parana with these foure hundred men shipped in eight Brigantines seeking another Riuer whereof we were told called Parabol at the which the Carios dwell for these were reported to abound with Turkish graine and roots of the which they make wine and also fish and flesh and Sheepe as bigge as Mules and Harts Hogges Estridges Hennes and Geese Departing therefore from the Hauen of Bona Speranza with our eight Brigantines sailing foure leagues the first day we came to a Nation called Curenda which liue with flesh and fish This Iland is 12000. strong of men fit for warre and hath great store of Canoes This Nation is like the former Tiembus with little stones hanging dangling in their noses The men also are of a tall stature but the women as well yong as old deformed with rugged and bloudy faces And are no otherwise apparelled then they of Tiembus to wit couered with a Cotten cloath from the nauell to the knees as is before said These Indians haue great plenty of other skinnes These men did liberally communicate vnto vs of their pouerty or of that little they had Fish Flesh Skinnes to whom contrariwise wee gaue Glasses Beades Looking-glasses Combes Kniues and Fish-hookes and abode with them two dayes They gaue vs also two men of Carios who were their captiues to be our Guides and Interpreters 17. Sailing further hence we came to another Nation called Gulgaisi which is able to bring 40000. men for warre into the field This Nation also hath two stones at their nose it was thirty leagues distant from the Island Curenda and they and the inhabitants of Tiembus haue the same language They dwell vpon a Lake sixe leagues long and foure broaâ— situate on the left side of the Riuer Parana We staied here foure daies and these men imparted to vs of their pouertie and we did the like to them proceeding further thence for the whole space of eighteene daies we light on no men but afterward we came to a Riuer flowing into the Countrie it selfe In that Country we found a great number of men come together which they call Macuerendas These haue nothing to eate saue fish and a little flesh and are 18000. strong of warlike men and haue a great number of Boates. These men after their manner intertained vs courteously enough they dwell on the other side of the Riuer Parana towards the right hand haue a differing tongue from the former and are tall men and of a good proportion but their women also are very deformed They are distant from those whom they call Gulgaisi sixtie foure leagues While we remained idell among these people foure daies we found an huge monstrous Serpent fiue and twenty foote long lying on the land not farre from the shoare which was as bigge as a man of a blacke colour spotted with a deepe yellow This Serpent we killed with a Gunne which when the Indians saw they wondered thereat with great astonishment for they themselues had neuer seene any so great before This Serpent as the Indians themselues said had done much hurt vnto them for when they washed themselues in the water the Serpents finding men there wound their tailes about them and hauing drawne them vnder water deuoured them so that the Indians knew not oftentimes what became of many of them Idiligently measured the length and thicknesse of this Serpent which the Indians cutting in peeces euery one carried part home vnto their houses and being sod and roasted did after eate thereof 18. From hence sailing further vp the Riuer of Parana in foure daies iourney we came to a Nation called Zemais Saluaisco The men of this Countrie are of a short stature and of a grosse body They liue with nothing else saue fish flesh and hony Both men
and women goe naked as they came into the world when they were first borne so that they couer not their body so much as with a thred no not their priuie parts They make warre with the Macuerendas the flesh they eate is the flesh of Stagges Boares Estridges Conies which excepting the taile are not much vnlike a Dor-mouse or Rere-mouse They aâ—e sixteene leagues distant from the Macuerendas which distance we sailed in foure daies and abode one onely day with them Departing hence we came vnto another Nation called Mepenes who are 10000. strong These people dwell scattered here and there euery where in that Countrie extendiâ—g it selfe fortie leagues in length and breadth yet within two daies both by water and land they may all come together The multitude of the Boates they haue exceedeth the number of themselues as we saw when we were with them and in such a Boate or Canoa about twentie persons are carried This people receiued vs in hostile and warlike manner with fiue hundred Canoas vpon the Riuer but with little profit for themselues for we slew many of them with our shot for they had neuer before seene either Gunnes or Christians But comming to their houses wee could preuaile nothing against them seeing they were a whole league distant from the Riuer of Parana where our Ships lay The waters also about their Towne were very deepe which ran out of a Lake so that we could performe nothing against them that was of any worth saue that we burned and destroyed two hundred and fiftie Canoas which we had taken Neither did we thinke it good also for vs to depart so farre from our Shippes seeing it was to be feared least they would affaile vs from the other side We returned therefore to our Shippes This people of Mepenes fight onely vpon the water and is distant from the former Countrie of Zemais Saluaisco from whence we departed ninetie fiue leagues 19. Sailing vp higher from thence and in eight daies space arriuing at a certaine Riuer we light on a Nation that was very populous called Cueremagbas which also liueth onely with fish and flesh They haue Cherrie trees of the which they make wine This people bestowed their best affections vpon vs and curteously imparted those things vnto vs whereof we stood in neede The people are of a huge and tall stature both men and women The men haue a little hole in their nose into the which for ornament they put a Parrats feather The women paint their faces with long blew streakes which all the time of their life are neuer put out They couer their priuities with Cotten cloath from the nauell to the knees from the foresaid people of Mepenes to these Cueremagbas are fortie leagues so we staied in this place three daies Departing thence we came to another Nation called Aygais which also liueth with fish and flesh The men and women are of a tall stature the women like the former paint their faces and couer their priuities after the same manner When therefore we arriued on their coast taking armes in hostile manner they resisted vs and would haue stopped our passage We ordered our battaile both by land and water and fighting with them slew many of them fifteene also of our men were slaine These Aygais are stout warriers on the water but not so by land Being ready to fight against vs they had conueighed away their wiues and children to another place before and had hidden whatsoeuer prouision of meate or other like things they had so that we could get nothing from them Their Village is scituate neere the Riner called Iepidus hauing the Riuer called Paraboll on the other side descending from the Montainous Countries of Peru neere the Citie Fuech Kamin These Aygais are distant from the foresaid Cueremagbas thirtie fiue leagues 20. Departing from these people we came to a Nation called Carios fiftie leagues distant from the Aygais with whom by Gods grace we found as was told vs plentie of Mais Potatoes and Mandiochpobier hauing the taste of a Chestnut of which they make wine They haue also fish flesh wilde Bore Estridges Indian Sheepe as big as our Mules also Conies Hens Goates and such like sufficient plenty of Honie whereof by boiling it they make a kinde of Coine This Country also aboundeth with Çotten These people of Carios inhabit a large Countrie extending it selfe three hundred leagues in length and breadth they are men of a short stature and thicke and more able to indure worke and labour then the rest The men haue a little hole in their lippes and yellow Christall therein which in their language they call Parabol of two spannes long and of the thicknesse of a quill or reede The men and women both in this Countrie goe all naked as they were created of God Amongst these Indians the Father sels the Daughter the Husband the wife Sometimes also the Brother doth either sell or change the Sister They value a Woman at a Shirt a Knife a Hatchet or some other thing of this kinde These Carios also eate mans flesh if they can get it For when they take any in the warres whether they be men or women yong or old they fatten them no otherwise then wee doe Hogges But they keepe a woman some yeeres if she be yong and of a commendable beautie but if in the meane time she apply not her selfe to all their desires they kill and eate her making a solemne banquet as marriages are wont to be celebrated with vs. But they keepe an old woman till she dye of her owne accord These Carios vndertake longer iournies then any of these Nations vpon the Riuer of Plate They are couragious and fierce in battaile and their Villages and Townes are situate vpon the Riuer Parana on an high and mounting land 21. The Citie of these people which the Inhabitants call Lampere was compassed with a double bulwarke cunningly made of timber as with a hedge or inclosure euery trench being of the bredth and thicknesse of a man and one bulwarke or trench was twelue paces distant from the other The trenches being digged a fathome deepe into the earth were so high aboue the ground as a man might reach with the length of a Sword They had also Pits and Caues fifteene paces distant from the walls cast vp the height of three men in the middest whereof pikes were stucke yet not appearing aboue ground as sharpe pointed as a Pinne They made these Pits so couered with straw putting twigs and branches therein with a little earth strowed betweene that we Christians pursuing them or being readie to assault their Towne might fall into them But they cast these pits for them selues and at length they fell into them for when our Generall Iohn Eyollas gathering all his Souldiers together who were not aboue three hundred for they left sixtie to guard the Brigantines ordering and ranging the companies went against their Citie
Voyage And many of my companie at Sea vaunted how they had cousened the Earle of Cumberland Master Candish Master Reymond and others some of fiue poundes some of tenne some of more and some of lesse And truely I thinke my Voyage prospered the worse for theirs and other lewd persons companie which were in my ship which I thinke might be redressed by some extraordinarie seuere and present Iustice to bee executed on the offenders by the Iustice in that place where they should bee found The greater part of my companie gathered aboord I set sayle the twelfth of Iune 1593. I cannot but aduise all such as shall haue charge committed vnto them euer before they depart out of the Port to giue vnto their whole Fleet not directions for ciuill gouernment but also where when and how to meete if they should chance to lose companie and the signes how to knowe one another afarre off with other points and circumstances as the occasions shall minister matter different at the discretion of the wise Commander by publication of that which is good and necessarie for the guide of his Fleet and people but all secret instructions to giue them sealed and not to be opened but comming to a place appointed Lanching out into the channell the winde being at East and by South and east South-east which blowing hard and a floud in hand caused a chapping Sea and my Vice-admirall bearing a good sayle made some water and shooting off a Peece of Ordnance I edged towards her to knowe the cause who answered me that they had sprung a great leake and that of force they must returne into the Sound which seeing to be necessarie I cast about where anchoring and going aboord presently found that betwixt winde and water the Calkers had left a seame vncalked which being filled vp with Pitch onely the Sea labouring that out had beene sufficient to haue sunke her in short space if it had not beene discouered in time And for more securitie I hold it for a good custome vsed in some parts in making an end of calking and pitching the ship the next tide to fill her with water which will vndoubtedly discouer the defect for no pitcht place without calking can suffer the force and peaze of the water In neglect whereof I haue seene great damage and danger to ensue The Arke Royall of his Maiesties may serue for an example which put all in danger at her first going to the Sea by a trivuell hole left open in the post and couered onely with Pitch In this point no man can be too circumspect for it is the securitie of ship men and goods This being remedied I set sayle in the morning and ranne South-west till wee were cleare of Vsshent and then South South-west till wee were some hundred leagues off where wee met with a great Hulke of some fiue or sixe hundred tunnes well appointed the which my companie as is natural to all Mariners presently would make a prize and loden with Spaniards goods and without speaking to her wished that the Gunner might shoot at her to cause her to amain Which is a bad custome receiued and vsed of many ignorant persons presenâ—ly to gunne at all whatsoeuer they discouer before they speake with them being contrarie to all discipline and many times is the cause of dissention betwixt friends and the breach of Amitie betwixt Princes the death of many and sometimes losse of ships and all making many obstinate if not desperate Comming within the hayling of the Hulke we demanded whence she was whither she was bound and what her loding Shee answered that she was of Denmarke comming from Spaine loden with Salt we willed her to strike her Top-sayles which shee did and shewed vs her Charter-parties and Bils of loding and then saluted vs as is the manner of the Sea and so departed Wee directed our course to the Maderas The Madera Ilands are two the great called La Madera and the other Porto Santo of great fertilitie and rich in Sugar Conserues Wine and sweet Wood whereof they take their name Other commodities they yeeld but these are the principall The chiefe Towne and Port is on the Souther side of the Madera well fortified they are subiect to the Kingdome of Portugall the Inhabitants and Garrison all Portugals The third of Iulie wee past along the Ilands of Canaria which haue the name of a Kingdome and containe these seuen Ilands Grand Canaria Tenerifa Palma Gomera Lancerota Fortenentura and Fierro These Ilands haue abundance of Wine Sugar Conserues Orcall Pitch Iron and other commodities and store of Cattell and Corne but that a certaine Worme called Gorgosho breedeth in it which eateth out the substance leauing the huske in manner whole The head Iland where the Iustice which they call Audiencia is resident and whither all suits haue their appellation and finall sentence is the Grand Canaria although the Tenerifa is held for the better and richer Iland and to haue the best Sugar and the Wine of the Palma is reputed for the best The Pitch of these Ilands melteth not with the Sunne and therefore is proper for the higher workes of shipping Betwixt Fortenentura and Lancerota is a goodly Sound fit for a meeting place for any Fleet. Where is good anchoring and abundance of many sorts of Fish There is water to be had in most of these Ilands but with great vigilance For the naturals of them are venturous and hardie and many times clime vp and downe the steepe Rockes and broken Hills which seeme impossible which I would hardly haue beleeued had I not seene it and that with the greatest arte and agilitie that may bee Their Armes for the most part are Lances of nine or ten foot with a head of a foot and halfe long like vnto Boare-speares saue that the head is somewhat more broad Two things are famous in these Ilands the Pike of Tenerifa which is the highest Land in my iudgement that I haue seene and men of credite haue told they haue seene it more them fortie leagues off It is like vnto a Sugar loafe and continually couered with Snowe and placed in the middest of a goodly Valley most fertile and temperate round about it Out of which going vp the pike the cold is so great that it is vnsufferable and going downe to the Townes of the Iland the heat seemeth most extreme till they approch neere the coast The other is a tree in the Iland Fierro which some write affirme with the dropping of his leaues to giue water for the sustenance of the whole Iland which I haue not seene although I haue beene on shoare on the Iland but those which haue seene it haue recounted this mysterie differently to that which is written in this manner That this Tree is placed in the bottome of a Valley euer flourishing with broad leaues and that round about it are a multitude of goodly high Pines
which ouer-top it and as it seemeth were planted by the Diuine prouidence to preserue it from Sunne and winde Out of this Valley ordinarily rise euery day great vapours and exhalations which by reason that the Sunne is hindered to worke his operation with the height of the Mountaine towards the South-east conuert themselues into moisture and so bedew all the trees of the Valley and from those which ouer-top this Tree drops downe the dew vpon his leaues and so from his leaues into a round Well of stone which the Naturals of the Land haue made to receiue the water of which the people and cattell haue great reliefe but sometimes it raineth and then the Inhabitants doe reserue water for many dayes to come in their Cisternes and Tynaxes which is that they drinke of and wherewith they principally sustaine themselues The Citie of the Grand Canaria and chiefe Port is on the West side of the Iland the head Towne and Port of Tenerifa is towards the South part and the Port and Towne of the Palma and Gomera on the East side In Gomera some three leagues Southward from the Towne is a great Riuer of water but all these Ilands are perilous to land in for the siege caused by the Ocean Sea which alwaies is forcible and requireth great circumspection whosoeuer hath not vrgent cause is either to goe to the Eastwards or to the Westwards of all these Ilands as well to auoide the calmes which hinder some times eight or ten dayes sayling as the contagion which their distemperature is wont to cause and with it to breede Calenturas which wee call burning Feuers These Ilands are said to be first discouered by a Frenchman called Iohn de Betancourt about the yeere 1405. They are now a Kingdome subiect to Spaine Being cleare of the Ilands and seeing my selfe past hope of returning backe without some extraordinarie accident I began to set order in my Companie and victuals And for that to the Southwards of the Canaries is for the most part an idle Nauigation I deuised to keepe my people occupied as well to continue them in health for that too much ease in hot Countries is neither profitable nor healthful as also to diuert them from remembrance of their home from play which breedeth many inconueniences and other bad thoughts and workes which idlenesse is cause of and so shifting my companie as the custome is into Starboord and Larboord men the halfe to watch and worke whilest the others slept and take rest I limited the three dayes of the weeke which appertained to each to be employed in this manner the one for the vse and cleansing of their Armes the other for roomaging making of Sayles Nettings Decking and defenses of our Ships and the third for cleansing their bodies mending and making their apparell and necessaries which though it came to be practised but once in seuen dayes for that the Sabboth is euer to be reserued for God alone with the ordinarie obligation which each person had besides was many times of force to be omitted and thus wee directed our course betwixt the Ilands of Cape de Verde and the Maine These Ilands are held to bee scituate in one of the most vnhealthiest Climates of the world and therefore it is wisedome to shunne the sight of them how much more to make abode in them In two times that I haue beene in them either cost vs the one halfe of our people with Feuers and Fluxes of sundrie kindes some shaking some burning some partaking of both some possest with frensie others with slouth and in one of them it cost mee sixe moneths sicknesse with no small hazard of life which I attribute to the distemperature of the aire for being within fourteene degrees of the Equinoctiall Line the Sunne hath great force all the yeere and the more for that often they passe two three and foure yeeres without raine and many times the earth burneth in that manner as a man well shod cannot indure to goe where the Sunne shineth With which extreme heate the bodie fatigated greedily desireth refreshing and longeth for the comming of the Breze which is the North-east winde that seldome fayleth in the afternoone at foure of the clocke or sooner which comming cold and fresh and finding the pores of the bodie open and for the most part naked penetrateth the very bones and so causeth sudden distemperature and sundrie manners of sicknesse as the Subiects are diuers whereupon they worke Departing out of the Calmes of the Ilands and comming into the fresh Breze it causeth the like and I haue seene within two dayes after that wee haue partaked of the fresh aire of two thousand men aboue an hundred and fiftie haue beene crazed in their health The Inhabitants of these Ilands vse a remedie for this which at my first being amongst them seemed vnto mee ridiculous but since time and experience hath taught to bee grounded vpon reason And is that vpon their heads they weare a Night-cap vpon it a Moutero and a Hat ouer that and on their bodies a sute of thicke Cloth and vpon it a Gowne furr'd or lined with Cotton or Bayes to defend them from the heate in that manner as the Inhabitants of cold Countries to guard themselues from the extremitie of the cold Which doubtlesse is the best diligence that any man can vse and whosoeuer proueth it shall finde himselfe lesse annoyed with the heate then if he were thinly cloathed for that where the cold aire commeth it pierceth not so subtilly The Moone also in this climate as in the coast of Guynne and in all hot Countries hath forcible operation in the body of man and therefore as the Plannet most preiudiciall to his health is to he shunned as also not to sleepe in the open Ayre or with any Scuttle or Window open whereby the one or the other may enter to hurt For a person of credit told me that one night in a Riuer of Guynne leauing his window open in the side of his Cabin the Moone shining vpon his shoulder left him with such an extraordinary paine and furious burning in it as in aboue twenty houres he was like to run mad but in fine with force of Medicines and cures after long torment he was eased Of these Ilands are two pyles the one of them lyeth out of the way of Trade more Westerly and so little frequented the other lyeth some fourescore leagues from the Maine and containeth sixe in number to wit Saint Iago Fuego Mayo Bonavisto Sal and Brano They are belonging to the Kingdome of Portugall and inhabited by people of that Nation and are of great trade by reason of the neighbourhood they haue with Guynne and Bynne but the principall is the buying and selling of Negros They haue store of Sugar Salt Rice Cotten-wooll and Cotton-cloth Ambergreece Cyuit Olyphants teeth Brimstone Pummy stone Spunge and some Gold but little and that from the mayne Saint Iago is the head
Iland and hath one Citie and two townes with their Ports The Citie called Saint Iago whereof the Iland hath his name hath a Garrison and two Forts scituated in the bottome of a pleasant Valley with a running streame of water passing through the middest of it whether the rest of the Ilands come for Iustice being the seate of the Audiencia with his Bishop The other Townes are Playa some three leagues to the Eastwards of Saint Iago placed on high with a goodly Bay whereof it hath his name and Saint Domingo a small Towne within the Land They are on the Souther part of the Iland and haue beene sacked sundry times in Anno 1582. by Manuel Serades a Portugall with a Fleete of French-men in Anno 1585. they were both burnt to the ground by the English Sir Francis Drake being Generall and in Anno 1596. Saint Iago was taken and sacked by the English Sir Anthony Sherley being Generall The second Iland is Fuego so called for that day and night there burneth in it a Uulcan whose flames in the night are seene twentie leagues off in the Sea It is by nature fortified in that sort as but by one way is any accesse or entrance into it and there cannot goe vp aboue two men a brest The Bread which they spend in these Ilands is brought from Portugall and Spaine sauing that which they make of Rice or of Mayes which we call Guynne wheate The best watering is in the I le of Brano on the west part of the Iland where is a great Riuer but foule Anchoring as is in all these Ilands for the most part The fruits are few but substantiall as Palmitos Plantanos Potatos and Coco Nuts The Palmito is like to the Date tree and as I thinke a kinde of it but wilde In all parts of Afrique and America they are found and in some parts of Europe and in diuers parts different In Afrique and in the West Indies they are small that a man may cut them with a knife and the lesser the better But in Brasil they are so great that with difficulty a man can fell them with an Axe and the greater the better one foote within the top is profitable the rest is of no value and that which is to be eaten is the pith which in some is better in some worse The Plantane is a tree found in most parts of Afrique and America of which two leaues are sufficient to couer a man from top to toe It beareth fruite but once and then drieth away and out of his root sprouteth vp others new In the top of the tree is his fruit which groweth in a great bunch in the forme and fashion of puddings in some more in some lesse I haue seene in one bunch aboue foure hundred Plantans which haue weighed aboue fourescore pound waight They are of diuers proportions some great some lesser some round some square some triangle most ordinarily of a span long with a thicke skinne that peeleth easily from the meate which is either white or yellow and very tender like Butter but no conserue is better nor of a more pleasing taste For I neuer haue seene any man to whom they haue bred mislike or done hurt with eating much of them as of other fruites The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree but in most parts they cut them off in branches and hang them vp in their houses and eate them as they ripe For the Birds and Vermine presently in ripâ—ing on the tree are feeding on them The best that I haue seene are in Brasil in an Iland called Placentia which are small and round and greene when they are ripe whereas the others in ripening become yellow Those of the West Indies and Guynne are great and one of them sufficient to satisfie a man the onely fault they haue is that they are windie In some places they eate them instead of bread as in Panama and other parts of Tierra firme They grow and prosper best when their rootes are euer couered with water they are excellent in Conserue and good sodden in different manners and dried on the tree not inferior to Suckets The Coco nut is a fruit of the fashion of a Hasell-nut but that it is as bigge as an ordinary Bowle and some are greater It hath two shels the vttermost framed as it were of a multitude of threds one laid vpon another with a greene skin ouer-lapping them which is soft and thicke the innermost is like to the shell of a Hasell-nut in all porportion sauing that it is greater and thicker and some more blacker In the top of it is the forme of a Munkies face with two eyes his nose and a mouth It containeth in it both meate and drinke the meate white as milke and like to that of the kernell of a Nut and as good as Almonds blancht and of great quantity The water is cleare as of the Fountaine and pleasing in taste and somewhat answereth that of the water distilled of Milke Some say it hath a singular property in nature for conseruing the smoothnesse of the skin and therefore in Spaine and Portugall the curious Dames doe ordinarily wash their faces and necks with it If the holes of the shell be kept close they keepe foure or six moneths good and more but if it be opened and the water kept in the shell in few daies it turneth to Vinegar They grow vpon high Trees which haue no boughes onely in the top they haue a great cap of leaues and vnder them groweth the fruite vpon certaine twigges and some affirme that they beare not fruite before they be aboue forty yeares old They are in all things like to the Palme trees and grow in many parts of Asia Afrique and America The shels of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking cups and much cost and labour is bestowed vpon them in caruing grauing and garnishing them with Siluer Gold and precious stones In the Kingdome of Chile and in Brasil is another kinde of these which they call Coquillos as we may interpret little Cocos and are as bigge as Wal-nuts but round and smooth and grow in great clusters the trees in forme are all one and the meate in the nut better but they haue no water Another kinde of great Cocos groweth in the Andes of Peru which haue not the delicate meate nor drinke which the others haue but within are full of Almonds which are placed as the graines in the Pomegrannet being three times bigger then those of Europe and are much like them in taste In these Ilands are Cyuet-Cats which are also found in parts of Asia and Afrique esteemed for the Ciuet they yeelde and carry about them in a cod in their hinder parts which is taken from them by force In them also are store of Monkies and the best proportioned that I haue seene and Parrots but of colour different to those of the
to euery place And we were certified in Isla Grand that they had sent an Indian from the Riuer of Ienero through all the Mountaines Marishes to take a view of vs and accordingly made a Relation of our Ships Boates and the number of men which wee might haue But to preuent the like danger that might come vpon vs being carelesse and negligent I determined one night in the darkest and quietest of it to see what watch our Company kept on the shore manned our Light-horsman and Boat armed them with Bowes and Targets and got ashore some good distance from the places where were our Boothes and sought to come vpon them vndiscouered we vsed all our best endeuours to take them at vnawares yet comming within fortie paces we were discouered the whole and the sicke came forth to oppose them selues against vs. Which we seeing gaue them the Hubbub after the manner of the Indians and assaulted them and they vs but being a close darke night they could not discerne vs presently vpon the Hubbub From our Ship the Gunner shot a peece of Ordnance ouer our heads according to the order giuen him and thereof we tooke occasion to retire vnto our Boates and within a little space came to the Boothes and landing places as though we came from our Ships to aide them They began to recount vnto vs how that at the Wester point of the Iland out of certaine Canoas had landed a multitude of Indians which with a great out-cry came vpon them assaulted them fiercely but finding better resistance then they looked for and seeing them selues discouered by the Ships tooke them selues to their heeles and returned to their Canoas in which they imbarked themselues and departed One affirmed he saw the Canoas another their long haire a third their Bowes a fourth that it could not be but that some of them had their paiments And it was worth the sight to behold those which had not moued out of their beds in many moneths vnlesse by the helpe of others had gotten some a bow-shot off into the woods others into the top of trees and those which had any strength ioyned together to fight for their liues In fine the Booths and Tents were left desolate To colour our businesse the better after we had spent some houre in seeking out and ioyning the Company together in comforting and commending them I left them an extraordinary Guard for that night and so departed to our Shippes with such an opinion of the assault giuen by the Indians that many so possessed through all the Voyage would not be perswaded to the contrary Which impression wrought such effect in most of my Company that in all places where the Indians might annoy vs they were after most carefull and vigilant as was conuenient In these Ilands it heigheth and falleth some fiue or sixe foote water and but once in two and twentie houres as in all this Coast and in many parts of the West Indies as also in the coast of Peru and Chely sauing where are great Bayes or indraughts and there the tydes keep their ordinary course of twice in foure and twenty houres In the lesser of these Ilands is a Coue for a small Ship to ride in Land-lockt and she may moore her selfe to the trees of either side this we called Palmito Iland for the abundance it hath of the greater sort of Palmito trees the other hath none at all A man may goe betwixt the Ilands with his Ship but the better course is out at one end In these Ilands are many Scorpions Snakes and Adders with other venemous Vermine They haue Parots and a certaine kinde of fowle like vnto Phesants somewhat bigger and seeme to be of their nature Here we spent aboue a moneth in curing of our sicke men supplying our wants of wood and water and in other necessary workes And the tenth of December all things put in order we set saile for Cape Frio hauing onely sixe men sicke with purpose there to set ashore our two Prisoners before named and anchoring vnder the Cape we set our Boate ashoare but they could not finde any conuenient place to land them in and so returned the winde being Southerly and not good to goe on our voyage we succoured our selues within Isla Grand which lyeth some dozen or foureteene leagues from the Cape betwixt the West and by South and West Southwest the rather to set our Prisoners on shore In the mid way betwixt the Cape and this Iland lyeth the Riuer Ienero a very good Harbour fortified with a Garrison and a place well peopled The Isla Grand is some eight or tenne leagues long and causeth a goodly harbour for shipping it is full of great sandie Bayes and in the most of them is store of good water within this Iland are many other smaller Ilands which cause diuers sounds and creekes and amongst these little Ilands one for the pleasant scituation and fertilitie thereof called Placentia This is peopled all the rest desert on this Iland our Prisoners desired to be put ashore and promised to send vs some refreshing Whereto wee condescended and sent them ashore with two Boates well manned and armed who found few Inhabitants in the Iland for our people saw not aboue foure or fiue houses notwithstanding our Boates returned loaden with Plantines Pinias Potatoes Sugar-canes and some Hens Amongst which they brought a kinde of little Plantine greene and round which were the best of any that I haue seene With our people came a Portugall who said that the Iland was his hee seemed to be a Mistecho who are those that are of a Spanish and an Indian brood poorely apparelled and miserable we feasted him and gaue him some trifles and hee according to his abilitie answered our courtesie with such as he had The winde continuing contrary we emptied all the water we could come by which we had filled in Saint Iames his Iland and filled our Caske with the water of this Isla Grand It is a wildernesse couered with Trees and Shrubs so thicke as it hath no passage through except a man make it by force And it was strange to heare the howling and cries of wilde Beasts in these Woods day and night which we could not come at to see by any meanes some like Lyons others like Beares others like Hogs and of such and so many diuersities as was admirable Here our Nets profited vs much for in the sandy Bayes they tooke vs store of fish Vpon the shore at full Sea-marke we found in many places certain shels like those of mother of Pearles which are brought out of the East Indies to make standing cups called Caracoles of so great curiositie as might moue all the beholders to magnifie the maker of them and were it not for the brittlenesse of them by reason of their exceeding thinnesse doubtlesse they were to be esteemed farre aboue the others for more excellent workmanship
torment and paine which is such that he who hath beene throughly punished with the Collique can quickly decipher or demonstrate The Antidote for this pernicious worme is Garlique and this was discouered by a Phisitian to a Religious person §. III. THARLTONS treacherie Discouerie of Land vnknowne Entrance of the Straits accidents therein and description thereof diuers occasionall discourses for the furtherance of Marine and Naturall knowledge IN our Nauigation towards the Straits by our obseruation we found that our Compasse varied a point and better to the Eastwards In the height of the Riuer of Plate we being some fiftie leagues off the coast a storme tooke vs Southerly which endured fortie eight houres In the first day about the going downe of the Sunne Robert Tharlton Master of the Francie bare vp before the winde without giuing vs any token or signe that she was in distresse We seeing her to continue her course bare vp after her and the night comming on we carried our light but she neuer answered vs for they kept their course directly for England which was the ouerthrow of the Voyage as well for that we had no Pinnace to goe before vs to discouer any danger to seeke out roades and anchoring to helpe our watering and refreshing as also for the victuals necessaries and men which they carried away with them which though they were not many yet with their helpe in our fight we had taken the Vice-admirall the first time shee bourded with vs as shall be hereafter manifested For once we cleered her Decke and had wee beene able to haue spared but a dozen men doubtlesse we had done with her what we would for she had no close fights Moreouer if she had beene with me I had not beene discouered vpon the coast of Peâ—ew But I was worthy to be deceiued that trusted my Ship in the hands of on hypocrite and a man which had left his Generall before in the like occasion and in the selfe same place for being with Master Thomas Candish Master of a small Shippe in the Voyage wherein hee died this Captaine being aboord the Admirall in the night time forsocke his Fleete his Generall and Captaine and returned home Pitie it is that such perfidious persons are not more seuerely punished These absentings and escapes are made most times onely to pâ—lâ—er and steale as well by taking of some prize when they are alone and without command to hinder or order their bad proceedings as to appropriate that which is in their intrusted shippe casting the fault if they bee called to account vpon some poore and vnknowne MarineÌ„rs whom they suffer with a little pillage to absent themselues the cunninglier to colour their greatest disorders and Robberies The storme ceasing and being out of all hope wee set saile and went on our course During this storme certaine great Fowles as bigge as Swannes soared about vs and the winde calming setled themselues in the Sea and fed vpon the sweepings of our ship which I perceiuing and desirous to see of them because they seemed farre greater then in truth they were I caused a Hook and Line to be brought me and with a piece of a Pilehard I baâ—ted the Hooke and a foot from it tied a piece of Corke that it might not sinke deepe and threw it into the Sâ—a which our ship driuing with the Sea in a little time was a good space from vs and one of the Fowles beeing hungry presently seized vpon it and the Hooke in his vpper beake It is like to a Faulcons bill but that the point is moore crooked in that manner as by no meanes hee could cleere himselfe except that the Line brake or the Hooke righted Plucking him towards the ship with the wauing of his wings he eased the weight of his body and being brought to the sterne of our ship two of our company went downe by the ladder of the Poope and seized on his neck and wings but such were the blowes he gaue them with his Pinnions as both left their hand fast beeing beaten blacke and blue we cast a snare about his necke and so triced him into the ship By the same manner of fishing we caught so many of them as refreshed and recreated all my people for that day Their bodies were great but of little flesh and tender in taste answerable to the food whereon they feed They were of two colours some white some grey they had three ioynts in each wing and from the point of one wing to the point of the other both stretched out was aboue two fathomes The wind continued good with vs till we came to 49. degrees and 30. minutes where it took vs Westerly being as we made our account some fifty leagues from the shoare Betwixâ— 49. and 48. degrees is Port Saint Iulian a good Harbour and in which a man may graue his shippe though she draw fifteene or sixteene foot water But care is to bee had of the people called Patagones They are treacherous and of great stature most giue them the name of Gâ—ants The second of February about nine of the clocke in the morning wee descried land which bare South-west of vs which we looked not for so timely and comming neerer and neerer vnto it by the lying wee could not coniecture what Land it should be for wee were next of any thing in 48. degrees and no Plat nor Sea-card which we had made mention of any Land which lay in that manner neere about that height In fine wee brought our Lar-boord tacke aboord and stood to the North-east-wards all that day and night and the winde continuing Westerly and a faire gale we continued our course alongst the Coast the day and night following In which time we made account we discouered well neere threescore leagues off the Coast. It is bold and made small shew of dangers The land is a goodly Champion Countrey and peopled wee saw many fires but could not come to speake with the people for the time of the yeere was farre spent to shoote the Straits and the want of our Pinnasse disabled vs for finding a Port or Road not being discretion with a ship of charge and in an vnknowne Coast to come neere the shoare before it was founded which were causes together with the change of the winde good for vs to passe the Strait that hindered the further Discouery of this Land with its secrets This I haue sorrowed for many times since for that it had likelihood to bee an excellent Countrey It hath great Riuers of fresh waters for the out-shoot of them colours the Sea in many places as we ranne alongst it It is not Moâ—ntaynous but much of the disposition of England and as temperate The things we noted principally on the Coast are these following the Westermost point of the Land with which wee first fell is the end of the Land to the Westwards as wee found afterwards If a man bring this
point South-west it riseth in three Mounts or round Hillockes bringing it more Westerly they shoot themselues all into one and bringing it Easterly it riseth in two Hillockes This we called Point Tremountaine Some twelue or fourteene leagues from this point to the Eastwards faire by the shoare lyeth a low flat Iland of some two leagues long we named it Faire Iland for it was all ouer as greene and smooth as any Meddow in the Sping of the yeare Some three or foure leagues Easterly from this Iland is a goodly opening as of a great Riuer or an arme of the Sea with a goodly low Countrey adjacent And eight or tenne leagues from this opening some three leagues from the shoare lyeth a bigge Rocke which at the first we had thought to be a ship vnder all her sayles but after as we came neere it discouered it selfe to bee a Rocke which we called Conduit-head for that howsoeuer a man commeth with it it is like to the Conduit-heads about the Citie of London All this Coast so farre as we discouered lyeth next of any thing East and by North and West and by South The Land for that it was discouered in the Reigne of Qâ—eene Elizabeth my Souereigne Lady and Mistris and a Mayden Queene and at my cost and aduenture in a perpetuall memory of her chastitie and remembrance of my endeuours I gaue it the name of Hawkins Maiden-land Before a man fall with this Land some twenâ—y or thirty leagues he shall meet with beds of Oreweed driuing to and fro in that Sea with white flowres growing vpon them and sometimes farther off which is a good shew and signe the Land is neere whereof the Westermost part lyeth some threescore leagues from the neerest Land of America With our faire and large wind wee shaped our course for the Straits and the tenth of February wee had sight of Land and it was the head-land of the Straits to the Northwards which agreed with our height wherein wee found our selues to bee which was in 52. degrees and 40. minutes Within a few houres we had the mouth of the Straits open which lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes It riseth like the North foreland in Kent and is much like the Land of Margates It is not good to borrow neere the shoare but to giue it a faire birth within a few houres we entred the mouth of the Straits which is some sixe leagues broad and lieth in 52. degrees and 50. minutes doubling the Point on the starbood which is also flat of a good birth we opened a faire Bay in which we might descry the Hull of a ship beaten vpon the Beach It was of the Spanish Fleet that went to inhabit there in Anno 1582. vnder the charge of Pedro Sarmiento who at his returne was taken Prisoner and brought into England In this Bay the Spaniards made their principall habitation and called it the Citie of Saint Philip and left it peopled But the cold barrennesse of the Countrey and the malice of the Indians with whom they badly agreed made speedy end of them as also of those whom they left in the middle of the Straits three leagues from Cape Forward to the Eastwards in another habitation We continued our course alongst this Reaâ—h for all the Straits is as a Riuer altering his course sometimes vpon one point sometimes vpon another which is some eight leagues long and lieth West North-west From this we entred into a goodly Bay which runneth vp into the Land Northerly many leagues and at first entrance a man may see no other thing but as it were a maine Sea From the end of this first Reach you must direct your course West South-west and some fourteene or fifteene leagues lyeth one of the narrowest places of all the Straits This leadeth vnto another Reach that lyeth West and by North some six leagues Here in the middle of the Reach the wind tooke vs by the North-west and so we were forced to anchor some two or three dayes In which time we went ashoare with our Boats and found neere the middle of this Reach on the starboord side a reasonable good place to ground and trimme a small ship where it higheth some nine or ten foot water Here we saw certaine Hogs but they were so farre from vs that we could not discerne whether they were of those of the Countrey or brought by the Spaniards these were all the beasts which we saw in all the time we were in the Straits In two tides we turned through this reach and so recouered the Ilands of Pengwins they lye from this reach foure leagues South-west and by West Till you come to this place care is to be taken of not comming too neere to any point of the land for being for the most part sandy they haue sholding off them and are somewhat dangerous These Ilands haue beene set forth by some to be three we could discouer but two And they are no more except that part of the Mayne which lyeth ouer against them be an Iland which carrieth little likelihood and I cannot determine it A man may saile betwixt the two Ilands or betwixt them and the Land on the Larboord side from which Land to the bigger Iland is as it were a bridge or ledge on which is foure or fiue fathom water and to him that commeth neere it not knowing thereof may justly cause feare for it sheweth to be shold water with his ripling like vnto a Race Betwixt the former Reach and these Ilands runneth vp a goodly Bay into the Countrey to the North-wards It causeth a great Indraughty and aboue these Ilands runneth a great tide from the mouth of the Straits to these Ilands the Land on the Larboord-side is low Land and sandy for the most part and without doubt Ilands for it hath many openings into the Sea and forcible Indraughts by them and that on the Starboord side is all high Mountaynous Land from end to end but no wood on either side Before we passed these Ilands vnder the Lee of the bigger Iland we anchored the winde beeing at North-east with intent to refresh our selues with the Fowles of these Ilands they are of diuers sorts and in great plentie as Pengwins wild Ducks Guls and Gannets of the principall we purposed to make prouision and those were the Pengwins The Pengwin is in all proportion like a Goose and hath no feathers but a certaine downe vpon all parts of his bodie and therefore canot flee but auayleth himselfe in all occasions with his feet running as fast as most men He liueth in the Sea and on the Land feedeth on fish in the Sea and as a Goose on the shore vpon grasse They harbour themselues vnder the ground in Burrowes as the Conies and in them hatch their young All parts of the Iland where they haunted were vndermined saue onely one Valley which it seemeth they reserued for their food for it
was as greene as any Medow in the moneth of Aprill with a most fine short grasse The flesh of these Pengwins is much of the sauour of a certaine Fowle taken in the Ilands of Lundey and Silley which we call Puffins by the taste it is easily discerned that they feed on fish They are very fat and in dressing must be flead as the Byter they are reasonable meate rosted baked or sodden but best rosted We salted some doozen or sixteene Hogsheads which serued vs whilest they lasted insteed of powdred Beefe The hunting of them as wee may well terme it was a great recreation to my company and worth the sight for in determining to catch them necessarily was required good store of people euery one with a cudgell in his hand to compasse them round about to bring them as it were into a Ring if they chanced to breake out then was the sport for the ground beeing vndermined at vnawares it failed and as they ranne after them one fell here another there another offering to strike at one lifting vp his hand sunke vp to the arme-pits in the earth another leaping to auoid one hole fell into another And after the first slaughter in seeing vs on the shoare they shunned vs and procured to recouer the Sea yea many times seeing themselues persecuted they would tumble downe from such high Rocks and Mountaines as it seemed impossible to escape with life Yet as soone as they came to the Beach presently we should see them runne into the Sea as though they had no hurt Where one goeth the other followeth like sheepe after the Bel-weather but in getting them once within the Ring close together few escaped saue such as by chance hid themselues in the borrowes and ordinarily there was no Droue which yeelded vs not a thousand and more the manner of killing them which the Hunters vsed beeing in a cluster together was with their cudgels to knocke them on the head for though a man gaue them many blowes on the body they dyed not Besides the flesh bruized is not good to keepe The massacre ended presently they cut of their heads that they might bleed well such as we determined to keepe for store we saued in this manner First wee split them and then washed them well in Sea-water then salted them hauing laine some sixe houres in Salt we put them in presse eight houres and the bloud being soaked out wee salted them againe in our other caske as is the custome to salt Beefe after this manner they continued good some two moneths and serued vs in steed of Beefe The Guls and Gannets were not in so great quantitie yet we wanted not young Guls to eate all the time of our stay about these Ilands It was one of the delicatest foods that I haue eaten in all my life The Duckes are different to ours and nothing so good meate yet they may serue for necessitie They were many and had a part of the Iland to themselues seuerall which was the highest Hill and more then a Musket shot ouer In all the dayes of my life I haue not seene greater arte and curiositie in creatures voide of reason then in the placing and making of their Nests all the Hill being so full of them that the greatest Mathematician of the World could not deuise how to place one more then there was vpon the Hill leauing onely one path-way for a Fowle to passe betwixt The Hill was all leuell as if it had beene smoothed by arte the Nests made onely of earth and seeming to be of the selfe-same mould for the Nests and the soile is all one which with water that they bring in their Beakes they make into Clay or a certaine dawbe and after fashion them round as with a compasse In the bottome they containe the measure of a foot in the height about eight inches and in the top the same quantitie ouer there they are hollowed in somwhat deep wherein they lay their Egges without other preuention And I am of opinion that the Sun helpeth them to hatch their young their Nests are for many yeares and of one proportion not one exceeding another in bignesse in height nor circumference and in proportionable distance one from another In all this Hill nor in any of their Nests was to be found a blade of grasse a straw a sticke a feather a moat no nor the filing of any Fowle but all the Nests and passages betwixt them were so smooth and cleane as if they had bin newly swept washed One day hauing ended our hunting of Pengwins one of our Mariners walking about the Iland discouered a great company of Seales or Sea-wolues so called for that they are in the Sea as the Wolues on the Land aduising vs that he left them sleeping with their bellies toasting against the Sunne we prouided our selues with staues and other weapons and sought to steale vpon them at vnawares to surprize some of them and comming downe the side of a Hill we were not discouered till wee were close vpon them notwithstanding their Sentinell before wee could approach with a great howle waked them we got betwixt the Sea and some of them but they shunned vs not for they came directly vpon vs and though we dealt heere and there a blow yet not a man that withstood them escaped the ouerthrow They reckon not of a Musket shot a sword pierceth not theirskinne and to giue a blowe with a staffe is as to smite vpon a stone only in giuing the blowe vpon his snout presently he falleth downe dead After they had recouered the water they did as it were scorne vs defie vs and daunced before vs vntill we had shot some Musket shot through them and so they appeared no more This fish is like vnto a Calfe with foure legs but not aboue a spanne long his skinne is hairy like a Calte but these were different to all that euer I haue seene yet I haue seēne of them in many parts for these wee greater and in their former parts like vnto Lions with shagge haire and mostaches They liue in the Sea and come to sheepe on the Land and they euer haue one that watcheth who aduiseth them of any accident They are beneficiall to man in their skinnes for many purposes In their mostaches for Pick-tooths and in their fatte to make Traine-oyle Wee embarqued our selues and set sayle with the winde at NOrth-west which could serue vs but to an end of that reach some dozen leagues long and some three or foure leagues broad It lieth next of any thing till you come to Cape Agreda South-west from this Cape to Cape Froward the coast lieth West South-west Some foure leagues betwixt them was the second peopling of the Spaniards and this Cape lieth in 55. degrees and better Thwart Cape Froward the winde larged with vs and we continued our course towards the Iland of Elizabeth which lieth from
Cape Forward some foureteene leages West and by South This reach is foure or fiue leagues broad and in it are many channels or openings into the Sea for all the land on the Souther part of the Straites are Ilands and broken land and from the beginning of this reach to the end of the Straits high mountainous Land on both sides in most parts couered with Snowe all the yeere long Betwixt the Iland Elizabeth and the Maine is the narrowest passage of all the Sraites it may be some two Musket shor from side to side From this Straite to Elizabeth Bay is some-foure leagues and the course lieth North-west and by West This Bay is all sandie and cleane ground on the Easterne pâ—rt but before youcome at it there lieth a point of the shoare a good birth off which is dangerous And in this reach as in many parts of the Straites runneth a quicke and forcible tide In the Bay it higheth eight or nine foot water The Northerne part of the Bay hath foule ground and Rockes vnder water and therefore it is not wholsome borrowing of the Maine One of Master Thomas Candish his Pinasses as I haue been enformed came aground vpon one of them and he was in hazard to haue left her there From Elizabeth Bay ot the Riuer of Ieronimâ— is some fiue leagues The course lieth West and by North and West Here the winde scanted and forced vs to seeke a place to anchor in Our Boats going alongst the shoare found a reasonable Harbour which is right against that which they call Riuer Ierâ—â—imâ— but it is another channell by which a man may dissembâ—que the Straite as by the other which is accustomed for with a storme which tooke vs one night suddenly wee were forced into that opening vn wittingly but to the morning seing our errour and the winde larging with two or three boords we turned into the old channell nor daring for want of our Pinasse to attempt any new Discouerie This Harbour wee called Blanches Bay for that it was found by William Blanch one of our Masters Mates Here hauing moored our ship we beganne to make our prouision of wood and water whereof was plentie in this Bay and in all other places from Pengwin Ilands till within a dozen leagues of the mouth of the Straites NOw finding our DeckeÌ„s open with the long lying vnder the Line and on the coast of Brasill the Sunne hauing beene in our Zenith many times we calked our ship within boord and without aboue the Deckes And such was the diligence wee vsed that at foure dayes end wee had aboue threescore Pipes of water and twentie Boats of wood stowed in our ship no man was idle nor otherwise busied but in necessarie workes some in felling and cleaning of wood some in carrying of water some in romaging somein washing others in baking one in heiting of Pitch another in gathering of Mussels no man was exempted but knew at euening whereunto he was to betake himselfe the morning following Some man might aske mee how wee came to haue so many emptie Caske in lesse then two moneths for it seemeth much that so few men in such short time and in so long a Voyage should waste so much Whereto I answere that it came not of excessieu expense for in health we neuer exceeded our ordinarie but of a mischance which befell vs vnknowne in the Iland of Saint Iames or Saint Anne in the coast of Brasill where where wee refreshed our selues and recording to the custome laid our Caske ashoare to trimme it and afters to fill it the place being commodious forvs But with the waer a certaine worme called Broma by the Spannard and â—yvs Aters entred also which eate it so fuli of holes that all the waer spaked out and made much of our Caske of small vse This we remedied the best wee could and discouered it long before we came to this place Hereof let others take warning in no place to haue Caske on the shoare where it may be anoyded for it is one of the promisions which are with greatest care to be preserued in long Voyages and bardest to be supplied These Arters or B oma in all hot Countries enter into the plankes of ships and effeciast where are Ruers of fresh water the common opinion is that they are bred in fresh water and with the current of the Riners are brought into the Sea but experience teacheth that they breede in the great Seas in all hot chimates especially neere the Equinoctiall Line for lying so long vnder and neere the Line and towing a Shalop at our sterne comming to cleanse her in Brasill wee found her all vnder water couered with these Wormes as bigge as the little singer of a man on the outside of the planke not fully couered but halfe the thicknesse of their bodie like to a gellie wrought into the planke as with a Gowdge In little time if the ship be not sheathed they put all in hazard for they enter in no bigger then a small spanish Needle and by little and little their holes become ordinarily greater then a mans finger The thicker the planke is the greater he groweth yea I haue seene many ships so eaten that the most of their plankes vnder water haue beene like Honie-combes and especially those betwixt winde and water If they had not beene sheathed it had beene impossible that they could haue swomme The entring of them is hardly to be discerned the most of them being small as the head of a Pinne Which all such as purpose long Voyages are to prenent byu sheathing their ships And for that I haue seene diuers manners of sheathing for the ignorant I will set them downe which by experience I haue found best In Spaine and Portugall some sheath their ships with Lead which besides the cost and weight although they vse the thinnest sheet-lead that I haue seene in any place yet it is nothing durable but subiect to many casualities Another manner is vsed with double plankes as thicke without as within after the manner of surring which is little better then that with Lead for besides his weight it dureth little because the Worme in small time passeth through the one and the other A third manner of sheathing had beene vsed amongst some with fine Canuas which is of small continuance and so not to be regarded The fourth preuention which now is most accounted of is to burne the vpper planke till it come to be in euery place like a Cole and after to pitch it this isnot bad in China as I haue beene enformed they vse a certaine Betane or Varnish in manner of an artificiall Pitch wherewith they trimme the outside of their ships It is said to bee durable and of that vertue as neither worme nor water pierceth it neither hath the Sunne power against it Some haue deuised a certaine Pitch mingled with Glasse and other ingredients beaten into
stand off to Sea close by The Admirall of the Spaniards with the other two were a sterne of vs some foure leagues the Vice-admirall a mile right to lee-wards of vs the Reare-admirall in a manner right a head some culuering shot and one vpon our loofe within shot also the Moone was to rise within two houres After much debating it was concluded that we should beare vp before the winde and seeke to escape betwixt the Admirall and the Vice-admirall which we put in execution not knowing of any other disgrace befallen them but that of the Reare-admirall till after our surrender when they recounted vnto vs all that had past In the morning at breake of day we were cleare of all our Enemies and so shaped our course alongst the Coast for the Bay of Atacames where we purposed to trim our Pinnace and to renew our wood and water and so to depart vpon our Voyage with all possible speede The Spanish Armado returned presently to Callao which is the Port of Lyma or of the Citie of the Kings It was first named Lyma and retaineth also that name of the Riuer which passeth by the Citie called Lyma the Spanish Armado being entred the Port the people began to goe ashore where they were so mocked and scorned by the women as scarce any one by day would shew his face they reuiled them with the name of cowards and golnias and craued licence of the Vice-roy to be admitted into their roomes and to vndertake the surrendry of the English Shippe I haue beene certified for truth that some of them affronted their Souldiers with Daggers and Pistols by their sides This wrought such effects in the hearts of the disgraced as they vowed either to recouer their reputation lost or to follow vs into England and so with expedition the Vice-roy commanded two Shippes and a Pinnace to be put in order and in them placed the chiefe Souldiers and Marriners of the rest and furnished them with victuals and munition The foresaid Generall is once againe dispatched to seeke vs who ranged the Coasts and Ports enforming himselfe what he could Some fiftie leagues to the North-wards of Lyma in sight of Mongon we tooke a Ship halfe loaden with Wheate Sugar Miell de Canas and Cordouan skins which for that she was leake and sailed badly and tackled in such manner as the Marriners would not willingly put themselues into her we tooke what was necessary for our prouision and fired her Thwart of Truxillo wee set the company of her ashoare with the Pilot which we had taken in Balparizo reseruing the Pilot of the burnt Shippe and a Greeke who chose rather to continue with vs then to hazard their liues in going ashore for that they had departed out of the Port of Santa which is in eight degrees being required by the Iustice not to weigh anchor before the Coast was knowne to be cleare It is a thing worthy to be noted and almost incredible with how few men they vse to saile a Shippe in the South Sea for in this prise which was aboue an hundred tunnes were but eight persons and in a Ship of three hundreth tuns they vse not to put aboue foureteene or fifteene persons yea I haue beene credibly enformed that with foureteene persons a Ship of fiue hundred tuns hath beene carried from Guayaquil to Lyma deepe loaden which is aboue two hundred leagues They are forced euer to gaine their Voyage by turning to wind-wards which is the greatest toyle and labour that the Marriners haue and slow sometimes in this Voyage foure or fiue moneths which is generall in all the Nauigations of this coast but the security from stormes and certainty of the Brese with the desire to make their gaine the greater is the cause that euery man forceth himselfe to the vttermost to doe the labour of two men In the height of the Port of Santa some seuen hundred and fiftie leagues to the West-wards lye the Ilands of Salomon of late yeares discouered At my being in Lyma a Fleete of foure saile was sent from thence to people them which through the emulation and discord that arose amongst them being landed and setled in the Countrey was vtterly ouerthrowne onely one Shippe with some few of the people after much misery got to the Philippines This I came to the knowledge of by a large relation written from a person of credit and sent from the Philippines to Panama I saw it at my being there in my voyage towards Spaine Hauing edged neere the coast to put the Spaniards on shore a thicke fogge tooke vs so that we could not see the land but recouering our Pinnace and Boate we sailed on our course till wee came thwart of the Port called Malabrigo It lieth in seuen degrees In all this Coast the currant runneth with great force but neuer keepeth any certaine course sauing that it runneth alongst the coast sometimes to the South-wards sometimes to the North-wards which now runneth to the North-wards forced vs so farre into the Bay which a point of the land causeth that they call Punta de Augussa as thinking to cleare our selues by rouing North-west we could not double this point making our way North North-west Therefore speciall care is euer to be had of the current and doubtlesse if the prouidence of Almighty God had not Freede vs we had runne ashore vpon the Land without seeing or suspecting any such danger his name be euer exalted and magnified for deliuering vs from the vnknowne danger by calming the winde all night the Suns rising manifested vnto vs our errour and perill by discouering vnto vs the land within two leagues right a head The current had carried vs without any winde at the least foure leagues which seene and the winde beginning to blow we brought our tackes aboord and in short time cleared our selues Thwart of this point of Angussa lye two desert Ilands they call them Illas de Lobos for the multitude of Seales which accustome to haunt the shore In the bigger is very good harbour and secure they lye in six degrees and thirty minutes The next day after we lost sight of those Ilands being thwart of Payta which lyeth in fiue degrees and hauing manned our Pinnace and Boate to search the Port we had sight of a tall Ship which hauing knowledge of our being on the coast and thinking her selfe to be more safe at Sea then in the harbour put her selfe then vnder saile to her we gaue chase all that night and the next day but in fine being better of saile then we she freed her selfe Thus being to lee-ward of the Harbour and discouered we continued our course alongst the shore That euening wee were thwart of the Riuer of Guyayaquill which hath in the mouth of it two Ilands the Souther-most and biggest called Puma in three degrees and the other to the North-wards Santa clara Puma is inhabited and is the place where they
little to the Southwards of the Iland of Pearle betwixt seuen and eight degrees is the great Riuer of Saint Buena Ventura It falleth into the South Sea with three mouthes the head of which is but a little distant from the North Sea In the yeere 1575. or 1576. one Iohn Oxnam of Plimouth going into the West Indies ioyned with the Symarons These are fugitiue Negroes and for the bad intreatie which their Masters had giuen them were then retired into the Mountaines and liued vpon the spoyle of such Spaniards as they could master and could neuer bee brought into obedience till by composition they had a place limited them for their freedome where they should liue quietly by themselues At this day they haue a great habitation neere Panama called Saint Iago de los Negros well peopled with all their Officers and Commanders of their owne saue onely a Spanish Gouernour By the assistance of these Symarons hee brought to the head of this Riuer by piecemeale and in many Iourneyes a small Pinnace hee fitted it by time in warlike manner and with the choice of his Companie put himselfe into the South Sea where his good happe was to meete with a couple of shippes of trade and in the one of them a great quantitie of Gold And amongst other things two pieces of speciall estimation the one a Table of massy Gold with Emralds sent for a present to the King the other a Lady of singular beautie married and a mother of children The latter grew to bee his perdition for hee had capitulated with these Symarons that their part of the bootie should be onely the prisoners to the end to execute their malice vpon them such was the rancour they had conceiued against them for that they had beene the Tyrants of their libertie But the Spaniards not contented to haue them their slaues who lately had beene their Lords added to their seruitude cruell intreaties And they againe to feede their insatiable reuenges accustomed to roast and eate the hearts of all those Spaniards whom at any time they could lay hand vpon Iohn Oxnam I say was taken with the loue of this Lady and to winne her good will what through her teares and perswasions and what through feare and detestation of their barbarous inclinations breaking promise with the Symarons yeelded to her request which was to giue the prisoners libertie with their shippes for that they were not vsefull for him notwithstanding Oxnam kept the Lady who had in one of the restored shippes either a Sonne or a Nephew This Nephew with the rest of the Spaniards made all the haste they could to Pamana and they vsed such diligence as within few houres some were dispatched to seeke those who little thought so quickly to bee ouertaken The pursuers approaching the Riuer were doubtfull by which of the afore-remembred three mouthes they should take their way In this wauering one of the Souldiers espied certaine feathers c. Comming in sight of the Ilands of Pearles the winde beganne to fresh in with vs and wee profited our selues of it but comming thwart of a small Iland which they call La Pacheta that lieth within the Pearle Ilands close aboord the Mayne and some eight or tenne leagues South and by West from Panama the winde calmed againe This Iland belongeth to a priuate man it is a round humocke contayning not a league of ground but most fertile Insomuch that by the owners industrie and the labour of some few slaues who occupie themselues in maâ—uring it and two Barkes which he employeth in bringing the fruit it giueth to Panama it is said to be worth him euery weeke one with another a barre of siluer valued betwixt two hundreth and fiftie or three hundreth Pezos which in English money may amount to fiftie or threescore pound and for that which I saw at my being in Panama touching this I hold to be true In our course to fetch the Port of Panama we put our selues betwixt the Ilands and the Main which is a goodly Channell of three foure and fiue leagues broad and without danger except a man come too neere the shoare on any side and that is thought the better course then to goe a Sea-boord of the Ilands because of the swift running of the tides and the aduantage to stop the ebbe As also for succour if a man should happen to be becalmed at any time beyond expectation which happeneth sometimes The seuenth of Iuly wee had sight of Perico they are two little Ilands which cause the Port of Panama where all the shippes vse to ride It is some two Leagues West North-west of the Citie which hath also a Pere in it selfe for small Barkes at full Sea it may haue some sixe or seuen foot water but at lowe water it is drie The ninth of Iuly wee anchored vnder Perico and the Generall presently aduised the Audienoia of that which had succeeded in his Iourney which vnderstood by them caused Bonfires to be made and euery man to put Luminaries in their houses the fashion is much vsed amongst the Spaniards in their feasts of ioy or for glad tidings placing many lights in their Churches in their windowes and Galleries and corners of their houses which being in the beginning of the night and the Citie close by the Sea shoare shewed to vs being farre off as though the Citie had beene on a light fire About eight of the clocke all the Artilerie of the Citie was shot off which wee might discerne by the flash of fire but could not heare the report yet the Armado being aduised thereof and in a readinesse answered them likewise with all their Artilerie which taking end as all the vanities of this earth doe The Generall setled himselfe to dispatch aduice for the King for the Vice-roy of Peru and the Vice-roy of Noua Spana for hee also had beene certified of our being in that Sea and had fitted an Armado to seeke vs and to guard his coast But now for a farewell and note it Let mee relate vnto you this Secret How Don Beltran shewed mee a Letter from the King his Master directed to the Vice-roy wherein hee gaue him particular relation of my pretended Voyage of the shippes their burden their munition their number of men which I had in them as perfectly as if hee had seene all with his owne eyes Saying vnto mee Hereby you may discerne whether the King my Master haue friends in England and good and speedy aduice of all that passeth Whereunto I replyed It was no wonder for that hee had plenty of Gold and Siluer which worketh this and more strange effects for my Iourney was publique and notorious to all the Kingdome whereunto he replyed that if I thought it so conuenient leaue should be giuen me to write into England to the Queens Maiestie my Mistresse to my Father and to other personages as I thought good and leauing the Letters open that
hee would send some of them in the Kings Packet others to his Vncle Don Rodrigo de Castro Cardinall and Archbishop of Seuill and to other friends of his Not making any doubt but that they would bee speedily in England For which I thanked him and accepted his courtesie and although I was my selfe vnable to write yet by the hands of a seruant of mine I wrote three or foure copies of one Letter to my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins In which I briefly made relation of all that had succeeded in our Voyage The dispatches of Spaine and New Spaine went by ordinarie course in ships of aduice but that for the Peru was sent by a kinsman of the Generals called Don Francisco de la Cuena Which being dispatched Don Beltran hasted all that euer he could to put his ships in order to returne to Lyma Hee caused the Daintie to be grounded and trimmed for in those Ilands it higheth and falleth some fifteene or sixteene foot water And the Generall with his Captaines and some Religious men being aboord her and new naming her named her the Uisitation for that shee was rendred on the day on which they celebrate the Visitation of the Virgin Marie In that place the ground being plaine and without vantage whereby to helpe the tender sided and sharpe Ships they are forced to shoare them on either side In the middest of their solemnitie her props and shores of one side fayled and so shee fell ouer vpon that side suddenly intreating many of them which were in her very badly and doubtlesse had shee beene like the ships of the South Sea shee had broken out her bulge but being without Masts and emptie for in the South Sea when they bring aground a shippe they leaue neither Mast Balast nor any other thing aboord besides the bare Hull her strength was such as it made no great showe to haue receiued any dâ—mage but the feare shee put them all into was not little and caused them to runne out of her faster then a pace In these Ilands is no succour nor refreshing onely in the one of them is one house of straw and a little spring of small moment For the water which the Shippes vse for their prouision they fetch from another Iland two leagues West North-west of these which they call Tabaga hauing in it some fruit and refreshing and some few Indians to inhabite it What succeeded to mee and to the rest during our Imprisonment with the rarities and particularities of the Peru and Tierra firme my Voyage to Spaine and the successe with the time I spent in prison in the Peru in the Tercera in Seuill and in Madrid with the accidents which befell mee in them I leaue for a second part of this discourse if God giue life and conuenient place and rest necessarie for so tedious and troublesome a worke desiring God that is Almightie to giue his blessing to this and the rest of my intentions that it and they may be fruitfull to his glorie and to the good of all then shall my desires bee accomplished and I account my selfe most happie To whom be all glory and thankes from all eternitie CHAP. VI. A briefe Note written by Master IOHN ELLIS one of the Captaines with Sir RICHARD HAWKINS in his Voyage through the Strait of MACELAN begunne the ninth of Aprill 1593. concerning the said Straite and certaine places on the coast and Inland of Peru. THe second of Februarie 1593. wee fell with the Land of Terra Australis in 50 degrees fiftie fiue leagues off the Straite of Magelan which Land lay East and by North or East North-east from the Straite which is a part of Terra Australis from which Land wee entred the Straite vpon the West South-west course then we ran ten leagues West North-west other ten leagues West South-west then eight leagues South-west and came to an anchor on the starboord side in a hooke where you may moore any ship in twelue fathomes water From thence wee ranne South-west and by South seuen leagues where we came to an Iland called Penguin Iland and tooke in fiue or sixe tunnes of Penguins and flayed them and salted them Thence twelue leagues South South-west and found good riding in twelue fathoms fine sand from thence to Port Famine the new Towne of Pedro Sarmiento fiue leagues South-west Then West North-west sixteene leagues where we anchored in good riding Then North-west and by West till wee came to the Riuer of Geneuera on the starboord side eight leagues Then fiue leagues North-west Then North-west and by West thirtie leagues till wee came out of the Straite which is in length one hundred and eleuen leagues The mouth or entrance of the Straite is in thirtie two degrees and an halfe and the Out-let is in the same heigth The middle is in fiftie foure degrees and a terce After wee were come out of the Straite wee went away North-west and by North fortie leagues into the Sea then North vntill wee came to the Iland of Mocha which is in thirtie eight degrees and thirtie minutes where we had good trade with the People This I le is three leagues long where great reliefe of Mutton Mais and other things may bee had from the Indians This I le is twelue leagues from the mayne Land From thence wee went North and past by the I le of Saint Marie from thence vnto Valparaiso which standeth in thirtie three degrees into which Hauen I went with our Boate and tooke foure shippes in which wee had Wines and other good prouition and there wee remayned the space of twelue dayes And in this time I went on shoare and tooke fiue houses which were full of Wine and other good things And in this time there came a shippe by the Harbour which the Generall went to take but hee did not yet I with twelue men did take her and within one houre the Generall came to vs. The shippe had clothes of Cotton for men to weare of the Indian making and some Gold Valparaiso is a Port and a 〈◊〉 in the bottome of the Bay where they make excellent Wine From thence eighteene leagues into the Land is Saint Iago a great Towne of Spaniards From thence wee passed to Arica which is in twentie degrees as I take it All this Coast lieth North and South From thence wee passed to Pisco and Chincha where the Generall and the Master Hugh Cornish went to goe on shoare but they did not Heere wee met with sixe of the Kings shippes which came to seeke vs but at that time wee escaped them These places are in fourteene degrees and an halfe From thence wee passed by the Citie of Lima which is in twelue degrees and an halfe From thence by Paita which is an Hauen and a Towne and standeth in fiue degrees From thence wee passed by the Equinoctiall Line and went to Atacame where wee were taken the two and twentieth
whence infinite benefits are likely to issue forth which will liue as long as the fabrick of the World shall subsist and after the dissolution thereof will remaine to all Eternitie 1. Touching the extent of these Regions newly discouered grounding my iudgement on that which I haue seene with mine owne eyes and vpon that which Captaine Lewes Paez de Torres Admirall of my Fleet hath represented vnto your Maiestie the length thereof is as great as all Europe and Asia the lesse vnto the Sea of Bachu Persia and all the Iles aswell of the Ocean as of the Mediterranean Sea taking England and Island into this account This vnknowne Countrey is the fourth part of the Terrestriall Globe and extendeth it selfe to such length that in probabilitie it is twice greater in Kingdomes and Seignories then all that which at this day doth acknowledge subiection and obedience vnto your Maiestie and that without neighbourhood either of Turkes or Moores or of any other Nation which attempteth warre vpon confining Countreyes The Land which we haue discouered is all seated within the Torrid Zone and a great tract thereof reacheth vnto the Equinoctiall Circle the breath may be of 90. degrees and in some places a little lesse And if the successe proue answerable vnto the hopes they will be found Antipodes vnto the better part of Africke vnto all Europe and to the greater portion of Asia But you must obserue that as the Contreyes which we haue discouered in 15. degrees of latitude are better then Spaine so the other which are opposed to their eleuation must by proportion and analogie prooue some terrestriall Paradise 2. All those quarters swarme with an incredible multitude of Inhabitants whereof some are white others blacke and in colour like Mulatos or halfe Moores and others of a mingled complexion Some weare their haire long blacke and scattered others haue their haire cripsed and thicke and others very yellow and bright Which diuersitie is an apparant argmument that there is an apparant argument that there is commerce and communication amongst them And this consideration together with the bountie which Nature hath bestowed on the soile their inexperience of Artillery and Guns and their vnskilfulnesse in labouring in Mynes with other semblable circumstances doth induce mee to inferre that all the Countrey is well peopled They know little what belongeth to artificiall Trades for they haue neither fortifications nor walles and liue without the awe of Kings or Lawes They are a simple people cantoned into partialities and exercise much disagreement amongst themselues The Armes which they vse are Bowes and Arrowes which are not poisoned or steeped in the iuice of venemous herbes as the custome is of many other Countreyes They doe also carrie Clubs Truncheons Pikes Dartes to hurle with the arme all which are framed only of wood They doe couer themselues from the waste or girdling place down to the halfe of their thighs they are very studious of cleanlinesse tractable cheerefull and wonderously addicted to bee gratefull vnto those that doe them a courtesie as I haue experienced many times The which doth build in me a beliefe that with the assistance of God if they may be gently and amiably intreated they will bee found very docible and easie of mannage and that we shall without much worke accommodate our selues vnto them And it is most necessary to obserue this way of sweetnesse especially in the beginning that the Inhabitants may be drawne along to this so holy and sauing an end whereof we ought to take a particular care and zeale aswell in small things as in matters of more importance Their houses are built of wood couered with Palme-tree leaues they haue Pitchers and Vessels made of earth they are not without the mysterie of weauing and other curiosities of that kind They worke on Marble they haue Flutes Drummes and wooden Spoones they set apart certaine places for Oratories and Prayers and for buriall places Their Gardens are artificially seuered into beds bordered and paled Mother of Pearle and the shels which containe Pearle they haue in much vse and estimation of which they make Wedges Rasors Sawes Culters and such like Instruments They also doe make thereof Pearles and great Beads to weare about their neckes They that doe dwell in the Ilands haue Boats very artificially made and exceedingly commodious for sayling which is a certaine argument that they confine vpon other Nations that are of a more polished and elegant behauiour And this also they haue of our husbandry that they cut Cocks and geld Boares 3. Their bread is vsually made of three sorts of Roots which grow there in great abundance Neither doe they imploy much labour in making this bread for they do onely rost the Roots vntill they are soft and tender They are very pleasant to the taste wholsome and nourishing they are of a good lengâ—h there being of them of an Ell long and the halfe of that in bignesse There is great store of excellent fruits in these Countreyes There are sixe kinds of Plane Trees Almond Trees of foure sorts and other Trees called Obi resembling almost in fruit and greatnesse the Melacatones store of Nuts Orenges and Limonds They haue moreouer Sugar-canes large in size and in great plentie they haue knowledge of our ordinarie Apples they haue Palme-trees without number out of which there may easily bee drawne a iuyce which will make a liquor alluding much to Wine as also Whey Vineger and Honey the kernels thereof are exceeding sweet And they haue fruits which the Indians call Cocos which being greene doe make a kinde of twine and the pith is almost like in taste vnto the Creame of Milke When they are ripe they serue for meate and drinke both by Land and Sea And when they wither and fall from the Tree there sweateth out an Oyle from them which is very good to burne in Lampes and is medicinable for wounds and not vnpleasant to be eaten Of their rindes or barks there are made Bottles and other like Vessels and the inner skin doth serue for calking of ships Men doe make Cables and other Cordage of them which are of sufficient strength to draw a Canon and are fit for other domesticke vses But that which is more speciall they do there vse the leaues of Palme-trees which they a masse together to make sayles of them for Vessels of small bulke and burthen They make likewise fine thinne Mats of them and they do serue to couer the house without and for hangings within And of them they doe likewise make Pikes and other sorts of weapons as also Oares to row with and Vtensils for the house You are to note that these Palme-trees are their Vines from whence they gather their Wine all the yeere long which they make without much cost or labour Amongst their herbage and Garden fruites Wee haue seene Melons Peares great and little and sundry sorts of pot-herbes And they haue also Beanes For flesh they are stored
inuidias y a su pessar de todas ellas V. M. ha de conseguir el mas principal intento que es solo hazer la guerra al infierno que tanto estrago haze en vn numero tan copiâ—so de almas redimidas por la persona de Christo con la esperanea que queda de quantas se han de saluar andando tiempos siendo la saluacion de vna sola de tanto precio quae si necessario fuera el mismo Christo viniera a dar la vida por ella Y con esto queda Sennor bien entendido de quanto valor es este hecho y quantos premios dara Dios por auerlo contanto amor y feruor intentado y quantos mas grados de gloria tendra V. M. si da fin a esta obra de tanta piedad y misericordia y tan digna de recebir en la memoria de las gentes aduirtiendo que no sera con tanto gasto de dâ—neros ni de hombres ni con Aquellos estragos ruynas y escandalos que suele auer para auerigar el derecho de muy pequennos estados sino poner debaxo de la proteccion Real con medios todos muy suaues y iustificados quanto los puedo mostrar vna tan gran parte de toda la tierra poblada para en ella sembrar bienes y costellos frutos que yo espero en Dios han de ser muchos muy dulces muy ricos y muy duraderos y solo quiero por paga de tanto quanto tanto vale que V. M. crea la mportancia del caso y quanto conuiene loque pido y que en todo trato verdad y que es animo de vender todo lo passado presente y venidero por vn precio y este es Sennor de valde A note of Australia del Espiritu Santo Written by Master HAKLVYT SImon Fernandez a Pilot of Lisbone told me Richard Hakluyt before other Portugals in London the eighteenth of March 1604. That he hauing beene in the Citie of Lima in Peru did perfectly vnderstand that foure ships and barkes departed from the said Citie of Lima about the yeere 1600. in the moneth of February toward the Philippinas Their Generall was a Mestizo that is to say the Sonne of a Spaniâ—râ— and an Indian woman And that seeking to make way toward the Philippinas they were driuen with strong Northerne winds to the South of the Equinoctiall Line and fell with diuers rich Couâ—treyes and Ilands as it sâ—emeth not farre from the Iles of Salomon One chiefe place they called Monte de Plata for the great abundance of siluer that is like to be there For they found two crownes worth of siluer as he reported in two handfuls of dust And the people gaue them for Iron as much and more in quantitie of siluer They report that this place is two moneths sayling from Lima and as much backe againe Concerning this Voyage also the Licentiate Luis de Tribaldo a Gentleman of qualitie in the Conde de villa Mediana the Spanish Ambassadours house told me Richard Hakluyt that two yeeres past he saw at Madrid a Captaine of quality suâ—ng for license to conquer this place that he obtained the same And that diuers religious men and Fathers were to goe to conuert them to Christianitie They arriued at their returne from this Voyage at Peru in the moneth of August CHAP. XI The Historie of LOPEZ VAZ a Portugall taken by Captaine WITHRINGTON at the Riuer of Plate Anno 1586. with this Discourse about him touching American places discoueries and occurents abridged NOua Hispania was called so by the Spaniards when they made Discouery of it for that it was like the Country of Spaine though the people of the Country termed the Land after their owne Countrey Language some one part after one some after another the most part of the people called it Eucata This Countrey hath sundry great Prouinces in it so fruitfull of all kinde of necessaries in it for man that there is neither Africa Asia nor Europe that is better for that of sustenance for mans bodie there lacketh no store as Wheat and all other Graines all beasts necessary for man to eate or to vse with great store of Silkes Mynes of Gold Siluer Stones and Pearle The Countrey is very well inhabited so that it is thought there is no part of the World better The King of Spaine because hee hath many other Countries vnder him hee doth little esteeme of this Countrey but doth take out of it all things that are for his profit hauing vsed those people with great crueltie and taking of them much Tribute this Land hath many Ports in the North Sea and much more in the South Sea the principall Ports in the North side is Saint Iuan de Lua At this place doth he discharge the Armadas that come from Spaine and from this place they carrie their Merchandize to the great Citie of Mexico which Citie is sixtie leagues within the Land and knowne by the Parishes in the same to haue a hundred and fiftie thousand faire houses of Indians and six thousand faire houses the Spaniards haue in it The feare and reuerence that they vse towards the Spaniards is such that one Spaniard may goe among a thousand of them and strike the chiefest of them and vse his pleasure without any word giuen by the Indians to the contrarie such is the feare that these silly people haue of the Spaniards But now thankes be to Almightie God the Indians of that Country and Kingdome are become Christians yet notwithstanding now and then the old men hauing not forgotten their former Law doe vse their Idolatry which being knowne are very cruelly corrected by the Friers for the same offence The people of this Kingdome are of a sharpe wit and good vnderstanding for whatsoeuer it be Sciences or other Arts these people are very apt to learne it with small instructing the Indians of this Countrie doe make great store of Woollen Cloth and Silkes so that they now beginne to carrie of these Silkes for Spaine And haue all other things necessarie that any other Kingdome of the Christians haue onely Wine and Oyle which the King of Spaine denieth to haue made there but such as commeth from Spaine because of his customes notwithstanding the King doth allow them to plant Vineyards for to eate of the Grapes This Land is greatly commended not for that aboue mentioned nor yet for the Gold and Siluer Mynes that it hath but for the great number of Ports for shipping it hath in the South Sea where they make many great ships with the which ships they haue traffique with them of Peru and Parawna and then they haue a Trade to the Philippinas and to the Ilands of Moluccas and China so that the commodities which the Portugall carrieth for Portugall out of the East Indies are likewise brought to
the Citie of Mexico by reason of their shipping although not in so great quantitie as they carry for Lisbone not for that they of Mexico either want shipping or abilitie but because the Spaniards would conquer it with the Sword as he hath done other Lands and not by the way of Traffique as the Portugall doth the principall Port from whence this Merchandize doth come is called Aguatorke in the Coast of China on the North side After the Conquest of this Kingdome of Mexico the order how the Spaniard did diuide this Land was this The principall Cities they refined to the King of Spaine and to the Generall of this Conquest who was renowmed Ferdinando Curtis they assigned vnto him a great Valley or as we call it a low Land betweene two Mountaines which was called Cornouake by which Valley he had the name of Marquesse of the Ualley where there were great Townes in which some affirme to be about 400000. fire houses whereby the rent was to him better worth then three hundred thousand Duckets by the yeere These Rents were confirmed to him and his for euer The other part of the Land that remayned was parted among the rest of the Captaines and Souldiers which were at this Conquest some had a hundred thousand Duckets by yeare and other fortie thousand Duckets and some fiftie thousand Duckets and hee that had least had ten thousand Duckets by the yeare so that now there are very few which haue this Rent for that they are most of them dead so that great part of the said Rents are fallen into the Kings hand wherefore there are many insurrections against the King which cost many a mans life And now to proceed farther along the Coast which is a Land full of great Mountains and very hot with much raine for which cause it is a very vnholsome Countrey where breedeth all noisome wormes and beasts therefore there are very few Indians dwelling there and no Spaniards so that the Countrey is almost desolate The first Land that is inhabited by the Spaniards along the Coast is called Veragua this is the most richest Land of Gold then all the rest of the Indies therefore it is inhabited with Spaniards In this place the people are alwayes sicke and it raineth continually and the Land yeeldeth no fruit so that all their sustenance commeth from other places all which necessities the Spaniards suffer with great patience for the couetousnesse of the Gold the which Gold they get out of the Riuers with the helpe of a number of Negroes I doe verily beleeue that if this Land were now the ancient Romanes or else the Egyptians they would surely make a channell from the end of this Riuer de Carinas which issueth from the Lake of Nicaragua to the South Sea for that there is no more but foure leagues betweene the Sea and the Riuer so that there they might Trade to the Moluccas and to the Coast of China so would it be sooner and easier done then the long and troublesome Voyages of the Portugals and sooner made then to goe through the Straits of Magellan which is almost vnpossible to passe thorow From this Land of Veragua vnto the Iland of Margereta the Coast along is called the firme Land not for that the other places are not of the firme Land but because it was the first firme Land that the Spaniards did conquer after they had past the Ilands This Land is very hot and hath much raine and for this cause is very vnhealthfull and the most vilest place of all the rest is called Nombre de Dios which is the first place inhabited after you haue passed Veragua There may be in Nombre de Dios about foure hundred houses and hath a very good Port for shipping The cause why the Spaniards inhabited here in this place was for that it should bee the way by Land to the South Sea and for the Trade of Peru that is from hence vnto the Citie of Panama eighteene leagues And Panama standeth on the Coast of the South Sea To this Towne of Nombre de Dios doth come all Spanish shipping and there discharge them then put they the goods into small Barkes that goe vp a Riuer to a house which is called The house of Crosses where the small Barkes doe discharge the goods againe And then they put it on Mules so to carrie it to Panama which is seuen leagues from This house of Crosses all which they doe with much labour and great charge because the Land hath great store of raine and full of Mountaines and very vnhealthfull therefore they often want victuals for the victuals they haue come from Peru and Noua Hispania This Towne of Nombre de dios since they haue had the traffike out of Spaine are growne maruellous rich and very well inhabited but in short time the people left the Towne sauing onely the Merchants because of the vnhealthfulnesse thereof The King of Spaine hearing of the affaires of Drake and Oxenham sent out of Spaine three hundred Souldiers which should make warre against those Negros that had aided the Englishmen which were slaues vnto the Spaniards but runne away from their Masters and ioyned with the Englishmen thinking that way to be reuenged of the Spaniards crueltie But when these three hundred Souldiers were arriued in the Countrie at their first comming they tooke many of the Negros and did on them great iustice according to their faults committed but afterwards the Souldiers were a long time before they could get one Negro Which newes being sent vnto the King by his Captaines as also how the Countrie was full of Mountaines and Riuers and very vnhealthfull insomuch that his Souldiers died he did write to his Captaines to make agreement with those Negros to the end the Countrie might bee in quiet And the Negros inhabited two places where the Spaniards willed them so was the Kings pardon proclaimed to all those Negros from the time that they fled from their Masters into the Mountaines vnto that present day on condition that all those Negros that did runne from their Masters that day forward they should be bound to bring them dead or aliue but if they brought them not that then they should pay for them and to make all quiet in the Mountaines and on these conditions all things were concluded and agreed vpon So the Negros dwell in great Townes where they haue Spaniards for their Teachers and a Spaniard for their Iudge and with this they hold themselues very well contented and are obedient vnto their Rulers The King of Spaine hearing that Englishmen as well as Frenchmen haue vsed that Coast hee caused two Gallies to be made and well appointed to keepe the Coast the first yeere that they were made they tooke sixe or seuen French shippes and after this was knowne there vsed few Englishmen or French men of warre to come on the Coast vntill this yeere 1586. that the
aforesaid Francis Drake came with a strong Fleet of about foure and twentie ships and did such harme as it is well knowne to all Christendome but God sparing the King of Spaines life he will sufficiently prouide to keepe his Subiects from the inuasions of other Nations Now to goe forward with our begunne worke the first People that is in this Coast being past Nombre de Dios is called Cartagena it is a healthfuller Countrie and a greater Towne then the other and a better Countrie with plentie of Victuals and a very good Port for shipping passing any of the rest and is called Cartagena for that it resembleth very much the Citie of Cartagena in Spaine there are in it about foure hundred fire houses in the Citie it is very rich by reason of the ships staying there when they goe or come from Spaine And if the ships chance to winter before they goe home then they lie at Cartagena also it is greatly enriched by the Merchandise that here they doe discharge for to carrie to the new Kingdome of Granada and much Gold commeth from the said Kingdome vnto Cartagena This new Kingdome of Granada is two hundred leagues within the Land From Cartagena to this Kingdome they cannot trauell by Land because of the Mountaines and standing waters which lie in their way so that they carrie their goods vp a Riuer called The great Riuer of Magdalene they can goe with their Barques vp this Riuer but twentie leagues yet the Riuer is both large and very deepe but there runneth a great current so that the Barques discharge the goods at a place in the Riuer called Branco de Malambo into small Canoas which rowe close by the shoare side There is a passage by the New Kingdome and Popayan from Cartagena to Peru by Land which is about fiue hundred leagues so that taking the two hundred leagues which they goe vp the Riuer the other three hundred leagues is a Countrie well inhabited and quiet trauelling so that oftentimes the Posts passe to and fro but because the way is long the Merchants doe not trauell that way but when they are forced thereunto if any forraine Nations should take and keepe the South Sea the King might haue his treasure brought to this place from Peru and so into Spaine For in times past there was a rebellion in Peru by the Spaniards against the King and thorow these Prouinces he sent his power to suppresse them Santa Marta is a very poore Towne because it bath beene often robbed of the Frenchmen and hath no trade but by a few Indians that dwell about them Here beginneth the great Mountaines couered all with snow which compasseth all the Countrie of India and Peru vntill you come to the further end of the Straites of Magelan these Mountaines are seene with the snowe vpon them aboue thirtie leagues into the Sea in the bottome of this Wildernesse or Mountains there is a Valley called Tagrona which is the richest place that is knowne but because the Land that is ioyning to it is full of Mountaines and the Inhabitants are very many and withall of a good courage and they vse to poison their Arrowes so that in striking of a man hee cannot escape death Therefore it lieth vncoâ—quered and many Spanish Captaines there haue beene slaine On this Coast of The Firme Land there are aboue seuentie Ilands of Sante Domingo and Cuba and Porto Rico although it be not very great yet it is inhabited by the Spaniard the rest of all the Ilands haue beene inhabited by Indians where was good store oâ— Gold and Pearles and Emeralds but the Spaniards haue destroyed all those Indians from off the Earth and in many of those Ilands is nothing of any value therefore I haue small cause to intreat of them but Santa Domâ—ngo is an Iland of great bignesse and hath beene very full of people and rich Mines of Gold and Peaâ—les but now all is wasted away for it was as full of people as any place of that bignesse in the world yet now are there none left for they were men of so hard a heart that they killed themselues rather then they would serue the Spaniards It happened on a time that a Spaniard called certaine Indians to goe to worke in the Mines which kinde of labour did most grieue them and would rather doe violence on themselues then to goe which the Spaniard perceiuing he said vnto them seeing you will rather hang your selues then to goe and worke I will likewise hang my selfe and goe with you because I will make you worke in the other world but the Indians hearing this said wee will willingly worke with you because you shall not goe with vs so vnwilling they were of the Spaniards companie so that of all the Inhabitants of this Iland there was none escaped death but onely these few which was by the meanes of this Spaniard or else they would haue hanged themselues also There is neere this Iland another Iland greater then Santa Domingo called Cuba it is like vnto Santa Domingo although there is not such store of Sugar the chiefest place in this Iland is called La hauana and is a very good Harbour these people are very rich by reason of the shipping that doth touch there which are bound for Noua Hispania and Peru therefore there is a Castle in this Harbour kept with Spanish Souldiers for there is no other Castle in all the Land nor Souldiers but onely here and in Florida There is also another Iland inhabited with Spaniards neere vnto this which is called Porto Rico it is but little and euery way as plentifull as the other two are I will follow my Discourse of the Port Townes along the Coast of the maine Land and passing once the Iland of Margareta there are no Townes inhabited by the Spaniards till you come to Fernanboke which is on the Coast of Brasill yet betweene the Iland and Fernanboke there is the great Riuer of Maranoyn This Riuer is one of the greatest in the world it was first found when as the Spaniards did seeke out the other Coast but none can goe into this Riuer because of the great current that commeth downe and withall there are many shelues of sand lying about the mouth of it whereby it was long before that the Riches which is in the Riuer was knowne vntill the time that the Land of Peru was conquered at which time a Captaine called Gonsalo Pizarro entring into the Countrie of Peru came into a Land which they named La Canela because there came from thence great store of Cinnamon but not altogether so good as that which commeth from the Indies Proceeding further into the Countrie he came to a great Riuer where he saw many of the Countrie people come vp in Canoas bringing Gold to buy and sell with the Spaniards The Captaine seeing this was desirous to see the
the King of Portugall sent his ships for the East Indies and so tooke possession of this Land for the King of Portugall The King Don Emanuel hauing newes hereof sent ships for to discouer the whole Countrie and found it to be the Land of America which ioyneth to the West Indies wherefore there was some controuersie betweene him and the King of Spaine but in the end being both kinsmen and great friends they agreed that the King of Portugall should hold all the Countrie that he had discouered the which was as I haue said from the Riuer of Marannon to the Riuer of Plate although the Spaniards say that it is no further then the Iland of Santa Catalina and hereupon there haue beene many controuersies betweene the Portugals and Spaniards and many men slaine There came in the yeere 1587. into this Riuer of Plate two English Ships and a Pinnace of the honorable the Earle of Comberland being bound for the straights of Magelanos and anchored ten leagues within this Riuer at a little Iland hard by the Iland called Seall Iland c. There is a port called la Para Iua which few yeares past the Frenchmen hearing of the troubles that were in Portugall came to this place and made there a Fort and so the French Ships came euery yeare thither to lade Brasill wood But they of Fernambocke with the helpe of the Spaniards went and burnt fiue ships within the Port and tooke the Fort but some of the Frenchmen ranne into the Mountaines and others slaine so that the Spaniards doe there inhabit to this day Now to returne vnto Fernambocke inhabited by a Portugall Captaine called Eduarte Coelio this is the greatest Towne in all that Coast and hath aboue three thousand houses in it with seuentie Ingenios of Sugar and great store of Brasill wood and good store of Cotton yet are they in great want of victuals for that all that they haue commeth out of Portugall and from other places there on the Coast. It is a barred Harbour and for small Barkes this place belongeth yet to the Sonne of Eduarte Coelio Passing hence is the Cape of Saint Augustine and next to that is the Riuer of Saint Francisco which is also a great Riuer Betweene this and the Bayha it is all a Wildernesse inhabited with cruell Sauage people for whom soeuer they take they kill to eate The Towne of Baya belongeth to the King and therefore the Gouernour that gouerneth all the Coast along is in this Towne of Baya and also the Bishop it is a Towne of a thousand houses and hath fortie Ingenios of Sugar and much Cotton but no Brasill wood The Sea runneth vp fourteene or fifteene leagues where they get some yeâ—res good store of Ambergreece here there is plentie of victuals and although it be hot it is a healthfull Countrey and holesome aires The next Coast is called Las Ilhas it is a small Towne not aboue one hundred and fiftie houses there are but three Ingenios of Sugar the most part of these people are labouring men and carry victuals to Fernambock in three small Barkes this people belong vnto a Gentleman called Leucas Geralds From hence the next to this Towne is called Porto Sequero this hath foure smal Townes and are in all about three hundred houses it belongeth to a Gentleman called Vasco Fernandes Coytenio from hence they goe to the Riuer of Ienero which hath about three hundred houses In this place also the Frenchmen inhabited first whóse Captaine was called Monsieur de Villegagnon hee made here a Fort and planted good Ordnance thereon and lades euery yeere great store of Brasill from thence and had great friendship with the Sauage people which serued him very well But the King of Portugall sent a power of men aganst the Frenchmen and first tooke the French ships by Sea and then landed and besieged the Fort and in time tooke them with the Captaine and because the French Captaine was a Gentleman and neuer hurt the Portugals therefore they gaue thirtie thousand Duckets for his Ordnance with all things that they had in the Fort and so sent him for France and the Portugals inhabited the Riuer There is not at this present but two Ingenios and great store of Brasil-wood with plentie of victuals From this Riuer of Ienero they go along the Coast of Saint Vincent which hath foure Townes the greatest is called Santos and hath foure hundred houses there are here three Ingenios but a very poore Country About few yeeres past there came two English ships into this Harbor which were going for the Straits of Magellanes who being in this Port there came thither three of the King of Spaines ships and fought with the Englishmen but the Englishmen sunke one of them and therefore the King commanded a Fort to be made because that no English shippes that were bound to the Straits should not victuall there the which Fort standeth on the mouth of the Harbour this Countrey belongeth to a Gentleman called Martin Alonso de Sousa this is the last inhabitance in all the Coast of Brasill this said Coast is very full of Mountaines and raineth much therefore they cannot goe from Towne to Towne by Land All the dwellings in this Countrey are by the Sea side yet the Portugals haue many times trauelled vp in the Countrie a hundred and fiftie leagues but finding no profit inhabited in no place The Coast from Saint Vincent is all full of Mountaines till you come to the Iland of Saint Catalina from this Iland till you come to the Straites of Magellanes is very plaine and without Woods The Riuer of Plate was discouered by Solis and after by Sebastian Cabot which went one hundred and fiftie leagues vp in it and built a Fort after by Don Pedro de Mendoza who hauing lost eight ships died in the way homewards the poore men which hee left behind him for very hunger died the most part of them for that there about were very few Indians and therefore small store of victuals but onely liued by hunting of Deere and fishing Of all the men that this Don Pedro left behind him there was liuing no more but two hundred men which in the ships Boats went vp the Riuer leauing in this place called bonas ayres three Mares and Horses But it is a wonder to see that of thirtie Mares and seuen Horses which the Spaniards left in this place that in fortie yeeres these beasts haue so increased that the Countrey is twentie leagues vp full of Horses whereby one may see the pasture and fruitfulnesse of the Countrey The Spaniards that went vp this Riuer were three hundred leagues vp and found the Countrey full of Indians where were great store of victuals and the Spaniards dwelt among them as their friends and the Indians did giue their Daughters to wise vnto the Spaniards and so they dwelt in one Towne together which the Spaniards called La Ascension
which standeth on the North side of the Riuer These foresaid Spaniards were twentie yeeres in this place before any of them in Spaine heard of these poore mens dwelling in this Riuer But the Spaniards now waxing old and fearing that if they were dead that then there Sonnes which they had in this Countrey which were very many should liue without the knowledge of any other Christians determined among themselues to make a ship and so to send newes into Spaine with Letters vnto the King of all things that had passed within the Riuer among them Vpon this newes the King sent them three ships with a Bishop Friers and Priests and more men and women to inhabit with all kind of cattell When this succour was come they inhabited in two places more on the North side of the Riuer and trauelled three hundred leagues beyond the Ascension but found neither Gold nor Siluer but returned backe againe to Ascension the people are so multiplyed in this Citie that it is now one of the greatest Cities in all the Indies and hath aboue two thousand houses it is a fruitfull Countrey of all kind of victuall and there is Sugar and Cotton from this Citie of Ascension one hundred and fiftie leagues toward the Riuers mouth there is another Towne which they call Santa Fee Also fiue yeeres past they haue inhabited againe the Towne of Bonos Ayres on the South side because they would haue some Trade with them on the Coast of Brasill but there fortune was such that the first time that they went to Brasill and would haue returned to the Riuer of Plate againe they were taken by two shippes of England that were going to the Straits of Magellanes The Coast along from this Riuer to the Straits of Magellanes is a Land which hath not beene discouered neither by Sea nor Land sauing only certaine Ports which they haue seene going to the Straits The next that sought to passe the Straits after Magelanes were two shippes of Genoa which came to the mouth of the Straits and with a great storme were put back againe and one of them whose Master was called Pancaldo put into the Riuer of Plate and was cast away about Bonos Ayres and to this day there is part of the ship to be seene and some of the men are yet liuing in the Riuer among the Spaniards and the other ship went home to Genoa againe Also there was a Bishop of Placencia in Spaine coueting Riches made a fleet of foure ships to passe the Straits and so to goe vnto the Moluccas and getting license of the Emperour he sent his ships to the Straits and had very faire wind til they came thither and entring the Straits twentie leagues the storme of Westerly windes tooke them and droue three of them ashoare and the other went into the Sea and the storme being past hee returned into the Strait to seeke his companions and found many men going on the shoare side but the ships were â—eaten all in pieces and they on the Land called vnto the ship But the Captaine seeing that his ship was but little and had small store of victuals he would not goe to them ashoare but went on his Voyage and passed the Straits and because he was alone he would not goe to the Moluccas but went to the Coast of Peru vnto the Citie of Lamâ— where the ship is yet vnto this day the men that were in the Straits where the three ships were cast away were to the number of two hundred and fiftie men whose Captaine was called Queros being Kinsman to the Bishop of Placentia it is fortie yeeres since these men were left there but neuer heard of vnto this day A yeere after this certaine Merchants of the Groine in Galizia set forth other three ships which ship also came to the Straits mouth where one of them was cast away withall the men and the other returned for Spaine also I haue had intelligence that there hath beene certaine Portugall ships which haue come to the mouth of the Straits and loft two of their Pinnasses which they sent to know the Land and so the ships returned and after these other two French ships were sent from the Riuer of Ienero by Monsieur de villagagnon ouer for the Straits but when they came into the height of fortie fiue degrees they put backe againe by a great storme of contrary winds After all this the Gouernour of Chili called Don Garcia de Mendoza Sonne to the Marquesse of Taneta would also discouer the Straits from the South Sea and sent from Chili two ships with a Captaine called Latherelio but the danger to seeke the Straits by the South Sea is more then by the North Sea because all the stormes on the North Sea come from the Land and in the South Sea the wind and stormes came all out of the Sea and forceth the ship on the shoare so that these two ships were lost in fiftie degrees The seeking of the Straits of Magelanes is so dangerous and the Voyage so trouble some that it is almost vnpossible to be obtained so that for the space of thirtie yeeres no man made account of it till of late yeeres one Francis Drake an Englishman c. Captaine Drake carried from the Coast of Peru eight hundred sixtie sixe thousand pieces of siluer which is eight hundred sixtie sixe Kintals at a hundred pound waight the Kintall and euery Kintall is worth twelue hundred Duckets of Spaine which is a Million thirtie nine thousand and two hundred Duckets besides this he carried away a hundred thousand pieces of Gold which is ten Kintals and euery Kintall is worth fifteene hundred Duckets of Spaine which amounteth to a hundred and fiftie thousand Duckets besides that which hee had in the ship that was not customed which I doe not know of as well Pearles Precious stones and other things of great value besides the money he had in coine with all this he went towards Noua Hispania and at an Iland which is before you come there called The Iland of Cockles he discharged all things out of his ship and graued her there and remayned there fiftie dayes from hence he went along the Coast of Hispania where he tooke many ships laden with Spices Silkes and Veluets but no Gold nor Siluer for here is none on this Coast. Pedro Sarmiento was sent to the Straits with two ships and at the Straits met with a storme and he not knowing how nor which way in a night he was put into the Straits the other ship runne more into the Sea and came into fiftie eight degrees the storme being past he found many Ilands ioyning to the maine Lands and so returned with faire weather all along the shoare and neuer found any other way to enter the Straits but only that which Magellanes did discouer which is thought to be otherwise by the sayings of others which affirme the Straits to be full of Ilands to
of March which is the latter end of Summer so that the Countrey was full of snow and withall a sudden storme came that he could not see Sarmiento and his men ashoare but returned the second time to the Coast of Brasill to the Riuer of Ienero where he heard newes of the English ships by the two ships that escaped from the Englishmen whereupon hee left his Lieutenant Diego de Ribera and Sarmiento that they might the next yeere returne for the Straits So Diego de Flores with foure ships which hee had left and other foure which the King had sent to succour him went all along the Coast to seeke for the Englishmen but could not find them for they were gone directly for England so he went vnto a Port called Parayna where he found fiue French ships and burnt three and tooke two and also the Fort that the Frenchmen had and put in Spaniards and the Frenchmen runne into the Mountaynes to the Sauages this done he returned for Spaine And his Lieutenant Diego de Ribera and Sarmiento had the next yeere such good fortune that they arriued safely into the Straits with all their ships and so set ashore foure hundred men and because the ships Boat could not land being once laden the ship that had all the victuals and munition that ship they runne ashoare in a Bay and as the water did ebbe they tooke all things out of her this beeing done Diego de Ribera left Sarmiento with foure hundred men thirtie women and a ship with victuals for eight moneths and with the other three returned being in the Straits but eight dayes Now Pedro Sarmiento made a Towne at the mouth of the Straits on the Northside and put therein a hundred and fiftie men and from hence hee went by Land and sent the ship further into the Straits and fiftie leagues within the Straits at the narrowest place of all where is a very good Port here he made another Towne which he named the Towne of King Philip and also would haue made a Fort and planted Ordnance for the defence of the Straits but the Snow and the Winter was so great that hee could not proceed in it but hee tooke aboue fiue and twentie Mariners into the ship with him and said hee would goe see how the other people did and so came to the Straits mouth to the Towne and after hee had beene there a day or two with them he said that a storme put him from the Straits by force and broke his Cables but his men said to the contrary that he himselfe cut his Cables God knoweth the truth and so he came to the Riuer of Ienero and not finding any succour there came from the King hee went to Fernambocke asking aide of the Captaine for victuals the Captaine incontinent laded his ship with victuals and clothes for the men so that hauing these things hee tooke his way for the Straites but betweene the Cape of Saint Augustine and the Baya the wind came out of the Sea with such violence that it forced the ship to runne ashore where Sarmiento had three of his men drowned and he with the rest hardly escaped the ship was lost and all that was in her And then he came by Land to the Baya and the Gouernour of Brasill bought a Barke that was there in the Harbour and lading her with victuals and clothes for the men hee hauing this prouision with diuers other more that were needfull for his men he tooke his Voyage for the Straits and comming as high as fortie foure degrees he met with a sudden storme and was forced to throw all ouer-boord that he carried and was yet in the end compelled to returne for the Riuer of Ienero where hee stayed for succour from the King a whole yeere but there came not so much as a Letter for him for the King was sore grieued at Pedro Sarmiento because he told him that in the narrowest place of the Straits it was but a mile ouer but Diego de Ribera and others told the King that it was aboue a league broad that if a ship came with wind and current all the Ordnance in the World could not hurt them whereby the King thought that Pedro Sarmiento had deceiued him in making him to lose so many men and to be at so great a charges to no effect Also the Gouernour of Baya seeing the King wrote not to him would giue Sarmiento no more succour wherefore Sarmiento went in his ship for Spaine which he came last in from the Straits and it is said that he was taken by Englishmen and so carried for England It is reported that this Sarmiento is the best Manner in all Spainè and hath say led farthest After all this the Captaine of the Riuer Ienero â—ent a small ship with victuals for the Straits but was also put backe in fortie degrees This is all the Discouery that hath beene of the Straits of Magelanes as well by the Spaniards as other Nations vnto this yeere 1586. It is fâ—ure yeeres since these poore and miserable Spaniards were 〈◊〉 in the Straits from which time there hath no succour gone vnto them so God he knoweth whether they be dead or aliue The Land that heth from the Straits to the Coast of Chili no man hath trauelled it by land because of the great Mountaines of Snow that lye in that Countrey as also I may well say that it hath not often beene done by Sea for that all the ships that haue passed that way haue at the least gone thirtie leagues of the shore because of the shoalds and many little Ilands that lie of the mayne land and therefore there is nothing knowne what is in that Countrey The first Inhabitance that you haue after you passe the Straits is on the Coast of Chili and is called Castro it is the worst place of all the Coast for that in it there is small store of Gold and little victuall and very cold this place is compassed with many shoalds so that it is a Port but for small Barkes The next to this is Baldiuia but before I passe any further I will declare vnto you the situation of Chili This Coast lieth North and South and is in length aboue a hundred leagues and it is not in breadth aboue fiue and twentie leagues at the most there runne from the great Mountaines into the Sea great store of Riuers which maketh many Valleyes and is the fruitfullest land in the World for that it hath bread wine and other victuals great store These Riuers bee very rich of Gold and for to shew you in few words all that this Prouince hath I say that this land lacketh nothing but might be called Paradise but for that it lacketh only one thing and that is peace This land was first discouered in this order after the Spaniards had conquered the Kingdome of Peru as hereafter I will shew vnto you they found in this Kingdome
of Peru great store of Gold and asking the Indians from whence it came they answered from Chili wherefore Don Diego de Almagro which was one of the Captaines that conquered Peru went vpon this newes toward Chili with three hundred Horsemen Now he must go round about the Mountains of Snow which way the Indians that were his guides did carrie this Captaine because they should die all of cold Yet the Spaniards although they lost some of their Horses came to the first Inhabitance of Chili called Copiapo which is the first plain land in the entring of the Prouince but from hence he returned backe againe for Peru because he had newes that the Indians had risen against the Spaniards enclosed them vpon which newes he returned without going any farther into the Countrey Now this Captayne Don Diego de Almagro beeing slaine in the Warres of Peru after his death another Captayne called Don Pedro de Baldiuia with foure hundred Horsemen went vnto Chili and with smali labour he ouercame halfe the Countrey which were subiect to the Kings of Peru for they of Chili knowing that Poru was ouercome by the Spaniards they straight way yeelded the Land vnto the Spaniards but the other halfe which was the richest and the fruitfullest part so had God made the men the valiants and most furious that shall be found among all the Sauage people in the whole Land The Prouince which they inhabit called El Estado de Arauco is but a small Prouince about twentie leagues in length and is gouerned by ten principall men of the Countrey out of which ten they choose the valiantest man for their Generall in the Warres The Kings of Peru in times past could neuer conquer this part of Chili nor yet any other Kings of the Indians The weapons vsed by these people of Arauco are long Pikes Halberds Bowes and Arrowes they also make them Iacks of Seale-skinnes and Head-pieces in times past the heads of their Halberds and Pikes were of Brasse but now they haue gotten store of Iron They pitch their battels in manner like the Christians for putting their Pikemen in rankes they place Bowmen among them and marshall their troupes with discretion and great valour Now the Spaniards comming vnto this Prouince sent word vnto them by other Indians saying that they were the children of God and came to teach them the Word of God and that therefore they ought to yeeld themselues vnto them if not they would shoot fire among them and burne them These people not fearing the great words of the Spaniards but desiring to see that which they had heard reported met them in the field and fought a most cruell battell but by reason of the Spaniards great Ordnance and Caleeuers they were in the end put to flight Now these Indians thinking verily that the Spaniards were the children of God because of their great Ordnance which made such a noise and breathed out such flames of fire yeelded themselues vnto them So the Spaniards hauing diuided this Prouince made the Indians to serue their turnes for getting of Gold out of the Mynes which they enioyed in such abundance that he which had least had twentie thousand Pezos but Captaine Baldiuia himselfe had three hundred thousand Pezos by the yeere The fame of these riches in the end was spred as farre as Spaine from whence soone after resorted many Spaniards to the land of Chili whom Captaine Baldiuia caused to inhabit sixe Townes to wit Villa nueua de la Serena called in the Indian Tongue Coquimbo the second Sant Iago which the Indians call Mapocha the third La Conception called by the Indians Penco the fourth La Imperial the fift Baldiuia and the sixt La Villa Rica Also he built a Fort in the middle of all the land wherein he put Ordnance and Souldiers how beit all this their good successe continued not long for the Indians in short time perceiung that the Spaniards were but mortall men as well as they determined to rebell against them wherefore the first thing that they did they carried grasse into the said Fort for the Spaniards Horses and wood also for them to burne among which grâ—â—â—e the Indians conueyed Bowes and Arrowes with great Clubs This done fiftie of the Indians entred the Fort be tooke themselues to their Bowes Arrows and Clubs and stood in the gate of the said Fort from whence making a signe vnto other of their Nation for helpe they wanne the Fort and slue all the Spaniards The newes of this ouerthrow comming to the Towne of Conception where Captaine Baldiuia was he presently set forth with two hundred Horsemen to seeke the Indians taking no more men with him because hee was in haste And in a Plaine hee met the Indians who comming of purpose also to seeke him and compassing him about slue most part of his companie the rest escaping by the swiftnesse of their Horses but Baldiuia hauing his Horse slaine vnder him was taken aliue Whom the Indians wished to be of good courage and to feare nothing for the cause said they why wee haue taken you is to giue you Gold enough And hauing made a great banquet for him the last seruice of all was a Cup full of melted Gold which the Indians forced him to drinke saying Now glut thy selfe with Gold and so they killed him This Baldiuia was a most valiant man who had beene an old Souldier in the Warres of Italie and at the sacking of Rome Vpon this discomfiture the Spaniards chose for their Captaine one Pedro de Uilla grande who assembling all the Spaniards in Chili and taking with him ten pieces of Ordnance marched against those Indians but with so bad successe that hee lost not onely the field and many of his men but also those ten Peeces of Ordnance which he brought The Indians hauing thus gotten the victorie went straightway against the Towne of Concepcion from whence the Spaniards fled for feare and left the Towne desolate And in this manner were the Spaniards chased by the Indians out of the Countrie of Arauco But newes hereof being brought to the Marqueste of Cannete Vice-roy of Pern he sent his sonne Don Garcia de Mendoza against those Indians with a great power of Horsemen and Footmen and store of Artilerie This Nobleman hauing subdued Chili againe and slaine in diuers battels aboue fortie thousand Indians and brought them the second time vnder the Spaniards subiection newly erected the said Fort that stood in the midst of the Land inhabited the Towne of Concepcion againe and built other Townes for the Spaniards and so leauing the Land in peace he returned for Peru. But ere he was cleane departed out of the land the Indians rebelled again but could not do so much mischiefe as they did before because the Spaniards tooke better heed vnto them From that time vntil this present there hath beene no peace at all for not withstanding many Captianes and Souldiers
haue done their vttermost yet can they not bring that People wholly in subiection And although the Spaniards haue in this Prouince eleuen Townes and two Bishoprikes yet haue they little enough to maintayne themselues by reason of the Warres for they spend all the Gold that the Land yeeldeth in the maintenance of their Souldiers which would not bee so if they had peace for then they might worke in all their Mines Thus hauing spoken somwhat of the situation of Chili and of the troublesome conquest thereof I will returne to my former discourse where I left Baldiuia therefore being of 150. houses hath twice beene burnt and spoyled by the Indians so that now it is waxen poore but before the Indians sacked it it was very rich and it standeth vp a Riuer foure leagues from the Sea Passing from hence you come to the plaine Countrie of Arauco being situate ouer against the Iland La Mocha on which Iland the Indians that inhabite belong to the maine Land Hauing passed this Plaine of Arauco the next Towne of the Spaniards that you come vnto is La Concepcion which hath beene the greatest and the richest Towne in all Chili but by reason that the Indians haue burned the same foure times it is now growne very poore and hath small store of people it containeth about some two hundred houses And because it adioyneth vpon the Plaine of Arauco where these valiant Indians bee therefore this Towne is enuironed about with a strong wall and hath a Fort built hard by it and here are fiue hundred Souldiers continually in Garrison Betweene this place and Ualparizo the Indians call the Coast by the name of Mapocha Sant Iago it selfe standing fiue and twentie leagues vp into the Countrie is the principall Towne of all Chili and the seat of the Gouernour it consisteth of about eight hundred houses The Port of Valparizo whither the goods come from Lima by shipping hath about twentie houses standing by it The next Towne neere the Sea side beyond this is Coquimbo which standeth two leagues vp into the Land and containeth about two hundred houses Next vnto Coquimbo standeth a Port-towne called Copiapo inhabited altogether by Indians which serue the Spaniards and here a Gentleman which is Gouernour of the Towne hath an Ingenio for Sugar at this place endeth the whole Prouince of Chili Here also the Mountaines ioyning hard vpon the Sea are the cause why all the Land betweene Capiapo and Peru contayning one hundred and sixtie leagues lieth desolate The first Towne on the Coast of Peru called Atacama is inhabited by Indians which are slaues vnto the Spaniards But before I passe any further I will here also declare vnto you the first Discouerie of Peru with other matters there to belonging and then will I returne to the Sea-coast againe and to the end you may vnderstand me the better I will beginne with Panama After that the Spaniards had inhabited the North side of this mayne Land passing ouer the Mountains they discouered the South Sea where because they found Indian people with Gold and Pearles they built a Towne eighteene leagues to the West of Nombre de Dios hard vpon the Sea side and called it Panama From hence they discouered along the Coast of Nueua Espanna and for that Nueua Espanna was at the same time inhabited by Spaniards there beganne a trade from thence to Panama but from Panama by Sea to the Coast of Peru they could not trade in a long time because of the Southerly windes blowing on this Coast almost all the yeere long which are a hinderance to ships sayling that way and by Land the passage was impossible in regard of Mountaines and Riuers Yea it was fifteene yeeres before they passed the Iland of Pearles which is but twentie leagues from Panama There were at this time in Panama two men the one called Francisco Pizarro borne in the Citie of Truxillo in Spaine a valiant man but withall poore the other called Diego de Almagro was very rich These men got a companie vnto them and prouided two Carauels to discouer the Coast of Peru and hauing obtayned licence of the Gouernour of that place Francisco Pizarro set forth with the two foresaid Carauels and an hundred men and Diego de Almagro stayed in Panama to send him Victuals and other necessaries Now Francisco Pizarro sayling along the Coast met with contrary windes and raine which put him to great trouble and hee began also after a while to lacke victuals for hee was sayling of that in eight moneths which they now passe in fifteene dayes and not knowing the right course hee ranne into euery Riuer and Bay that hee saw along the Coast which was the chiefe cause that he stayed so long on his Voyage also thirtie of his companie died by reason of the vnhealthfulnesse of the coast At last he came to an Iland called by him Isla del Gallo being situate from the maine Land sixe leagues From hence he sent one of his ships to Panama for a new supplie of victuals and of men which ship being departed fortie of his men that remayned behinde made a mutinie and passed vp into the Countrie meaning to returne by Land to Panama but in the way they all perished for they were neuer heard of vntill this day So that Francisco Pizarro was left vpon the said Iland onely with thirteene men who although hee had his ship there in which he might haue returned yet would hee rather die then goe backe and his thirteene men also were of his opinion notwithstanding that they had no other victuals but such as they had from the maine Land in the night season Thus hee continued nine moneths before any succour was brought him from Panama but in the end his ship returned with fortie men onely and victuals whereupon hee prosecuted his Voyage till hee came to the first plaine Countrie of Peru called Tumbez where hee found a Fort made by the King of Peru against the Indians of the Mountaines Wherefore Pizarro and his men were very glad in that they had found a People of so good vnderstanding and discretion being rich also in Gold and Siluer and well apparelled At this Port of Tumbez hee tooke thirtie thousand Pezos of Gold in trucke of Merchandise and hauing two few men to proceed any further he carried two Indians with him to learne the Language and returned backe for Panama Vpon this Discouerie Francisco Pizarro thought it expedient to trauell into Spaine to craue of the King the Conquest of this Land Whither being come the King granted his request And with the money which he carried ouer with him he hired a great number of men with a Fleet of shippes and brought also along with him foure of his Brethren very valiant and hardy men And being come to Panama he straightway went on his Voyage for Peru being accompanied with his Partner Diego de Almagro They sayled first to the Iland called
Isla de Gallo where Francisco Pizarro and his Brethren went on Land and left Diego de Almagro in the ships And the whole number which afterward landed on the mayne Land were sixtie Horsemen and one hundred and twentie Footmen with two great Field-peeces But before we proceed any further wee thinke it not amisse to describe vnto you the situation of Peru and the naturall disposition of the Inhabitants This Countrie was called Peru by the Spaniards of a Riuer so named by the Indians where they first came to the sight of Gold From which Riuer standing vnder the Line till you come to Copiapo the first Towne on the Coast of Chili stretcheth the Land of Peru for the space of eight hundred leagues vpon sixe hundred whereof from Atacama to Tumbez did neuer drop of raine fall since the Floud of Noah and yet is it the fruitfullest Land for all kinde of victuals and other necessaries for the sustentation of mans life that is to bee found in all the world besides The reason why it raineth not in this Land is because it being a plaine Countrie and very narrow and lowe situate betweene the Equinoctiall and the Tropike of Capricorne there runneth on the West frontier not aboue twenty leagues from the Sea called Mar del Sur Eastward thereof a mightie ridge of high Mountaines couered with snowe the heigth of which Mountaines so draweth the moisture of the cloudes vnto it self that no raine falleth vpon the Vallies of Peru From these Mountains issue great store of Riuers into the South Sea with the waters whereof drawn by certaine sluces and chanels they moisten their Vineyards and Corne-fields and by this meanes the Land is so exceeding fruitfull Betweene these Mountaines and the Mountaines of Chili that stretch vnto the Straites of Magellan heth a Plaine of sixtie leagues ouer being so cold that it yeeldeth no Wheat but good store of other victâ—als This Countrie of Peru is full of people well apparelled and of ciuill behauiour It hath many mines of God and more of Siluer as also great store of Copper and Tinne-mines with abundance of Saltpeter and of Brimstone to make Gun-powder There are likewise Cattell of all sorts among which there is a beast in shape somewhat resembling a Camell but no bigger then a Steere of a yeere old they serue to carrie burdens their flesh being good to eate and their wooll apt for many purposes This beast is accounted the most profitable of all others for the vse of man howbeit the Spaniards since their first comming haue replenished this Countrie with Horses Kine Sheep and Goats and likewise with plenty of Wheat So that in few words this Land hath abundance of riches and victuals and is the healthfullest place in the world There were in times past Kings of this Land which were mighty Monarchs whose Dominions stretched twelue hundred leagues and their Lawes were very ciuill saue that they were worshippers of the Sunne At what time the Spaniards first entred this Land there were two Brethren of the bloud Royall which stroue who should haue the Kingdome the one called Mango Inga and the other Atabalipa Now Mango had possession of all the Mountaines and the Land within them and Atabalipa was Lord of all the Sea-coast and of the Vallies situate between the said Mountaines and the Sea The Indians seeing the Spaniards at the first arriue vpon their shoare called them Uira coche which in their Language signifieth The some of the Sea Also Atabalipa the Indian Prince sent vnto them to know what they did in his Land and what they sought for the Spaniards made answer that they were the messengers of a great Lord and that they came to speake with the Prince himselfe who sent them word that they should come with a very good-will and so Atabalipa stayed for them at a Citie called Caxamalca being thirtie leagues distant from the Sea side Whither being come they found the Indian Prince sitting in a Chariot of Gold carried vpon mens shoulders and accompanied with aboue sixtie thousand Indians all ready armed for the warres Then the Spaniards told them that they were sent from an Emperour vnto whom the Pope had giuen all that Land to conuert them vnto the Christian Faith Whereunto Atabalipa answered that he would gladly be friends with the Emperour because he was so great a Monarch but in no case with the Pope because he gaue to another that which was none of his owne Now while they were thus in talke the Spaniards discharging their two Field-peeces and their Caliuers set vpon the Indians crying Sant lago The Indians hearing the noise of the Ordnance and small shot and seeing the fire thought that flames of fire had beene come downe from Heauen vpon them whereupon they fled and left their Prince as a bootie for the Spaniards Whom they at the first intreated very gently wishing him not to feare for that their comming was onely to seeke for Gold and Siluer During the time of Atabalipas imprisonment his Captaines had slaine his Brother Mango and had subdued all the Mountaines and plaine Countries Vpon which newes Atabalipa told the Spaniards that if they would release him hee would giue them all that they should demand This communication hauing continued a whole day at length a Souldier named Soto said vnto Atabalipa what wilt thou giue vs to set thee free The Prince answered I will giue whatsoeuer you will demand Whereto the Souldier replied Thou shalt giue vs this house full of Gold and Siluer thus high lifting vp his sword and making a stroke vpon the wall And Atabalipa said that if they would grant him respite to send into his Kingdome he would fulfill their demand Whereat the Spaniards much maruelling gaue him three moneths time but hee had filled the house in two moneths and an halfe a matter scarce credible yet most true for I knowe aboue twentie men that were there at that time who all affirme that it was aboue ten millions of Gold and Siluer Howbeit for all this they let not the Prince goe but thought that in killing of him they should become Lords of the whole Land and so the Spaniards on a night strangled him But God the righteous Iudge seeing this villanous act suffered none of those Spaniards to die by the course of nature but brought them to euill and shamefull ends Vpon the newes of these great riches there came store of people out of Spaine and inhabited many places in this Countrie The King in recompence of the good seruices of the two foresaid partners appointed Diego de Almagro Gouernour of halfe the Land and Francisco Pizarro of the other halfe whom also he made a Marquesse But these two consorts in parting of a Land belonging vnto other men fell at variance and sharpe warre betweene themselues and at length Pizarro hauing slaine Almagro got all the Land into his owne hands Howbeit this prosperitie of Pizarro continued not long
fauour to seeke and discouer new Countries But the greatest and most notable discouery that hath beene from those parts now of late was that of the Isles of Salomon which were found in manner following The Licenciate Castro being gouernour of Peru sent forth a Fleete of Ships to discouer certaine Islands in the South Sea vpon the coast of Peru appointing as Generall of the same Fleete a kinsman of his called Aluares de Mendanio and Pedro Sarmiento as Lieutenant and in the Viceadmirall went Pedro de Ortega This Fleete departing forth of the hauen of Lima and sailing 800. leagues Westward off the coast of Peru found certaine Islands in eleuen degrees to the South of the Equinoctiall inhabited with a kinde of people of a yellowish complexion and all naked whose weapons are Bowes and Arrowes and Darts The Beasts that they saw here were Hogs and little Dogs and they found some Hens Here also they found a muster of Cloues Ginger and Sinamon although the Sinamon were not of the best and here appeared vnto them likewise some shew of Gold The first Island that the Spaniards discouered they named Santa Izabella and here they built a small Pinnace with the which and with their Ships Boate they found out betweene nine and fifteene degrees of Southerly latitude eleuen great Islands being one with another of eightie leagues in compasse The greatest Island that they discouered was according vnto the first finder called Guadalcanal on the coast whereof they sailed 150. leagues before they could know whether it were an Island or part of the maine land and yet they know not perfectly what to make of it but thinke that it may be part of that continent which stretcheth to the Streights of Magellan for they coasted it to eighteene degrees and could not finde the end thereof The Gold that they found was vpon this Island or maine land of Guadalcanal whereas they landed and tooke a towne finding small graines of Gold hanged vp in the houses thereof But because the Spaniards vnderstood not the language of the Countrey and also for that the Indians were very stout men and fought continually against them they could neuer learne from whence that Gold came nor yet what store was in the Land These Indians vse to goe to Sea in great Canoas that will carrie one hundred men a piece wherein they haue many conflicts one against another howbeit vnto the Christians they could doe no great hurt for that with a small Pinnace and two Falcons a few may ouercome one hundred of them At this place foureteene men mistrusting nothing rowed to land to take in fresh water whom on the sodaine certaine Indians in foure Canoas set vpon tooke the Ships Boate and slew all the men therein wherefore a man cannot goe on shore too strong nor yet be too warie in a strange land Hereupon the Spaniards went on shore in their Pinnace and burnt the Towne and in this towne they found the small graines of Gold before mentioned They were discouering of these Islands from one to another about foureteene moneths at the end of which time because that vpon the coast where they were the winde continuing still in one place might be an occasion of longer tarrying they consulted which way to returne Southward they durst not goe for feare of great tempests which are that way vsuall wherefore sayling to the North of the line they fell with the coast of Nueua Espanna on which coast they met with such terrible stormes that they were forced to cut their maine masts ouer-boord and to lye nine moneths beating it vp and downe in the Sea before they could get into any harbour of the Christians In which time by reason of euill gouernment and for lacke of victuals and fresh water most of the men in their Admirall dyed for fiue whole dayes together they had neither water nor meate but in the other Ships they behaued themselues so well that the greater part of them came safe vnto the land He that passeth the Straits of Magellan or saileth from the coast of Chili directly for the Malucos must needes runne in sight of some of these Islands before spoken of At which Islands lying so conueniently in the way to the Malucos you may furnish your selfe with plenty of victuals as Hogs Hennes excellent Almonds Potatos Sugar-canes with diuers other sorts fit for the sustenance of man in great abundance Also among these Islands you shall haue some quantity of Gold which the Indians will giue you in trucke for other commodities For the Spaniards in their discouery of these Islands not seeking nor being desirous of Gold brought home notwithstanding 40000. pezos with them besides great store of Cloues and Ginger and some Sinamon also which is not so good as in other places The discouerer of these Islands named them the Isles of Salomon to the end that the Spaniards supposing them to be those Isles from whence Salomon fetched Gold to adorne the Temple at Ierusalem might be the more desirous to goe and inhabit the same Now the same time when they thought to haue sent colonies vnto these Islands Captaine Drake entered the South Sea whereupon commandement was giuen that they should not be inhabited to the end that such Englishmen and of other Nations as passed the Straits of Magellan to goe to the Malucos might haue no succour there but such as they got of the Indian people CHAP. XII Briefe extracts translated out of IEROM BENZOS three Bookes of the New World touching the Spaniards cruell handling of the Indians and the effects thereof ANno 1641. Ierom Benzo went from Millaine to Siuill in Spaine and thence to the New World where he was entertained of the Spaniards and practised with them the huntings of the Indians which they did by lurking in couerts till some of the Natiues came within their reach by bribing the Cacikes with trifles to procure captiues and other meanes Peter Chalice came while we were there to Amaracan with aboue 4000. slaues and had brought many more but with labour wearinesse hunger and griefe for losse of their Countrie and friends many had perished in the way Many also not able to follow in the Spaniards swift march were by them killed to preuent their taking armes A miserable spectacle to see those troopes of slaues naked with their bodies rent maimed starued the mothers dragging or carrying on their shoulders their children howling the neckes of all armes and hands chained not any growne Maide amongst them which the spoilers had not rauished with so profuse lust that thence grew contagion and pernicious diseases The Spanish horsemen in those warres vsed quilted Iackes with Launces and Swords the footemen Sword Shield and Crosse-bow with lighter Iackes The moisture and great dewes made Peeces vnseruiceable in those parts The Islanders in Hispaniola seeing no hope of better or place for worse killed their children and then hanged themselues The women
of Ribben of many colours which compassed his head foure or fiue times a finger breadth and almost a finger thicke These three were Mancos deuises the llautu or ribband the wide hole in the eare and polling as a kinde of Royaltie and the first Priuiledge which the Inca gaue to his Vassals was to weare the fillet or ribband like the Inca but theirs of one colour only his of many After some time hee vouchsafed as a great fauour the polling diuersified in Prouinciall differences of the Eare-fashions which was a later and greater fauour both for the boaring and Earing or Iewell there worne The Inca growing old assembled his principall Vassals in Cusco and in a solemne speech told them that he intended to returne to Heauen and to rest with his Father the Sunne which called him which was practised by all his successors when they perceiued themselues neere death and now at his departure he minded to leaue them his chiefe fauour to wit his Royall Title commanding that they and their Descendants should be Incas without difference as hauing beene his first subiects which he loued as children and hee hoped that they would likewise serue his Sâ—ccessor and augment the Empire that their wiues also should be called Pallas as those of the Royall bloud Only he reserâ—ed the Royall Head-â—ire to himselfe and his Descendents the Kings which was a fringe or lace coloureâ— extending from one side of the fore-head to the other His sirname Capac signifieth rich which they vnderstood of the mindes vertues and mightie in armes The name Inca signifieth Lord or generally those of the Royall bloud For the Curacas though great Lords might not vse that Title The King is distinguished from all others by the appellation Capa Capa Inca signifying the only Lord as the Grand Signior among the Turkes They stiled him also Huacchacuyak that is Benefactor to the poore They called them also Intip charin the Sonnes of the Sunne Manco Capac reigned some say thirtie yeeres others fortie Hee had many children by his Wife Mama Ocllo Huaco and by his Concubines saying it was good to multiply children to the Sunne He called his Vassâ—ls also of the better sort and recommended his Heire as by Testument in way of discourse to them and to the rest of his children their loue and seruice of the Vassals and to the Vassals their loyaltie to their King and obedience to the Lawes Then dismissing the Vassals hee made another speech in secret to his children that they should alway remember that they were children of the Sun to worship him as their God and to maintaine his Lawes giuing others examples therein also to be gentle to the Indians to vphold them in Iustice without oppression that they should recommend these things to their posterities in all generations saying that they were the people of the Sunne which he left vnto them as his Testament to whom he was now going to rest with him in peace and from Heauen would haue a care to succour them Thus died Manco Capac and left his Heire Sinchi Roca the eldest brother and begotten of Coya Mama Ocllo Huaco his wife and sister Besides the Heire those Kings left other sonnes and daughters which married amongst themselues to keepe the Royall blouâ— entire which they fabulously beleeued to be diuine and of others humane although they were great Lords of Vassals called Curacas The Inca Sinchi Roca married with his eldest sister after the manner of his parents and of the Sunne and Moone thinking the Moone to be sister and wife to the Sunne The Inca Manco was lamented by his Vassals very heauily the Obsâ—quies continuing many moneths They embalmed his corps to preserue it amongst them and worshipped him for a God Sonne of the Sunne offering many Sacrifices of Rammes Lambes Birds Graines c. conâ—essing him Lord of all those things which he had left The name Inca descended to all the posteritie by the Male Line not by the Female all of this ranke were also called Yntip churin children of the Sunne and Auqui or Infanta which Title they kept till their Marriage and then were called Inca. The lawfull Queene was called Coya also Mamanchic that is Our Mother Her daughters were likewise called Coya the Concubines and other wiues of the bloud Royall were called Palla which signifieth a woman of Royall bloud Concubines which were not of Royall bloud were called Mamacuna Mother All the Royall Daughters were called Nusta and if not of Royall Mothers the name of the Prouince was added as Colla Nusta Quitu Nusta The name Nusta continued till they were married and then they were stiled Palla THe first Incas and their Amautas which were their Philosophers by light of Nature acknowledged God the Creator of all things which they called Pachacamac the Sunne they held to be a visible God Pacha signifieth the World and Camac to quicken of Cama the Soule as if Pachacamac were the soule or quickner of the Vniuerse This name they had in such veneration that they durst not mention it and if they were by occaâ—â—on forced thereto they did â—t with holding downe the head and bowing the bodie lifting vp their eyes to Heauen and casting them downe to the ground lifting vp their hands open straite from the shoulders giuing smacks or lip-motions to the ayre Rites perâ—ormed only to him and the Sunne holding Pachacamac in more internall reuerence then the Sunne whom they named commonly on any occasion They said that he gaue life to the World but they knew him not for they had neuer seene him and therefore neither built Temples nor offered Sacrifice to hâ—m but said they worshipped him in their minds and held him for the vnknowne God The Spaniards which tooke him for a Deuill and knew not the generall Language found out another name for God Tici Uira-cocha which neither I nor they know what it meaneth and if any should aske mee how I in my Language would call God I would answre Pachacamac nor is there in that generall Language any other name for him And all those which Authors report are corrupted of other Languages or deuised by them The Incas in Cozco kept a Crosse of Marble White and Garnation which they call Iaspe Cristaline They know not how long they had it Anno 1560. I left it in the Vestry of the Cathedrall Church of that Citie The Crosse was square three quarters of a yard lond and three fingers thâ—â—ke and so much in brâ—adth all of one piece well wrought They kept it in one of their Houses Royall in 〈◊〉 roome which they call Hnaca a holy place They did not ado 〈…〉 but held it in venerable esteeme either for the goodlinesse or for some other respect which they knew not The Iâ—â—as and all Nations subiect to them knew not what it was to sweare you haue heard of their respect to the name Pachacamâ—c The Witnesses
off any or no he puffed to the Idoll in signe of adoration and offering this they did not to their Kings but only to their Idols or Trees or places where the Deuill gaue answeres Their Priests and Witches did the like when they went into their corners or secret places to conferre with the Deuill This I dolatry I haue also seene them performe The Priests of the house of the Sunne in Cozco were all Incas of the Royall bloud for other seruice of the Temple were Incas of those which were such by priuiledge They had a High or Chiefe Priest which was Vncle or Brother to the King or atleast legitimate of the bloud The Priests had no peculiar Vestment In other Prouinces where were Temples which were many the Natiues were Priests the Kinsmen of the Lords of those Countries notwithstanding the principall Priest or Bishop as it were was to bee an Inca that so they might hold conformitie of Rites with the Metropolitan for in all preeminent Offices of Peace or Warre they had Incas their Superiours They had many houses of Virgins which obserued perpetuall Virginitie without going out of their house and others of the Concubines for the King All their Lawes Ciuill and Sacred were attributed to Manco Capac saying that hee had left and perfected some himselfe the others for his Successors to accomplish in their times so to giue authoritie to all as from the Sunnes Ordnance And though some of the Incas were great Law-makers yet no memory is left of any particulars vnder their name but all is attributed to the first Inca. The Incas deuided their Empire into foure parts they called it Tauantinsuya that is the foure parts of the World Hereof Cozco was the Centre which in that Inca-language signifieth the Nauill of the Earth or Land The East-diuision they called Antisuyu of the Prouince Anti a name also giuen to the Rew of Snowie Mountaines in the East the West Cuntisuyu the North Chinchasuyu the South Collasuyu each name deriued of some Prouince therein so called and continued to the furthest extent that way as Collasuyu to Chili sixe hundred leagues from Colla and Chinchasuyu to Quitu foure hundred leagues from Chincha to the North. They ordained that in euery Towne great or small of their Empire the Inhabitants should be registred by Tithings and one of them should take charge of the other nine as a Decurion or Tithing man called Chunca Chancapa Fiue of these Decurions had another Superiour which had the charge of fiftie Ouer two of those was another Superiour or Centurion Fiue Centuries were subiected to one which had charge of fiue hundred and two of those charges had a Chiliarch or Captaine of one thousand higher they went not The Tithingman gaue account to the Gouernour of those in his charge to prouide them Seed or Bread-corne or Wooll or House-reparations or other necessaries He also was to informe of thir faults to the Iudges which according to the greatnesse of the offence were also diuersified in order for dispatch of Iustice and to take away need of Appeales except in cases betwixt one Prouince and another for which the Inca sent a speciall Iudge If the Decurion neglected to informe the fault was now made his owne and hee corrected for it as also in the other case of prouision Hence there were no Vagabonds nor idle persons The Father was corrected which did not educate or correct his children the children also were punished in correspondence of their age and the Tithingman was to informe of both The Iudges punished them they said not for the fact but the fault in transgressing the Incas commandement which they respected as Gods They had no purse-punishments Fines or Confiscations for to leaue them poore was but to giue them more libertie to euill If any Câ—â—aca rebelled and deserued death his sonne succeeded notwithstanding to his State In warre they had Natiues for Captaines ouer their owne Countrimen hauing Incas for their Superiours The Iudge durst not arbitrate but execute the Law 〈…〉 e hee died for breaking the Royall commandement This seueritie of the Officers and of the Lawes which for light offences inflicted death prooued rather gentle then cruell and barbarous few daring to transgresse so that all that Empire extended thirteene hundred leagues and consisting of so many Nations and Languages was gouerned by one Law as if it had beene one house the rather because they held the same diuine and from the Sunnes ordinance by the 〈◊〉 And the Law-breaker was therefore accounted sacrilegious and accursed insomuch that some accused by their owne consciences haue made confessions without other accusers fearing to bring publike plagues on the State as Diseases or Dearths which they sought to preuent by appeasing God with their deaths And I conceiue that from these publike confessions the Spanish Historians haue wâ—itten that the Indians of Peâ—â— had confession in secret like Christians and Confessours appropriated which is false for in Peru they had no other then I haue mentioned and the Indians which told the Spaniards thus answered so to their questions as they thought might best please them Neither had they any Appeales Ciuill or Criminall Euery Towne had a Iudge and for higher matters they went to the Superiour Iudge in the Mother Citie The Sentences of ordinary Iudges were euery moneth related to the Superiour Iudges and theirs to others their Superiours which were in the Court in diuers degrees according to the qualitie of Cases The Supreame were the Presidents or Vice-royes of the foure parts of the World This report was made to examine Sentences which had passed and if they were found vniust the Authors were seuerely punished The manner of rendring these reports to the Inca and to those of his Counsell was by knots in liâ—es of diuers colours which serued them as it were Ciphers for the knots of such or such colours declared the offences and certaine threads of diuers colours fastned to the lines shewed the punishment This was their Arithmetike in which they were expert and certaine some applying themselues to nothing else If any Prouinciall controuersie could not be decided by those whom the King sent it was suspended till his Visitation of those parts and then hee himselfe would see heare and sentence The Tithingmen also gaue account euery moneth of all which were borne or died and likewise at the end of the yeere such as perished in the warres they also related The like Officers and Orders were in the Campes of warre as in the Townes of peace They permitted not to sacke the Townes which they conquered by force For euery of those foure diuisions of the Empire the Inca had Councels of Warre of Iustice of necessary businesse These had subordinate Officers in diuers degrees which rendred accounts of all to the Supreme Councell Each had a President or Vice-roy which receiued those accounts and rendred the same â—o
with the Rebels and their wiues and children pardoning them and prouiding for the Widowes and Orphans Hee was receiued with great Iubilee in Cozco and thence went to the Straits of Muyna to visit his Father which seemed malcontent They spake some words in priuate and the Prince came forth and said that his Father would not returne to Cozco This whether true or false was enough and in vaine had he now gainsaid it so that a Pallace of pleasures was there built for the Father to spend the rest of his dayes his Sonne taking the Diademe This Vision of Virachoca with a beard and clothed to the foot whereas the beardlesse Natiues are clothed but to the knees was the cause that the Spaniards at their first comming were called Virachoca and for that they tooke and killed the Tyrant Atahuallpa which had slaine Huascar the right Heire and wrought so many cruelties Which caused that six Spaniards alone of which was Soto and Barco went to Cozco two or three hundred leagues without harme They called them also Incas Sonnes of the Sunne That which some say that they were called Virachoca because they came by Sea saying that the word signifieth the fat or scumme of the Sea they are deceiued for Virachoca is the Sea of fat or tallow Vira sebo cocha mar so that it appeares to be a proper name and not compounded I conceiue further that the Artillery was the cause that they were called Virachoca This Inca Uiracocha by his victorie and vision was so esteemed that in his life time they worshipped him as a God sent by the Sunne for reparation of things amisse reuerenced him beyond his predecessors He bâ—ilt a Temple for memoriall of that Vision to Uiracocha in Cacha therein imitating as much as was possible the place where hee saw the same and therefore without a roofe it was an hundred and twenty foot long and eighty wide of stone fairely wrought with foure doores the Easterne onely open with his figure â—n a Chappell somewhat resembling those Images which wee make of the Apostles The Spaniards destroyed it as they did other famous workes which they found in Peru scarsely any Monument remayning which they did to search for â—â—easure vnder them He made also two hâ—ge Birds called Câ—ntures so great that some haue beene found with the extremes of their wings extended fiue Varas or Spanish yards asunder they are fowles of prey so fierce that their dammes breake their talons â—he beake so strong that at once they will breake the hide of a Cow Hee made the picture of these two Birds one representing his father in mysterie fleeing from Cozco the other Uiracoch He sought to gratifie his Commanders and Subiects and sought new conquests Hee sent Pahnac â—â—y tâ— Inca his brother against Caranca Ullaca Llipi Chicha and Ampara These two last worshipped the ranke of Hills for their heigth and for the Riuers which tâ—ey yeeld These were all subiected and Eastward to the Sierra or snowy Hâ—ll Southwards to the furthest Prouince of Charcas two hundred leagues from Cozco So that the Sea and the Hills on each hand and Southward the Defarts betwixt them and Chili bounded the Empire Northwards hee went with thirty thousand warriours to Huamanca and other Nations which hee subiected Hee made a water-passage twelue foot in the channell to run an hundred and twenty leagues from betwixt Pareu and Picuy to Rucanaâ— and another thorow all the diuision Cuntisuyu from South to North one hundred and fifty leagues from the high Sierras to the Quechuas which may be ranked with the Wonders of the world considering the Rockes they brake thorow without instruments of steele and onely by stones with force of hands Neither know they to make arches but were driuen to goe about The Spaniards haue suffered them all to perish as they haue permitted two third parts of those which were to water the Corne grounds to be lost also Embassadours came from Tucma the Spaniards call it Tucuman to the Inca offering vassalage whom hee made to drinke in his presence an inestimable fauour and promised so much better respect as his course deserued Hancohuallu not withstanding all his kinde vsage left his Countries to goe seeke new and the Inca sent Colonies to the Chancas This Inca they say had a foretelling of the Spaniards comming Hee died and left his sonne Pachacâ—â—ec Inca his heire It is supposed that he raigned aboue fiftie yeeres Anno 1560. I saw his body in Cozco in the possession of Licenciate Polo with foure others this with white haires the second of Tâ—pac Incâ— Tupanqui the third of Huayna Capac which two were hoary but not white the two other were Qâ—eens Mama Rantu wife to Viracocha and Mama Ocllo mother of Huayna Capac They were so whole that there wanted not haire eie-brows nor haire on the eie-lids They had their garments ribands diadems as while they liued They were set as the Indians vse with their hands acrosse on their breasts the right hand ouer the left their eyes downwards as looking on the ground and seemed as if they had beene aliue and full fleshed The Indians would neuer tell the Spaniards their embalming arte They weighed so little that they were easily carried to the Gentlemens houses which desired to see them The Indians by the way kneeled to them with sighs and tears When the Inca had conquered any Prouince and setled the gouernment hee improued the lands which would beare Mayz sending Enginers to that purpose for conueyance of waters without which they sowed no Mayz in those hot Countries They also made plaine the fields and layd them in squares the better to receiue the water They made plaine the Mountaines which were capable of seed as it were in scales or steppes one plaine subordinate to another therefore called Andenes Hauing thus improued the Land they diuided it to each Towne their share by themselues each subdiuided into three parts one for the Sunne a second for the King and the third for the Naturals with that prouision that alway the Naturals should haue sufficient and if the people increased the Sunnes and Incas part were lessened that they should not want The like diuision they made of the grounds which needed not such watering sowed with other seeds The Andenes commonly belonged in greatest part to the Sunne and the Inca. The Mayz grounds they sowed euery yeere heartning them with dung as Gardens They first husbanded the Sunnes grounds next that of Widowes and Orphanes and of the old and sicke all which were holden for poore and had peculiar men in euery Towne appointed Officers for that purpose They had seed also if they wanted out of the Store-houses Each man was tied to husband enough for prouision to his owne houshold The lands of those which serued in the warres were prouided as those of the poore their wiues for that time being respected as
him and twelue other with the horse Two dayes after the Gouernour came vnto vs wee imbarked our selues and were in the whole foure hundred men and fourescore horses in foure Ships and one Brigantine The Pilot which we had newly taken brought the Ships through the quicke sands which they call Canerreo so that the day following we found our selues on dry land and so remained fiue dayes the keele of the Ships oftentimes striking vpon the ground At the end of those fiue dayes a storme from the South brought so much water vpon the sands that wee might come out although not without much danger Departing thence we arriued at Guanignanico where another tempest assailed vs so fiercely that we stood in great danger to be lost at the head of the currents we had another where we staid three dayes And these being ouerpassed we went about the Cape of Saint Anthony and with a contrary winde we went till wee came within twelue leagues of the Hauana and standing the day following to put in there a Southerne gale of winde tooke vs which droue vs farre from the land so that wee crossed ouer by the coast of Florida and arriued the twelfth of Aprill at the land of Martes so coasting the way of Florida vpon holy Thursday in the same coast we ancored in the mouth of an open roade at the head whereof we saw certaine houses and habitations of the Indians The same day Alonso Euriquez the Auditor went out of the Ship and landed vpon an Iland which is in the same open roade and called to those Indians who came and abode with vs a good space and by way of ransome gaue him fish and certaine peeces of Deeres flesh The day following which was good Friday the Gouernour imbarked himselfe with as many men as the Boates could carry and we went to the Villages or houses of the Indians which wee had seene which we found all emptie and desolate because that night the people were gone in their Canoes One of those houses was very great and able to containe more then three hundred persons the other were much lesser and there we found a little Bell of Gold within the Nets The next day the Gouernour aduanced the Ensigne for your Maiesty and tooke possession of the Village in your royall name and presented the Commissions and was receiued and obayed as Gouernour according to your Maiesties appointment And so in like manner we presented our other prouisoes vnto him which he accepted and obeyed according to the contents thereof and presently caused the rest of the men to be shipped and the horses which were not aboue two and fortie because the other through the many tempests and beating of the Sea and length of time were dead And these few that remained were so weake and wearied as at that time we could doe little seruice The day following the Indians of those places came vnto vs and although they spoke vnto vs yet notwithstanding we vnderstood them not The Gouernour commanded that the Brigantine should goe coasting the way of Florida and search for the hauen which the Pilot Miruelo said he knew but was now astonished and knew not in what part we were nor where the hauen was and the Brigantine was appointed that if they found not the hauen to crosse ouer to the Hauana and finde the Ship wherein Aluaro della Querda was and hauing taken in some victuall to returne to finde it The Brigantine being deing departed we returned to enter into the Village of the same people where we had bin before with some other more and we coasted the gulfe which wee had found and hauing gone about foure leagues we tooke foure Indians and shewed them Maiz because vntill that day wee had not yet seene any token thereof they said they would bring vs where it grew and so they brought vs to their Village which was not farre from thence at the head of the gulfe and there they shewed vs a little Maiz which was not yet ripe to be gathered There wee found many chests of the Merchants of Castile and in euery one of them was the body of a dead man all which were couered with Deeres skins painted The Commissary thought that it was a kinde of Idolatry so he burned the chests with all the bodies We also found peeces of webs of cloath and Pennacchi which they had gotten out of Noua Hispaniola and certaine mosters of Gold Whereupon we demanded of those Indians by signes from whence they had such things They by signes shewed vs that very farre from thence there was a Prouince called Apalachen wherein there was great quantity of Gold Departing from thence wee went further carrying for guides those foure Indians which we had first taken and so ten or twelue leagues off from that place wee found another people of fifteene houses where was a goodly Plaine sowed with Maiz which now was ready to be gathered and we found some also dry There we abode two dayes and after returned May the first the Gouernour caused two pound of Biscuit and halfe a pound of Porke to be giuen to euery one of them who were to goe with vs and so we departed to enter within the land The summe of all them who went was three hundred men in all among whom was the Commissary Frier Iohn Sciuarez and another Frier called Frier Iohn de Palis and three Clarkes and the Officers Forty of vs were on horsebacke and so with that prouision which wee had brought wee went fifteene dayes without finding any other things to eate except Dates like those of Andaluzia In all this time we found not any Indian nor saw any house nor place inhabited and in the end we found a Riuer which wee passed with much danger and trouble by swimming and vpon rafts and staied a day to passe ouer it because it ranne with much fury Hauing passed to the other side of the Riuer two hundred Indians came against vs and the Gouernour went before and after he had spoken to them by signes they made much signes againe vnto vs that we should ioyne our selues with them taking fiue or sixe who brought vs vnto their houses which were about halfe a league off and there wee found great quantity of Maiz which staod now ready to be gathered After some search of the Countrey to the Sea wee departed from that place alwayes as we went inquiring for that Prouince which the Indians said was called Apalachen and brought for guides them that we had taken and so went forward vntill the seuenteenth of Iune and found no Indians that durst abide our comming There a y Cacique came vnto vs whom an Indian carried vpon his necke and hee was couered with a Deeres skinne painted and brought with him many people who went before him playing vpon certaine Flutes made of canes and so came vnto the Gouernour and abode with him an houre and we gaue him to vnderstand by
stead of Ockam for the Boats And we vsed so great diligence therein that beginning the fourth of August the twentieth of September next fiue Boates were finished of two and twenty Cubits a piece and we stopped the chinkes and calking with Ockam of the Palmiti and pitched them with a certaine Gumme which a Grecian called Don Theodoro brought from certaine Pine-trees and with the same barke of the Palmiti and of the traines and haire of Horses we made cordage and tackling and made sayles of out shirts and of the Sauine trees which were there we made such Oares as we thought necessary and such was that Countrey whereinto our sinnes conducted vs that no stones were found there to ballast the Boates nor saw wee any throughout all that Countrey Wee likewise flayed the whole legges of horses and sewed the skinne together to make bottles to carrie water In this meane time some of our men went to gather Tamarindi in the strond of the Sea where the Indiâ—â—s at two seuerall times wherein they incountred them slue ten Christians so neere to our Tents that we saw them and could not helpe them and found them shot through from side to side with Arrowes so that although our men had excellent Armour they were not able to resist their strokes those Indians shooting with such dexteritie and force as aforesaid And our Pilots said and swore that from the flat shoare which we called by the name of the Crosse vnto this place we had gone about two hundred and fourescore leagues little more or lesse and in all that Countrey we saw no Mountaines nor had any notice by any meanes that there were any and before that we imbarked besides those which the Indians had slaine there were more then forty other men dead through sicknesse and famine The two and twentieth day of September they ceased to eate horses so that only one remayned and on that day wee imbarked in this order In the Gouernours Boate went nine and fortie men and in the other which hee gaue to the Auditour and Commissary went as many more The third he gaue to Captaine Alonzo del Castiglio and Andrea Durante with eight and forty men and another he gaue vnto two other Captaines the one called Telles and the other Pigualosa with seuen and forty men and the fift he gaue to the Controuler and mee with nine and forty men And after the victuals and furniture and other things were shipped they arose no more then a fourth part aboue the water and beside this we were so streighted that we could not guide nor turne in the Boats Necessitie was so powerfull that it made vs aduenture to goe in this manner and commit our selues vnto so dangerous a Sea without hauing any one among vs who knew the art of Nauigation That flat shoare from whence we departed is called the shoare of the Horses and we went seuen dayes through those gulfes with the water vp to the girdle without seeing any signe of the Coast and at the end of those seuen dayes we arriued at an Iland which standeth neere vnto the Land My Boat went before and we saw fiue Canowes of Indians comming who forsooke them all and left them in our hands seeing vs come towards them Our other Boates went before and lighted vpon certane houses in the same Iland where they found many of their Egges and Thorn-back were dry and greatly releeued vs in the necessitie wherein we were After this we went further and two leagues from thence we passed a Strait which that Iland maketh with the Land and called it the Strait of Saint Michael because we passed it vpon that holy day Being gotten out of that Strait wee arriued at the Coast where with the fiue Canowes which I had taken from the Indians we remooued some things out of our Boats making them fast and ioyning them to ours so that they arose two handfuls aboue water and therewithall we turned to goe along the Coast by the way of the Riuer of Palmes thirst and famine alwayes increasing because the victuals were very scant and almost at an end and we wanted water because the bottles which we had made of the skinnes of horses became suddenly putrified and mustie and were good for nothing and many times wee entred into certaine gulfes and flat shoares which went farre within the Land and found them all shallow and dangerous And so we went thirty dayes and sometimes found some Indian fishers a poore and miserable people and at the end of these thirty dayes when our necessitie for want of water was extreame going to the Coast one night we perceiued a Canow comming and seeing her wee expected that she would haue arriued but although we called vnto her she would not come nor behold vs and because it was night we followed her not but held on our course When day began to appeare we saw a small Iland and went thither to see if wee could find any water there but wee laboured in vaine because there was none While wee stayed there a mightie tempest arose vpon vs whereupon we abode there sixe dayes not daring to put out to Sea againe and hauing passed fiue dayes without drinking our thirst was so great that we were forced to drinke the Sea-water and some dranke so largely that fiue of our men dyed suddenly We went out the same way which we had seene the Canow goe the night before we departed thence This day we saw our selues many times drowned and so cast away that there was none of vs who did not assure himselfe of death But it pleased our Lord God who in the greatest necessities vseth to shew his fauour that about Sunne set we weathered a point which the Land maketh where wee found it very calme and quiet Heere many Canowes came towards vs and the Indians that were in them spake vnto vs and without wondring at vs returned They were a people of a great bodie and well set and carried neither Bowes nor Arrowes Some of vs followed them vnto their houses which stood neere vnto the water side and leaped aland and before the entrance of the houses we found many pots of water and great quantitie of fish and the Lord of that Countrey offered it all vnto the Gouernour and taking him by the hand brought him to his house their houses are of Mats very well made And after we entred into the house of their Cazique or Lord he gaue vs much fish and we gaue them bread of Corne which we brought and they eat it in our presence and demanded more which we gaue them and the Gouernour gaue the Cazique many small trifles and abiding with him in his house about halfe an houre within night the Indians assaulted vs and the rest of our men who road very ill beeing cast vpon that Coast they assaulted also the house of the Cazique where the Gouernour was and with a stone smote
him on the face and tooke the Cazique But he hauing his men so neere escaped away and left a Mantle of his of the skinnes of the Martinet Sables which in my iudgement are the best of all the World and haue a scent whereunto the scent of Ambergrise and Muske is not comparable and the scent thereof was smelt very farre off We saw also other but none like vnto that Now seeing the Gouernour wounded we set him aboord and caused him to bring with him the greater part of the men vnto the Boats and fifty of our men only remayned on land to fight with the Indians who that night assaulted vs three times and with so great violence that euery time they made vs retyre a stones cast so that there was not one of our men that was not wounded After this we returned to imbarke our selues and sayled three dayes and hauing taken a little water as much as the few vesiels we had were able to carrie wee returned to fall into the same necessitie wherein we were first And going on our Voyage we entred into a Strait where abiding we saw a Canow of the Indians comming and as we called vnto them they came and the Gouernour to whose Boat they were neerest demanded water of them who offered it him if he would giue them vessels wherein to carrie it so a Greeke Christian called Theodoro of whom mention is made before said that he would goe with them And although the Gouernour and many other laboured to disswade him yet he would needs goe thither and carried a Negro with him and the Indians left for hostages two of their men Those Indians returned in the Euening and brought vs our vessels without water but brought not our two Christians againe and those two men of theirs who remayned for pledges as soone as they spake vnto them would haue cast themselues into the water but our men who had them in the Boat held them and so the other Indians fled and left vs much confounded and sorrowful for the two Christians which we had lost The morning following many other Canoas of the Indians came vnto vs demanding their two companions which they left vs for hostages The Gouernour answered that he would giue them vnto them so that they would restore vs our two Christians Fiue or sixe Lords came with those people and it seemed to vs that they were of a very good disposition and of greater authority and retinue then all the rest wee had found hitherto although they were not of so tall a stature as the other before mentioned They wore their haire loose and very long and were couered with mantles of Martinets of the same sort whereof we spake before and some of them were made of a very strange fashion hauing certaine laces of the worke of Lions skinnes which seemed very faire They prayed vs that we would goe with them and they would giue vs our two Christians and water and many other things and many Canoas came continually vpon vs endeauouring to take the mouth of that passage and so therefore because the place was very dangerous we went out to Sea where we stayed with them vntill noone But not being willing to restore our Christians and therefore we also would not restore their two hostages they began to cast stones at vs with slings making shew also that they would shoot at vs although we saw not aboue three or foure Bowes among them And while wee continued thus a fresh gale of winde beganne to blowe and they went their way So we sayled all that day vntill the euening at what time my Boat that went before discouered a point which the Land made and at the other end I saw a Riuer then I anchored at a small Iland which maketh that point to stay for the other Boats The Gouernour would not come neere it but put into a flat shoare very neere thereunto where many small Ilands were and there wee all met together and tooke fresh water within the Sea because the Riuer ranne into the Sea continually and with great violence And that wee might bee able to bake a little Maiz which wee brought because for two dayes before we had eaten it raw we went aland on that Iland but finding no wood there we agreed to goe vnto the Riuer which was behind the Point one league from thence And as wee went the current of the Riuer was so great that by no meanes it suffered vs to arriue but droue vs backe from the Land §. II. Misery pursues them at Sea and betrayes them to the Indians their miserable liues and death WEe sayled foure dayes euery one eating halfe a handfull of raw Maiz a day by ratement At the end of these foure dayes a tempest tooke vs which made vs recouer the Boat of Captaine Telles and through the great mercy which God shewed to some of vs we were not wholly drowned And being Winter and exceeding cold and so many dayes wherein we had sustained hunger with many blowes which wee receiued from the Sea the day following the men began very much to faint in such manner that when the Sunne went downe all those that were in my Boat were fallen one vpon the other so neere vnto death that few of them had any sense and among all them there were not fiue that could stand on their feete and when night came there remained no more but the Master and my selfe that could mannage the Boat and two houres within night the Master said vnto mee that I should take charge of my Boat because he was in such case that he held it for certainty that hee should die that night And so I tooke the rudder and midnight being past I went to see if the Master were dead who said vnto me that suddenly he was better and that hee would guide the Boat vntill day Then surely I found my selfe in such state that much more willingly I would haue receiued death then see so many men before me in that manner wherein they were and after the Master tooke charge of the Boat I rested my selfe a little but very vnquietly because at that time nothing was further from me then sleepe And about the morning me thought that I heard the noise and roaring of the Sea because being a very lowe Coast it raged much whereupon when I heard this I called to the Master who answered me that he supposed we were now neere vnto the Land and sounding we found our selues in seuen fathome and he thought it fit that we should abide at Sea vntill the day appeared And so I tooke an Oare and rowed to the Lands side which we found one league distant and put the stearne to the Sea And being neere to the Land a waue tooke vs which cast the Boat backe againe into the Sea as farre as a man might well fling a stone and with the great blowe which it gaue almost all the men who remained there as dead
ouer and that passing those Riuers which are foure and very great the many currents tooke the Boat wherewith they went to Sea and foure of them were drowned the rest with much labour passed the Gulfe and that fifteene leagues further they found another and as soone as they met together there two of their companions died in the time that they had trauelled sixtie leagues and that all the rest were yet at the point of death and that all that iournie they had eaten nothing but Creuises and Herbs of the wall and comming to this last Gulfe they said that they found Indians who stood eating of Mulberies who when they saw the Christians they went vnto the other end and so they standing still and deuising meanes to passe the Gulfe an Indian and a Christian came vnto them and being come they knew it was Figheroa one of the foure we had sent before from the Iland of Malhado who recounted vnto them in what manner he and his companions came to that place where two of them and one Indian died all through cold and famine because they were come thither in the hardest time of the yeere and that the Indians had taken Figheroa himselfe and Mâ—ndes which Mendes fled afterwards trauelling the best hee could towards Paâ—â—co and that the Indians followed after him and slue him And that abiding thus with those Indians hee vnderstood that with the Marianes there was a Christian who had passed to the other side and he found him with them whom they call Queuenes Which Christian was Gernando d' Esquiuel a Natiue of Badaioa who came in the company of the Commissary and that from Esquiuell hee vnderstood what end the Gouernour had together with the Auditor and the rest telling them how the Auditor and the Friers had lanched their Boat into the Riuers and comming along the Coast the Gouernour landed his people and went with his Boat vntill they came vnto that great Gulfe where he turned to take in his men and passe ouer to the other side and returned for the Auditor and the Friers and all the rest And he declared that being thus imbarked the Gouernour reuoked the authoritie of his Lieutenant which the Auditor had and gaue that charge vnto a Captaine that went with him called Pantossa And that the Gouernor stayed that night in his Boat would not come on Land and the Master abode with him and one Page who was not well and they had neither water nor any thing to eate in the Boat so about midnight so hard a gale of winde from the North tooke them that it droue the Boat into the Sea before any one saw it for he had nothing to releeue him but one flint stone and they knew not that he had any other thing besides And when the men who remained on the land saw this they went along the Coast and finding the water so rough they made floats with much trouble and paines and so passed ouer vnto the other side And going further they came to the point of an Hill at the water side and found Indians there who when they saw them comming put their things into their Canowes and passed ouer to the other side of the Coast. So the Christians seeing what the time was being in Nouember abode in that Mountaine because they found water wood and certaine Creuises there where through cold and famine by little and little they beganne to die And beside this Pantossa who remained Lieutenant vsed them very ill and not being able to indure it the Sergeant Maior Brother of Vasquez Porealle who came in the fleete from Cuba Master of the Campe reuolted from Pantossa and smote him with a piece of wood with the which blow hee died and such as died became the morsels of the other and the last that died was the Sergeant Maior and Esquiuel did the like and eating him maintained himselfe vntill the first of March that an Indian one of them who fled from thence came to see if they were all dead and after brought Esquiuel away from thence with him who being in subiection to this Indian Figheroa spake with him and vnderstood all this of him which wee haue before declared and prayed him to come with him that they might goe together towards Pamico but Esquiuel would not doe it saying that hee vnderstood by Friers that Pamico was behind them and so he remained there and Figheroa went to the Coast where he vsed to abide All this Figheroa reported vnto vs by the relation which Esquiuel made vnto him and so from hand to hand it came vnto me Whereby hee might see and know the end which all that fleete had and the particular mischances which happened to euerie one of the rest And hee further said that if the Christians at any time should goe through those parts it might bee that they should see Esquiuel bâ—cause hee knew that hee was fled from that Indian with whom hee abode vnto the other which are called Marianes who were their Neighbours And so hauing ended his Discourse he and Asturiano were about to goe vnto the other Indians that were further beyond but those Indians who kept them perceiuing them went forth and came to giue them many Bastinadoes and spoiled Asturianâ— and wounded him on the arme with an Arrow but yet in the end they fled and the other Christians remained and procured those Indians to take them for slaues although abiding with them and seruing them they were as euilly intreated as euer any slaues were or other men of the World Because of sixe which they were not being contented continually to buffet and â—udgell them and plucke off their beards with the skinne only for their pastime and recreation and only for going from one house to another they killed three who are those of whom I spoke before to wit Diego Dorante Ualdeuiesso and Diego de Helua and the other three that remained expected that they also should make the like end and not being able to indure that life Andrea Dorantes fled to the Marianes who were they with whom Esquiuel abode and they themselues reporâ—ed that they had kept Esquiuel there who afterward would haâ—e fled because a woman had dreamed that hee should kill a childe of hers the Indians pursued him and slue him and they afterward shewed Andrea Dorante his Sword Crowne Booke and other things which he had They haue this custome also euen to kill the same male children while they sleepe and when the female children are borne they leaue them for the Dogs to eate and cast them away in those places And the reason why they doe it is this because they say that all they of the Countrey are their enemies and make very great warres with them Wherefore if by chance they should marrie their Daughters their enemies should be the more increased who would subiect them and hold them all in captiuitie And for this cause they would rather kill them then haue any
perceiue their women to be great with childe they lye not with them vntill two yeares be passed after the children be borne to the which they giue sucke vntill they be of the age of twelue yeares that they are now of vnderstanding to prouide foode for themselues We demanded of them for what reason they did thus nourish them who answered vs that they did it for the great famine which was in that Countrey where as wee our selues saw they were faine to continue sometimes three or foure dayes without eating and therefore they let them sucke that in that time they might not dye through hunger and if notwithstanding some should escape they would become too delicate and of little strength If by chance it happen that any among them be sicke they let them dye in those fields if he be not a childe and all the rest that cannot goe with them remaine there but for a childe or a brother of theirs they lay them vpon their necke and so they carry them They haue all this custome to be seperated from their wiues when there is no agreement betweene them and that both they and she may marry againe with whom they please And this is vsuall among the yonger sort but such as haue children neuer forsake their wiues And when they contend with other people or be at variance one with another they buffet and beate each o 〈…〉 r with cudg 〈…〉 ls vntill they be very weary and then they part and sometimes the women part them going betweene them because the men come not in to part them and what choller or passion soeuer they haue they fight not together with their Bowes and Arrowes And after they haue â—â—ffetted and cudgelled each other the braule being ended they take their houses and women and goe to liue in the fields seperated from the rest vntill their anger and choller be past and when they are now pacified it is not needefull that others interpose themselues to make peace and friendship because in this manner they make it themselues And if they who be at variance haue no wiues they goe to other of their neighbours who although they were their enemies receiue them courteously and doe them much flattering kindnesse and giue them such as they haue so that when their choller is past they returne rich vnto their people They are all warlike people and vse as great subtilty to defend them from their enemies as they would doe if they had bin brought vp in Italy and in continuall warre The horses are they that onely ouercome them and which the Indians generally feare They who are to fight with them must be very wary that they know not that they be faint or cowardly and while the battaile continueth they are to vse them the worst they can For if they perceiue them to be timerous or cowards it is a people that very well knoweth the time to auenge themselues and to take courage and strength from the feare of their enemies When they are shot in the warres and haue spent Arrowes they returne euery one their way without any pursuit of the enemy although the one part be few and the other many and this is their custome They goe many times away shot cleane through with Arrowes and dye not if they touch not the bowels or heart nay they quickely heale them They see and heare and haue the sharpest sences I thinke of any men in the world They are very well able to endure hunger thirst and cold as they who are more acquainted there with then any other In the Iland of Malhada there are two languages the one called Canoques and the other Han. In the firme land afront that Iland are others called Carruco who take their name from the Mountaines where they liue Further vpon the Sea coast are others called Deguenes and afront them are others called Mendica Further vpon the coast are the Queuâ—nes and afront these within the firme land are the Marianes and going further vpon the coast are other called Guaicones and afront those within the firme land the Iegunzes at the end of them are other called Ataâ—â—s and behinde them other called Acubadaos and of these there are many along this banke further Other called Quitoles liue on the coast and afront them within the firme land are the Auauares and with these the Maliacones vnite themselues and the Cultalculebes and other called Susolus and other called Comos and further vpon the coast abide the Cumoles and on the same coast beyond are others whom we called them of the Figtrees All these Nations haue habitations and people and diuers languages Among them there is one language in the which when they say vnto men looke there they say arraca and to the Dogs they say Xo and in all that Countrey they make themselues drunke with a certaine smoake and giue whatsoeuer they haue to get it Likewise they drinke another thing which they take from the leaues of trees like vnto the Mulberry trees and boile it in certaine vessels on the fire and after they haue boyled it they fill the vessels with water and so keepe it ouer the fire and when it hath beene twice boiled they poure it out into certaine vessels and coole it with halfe a goord and when it gathereth much â—ome they drinke it as hot as they are able to suffer it and while they put it out of the vessell and vntill they drinke it they stand crying who will drinke And when the women perceiue these exclamations they presently settle themselues not daring once to moue although they finde that they are very well beloued And if by chance any of them moue they accompt her shamelesse and cudgell her and with much choller and anger cast away the water or drinke which they haue made and if they haue drunke it they vomit it out againe which they doe very easily The reason of this their custome they say is this that if when they will drinke of that water the women moue themselues from the place where they heare that voyce some bad thing might be put into that drinke which entring into the body in short space would cause them to dye And all the time that that water is boyled the vessell must be well closed and shut and if peraduenture it should stand vncouered and any woman should come and passe by they cast it away and drinke no more of it It is of the colour of Saffron and they drinke it three dayes without eating and euery day they drinke one amphora and an halfe And when the women haue their naturall purgation they prouide no meate but for themselues because no other person will eate of that which she carrieth In the time that I continued among them I saw a most brutish and beastly custome to wit a man who was married to another and these be certaine effeminate and impotent men who goe cloathed and attired like
he went for Gouernour to the Riuer of Plate His kinsmen Christopher de Spindola and Baltasar de Gallegos went with Soto Those passed and were counted and enroled which Soto liked and accepted of and did accompany him into Florida which were in all six hundred men He had already bought seuen Ships and had all necessary prouision aboord them In the yeare of our Lord 1538. in the moneth of Aprill the Adelantado deliuered his Shippes to the Captaines which were to goe in them They arriued at Saint Iago in Cuba on Whitsunday The Citie of Iago hath eightie houses which are great and well contriued The most part haue the wals made of boords and are couered with thatch it hath some houses builded with lime and stone and couered with tiles It hath great Orchards and many trees in them differing from those of Spaine there be Figge-trees which beare Figges as big as ones fist yellow within and of small taste and other trees which beare fruite which they call Ananes in making and bignesse like to a small Pineapple it is a fruit very sweete in taste the shel being taken away the kernell is like a peece of fresh cheese In the granges abroad in the Countrie there are other great Pineapples which grow on low trees and are like the Aloetree they are of a very good smell and exceeding good taste Other trees doe beare a fruite which they call Mameis of the bignesse of Peaches This the Islanders doe hold for the best fruit of the countrey There is another fruit which they call Guayabas like Filberds as bigge as figges There are other trees as high as a iaueline hauing one onely stocke without any bough and the leaues as long as a casting dart and the fruit is of the bignesse and fashion of a Cucumber one bunch beareth twenty or thirty and as they ripen the tree bendeth downwards with them they are called in this Countrie Plantanos and are of a good taste and ripen after they be gatherod but those are the better which ripen vpon the tree it selfe they beare fruit but once and the tree being cut downe there spring vp others out of the but which beare fruit the next yeare There is another fruit whereby many people are sustained and chiefly the slaues which are called Batatas These grow now in the Isle of Terzera belonging to the Kingdome of Portugall and they grow within the earth and are like a fruit called lname they haue almost the taste of a Chestnut The Bread of this countrie is also made of rootes which are like the Batatas And the stocke whereon those rootes doe grow is like an Elder tree they make their ground in little hillocks and in each of them they thrust foure or fiue stakes and they gather the rootes a yeare and an halfe after they set them If any one thinking it is a Batata or Potato root chance to eate of it neuer so little he is in great danger of death which was seene by experience in a Soldier which as soone as he had eaten a very little of one of those roots be died quickly They peare these roots and stampe them and squese them in a thing like a presse the iuyce that commeth from them is of an euill smell The Bread is of little taste and lesse substance Of the fruits of Spaine there are Figs and Oranges they beare fruit all the yeare because the soile is very ranke and fruitfull In this Countrie are many good Horses and there is greene grasse all the yeare There be many wilde Oxen and Hogs whereby the people of the Island is well furnished with flesh Without the townes abroad in the Countrie are many fruits And it happeneth sometimes that a Christian goeth on t of the way and is lost fifteene or twenty daies because of the many paths in the thicke groues that crosse to fro made by the Oxen and being thus lost they sustaine themselues with fruits and palmitos for there be many great groues of Palme trees through all the Island they yeelde no other fruite that is of any profit The Isle of Cuba is 300. leagues long from the East to the West and is in some places 30. in others 40. leagues from North to South It hath six towns of Christians to wit S. Iago Baracôa Bayamo Puerto de Principes S. Espirito and Hauana Euery one hath betweene thirty and forty housholds except S. Iago and Hauana which haue about sixtie or eightie houses They haue Churches in each of them and a Chaplen which confesseth them and saith Masse In S. Iago is a Monasterie of Franciscan Friers it hath but few Friers and is well prouided of almes because the Countrie is rich The Church of S. Iago hath honest reuenew and there is a Curat and Prebends and many Priests as the Church of that Citie which is the chiefe of all the Island There is in this Countrie much Gold and few slaues to get it For many haue made away themselues because of the Christians euill vsage of them in the Mines A Steward of Vasques Porcallo which was an inhabitour in that Island vnderstanding that his slaues would make away themselues staied for them with a cudgell in his hand at the place where they were to meete and told them that they could neither doe nor thinke any thing that hee did not know before and that hee came thither to kill himselfe with them to the end that if he had vsed them badly in this World hee might vse them worse in the World to come And this was a meane that they changed their purpose and turned home againe to doe that which he commanded them CHAP. II. FERDINANDO de SOTO his Voyage to Florida and Discouerie of the Regions in that Continent with the Trauels of the Spaniards foure yeeres together therein and the accidents which befell them written by a Portugall of the Company and here contracted §. I. SOTOS entrance into Florida taking of IOHN ORTIZ one of Naruaz his company comming to Paracossy and diuers other Caciques with accidents in the way ON Sunday the eighteenth of May in the yeere of our Lord 1539. the Adelantado or President departed from Hauana in Cuba with his fleet which were nine vessels fiue great shippes two Carauels and two Brigantines They sayled seuen dayes with a prosperous wind The fiue and twentieth day of May the day de Pasca de Spirito Santo which we call Whitson Sunday they saw the Land of Florida and because of the shoalds they came to an anchor a league from the shoare On Friday the thirtieth of May they landed in Florida two leagues from a Towne of an Indian Lord called Vcita They set on Land two hundred and thirteene Horses which they brought with them to vnburden the ships that they might draw the lesse water He landed all his men and only the Seamen remained in the ships which in eight
had deliuered him from the fire how her father was determined to sacrifice him the day following who willed him to flee to Mocoço for she knew that he would vse him well for she heard say that he had asked for him and said he would be glad to see him and because he knew not the way she went with him halfe a league out of the Towne by night and set him in the way and returned because she would not be discouered Iohn Ortiz trauelled all that night and by the morning came vnto a Riuer which is in the Territorie of Mocoço Three or foure Indians carried the newes to their Lord who came forth a quarter of a league from the Towne to receiue him and was very glad of him He caused him presently to sweare according to the custome of the Christians that he would not runne away from him to any other Lord and promised him to entreate him very well and that if at any time there came any Christians into that Countrie he would freely let him goe and giue him leaue to goe to them and likewise tooke his oath to performe the same according to the Indian custome He dwelt with Mocoço nine yeeres with small hope of seeing any Christians Assoone as our Gouernour arriued in Florida it was knowne to Mocoço and straightway he signified to Iohn Ortiz that Christians were lodged in the Towne of Vcita And Mocoço gaue him ten or eleuen principal Indians to beare him company and as they went to the Pâ—rt where the Gouernour was they met with Baltasar de Gallegos as I haue declared before Assoone as hee was come to the Campe the Gouernour commanded to giue him a sute of apparell and very good Armour and a faire Horse and enquired of him whether hee had notice of any Countrie where there was any Gold or Siluer He answered No because hee neuer went ten leagues compasse from the place where he dwelt But that thirty leagues from thence dwelt an Indian Lord which was called Parocassi to whom Mocoço and Vcita with all the rest of that Goast payed Tribute and that he peraduenture might haue notice of some good Countrie and that his Land was better then that of the Sea-coast and more fruitfull and plentifull of Maiz. Whereof the Gouernour receiued great contentment and said that hee desired no more then to find victuals that he might goe into maine Land for the Land of Florida was so large that in one place or other there could not choose but bee some Countrie The Cacique Mocoço came to the Port to visit the Gouernour The Gouernour answered him That although in freeing and sending him the Christian he had preserued his honour and promise yet he thanked him and held it in such esteeme as it had no comparison and that he would alwayes hold him as his Brother and would fauour him in all things to the vtmost of his power Then he commanded a shirt to be giuen him and other things wherewith the Cacique being very well contented to his leaue of him and departed to his owne Towne From the Port de Spirito Santo where the Gouernour lay he sent the Alcalde Maier Baltasar de Gallego with fiftie Horsemen and thirtie or fortie Footmen to the Prouince of Paracossi to view the disposition of the Countrie and informe himselfe of the Land farther inward and to send him word of such things as he found Likewise he sent his ships backe to the Iland of Cuba that they might returne within a certaine time with victuals Vasques Porcallo de Figueroa which went with the Gouernour as Captaine Generall whose principall intent was to send slaues from Florida to the Iland of Cuba where he had his goods and Mynes hauing made some In-rodes and seeing no Indians were to be got because of the great Bogges and thicke Woods that were in the Countrie considering the disposition of the same determined to returne to Cuba And though there was some difference betweene him and the Gouernour whereupon they neither dealt nor conuersed together with good countenance yet notwithstanding with louing words hee asked him leaue and departed from him Baltasar de Gallegos came to the Paracossi There came to him thirty Indians from the Cacique and said that their Lord was ill at ease and therefore could not come but that they came on his behalfe to see what he demanded Hee asked them if they knew or had notice of any rich Country where there was Gold or Siluer They told them they did and that toward the West there was a Prouince which was called Cale and that others that inhabited other Countries had warre with the people of that Countrie where the most part of the yeere was Summer and that there was much Gold and that when those their enemies came to make warre with them of Cale these Inhabitants of Cale did weare hats of Gold in manner of Head-pieces Baltasar de Gallegos seeing that the Cacique came not thinking all that they said was fained with intent that in the meane time they might set themselues in safetie fearing that if he did let them goe they would returne no more commanded the thirtie Indians to be chained and sent word to the Gouernour by eight Horsemen what had passed whereof the Gouernour with all that were with him at the Port de Spirito Santo receiued great comfort supposing that that which the Indians reported mght be true Hee left Captaine Calderan at the Port with thirtie Horsemen and seuentie Footmen with prouision for two yeeres and himselfe with all the rest marched into the mayne Land and came to the Paracossi at whose Towne Batasar de Gallegos was and from thence with all his men tooke the way to Cale He passed by a little Towne called Acela and came to another called Tocaste and from thence he went before with thirtie Horsemen and fiftie Footmen toward Cale And passing by a Towne whence the people were fled they saw Indians a little from thence in a Lake to whom the Interpretor spake They came vnto them and gaue them an Indian for a guide and hee came to a Riuer with a great current and vpon a Tree which was in the midst of it was made a Bridge whereon the men passed the Horses swamme ouer by a Hawser that they were pulled by from the otherside for one which they droue in at the first without it was drowned From thence the Gouernour sent two Horsemen to his people that were behind to make haste after him because the way grew long and their victuals short He came to Cale and found the Towne without people He tooke three Indians which were Spies and tarried there for his people that came after which were sore vexed with hunger and euill wayes because the Countrie was very barren of Maiz low and full of water bogs and thicke woods and the victuals which they brought with them from the Port de Spirito Santo were spent Wheresoeuer
fished for afterward would haue beene of more value for those which they had because they burned them in the fire did leese their colour The Gouernour answered them that vrged him to inhabit That in all the Countrie there were not victuals to sustaine his men one moneth and that it was needefull to resort to the Port of Ocus where Maldanado was to stay for them and that if no richer Countrie were found they might returne againe to that whensoeuer they would and in the meane time the Indians would sow their fields and it would be better furnished with Maiz. He inquired of the Indians whether they had notice of any great Lord farther into the land They told him that twelue daies iourney from thence there was a Prouince called Chiaha subiect to the Lord of Coça Presently the Gouernour determined to seeke that land And being a sterne man and of few words though he was glad to sift and know the opinion of all men yet after he had deliuered his owne hee would not be contraried and alwayes did what liked himselfe and so all men did condescend vnto his will §. II. SOTOS further Discoueries in Florida and manifold various Aduentures till hee came to Tulla THe Gouernour departed from Cutifa Chiqui the third day of May. And because the Indians had reuolted and the will of the Ladie was perceiued that if shee could shee would depart without giuing any Guides or men for burdens for the wrongs which the Christians had done to the Indians for there neuer want some among many of a base sort that for a little gaine doe put themselues and others in danger of vndoing The Gouernour commanded her to be kept in safegard and carried with him not with so good vsage as shee deserued for the good will she shewed And he carried her on foot with his bond-women to looke vnto her In all the Townes where the Gouernour passed the Lady commanded the Indians to come and carrie the burdens from one Towne to another Wee passed through her Countrie an hundred leagues in which as wee saw shee was much obeyed For the Indians did all that shee commanded them with great efficacie and diligence In seuen dayes space the Gouernour came to a Prouince called Chalaque the poorest Countrie of Maiz that was seene in Florida The Indians fed vpon Roots and Herbes which they seeke in the fields and vpon wilde beasts which they kill with their Bowes and Arrowes and it is a very gentle people All of them goe naked and are very leane There was a Lord which for a great Present brought the Gouernour two Deeres skinnes and there were in that Countrie many wilde Hens In one Towne they made him a Present of seuen hundred Hens and so in other Townes they sent him those which they had or could get From this Prouince to another which is called Xualla hee spent fiue dayes here he found very little Maiz and for this cause though the people were wearied and the horses very weake hee stayed no more but two dayes From Ocute to Cutifa-chiqui may bee some hundred and thirtie leagues whereof eightie are Wildernesse From Cutifa-chiqui to Xualla two hundred and fiftie and it is an Hilly Countrie The Gouernour departed from Xualla toward Guaxule he passed very rough and high hils In that iourney the Lady of Cutifa-chiqui whom the Gouernour carried with him as is aforesaid with purpose to carrie her to Guaxule because her Territorie reached thither going on a day with the bond-women which lead her went out of the way and entred into a Wood saying shee went to ease her selfe and so shee deceiued them and hid her selfe in the Wood and though they sought her they could not find her She carried away with her a little chest made of Canes in manner of a Coffer which they call Petaca full of vnbored Pearles Some which could iudge of them said that they were of great value An Indian woman that waited on her did carrie them The Gouernour not to discontent her altogether left them with her making account that in Guaxule he would aske them of her when he giue her leaue to returne which Coffer shee carried away and went to Xualla with three slaues which fled from the Campe and one Horseman which remained behind who falling sicke of an Ague went out of the way and was lost This man whose name was Alimamos dealt with the slaues to change their euill purpose and returne with him to the Christians which two of them did and Alimamos and they ouertooke the Gouernour fiftie leagues from thence in a Prouince called Chiaha and reported how the Lady remayned in Xualla with a slaue of Andrew de Vasconcellos which would not come backe with them and that of a certaintie they liued as man and wife together and meant to goe both to Cutifa-chiqui Within fiue dayes the Gouernour came to Guaxule The Indians there gaue him a Present of three hundred Dogges because they saw the Christians esteeme them and sought them to feed on them for among them they are not eaten In Guaxule and all that way was very little Maiz. The Gouernour sent from thence an Indian with a message to the Cacique of Chiaha to desire him to gather some Maiz thither that he might rest a few dayes in Chiaha The Gouernour departed from Guaxule and in two dayes iourney came to a Towne called Canasagua There met him on the way twentie Indians euery one loaden with a basket full of Mulberies for there be many and those very good from Cutifa-chiqui thither and so forward in other Prouinces and also Nuts and Plums And the trees grow in the fields without planting or dressing them and are as bigge and as ranke as though they grew in Gardens digged and watered From the time that the Gouernour departed from Canasagua he iournied fiue dayes through a Desert and two leagues before he came to Chiaha there met him fifteene Indians loaden with Maiz which the Cacique had sent and they told him on his behalfe that he waited his comming with twentie Barnes full of it and farther that himselfe his Countrie and subiects and all things else were at his seruice On the fift day of Iune the Gouernour entred into Chiaha The Cacique voided his owne houses in which hee lodged and receiued him with much ioy There was in this Towne much Butter in Gourds melted like Oyle they said it was the fat of Beares There was found also great store of Oyle of Walnuts which was cleere as Butter and of a good taste and a pot full of Honie of Bees which neither before nor afterward was seene in all the Countrie The Towne was in an Iland betweene two armes of a Riuer and was seated nigh one of them The Riuer diuideth it selfe into those two branches two Crosse-bow shot aboue the Towne and meeteth againe a league beneath the same The plaine betweene both the branches is
fore-parts then behind which is like wooll a mane like a Horses on their backe bone and long haire from the knees downward with store of long haire at the chinne and throat a long flocke also at the end of the males tailes The Horses fled from them of which they slue some being enraged They are 〈…〉 eat drinke shooes houses fire vessels and their Masters whole substance Other creatures as big as Horses the Spaniards for their fiue wooll called Sheepe one of their hornes ordinarily weighed fiftie pounds There are also great Dogs which will fight with a Bull able to carrie fiftie pounds weight in their huntings and remouals A N 〈…〉 1581. Frier Augustine Ruiz with two other Friers and eight Souldiers trauelled from the Mines of Saint Barbara to Los Tiguas two hundred and fifty leagues Northwards where vpon occasion of one of the Friers being slaine the Souldiers returned The two Friers and a Mestizo stayed Whereupon the Franciscans carefull of their two Brethren procured Antonio de Espeio a rich Mexican with Frier Bernardine Beltran and others licensed to follow him to set â—orth on the said Discouerie in Nouember An. 1582. with an hundred and fifteene Horses and store of prouisions Hee passed the Conchos and the Passaguates and Tobâ—sos and Iumanos finding many Siluer Mines in the way and then came to people which for want of Language they could not name and heard by one of the Conchos of a great Lake and Townes neere it with houses of three or foure stories but went not thither Fifteene dayes they trauelled thorow Woods of Pine-trees and two thorow Woods of Poplars and Walâ—uts still keeping by the Riuer of the North as they called it till they came to a Countrie which they called New Mexico They came to ten Townes situate on both sides the Riuer which vsed them kindly Their houses are of foure stories well built with Stoues for Winter their apparel of Cotton and Deeres skinnes both men and women ware Boots and Shooes with soles of Neats leather Each house had an Oratorie for the Deuill where they set him meate for whose ease as they say they erect Chappels also in the high-way Thence they came to Tiguas in which were sixteene Townes in Poala they had slaine the two Friers and now therefore fled to the Mountaines They fouâ—d many Hennes in the Countrey and many metals Hearing that there were rich Townes Eastwards they trauelled two dayes and found eleuen Townes and as they thought fortie thousand people There are signes of rich Mines They heard of a Prouince Quires sixe leagues higher vp the Riuer which they visited and found fiue Townes They saw there a Pie in a Cage and certaine tirasols or shadowes such as they vse in China in which were painted the Sunne Moone and Starres They found themselues in 37. degrees and a halfe Fourteene leagues more to the North they came to the Cunames which had fiue Townes the greatest was Câ—a with eight Market places the houses plaistered and painted with diuers colours the people many and more ciuill then any they had seene They trauelled thence North-westward to a Countrie which had seuen great Townes and in them thirtie thousand soules Fifteene leagues further Westward they came to Acoma a Towne of sixe thousand persons seated on a Rocke fifty paces high without any passage to it but by staires hewen in the Rocke all their water was kept in Cisternes They trauelled hence foure and twentie leagues Westward to Zuny or Cibola where Vasquez had beene and erected Crosses still standing Three Indians of his Armie were still aliue here which told Espeio of a great Lake sixtie dayes iourney thence vpon the bankes whereof were many Townes which had store of Gold Whereupon the rest returning hee with nine companions determined to goe thither and came to a populous Prouince called Mohotze and being well entertained hee perswaded the Indians to build a Fort to secure them from the Horses which hee said would otherwise eate them which they did Here he left some of his companie and went to discouer certaine rich Mines whereof he had heard fiue and fortie leagues Westward which hee found rich of Siluer He had further intelligence also of that great Lake and hauing trauelled twelue leagues to the Hubates and Tamos populous Prouinces being so few they returned in Iuly 1583. by another way downe a Riuer called De las Vaccas or Of Kine an hundred and twenty leagues still meeting with store of those cattell and thence to Conchos and so to the Valley of Saint Bartholmew in New Biscay Bartholmew Canâ— writ from Mexico in May 1590. that Rodrigo del Rio Gouernour of New Biscay was sent by the Vice-roy with fiue hundred Spansards to the conquest of Cibola NOw for Cortez his three ships they set forth from Acapulco the eighth of Iuly 1539. and sayled alongst the coast Northwards to Cape Roxo as they stiled it and so to the Riuer of Saint Crosses which coast some thought to bee part of the Continent others to bee but broken Lands or Ilands and sayled so farre in the same that I am loth to follow them the particulars being both in Ramusio and Master Hakluyt Fernando Alarchon Anno 1540. was sent by Mendoza the Vice-roy with two ships who sayth hee went to the bottome of the Bay of California and sayled vp the Riuer farre into the Countrie I remit the desirous Reader to the Authours aforesaid To mee Ullua the Marquesses Generall seemes to make California nothing but Ilands and to haue sayled within a great way and after out of them this other aemulous Discouerer would seeme to finde it a Bay and therefore goeth vp the Riuer later Maps make it an Iland as wee haue said a Letter 1595. from Los Angelos calleth them Ilands and sayth they are rich and that the Vice-roy sent to conquer them But I am Sea-sicke and therefore returne to our Land-discouerers In which wee haue a Iesuite first to entertaine you and after that a Letter of later Newes of Onnates Discoueries in those Northerne parts of America All which may be of vse one day when our Virginian Plantation which blusheth to see so little done after eighteene yeeres continued habitation with so much cost and so many liues and liuelihoods spent thereon shall lift vp her head with more viue alacritie and shake her glorious lockes and disparkle her triumphant lookes thorow the inland Countries to the Westerne Ocean And indeed for Uirginias sake wee haue so long held you in Spanish discourses of whose Acts this Chapter had beene the last but that the leauen which leaueneth in so great part the Spanish lumpe may be knowne to awaken English vigilance to preuent it in themselues they had a faire caueat 1588. and to auoide the like with others I shall adde to these their Discoueries a Spanish Traueller Frier Bishop to discouer their Discouerers which shall cast vp
such wise as that since the first entring into New Spaine which was on the eight day of Aprill in the eighteenth yeere vnto the thirtieth yeere which make twelue yeeres complete the slaughters and the destructions haue neuer ceassed which the bloudie and cruell hands of the Spaniards haue continually executed in foure hundred and fiftie leagues of Land or thereabout in compasse round about Mexico and the Neighbour Regions round about such as the which might containe foure or fiue great Realmes as great and a great deale farre fertiler then is Spaine All this Countrie was more peopled with Inhabitants then Toledo and Siuill and Vallodolid and Sauagoce with Barcelona For that there hath not beene commonly in those Cities nor neuer were such a world of people when they haue beene peopled with the most as there was then in the said Country which containeth in the whole compasse more then 1800. leagues during the time of the aboue mentioned twelue yeeres the Spaniards haue slaine and done to death in the said 450. leagues of Land what men what women what young and little children more then foure Millions of soules with the dint of the Sword and Speare and by fire during I say the Conquests as they call them Neither yet doe I here comprize those whom they haue slaine and doe slay as yet euery day in the aforesaid slauerie and oppression ordinarie Amongst other Murders and Massacres they committed this one which I am now to speake of in a great Citie more then of a thirtie thousand housholds which is called Cholula that is that comming before them the Lords of the Countrie and places neere adioyning and first and formost the Priests with their chiefe high Priest in procession to receiue the Spaniards with great solemnitie and reuerence so conducting them in the middest of them towards their Lodgings in the Citie in the houses and place of the Lord or other principall Lords of the Citie the Spaniards aduised with themselues to make a massacre or a chastise as they speake to the end to raise and plant a dread of their cruelties in euery corner of all that Countrie Now this hath beene alwaies their customary manner of doing in euery the Regions which they haue entred into to execute incontinent vpon their first arriuall some notable cruell butcherie to the end that those poore and innocent Lambes should tremble for feare which they should haue of them in this wise they sent first to summon all the Lords and Noblemen of the Citie and of all the places subiect vnto the same Citie who so soone as they came to speake with the Captaine of the Spaniards were incontinent apprehended before that any body might perceiue the matter to be able thereupon to beare tidings thereof vnto others Then were demanded of them fiue or sixe thousand Indians to carry the lodings and carriages of the Spaniards which Indians came forthwith and were bestowed into the base Courts of the Houses It was a pitifull case to see these poore folke what time they made them ready to beare the carriages of the Spaniard They come all naked only their secret parts couered hauing euery one vpon their shoulder a Net with a small deale of victuall they bow themselues euery one and hold their backes cowred downe like a sort of â—llie Lambes presenting themselues to the Swords and thus being all assembled in the base Court together with others one part of the Spanish all armed bestowe themselues at the gates to hemme them in whiles the rest put these poore Sheepe to the edge of the Sword and the Speares in such sort that there could not escape away one onely person but that he was cruelly put to death sauing that after a two or three dayes you might haue seene come forth sundry all couered with bloud which had hid and saued themselues vnder the dead bodies of their fellowes and now presenting themselues before the Spaniards asking them mercy and the sauing of their liues they found in them no pitie nor compassion any whit at all but were all hewed in pieces All the Lords which were aboue and vnderneath were all bound the Captaine commanding them to be brent quicke being bound vnto stakes pitched into the ground Howbeit one Lord which might be peraduenture the principall and King of the Countrie saued himselfe and cast himselfe with thirtie or fortie other men into a Temple thereby which was as good vnto them as a Fort which they call in their Language Qewe and there he defended himselfe a good part of the day But the Spaniards whose hands nothing can escape specially armed for the warre cast fire on the Temple and burned all those which were within From Cholula they went to Mexico The King Motensuma sent to meet them a thousand of presents and Lords and people making ioy and mirth by the way After great and abhominable tyrannies committed in the Citie of Mexico and in other Cities and the Countrey ten fifteene and twenty leagues compasse of Mexico this tyrannie and pestilence aduanced it selfe forward to waste also infect and lay desolate the Prouince of Panuco It was a thing to be wondred at of the world of people that there were and the spoyles and slaughters there done Afterward they wasted also after the selfe manner all the Prouince of Tuttepeke and the Prouince of Ipelingo and the Prouince of Columa each Prouince contayning more ground then the Realme of Leon and Castile This Captaine tyrant with this gorgeous and pretended title dispatched two other Captaines as very tyrants and farre more cruell and lesse pitifull then himselfe into great Realmes most flourishing and most fertile and full of people to wit the Realme of Guatimala which lieth to the Seaward on the South side and the same of Naco and Honduras otherwise called Guaymura which coasteth on the Sea on the North side confronting and confining the one with the other three hundred leagues distance from Mexico He sent the one by Land and the other by Sea both the one and the other carried with them a many of troopes to serue on horsebacke and a foot He which went by Sea committed exceeding pillings cruelties and disorders amongst the people on the Sea-coast The Prouinces and Realmes of Naco and Honduras which resembled a Paradise of pleasures and were more peopled frequented and inhabited then any Countrey in the world now of late wee comming along thereby haue seene them so dispeopled and destroyed that who so should see them his heart would cleaue for sorrow ware hee neuer so flinty They haue slaine within these eleuen yeeres more then two millions of soules hauing not left in more then an hundred leagues of the Countrey square but two thousand persons whom they slay as yet daily in the said ordinary bondage The great tyrant and Captaine which went to Guatimala as hath beene said exceeded all from the Prouinces neere to Mexico according as himselfe wrote in a Letter to the principall
since the yeare 1504. When we shall say that the Spaniards haue wasted your Maiesties and laid you desolate seuen Kingdomes bigger then Spaine you must conceiue that we haue seene them wonderfully peopled and now there is nobody left because the Spaniards haue slaine all the naturall inhabitants by meanes aforesaid and that of the Townes and Houses there remaineth onely the bare wals euen as if Spaine were all dispeopled and that all the people being dead there remained onely the wals of Cities Townes and Castels Your Maiestie haue not out of all the Indies one maruedy of certaine perpetuall and set rent but the whole reuenewes are as leaues and straw gathered vpon the earth which being once gathered vp doe grow no more euen so is all the rent that your Maiestie hath in the Indies vaine and of as small continuance as a blast of winde and that proceedeth onely of that the Spaniards haue had the Indians in their power and as they doe daily slay and rost the inhabitants so must it necessarily ensue that your Maiesties rights and rents doe wast and diminish The Kingdome of Spaine is in great danger to be lost robbed oppressed and made desolate by forraigne Nations namely by the Turkes and Moores because that God who is the most iust true and soueraigne King ouer all the world is wroth for the great sinnes and offences that the Spaniards haue committed throughout the Indies But had chosen Spaine as his minister and instrument to illuminate and bring them to his knowledge and as it had bin for a worldly recompence besides the eternall reward had granted her so great naturall riches and discouered for her such and so great fruitfull and pleasant lands c. In as much as our life is short I doe take God to witnesse with all the Hierarchies and thrones of Angels all the Saints of the heauenly court and all the men in the world yea euen those that shall hereafter be borne of the certificate that here I doe exhibite also of this the discharge of my conscience namely that if his Maiestie granteth to the Spaniards the aforesaid diuellish and tyrannous partition notwithstanding whatsoeuer lawes or statutes shall be deuised yet will the Indies in short space be laid desart and dispeopled euen as the I le of Hispaniola is at this present which otherwise would be most fruitfull and fertile together with other the Iles lands aboue 3000. leagues about besides Hispaniola it selfe and other lands both farre and neere And for those sinnes as the holy Scripture doth very well informe God will horribly chastize and peraduenture wholly subuert and roote out all Spaine Anno 1542. The summe of the disputation betweene Fryer BARTHOLOMEVV de las CASAS or CASAVS and Doctor SEPVLVEDA DOctor Sepulueda the Emperours chronographer hauing information and being perswaded by certaine of those Spaniards who were most guiltie in the slaughters and wastes committed among the Indian people wrote a Booke in Latine in forme of a Dialogue very eloquently and furnished with all flowers and precepts of Rhetoricke as indeede the man is very learned and excellent in the said tongue which Booke consisted vpon two principall conclusions the one That the Spaniards warres against the Indians were as concerning the cause and equitie that moued them thereto very iust also that generally the like warre may and ought to be continued His other conclusion that the Indians are bound to submit themselues to the Spaniards gouernment as the foolish to the wise if they will not yeelde then that the Spaniards may as he affirmeth warre vpon them These are the two causes of the losse and destruction of so infinite numbers of people also that aboue 2000. leagues of the maine land are by sundry new kindes of Spanish cruelties and inhumaine dealings bin left desolate in the Ilands namely by Conquests and Commands as hee now nameth those which were wont to be called Partitions The said Doctor Sepulueda coloureth his Treatise vnder the pretence of publishing the title which the Kings of Castile and Leon doe challenge in the gouernment and vniuersall soueraigntie of this Indian world so seeking to cloake that doctrine which he endeuoureth to disperse and scatter as well in these lands as also through the Kingdomes of the Indians This Booke he exhibited to the royall Councell of the Indies very earnestly and importunately lying vpon them for licence to print it which they sundry times denied him in respect of the offence dangers and manifest detriment that it seemed to bring to the Common-wealth The Doctor seeing that here he could not publish his Booke for that the Counsell of the Indies would not suffer it he dealt so farre with his friends that followed the Emperours Court that they got him a Patent whereby his Maiestie directed him to the royall Counsell of Castile who knew nothing of the Indian affaires vpon the comming of these Letters the Court and Couâ—sell being at Aranda in Duero the yeare 1547. Fryer Bartholomew de las Casas or Casaus Bishop of the royall towne of Chiapa by hap arriued there comming from the Indians and hauing intelligence of Doctor Sepulneda his drifts and deuises had notice also of the Contents of his whole Booke but vnderstanding the Authors pernicious blindenesse as also the irrecouerable losses that might ensue vpon the printing of this Booke with might and maine withstood it discouering and reuealing the poyson wherewith it abounded and whereto it pretended The Lords of the Royall Counsaile of Castile as wise and iust Iudges determined therefore to send the said Booke to the Vniuersities of Salamanca and Alcala the matter being for the most part therein Theologically handled with commandement to examine it and if it might bee printed to signe it which Vniuersities after many exact and diligent disputations concluded that it might not be printed as contayning corrupt doctrine The Doctor not so satisfied but complaning of the Vniuersities aforesaid determined notwithstanding so many denials and repulses at both the Royall Counsailes to send his Treatise to his friends at Rome to the end there to print it hauing first transformed it into a certaine Apologie written to the Bishop of Segouia because the same Bishop hauing perused the Treatie and Booke aforesaid had brotherly and charitably as his friend by Letters reprooued and counsailed him The Emperour vnderstanding of the Impression of the said Booke and Apologie did immediately dispatch his Letters Patents for the calling in and suppression of the same commanding likewise to gather in againe all Copies thereof throughout Castile For the said Doctour had published also in the Castilian Language a certaine abstract of the said Booke thereby to make it more common to all the Land and to the end â—â—so that the Commons and such as vnderstood no Latine might haue some vse thereof as being a matter agreeable and toothsome to such as coueted great riches and sought wayes to clime to other estates then either themselues or their
Garonne Gironde Belle Grande and after that Belle a Voire and Port Royal. In this last they anchored the Riuer at the mouth is three French leagues broad hee sayled vp many leagues and erected another like Pillar of stone Ribalt hauing built a Fort and furnished it with prouisions called it Charles Fort and left a Golonie there vnder Captaine Albert. These found great kindnesse with their Indian Neighbours till dissention happened amongst themselues the Captaine for a small fault hanging a Souldier and exercising seueritie ouer the rest which thereupon in a mutinie slue him and hauing chosen a new Captaine they built a Pinnasse and furnished it as well as they could to returne for France but surprized in the way with calmes and expence of their prouision they first did eare their shooes and Buffe Ierkins and yet continuing famished they killed one of their fellowes called La Chere and made cheere of him and after met with an English Barke which releeued them and setting some on Land brought the rest to Queene Elizabeth The cause of their not releeuing according to promise was the Ciuill warres which beeing compounded the Admirall procured the King to send three ships to Florida vnder the command of the Author Rene Landonniere which see saile in Aprill 1564. He went on shoare at Dommica in which Iland his men killed two Serpents nine foote long and as bigge as 〈◊〉 legge The two and twentieth of Iune they landed in Florida ten leagues aboue Capo Francois and after in the Riuer of May where the Indians very ioyfully welcommed them and the stone Piller 〈…〉 rected by Ribalt was crowned with bayes and baskets of Mill or Moiz set at the foot and they kissed the same with great reuerence One of Parâ—coussy or the King his Sonnes presented 〈◊〉 Captain with a wedge of siluer With another Parcâ—ussy they saw one old Father blind with age but liuing and of his lomes sixe generations descended all present so that the Sonne of the eldest was supposed two hundred and fiftie yeeres old They planted themselues on this Riuer of May and there built a Fort which they called Carolina of their King Charles Landonniere sent Outigni his Lieutenant to search out the people called Thimogoa whence that siluer wedge had comne and there heard of a great King Olata Ouae Utina to whom fortie Kings were vassals Saturioua was said to haue thirtie and to be enemie to Vtina A fearefull lightning happened which burned fiue hundred acres of ground and all the fowles after which followed such a heat that as many fish were dead therewith at the mouth of the Riuer as would haue laden fiftie Carts and of their putrifaction grieuous diseases The Sauages had thought the French had done it with their Ordnance He got some prisoners of Vtinas subiects which Saturioua had taken and sent them to him some of his men assisting Vtina in his warres against Potanou one of his enemies and returning with some quantitie of Siluer and Gold Whiles things continued in good termes with the Sauages Mutinies and Conspiracies fell out amongst the French some conspiring to kill the Captaine others running away with the Barks one of which robbed by Sea and after was driuen by famine to seeke to the Spaniards at Hauana and when two other Barkes were a building a third Conspiracie seized on the Captaine detained him Prisoner and forced him to subscribe their passe with these two Barkes Away they went and the next diuision was amongst themselues one Barke departing from the others One of them after diuers Piracies came backe and the chiefe mutinies were executed Francis Iean one of the other Barke was he which after brought the Spaniards thither to destroy them The Indians vse to keepe in the Woods Ianuarie Februarie and March and liue on what they take in hunting so that the French neither receiuing their expected reliefe from France nor from the Sauages which had no Corne hauing before sold them what they had suffered grieuous famine they resolued to build a vessell able to carrie them into France the Sauages making aduantages of their necessities according to the wonted perfidiousnesse of those wilde people whereupon they tooke King Vtina Prisoner with his Sonne to get food for his ransome The famine was so sharpe that it made the bones to grow thorow the skinne and when the Maiz by the end of May came to some ripenesse food it selfe ouercame their weake stomacks Some reliefe they had by Sir Iohn Hawkins who came thither with foure ships guided by a man of Deepe which had been there in Ribalts Voyage who also offered to transport him and set them all on land in France This he refused but made good aduantage hereof with the Sauages telling them that this was his brother which brought him great reliefe and plentie whereupon all sought his friendship His men at last generally fearing to continue in that misery wanting both apparell and victuall and meanes to returne so wrought with him that not daring to giue the Siluer and such things as he had gotten in the Countrie which might bring an English Plantation into those parts he bought a ship of Sir Iohn Hawkins who partly sold and partly gaue them prouisions also of apparell and victuall for their returne and as Laudonniere acknowledgeth like a charitable man saued their liues Whiles thus they were preparing to set saile Captaine Ribalt came into the Riuer with seuen saile foure greater and three lesse whom the Admirall had sent hearing that Laudonniere lorded and domineered in tyrannicall and insolent manner and was solemnely welcommed in the end of August 1565. A while after when as the Indians had filled Captaine Ribalt with golden hopes of the Mynes at Apalatci some proofes whereof were found to be perfect gold sixe great ships of Spaniards came into the Riuer on the fourth of September and made faire shew to the French which trusted them neuer the more but let slip their Anchors and fled being no way matchable but in swiftnesse of saile whereby they escaped the pursuite of the Spaniards and obserued their course sending word thereof to Captaine Ribalt The High Admirall Chastillon also had in his last Letters written to Ribalt that he had intelligence out of Spaine of Don Pedro Melendes his Expedition to Florida iust before his comming from France Captaine Ribalt embarkes himselfe the eight of September pretending to goe seeke the Spaniards which soone after came to seeke the French at their Fort guided by Francis Iean before a Mutiner now also a Traytour who shewed the Captaine to the Spaniards Notwithstanding their assault Laudonniere made an escape with some others ouer the Marishes into the ships and so returned first into England and after into France Captaine Ribalt was surprized with a Tempest which wracked him vpon the Coast and all his ships were castaway himselfe hardly escaping drowning but not escaping the
more then Rockie Spaniards which massacred him and all his companie This butcherie was reuenged in a fourth Floridan Voyage made from France by Captaine Gaurgues Anna 1567. who borrowed and sold to set forth three ships and entring the Riuer Tacaâ—acourn which the French called Seine he made league with eight Sauage Kings which had beene much dispighted by the Spaniards and were growne as dispightfull to them The Spaniards were accounted foure hundred strong and had diuided themselues into three Forts vpon the Riuer of May the greatest begun by the French two smaller neerer the Riuers mouth to fortifie each thereof with twelue hundred Souldiers in them well prouided for Munition In Aprill 1568. he tooke these two Forts and slue all the Spaniards the vindicatiue Sauages giuing him vehement and eager assistance especially Olotocara Nephew to Saturioua As they went to the Fort he said that he should die there and therefore desired Gourgues to giue that to his wife which he would haue giuen himselfe that it might bee buried with him for his better welcome to the Village of the Soules departed This Fort was taken the Spaniards some slaine others taken and hanged on the same trees on which the French hung fiue of which on of these Spaniards confessed he had hanged and now acknowledged the Diuine Iustice. In steed of the Writings which Melendes had hanged ouer them I doe not this as to Frenchmen but as to Lutherans Gourgues set vp another I doe not this as to Spaniards or Mariners but as to Traitors Robbers and Murtherers The Forts he razed not hauing men to keepe them and in Iune following arriued in Rochel Comming to the King with expectation of reward the Spanish King had so possessed him that he was faine to hide himselfe This Dominicke de Gourgues had beene an old Souldier once imprisoned and of a Captaine made a Gally-slaue by the Spaniards and grew for his seruice in reputation with the Queene of England he died Anno 1582. And thus much of the French Voyages in Florida for Virginias sake worthy to be knowne of the English Now for their more Northerne Voyages and Plantations Master Hakluyt hath published the Voyages of Iaques Cartier who in Aprill 1534. departed from Saint Malo with two ships and in May arriued at Newfoundland On the one and twentieth of May they came to the Iland of Birds a league about so full of Birds as if they were sowed there and a hundred times as many houering about it some as bigge as Iayes blacke and white with beakes like Crowes lying alway on the Sea their wings not bigger then halfe ones hand which makes that they cannot flie high In lesse then halfe an houre they filled two Boat with them These they named Aporatz another lesse Port which put themselues vnder the wings of others greater they called Godetz a third bigger and white byting like Dogges they called Margaulx Though the Iland be fourteene leagues from the Continent Beares come thither to feed on those Birds One white one as bigge as a Kow they killed in her swimming and found her good meate Three such Bird Ilands they also discouered the fiue and twentieth of Iune which they called the Ilands of Margaulx There also they found Morses Beares and Wolues But these Northerne Coasts are better knowne to our Countrymen then that I should mention his French names which from Cabots time almost forty yeeres before had beene knowne to the English The next yeere Cartier set forth with three ships to Saint Lawrence his Bay and so to the Riuer of Hochelaga They went to Canada and to the Towne of Hochelaga They saw the great and swift fall of the Riuer and were told of three more therein The Scorbute that Winter killed fiue and twentie of their men in their Fort the rest recouered by the vse the sap and leaues of a tree called Hameda which was thought to be Sassafras These reports of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga caused King Francis to send him againe Anno 1540. purposing also to send Iohn Francis de la Roche Lord of Robewall to be his Lieutenant in the Countries of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga Hee went Anno 1542. his chiefe Pilot was Iohn Alphouso of Xantoigne whose Notes as also the Relation of that Voyage with three shippes and two hundred persons men women and children Master Hakluyt hath recorded He built a Fort and wintered there and then returned These were the French beginnings who haue continued their Trading in those parts by yeerly Voyages to that Coast to these times for fishing and sometimes for Beauers skinnes and other Commodities One Saualet is said to haue made two and forty Voyages to those parts Marke Lescarbot hath published a large Booke called Noua Francia and additions thereto part of which we haue here for better intelligence of those parts added with Champleins Discoueries CHAP. VI. The Voyage of SAMVEL CHAMPLAINE of Brouage made vnto Canada in the yeere 1603. dedicated to CHARLES de Montmorencie c. High Admirall of France WE departed from Houfleur the fifteenth day of March 1603. This day we put into the Roade of New Hauen because the winde was contrary The Sunday following being the sixteenth of the said moneth we set saile to proceed on our Voyage The seuenteenth day following we had sight of Iersey and Yarnsey which are Iles betweene the Coast of Normandie and England The eighteenth of the said moneth wee discryed the Coast of Britaine The nineteenth at seuen of the clocke at night we made account that we were thwart of Ushent The one and twentieth at seuen of clocke in the morning we met with seuen ships of Hollanders which to our iudgement came from the Indies On Easter day the thirtieth of the said moneth wee were encountred with a great storme which seemed rather to be thunder then winde which lasted the space of seuenteene dayes but not so great as it was the two first dayes and during the said time we rather lost way then gained The sixteenth day of Aprill the storme began to cease and the Sea became more calme then before to the contentment of all the Company in such sort as continuing our said course vntill the eighteenth of the said moneth we met with a very high Mountaine of Ice The morrow after we discried a banke of Ice which continued aboue eight leagues in length with an infinite number of other smaller peeces of Ice which hindred our passage And by the iudgement of our Pilot the said flakes or Ice were one hundred or one hundred twenty leagues from the Country of Canada and we were in 45. degrees and two third parts we found passage in 44. deg The second of May at eleuen of clocke of the day we came vpon The Banke in 44. degrees one third part The sixt of the said moneth we came so neere the land that we heard the Sea beate against the shore
he approued that which I said I asked him what ceremony they vsed in praying to their God He told me that they vsed none other ceremonies but that euery one praied in his heart as he thought good This is the cause why I beleeue they haue no law among them neither doe they know how to worship or pray to God and liue for the most part like brute beasts and I thinke in short space they would be brought to be good Christians if their Countrie were planten which they desire for the most part They haue among them certaine Sauages which they call Pilotoua which speak visibly with the Diuell which telleth them what they must doe as well for the warre as for other things and if he should command them to put any enterprise in execution either to kill a French man or any other of their Nation they would immediately obey his commandement Also they beleeue that all the dreames which they dreame are true and indeede there are many of them which say that they haue seene and dreamed things which doe happen or shall happen But to speake truely of these things they are visions of the Diuell which doth deceiue and seduce them Loe this is all their beliefe that I could learne of them which is brutish and bestiall All these people are well proportioned of their bodies without any deformitie they are well set and the women are well shapen fat and full of a tawnie colour by abundance of a certaine painting wherewith they rubbe themselues which maketh them to be of an Oliue colour They are apparelled with skins one part of their bodies is couered and the other part vncouered but in the winter they couer all for they are clad with good Furres namely with the skins of Orignac Otters Beuers Lea-boores Stagges and Deere whereof they haue store In the winter when the Snowes are great they make a kinde of racket which is twice or thrice as bigge as one of ours in France which they fasten to their feete and so goe on the Snow without sinking for otherwise they could not hunt nor trauaile in many places They haue also a kinde of Marriage which is that when a Maide is foureteene or fifteene yeares old shee shall haue many seruants and friends and she may haue carnall company with all those which she liketh then after fiue or six yeares she may take which of them she will for her husband and so they shall liue together all their life time except that after they haue liued a certaine time together and haue no children the man may forsake her and take another wife saying that his old wife is nothing worth so that the Maides are more free then the married Women After they be married they be chaste and their husbands for the most part are iealous which giue presents to the Father or Parents of the Maide which they haue married loe this is the ceremonie and fashion which they vse in their marriages Touching their burials when a man or woman dieth they make a pit wherein they put all the goods which they haue as Kettels Furres Hatchets Bowes and Arrowes Apparell and other things and then they put the corps into the graue and couer it with earth and set store of great peeces of wood ouer it and one stake they set vp on end which they paint with red on the top They beleeue the immortality of the Soule and say that when they be dead they goe into other Countries to reioyce with their parents and friends THe eleuenth day of Iune I went some twelue or fifteene leagues vp Saguenay which is a faire Riuer and of incredible depth for I beleeue as farrâ— as I could learne by conference whence it should come that it is from a very high place from whence there descendeth a fall of water with great impetuositie but the water that proceedeth thereof is not able to make such a Riuer as this which neuerthelesse holdeth not but from the said course of water where the first fall is vnto the Port of Tadousac which is the mouth of the said Riuer of Saguenay in which space are fortie fiue or fiftie leagues and it is a good league and a halfe broad at the most and a quarter of a league where it is narrowest which causeth a great currant of water All the Countrie which I saw was nothing but Mountaines the most part of rockes couered with woods of Fâ—r-trees Cypresses and Birch-trees the soyle very vnpleasant where I found not a league of plaine Countrey neither on the one side nor on the other There are certaine hils of Sand and Isles in the said Riuer which are very high aboue the water In fine they are very Desarts voide of Beasts and Birds for I assure you as I went on hunting through places which seemed most pleasant vnto mee I found nothing at all but small Birds which are like Nightingales and Swallowes which come thither in the Summer for at other times I thinke there are none because of the excessiue cold which is there this Riuer commeth from the North-west They reported vnto me that hauing passed the first fall from whence the currant of water commeth they passe eight other sants or fals and then they trauaile one dayes iourney without finding any then they passe ten other sants and come into a Lake which they passe in two dayes euery day they trauaile at their ease some twelue or fifteene leagues at the end of the Lake there are people lodged then they enter into three other Riuers three or foure dayes in each of them at the end of which Riuers there are two or three kinde of Lakes where the head of Saguenay beginneth from the which head or spring vnto the said Port of Tadousac is ten dayes iournee with their Canowes On the side of the said Riuers are many lodgingings whither other Nacions come from the North to trucke with the said Mountainers for skins of Beuers and Marterns for other Merchandises which the French Ships bring to the said Mountainers The said Sauages of the North say that they see a Sea which is salt I hold if this be so that it is some gulfe of this our Sea which disgorgeth it selfe by the North part between the lands and in very deede it can be nothing else This is that which I haue learned of the Riuer of Saguenay ON Wednesday the eighteenth day of Iune we departed from Tadousac to go to the Sault we passed by an I le which is called the Ile dulieure or the I le of the Hare which may be some two leagues from the Land on the North side and some seuen leagues from the said Tadousac and fiue leagues from the South Coast. From the I le of the Hare we ranged the North Coast about halfe a league vnto a point that runneth into the Sea where a man must keepe farther off The said point
is within a league of the I le which is called the Ile du Coudre or the I le of Fâ—lberds which may be some two leagues in length And from the said I le to the Land on the North side is a league The said Ile is some what euen and groweth sharpe toward both the ends on the West end there are Medowes and Points of Rockes which stretch somewhat into the Riuer The said Ile is somewhat pleasant by reason of the Woods which enuiron the same There is store of Slate and the soyle is somewhat grauelly at the end whereof there is a Rocke which stretcheth into the Sea about halfe a league We passed to the North of the said I le which is distant from the I le of the Hare twelue leagues The Thursday following we departed from thence and anchored at a dangerous nooke on the Northside where there be certaine Medowes and a little Riuer where the Sauages lodge sometimes The said day wee still ranged the Coast on the North vnto a place where wee put backe by reasons of the winds which were contrary vnto vs where there were many Rockes and places very dangeous here we stayed three dayes wayting for faire weather All this Coast is nothing but Mountaynes as well on the South side as on the North the most part like the Coast of the Riuer of Saguenay On Sunday the two and twentieth of the said moneth wee departed to goe to the I le of Orleans in the way there are many Iles on the South shoare which are low and couered with trees shewing to be very pleasant contayning as I was able to iudge some two leagues and one league and another halfe a league About these Iles are nothing but Rocks and Flats very dangerous to passe and they are distant some two leagues from the mayne Land on the South And from thence wee ranged the I le of Orleans on the Southside It is a league from the North shoare very pleasant and leuell contayning eight leagues in length The Coast on the South shoare is low land some two leagues into the Countrey the said lands begin to below ouer against the said Ile which beginneth two leagues from the South Coast to passe by the North side is very dangerous for the bankes of Sand and Rockes which are betweene the said Ile and the mayne Land which is almost all dry at a low water At the end of the said Ile I saw a fall of water which fell from a great Mountaine of the said Riuer of Canada and on the top of the said Mountaine the ground is leuell and pleasant to behold although within the said Countries a man may see high Mountaynes which may bee some twenty or fiue and twenty leagues within the Lands which are neere the first Sault of Saguenay We anchored at Quebec which is a Strait of the said Riuer of Canada which is some three hundred pases broad there is at this Strait on the North side a very high Mountayne which falleth downe on both sides all the rest is a leuell and goodly Countrey where there are good grounds full of Trees as Okes Cypresses Birches Firre-trees and Aspes and other Trees bearing fruit and wild Vines So that in mine opinion if they were dressed they would be as good as ours There are along the Coast of the said Quebec Diamants in the Rockes of Slate which are better then those of Alonson From the said Quebec to the I le of Coudre or Filberds are nine and twenty leagues ON Munday the three and twentieth of the said moneth we departed from Quebec where the Riuer beginneth to grow broad sometimes one league then a league and an halfe or two leagues at most The Countrey groweth still fairer and fairer and are all low grounds without Rockes or very few The North Coast is full of Rockes and bankes of Sand you must take the South side about some halfe league from the shore There are certaine small Riuers which are not nauigable but only for the Canowes of the Sauages wherein there be many fals Wee anchored as high as Saint Croix which is distant from Quebec fifteene leagues This is a low point which riseth vp on both sides The Countrey is faire and leuell and the soyles better then in any place that I haue seene with plenty of wood but very few Firre-trees and Cypresses There are in these parts great store of Vines Peares small Nuts Cheries Goose-beries red and greene and certaine small Roots of the bignesse of a little Not resembling Musheroms in taste which are very good roasted and sod All this soyle is blacke without any Rockes saue that there is great store of Slate The soyle is very soft and if it were well manured it would yeeld great increase On the Northside there is a Riuer which is called Batiscan which goeth farre into the Countrey whereby sometimes the Algoumequins come downe and another on the same side three leagues from the said Saint Croix in the way from Quebec which is that where Iacques Quartier was in the beginning of the Discouery which he made hereof and hee passed no farther The said Riuer is pleasant and goeth farre vp into the Countries All this North Coast is very leuell and delectable On Tuesday the foure and twentieth of the said moneth wee departed from the said Saint Croix where we stayed a tyde and an halfe that we might passe the next day following by day light because of the great number of Rockes which are thwart the Riuer a strange thing to behold which is in a manner dry at a low water But at halfe flood a man may beginne to passe safely yet you must take good heed with the Lead alwayes in hand The tyde floweth heere almost three fathomes and an halfe the farther we went the fairer was the Countrey We went some fiue leagues and an halfe and anchored on the North side The Wednesday following wee departed from the said place which is a flatter Countrey then that which we passed before full of great store of Trees as that of Saint Croix We passed hard by a little I le which was full of Vines and came to an Anchor on the South side neere a little Hill but beeing on the top thereof all is euen ground There is at other little Ile three leagues from Saint Croix ioyning neere the South shore Wee departed from the said Hill the Thursday following and passed by a little I le which is neere the North shoare where I saw sixe small Riuers whereof two are able to beare Boats farre vp and another is three hundred pases broad there are certaine Ilands in the mouth of it it goeth farre vp into the Countrey it is the deepest of all the rest which are very pleasant to behold the soyle being full of Trees which are like to Walnut-trees and haue the same smell but I saw no Fruit which maketh me doubt the Sauages told
Salt Sea which may be the South Sea the Sunne setting where they say it doth On Friday the tenth of the said moneth we returned to Tadousac where our ship lay ASsoone as wee were come to Tadousac wee embarqued our selues againe to goe to Gachepay which is distant from the said Tadousac about some hundred leagues The thirteenth day of the said moneth we met with a companie of Sauages which were lodged on the South side almost in the mid-way betweene Tadousac and Gachepay Their Sagamo or Captaine which led them is called Armouchides which is held to be one of the wâ—sest and most hardy among all the Sauages Hee was going to Tadousac to exchange Arrowes and the flesh of Orignars which they haue for Beauers and Marterns of the other Sauages the Mountainers Estechemaâ—ns and Algoumequins The fifteenth day of the said moneth we came to Gachepay which is in a Bay about a league and a halfe on the North side The said Bay containeth some seuen or eight leagues in length and at the mouth thereof foure leagues in breadth There is a Riuer which runneth some thirty leagues vp into the Countrie Then we saw another Bay which is called the Bay des Mollues or the Bay of Cods which may be some three leagues long and as much in bredth at the mouth From thence we come to the I le Percee which is like a Rocke very steepe rising on both sides wherein there is a hole through which Shalops and Boats may passe at an high water and at a lowe water one may goe from the maine Land to the said Ile which is not past foure or fiue hundred paces off Moreouer there is another Iland in a manner South-east from the I le Percee about a league which is called the Ile de Bonne-aduenture and it may bee some halfe a league long All these places of Gachepay the Bay of Cods and the I le Percee are places where they make dry and greene Fish When you are passed the I le Percee there is a Bay which is called they Bay of Heate which runneth as it were West South-west some foure and twenty leagues into the land containing some fifteene leagues in breadth at the mouth thereof The Sauages of Canada say that vp the great Riuer of Canada about some sixtie leagues ranging the South coast there is a small Riuer called Mautanne which runneth some eighteene leagues vp into the Countreys and being at the head thereof they carrie their Canowes about a league by land and they come into the said Bay of Heate by which they goe sometimes to the Isle Percee Also they goe from the said Bay to Tregate and Misamichy Running along the said coast we passe by many Riuers and come to a place where there is a Riuer which is called Souricoua where Monsieur Preuert was to discouer a Mine of Copper They goe with their Conowes vp this Riuer three or foure dayes then they passe three or foure leagues by land to the said Mine which is hard vpon the Sea shoare on the South side At the mouth of the said Riuer there is an Iland lying a league into the Sea from the said Island vnto the Isle Perçee is some sixtie or seuentie leagues Still following the said coast which trendeth toward the East you meete with a Strait which is two leagues broad and fiue and twenty leagues long On the East side is an Isle which is called the Isle of Saint Laurence where Cape Breton is and in this place a Nation of Sauages called the Souricois doe winter Passing the Strait of the Iles of Saint Lawrence and ranging the South-west Coast you come to a Bay which ioyneth hard vpon the Myne of Copper Passing farther there is a Riuer which runneth threescore or fourescore leagues into the Countrey which reacheth neere to the Lake of the Irocois whereby the said Sauages of the South-west Coast make warre vpon them I would be an exceeding great benefit if there might be found a passage on the Coâ—â—â— of Florida neere to the said great Lake where the winter is salt aswell for the Naâ—igation of ships which should not bee subiect to so many perâ—ls as they are in Canada as for the shortning of the way about three hundred leagues And at is most certaine that there are Riuers on the Goaâ—â— of Florida which are not yet discouered which â—â—erce vp into the Countries where the soile is exceeding good and fertile and very good Hauens The Countrey and Coast of Florida may haue another temperature of the season and may be 〈◊〉 more fertile in abundance of fruites and other things then that which I haue seene But it cannot haue more euen not better sayles then those which we haue seene The Sauages say that in the foresaid great Bay of Hete there is a Riuer which runneth vp vp some twentie leagues into the Countrey at the head whereof there is a Lake which may be about twentie leagues in compasse wherein is little store of water and the Summer it is dried vp wherein they find about a foot or a foot and an halfe vnder the ground a kind of Metall like to â—â—luer which I shewed them and that in another place neere the said Lake there is a Myne of Copper And this is that which I learned of the foresand Sauages WE departed from the I le 〈◊〉 the ninteenth day of the said moneth to returne to Tadousâ—c When we wâ—â—e within three leagues of Cape le Vesque or the Bishops Cape we were encountred with a storme which lasted two dayes which forced vs to put roomer with a great creake and to stay for faire weather The day following we departed and were encountred with another storme Being loth to pâ—â— roome and thinking to gaine way wee touched on the North shore the eight and twentieth day of Iuly 〈◊〉 creeke which is very bad because of the edges of Rockes which lie there This creeke is in 〈◊〉 degrees and certaine minutes The next day we anchored neere a Riuer which is called Saint Margarites Riuer where at a full Sea is some three fathomes water and a fathome and an halfe at a low water this Riuer goeth farre vp into the Land As farre as I could see within the Land on â—he East shoare there is a fall of water which entreth into the said Riuer and falleth some fiftie or sixtie â—athomes downe from whence commeth the greatest part of the water which descendeth downe At the mouth thereof there is a banke of Sand whereon at the ebbe is but halfe a faâ—home water All the Coast toward the East is mouing Sande there is a point some halfe league from the said Riuer which stretcheth halfe a league into the Sea and toward the West there is a small Iland this place is in fiftie degrees All these Countries are exceeding bad full of Firre-trees The Land here is somewhat high but not so high as that on the Southside
to maintaine keepe and conserue the said places vnder our Power and Authoritie by the formes wayes and meanes prescribed by our Lawes And for to haue there a care of the same with you to appoint establish and constitute all Officers as well in the affaires of Warre as for Iustice and Policie for the first time and from thence forward to name and present them vnto vs for to be disposed by vs and to giue Letters Titles and such Prouisoes as shall be necessarie c. Giuen at Fountain-Bleau the eight day of Nouember in the yeere our Lord 1603. And of our Reigne the fifteenth Signed Henry and vnderneath by the King Potier And sealed vpon single labell with yellow Waxe The Voyage of Monsieur de MONTS into New France written by MARKE LESCARBOT MOnsieur de Monts hauing made the Commissions and Prohibitions before said to bee proclaimed thorow the Realme of France and especially thorow the Ports and maritine Townes thereof caused two shippes to bee rigged and furnished the one vnder the conduct of Captaine Timothy of New-hauen the other of Captaine Morell of Honfleur In the first hee shipped himselfe with good number of men of account as well Gentlemen as others And for as much as Monsieur de Poutrincourt was and had beene of a long time desirous to see those Countries of New France and there to finde out and choose some fit place to retire himselfe into with his Family Wife and Children not meaning to be the last that should follow and participate in the glorie of so faire and generous an enterprize would needs goe thither and shipped himselfe with the said Monsieur de Monts carrying with him some quantitie of Armours and Munitions of Warre and so weighed Anchors from New-hauen the seuenth day of March 1604. But being departed some what too soone before the Winter had yet left off her frozen Weed they found store of Icie bankes against the which they were in danger to strike and so to be cast away The Voyage was long by reason of contrarie winds which seldome hapneth to them that set out in March for the New-found lands which are ordinarily carried with an East or Northerne winde fit to goe to those Lands And hauing taken their course to the South of the I le of Sand or Sablon or Sand for to shunne the said Ices they almost fell from Caribdis into Scylla going to strike towards the said Ile during the thicke mists that are frequent in that Sea In the end the sixt of May they came to a certaine Port where they found Captaine Rossignol of New-hauen who did trucke for skinnes with the Sauages contrary to the Kings Inhibitions which was the cause that his ship was confilcated This Port was called Le Port du Rossignol hauing in this his hard fortune this onely good that a good and fit Harborough or Port in those Coasts be areth his name From thence coasting and discouering the Lands they arriued at another Port very faire which they named Le Port de Moutton by reason that a Mutton or Weather hauing leaped ouer-board and drowned himselfe came aboard againe and was taken and eaten as good prize Neere the said Moutton Port there is a place so replenished with Rabbets and Conies that they almost did eate nothing else During that time Monsieur Champlein was sent with a shallop to seeke farther off a fitter place to retire themselues at which Exploit he carried so long that deliberating vpon the returne they thought to leaue him behind for there was no more victuals and they serued themselues with that that was found in the said Rossignols ship without which they had beene forced to returne into France and so to breake a faire enterprize at the very birth and beginning thereof or to starue hauing ended the hunting of Conies which could not still continue All New France in the end being contained in two ships they weighed Anchors from Port du Moutton for to imploy their time and to discouer Lands as much as might before Winter Wee came to Cape de Sable or the Sandie Cape and from thence we sailed to the Bay of Saint Marie where our men lay at Anchor fifteene dayes whilest the Lands and passages as well by Sea as by Riuer might be descried and knowne This Bay is a very faire place to inhabit because that one is readily carried thither without doubling There are Mynes of Iron and Siluer but in no great abundance according to the triall made thereof in France A Priest losing his way in the Woods was missing sixteene dayes Whereupon a Protestant was charged to haue killed him because they quarrelled sometimes for matters of Religion Finally they sounded a Trumpet thorow the Forrest they shot off the Canon diuers times but in vaine for the roaring of the Sea stronger then all that did expell backe the sound of the said Canons and Trumpets Two three and foure dayes passed he appeareth not In the meane-while the time hastens to depart so hauing tarried so long that hee was then held for dead they weighed Anchors to goe further and to see the depth of a Bay that hath some fortie leagues length and fourteene yea eighteene of breadth which was named La Baye Francoise or the French Bay In this Bay is the passage to come into a Port whereinto our men entred and made some abode during the which they had the pleasure to hunt an Elian or Stagge that crossed a great Lake of the Sea which maketh this Port and did swimme but easily This Port is enuironed with Mountaines on the North side Towards the South bee small Hills which with the said Mountaines doe powre out a thousand Brookes which make that place pleasanter then any other place in the World there are very faire falles of waters fit to make Milles of all sorts At the East is a Riuer betweene the said Mountaines and Hilles in the shippes may saile fifteene leagues and more and in all this distance is nothing of both sides the Riuer but faire Medowes which Riuer was named L' Equille because that the first fish taken therein was an Equille But the said Port for the beautie thereof was called Port Royall Monsieur de Poutrincourt hauing found this place to bee to his â—â—king demanded it with the Lands thereunto adioyning of Monsieur de Monts to whom the King had by Commission before inserted granted the distribution of the Lands of New France from the fortieth degree to the sixe and fortieth Which place was granted to the said Monsieur de Poutrincourt who since hath had Letters of confirmation for the same of his Maiestie intending to retire himselfe thither with his Family and there to establish the Christian and French Name as much as his power shall stretch and God grant him the meanes to accomplish it The Port contayneth eight leagues of circuit besides the Riuer of L' Equille There is within it two Iles very faire and pleasant the one
scarsly found in those Woods They gaue him food by measure and brought him backe againe to the company at the Iland of Saint Croix whereof euery one receiued an incredible ioy and consolation Before we speake of the ships returne into France it is meete to tell you how hard the I le of Saint Croix is to bee found out to them that were neuer there For there are so many Iles and great Bayes to goe by before one be at it that I wonder how euer one might pierce so farre for to finde it There are three or foure Mountaines imminent aboue the others on the sides But on the North side from whence the Riuer runneth downe there is but a sharpe pointed one aboue two leagues distant The Woods of the maine Land are faire and admirable high and well growne as in like manner is the grasse There is right ouer against the Iland fresh water brooks very pleasant and agreeable where diuers of Monsieur de Monts his men did their businesse and builded there certaine Cabanes As for the nature of the ground it is most excellent and most abundantly fruitfull For the said Monsieur de Monts hauing caused there some piece of ground to bee tilled and the same sowed with Rie for I haue seene there no Wheate hee was not able to tarrie for the maturitie thereof to reape it and notwithstanding the graine fallen hath growne and increased so wonderfully that two yeeres after we reaped and did gather of it as faire bigge and weightie as in France which the soile had brought forth without any tillage and yet at this present it doth continue still to multiply euery yeere The said Iland containeth some halfe a league of circuit and at the end of it on the Sea side there is a Mount or small Hill which is as it were a little Ile seuered from the other where Monsieur de Monts his Canon was placed There is also a litâ—le Chappell built after the Sauage fashion At the foot of which Chappell there is such store of Muscles as is wonderfull which may bee gathered at low water but they are small Now let vs prepare and hoise vp sailes Monsieur de Poutrincourt made the Voyage into these parts with some men of good sort not to winter there but as it were to seeke out his seate and find out a Land that might like him Which he hauing done â—ad no need to soiourne there any longer So then the ships being ready for the returne he shipped himselfe and those of his companie in one of them During the foresaid Nauigation Monsieur du Monts his people did worke about the Fort which he seated at the end of the Iland opposite to the place where he had lodged his Cannon Which was wisely considered to the end to command the Riuer vp and downe But there was an inconuenience the said Fort did lie towards the North and without any shelter but of the trees that were on the I le shoare which all about he commanded to be kept and not cut downe The most vrgent things being done and hoary snowy Father being come that is to say Winter then they were forced to keepe within doores and to liue euery one at his owne home during which time our men had three speciall discommodities in this Iland videlicet want of wood for that which was in the said Ile was spent in buildings lacke of fresh water and the continuall watch made by night fearing some surprise from the Sauages that had lodged themselues at the foot of the said Iland or some other enemie For the malediction and rage of many Christians is such that one must take heed of them much more than of Infidels A thing which grieueth me to speake would to God I were a lyar in this respect and that I had no cause to speake it When they had need of water or wood they were constrained to crosse ouer the Riuer which is thrice as broad of euery side as the Riuer of Seine It was a thing painfull and tedious in such sort that it was needfull to keepe the Boat the whole day before one might get those necessaries In the meane while the cold and snowes came vpon them and the Ice so strong that the Sider was frozen in the vessels and euery one his measure was giuen him out by weight As for Wine it was distributed but at certaine dayes of the weeke Many idle sluggish companions dranke snow-water not willing to take the paines to crosse the Riuer Briefly the vnknowne sicknesses like to those described vnto vs by Iames Quartier in his Relation assailed vs. For remedies there was none to bee found In the meane while the poore sicke creatures did Ianguish pining away by little and little for want of sweet meates as Milke or spoon-meate for to sustaine their stomackes which could not receiue the hard meates by reason of let proceeding from a rotten flesh which grew and ouer-abounded within their mouthes and when one thought to root it out it did growe againe in one nights space more abundantly than before As for the tree called Annedda mentioned by the said Quartier the Sauages of these Lands knowe it not So that it was most pitifull to behold euery one very few excepted in this miserie and the miserable sicke folkes to die as it were full of life without any possibilitie to be succoured There died of this sicknesse thirty sixe and thirty sixe or forty more that were stricken with it recouered themselues by the helpe of the Spring as soone as the comfortable season appeared But the deadly season for that sicknesse is in the end of Ianuary the moneths of February and March wherein most commonly the sicke doe die euery one at his turne according to the time they haue begunne to be sicke in such sort that he which beganne to be ill in February and March may escape but he that shall ouer-haste himselfe and betake him to his bed in December and Ianuary he is in danger to die in February March or the beginning of Aprill Monsieur de Poutrincourt made a Negro to be opened that died of that sicknesse in our Voyage who was found to haue the inward parts very sound except the stomacke that had wrinkles as though they were vlcered As for the food this sicknesse is caused by cold meates without iuyce grosse and corrupted One must then take heed of salt meates smoaky musty raw and of an euill sent likewise of dried fishes as New-found-Land fish and stinking Rayes Briefly from all melancholy meates which are of hard digesting are easily corrupted and breed a grosse and melancholy bloud I would not for all that bee so scrupulous as the Physicians which doe put in number of grosse and melancholy meates Beeues flesh Beares wilde Boares and Hogs flesh they might as well adde vnto them Beauers flesh which notwithstanding wee haue found very good as they doe amongst
season there one may see Orange-trees Lymmon-trees Fig-trees Pomgranat-trees and all such sorts of trees bring forth fruit as good as in Prouence The Sauages vse sweatings often as it were euery moneth and by this meanes they preserue themselues driuing out by sweate all the cold and euill humours they might haue gathered But one singular preseruatiue against this perfidious sicknesse which commeth so stealingly and which hauing once lodged it selfe within vs will not bee put out is to follow the counsell of him that is wife amonst the wise who hauing considered all the afflictions that man giue to himselfe during his life hath found nothing better then to reioyce himselfe and doe good 〈◊〉 take pleasure in his owne workes They that haue done so in our companie haue found themse 〈…〉 s well by it contrariwise some alwaies grudging repining neuer content idle haue beene found out by the same disease True it is that for to enioy mirth it is good to haue the sweetnesse of fresh meates Fleshes Fishes Milke Butter Oyles Fruits and such like which wee had not at will I meane the common sort for alwaies some one or other of the companie did furnish Monsieur de Poutrincourt his Table with Wilde-fowle Venison or fresh Fish And if wee had halfe a dozen Kine I beleeue that no body had died there It resteth a preseruatiue necessary for the accomplishment of mirth and to the end one may take pleasure on the worke of his hands is euery one to haue the honest companie of his lawfull wife for without that the cheere is neuer perfect ones minde is alwaies vpon that which one loues and desireth there is still some sorrow the body becomes full of ill humours and so the sicknesse doth breed And for the last and soueraigne remedie I send backe the Patient to the tree of life for so one may well qualifie it which Iames Quartier doth call Anneda yet vnknowne in the coast of Port Royall vnlesse it bee peraduenture the Sasafras whereof there is quantitie in certaine places And it is an assured thing that the said tree is very excellent But Monsieur Champlain who is now in the great Riuer of Canada passing his Winter in the same part where the said Quartier did winter hath charge to finde it out and to make prouision thereof THe rough season being passed Monsieur de Monts wearied with his bad dwelling at Saint Croix determined to seeke out another Port in a warmer Countrie and more to the South And to that end made a Pinnace to bee armed and furnished with victuals to follow the coast and discouering new Countries to seeke out some happier Port in a more temperate aire Hee made in this Voyage but about an hundred and twenty leagues as wee will tell you now From Saint Croix to sixty leagues forward the coast lieth East and West at the end of which sixty leagues is a Riuer called by the Sauages Kinibeki From which place to Malebarre it lieth North and South and there is yet from one to the other sixty leagues in right line not following the Bayes So farre stretcheth Monsieur de Monts his Voyage wherein hee had for Pilot in his Vessell Monsieur de Champdore In all this Coast so farre as Kinibeki there are many places where shippes may bee harboured amongst the Ilands but the people there is not so frequent as is beyond that And there is no remarkable thing at least that may bee seene in the outside of the Lands but a Riuer whereof many haue written fables one after another I will recite that which is in the last Booke intituled The vniuersall Historie of the West Indies Printed at Douay the last yeere 1607. in the place where hee speaketh of Norombega For in reporting this I shall haue also said that which the first haue written from whom they haue had it Moreouer towards the North sayth the Authour after hee had spoken of Virginia is Norombega which is knowne well enough by reason of a faire Towne and a great Riuer though it is not found from whence it hath his name for the Barbarians doe call it Aguncia At the mouth of this Riuer there is an Iland very fit for fishing The Region that goeth along the Sea doth abound in fish and towards New France there is great number of wilde beasts and is very commodious for hunting the Inhabitants doe liue in the same manner as they of New France If this beautifull Towne hath euer beene in nature I would faine knowe who hath pulled it downe For there is but Cabins heere and there made with pearkes and couered with barkes of trees or with skinnes and both the Riuer and the place inhabited is called Pemptegoet and not Agguncia The Riuer sauing the tide is scarce as the Riuer on that coast because there are not Lands sufficient to produce them by reason of the great Riuer of Canada which runneth like this coast and is not fourescore leagues distant from that place in crossing the Lands which from else-where receiued many Riuers falling from those parts which are towards Norombega At the entrie whereof it is so farre from hauing but one Iland that rather the number thereof is almost infinite for as much as this Riuer enlarging it selfe like the Greeke Lambda 〈◊〉 the mouth whereof is all full of Iles whereof there is one of them lying very farre off and the formost in the Sea which is high and markable aboue the others But some will say that I equiuocate in the situation of Norombega and that it is not placed where I take it To this I answer that the Author whose words I haue a little before alleaged is in this my sufficient warrant who in his Geographicall Mappe hath placed in the mouth of this Riuer in the 44. degree and his supposed Towne in the 45. wherein we differ but in one degree which is a small matter For the Riuer that I meane is in the 45. degree and as for any Towne there is none Now of necessity it must be this riuer because that the same being passed and that of Kinibeki which is in the same higth there is no other Riuer forward whereof account should be made till one come to Virginia I say furthermore that seeing the Barbarians of Norombega doe liue as they of new France and haue abundance of hunting it must be that their Prouince be sea 〈…〉 our new France for fiftie leagues farther to the South-west there is no great game bec 〈…〉 e the woods are thinner there and the Inhabitants setled and in greater number then in Norombega The Riuer of Norombega being passed Monsieur de Monts went still coasting vntill he came to Kinibeki where a Riuer is that may shorten the way to goe to the great Riuer of Canada There is a number of Sauages Cabined there and the land beginneth there to be better peopled From Kinibeki going farther one findeth the Bay of
Marchin named by the Captaine his name that commandeth therein This Marchin was killed the yeare that we parted from New France 1607. Farther is another Bay called Chouakoet where in regard of the former Countries is a great number of people for there they till the ground and the region beginneth to be more temperate and for proofe of this there is in this land store of Vines Yea euen there be Ilands full of it which be more subiect to the iniuries of the winde and cold as we shall say hereafter There is betweene Chouakoet and Malebarre many Bayes and Iles and the Coast is sandy with shallow ground drawing neere to the said Malebarre so that scarce one may land there with Barkes The people that be from Saint Iohns Riuer to Kinibeki wherein are comprised the Riuers of Saint Croix and Norombega are called Etechemins And from Kinibeki as farre as Malebarre and farther they are called Armouchiquois They be traitors and theeues and one had neede to take heede of them One of them from a man of Saint Malos tooke a Kettell and ran away speedily with his bootie The Malouin running after was killed by this wicked people and although the same had not hapned it was in vaine to pursue after this theefe for all these Armouchiquois are as swift in running as Grayhounds as we will yet further say in speaking of the voiage that Monsieur de Poutrincourt made in the same Country in the yeare 1606. The Spring season being passed in the Voyage of the Armouchiquois Mounsieur du Pont surnamed Graue dwelling at Honfleur did arriue with a company of some forty men for to ease the said Monsieur de Monts and his troope which was to the great ioy of all as one may well imagine and Canon shots were free and plentifull at the comming according to custome and the sound of Trumpets The said Monsieur du Pont not knowing yet the state of our French men did thinke to finde there an assured dwelling and his lodgings ready but considering the accidents of the strange sicknesse whereof we haue spoken he tooke aduice to change place Monsieur de Monts was very desirous that the new habitation had beene about 40. degrees that is to say 4. degrees farther then Saint Croix but hauing viewed the Coast as farre as Malebarre and with much paine not finding what he desired it was deliberated to goe and make their dwelling in Port Royall vntill meanes were had to make an ampler discouery So euery one began to packe vp his things That which was built with infinite labour was pulled downe except the Store-house which was too great and painefull to be transported and in executing of this many voyages are made All being come to Port Royal they found out new labours the abiding place is chosen right ouer against the Iland that is at the comming in of the Riuer L'Esquilie in a place where all is couered ouer and full of woods as thicke as possibly may be The Moneth of September did already begin to come and care was to be taken for the vnlading of Monsieur du Pont his Ship to make roome for them that should returne backe into France Finally there is worke enough for all When the Ship was in a readinesse to put to sailes Monsieur de Monts hauing seene the beginning of the new habitation shipped himselfe for his returne with them that would follow him Notwithstanding many of good courage forgetting the griefes and labours passed did tarry behinde amongst whom were Monsieur Champlaine and Monsieur Champdore the one for Geographie and the other for the conducting and guiding of the voiages that should be necessary to be made by Sea The Winter being come the Sauages of the Countrey did assemble themselues from farre to Port Royall for to trucke with the Frenchmen for such things as they had some bringing Beauers skins and Otters which are those whereof most account may be made in that place and also Ellans or Stagges whereof good buffe be made Others bringing flesh newly killed wherewith they made many good Tabagies or feasts liuing merrily as long as they had wherewithall They neuer wanted any Bread but Wine did not continue with them till the season was ended For when we came thither the yeare following they had beene aboue three Moneths without any Wine and were very glad of our comming for that made them to take againe the taste of it The greatest paine they had was to grinde the Corne to haue Bread which is very painfull with hand-mils where all the strength of the body is requisite This labour is so great that the Sauages although they be very poore cannot beare it and had rather to be without bread then to take so much paines as hath beene tried offering them halfe of the grinding they should doe but they choosed rather to haue no corne And I might well beleeue that the same with other things hath beene great meanes to breede the sicknesse spoken of in some of Monsieur du Pont his men for there died some halfe a dozen of them that winter True it is that I finde a defect in the buildings of our Frenchmen which is they had no ditches about them whereby the waters of the ground next to them did run vnder their lower-most roomes which was a great hindrance to their health I adde besides the bad waters which they vsed that did not run from a quicke spring but from the neerest brooke The winter being passed and the Sea nauigable Monsieur du Pont would needes atchieue the enterprise begun the yeare before by Monsieur de Monts and to goe seeke out a Port more Southerly where the ayre might be more temperate according as he had in charge of the said Monsieur de Monts He furnished then the Barke which remained with him to that effect But being set out of the Port and full ready hoisted vp sailes for Malebarre he was forced by contrary winde twice to put backe againe and at the third time the said Barke strake against the rocks at the entry of the said Port. In this disgrace of Neptune the men were saued with the better part of prouision and merchandise but as for the Barke it was rent in peeces And by this mishap the Voyage was broken and that which was so desired intermitted For the habitation of Port Royall was not iudged good And notwithstanding it is on the North and North-west sides well sheltered with Mountaines distant some one league some halfe a league from the Port and the Riuer L'Esquelle So we see how that enterprises take not effect according to the desires of men and are accompanied with many perils So that one must not wonder if the time be long in establishing of Colonies specially in lands so remote whose nature and temperature of aire is not knowne and where one must fell and cut downe Forrests and be
healthfulnesse of the place First for our selues thankes be to God we had not a man sicke two dayes together in all our Voyage whereas others that went out with vs or about that time on other Voyages especially such as went vpon reprâ—sall were most of them infected with sicknesse whereof they lost some of theâ—r men and brought home a many sicke returning notwithstanding long before vs. But Verazzano and others as I take it you may reade in the Booke of Discoueries doe more particularly intreate of the Age of the people in that coast The Sassafras which we brought we had vpon the Ilands where though we bad little disturbance and reasonable plenty yet for that the greatest part of our people were imployed about the fitting of our house and such like affaires and a few and those but easie labourers vndertooke this worke the rather because we were informed before our going forth that a tunne was sufficient to cloy England and further for that we had resolued vpon our returne and taken view of our victuall we iudged it then needefull to vse expedition which afterward we had more certaine proofe of for when we came to an anker before Portsmouth which was some foure dayes after we made the land we had not one Cake of Bread nor any drinke but a little Vinegar left fâ—r these and other reasons we returned no otherwise laden then you haue heard And thus much I hope shall suffice till I can my selfe come to giue you further notice which though it be not so soone as I could haue wisht yet I hope it shall be in conuenient time In the meane time crauing your pardon for which the vrgent occasions of my stay will pleade I humbly take my leaue 7. Septemb. 1602. Your dutifull Sonne BARTH GOSNOLD CHAP. XI The Relation of Captaine GOSNOLS Voyage to the North part of Virginia begunne the sixe and twentieth of March Anno 42. ELIZABETHAE Reginae 1602. and deliuered by GABRIEL ARCHER a Gentleman in the said Voyage THe said Captaine did set sayle from Famouth the day and yeere aboue written accompanied with thirtie two persons whereof eight Mariners and Saylers twelue purposing vpon the Discouery to returne with the ship for England the rest remayne there for population The fourteenth of Aprill following wee had sight of Saint Maries an Iland of the Assoris The three and twentieth of the same beeing two hundred leagues Westwards from the said Iland in the latitude of 37. degrees The water in the mayne Ocean appeared yellow the space of two leagues North and South where sounding with thirtie fadome Line wee found no ground and taking vp some of the said water in a bucket it altered not either in colour or taste from the Sea Azure The seuenth of May following we first saw many Birds in bignesse of Cliffe Pidgeons and after diuers other as Pettrels Cootes Hagbuts Pengwins Murres Gannets Cormorants Guls with many else in our English Tongue of no name The eight of the same the water changed to a yellowish greene where at seuentie fadome we had ground The ninth wee had two and twentie fadome in faire sandie ground hauing vpon our Lead many glittering Stones somewhat heauie which might promise some Minerall matter in the bottome we held our selues by computation well neere the latitude of 43. degrees The tenth wee sonnded in 27. 30. 37. 43. fadome and then came to 108. some thought it to be the sounding of the Westermost end of Saint Iohns Iland vpon this banke we saw sculs of fish in great numbers The twelfth we hoysed out halfe of our shallop and sounding had then eightie fadome without any current perceiued by William Strete the Master one hundred leagues Westward from Saint Maries til we came to the foresaid soundings continually passed fleeting by vs Sea-oare which seemed to haue their moueable course towards the North-east a matter to set some subtle inuention on worke for comprehending the true cause thereof The thirteenth wee sounded in seuentie fadome and obserued great beds of weedes much woode and diuers things else floating by vs when as we had smelling of the shoare such as from the Southerne Cape and Andulazia in Spaine The fourteenth about six in the morning we descried Land that lay North c. the Northerly part we called the North Land which to another Rocke vpon the same lying twelue leagues West that wee called Sauage Rocke because the Sauages first shewed themselues there fiue leagues towards the said Rocke is an out Point of woodie ground the Trees thereof very high and straight from the Rocke East North-east From the said Rocke came towards vs a Biscay shallop with saile and Oares hauing eight persons in it whom we supposed at first to bee Christians distressed But approching vs neere wee perceiued them to bee Sauages These comming within call hayled vs and wee answered Then after signes of peace and a long speech by one of them made they came boldly aboord vs being all naked sauing about their shoulders certaine loose Deere-skinnes and neere their wastes Seale-skinnes tyed fast like to Irish Dimmie Trouses One that seeemed to be their Commander wore a Wastecoate of blacke worke a paire of Breeches cloth Stockings Shooes Hat and Band one or two more had also a few things made by some Christians these with a piece of Chalke described the Coast thereabouts and could name Placentia of the New-found-land they spake diuers Christian words and seemed to vnderstand much more then we for want of Language could comprehend These people are in colour swart their haire long vp tyed with a knot in the part of behind the head They paint their bodies which are strong and well proportioned These much desired our longer stay but finding our selues short of our purposed place we set saile Westwards leauing them and their Coast. About sixteene leagues South-west from thence wee perceiued in that course two small Ilands the one lying Eastward from Sauage Rock the other to the Southwards of it the Coast we left was full of goodly Woods faire Plaines with little greene round Hils aboue the Cliffes appearing vnto vs which are indifferently raised but all Rockie and of shining stones which might haue perswaded vs a longer stay there The fifteenth day we â—ad againe sight of the Land which made a head being as wee thought an Iland by reason of a large sound that appeared Westward betweene it and the Mayne for comming â—o the Well end thereof we did perceiue a large opening we called it Shole-hope Neere this Cape we came to Anchor in fifteene fadome where wee tooke great store of Cod-fish for which we altâ—red the name and called it Cape Cod. Here wee saw sculs of Herrings Mackerels and other small 〈◊〉 in great abundance This is a low sandie shoare but without danger also wee came to Anchor againe in sixteene fadome faire by the Land in the latitude of 42. degrees This
Cape is well neere a mile broad and lieth North-east by East The Captaine went here ashoare and found the ground to be full of Pease Strawberies Hurtberies c. as then vnripe the sand also by the shoare somewhat deepe the fire-wood there by vs taken in was of Cypresse Birch Wich-hazell and Beech. A young Indian came here to the Captaine armed with his Bow and Arrowes and had certaine plates of Copper hanging at his Eares hee shewed a willingnesse to helpe vs in our occasions The sixteenth we trended the Coast Southerly which was all champaine and full of grasse but the Ilands somewhat wooddie Twelue leagues from Cape Cod we descried a point with some breach a good distance off and keeping our losse to double it wee came on the sudden into shoale water yet well quitted our selues thereof This breach wee called Tuckers Terror vpon his expressed feare The Point we named Point Care hauing passed it wee bore vp againe with the Land and in the night came with it anchoring in eight fadome the ground good The seuenteenth appeared many breaches round about vs so as wee continued that day without remooue The eighteenth being faire we sent forth the Boat to sound ouer a Breach that in our course lay of another Point by vs called Gilberts Point who returned vs foure fiue sixe and seuen fadome ouer Also a Discouery of diuers Ilands which after prooued to bee Hils and Hummocks distinct within the Land This day there came vnto the ships side diuers Canoas the Indians apparelled as aforesaid with Tobacco and Pipes steeled with Copper Skins artificiall strings and other trifles to barter one had hanging about his necke a plate of â—â—ch Copper in length a foot in breadth halfe a foot for a brest-plate the Eares of all the rest had Pendants of Copper Also one of them had his face ouer painted and his head stucke with feathers in manner of a Turkey Cocks traine These are more timerous then those of the Sauâ—ge Rocke yet very theeuish The nineteenth we passed ouer the breach of Gilberts Point in foure or fiue fadome and anchored a league or somewhat more beyond it betweene the last two Points are two leagues the interim along shoale water the latitude here is 41. degrees two third parts The twentieth by the ships side we there killed Pengwins and saw many sculs of fish The Coast from Gilberts Point to the supposed Iles lyeth East and by South Here also we discouered two Inlets which might promise fresh water inwardly whereof we perceiued much smoake as though some population had there beene This Coast is very full of people for that as we trended the same Sauages still runne along the shoare as men much admiring at vs. The one and twentieth we went coasting from Gilberts Point to the supposed Iles in tenne nine eight seuen and sixe fadome close aboord the shoare and that depth lyeth a league off A little from the supposed Iles appeared vnto vs an opening with which we stood iudging it to bee the end of that which Captaine Gosnoll descrieth from Cape Cod and as hee thought to extend some thirtie or more miles in length and finding there but three fadome a league off we omitted to make further discouerie of the same calling it Shole-hope From this opening the Mayne lyeth South-west which coasting along we saw a disinhabited Iland which so afterwards appeared vnto vs we bore with it and named it Marthaes Vineyard from Shole-hope it is eight leagues in circuit the Iland is fiue miles and hath 41. degrees and one quarter of latitude the place most pleasant for the two and twentieth we went a shoare and found it full of Wood Vines Gooseberie bushes Hurtberies Raspices Eglentine c. Heere we had Cranes Hearnes Shoulers Geese and diuers other Birds which there at that time vpon the Cliffes being sandie with some Rockie stones did breed and had young In this place we saw Deere heere we rode in eight fathome neere the shoare where wee tooke great store of Cod as before at Cape Cod but much better The three and twentieth wee weyed and towards night came to Anchor at the Northwest part of this Iland where the next morning offâ—red vnto vs fast running thirteene Sauages apparelled as aforesaid and armed with Bowes and Arrowes without any feare They brought Iobacco Deere skins and some sodden fish These offered themselues vnto vs in great familiaritie who seemed to be well conditioned They came more rich in Copper then any before This Iland is sound and hath no danger about it The foure and twentieth we set saile and doubled the Cape of another Iland next vnto it which wee called Douer Cliffe and then came into a faire Sound where wee roade all night the next morning wee sent off our Boate to discouer another Cape that lay betweene vs and the Mayne from which were a ledge of Rockes a mile into the Sea but all aboue water and without danger we went about them and came to Anchor in eight fadome a quarter of a mile from the shoare in one of the stateliest Sounds that euer I was in This called wee Gosnolls Hope the North banke whereof is the Mayne which stretcheth East and West This Iland Captaine Gosnoll called Elizabeths Ile where we determined our abode the distance betweene euery of these Ilands is viz. from Marthaes Vineyard to Douer Cliffe halfe a league ouer the Sound thence to Elizabeths Ile one league distant From Elizabeths Ile vnto the Mayne is foure leagues On the North side neere adioyning vnto the Iland Elizabeth is an Ilet in compasse halfe a myle full of Cedars by me called Hills Hap to the Northward of which in the mouth of an opening on the Mayne appeareth another the like that I called Haps Hill for that I hope much hap may be expected from it The fiue and twentieth it was that we came from Gosnolls Hope The six and twentieth we trimmed and fitted vp our Shallop The seuen and twentieth there came vnto vs an Indian and two women the one we supposed to be his Wife the other his Daughter both cleane and straite bodied with countenance sweet and pleasant To these the Indian gaue heedfull attendance for that they shewed them in much familiaritie with our men although they would not admit of any immodest touch The eight and twentieth we entred counsell about our abode and plantation which was concluded to be in the West part of Elizabeths Iland The North-east thereof running from out our ken The South and North standeth in an equall Parallel This Iland in the Westerâ—de admitteth some Increekes or sandie Coues so girded as the water in some places of each side meeteth to which the Indians from the Mayne doe oftentimes resort for fishing of Crabs There is eight fadome very neere the shoare and the latitude here is 41. degrees 10. minutes the breadth from Sound to Sound in the
our Ship with Furres and Tobacco This we perceiued to be onely a meere deuice to get possession of any of our men to ransome all those we had taken which their naturall pollicy could not so shaddow but we did easily discouer and preuent These meanes were by this Sauage practised because we had one of his kinsmen prisoner as we iudged by his most kinde vsage of him being aboord vs together Thursday the thirteenth of Iune by two a clocke in the morning because our Captain would take the helpe and aduantage of the Tide in the Pinnace with our Company well prouided and furnished with Armour and Shot both to defend and offend we went from our Ship vp to that part of the Riuer which trended West into the Maine to search that and wee carried with vs a Crosse to erect at that point which because it was not day-light we left on shoare vntill our returne backe when we set it vp in manner as the former And this we deligently obserued that in no place either about the Ilands or vp in the Maine or along the Riuer wee could discerne any token or signe that euer any Christian had beene before which either by cutting wood digging for water or setting vp Crosses a thing neuer omitted by any Christian trauailours wee should haue perceiued some mention left But to returne to our Riuer vp into which we then rowed by estimation twenty miles What profit or pleasure is described and truely verified in the former part of the Riuer is wholly doubled in this for the breadth and depth is such that any Ship drawing seuenteene or eighteene foote water might haue passed as farre as we went with our Shallop and by all our iudgements much further because we left it in so good depth which is so much the more to be esteemed of greater worth by how much it trendeth further vp into the Maine for from the place of our Ships riding in the Harbour at the entrance into the Sound to the furthest point wee were in this Riuer by our estimation was not much lesse then threescore miles From each Banke of this Riuer are diuers branching streames running into the Maine whereby is afforded an vnspeakeable profit by the conueniency of easie transportation from place to place which in some Countries is both very chargeable and not so fit by Carriages on Wane or Horsebacke Here wee saw store of Fish some leaping aboue water which we iudged to be Salmon for they were great All along is an excellent mould of ground the wood in most places especially on the Easterne side very thin chiefely Oake and small Birch bordering low vpon the Riuer all fit for Meddow and pleasant Pasture ground And in that space wee went wee had on both sides the Riuer many plaine places of cleere Meddow some of three or foure acres some eight or nine so as we iudged in the whole to be betweene thirty and forty acres of good grasse and where the Armes runne into the Maine there likewise went a space on both sides of the cleare grasse how farre we knew not In many places we might see pathes Beasts had made to come downe to watering And we all concluded as I verily thinke we might rightly that we should neuer see the like Riuer in euery degree equall vntill it pleased God we beheld the same againe for the further we went the more pleasing it was to euery man alluring vs still with expectation of better so as our men although they had with great labour rowed long and eate nothing for we carried with vs no victuall but a little Cheese and Bread yet they were so refreshed with the pleasant beholding thereof and so loath to forsake it as some of them affirmed they would haue continued willingly with that onely fare and labour two dayes but the Tide not suffering vs to make any longer stay because we were to come backe with the ebbe and our Captaine better knowing what was fit then we and better what they in labour were able to endure being very loath to make any desperate hazard where so little necessitie required thought it best to make returne because whether we had discouered was sufficient to conceiue that the Riuer ranne very farre into the Land for we passed sixe or seuen miles altogether fresh water whereof we all dranke forced vp by the flowing of the Salt which after a great while ebbe where we left it by bredth and depth of Channell was likely to runne by estimation of our whole companie an vnknowne way further And as our Captaine verily thought although hee then concealed it might possibly make a passage into or very nigh the South Sea which hee neither had commission nor time now to search but hath left that till his next returne if it shall so please God to dispose of him and vs. Friday the fourteenth of Iune early by foure a clocke in the morning with the Tide our two Boats and a little helpe of the winde we warped our shippe downe to the Riuers mouth and there came to an anchor about about eleuen a clocke Afterward our Captaine in the Pinnace searched the sounding all about the mouth and comming into the Riuer for his certaine instruction of a perfect description The next day being Saturday we weighed anchor and with a briese from the Land we sayled vp to our watering place and there stopped went ashoare and filled all our empty caske with fresh water Our Captaine vpon the Rocke in the middest of the Harbour made his certaine obseruation by the Sunne of the height latitude and variation exactly vpon all his Instruments 1. Astrolabe 2. Semisphere 3. Ring-instrument 4. Crosse staffe 5. And an excellent Compas made for the variation The latitude he found to be 43. degrees 20. minutes North. The variation 11. degrees 15. minutes viz. one point of the Compas Westward And it is so much in England at Lime-house by London Eastward The temperature affoorded to vs no speciall alteration from our disposition in England somewhat hotter vp into the Maine because it lieth open to the South but scarse yeelding a sensible difference to any of vs. The aire so wholsome as I suppose not any of vs found our selues at any time more healthfull more able to labour nor with better stomachs to such good fare as we partly brought and partly found Sunday the sixteenth of Iune the winde being faire and because wee had set out of England vpon a Sunday descried the Ilands vpon a Sunday and as we doubted not by Gods appointment happily fallen into our Harbour vpon a Sunday so now beseeching him with like prosperitie to blesse our returne into England and from thence with his good-will and pleasure to hasten and fortunate our next arriuall here Wee set sayle and quit the Land vpon a Sunday Tuesday the eighteenth day of Iune being not runne aboue fiue and thirty leagues from Land and our Captaine for his
to bee found They are also called the Flemish Ilands that is of the Netherlanders because the first that inhabited the same were Netherlanders whereof till this time there is a great number and off-spring remayning that in manner and behauiour are altogether like Netherlanders and there is yet in the same Iland a running water that issueth out of a Hill and so runneth into the Sea whereas yet those issues or off-springs of Netherlanders inhabite and is called Aribâ—ra dos Framengos that is the Flemish Riuer The principall Iland of them all is that of Tercera called Insula de Iesus Christus of Tercera It is betweene fifteene or sixteene miles in compasse and is altogether a great Cliffe of Land whereby in it there is little roome for it is as it were walled round about with Cliffes but where any strand or sand is there standeth a Fort. It hath no Hauens nor entrance of waters for the securitie and safety of the shippes but onely before the chiefe Towne called Angra where it hath an open Hauen which in forme is like a Halfe-moone by the Portugals called Angra whereof the Towne hath her name It hath on the one side in manner of an elbow sticking forth two high Hills called Bresyl which stretch into the Sea so that afarre off they seeme to bee diuided from the Iland Those Hills are very high so that being vpon them a man may see at the least tenne or twelue and sometimes fifteene miles into the Sea being cleare weather Vpon these Hills there stand two small stone Pillers where there is a Centinell placed that continually watcheth to see what shippes are at Sea and so to aduertise those of the Iland for that as many shippes as he seeth comming out of the West that is from the Spanish Indies or Brasilia Cabo verde Guinea and the Portugall Indies and all other wayes lying South or West for euery shippe hee setteth a Flagge vpon the Pillar in the West and when the shippes which hee descrieth are more than fiue then hee setteth vp a great ancient betokening a whole Fleete of shippes The like hee doth vpon the other Pillar which standeth in the East for such shippes as come from Portugall or other places out of the East or North parts these Pillars may bee easily seene in all places of the Towne by reason of the highnesse of the Hills so that there is not one shippe or sayle that is at Sea or maketh towards the Iland but it is presently knowne throughout all the Towne and ouer all the whole Iland for the watch is not holden onely vpon those two Hills jutting into the Sea but also vpon all corners Hills and Cliffes throughout the Iland and as soone as they perceiue any shippes the Gouernour and Rulers are presently aduertised thereof that they may take such order therein as neede requireth Vpon the furthest corner into the Sea standeth a Fort right against another Fort that answereth it so that those two Forts doe shut and defend the Mouth or open Hauen of the Towne where the shippes lie in the Road and so no shippe can either goe in or come forth without the licence or permission of those two Forts This Towne of Angra is not onely the chiefe Towne of Tercera but also of all other Townes within the Ilands thereabouts There in is resident the Bishop the Gouernour for the King and the chiefe place of Iudgement or tribunall Seate of all the Ilands of Açores Three miles from this Towne lieth another Towne towards the North called Villa de Praya for Praya is as much to say as Strand because it lieth hard by a great strand and for that cause there is little traffique thither as not hauing any conuenient place for shippes to come at it yet sometimes there commeth some one that by reason of contrary winde cannot get before the Towne of Angra and so by constraint discharge their goods in that Towne which from thence are carried by Land to Angra and yet some part thereof is spent and vsed there It is walled and well housed but not many people in it and such as are in it doe get their liuings most by husbandry for there are very faire Corne lands The Iland is likewise very fruitfull and pleasant it hath much Corne and Wine but the Wine is not very good to carry into other Countries thereabouts because it is small and will not long continue so that it is vsed in the Countrey by the common people but such as are of wealth for the most part drinke Wines of Madera and Canaria It aboundeth in Flesh Fish and all other necessaries and meates for mans bodie wherewith in time of need they might helpe themselues Oyle there is none but it commeth out of Portugall Also Salt Pots Pans and all kind of earthen Vessells Chalke and such like are brought thither out of other places for there they are not to bee found for fruits they haue besides Peaches of diuers kindes and in so great abundance that is is strange Cherries Plums Walnuts Hasle-nuts Chesnuts but those not very good of Apples Peares Oranges and Lemons with all such like fruits there are sufficient Of all sorts of Hearbes and Plants as Coleworts Radishes and such like they haue at their certaine times of the yeere They haue likewise in that Iland a certaine fruit that groweth vnder the earth like Radishes or other roots but the Leaues or Plants are Trees like Vines but different leaues and groweth longwise vpon the ground it beareth a fruit called Batatas that is very good and is so great that it weigheth a pound some more some lesse but little esteemed and yet it is a great sustenance and food for the common sort of people It is of good account in Portugall for thither they vse to bring it for a Present and those of the Iland by reason of the great abundance doe little esteeme it There is also another kind of stuffe that is sowed like Corne and is a fruit it groweth vpon the root of the grasse or leaues and is round and as bigge as a great Pease but not so round in eating it tasteth like Earth-nuts but harder to bite it is likewise a good meate and much esteemed in other places but by reason of the great quantitie thereof it is most vsed to fatten their Hogges and is called Iunssa There is also in the Iland a certaine Plant which is found in all places thereof in the open fieldes it groweth as high as a man and beareth no fruit onely the roote thereof is a substance of the thicknesse of a mans two fists and in shew as if it were naturall golden haire and in handling like soft Silke which is vsed there to stuffe and fill their Beddes in stead of Wooll and Feathers and I doe certainly beleeue if any man of vnderstanding would take it in hand it would well be wouen The principallest traffique of this
Iland is their Woade such as wee vse for dying whereof much is made in that Iland and is fetched from thence by Englishmen Scots and Frenchmen in barter for Cloathes and other wares who continually traffique into that Iland and although by reason of the warres the Englishmen are forbidden to traffique thither yet vnder the names of Scots and Frenchmen they haue continuall trade there The Iland hath not any wilde beasts or fowles but very few sauing onely Canary birds which are there by thousands where many Birders take them and thereof make a daily liuing by carrying them into diuers places It hath also wonderfull many Quailes which they call Codornisen of tame fowles as Hennes and Gynnie Hennes are there likewise great store Hunting is there little vsed but onely for Conies which are very great Hares Harts Partridges Venison and such like are not there to be found because of the little respect and care the Inhabitants haue to breed any such things Fish is very plentifull and of diuers kindes and very good in Summer there is great store taken for in Winter they can hardly brooke the Seas The chiefe moneths of Winter weather for raine and stormes are Ianuarie Februarie March and Aprill and also the moneth of September is commonly very stormy all the other moneths it is commonly good weather The Countrey is very hilly and in some places wooddy full of bushes and trees it is hard to trauell because their wayes for the most part are stony so that for a mile or a mile and a halfe together men can see no ground but onely stones which for sharpnesse and fashion shew like pointed Diamants whereby one can hardly treade vpon it lest it should cut through both shooes and feet and yet it is all planted with Vines so full and thicke that in Summer time you can hardly see through it for that the rootes thereof doe growe betweene the stones so that a man would thinke it impossible that any thing should growe therein and which is more in some places it seemeth impossible for a man to treade vpon it being so wilde and desart as it sheweth and nothing but hard stones and Rockes On good ground their Vines will not growe but onely in the wilde and stony places and for that cause they are much esteemed The good groundes and plaine fieldes which in some places are very many especially by Villa da Praya are sowed with Corne and Woade and they haue so much Corne that they neede not bring any from other places although that besides their Inhabitants and naturall borne Ilanders they haue continually with them fourteene Companies of Spaniards which are all fedde and nourished by the Corne that groweth in the Countrey vnlesse there chance to come a hard and vnfruitfull yeere as oftentimes it doth for then they are forced to helpe themselues with forraine Corne and that especially because of the Souldiers that lie in the Iland and yet it is strange that the Corne and all other things in the Iland continue not aboue one yeere and that which is kept aboue a yeere is naught and nothing worth And therefore to keepe their Corne longer than a yeere they are forced to burie it in the earth for the space of foure or fiue moneths together to the which end euery Townesman hath his Pit at one end of the Towne in the common high-way which is appointed for the purpose and euery man setteth his marke vpon his Pit-stone the Corne is but lightly buried in the earth the holes within are round and the toppes thereof so wide that a man may creepe in whereunto there is a stone purposely made to couer it which shutteth it vp very close Some of the Pittes are so great as that they may hold two or three lastes of Corne some greater and some smaller as euery man hath his prouision and as soone as the Corne is reaped and fanned which is in Iuly euery man putteth his Corne into those Pittes laying straw vnder and round about it and then they fill it full or but halfe full according as their quantitie is and so stop it vp with the stone which they couer with earth and so let it stand vntill Christmas when euery man that will fetch home his Corne some let it lie longer and fetch it by little and little as they vse it but the Corne is as good when they take it out as it was at the first houre that they put it in and although that Carts Horses and men doe commonly passe ouer it and also that the raine raineth vpon it yet there entreth not any drop of raine or moisture into it and if the Corne were not buried in that manner it would not continue good aboue foure moneths together but would be spoiled and when it hath beene thus for a long time buried in the earth it will continue the whole yeere through and then they keepe it in Chists or make a thing of Mats like a Coope to preserue it in not once stirring or moouing it and so it continueth very good The greatest commoditie they haue in the Land and that serueth their turnes best is their Oxen and I beleeue they are the greatest and fairest that are to bee found in all Christendome with vnmeasurable great and long hornes Euery Oxe hath his seuerall name like men and although there bee a thousand of them in a heard and that one of them bee called by his name he presently commeth forth vnto his master that calleth him The Land is very high and as it seemeth hollow for that as they passe ouer a Hill of stone the ground soundeth vnder them as if it were a Seller so that it seemeth in diuers places to haue holes vnder the earth whereby it is much subiect to Earthquakes as also all the other Ilands are for there it is a common thing and all those Ilands for the most part haue had Myne of Brimstone for that in many places of Tercera and Saint Michael the smoake and sauour of Brimstone doeth still issue forth of the ground and the Countrey round about is all sindged and burnt Also there are places wherein there are Fountaines and Wells the water whereof is so hot that it will boyle an egge as well as if it hung ouer a fire In the Iland of Tercera about three miles from Angra there is a Fountaine in a place called Gualua which hath a propertie that all the wood which falleth into it by length of time conuerteth into stone as I my selfe by experience haue tried In the same Fountaine by the roote of a tree whereof the one halfe runneth vnder that water and is turned into as hard stone as if it were Steele and the other part of the roote which the water toucheth not is still wood and root as it should be The Iland hath great store and excellent kinds of wood specially Cedar trees which growe there in so
want of refreshing must of force put into those Ilands although at this time many Ships doe auoide those Ilands to the great discommodity of the Ilands and the Ships From Tercera Southeast about seuen and twenty or eight and twenty miles lyeth the Iland of Saint Michael which is about twenty miles long and is likewise full of Townes and Villages inhabited by Portugals for ayre and all other things like vnto Tercera The chiefe Towne is called Punta del Gada where there is great traffique of English Scots and Frenchmen onely as in Tercera because of the woad which is more abundant in that Iland then in all the rest of them for that euery yeare there is made aboue two hundreth thousand Quintals of Wood. It hath likewise great abundance of Corne so that they helpe to victuall all the Ilands that are round about them It hath neither Hauens nor Riuers but onely the broad Sea and haue lesse safegard and defence then those which are of Tercera but there they lye not vnder the commandement of any Fort so that many set sayle with all the windes and put to Sea which in the road of Tercera they may not doe and therefore the strangers Ships had rather sayle to Saint Michaels for there they can not be constrained to doe any thing but what they will themselues to doe There is also a company of Spaniards in a Castle that standeth by the Towne of Punta del Gada which is made by the Spaniards for the defence and maintenance of the same towne From the Iland of Saint Michaels Southwards twelue miles lyeth the Island Santa Maria which is about ten or twelue miles compasse hath no traffique but onely of pot earth which the other Ilands fetch from thence It hath no Woad but is full of all victuals like Tercera and inhabited by the Portugals There are no Spaniards in it because it is a stony Country like Tercera and hard to boord whereby the inhabitants themselues are sufficient and able enough to defend it While I remained in Tercera the Earle of Cumberland came thither to take in fresh water and some other victuals but the inhabitants would not suffer him to haue it but wounded both himselfe and diuers of his men whereby they were forced to depart without hauing any thing there From Tercera North Northwest about seuen or eight miles lyeth a little Iland called Gratiosa and is but fiue or sixe miles in compasse a very pleasant and fine Iland full of all fruits and all other victuals so that it not onely feedeth it selfe but also Tercera and the other Ilands about it and hath no other kinde of Merchandise it is well built and inhabited by Portugals and hath no Soldiers in it because it is not able to beare the charge The Earle of Cumberland while I lay in Tercera came vnto that Iland where himselfe in person with seuen or eight in his company went on land asking certaine Beasts Hens and other Victuals with Wine and fresh water which they willingly gaue him and therewith he departed from thence without doing them any hurt for the which the inhabitants thanked him and commended him for his curtesie and keeping of his promise From Tercera West North-west eight or nine miles lyeth the Iland of Saint George It is about twelue miles long but not aboue two or three miles at the furthest in breadth it is wooddy and full of hils it hath no speciall traffique but onely some Woad and yet very little of it The inhabitants liue most by Cattell and tilling of the Land and bring much victuals to sell in Tercera it hath likewise many Cedar trees and other kindes of wood that from thence are brought vnto Tercera and sold vnto the Ioyners which for that occasion dwell onely in Tercera From Saint George West South-west seuen miles lyeth the Iland called Fayael which is seuenteene or eighteene miles in compasse it is one of the best Ilands next vnto Tercera and Saint Michaels it aboundeth in all sorts of victuals both flesh and fish so that from this Iland the most part of victuals and necessaries commeth by whole Caruels vnto Tercera it hath likewise much Woad so that many English Ships doe traffique thither The principall road and place is the Towne called Uitta dorta there the Ships likewise doe lye in the open Sea vnder the Land as they doe before all the other Ilands by this Towne there lyeth a fortresse but of small importance and because the inhabitants of themselues doe offer to defend the Iland against all enemies the Soldiers discharged from thence which before that time lay in the Fort complaining that they were not able to maintaine nor lodge them The same time that the Earle of Cumberland was in the Iland of Gratiosa he came likewise to Fayael where at the first time that hee came they began to resist him but by reason of some controuersie among them they let him land where he rased the Castle to the ground and sunke all their Ordnance in the Sea taking with him certaine Caruels and Ships that lay in the road with prouision of all things that hee wanted and therewith departed againe to Sea Whereupon the King caused the principall actors therein to be punished and sent a company of Souldiers thither againe which went out of Tercera with all kinde of warlike munition and great shot making the Fortresse vp againe the better to defend the Iland trusting no more in the Portugals In that Iland are the most part of the Netherlanders off-spring yet they vse the Portugals language by reason they haue beene so long conuersant among them and those that vsed the Dutch tongue are all dead they are greatly affected to the Netherlanders and strangers From Fayael Southeast three miles and from Saint George South-west foure miles and from Tercera South-west and by West twelue miles lyeth the Iland called Pico which is more then fifteene miles in length It is so named of a high Mountaine that standeth therein called Pico which is so high that some thinke it is higher then the Pico of Canaria When it is cleare weather it may as perfectly be seene in Tercera as if it were not halfe a mile from thence and yet it lyeth aboue twenty fiue miles from it for it is at the furthest end of the Iland towards Fayael The top of it is seene cleare and bright but the nether part is couered with clouds and with the Horizon whereby the Iland is much spoken of It is very fruitfull of all kindes of victuals like Fayael and hath great store of wood as Cedars all other kindes and also the costly wood Teixo There they build many Caruels and small Ships and from thence by reason of the abundance of wood they serue the other Ilands with wood It is also inhabited as the rest are their chiefe traffique being Cattle husbandry It hath much Wine the
best in all those Ilands and it hath the sauorest pleasantest Oranges that are throughout all Portugall so that they are brought into Tercera for a present as being there very much esteemed and in my iudgement they are the best that euer I tasted in any place Angra in the Iland of Tercera is the chiefe Towne and Ruler ouer all the Flemish Ilands From Tercera Westward to the Iland named Flores are seuenty miles it is about seuen miles compasse it is also inhabited by Portugals hath no speciall merchandise but onely some wood it is full of Cattle and other necessary prouisions and lyeth open to all the world to whosoeuer will come thither as well Englishmen as others for that the inhabitants haue not the power to resist them A mile from thence Northward lyeth a little Iland of two or three miles in compasse called DeCoruo The inhabitants are of the same people that dwell in Flores Between those two Ilands and round about them the Englishmen doe commonly stay to watch the Ships that come out of the West for those are the first Ilands that the Ships looke out for and descry when they saile vnto Tercera wherby the inhabitants dobut little prosper because they are at the pleasure commandment of all that will come vnto them and take their goods from them as oftentimes it hapneth Yet for all their pouerty not to loose both lands and goods they must content themselues and saile with euery winde The I le of Tercera lyeth vnder thirty nine degrees in the same height that Lisbone lyeth and is distant from Lisbone lying right East and West two hundred and fifty Spanish miles Of certaine notable and memorable accidents that happened during my continuance in Tercera in which are related many English fleetes Sea-fights and Prizes THe second of October Anno 1589. at the Towne of Villa daâ— Praya in the Iland of Tercera two men being in a field hard without the towne were killed with lightning The ninth of the same month there arriued in Tercera 14. Ships that came from the Spanish Indies laden with Cochenile Hides Gold Siluer Pearles and other rich wares They were fifty in company when they departed out of the Iland of Hauana whereof in their comming out of the Channell eleuen sunk in the same Channell by foule weather the rest by a storme were scattered seperated one from the other The next day there came another Ship of the same company that sailed close vnder the Iland so to get into the Road where she met with an English Ship that had not aboue three cast Peeces the Spaniard twelue They sought a long time together which we being in the Iland might stand behold wherupon the Gouernor of Tercera sent two Boats of Musketiers to helpe the Ship but before they could come at her the English Ship had shot her vnder water and we saw her sinke into the Sea with all her sailes vp and not any thing seene of her about the water The Englishmen with their Boate saued the Captaine and about thirty others with him but not one peny worth of the goods yet in the Ship there was at the least to the value of 200000. Ducats in Gold Siluer and Pearles the rest of the men were drowned which might be about 50. persons among the which were some Friers and women which the Englishmen would not saue Those that they had saued they set on land then they sailed away The 27. of the same month the said 14. Ships hauing refreshed theselues in the Iland departed from Tercera towards Siuil and comming vpon the coast of Spaine they were taken by the English Ships that lay there to watch for them two onely excepted which escaped away the rest were wholly carried into England About the same time the Earle of Cumberland with one of the Queenes Ships and fiue or six more kept about those Ilands and came oftentimes so close vnder the Iland and to the Road of Angra that the people on land might easily tell all his men that he had aboord and knew such as walked on the Hatches they of the Iland not once shooting at them although they might easily haue done it for they were within Musket shot both of the Towne and Fort. In these places he continued for the space of two Moneths and sailed round about the Ilands and landed in Gratiosa and Fayael as in the description of those Ilands I haue already declared Here he tooke diuers Ships and Caruels which he sent into England so that those of the Iland durst not once put forth their heads At the same time about three or foure dayes after the Earle of Cumberland had beene in the Iland of Fayael and was departed from thence there arriued in the said Iland of Fayael six Indian Ships whose Generall was one Iuan Doryâ—s and there they discharged in the Iland fortie Millions of Gold and Siluer And hauing with all speede refreshed their Ships fearing the comming of the Englishmen they set saile and arriued safely in Saint Lucas not meeting with the enemy to the great good lucke of the Spaniards and hard fortune of the Englishmen for that within lesse then two daies after the Gold and Siluer was laden again into the Spanish Ships the Earle of Cumberland sailed againe by that Iland so that it appeared that God would not let them haue it for if they had once had fight thereof without doubt it had beene theirs as the Spaniards themselues confessed In the moneth of Nouember there arriued in Tercera two great Ships which were the Admirall and Viceadmirall of the Fleete laden with Siluer who with stormy weather were seperated from the Fleete and had beene in great torment and distresse and ready to sinke for they were forced to vse all their Pumps so that they wished a thousand times to haue met with the Englishmen to whom they would willingly haue giuen their Siluer and all that euer they brought with them onely to saue their liues And although the Earle of Cumberland lay still about those Ilands yet they met not with him so that after much paine and labor they got into the Road before Angra where with all speed they vnladed discharged aboue 5. Millions of Siluer all in peeces of 8. and 10. pound great so that the whole Ray lay couered with plates Chests of Siluer full of Ryals of eight most wonderfull to behold each Million being ten hundred thousand Ducats besides Pearles Gold and other stones which were not registred The Admiral chief commander of those Ships and Fleete called Aluuro Flores de Quiniones was sicke of the Neapolitan disease and was brought to land whereof not long after he dyed in Syuilia He brought with him the Kings broad Seale and full authority to be Generall chiefe commander vpon the Seas and of all Fleets or Ships and of all places Ilands or Lands wheresoeuer
called Mathias de Alburkerke sailed had only gotten to India as afterward newes thereof was brought ouer Land hauing beene at the least eleuen monethes at Sea and neuer saw Land and came in great misery to Malacca In this ship there died by the way two hundred and eightie men according to a note by himselfe made and sent to the Cardinall at Lisbon with the names and surnames of euery man together with a description of his Voyage and the misery they had indured which was only done because he would not lose the gouernment of India and for that cause he had sworne either to lose his life or to arriue in India as indeed he did afterwards but to the great danger losse and hinderance of his company that were forced to buy it with their liues and onely for want of prouision as it may well bee thought for he knew full well that if he had returned backe againe into Portingall as the other ships did hee should haue beene casheered from his Indian Regiment because the people began alreadie to murmurre at him for his proude and loftie minde And among other things that shewed his pride the more behind aboue the Gallery of his ship he caused Fortune to be painted and his owne Picture with a staffe standing by her as it were threatning Fortune with this Poesie Quero que vencas that is I will haue thee to ouercome which beeing read by the Cardinall and other Gentlemen that to honour him aboord his ship it was thought to be a point of exceeding folly But it is no strange matter among the Portingalls for they aboue all others must of force Let the Foole peepe out of their sleeues specially when they are in authoritie for that I knew the said Mathias de Alberkerk in India being a Souldier and a Captaine where he was esteemed and accounted for one of the best of them and much honoured and beloued of all men as behauing himselfe courteously to euery man whereby they all desired that he might be Vice-roy But when he once had receiued his Patent with full power and authoritie from the King to be Vice-roy hee changed so much from his former behauiour that by reason of his pride they all began to feare and curse him and that before he departed out of Lisbon as it is often seene in many men that are aduanced vnto state and dignitie The twentieth of Ianuary Anno 1591. there was newes brought out of Portingall into Tercera that the Englishmen had taken a ship that the King had sent into the Portingall Indies with aduise to the Vice-roy for the returning againe of the foure ships that should haue gone to India and because the ships were come backe againe that ship was stuffed and laded as full of goods as possible it might be hauing likewise in ready money fiue hundred thousand Duckets in Rials of eight besides other wares It departed from Lisbone in the moneth of Nouember 1590. and met with the Englishmen with whom for a time it fought but in the end it was taken and carried into England with men and all yet when they came there the men were set at libertie and returned into Lishone where the Captaine was committed Prisoner but hee excused himselfe and was released with whom I spake my selfe and he made this report vnto me At the same time also they tooke a ship that came from the Myne laden with Gold and two ships laden with Pepper and Spices that were to saile into Italie the Pepper onely that was in them being worth 170000. Duckets all these ships were carried into England and made good prize In the moneth of Iuly An. 1591. there happened an Earth-quake in the Iland of S. Michaell which continued from the six and twentieth of Iuly to the twelfth of August in which time no man durst stay within his house but fled into the fields fasting and praying with great sorrow for that many of their houses fell downe and a Towne called Villa Franca was almost cleane razed to the ground all the Cloysters and houses shaken to the earth and therein some people slaine The Land in some places rose vp and the Cliffes remooued from on place to another and some Hils were defaced and made euen with the ground The Earthquake was so strong that the ships which lay in the Road and on the Sea shaked as if the World would haâ—e turned round there sprang also a Fountaine out of the earth from whence for the space of foure dayes there flowed a most cleare water and after that it ceased At the same time they heard such thunder and noise vnder the earth as if all the Diuels in hell had beene assembled together in that place wherewith many died for feare The Iland of Tercera shooke foure times together so that it seemed to turne about but there happened no misfortune vnto it Earthquakes are common in those Ilands for about twenty yeares past there happened another earthquake where in a high Hill that lyeth by the same towne of Villa Franca fell halfe downe and couered all the towne with earth and killed many men The fiue and twentieth of August the Kings Armada comming out of Farol arriued in Tercera being in all thirty Ships Biskates Portugals and Spaniards and ten Dutch flye-boates that were arested in Lisbone to serue the King besides other small Ships Pataxos that came to serue as messengers from place to place and to discouer the Seas This Nauie came to stay for and conuoy the Sâ—â—ps that should come from the Spanish Indies and the flye-boates were appointed in their returne home to take in the goods that were saued in the lost Ship that came from Malacca and to conuoy it to Lisbone The thirteenth of September the said Armado arriued at the Iland of Coruo where the Englishmen with about sixteene Ships as then lay staying for the Spanish Fleete whereof some or the most part were come and there the English were in good hope to haue taken them But when they perceiued the Kings Army to be strong the Admirall being the Lord Thomas Howard commanded his Fleete not to fall vpon them nor any of them once to seperate their Shippes from him vnlesse he gaue commission so to doe notwithstanding the Vice-Admirall Sir Richard Greenfield being in the Ship called the Reuenge went into the Spanish Fleete and shot among them doing them great hurt and thinking the rest of the company would haue followed which they did not but left him there and sailed away the cause why they could not know which the Spaniards perceiuing with seuen or eight Ships they boorded her but she withstood them all fighting with them at the least twelue houres together and sunke two of them one being a new double Flie-boate of twelue thousand tunnes and Admirall of the Flie-boates the other a Biscaine But in the end by reason of the number that came vpon her she was taken but to their great losse
Captaine Gosnols death the Councell could hardly agree by the dissention of Captaine Kendall which afterward was committed about hainous matters which was proued against him The foure and twentieth day died Edward Harington and George Walker and were buried the same day The sixe and twentieth day died Kenelme Throgmortine The seuen and twentieth day died William Roods The eight and twentieth day died Thomas Stoodie Cape Merchant The fourth day of September died Thomas Iacob Sergeant The fift day there died Beniamin Beast Our men were destroyed with cruell diseases as Swellings Flixes Burning Feuers and by warres and some departed suddenly but for the most part they died of meere famine There were neuer Englishmen left in a forreigne Countrey in such miserie as wee were in this new discouered Virginia Wee watched euery three nights lying on the bare cold ground what weather soeuer came warded all the next day which brought our men to bee most feeble wretches our food was but a small Can of Barlie sod in water to fiue men a day our drinke cold water taken out of the Riuer which was at a floud verie salt at a low tide full of slime and filth which was the destruction of many of our men Thus we liued for the space of fiue moneths in this miserable distresse not hauing fiue able men to man our Bulwarkes vpon any occasion If it had not pleased God to haue put a terrour in the Sauages hearts we had all perished by those vild and cruell Pagans being in that weake estate as we were our men night and day groaning in euery corner of the Fort most pittifull to heare if there were any conscience in men it would make their harts to bleed to heare the pittiful murmurings out-cries of our sick men without reliefe euery night and day for the space of sixe weekes some departing out of the World many times three or foure in a night in the morning their bodies trailed out of their Cabines like Dogges to be buried in this sort did I see the mortalitie of diuers of our people It pleased God after a while to send those people which were our mortall enemies to releeue vs with victuals as Bread Corne Fish and Flesh in great plentie which was the setting vp of our feeble men otherwise wee had all perished Also we were frequented by diuers Kings in the Countrie bringing vs store of prouision to our great comfort The eleuenth day there was certaine Articles laid against Master Wing fiield which was then President thereupon he was not only displaced out of his President ship but also from being of the Councell Afterwards Captaine Iohn Ratcliffe was chosen President The eighteenth day died oue Ellis Kinistone which was starued to death with cold The same day at night died one Richard Simmons The nineteenth day there died one Thomas Mouton William White hauing liued with the Natiues reported to vs of their customes in the morning by breake of day before they eate or drinke both men women and children that be aboue tenne yeeres of age runnes into the water there washes themselues a good while till the Sunne riseth then offer Sacrifice to it strewing Tobacco on the water or Land honouring the Sunne as their God likewise they doe at the setting of the Sunne CHAP. III. The description of Virginia by Captaine IOHN SMITH inlarged out of his written Notes VIrginia is a Countrie in America that lieth betweene the degrees of 34. and 44. of the North Latitude The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean On the South lieth Florida on the North Noua Francia As for the West thereof the limits are vnknowne Of all this Countrie we purpose not to speake but only of that part which was planted by the Englishmen in the yeere of our Lord 1606. And this is vnder the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this Countrie doth agree wel with English constitutions being once seasoned to the Countrie Which appeared by this that though by many occasions our people fell sicke yet did they recouer by verie small meanes and continued in health though there were other great causes not only to haue made them sicke but euen to end their dayes c. The Summer is hot as in Spaine the Winter cold as in France or England The heate of Summer is in Iune Iuly and August but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemencie of the heate The chiefe of Winter is halfe December Ianuary February and halfe March The cold is extreme sharpe but heere the Prouerbe is true That no extreme continueth long In the yeere 1607. was an extraordinary Frost in most of Europe and this Frost was found as extreme in Uirginia But the next yeere for eight or ten daies of ill weather other fourteene daies would be as Summer The winds here are variable but the like Thunder and Lightning to purifie the Aire I haue seldome either seene or heard in Europe From the South-west came the greatest gusts with Thunder and heate The North-west winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it From the North is the greatest cold and from the East and South-east as from the Barmadas fogges and raines Sometimes there are great droughts other times much raine yet great necessitie of neither by reason we see not but that all the varietie of needfull Fruits in Europe may bee there in great plentie by the industry of men as appeareth by those we there planted There is but one entrance by Sea into this Countrey and that is at the mouth of a verie goodly Bay the widenesse whereof is neere eighteene or twenâ—ie miles The Cape on the South side is called Cape Henrie in honour of our most Noble Prince The shew of the Land there is a white Hilly Sand like vnto the Downes and along the shoares great plentie of Pines and Firres The North Cape is called Cape Charles in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke Thelles before it are named Smiths Iles because he first of ours set foot on them Within is a Countrey that may haue the prerogatiue ouer the most pleasant places of Europe Asia Africa or America for large and pleasant nauigable Riuers Heauen and Earth neuer agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation being of our constitutions were it fully mannured and inhabited by industrious people Here are Mountaynes Hils Plaines Vallies Riuers and Brookes all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay compassed but for the mouth with fruitful delightsome Land In the Bay and Riuers are many Iles both great and small some woodie some plaine most of them low and not inhabited This Bay lieth North an South in which the water floweth neere two hundred miles and hath a Channell for one hundred and fortie miles of depth betwixt seuen and fifteene fadome holding in breadth for the most part ten or fourteene miles From the head of the Bay at
the North the Land is mountainous and so in a manner from thence by a South-west Line So that the more Southward the farther off from the Bay are those Mountaines From which fall certaine Brookes which after come to fiue principall Nauigable Riuers These runne from the North-west in to the South-east and so into the West side of the Bay where the fall of euery Riuer is within twentie or fifteene miles one of another The Mountaines are of diuers natures for at the head of the Bay the Rockes are of a composition like Mil-stones Some of Marble c. And many pieces of Christall we found as throwne downe by water from the Mountaines For in Winter these Mountaines are couered with much Snow and when it dissolueth the waters fall with such violence that it causeth great inundations in the narrow Vallies which yet is scarce perceiued being once in the Riuers These waters wash from the Rockes such glistering tinctures that the ground in some places seemeth as gilded where both the Rockes and the Earth are so splendent to behold that better iudgements then ours might haue beene p 〈…〉 swaded they contained more then probabilities The vesture of the Earth in most places doth manifestly proue the nature of the soile to be lustie and very rich The colour of the Earth we found in diuers places resembleth Bole Armoniac terra sigillata ad lemnia Fullâ—rs Earth Marle and diuers other suâ—h appearances But generally for the most part the Earth is a blacke sandie mould in some places a fat slimie clay in other places a very barren grauell But the best best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth as by the greatnesse of Trees or abundance of Weeds c. The Countrie is not mountainous nor yet low but such pleasant plaine Hils and fertile Vallies one pretily crossing another and watered so conueniently with their sweete Brookes and Christall Springs as if Art it selfe had deuised them By the Riuers are many plaine Marishes contayning some twentie some one hundred some two hundred Acres some more some lesse Other Plaines there are few but only where the Sauages inhabit but all ouer-growne with Trees and Weeds being a plaine Wildernesse as God first made it On the West side of the Bay we said were fiue faire and delightfull nauigable Riuers of which we will now proceed to report The first of those Riuers and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his course from the West and by North. The name of this Riuer they call Powhatan according to the name of a principall Countrie that lieth vpon it The mouth of this Riuer is neere three miles in breadth yet doe the shoales force the Channell so neere the Land that a Sacre will ouer-shoot it at Point blanke This Riuer is nauigable one hundred and fiftie miles as the Channell goeth the shoales and soundings are heere needlesse to be expressed It falleth from Rockes farre West in a Countrie inhabited by a Nation that they call Monacan But where it commeth into our Discouerie it is Powhatan In the farthest place that was diligently obserued are Falles Rockes Shoales c. which makes it past nauigation any higher Thence in the running downeward the Riuer is enriched with many goodly Brookes which are maintained by an infinite number of small Rundles and pleasant Springs that disperse themselues for best seruice as doe the veines of a mans bodie From the South there fals into this Riuer First the pleasant Riuer of Apamatuck next more to the East are the two Riuers of Quiyoughcohanocke A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth three or foure pretie Brookes and Creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac then the Riuer of Nandsamund and lastly the Brooke of Chisaptack From the North side is the Riuer of Chickahamania the backe Riuer of Iames Townes another by the Cedar I le where we liued ten weekes vpon Oisters then a conuenient Harbour for fisher-boats or small Boats at Kecoughtan that so conueniently turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creekes that make that place very pleasant to inhabit their Corne fields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes The most of these Riuers are inhabited by seuerall Nations or rather Families of the name of the Riuers They haue also in euery of those places some Gouernour as their King which they call Werowances In a Peninsula on the North side of this Riuer are the English planted in a place by them called Iames Towne in honour of the Kings most excellent Maiestie vpon which side are also many places vnder the Werowances The first and next the Riuers mouth are the Cecoughtans who besides their women and children haue not past twentie fighting men The Paspaheges on whose Land is seated the English Colonie some fortie miles from the Bay haue not past fortie The Riuer called Chickahamania neere two hundred The Weanocks one hundred The Arrowhatocks thirtie The place called Powhatan some fortie On the South side this Riuer the Appamatucks haue sixtie fighting men The Quiyougcohanocks fiue and twentie The Warraskoyacks fortie The Nandsamunds two hundred The Chesapeacks are able to make one hundred Of this last place the Bay beareth the name In all these places is a seuerall Commander which they call Werowance except the Chickhamanians who are gouerned by the Priests and their Assistants of their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes In Summer no place affoordeth more plentie of Sturgeon nor in Winter more abundance of Fowle especially in the time of Frost There was once taken fiftie two Sturgeons at a draught at another draught sixtie eight From the latter end of May till the end of Iune are taken but young Sturgeons of two foot or a yard long From thence till the midst of September of two or three yards long and few others And in foure or fiue houres with one Net were ordinarily taken seuen or eight often more seldome lesse In the small Riuers all the yeere there is-good plentie of small fish so that with Hookes those that would take paines had sufficient Fourteene miles Northward from the Riuer Powhatan is the Kiuer Pamaunke which is nauigable sixtie miles but with Catches and small Barkes twentie or thirtie miles farther At the ordinary flowing of salt water it diuideth it selfe into two gallant branches On the South inhabit the people of Youghtanund who haue about sixtie men for warres On the North branch Mattapament who haue thirtie men Where this Riuer is diuided the Countrie is called Panamaunke and nourisheth neere three hundred able men About fiue and twentie miles lower on the North side of this Riuer is Werawocomoco where their great King inhabited when Captaine Smith was deliuered him prisoner yet there are not past fortie able men But now he hath abandoned that and liueth at Orapakes by Youghtanund in the Wildernesse tenne or twelue miles lower on the South side of this Riuer is Chiskiack which hath
all dead but the next day they were to drinke Wighsakon which would make them mad and they were to bee kept by the last made Blacke boyes in the wildernesse where their Oke did sucke the bloud of those which fell to his lot The truth is as I thinke that many die with the misery which they endure For they lye in all weathers in a little houell naked and they seldome speake or keepe company with any but their Keepers whom they obey so that if they be bidden sit on the frozen snow they will not rise till they be called And if they bid them goe take Fish Flesh or Corne from their mothers or else they are Old me this word is so terrible that they will teare their mothers throat but they will haue it yea it nakes them do whatsoeuer they are commanded and much mischiefe they often doe to such as they find stragling Yet hurt they not each other They continue thus nine months Then are diuers platters of broth set of which some are poysoned and he whose diuination finds out the poysoned is much esteemed and made a Quiyoughcosuck These are the degrees to become Priests or Coniurers This sacrifice they held to be so necessary that if they should omit it their Oke or Deuil and all their other Quiyoughcosughes which are there other Gods would let them haue no Deare Turkies Corne nor Fish and yet besides be would make a great slaughter amongst them They thinke that their Werowances and Priests which they also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes when they are dead goe beyond the Mountaines towards the setting of the Sunne and euer remaine there in forme of their Oke with their heads painted with Oile and Pocones finely trimmed with Feathers and shall haue Beades Hatchets Copper and Tobacco doing nothing but dance and sing with all their Predecessors But the common people they suppose shall not liue after death To diuert them from this blind Idolatry many vsed there best endeauours chiefly with the Werowances of Quiyoughcohanock whose deuotion apprehension and good disposition much exceeded any in those Countries whom though wee could not as yet preuaile withall to forsake his false Gods yet this he did beleeue that our God as much exceeded theirs as our Gunnes did their Bowes and Arrowes and many times did send to the President at Iames Towne men with Presents intreating them to pray to his God for Raine for his Gods would not send him any And in this lamentable ignorance doe these poore soules sacrifice themselues to the Deuill not knowing their Creator Of the manner of the Virginians Gouernment Although the Countrey people be very barbarous yet haue they amongst them such gouernment as that their Magistrates for good commanding and their people for due subiection and obeying excell many places that would be counted verie ciuill The forme of their Common-wealth is a Monarchiall gouernment one as Emperour ruleth ouer many Kings or Gouernours Their chiefe Ruler is called Powhatan and taketh his name of the principall place of dwelling called Powhatan But his proper name is Wahunsonacock Some Countries hee hath which haue beene his Ancestors and came vnto him by Inheritance as the Countrie called Powhatan Arrohateck Appamatuke Pamavuke Youghtanud and Mattapanient All the rest of his Territories expressed in the Map they report haue beene his seuerall conquests In all his ancient Inheritances hee hath houses built after their manner like arbours some thirtie some fortie yards long and at euerie house prouision for his entertainment according to the time At Werowcomoco hee was seated vpon the Northside of the Riuer Pamavuke some fourteene miles from Iames Towne where for the most part hee was resident but hee tooke so little pleasure in our neere neighbourhood that were able to visit him against his will in sixe or seuen houres that he retired himselfe to a place in the Desarts at the top of the Riuer Chickahamania betweene Toughtanund and Powhatan His habitation is called Orapacks where he ordinarily now resideth He is of parsonage a tall well proportioned man with a sower looke his head somewhat gray his beard so thin that it seemeth none at all his age neere sixtie of a verie able and hardie bodie to endure any labour About his person ordinarily attendeth a guard of fortie or fiftie of the tallest men his Countrie doth afford Euerie night vpon the foure quarters of his house are foure Sentinels each standing from other a flight shoot and at euery halfe houre one from the Corps due guard doth hollow vnto whom euerie Sentinell doth answere round from his stand if any faile they presently send forth an officer that beateth him extreamely A mile from Orapakes in a thicket of Wood hee hath a house in which hee keepeth his kind of Treasure as Skins Copper Pearle and Beads which he storeth vp against the time of his death and buriall Here also is store of Red paint for ointment and Bowes and Arrowes This house is fiftie or sixtie yards in length frequented onely by Priests At the foure corners of this house stand foure Images as Sentinels one of a Dragon another a Beare the third like a Leopard and the fourth like a Giant-like man all made euill-fauor'dly according to their best workmanship He hath as many women as he will whereof when he lieth on his bed one sitteth at his head and another at his feet but when he sitteth one sitteth on his right hand another on his left As he is weary of his women he bestoweth them on those that best deserue them at his hands When he dineth or suppeth one of his women before and after meat bringeth him water in a woodden Platter to wash his hands Another waiteth with a bunch of Feathers to wipe them insteed of a Towell and the Feathers when he hath wiped are dried againe His Kingdome descendeth not to his sonnes nor children but first to his brethren whereof hee hath three namely Opitchapan Opechancanough and Catataugh and after their decease to his sisters First to the eldest sister then to the rest and after them to the heire male and female of the eldest sister but neuer to the heires of the males Hee nor any of his people vnderstand any letters whereby to write or read onely the Lawes whereby he ruleth is Custome Yet when hee listeth his will is a law and must be obeyed not only as a King but as halfe a God they esteeme him His inferiour Kings whom they call Werowances are tied to rule by customes and haue power of life and death as their command in that nature But this word Werowance which we call and conster for a King is a common word whereby they call all Commanders for they haue but few words in their language and but few occasions to vse any officers more then one Commander which commonly they call Werowances They all know their seuerall lands and habitations and limits to fish fowle or hunt
RICHARD WIFFIN THO. ABBAY THO. HOPE and since enlarged out of the Writings of Capt. IOHN SMITH principall Agent and Patient in these Virginian Occurrents from the beginning of the Plantation 1606. till Ann. 1610. somewhat abridged CAptaine Bartholomew Gosnold the first mouer of this Plantation hauing many yeeres solicited many of his friends but found small assistants at last preuailed with some Gentlemen as M. Edward-Maria Wingfield Captaine Iohn Smith and diuers others who depended a yeere vpon his proiects but nothing could be effected till by their great charge and industrie it came to bee apprehended by certaine of the Nobilitie Gentrie and Merchants so that his Maiestie by his Letters Patents gaue Commission for establishing Councels to direct here and to gouerne and to execute there to effect this was spent another yeere and by that time three Ships were prouided one of one hundred Tuns another of fortie and a Pinnace of twentie The transportation of the Company was committed to Captaine Christopher Newport a Mariner well practised for the Westerne parts of America But their orders for gouernment were put in a Box not to bee opened nor the Gouernours knowne vntill they arriued in Virginia On the ninteenth of December 1606. wee set saile but by vnprosperous winds were kept six weekes in the sight of England all which time M. Hunt our Preacher was so weake and sicke that few expected his recouerie Yet although hee were but ten or twelue miles from his habitation the time we were in the Downes and notwithstanding the stormy weather nor the scandalous imputation of some few little better then Atheists of the greatest ranke amongst vs suggested against him all this could neuer force from him so much as a seeming desire to leaue the businesse but preferred the Seruice of God in so good a Voyage before any affection to contest with his godlesse foes whose disasterous designes could they haue preuailed had euen then ouerthrowne the businesse so many discontents did then arise had he not with the water of patience and his godly exhortations but briefly by his true deuouted examples quenched those flames of enuy and dissention Wee watred at the Canaries we traded with the Sauages at Dominica three weekes we spent in refreshing our selues amongst these West India Iles in Gwardalupa wee found a Bath so hot as in it we boiled Porck as well as ouer the fire And at a little I le called Monica wee tooke from the Bushes with our hands neere two Hogsheads of Birds in three or foure houres In Mevis Mona and the Virgin Iles we spent some time wherewith a loathsome beast like a Crocadil called a Gwayn Tortoses Pellicans Parrots and Fishes wee daily feasted Gone from thence in search of Virginia the Company was not a little discomforted seeing the Mariners had three daies passed their reckoning and found no Land so that Captaine Ratcliffe Captaine of the Pinnace rather desired to beare vp the Helme to returne for England then make further search But God the guider of all good actions forcing them by an extreame storme to Hull all night did driue them by his prouidence to their desired Port beyond all their expectations for neuer any of them had seene that Coast. The first Land they made they called Cape Henry where anchoring M. Wingfield Gosnoll and Newport with thirtie others recreating themselues on shoare Were assaulted by fiue Sauages who hurt two of the English very dangerously That night was the Box opened and the orders read in which Bartholomew Gosnoll Edward Wingfield Christopher Newport Iohn Smith Iohn Ratliffe Iohn Martin and George Kendall were named to be the Councell and to chuse a President amongst them for a yeere who with the Councell should gouerne Matters of moment were to be examined by a Iury but determined by the Maior part of the Councell in which the President had two voices Vntill the thirteenth of May they sought a place to plant in then the Councell was sworne M. Wingfield was chosen President and an Oration made why Captaine Smith was not admitted to the Councell as the rest Now falleth euery man to worke the Councell contriue the Fort the rest cut downe Trees to make place to pitch their Tents some prouide Clap-board to relade the Ships some make Gardens some Nets c. The Sauages often visited vs kindly The Presidents ouerweening iealousie would admit no exercise at Armes or Fortification but the Boughs of Trees cast together in the forme of a halfe Moone by the extraordinary paine and diligence of Captaine Kendall Newport with Smith and twentie others were sent to discouer the head of the Riuer by diuers small habitations they passed in sixe dayes they arriued at a Towne called Powhatan consisting of some twelue houses pleasantly seated on a Hill before it three fertill Iles about it many of their Cornfields the place is very pleasant and strong by nature of this place the Prince is called Powhatan and his people Powhatans to this place the Riuer is Nauigable but higher within a mile by reason of the Rockes and Iles there is not passage for a small Boat this they call the Falls the people in all parts kindly intreated them till being returned within twentie miles of Iames Towne they gaue iust cause of iealousie but had God not blessed the discouerers otherwise then those at the Fort there had then beene an end of that Plantation for at the Fort where they arriued the next day they found seuenteene men hurt and a boy slaine by the Sauages and had it not chanced a crosse Bar shot from the Ships strooke downe a Bough from a Tree amongst them that caused them to retire our men had all beene slaine being securely all at worke and their Armes in Dry-fats Heereupon the President was contented the Fort should be pallisadoed the Ordnance mounted his men armed and exercised for many were the assaults and Ambuscadoes of the Sauages and our men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt when the Sauages by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped What toile we had with so small a power to guard our workemen adayes watch all night resist our enemies and effect our businesse to relade the Ships cut downe Trees and prepare the ground to plant our Corne c. I refer to the Readers consideration Six weekes being spent in this manner Captaine Newport who was hired onely for our transportation was to returne with the Ships Now Captaine Smith who all this time from their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a prisoner vpon the scandalous suggestions of some of the chiefe enuying his repute who fained he intended to vsurpe the gouernment murder the Councell and make himselfe King that his confederates were dispersed in all the three Ships and that diuers of his confederates that reuealed it would affirme it for this he was committed thirteene weekes hee remained thus suspected and by that time the Ships should returne they
that there had bin a generall determination to haue shut vp hatches and commending our sinfull soules to God committed the Shippe to the mercy of the Sea surely that night we must haue done it and that night had we then perished but see the goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope by our mercifull God giuen vnto vs. Sir George Summers when no man dreamed of such happinesse had discouered and cried Land Indeede the morning now three quarters spent had wonne a little cleerenesse from the dayes before and it being better surueyed the very trees were seene to moue with the winde vpon the shoare side whereupon our Gouernour commanded the Helme-man to beare vp the Boateswaine sounding at the first found it thirteene fathome when we stood a little in seuen fatham and presently heauing his lead the third time had ground at foure fathome and by this we had got her within a mile vnder the South-east point of the land where we had somewhat smooth water But hauing no hope to saue her by comming to an anker in the same we were inforced to runne her ashoare as neere the land as we could which brought vs within three quarters of a mile of shoare and by the mercy of God vnto vs making out our Boates we had ere night brought all our men women and children about the number of one hundred and fifty safe into the Iland We found it to be the dangerous and dreaded Iland or rather Ilands of the Bermuda whereof let mee giue your Ladyship a briefe description before I proceed to my narration And that the rather because they be so terrible to all that euer touched on them and such tempests thunders and other fearefull obiects are seene and heard about them that they be called commonly The Deuils Ilands and are feared and auoyded of all sea trauellers aliue aboue any other place in the world Yet it pleased our mercifull God to make euen this hideous and hated place both the place of our safetie and meanes of our deliuerance And hereby also I hope to deliuer the world from a foule and generall errour it being counted of most that they can be no habitation for Men but rather giuen ouer to Deuils and wicked Spirits whereas indeed wee find them now by experience to bee as habitable and commodious as most Countries of the same climate and situation insomuch as if the entrance into them were as easie as the place it selfe is contenting it had long ere this beene inhabited as well as other Ilands Thus shall we make it appeare That Truth is the daughter of Time and that men ought not to deny euery thing which is not subiect to their owne sense The Bermudas bee broken Ilands fiue hundred of them in manner of an Archipelagus at least if you may call them all Ilands that lie how little soeuer into the Sea and by themselues of small compasse some larger yet then other as time and the Sea hath wonne from them and eaten his passage through and all now lying in the figure of a Croissant within the circuit of sixe or seuen leagues at the most albeit at first it is said of them that they were thirteene or fourteene leagues and more in longitude as I haue heard For no greater distance is it from the Northwest Point to Gates his Bay as by this Map your Ladyship may see in which Sir George Summers who coasted in his Boat about them all tooke great care to expresse the same exactly and full and made his draught perfect for all good occasions and the benefit of such who either in distresse might be brought vpon them or make saile this way It should seeme by the testimony of Gonzalus Ferdinandus Ouiedus in his Booke intituled The Summary or Abridgement of his generall History of the West Indies written to the Emperor Charles the Fift that they haue beene indeed of greater compasse and I easily beleeue it then they are now who thus saith In the yeere 1515. when I came first to informe your Maiesty of the state of the things in India and was the yeere following in Flanders in the time of your most fortunate successe in these your kingdomes of Aragony and Casteel whereas at that voyage I sayled aboue the Iland Bermudas otherwise called Gorza being the farthest of all the Ilands that are yet found at this day in the world and arriuing there at the depth of eight yards of water and distant from the Land as farre as the shot of a Peece of Ordnance I determined to send some of the ship to Land as well to make search of such things as were there as also to leaue in the Iland certaine Hogges for increase but the time not seruing my purpose by reason of contrary winde I could bring my Ships no neerer the Iland being twelue leagues in length and sixteene in breadth and about thirtie in circuit lying in the thirtie three degrees of the North side Thus farre hee True it is the maine Iland or greatest of them now may bee some sixteene miles in length East North-east and West South-west the longest part of it standing in thirtie two degrees and twentie minutes in which is a great Bay on the North side in the North-west end and many broken Ilands in that Sound or Bay and a little round Iland at the South-west end As occasions were offered so we gaue titles and names to certaine places These Ilands are often afflicted and rent with tempests great strokes of thunder lightning and raine in the extreamity of violence which and it may well bee hath so sundred and torne downe the Rockes and whurried whole quarters of Ilands into the maine Sea some sixe some seuen leagues and is like in time to swallow them all so as euen in that distance from the shoare there is no small danger of them and with them of the stormes continually raging from them which once in the full and change commonly of euery Moone Winter or Summer keepe their vnchangeable round and rather thunder then blow from euery corner about them sometimes fortie eight houres together especially if the circle which the Philosophers call Halo were in our being there seene about the Moone at any season which bow indeed appeared there often and would bee of a mightie compasse and breadth I haue not obserued it any where one quarter so great especially about the twentieth of March I saw the greatest when followed vpon the eues eue of the Annuntiation of our Ladie the mightiest blast of lightning and most terrible rap of thunder that euer astonied mortall men I thinke In August September and vntill the end of October wee had very hot and pleasant weather onely as I say thunder lightning and many scattering showers of Raine which would passe swiftly ouer and yet fall with such force and darknesse for the time as if it would neuer bee cleere againe wee wanted not any and of raine more in
Beame sixe foote floore her Rake forward was fourteene foot her Rake aft from the top of her Post which was twelue foot long was three foot shee was eight foot deepe vnder her Beame betweene her Deckes she was foure foot and an halfe with a rising of halfe a foot more vnder her fore Castle of purpose to scowre the Decke with small shot if at any time wee should bee borded by the Enemie Shee had a fall of eighteene inches aft to make her sterage and her great Cabbin the more large her sterage was fiue foote long and sixe foote high with a close Gallerie right aft with a window on each side and two right aft The most part of her timber was Cedar which we found to be bad for shipping for that it is wonderous false inward and besides iâ— is so spault or brickle that it will make no good plankes her Beames were all Oke of our ruine ship and some plankes in her Bow of Oke and all the rest as is aforesaid When shee began to swimme vpon her launching our Gouernour called her The Deliuerance and shee might be some eighty tunnes of burthen Before we quitted our old quarter and dislodged to the fresh water with our Pinnasse our Gouernour set vp in Sir George Summers Garden a faire Muemosynon in figure of a Crosse made of some of the timber of our ruined shippe which was serued in with strong and great trunnels to a mightie Cedar which grew in the middest of the said Garden and whose top and vpper branches he caused to be lopped that the violence of the winde and weather might haue the lesse power ouer her In the middest of the Crosse our Gouernour fastened the Picture of his Maiestie in a piece of Siluer of twelue pence and on each side of the Crosse hee set an Inscription grauen in Copper in the Latine and English to this purpose In memory of our great Deliuerance both from a mightie storme and leake wee haue set vp this to the honour of God It is the spoyle of an English ship of three hundred tunne called the Sea Venture bound with seuen ships more from which the storme diuided vs to Virginia or Noua Britania in America In it were two Knights Sir Thomas Gates Knight Gouernour of the English Forces and Colonie there and Sir George Summers Knight Admirall of the Seas Her Captaine was Christopher Newport Passengers and Mariners shee had beside which came all safe to Land one hundred and fiftie We were forced to runne her ashore by reason of her leake vnder a Point that bore Southeast from the Northerne Point of the Iland which wee discouered first the eight and twentieth of Iuly 1609. About the last of Aprill Sir George Summers launched his Pinnasse and brought her from his building Bay in the Mayne Iland into the Chanuell where ours did ride and shee was by the Keele nine and twentie foot at the Beame fifteene foot and an halfe at the Loofe fourteene at the Trausam nine and she was eight foot deepe and drew sixe foote water and hee called heâ— the Patience §. III. Their departure from Bermuda and arriuall in Virginia miseries there departure and returne vpon the Lord LA WARRES arriuing IAMES Towne described FRom this time we only awaited a fauourable Westerly wind to carrie vs forth which longer then vsuall now kept at the East and South-east the way which wee were to goe The tenth of May early Sir George Summers and Captaine Newport went off with their long Boates and with two Canoaes boyed the Channell which wee were to leade it out in and which was no broader from Shoales on the one side and Rockes on the other then about three times the length of our Pinnasse About ten of the clocke that day being Thursday we set sayle an easie gale the wind at South and by reason no more winde blew we were faine to towe her with our long Boate yet neither with the helpe of that were we able to fit our Bowyes but euen when we came iust vpon them we strucke a Rocke on the starboord side ouer which the Bowye rid and had it not beene a soft Rocke by which meanes she bore it before her and crushed it to pieces God knowes we might haue beene like enough to haue returned anew and dwelt there after tenne monethes of carefulnesse and great labour a longer time but God was more mercifull vnto vs. When shee strucke vpon the Rocke the Cock-â—wayne one Walsingham beeing in the Boate with a quicke spirit when wee were all amazed and our hearts failed and so by Gods goodnesse wee led it out at three fadome and three fadome and an halfe water The wind serued vs easily all that day and the next when God be euer praysed for it to the no little ioy of vs all we got cleere of the Ilands After which holding a Southerly course for seuen dayes wee had the winde sometimes faire and sometimes scarce and contrarie in whâ—ch time we lost Sir George Summers twice albeit we still spared him our mayne top-sayle and sometimes our fore course too The seuenteenth of May we saw change of water and had much Rubbish swimme by our ship side whereby wee knew wee were not farre from Land The eighteenth â—bout midnight wee founded with the Dipsing Lead and found thirtie seuen fadome The nineteenth in the morning we sounded and â—ad nineteene and an halfe fadome stonie and sandie ground The twentieth about midnight we had a maruellous sweet smell from the shoare as from the Coast of Spaine short of the Straits strong and pleasant which did not a little glad vs. In the morning by day breake so soone as one might well see from the fore-top one of the Saylers descryed Land about an houre after I went vp and might discouer two Hummockes to the Southward from which Northward all along lay the Land which wee were to Coast to Cape Henrie About seuen of the clocke we cast forth an Anchor because the tyde by reason of the Freshet that set into the Bay make a strong Ebbe there and the winde was but easie so as not beeing able to stemme the Tyde we purposed to lye at an Anchor vntill the next flood but the wind comming South-west a loome gale about eleuen we set sayle againe and hauing got ouer the Barre bore in for the Cape This is the famous Chesipiacke Bay which wee haue called in honour of our young Prince Cape Henrie ouer against which within the Bay lyeth another head-Head-land which wee called in honour of our Princely Duke of Yorke Cape Charles and these lye North-east and by East and South-west and by West and they may bee distant each from the other in breadth seuen leagues betweene which the Sea runnes in as broad as betweene Queeneburrough and Lee. Indeed it is a goodly Bay and a fairer not easily to be found The one and twentieth beeing Munday in the morning wee came vp within
vniforme agreement as was meete both shewed his gracious bountie in the gift of diuers Armes out of the Towre with further promises of his assistance and appointed Commissioners to examine the Causes of Virginias not answering to the care and cost in so long time bestowed on her I am no fit Relater of things ensuing and farre-vnfitter Vmpire in such differences I will now speake to God rather then men Quid enim nisi vota supersunt My Prayers shall be to the Almightie for Virginias prosperitie whose Dwarfish growth after so many yeeres convulsions by dissentions there and heere lamentations in the complaints of both sides a Plurisie Stich in her sides continuing after so much bloud taken from her weaknesse Sinne armes after such successions of armes and forces Tantalean staruings amidst both Magazines and fertilitie subuersions here and selfe-euersions there peruersnesse I mention not rather then conuersions of Sauages after so many learned and holy Dinines sent thither pouertie sicknesse deaths in so rich a Soyle and healthfull a Climate what should I say I can deplore I doe not much admire that we haue had so much in Virginia and haue so little the promises as probable as large and yet the premisses yeelding in the conclusion this Virginian sterilitie and meagrenesse rather then the multiplied issue and thrift of a worthy Matron and Mother of a Family answerable to her great Inheritance there and Iointer from hence But what doe I in plaints where some perhaps will complaine of my complayning I will expect better from God and his Maiestie and while my selfe meane-while in the better thriuing of the English Colonie in Bermudas or Summer Ilands CHAP. XVI English Voyges to the Summer Ilands HENRY MAYS shipwracke there 1593. The first Colonie sent 1612. IT is now time to leaue the Continent and visit Bermudas of Sir George Summers called Summer Ilands The occasion you had before related by Master Strachie and that some of their Company tooke vp their abode there This was not the first time that English eyes had seene those Ilands For in the yeere 1593. Henry May had beene there one of Captaine Lancasters Company which had beene in the East Indies and in returning had put ouer to Trinidad and thence to Puerto Rico and Hispaniola for refreshing where Captaine Lancaster desired a Frenchman Monsieur de Barbotiere to giue this Henry May passage home with him They departed from Laguna the last of Nouember and December the seuenteenth were wracked on the North-west part of Bermuda about midnight The Pilots making themselues at noone to be twelue leagues to the Southwards of the Iland certified the Captaine that they were from all danger and demanded their wine of height which they had thought they had beene cast away by the shore but were seuen leagues off by the helpe of their Boat and a Raft sixe and twentie of aboue fiftie were saued I saith May durst not presse in but stayed in the ship almost full of water till the Captaine being entred the Boat called me to him and I entred leauing the better halfe of our company to the mercie of the Sea We rowed all day till an houre or two before night yer we could come on Land towing the Raft with the Boat Hauing beene all day without drinke wee sought long and at last one digging among weeds found fresh water being only raine water which was all we found It pleased God that we had saued our Carpenters tooles and going roundly to worke we built a Barke of some eighteene tun for the most part with trunnels and a few nailes For tacklings we made a Voyage to our ship and cut downe her shrouds in stead of Pitch wee made Lime and mixed it with the Oyle of Tortoises assoone as the Carpenters had calked spreading it on with a sticke which was soone dried by the heat being in Aprill wee hasted away for feare of water failing vs. We made two great chists and calked them and stowed them on each side our maine Mast and so put in our prouisions of raine water and thirteene liuing Tortoyses for our food The Hogs were leane and there was store of Fowle Fish and Tortoyses There is also good fishing for Pearles The eleuenth of May we were cleere of the Land for our Voyage to New-found-land and on the twentieth fell with the Land neere to Cape Briton and thence to the Banke of New-found-land where a Barke of Falmouth tooke vs in wherein I had passage home and arriued at Falmouth in August 1594. Thus much for May. Let vs now heare the Relation sent from an English Colonie planted there vnder the gouernment of Master Richard Moore This following Discourse hath beene printed and was added to a Tractate of Master Siluester Iordan touching the wracke of Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George Summers on the Bermudas which beeing deliuered more fully by Master Strachie sup cap. 6. I haue here omitted and proceed to the English proceedings in those Ilands Being bound for the Sommer Ilands in the Ship called the Plough wee imbarked the eight and twentieth of Aprill 1612. So passing downe to Grauesend wee anchored at Tilbery-hope vntill the fifth of May. The wind comming taire wee put forth and came to the Downes the sixth of May where we staied till the ninth And then setting forward wee had a faire and comfortable passage and by Gods blessing found so direct a course that on the eleuenth of Iuly in the morning betwixt nine and ten of the clocke wee descried our hoped and desired Ilands and in the afternoone of the same day about three a clocke wee arriued in a verie safe harbour neere S. Georges Iland there wee landed all our men and women and had beene at anchor aboue an houre before wee could heare of our three men which had beene left there As soone as wee had landed all our company we went all to praier and gaue thankes vnto the Lord for our safe arriuall and whilest wee were at praier wee saw our three men come rowing downe to vs the sight of whom did much reioyce vs so they welcomming vs and wee the like to them againe we sung a Psalme and praised the Lord for our safe meeting and went to supper The next day being the Sabbath day which wee dedicated to God in the best manner wee could wee abode still in the foresaid Iland with all the rest of our company till Munday morning being the thirteenth of Iuly Then we went vp with our Ship and company higher into the harbour to the place where these three men had planted themselues They had planted Corne great store of Wheat Beanes Tobacco and Mellons with many other good things for the vse of man Besides they had wrought vpon Timber in squaring and sawing of Cedar Trees for they intended to build a small Pinnace to carrie them into Virginia being almost out of hope and comfort of our comming because Cap. Dauies time was to haue beene with
plentie of all those things I haue set before you but all the craft is in catching them for he that will get any gaine must be a wary and a well eyed shot and to prop his profession he must adde great care and vigilance both in defending himselfe and winning his game It hath beene often seene in this Land that whilest an Englishman hath beene winning his game an Indian hath dogd him attending his opportunitie by the others discharge to fill him full of Arrowes Since the Massacre they haue killed vs in our owne doores fields and houses thus are we not safe neither at home nor abroad and which grieues me to write our safetie is lessened by our malice one to another for the most part altogether neglecting the common enemie I my selfe and my wife are by some secret enemies much wronged for I am shauen so bare that I haue scarse either Garter Girdle Stocking or Shirt left all my wearing Cloathes likewise are torne and tattered I can accuse no man and they that likewise doe it doe it priuately and which grieues me most of all they striue by base and insinuating meanes to clip the wings as well of my prosperitie as of my reputation yet I hope God will giue me patience to beare and in his good time giue me a ioyfull deliuerance in the middest of all these miseries Whilest I was a writing these lines newes was brought me of the killing of one and the carrying away prisoner of another of my neighbours by the Indians one was an old Virginian and one who for a long time was Sir Thomas Dale his Ouerseer in this Land his name was Master Henry Watkins and but two daies agoe there was another that had his braines beaten out by the Indians in the next Plantation to vs. Wherefore with a sad and sorrowfull heart I take my leaue of you deere Father Mother Sisters Brethren and all the rest of my kinde and louing friends for the case stands so with vs here that if wee goe out in the morning wee know not whether wee shall euer returne working with our Hoe in one hand and our Peece or Sword in the other c. And now from latest intelligence you haue notice of the good and euill as becommeth a faithfull Historian nequid non veri audeat nequid veri non audeat It is good to know the worst to preuent it forewarned forearmed Easily you may see that the good things of Virginia are naturall and her owne the bad accidentall and our owne and consequently if wee amend our selues Virginia will soone be amended The body there is found to cut the haire auoide the excrements paire the nailes wash away sweate and dust and to cure other like accidents of negligence or impenitent and vnprofitable diligence is a worke feasible and facile also to industrious and vnanimous workemen One thing touching the French whose Plantations are before recited remaineth that we take away all scruple from feare of suspected neighbours I shall therefore adde a little more touching them the conclusion of their Virginian Plantation in a double sense As for the English right to these parts the next Chapter will shew and consequently the Iustice of Sir Samuell Argals act The Patents to Sir Humfry Gilbert and to Sir Walter Raleigh and their actuall possession before these latter Plantations may be alleadged likewise against the French These things I haue collected out of Sir William Alexanders Encouragement to Colonies Lescarbot hath also related them The Marquesse de la Roche by a Commission from Henry the fourth intending a Voyage for Canada happened by the way vpon the I le of Sablon which is now comprehended within the Patent of new Scotland and there trusting to the strength of the place where there are no Sauages at all landed some of his men till he should haue found a conuenient place within the maine Land fit for a habitation promising then to returne for them But it was his fortune by reason of contrary winde neuer to finde the Maine Land but he was blowne backe to France without seeing of them where he was in the time of the ciuill warres such is the vncertainty of worldly things taken prisoner by the Duke of Mercaeur and shortly after died so that his people whom he had left at Sablon furnished but for a short time had quickly spent their prouisions hauing for their maintenance onely such things as the place it selfe did without labour freely afford which hath a race of Cowes as is thought first transported thither by the Portugals that haue long continued there they had likewise there growing wilde of this which wee call Turkey Wheate and sundry Rootes fit to be eaten and euery where abundance of Fishes with Venison and hauing no meanes to liue but by sport as for their Apparell they cloathed themselues with the Skins of such creatures as they could kill by Land or Sea so that hauing liued there for the space of 12. years when they were presented to King Henry who had hired a Fisherman to bring them home as I haue heard from them that did see them at first before the King they were in very good health and looked as well as if they had liued all that time in France hauing bin abused by the Fisherman who cunningly conceiling that he had bin directed by the King did bargaine with them to haue all their Skins for transporting them home which were of great value some of them being of blacke Foxes which haue bin sould at fiftie pound sterling a peece and aboue for the recouery thereof they intended a Processe against him before the Court of Parliament at Paris wherein they preuailed gaining by that meanes a stocke wherewith to traffique in these parts againe Monsieur de Montes betaking himselfe to trade for Furs Monsieur Pourtrincourt resoluing to prosecute the Plantation at that place sent his sonne Biencourt to France to bargaine with some that would send them a supply such as was requisite for establishing of that Colonie The first that embraced his propositions were the Iesuites who as they haue ordinarily good wits which made them the rather capable of so aduantagious a proiect so they were the more animated thereunto by vpbraiding the lazinesse of our Clargie to shew with what feruency they trauelled to propagate the Gospell in doing whereof whether it be ambition or deuotion that prouokes them sparing no paines they haue trauâ—lled both to the East and West Indies and to the admired Kingdome of China Their society in France preuailing with all that had any inclination either to zeale or to vertue did easily gather a voluntary contribution for the furthering of so commendable a purpose Thereafter they sent away two Fathers of their Company with a new supply of all things necessary to the Plantation at Port Royall but shortly after their arriuall their predominant disposition hardly yeelding to any superiour specially if it be a secular power they began
report of some Sauages who did affirme vnto him that at the further end thereof they did finde Salt water and that they had seene great Vessels which made Champlein beleeue that a passage might be there to the Bay of California or to some part of the South Sea which would proue an inestimable benefit for the Inhabitants of these parts opening a neere way to China which hath bin so many sundry wayes with so great charges so long sought for Howsoeuer in regard of the season and for want of necessary prouisions Champleine did returne backe at that time with a purpose to goe againe another yeare which if hee hath done is not yet knowne but this is most certaine that the Riuer of Canada hath a long course and through many goodly Countries some of these great Lakes by sending forth or by receiuing great Riuers doe afford meanes of commerce as farre as to some parts of Terra Florida as may be gathered by Champleines discouery c. THus haue I giuen thee Others trauells to Virginia and the Summer Ilands I will conclude with mine owne trauells for them I see many likely to bee disheartened by the slender growth of the Virginian Plantation which for the time might haue beene not onely a safe but a rich and blessed Mother of a numerous thriuing generation branching farre into other Colonies and yet is But why doe I intercept your eyes and diuert your thoughts suspend them at best from that which for my Countries good and zeale to Virginia without partiall respect on the right hand or on the left with a candid right hand I here present and forbid all sinister hands to meddle with Tros Tyriusve mihi I side no where but embrace Virginia with a right heart my pen directed my hands erected for her good which can doe â—ee no other good but in reference to the publike whose I am and whom vnder God and his Maiestie I serue and obserue with all that I haue am and can I had written it as a tractate by it selfe at the request of some worthy friends but here haue abridged it in some such things as the other parts of these Volumes containe CHAP. XX. Virginias Verger Or a Discourse shewing the benefits which may grow to this Kingdome from American English Plantations and specially those of Virginia and Summer Ilands GOd is the beginning and end the Alpha and Omega that first and last of whom and for whom are all things The first and last thing therefore in this Virginian argument considerable is God that is whether we haue Commission from him to plant and whether the Plantation may bring glory to him This in regard of vs and our scope That in regard of it and the lawfulnesse thereof To begin with this In the beginning God created heauen and earth all things therefore are his by a higher name then right this rule and the things ruled being his creatures of both which Man onely amongst Visible creatures was created capable which Moses deliuereth in these words that God created him after his owne Image which is spoken not onely of the spirituall immortall substance of his soule whose vnity shineth with that created Trinity of Vnderstanding Will Memory in it selfe and that of Vegetation Sense Reason exercised in and by bodily motion but more especially in regard of the Creator a conformity to him in righteousnesse holinesse of truth the whole Man shining with a borrowed light as the Moone is the image and reflexion of the Sunne and in regard of the Creature a iust dominion ouer the same as the holy words manifest replenish the Earth and subdue it and haue dominion ouer the Fish of the Sea and ouer the Fowle of the ayre and ouer euery liuing thing that moueth vpon the earth Although Mans rebellion had forfeited this Naturall Charter yet was the same in the repeopling of the World renewed to Noah and his Sons which euer since haue beene in actuall possession and as Adam gaue names as humaine earemarks to â—he liuing creatures so Noahs heires haue since giuen names to Seas and Lands and other creatures quite thorow the knowne World Neither did the Fall of Man so cracke this earthen vessell that all his created excellence ran out for neither were the substance or faculties of the soule extinct nor his prerogatiue ouer the visible creatures the spirituall creature naturally excelling the bodily and the reasonable and liuing the sensitiue vegetatiue and torpid these receiued a wound the other his spirituall and religious conformitie in these to God as a purer water of the purest life ran forth irrecouerably and as our naturall parts were weakned and wounded so of those supernaturall wee were vtterly robbed till that good Samaritan vndertooke the restitution of that in redemption whereunto in creation he had giuen first institution God hath laid vpon him the iniquitie of vs all and in his stripes wee are healed our Charter is renued and now made so compleat that whereas the deuills thought to rob man of Earth and Paradise Hee which taketh the wise in his craftinesse hath restored him nay that is little hath added Heauen Himselfe that as the Israelites entred vpon the houses Cities and possessions of the cursed Canaanites so Christians into those Thrones and celestiall Dominions which those spirituall Thrones and Dominions lost and there haue God himselfe and the Lambe to be their Temple and All in all vnto them for euer Amen Hence is it that Christians such as haue the Grace of the Spirit of Christ and not the profession of his merit alone haue and hold the world and the things thereof in another tenure whereof Hypocrites and Heathens are not capable These haue onely a Naturall right by the reliques of the Law of Nature left in Man by the Creators goodnesse for the conseruation of the face of a world in the world the same further improued with a warrantization Contra omnes gentes our euidences dialect by the Law of Nations vnto Nations and Lawes Politicke and Ciuill in each Nation allotting to the members thereof the publike and priuate ciuill rights and tenures which either publike or priuate persons or corporations held therein This tenure comparatiuely that Christian is by our Lord himselfe called a tenure in villenage that of sonnes the seruant hath his time and abides not in the house for euer but the sonne is heire in see simple fide simplici for euer Neither yet is it lawfull for Christians to vsurpe the goods and lands of Heathens for they are villains not to vs but to our and their Lord nor hath the sonne in nonage power to dispossesse villaines nor are wee sonnes by nature but by adoption and a later Euangelicall Charter which doth not disannull the former the Truth or Word of the Gospel receiued by Faith makes vs free free Tenants to our Lord not Lordly subuerters of others tenures which may with a good
conscience vse our owne all things to the pure are pure which others cannot whose conscience being pitchy all things it toucheth are defiled and not as some haue turned libertie into licentiousnesse with a bad conscience take away that which is anothers Christ came not to destroy the Law of which one Commandement is Thou shalt not steale My Kingdome saith hee is not of this world and therefore properly medleth not with proprietie and ciuill interests The weapons of our warfare saith Saint Paul are not carnall but spirituall and the Keyes so much boasted on by Peters pretended Successors are called Keyes of the Kingdome of Heauen lawfull keyes not thieuish picklocks of Heauen not of Earth And it is remarkable that neither Pope nor Anabaptist the troubles of Israel with worse then Heathenish conceits in this kind euer inuerted or interuerted Scepters till they had denied the very Christian name which they receiued in Baptisme nor dispised gouernment till they were twice dead nor promised this libertie to others till themselues were the seruants of corruption Euen a Malefactor a Traytor a very Faux or Rauiliac is permitted to breath yea is in prison the Kings house whereof no priuate hand may dispossesse him maintained at the Kings charge till iudgement haue passed on him which to the world is not till the end of the world when Christ shall come to iudge the quick and dead who once so respected the iurisdiction of Ethnickes that himselfe was thereby adiudged to the worst of sufferings yea acknowledged that power giuen to Pilat from aboue His Birth acknowledged Augustus his Edict his Infancy fled Herods tyranny his Man-hood payd Tiberius tribute and his Death was Roman both in kind and sentence Let euery soule be subiect to the higher powers yeelded those noble armies of Martyrs in the Primitiue Church the contrary whereof hath yeelded Mastiues and Monsters in these last and worst dayes Therefore was Babels building in the East and shall not Babel bable building in the West be confounded that men might bee dispersed thorow the world to take possession of their inheritance and God which said Replenish the earth hath made of one bloud all Nations of men to dwell on all the face of the earth and hath determined the times and bounds of their habitation Hee gaue Ar to the children of Lot and the Land of the Horims to Esaus posteritie though not with like circumstances as Canaan to Israel and it was by speciall indulgence that Israel both spoiled the Egyptians and disherited the Canaanites Let it bee enough that Christ hath giuen vs our selues in the Lords seruice to bee a perfect freeman the Vniuerse in an vniuersall tenure and Heauen in reuersion that hath giuen his Sonne doth giue his Spirit will giue himselfe that all things are ours and wee Christs and Christ Gods without thoughts of inuasion and vsurpation knowing that Christian Charity seeketh not her owne things much lesse obtrudes on others and Christian libertie maketh liberall Saints of naturall men not vnnaturall deuills of professed Saints Our Light should so shine before others that they may see our good workes that they which know not the world may bee won without the Word in admiring our Christian conuersation This should be and in the most Aduenturers I hope is the scope of the Virginian Plantation not to make Sauages and wild degenerate men of Christians but Christians of those Sauage wild degenerate men to whom preaching must needs bee vaine if it begins with publike Latrocinie And this is sufficient to preuent scruple of the Popes Bul which if Basan Buls roaring were euidence maketh as wel against England this being no lesse questionable then Virginia Paul Pius Gregory Sixtus breathing as much fire against this as Alexander for that But what right can England then challenge to Virginia I answere that we would be loth to begin our right at wrong either to Ethnick or Christian nor need we hauing so manifold and iust interests First as men we haue a naturall right to replenish the whole earth so that if any Countrey be not possessed by other men which is the case of Summer Ilands and hath beene of all Countries in their first habitations euery man by Law of Nature and Humanitie hath right of Plantation and may not by other after commers be dispossessed without wrong to human nature And if a country be inhabited in some parts therof other parts remaining vnpeopled the same reason giueth liberty to other men which want conuenient habit 〈…〉 〈◊〉 seat themselues where without wrong to others they may prouide for themselues For these haue the same right vnto these latter parts which the former had to the former especially where the people is wild and holdeth no settled possession in any parts Thus the holy Patriarks remoued their habitations and pasturages when those parts of the world were not yet replenished and thus the whole world hath been planted and peopled with former and later Colonies and thus Virginia hath roome enough for her own were their numbers an hundred times as many and for others also which wanting at home seeke habitations there in vacant places with perhaps better right then the first which being like Cain both Murtherers and Vagabonâ—s in their whatsoeuer and howsoeuer owne I can scarsly call Inhabitants To question this right were to accusâ— almost all Nations which were rocked for the most part in no other cradle and to disappoint also that Diuine Ordinance of replenishing the Earth whose habitations otherwise would be like scattered Ilands in the Seas or as the present Spanish Plantations in the Indies so dispersed and disioyned that one cannot in any distresse succour another and therefore are made an easier prey to euery Inuader Another right is that of Merchandise Non omnia possumus omnes Nec vero terrae ferre omnes omnia possunt God in manifold wisedome hath diuesified euery Countries commodities so that all are rich and all poore not that one should be hungry and another drunken but that the whole world might be as one body of mankind each member communicating with other for puâ—like good He hath made this immutable decree in the mutabilitie of the Winds commodities commodiousnesse of Seas and Harbors varietie of Baies and Riuers multiplicity of all Mens both Necessities and Superfluities and their vniuersall desires of Nouelties Thus Salomon and Hiram had right to sayle ouer the Ocean and to negotiate with the Ophirians for Gâ—mmes Gold Ivory and other commodities seruiceable for his peoples necessities for pompous Magnificence and for the Temples Holies And if hee did not plant Colonies there you must remember that the Iewish Pale was then standing which prohibited voluntarie remote dwellings where each man was thrice a yeere to appeare before the Lord in Ierusalem Besides it is a question whether the Countrey peopled so long before had roome for such Neighbours It is therefore
vnwelcome for where are most women there is greatest plentie When a woman hath her monethly termes shee separateth her selfe from all other company and liueth certaine dayes in a house alone after which she washeth her selfe and all that shee hath touched or vsed and is againe receiued to her husbands bed or family For adultery the husband will beat his wife and put her away if he please Some common strumpets there are as well as in other places but they are such as either neuer married or widowes or put away for adultery for no man will keepe such an one to wife In matters of vniust and dishonest dealing the Sachim examineth and punisheth the same In case of thefts for the first offence hee is disgracefully rebuked for the second beaten by the Sachim with a cudgell on the naked backe for the third hee is beaten with many stroakes and hath his nose slit vp ward that thereby all men may both know and shun him If any man kill another hee must likewise die for the same The Sachim not onely passeth the sentence vpon malefactors but executeth the same with his owne hands if the partie bee then present if not sendeth his owne knife in case of death in the hands of others to performe the same But if the offender bee to receiue other punishment hee will not receiue the same but from the Sachim himselfe before whom being naked he kneeleth and will not offer to runne away though hee beat him neuer so much it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during the time of his correction then is his offence and punishment As for their apparell they weare breeches and stockings in one like some Irish which is made of Deere skinnes and haue shooes of the same leather They weare also a Deeres skinne loose about them like a cloake which they will turne to the weather side In this habite they trauell but when they are at home or come to their iourneyes end presently they pull of their breeches stockings and shooes wring out the water if they bee wet and drie them and rub or chafe the same Though these be off yet haue they another small garment that couereth their secrets The men weare also when they goe abroad in cold weather an Otter or Fox skin on their right arme but onely their bracer on the left Women and all of that sex weare strings about their legs which the men neuer doe The people are very ingenious and obseruatiue they keepe account of time by the Moone and Winters or Summers they know diuers of the Starres by name in particular they know the North-star and call it Maske which is to say The Beare Also they haue many names for the Winds They will guesse very well at the wind and weather before hand by obseruations in the Heauens They report also that some of them can cause the wind to blow in what part they lift can raise stormes and tempests which they vsually doe when they intend the death or destruction of other people that by reason of the vnseasonable weather they may take aduantage of their enemies in their houses At such times they performe their greatest exployts and in such seasons when they are at enemitie with any they keepe more carefull watch then at other times As for the language it is verie copious large and difficult as yet wee cannot attaine to any great measure thereof but can vnderstand them and explaine our selues to their vnderstanding by the helpe of those that daily conuerse with vs. And though there be difference in an hundred miles distant of place both in language and manners yet not so much but that they very well vnderstand each other And thus much of their liues and manners In stead of Records and Chronicles they take this course where any remarkeable act is done in memory of it either in the place or by some pathway neere adioyning they make a round hole in the ground about a foot deepe and as much ouer which when others passing by behold they enquire the cause and occasion of the same which being once knowne they are carefull to acquaint all men as occasion serueth therewith And least such holes should bee filled or growne vp by any accident as men passe by they will oft renew the same By which meanes many things of great Antiquitie are fresh in memory So that as a man trauelleth if hee can vnderstand his guide his iourney will be the lesse tedious by reason of many historicall Discourses will be related vnto him For that Continent on which wee are called New-England although it hath euer beene conceiued by the English to bee a part of the maine Land adioyning to Virginia yet by relation of the Indians it should appeare to bee otherwise for they affirme confidently that it is an Iland and that either the Dutch or French passe thorow from Sea to Sea betweene vs and Uirginia and driue a great Trade in the same The name of that Inlet of the Sea they call Mohegon which I take to be the same which wee call Hudsons Riuer vp which Master Hudson went many leagues and for want of meanes as I heare left it vndiscouered For confirmation of this their opinion is thus much Though Virginia bee not aboue an hundred and fiftie leagues from vs yet they neuer heard of Powhatan or knew that any English were planted in his Countrey saue onely by vs and Tisquantum who went into an English Ship thither And therefore it is the more probable because the water is not passable for them who are very aduenturous in their Boates. Then for the temperature of the ayre in almost three yeeres experience I can scarce distinguish New England from Old England in respect of heate and cold frost snow raine winds c. Some obiect because our Plantation lieth in the latitude of two and fortie it must needes bee much â—otter I confesse I cannot giue the reason of the contrary onely experience teacheth vs that if it doe exceed England it is so little as must require better iudgements to discerne it And for the Winter I rather thinke if there be difference it is both sharper and longer in New England then Old and yet the want of those comforts in the one which I haue enioyed in the other may deceiue my iudgement also But in my best obseruation comparing our owne conditions with the Relations of other parts of America I cannot conceiue of any to agree better with the constitution of the English not being oppressed with extremitie of heat nor nipped with biting cold by which meanes blessed be God wee enioy our health notwithstanding those difficulties wee haue vndergone in such a measure as would haue been admired if we had liued in England with the like meanes The day is two houres longer then here when it is at the shortest and as much shorter when it is at the
loosed from thence and the seuen and twentieth thereof they arriued at Saint Iohns Harbour in New-found-land and from thence sailed alongst the Bay of Conception where they left the Ship and dispatched themselues home in seuerall Ships that belonged to the West part of England and doe intend this next Spring to set forth a Colony to plant there The description of the Countrey of Mawooshen discouered by the English in the yeere 1602. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8. and 9. MAwooshen is a Countrey lying to the North and by East of Uirginia betweene the degrees of 43. and 45. It is fortie leagues broad and fiftie in length lying in breadth East and West and in length North and South It is bordered on the East side with a Countrey the people whereof they call Tarrantines on the West with Epistoman on the North with a great Wood called Senaglecoune and on the South with the mayne Ocean Sea and many Ilands In Mawooshen it seemeth there are nine Riuers whereof the first to the East is called Quibiquesson on which there is one Towne wherein dwell two Sagamos or Lords the one called Asticon the other Abermot In this Towne are fiftie houses and 150. men The name of which Towne is Precante this Riuer runneth farre vp into the Mayne at the head thereof there is a Lake of a great length and breadth it is at the fall into the Sea tenne fathoms deepe and halfe a mile ouer The next is Pemaquid a goodly Riuer and very commodious all things considered it is ten fathoms water at the entrance and fortie miles vp there are two fathoms and a halfe at low water it is halfe a mile broad and runneth into the Land North many daies iourney where is a great Lake of 18. leagues long and foure broad In this Lake are seuen great Ilands toward the farthest end there falleeh in a Riuer which they call Acaconstomed where they passe with their Boates thirtie daies iourney vp and from thence they goe ouer Land twentie daies iourney more and then come to another Riuer where they haue a trade with Anadabis or Anadabijon with whom the Frenchmen haue had commerce for a long time Neere to the North of this Riuer of Pemaquid are three Townes the first is Upsegon where Bashabes their chiefe Lord doth dwell And in this Towne are sixtie houses and 250. men it is three daies iourney within the Land The second is Caiocame the third Shasheekeing These two last Townes are opposite one to the other the Riuer diuiding them both and they are two daies iourney from the Towne of Bashabes In Caioc 〈…〉 dwelleth Maiesquis and in Shasheokeing Bowant two Sagamos subiects to Bashabes Vpon both sides of this Riuer vp to the very Lake for a good distance the ground is plaine without Trees or Bushes but full of long Grasse like vnto a pleasant meadow which the Inhabitants doe burne once a yeere to haue fresh feed for their Deere Beyond this Meadow are great Woods whereof more shall bee spoken hereafter The Riuer of Pemaquid is foure dayes iourney from the mouth of Quibiquesson The third Riuer is called Ramassoc and is distant from the mouth of Pemaquid foure daies iourney it is twentie fathoms at the entrance and hath a mile ouer it runneth into the Land three daies iourney and within lesse then a daies iourney of the dwelling of Bashabes vpon this Riuer there is a Towne named Panobscot the Lord whereof is called Sibatahood who hath in his Town fiftie houses and eightie men The fourth Riuer Apanawapeske lying West and by South of Ramassoc at the entrance whereof there is twentie fathoms water and it is a mile broad it runneth vp into the Countrey fiue daies iourney and within three daies of the mouth are two Townes the one called Meecombe where dwelleth Aramasoga who hath in his Towne fiftie houses and eightie men The other is Chebegnadose whose Lord is Skanke and hath thirtie houses and ninetie men The mouth of Apanawapeske is distant from Ramassoc three daies iourney To the South-west foure daies iourney there is another excellent Riuer in the entranc◠whereof is twentie fathoms water and it is a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two daies iourney and then there is a great fall at the head wherof there is a Lake of a daies iourney long and as much in breadth On the side of this Lake there is a Strait and at the end of that Strait there is another Lake of foure daies iourney long and two daies iourney broad wherin there are two Ilands one at the one end and another at the other end I should haue told you that both these Lakes as also the rest formerly spoken of doe infinitely abound with fresh water fish of all sorts◠as also with diuers sorts of Creatures as Otters Beeues sweete Rats and such like The sixt Riuer is called Apponick on which there are three Townes the first is called Appisham where dwelleth Abochigishic The second is Mesaqueegamic where dwelleth Amniquin in which there is seuentie houses and eightie men the third is Matammiscowte in which are eightie houses and ninetie men and there dwelleth Narracommique To the Westward of this there is another Riuer called Aponeg it hath at the entrance ten fathoms water and is a mile broad it runneth vp into a great Sound of fresh water Vpon the East side of this Riuer there are two Townes the one called Nebamocago the other called Ashawe In the first dwelleth Mentavrmet and hath in his Towne 160. housholds and some 300. men In the second dwelleth Hamerhaw and hath in his Towne eightie housholds and seuentie men On the West side there is another Towne called Neredoshan where are 120. housholds and 100. men There is a Sagamo or Lord called Sabenaw Three daies iourney from Aponeg to the Westward there is a goodly Riuer called Sagadohoc the entrance whereof is a mile and an halfe ouer holding that breadth a daies iourney and then it maketh a great Sound of three daies iourney broad in which Sound are six Ilands foure great and full of Woods and two lesse without Woods The greater are called Sowaghcoc Neguiwo Neiwoc And in the verie entrance of this Riuer there is another small Iland from the West of which Iland to the Maine there is a Sand that maketh as it were a bar so that that way is not passable for shipping but to the Eastward there is two fathoms water This Sound diuideth it selfe into two branches or armes the one running North-east twentie foure daies iourney the other North-west thirtie daies iourney into the Maine At the heads whereof there are two Lakes the Westermost being eight daies iourney long and foure daies iourney broad and the Eastermost foure daies iourney long and two daies broad The Riuer of Aponeg runneth vp into this Sound and so maketh as it were a great Iland
between Sagadahoc and it From the Iland vpward the water is fresh abounding in Salmons and other fresh-water fish Some thirteene or fourteen daies iourney from the entrance in the North-east branch there is a little arme of a Riuer that runneth East some daies iourney which hath at the entrance foure fathoms water Vpon this arme there is one ouer fail which standeth halfe a daies iourney aboue this braneh vpon this arme there are foure Townes The first is called Kenebeke which hath eightie houses and one hundred men The Lord whereof is Apombamen The second is Ketangheanycke and the Sagamos name is Octoworthe who hath in his Towne ninetie housholds and three hundred and thirtie men This Towne is foure dayes iourney from Kenebeke and eight dayes iourney from To the Northward is the third Towne which they call Naragooc where there are fiftie housholds and one hundred and fiftie men The chiefe Sagamo of that place is Cocockohamas And on the small branch that runneth East standeth the fourth Towne named by Mâ—ssakiga where there are but eight housholds and fortie men Vpon the Northwest branch of this Sound stand two Townes more The first is called Amereangan and is distant from Kenebeke sixe dayes iourney In this place are ninetie housholdes and two hundred and sixtie men with two Sagamoes the one called Sasuâ—a the other Scawas Seuen daies iourney hence there is another Sagamo whose name is Octoworâ—kin and his Townes name Namercante wherein are fortie housholds and one hundred and twentie men A dayes iourney aboue Namercante there is a downefall where they cannot passe with their Cannoes but are inforced to carrie them by Land for the space of a quarter of a mile and then they put them into the Riuer againe And twelue dayes iourney aboue this Downfall there is another where they carrie their Boates as at the first and sixe dayes iourney more to the North is the head of this Riuer where is the Lake that is of eight dayes iourney long and foure dayes broad before mentioned In this Lake there is one Iland and three dayes iourney from this Lake there is a Towne which is called Buccawganecants wherein are threescore housholds and foure hundred men And the Sagamo thereof is called Baccatusshe This man and his people are subiects to the Bashabez of Mawooshen and in his Countrey is the farthest limit of his Dominion where he hath any that doe him homage To the Westward of Sagadahoc foure dayes iourney there is another Riuer called Ashamabaga which hath at the entrance sixe fathoms water and is halfe a quarter of a mile broad it runneth into the Land two dayes iourney and on the East side there is one Towne called Agnagebcoc wherein are seuentie houses and two hundred and fortie men with two Sagames the one called Maurmet the other Casherokenit Seuen dayes iourney to the South-west of Ashamabaga there is another Riuer that is sixe fathoms to the entrance This Riuer is named Shawakotoc and is halfe a myle broad it runneth into the Land fiftie dayes iourney but foure dayes from the entrance it is so narrow that the Trees growing on each side doe so crosse with their boughes and bodies on the other as it permitteth not any meanes to passe with Boates that way for which cause the Inhabitants that on any occasion are to trauell to the head are forced to goe by Land taking their way vpon the West side At the end of this Riuer there is a Lake of foure dayes iourney long and two dayes broad wherein are two Ilands To the North-West foure daies iourney from this Lake at the head of this Riuer Shawakatoc there is a small Prouince which they call Crokemago wherein is one Towne This is the Westermost Riuer of the Dominions of Bashabez and Quibiquisson the Westermost To the Reader I Haue thought good to adde to the English Plantations in New England those in the neighbour Countrey of New-found-land This was first discouered Ann. 1497. by S. Sebastian Cabot set forth by King Henry the seuenth the Voyages followed of M. Rut Albert de Prato M. Hore and others Ann. 1583. actuall and formall possession was taken in the right of Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory and her Successours by that memorable Knight Sir Humfrey Gilbert see sup lib. 4. ca. 13. And in the yeere 1609. M. Iohn Guy of Bristoll did write a Treatise to animate the English to plant there a written Copy whereof I haue A. 1610. It pleased his most excellent Maiestie to grant a Patent for a Plantation part whereof the whole might seeme too long for our purpose we haue inserted CHAP. VII The beginning of the Patent for New-found-land and the Plantation there made by the English 1610. deliuered in a Letter dated thence from M. GVY to M. SLANY Also of the weather the three first Winters and of Captaine WESTON with other remarkable Occurrents IAMES by the Grace of GOD of Great Brittaine France and Ireland King Defendour of the Faith c. To all people to whom these Presents shall come greeting Know yee whereas diuers Our louing and well disposed Subiects are desirous to make Plantation to inhabite and to establish a Colony or Colonies in the Southerne and Easterne parts of the Countrey and I le or Ilands commonly called New-found-land vnto the Coast and Harbour whereof the Subiects of this our Realme of England haue for the space of fiftie yeeres and vpwards yeerely vsed to resort in no small numbers to fish intending by such Plantation and inhabiting both to secure and make safe the said Trade of Fishing to Our Subiects for euer And also to make some commendable benefit for the vse of mankind by the lands and profits thereof which hitherto from the beginning as it seemeth manifest hath remained vnprofitable And for better performance of such their purpose and intentions haue humbly besought Our Regall Authoritie and assistance Wee being well assured that the same Land or Countrey adioyning to the foresaid Coasts where Our Subiects vse to fish remaineth so destitute and desolate of inhabitance that scarce any one Sauage person hath in many yeeres beene seene in the most parts thereof And well knowing that the same lying and being so vacant is as well for the reasons aforesaid as for many other reasons very commodious for Vt and Our Dominions And that by the Law of Nature and Nations We may of Our Royall Authoritie possesse our selues and make graunt thereof without doing wrong to any other Prince or State considering they cannot iustly pretend any Soueraigntie or Right thereunto in respect that the same remaineth so vacant and not actually possessed and inhabited by any Christian or other whomsoeuer And therefore thinking it a matter and action well beseeming a Christian King to make true vse of that which God from the beginning created for mankind And therefore intending not onely to worke and procure the benefit and good of many of Our Subiects
but principally to increase the knowledge of the Omnipotent God and the propagation of Our Christian Faith haue graciously accepted of their said intention and suit And therefore doe of Our speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion for Vs Our Heires and Successors giue graunt and confirme by these Presents vnto Our right deere and right welbeloued Cousin and Counsellor Henry Earle of Northampton Keeper of Our Priuy Seale and to Our trustie and right welbeloued Sir Laurence Tanfield Knight chiefe Baron of Our Exchequer Sir Iohn Dodridge Knight one of Our Sergeants at Law Sir Francis Bacon Knight Our Sollicitor Generall Sir Daniel Dun Sir Walter Cope Sir Pierciuall Willoughby and Sir Iohn Constable Knights Iohn Weld Esquire William Freeman Ralph Freeman Iohn Slany Humfrey Slany William Turner Robert Kirkam Gentlemen Iohn Weld Gentleman Richard Fishburne Iohn Browne Humfrey Spencer Thomas Iuxon Iohn Stokely Ellis Crispe Thomas Alport Francis Needeham William Iones Thomas Langton Phillip Gifford Iohn Whittingam Edward Allen Richard Bowdler Thomas Iones Simon Stone Iohn Short Iohn Vigars Iohn Iuxon Richard Hobby Robert Alder Anthony Haueland Thomas Aldworth William Lewis Iohn Guy Richard Hallworthy Iohn Langton Humfrey Hooke Phillip Guy William Meredith Abram Ienings and Iohn Dowghtie their Heires and Assignes And to such and so many as they doe or shall hereafter admit to be ioyned with them in forme hereafter in these Presents expressed whether they goe in their persons to bee planted in the said Plantation or whether they goe not but doe aduenture their Monyes Goods and Chattels that they shall bee one Body or Comminaltie perpetuall and shall haue perpetuall succession and one common Seale to serue for the said Body and Comminaltie And that they and their successours shall be knowne called and incorporated by the name of the Treasurer and the Company of Aduenturers and Planters of the Citie of London and Bristoll for the Colony or Plantation in New-found-land and that they and their successours shall bee from henceforth for euer inabled to take require and purchase by the name aforesaid Licence for the same from Vs Our Heires and Successours first had and obtained any manner of Lands Tenements and Hereditaments Goods and Chattels within Our Realme of England and Dominion of Wales and that they and their successours shall bee like wise inabled by the name aforesaid to plead and be impleaded before any Our Iudges or Iustices in any of Our Courts and in any Actions and Suits whatsoeuer And Wee doe also of Our said speciall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion for Vs Our Heires and Successours giue grant and confirme vnto the said Tresurer and Company and their Successours vnder the reseruations limitations and declarations hereafter expressed all that part and portion of the said Countrie commonly called New found land which is situate lying and being to the Southward of the parallel line to be conceiued to passe by the Cape or hedland commonly called or knowne by the name of Bonewist Inclusiue which Cape or hedland is to be Northward of the Bay commonly called Trinity Bay and also which is situate lying and being to the Eastward of the Meridian line to be conceiued to passe by the Cape or headland commonly called or knowne by the name of Cape Sancta Maria or Cape Saint Maries Inclusiue which Cape or headland is to be Eastward of the Bay commonly called the Bay of Placentia together with the Seas and Ilands lying within ten leagues of any part of the Sea coast of the Countrie aforesaid and also all those Countries Lands and Ilands commonly called Newfound land which are situate betweene forty and six degrees of Northerly latitude and two and fifty degrees of the like latitude and also all the Lands Soyle Grounds Hauens Ports Riuers Mines as well royall Mines of Gold and Siluer as other Mines Minerals Pearles and precious stones Woods Quarries Marshes Waters Fishings Hunting Hawking Fowling Commodities and Hereditaments whatsoeuer together with all Prerogatiues Iurisdictions Royalties Priuiledges Franchises and Preheminencies within any the said Territories and the precincts there of whatsoeuer and thereto or there abouts both by Sea and Land being or in any sort belonging or appertaining and which wee by our Letters Patents may or can grant and in as ample manner and sort as We or any of Our Noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any Company body politique or Corporate or to any Aduenturer or Aduenturers Vndertaker or Vndertakers of any Discouery Plantation or Trafficke of in or into any foraine parts whatsoeuer and in as large and ample manner as if the same were herein particularly mentioned and expressed Neuerthelesse Our will and pleasure is and We doe by these presents expresse and declare that there be saued and reserued vnto all manner of persons of what Nation soeuer and also to all and euery Our louing Subiects which doe at this present or hereafter shall trade or voyage to the parts aforesaid for Fishing c. April 27. A. Reg. 8. Master IOHN GVY his Letter to Master SLANY Treasurer and to the Counsell of the New-found-land Plantation RIght worshipfull it may please you to vnderstand that it was the tenth day of this moneth of May before the Barke of Northam called the Consent arriued here in New-found-land notwithstanding that a Ship of Bristoll called the Lionesse came to this Countrey the second of May in a moneths space and the Trial of Dartmouth arriued here before in sixteene dayes By reason of which stay of the aforesaid Barke nothing could be done to take any of the places desired all being possessed before So that the Ship that commeth whereof as yet there is no newes is to trust to the place here which is reserued for her which I hope will proue a good place Some yeeres as great a Uoyage hath bin made here as in any place in this Land God send her hither in safetie I haue not yet seene any of the Countrey to the Southward or Northward of this Bay of Conception since this spring because I expected daily the arriuall of the Barke and thought it not fit to be absent herehence vntill she were arriued and dispatched but presently vpon her departure no time God willing shall be lost The care that was taken to require generally the Fishermen to assist vs and to supply our wants if any should be was most ioyfull and comfortable to vs which was most willingly accomplished by the most part of those which I haue yet seene yet God be praised such was the state of all things with vs as we were in no want of victuals but had a great remainder as you shall after vnderstand The state of the Autumne and Winter was in these parts of New-found-land after this manner In both the moneths of October and Nouember there were scarce six dayes wherin it either freezed or snowed and that so little that presently it was thawed and melted with the strength of the Sunne All the residue
two seuerall Companies to the number of about one hundred and eightie persons to each Company being discontented stole away from him in a Shallop and tooke two Ships that were fishing in Trinitie Bay one belonging to Barnstable and one other to Plimmouth and so intend to begin to be new beads of that damnable course of life As I sailed from hence towards Renoose in a small Barke I fell into one of their hands and one of my company was hurt with a Musket there was one of their crew that wintered with me here the first yeare by whose meanes and because I was in the Barke they made shew that they were sorry that they had medled with vs And so they departed from vs without comming aboord That which they sought after was men to increase their number Before the said Captaine Eastons departure he sent three Ships into Trinitie Bay to store himselfe with victuals munition and men who are said to be worse vsed then the Ships here he taketh much ordnance from them The said Easton was lately at Saint Iones and is now as farre as I can learne at Feriland where he taketh his pleasure and thereabouts the rest are to meete him It is giuen out that we will send one Captaine Haruy in a Ship to Ireland to vnderstand newes about his pardon which if he can obtaine in i◠〈…〉 rge and ample manner as he expecteth then he giueth out that he will come in otherwise it is thought that he will get Protection of the Duke of Florence and that in his course herehence he will houer about the Westwards of the Ilands of the Azores to see whether he can light vpon any of the Plate fleete or any good rich bootie before his comming in Albeit he hath so preuailed here to the strengthening of himselfe and incouraging of others to attempt the like hereafter yet were there that course taken as I hope shall be it is a most easie matter to represse them I haue also a Diarie of the winter weather and obseruations of occurrents from August 1612. till Aprill 1613. December was very full of Snow for I dare not present the whole and the fresh-water Lake was frozen ouer and the Frost and Snow by the tenth of that moneth as in any part of the two former places Ianuary was much milder till the foureteenth from thence it was very frosty Their Beere was frozen and they dranke halfe water an ill remedy to cold The Cattell did not well thriue as comming out of a Countrie not so cold And therefore Iresh Cattell where the winter is warmer are not so fit to be transported hither George Dauis died of the Scuruie and after him Edward Garten Edward Hartland Iohn Tucker and one and twenty were sicke most of the Scuruie the whole Colonie was sixtie two February was much warmer and more temperate Toby and Grigge died in March the rest recouered Turneps being found as good to recouer from the Scuruie as the Aneda tree to Iacques Cartiers Company Nicholas Guies wife was deliuered of a lusty boy March 27. The Easterly windes and some Currents brought Ilands of Ice from the North Seas which made the weather colder that Spring then in the depth of winter when the same windes blowed namely East and Northeast those Ilands being blowne into the Baies and the windes from them euen in Aprill very sharpe and the Snow on the tenth of Aprill as thicke as any time that yeare In October Iohn Guy with thirteene others in the Indeauour and fiue in the Shallop went vpon Discouery A◠Mount Eagle Bay they found store of Scuruy-grasse on an Iland In the South bottome of Trinitie Bay which they called Sauage Harbour they found Sauages houses no people in them in one they found a Copper Kettle very bright you shall haue it as one of them writ it in his owne tearmes a furre Goune of Elke skin some Seale skins an old saile and a fishing reele Order was taken that nothing should be diminished and because the Sauages should know that some had bin there euery thing was remoued out of his place and brought into one of the Cabins and laid orderly one vpon the other and the Kettle hanged ouer them wherein there was put some Bisket and three or foure Amber Beades This was done to begin to win them by faire meanes This time of the yeare they liue by hunting for wee found twelue Elkes hoofes that were lately killed A little peece of flesh was brought away which was found to be a Beuer Cod which is forthcomming to be seene Their Houses there were nothing but Poles set in round forme meeting all together aloft which they couer with Deere skins they are about ten foote broad and in the middle they make their fire one of them was couered with a saile which they had gotten from some Christian. All things in this manner left euery one returned by the Moone-light going by the brinke of the Lake vnto the enterance of the made way and a little before they came thither they passed by a new Sauage house almost finished which was made in a square forme with a small roofe and so came to the Barke They haue two kinde of Oares one is about foure foot long of one peece of Firre the other is about ten foot long made of two peeces one being as long big and round as a halfe Pike made of Beech wood which by likelihood they made of a Biskin Oare the other is the blade of the Oare which is let into the end of the long one slit and whipped very strongly The short one they vse as a Paddle and the other as an Oare The thirtieth without any further businesse with the Sauages we departed thence to the Northerne side of Trinity Bay and anchored all that night vnder an Iland The one and thirtieth we rowed vnto an harbour which now is called Alhallowes which hath adioyning vnto it very high land Nouember the sixt two Canoas appeared and one man alone comming towards vs with a Flag in his hand of a Wolfes skin shaking it and making a loud noise which we tooke to be for a parley whereupon a white Flag was put out and the Barke and Shallop rowed towards them which the Sauages did not like of and so tooke them to their Canoas againe and were going away whereupon the Barke wheazed vnto them and flourished the Flag of truce and came to anker which pleased them and then they staied presently after the Shallop landed Master Whittington with the Flagge of truce who went towards them Then they rowed into the shoare with one Canoa the other standing aloofe off and landed two men one of them hauing the white skin in his hand and comming towards Master Whittington the Sauage made a loud speech and shaked the skin which was answered by Master Whittington in like manner and as the Sauage drew neere he threw downe the white skin on the ground the like was
the towne wall possessed by the noble Earle himselfe being in all this action either the very first man or else in a manner ioined with the first The Town wals being then possessed and the English Ensigne being there displaied vpon them with all speede possible they proceeded on to march through the Towne making still their way with sword and shot so well as they could being still fought withall at euerie turne The noble Earle was seconded by the noble Lord Admirall in person who was accompanied with the noble Lord Thomas Howard the most worthy Gentleman his Sonne after Lord Howard Sir Robert Southwell Sir Richard Leuison and with diuers other Gentlemen his Lordships followers of good account his Colours being aduanced by that valiant resolute Gentleman Sir Edward Hobby Knight And thus he likewise marching with all possible speede on foote notwithstanding his Lâ—many yeeres the intolerable heate for the time and the ouertiring tedious deepe sands with other many impediments Yet in good time ioyned himselfe with the Earle and his companies and gaue them the strongest and best assistance that he could Thus then the two Lords Generall with their companies being ioined together and proceeding so farre as the market place there they were hotly encountered where and at what time that worthy famous Knight Sir Iohn Winkfield being â—ore wounded before on the thigh at the very entring of the Towne and yet for all that no whit respecting himselfe being carried away with the care he had to encourage and direct his Company was with the shot of a Musket in the head most vnfortunately slaine And thus before eight of the clocke that night were these two most noble Lords General Masters of the market place the forts and the whole Towne and all onely the Castle as yet holding out and from time to time as they could stil annoying them with seuen battering peeces By this time night began to grow on and a kinde of peace or intermission was obtained by them of the Castle to whom the Lords Generall had signified that vnlesse before the next day in the morning they would absolutely render themselues they should looke for no mercie but should euery one be put to the sword vpon which message they tooke deliberation that night but in the morning before breake of day they hanged out their flag of truce and so without any further composition did yeelde themselues absolutely to their mercie and deliuered vp the Castle And yet notwithstanding all this in the night time while they had this respite to pause and deliberate about the peacemaking there were diuers great and sodaine alarms giuen which did breede some great outrages and disorder in the Towne At euery which alaram the two Lords Generall shewed themselues marueilous ready and forward These things being done and this surrender being made present Proclamation was published that the fury now being past all men should surcease from all manner of bloud and cruell dealing and that there should no kinde of violence or hard vsage be offered to any either man woman or childe vpon paine of death permitting the spoyle of so much of the Towne as was by them thought meete to the common souldiers for some certaine daies This honorable and mercifull Edict I am sure was streightly and religiously obserued of the English but how well it was kept by the Dutch I will neither affirme nor yet denie For I perceiue betweene them and the Spaniards there is an implacable hartburning and therefore as soone as the Dutch squadron was espied in the fight immediately thereupon both they of Siuil and Saint Lucar and also some of some other places did not onely arrest all such Dutch ships as dealt with them friendly by the way of trafficke and merchandise and so confiscated their goods but also imprisoned the Merchants and owners of the same and as the report goeth did intreat many of them with extreame cruelty thereupon In the meane while the very next day being the two and twentie day of Iune all the Spanish ships which were left on ground in the Bay of Cadiz where the great ouerthrow had beene but the day before were by the Spaniards themselues there set on fire and so from that time forward they neuer left burning of them till euery one of them goods and all as far as we know were burnt and consumed This their doing was much maruelled at of vs. Not long after the same time three dayes as I remember the gallies that were run on ground did quit themselues also out of that place and by the Bridge of the Iland called Puente de Suaço made their way round about the same Iland and so by putting themselues to the maine Sea escaped to a towne called Rotta not farre off but something vp towards the towne of Saint Lucars and there purchased their safety by that meanes Thus was this notable victory as well by Sea as by Land both begun and in effect performed within the compasse in a manner of foureteene houres a thing in truth so strange and admirable as in my iudgement will rather be wondred at then beleeued of posteritie And if euer any notable exploit in any age was comparable to Caesars Ueni Vidi Vici certainly in my poore opinion it was this The Towne of it selfe was a very beautifull towne and a large as being the chiefe See of the Bishop there and hauing a good Cathedrall Church in it with a right goodly Abbey a Nunnery and an exceeding fine Colledge of the Iesuites and was by naturall situation as also by very good fortification very strong and tenable enough in all mens opinions of the better iudgement Their building was all of a kinde of hard stone euen from the very foundation to the top and euery house was in a manner a kinde of a Fort or Castle altogether flat-roofed in the top after the Turkish manner so that many men together and that at ease might walke thereon hauing vpon the house top great heapes of weighty stones piled vp in such good order as they were ready to be throwne downe by euery woman most easily vpon such as passed by and the streetes for the most part so exceeding narrow I think to auoide the intollerable great heat of the Sun as but two men or three at the most together can in any reasonable sort march thorow them no streete being broader commonly then I suppose Watling streete in London to be The towne is altogether without glasse excepting the Churches yet with faire comely windowes and with faire grates of Iron to them and haue very large folding leaues of wainscot or the like It hath very few Chimnies in it or almost none at all it may be some one chimney in some one or other of the lower out-roomes of least account seruing for some necessary vses either to wash in or the like or else now and then perchance for the dressing of a dish of meate hauing as it
take in the Iland of Terçea which I held an action of equall importance to the other With this confidence I went out and to these ends but none of these three being performed it may be doubted whether we haue not through weakenesse or negligence failed of successe For which we make answere that if our whole carriage be examined from the first houre to the last it shall appeare that we haue striuen to attaine to euery one of these with as much obstinate constancie as any men in the world could doe and that onely the powerfull hand of God did binde our hands and frustrate all our endeuours The first for the enterprise of Ferel we went out of Plimmouth the third of Iune and stiered directly for that port and when most extreame stormes and contrary windes met with vs we beate it vp till all our Fleete was scattered and many of our ships in desperate case And because I the Generall thought my too soone giuing ouer would not onely depriue the Fleete of our principall ship but absolutly defeate the iourney I forced my company first to abide the continuall increasing of a most dangerous leake which I made light of because I saw that with labour of men I could free the ship as fast as the leake did grow Secondly I made them endure the craking of both my maine and fore mast the one in two places the other in three so as we still looked when they should be carried by the boord which was not enough to make me beare vp because I knew whensoeuer I should loose them both I could with iurie masts by Gods fauour carry the ship home And I continued so long that my ships Okam came all out her seames opened her deckes and vpper workes gaue way her very timbers and maine beames with her labouring did teare like lathes so as we looked hourely when the Orlope would fall and the Ordnance sinke downe to the keele then did those few whom before I had wonne to stand with mee all protest against me that if I did not within a minute of an houre beare vp the helme I did wilfully cast away the ship and whole company Then onely I suffred my selfe to be ouercome and when I came to Plimmouth halfe her Maiesties ships and more then halfe the principall officers by sea and by land were put in before mee for the extremitie their ships were in And when we were all of vs gathered together againe at Plimmouth and had repaired all the ships but mine owne which was sent home to Chatham to be new builded then were we kept in by continuall storme and contrary windes till our victuals which were at first but for three moneths were in a manner all spent and the sicknesse in the Flie boates that carried the land armie growne so great that I had order from her Maiestie to discharge the land forces all but the thousand old Souldiers which were drawne out of the Low Countries By which meanes though we were disabled to land at Ferol to beate the land Armie there and take in the forces which was the certaiue way to command the Adelantados Fleete yet I the Generall offered her Maiestie to send in certaine ships of fire and to second them with the Saint Matthew and Saint Andrew and some great flye-boates and Merchants ships with which I would destroy the most of the enemies principall shipping and leaue all the Queens own English built ships at the mouth of the harbour to assure our retreate By this meanes I should hazard to loose but two great Cartes which before I had won and for the aduenturing of those defeate the enemies whole Nauie Which counsell being allowed though with restraint of mine owne going in with those two ships and an absolute barre to hazard any other we went out the second time to put this proiect in execution But againe ere we could recouer the Spanish coast the Saint Matthew by loosing her foremast was put backe into England and the Saint Andrew had lost company till at one instant within sight of the shoare of the Groine Sir Walter Raleigh the Vice-admirall brake his maine yard which forced him to beare along to the Westward before the winde and I in this second ship had such a desperate leake sprang as when we pumped and boled with buckets as much as we could for our owne liues it grew still vpon vs and when we sought by ramming downe peeces of Beefe and bolding linnen cloath wrong together to stop the comming in of the water it came in notwithstanding so strongly as it bare downe all and beate away euery man that stood to stop it Then was I faine to lye by the lee and make my company worke vpon it all night my master Carpenter the onely skilfull man I had dying at that very instant And when by the great mercy of God we had stopped it the winde being easterly the Fleete was so farre shot a head as I could not recouer the most of them till I came to the Cape Finisterre where holding a Counsell and missing Sir Walter Raleigh who being off at Sea had no plying sailes to get vp missing him I say with thirty sailes that in the night followed his light and hearing that the Saint Matthew which was our principall ship for the execution of our intended enterprise was returned and being barred to hazard any other in her place it was by the whole Counsell of warre concluded that the enterprise of Ferol was ouerthrowne both because though the winde had serued we wanted the ships appointed for that seruice and if wee had had the ships we wanted winde to get into the harbour of Ferol for the winde blew strongly at East which would haue bin fully in our teeth as we had plied in And now wee onely could thinke of the intercepting of the Indian Fleete and defeating of the Adelantado if he had put to Sea For to take in Terçera our land army being discharged we had no meanes whereupon wee bare for the height of the Rocke hoping there because it was our second Rende-uous after Ferel to meete with Sir Walter Raleigh Into which height when I came a message was deliuered mee from Sir Walter Raleigh by one Captaine Skobbels that the Adelantado was gone out of Ferol with his Fleete to Terçera to waft home the West Indian Fleete of treasure and that hee would attend mine answere off of the Burlingas which message of Sir Walters was grounded vpon the report of the Captaine of a ship of Hampton which did confidently deliuer it I the Generall there calling a Counsell tooke a resolution both because wee hoped to meete the Adelantado there and because all our best experimented Seamen did assure vs that it was the likeliest course to meete with the Indian Fleete to goe for the Ilands of the Azores And I sent out Pinnaces both to the Burlinges and toward the South
Westerly wind bringeth in the hollow mother Sea so the wind then being West Southerly blew trade and made both a great Sea gate or wash vpon the shoare and a dangerous rode So as besides the apparant likelihood that our men had been all lost by the ouerturning of our Boats vpon our heads the losse of our Boates which could not haue beene in that place auoided had kept vs from watering and so had beene the manifest destruction of the whole Fleet. Whereupon I the Generall leauing commandement of the great Ships with Sir Walter Raleigh because the Lord Thomas Howard desired to land with mee accompanied with his Lords Ship and all the other principall Officers and persons of qualitie in the Army I put my selfe in the smal Ships and towed the boats at our Sterns to seeke another smal Bay on the other side of the Point to the Eastward called Punta de Galera or Galy Point where there was a Land Fange and consequently a smoother landing But we putting off in this manner at eleuen of the clocke at night I the Generall in a Pinnace of Sir Walter Raleigh called the Guiana wherein all the Officers of the Land Army did accompany me the Aduenturers of quality that came out of my Ship in another Pinnace with Captain Arthur Champernon came to an anchor in this Bay but so dangerously as wee were put from our anchor and had like to haue beene cast away all the rest of the Fleet being put to leeward very farre The next morning at the breake of the day being driuen as low as Uilla Franca and there finding a good landing place wee set our troups on shoare where wee found besides many other commodities with which we refreshed our troupes a better watering place and a safer rode then any other that was about that Iland Which together with the impossibilitie of getting our small Ships and Boats to ply backe againe fiue leagues against the wind and to meet vs that should haue marched by land and they seeing of many of the Queens principal ships driuen from their anchors about and come to Villa Franca These accidents I say made vs to resolue to draw all the Fleet to one place and there to water with all possible diligence And wee being there saw it was so dangerous for our Ships to ride the wind growing more Southerly as on Sunday the fifteenth of October wee re-imbarked all our men the Masters of the Ships hauing before protested that if they were put from their anchors as hourely they looked to bee that the Fleet and Land Forces were in danger to be seuered for this whole Winter So as to haue hazarded her Maiesties honour and so many gallant men for that which was neuer any of our ends had beene as vnwise as it was vnsafe and if the counsell of retyring were good the manner of it was without taxation for wee imbarked first of all our idle persons secondly our aduenterours and the old Companies one after another and when wee had but three hundred and fiftie men on shore the enemy marching in sight of our Guards we went out to meet him and stood two houres readie to fight with the whole Forces of the Iland till at last they retired out of sight Thus left wee that Iland the principall Commanders by Land and Sea staying to bring off the last man In this meane time while the Land Forces were at Villa Franca and the Fleet at Punta Delgada there came into that Road a Carake and a small Brasil man The Carack presently ran her selfe on the Rocks and after her men had saued themselues the last set her on fire with all the goods in her to auoid her being taken Which Sir Walter Raleigh and those with him could not possibly auoid The Brasil man was taken and the Ship being found leakie the goods were taken out and put into English Ships And now wee haue giuen account of all our whole carriage vntill we bare for England If our comming home scattering be obiected wee must plead the violence of stormes against which no fore directions nor present industry can preuaile Wee must conclude with this That as wee would haue acknowledged that wee had done but our duties if we had defeated the Adelantado interpreted the Feet of Treasure and conquered the Ilands of the Açores So wee hauing failed of nothing that God gaue vs meanes to doe wee hoped her Maiestie will thinke our painfull dayes carefull nights euill diet and many hazards deserue not now to be measured by the euent the like honourable and iust construction wee promise our selues at the hands of all my Lords As for others that haue set warme at home and descant vpon vs wee know they lacked strength to performe more and beleeue they lacke courage to aduenture so much Signed ESSEX Thomas Howard Ch Mountioy Walter Raleigh Fran Vere Antony Sherley Christ Blunt §. II. A larger Relation of the said Iland Voyage written by Sir ARTHVR GORGES Knight collected in the Queenes Ship called the Wast Spite wherein he was then Captaine with Marine and Martiall Discourses added according to the Occurrences THese Iles of the Asores are situate in the Atlantike or Westerne Ocean and doe stand betweene 37. and 40. degrees and distant from England 400. leagues They are in number nine namely Saint Maries Saint Michaels The Tercera Gratiosa S. Georges Pykes Fayall Flores and Guerno This name of Asores was giuen vnto these Ilands by the Portugues of a kind of Hawkes called by them Asores which wee name Goshawkes and the Latines Accipitres whereof there did breed great store in those Iles But Ortellius sets downe this name to bee so giuen of the French word Essorer which signifieth to dry or wither but yeeldeth no reason withall for that Etimology The Netherlanders doe call them the Flemish Ilands challenging that they were first discouered by the Merchans of Bridges who found them meerely vn-inhabited abounding with Woods and Cedar Trees whether they sent Colonies to people and manure them And afterterwards in processe of time they yeelded themselues Subiects to the Portugues who since did inhabite and gouerne there so as now with them they are fallen vnder the power of the Spanish vsurpation Amongst these Ilands the Tercera is the chiefe but is so called by the Spaniards because it heth the third Iland distant from the Coast of Spaine It is plentifull of Fruit and Corne and hath some Vines growing in it The Inhabitants doe make great benefit and trade of Oade to dye Cloth which growes there in great plentie The chiefe Towne in that Iland is called Angra and hath thereunto a very strong Fortresse called Brazill and vnder it a Roade for shipping to ride but an Hauen or safe Port for all weathers there is not one amongst these nine Ilands The Pike is so called of a sharpe Mountaine rising steeple wise some three miles in heighe and six or
seuen miles in circuit at the foot fashioned it is vpward like an Hiue and the top therof most commonly to be discerned within and aboue the clouds This Mountaine hath in it by report many great hollow Caues and deepe Vaults and it is credibly reported that oftentimes it breathes out flames and sparkes of fire as doth the Mountaine Aetna Also at the bottome of this Mountain towards the East there is a great Spring of Fresh-water which is seen many times to issue out flakes and stones of fire with great violence and of the number and bignesse of the stones that are throwne out by the force and source of this Spring and what huge workes they make of the multitudes of them they confidently doe tell strange wonders which I will neither affirme nor deny but leaue indifferent to credit as men list Fayall is so called of Faya which in the Portugues signifieth a Beech Tree wherewith that Iland is said to abound But yet I saw there more store of Iuniper and Cedar then of any other Wood or Timber For Aire and Soyle it is as pleasant and fruitfull as any of the other Ilands and in it are some fiue Townes with many pretie Villages and in this Iland there are yet remaining certaine families of the Flemish race Gratiosa is so called of the exceeding fruitfulnesse of the Soyle and pleasant temper of the Ayre Flores of the abundance of Flowers that grow in it Cueruo of the multitude of Rauens and Crowes breeding therein And that Iland doth also breed Horses Saint Maries Saint Georges and Saint Michaels were so called of those Saints names vpon whose dayes they were first discouered for such is the custome of many Nauigators and especially of the Spaniards and Portugues so to call those Landes that they first make by the Saints day and name wherein they are discouered And these three Ilands for temper and fruitfulnesse are suteable with the others But Saint Michael is the greatest of them all Tercera the strongest and Saint Maries the neerest to the Coast of Spaine But now as wee come neerer to our intended purpose for the better vnderstanding thereof I thinke it very necessary and pertinent somewhat to speake of the chiefe Commanders as well by Sea as by Land and also of the number of our Ships and Souldiers together with the proiect and designe of that iourney then vndertaken for the seruice of her late Maiestie and the Honour of our Nation It is therefore to be vnderstood that Robert Deuereux late Earle of Essex Master of the Horse and Ordnance and Knight of the Garter First commanded in chiefe as well Admirall of the Nauie by Sea as Generall of the Armie by Land His Vice-Admirall was the Lord Thomas Howard Knight of the same Order and second Sonne to the last Thomas Duke of Norfolke a Nobleman much honoured and beloued and of great experience in Sea seruice His Reare-Admirall was Sir Walter Raleigh Knight Captaine of her Maiesties Guard Lord Warden of the Stanneries and Lieftenant of Cornwall For the Land seruice his Leiftenant Generall was Sir Charles Blunt Lord Mountioy Knight of the Garter Gouernour of Portsmouth and a man in high fauour with her late Maiestie His Marshall of the Field was Sir Frauncis Vere Knight a great Souldier and Coronell Generall of the English Forces in the Low-Countries The Master of the Ordnance Sir George Carew Knight Leiftenant of the Ordnance of the Kingdome of England His Sergeant Maior Sir Ferdinando Gorges Knight Gouernour of the Forts of Plimouth The Coronell Generall of the Foot Sir Christopher Blunt Knight The Treasurer of the Armie Sir Hugh Biston Knight one of her Maiesties Receiuers Generall in the Principalities of Walles with all other Officers designed to places requisite that were needful by Land or Sea now too long to rehearse And yet of all the Noblemen I will as neere as I can record their names particularly but craue pardon if I faile in the precedencie of their places The Earles of Essex Rutland and Southampton the Lord Howard the Lord Audley the Lord Gray the Lord Mountioy the Lord Rich and the Lord Cromwell But the particular names of all the Land Captains that had charge I could neuer come to the knowledge of much lesse can I marshall them orderly in this discourse And therefore I will passe to the number of the Ships in generall and therein name some particulars of the chiefe and principall Vessells of the Royall Nauie with their Captaines The whole Nauie which was diuided into three Squadrons viz. The Admirall his Squadron The Vice-Admirall his Squadron and the Reare-Admirall his Squadron consisted of 120. sayle or thereabout whereof sixtie were good men of Warre and gallant Ships the rest Victuallers and Ships of Transportation Of her Maiesties owne Ships the number was eighteene or nineteene and these were their names The Merhoneur Admirall whereof Sir Robert Mansfield was Captaine The Due Repulse Vice-Admirall whereof Master Middleton was Captaine The Wast Spite Reare-Admirall whereof my selfe was Captaine The Garland the Earle of Southampton commanded The Defiance wherein the Lord Mountioy was shipped had for Captaine Sir Amias Preston The Saint Mathew to Sir George Carew Master of the Ordnance The Mary Rose to Sir Francis Vere Marshall whose Captaine was M. Iohn Winter The Dread-nought Sir William Brooke was Captaine of The Nonparellia Sir Richard Luson was Captaine of The Bonouenture Sir William Haruey was Captaine of The Antelope Sir Thomas Vauisâ—r was Captain of The Rainbow Sir William Mounson was Captaine of The Swiftsure Sir Gilly Mericke was Captain of The Golden Lion was sent after for a supply The Hope whereof was Captain The Foresight whereof Sir Carew Reignall was Captaine The Saint Andrew whereof Master Marcellus Throckmorton was Captain The Tramontana whereof young Master Fenner was Captain The Moone whereof Sir Edward Michelboorne was Captaine Besides that there were some other of her Maiesties small Pinnaces that attended the Fleet. The residue or the Fleet aforenamed consisted of the best shipping of London and other Port-Townes of the Kingdome with sundry stout Vestells belonging to some Lords and Gentlemen that were Aduenturers in this Voyage There were also added to this Nauie tenne sayle of good men of Warre sent from the States of the Low-Countries to attend her Maiesties Fleet in this seruice vnder the conduct of one Mounsier de Duneincorde well manned and furnished The Land Army besides Saylers that might be afforded and spared vpon occasion of landing consisted of six thousand able men well appointed with ten Peeces of Artillery for the Field and Battery with all necessary Vtensils fit for them The proportion of victuals was for four months at large allowance double apparell both for Souldier's and Mariners In this Armie there went Knights Captaines and Gentlemen voluntaries fiue hundred at the least as gallant parsonages and as brauely furnished as euer the
the company that the Captaine that had taken this Indian Prize had already sent the Admirall a Letter to the same effect Yet the Reare-Admirall for the more suretie doubting that a Letter might miscarry or that no such Letter might bee sent being but an excuse of this Man to put off the trouble of seeking out our Fleet being a matter of great importance commanded one of his small Men that at that time followed vs to deliuer the same aduertisement to our Admirall as hee had receiued it by word of mouth and to vse all diligence to seeke him and the Fleet and to deliuer the report truly in manner as it was related and withall to signifie vnto his Lordship that wee there attended him in that height according to the directions and so would obserue all places and times appointed and that in such sort his Lordship should be sure to heare of vs vpon any occasion to wait on him This message and Messenger could sufficiently witnesse that we had no intent nor desire to abandon the Fleet or to sequester our selues being at the place set downe in the generall instructions This small Man that had this message in charge to deliuer to his Lordship the next day by good hap found out the Fleet and vpon deliuery of this newes within two dayes after our Reare-Admirall receiued two seuerall Letters to one effect from the Admirall one after another First somewhat taxing him for not writing then for his absence and withal requiring him presently to follow him to the Ilands whether he said he would by Gods helpe hasten to find the Adelantado not doubting but to giue his Mistresse a better account of that seruice then the Adelantado should yeeld his Master so or much to that effect the Letters went for I my selfe read them with the Reare-Admirall his permission and therefore can truly report their contents Vpon this suddaine and strict message we presently altered our determination from going to the South-Cape to hast to the Ilands and therfore we presently gaue notice to Sir William Brooke and the rest of our consorts of our Admirall his Letters and what way he meant to take and so instantly without any further delay we shaped our course for the Ilands But in this passage of ours towards the Ilands as wee had a franke wind so met wee with other lets For our Maine-yard began againe to cracke insomuch that wee were inforced to strengthen it with more fishing And as commonly misfortunes neuer come alone so in the necke of this trouble our Mayn-mast began to shrinke also springing great flawes in diuers places in so much that at last we greatly doubted with euery high blast or wind that it would haue beene blowne ouer-boord This sudden disaster much troubled vs and the more to thinke what vnequall constructions would bee made thereof Wee acquainted all the rest of our consorts with this late befallne mischiefe and desired Sir William Brooke in the Dread naught to carry the light for all the company seeing that our ship was so defectiue that we must needs stay to see if we could make the Mast seruiceable but would vse all our best means to come speedily after desiring him and all the rest to hast to our Admiral and to signifie our misfortunes and withal to make the more speed for that if the Adelantado were at the Ilands our Admirals Forces would be wel helped by their companies so for a few hours we and our consorts parted only we retained two little small Men with vs for our better comfort Yet notwithstanding this order and direction giuen so great were our desires to go on our labor such as that the same night wee had new fished our crased Maine-mast with a spare Maine top Mast that lay by vs and then so plied our sayles as that the next day towards the euening wee ouertooke Sir William Brooke againe and the rest of our consorts hasting towards the Ilands as was directed And on the eight of September in the yeere 1597. being Thursday wee made the I le called the Tercera and weathered it to the North-west where we met with an English Merchant that came from Saint Michaels and had layen trading about those Ilands some six weekes together but could not tell vs any newes of our Admirall and the Fleet albeit they were passed by but two dayes before Which shewes how easie a matter it is for shipping to passe by amongst those Ilands vnseene and how difficult it is to find out such Ships among those Ilands as would shelter themselues from men of Warre and couet not to bee met withall seeing that so great a Fleet could passe by vnseene or vnheard of by one that came iust from the Ilands at the same time that our Generall came thither And therefore it is a necessary obseruation for all such men of Warre as would meet or intercept any shipping that doth touch at those Ilands or do come from thence to keep in the maine sea and so to attend their comming forth and not to puzzle themselues with running in amongst those Ilands to seeke for purchase except they haue others of their consorts lying in the Sea at the receite if they chance to slip by which is easily done This Merchant informed vs of certaine West Indian men and two Carracks that a month before had touched there bound for Spaine And by this Merchant wee wrote into England how affaires went In passing thus onwards we discouered Saint Georges Ilands and there we dispatched two of our small men with charge to search about the Islands for our Fleete and to enforme our Admirail that we were going for Flores and Cueruos in hope to meete him there withall willing those small men to come thither vnto vs. And yet I remember many in our Ship were doubtfull and laid great wagers that our Fleet was not yet come to the Islands for that this Merchant could make no report thereof Whilest we were before Saint Georges we were very much becalmed for a day or two and the weather extreamely hot insomuch as the winde could not beare the sailes from the mastes but were faine to hull in the Sea to our great discontentment that before had vsed such great diligence and haste to meete with our Admirall and the rest of the Fleete Notwithstanding the winde began againe to be fauourable and so setting forwards the next of the Ilands that we made were Gratiosa Pyke and Fayall And as we ranged by Gratiosa on the tenth of September about twelue a clocke at night we saw a large and perfect Rainbow by the Moone light in the bignesse and forme of all other Rainbowes but â—n colour much differing for it was more whitish but chiefly inclining to the colour of the flame of fire This made vs expect some extraordinary tempestuous weather but indeede it fell out afterward to be very calme and hot This Rainbow by the Moone light I
being very good prises also made to the Generall a relation of forty sailes of Indian men whereof some eight were fraughted with the Kings Treasure that did dissenbarge with them from the Hauana bound for Spaine And as we after heard the Garland the Rainebow the Dreadnaught the Marigold and others fell amongst sixteene saile of the richest of this Indian Fleete whereof they foundred one and whilest they were busie in seeking to take the spoile of her as it was credibly reported all the rest did escape and recouer Tercera But of this I speake as the generall voice went and not vpon other assurance for they were then separated from vs and the rest of the Fleete And therefore I must adde this conclusion to desire that I may of the vnderstanding sort be pardoned if in these relations I cannot truely nor at large write the accidents and courses of all their ships in particular being no eye witnesse thereof nor possibly could so be For to doe that in a land army or in a battaile is very hard and much more in a Sea Uoyage consisting of so many ships sometimes separated Vpon intelligence of this escaping and passing by so vnluckily of these Indian Ships we were all much perplexed For by that chance and by our vnfortunate hast from Gratiosa but the very night before wee saw that Euen the wrath of destiny denied to make vs so happy as to bee masters of so great a fortune as then had fallen into our laps if wee had not still followed all those counsells that fell out to the worst Notwithstanding with all the speed wee could make we instantly followed after them to Tercera where they were entred some sixe houres before vs and had moored their Ships fast vnder the Towne and Fort being one of the strongest pieres of all Europe There wee might aloofe behold them safe within the Road which was a great Inlet inuironed with a high Land in manner of Peninsula so as the Shippes lay vnder the command of two strong Fortifications a place neither fit nor possible for our Ships to follow them except we had meant that they should haue there stuck fast for comming out againe Now was there a generall counsell called aboord the Admirall what course to take heerein and many great aduentures proposed and offered to bee attempted by some Coronels and Captaines with Boates and Pinnaces for the landing of men to force those places but all in vaine and altogether vnseasonable For whereas they with one thousand fiue hundred men offered to take both the Iland and Forts some others of the chiefest Sea-Commanders in their iudgements well knowing the great difficultie to Land men and Munitions on so disaduantagious a place and in so euill a season of the yeere besides the great strength of the Fortifications so well furnished at that time by this new arriuall were vtterly against it as a matter friuolous and of more apparant danger to our selues then to the Enemy and for it yeelded sundry reasons All which these Coronels seemed to account light or and would needs in great brauery still vrge the vndertaking of it if they might haue but the proportion of one thousand fiue hundred men before spoken of which the General himselfe seemed greatly to allow and insist vpon and therefore of necessitie to be yeelded vnto by the inferiour Commanders But our Vice-Admirall the Lord Thomas Howard finding indeed the marke whereat some of our great Captaines shot to wit that it would haue serued their turnes to haue vaunted that if the Vice-Admirall and Reare-Admirall had beene willing to this enterprise and not crossed it by counter counsells the Spanish Fleet and Treasure by mastering the Ilands of Tercera might haue been recouered his Lordship resolued either to tie them to their pretended resolutions or to make them see that they could not serue themselues of him by any such finenesse pretence And therfore told the general plainly that if indeed he would so willingly haue it attempted himselfe and the Reare-Admirall for their parts would be forward and readie to aduenture as farre as any others And moreouer the better to inable the action said that they would vndertake to find him three thousand strong and able men to spare out of the Fleet and yet leaue the Nauie sufficiently manned And therefore said they if your Lordship see no other reasons to let or hinder this offered attempt there shal be no want of so many men as we speake of which is double the number that was demanded But vpon this constant offer the matter was againe debated and grew somewhat colder being better digested So as in conclusion it was deemed inconuenient and impossible to be effected as our Forces and helpes and theirs at that time stood and the time of the yeere so farre spent and the winds and the Seas growne so tempestuous for landing in Boats But if this offer had not bin made then the relinquishing of these glorious motions and attempts had bin laid vpon the backwardnesse and disswasions of the Sea-men which was well enough perceiued and therefore accordingly answered These vnseasonable offers and Brauadoes puts me in mind of the like inconsiderate vnfortunate action of Sir R. Greenfield in the Reuenge who being Vice-Admirall to the same Lord Thomas Howard Admirall in a iourney to these Ilands in certaine of the Queenes Ships they fortuned to meet with a great Fleet of the King of Spaines neere to the I le of Flores consisting of so many huge and mighty Gallions as was no way fit for them to vndertake being in number and force three times as strong as ours was And therefore fâ—â—ter to be warily dealt withall then rashly aduentured vpon Wherefore the Admirall out of the due consideration and iudgement of the office and place hee held as also for that at his returne home hee was to giue a strict account of the charge committed vnto him thought it fit to keepe still aloofe and in the weather of this powerfull Nauie and so to fight with them at his best aduantage off and on as occasion serued or else to free himselfe from them if need required For his Ships being more nâ—mble yare and swift then the Spaniards it had bin a grosse errour to haue thrust himselfe wilfully in amongst them and so to giue them the aduantage of boording being high and mighty built Ships throughly manned and full of shot and the manner of fight by boording most aduantageous for those huge Gallions Besides being as they were all men of Warre and thrice as many as the English and no other benefit to bee got by boording them but blowes and the hazard of battaile which is vncertaine victory it behooued him aduisedly to carry himselfe and rather to follow the heedy steps of a Fabius Maximus then the â—eadie fury of a Terentius Varro But his Vice-Admirall being indeed a man very wilfull and violent in his courses could in no wise
Fleet lye as neere before the Towne of Saint Michael as conueniently they could to hold them in expectation whilest my Lord Generall and the rest with two thousand men imbarked into small Barkes and Pinnaces secretly in the night did conuey themselues about the point to land at a Towne called Villa Franca some sixe miles further then the first determinate landing And for that purpose they had most of all our Boats with them and three English men for their guides that perfectly knew all the Ilands and the Townes by long trade and liuing amongst them These three guides assured our Generall both of a quiet landing and of a very faire and secret way to march from thence to Saint Michaels Towne Our troupes being thus shipped and our Generall also they made hast towardes Villa Franca where they arriued safe were al landed by the next morning without any manner of resistance For most of all the Town vpon their arriuall abandoned the Town and we that were left vnder the command of the Reare-Admirall in the best Ships before the Towne of Saint Michaells did all the night giue them perpetuall Alarums with Shot Drummes and Trumpets in such Boats as were left sometimes in one place sometimes in another alongst the shoare where the Spaniards kept their Corps de Guards and fiers who were often in great amazements calling and running to and fro thinking verily that wee were landing in that place or about it And thus wee did to giue our Army the better and more secret meanes to make their descent and so to come vnlooked for on their backes as their very way did lie and might in truth very conueniently haue beene performed They being thus landed wee in the Ships did all the next day looke out apace hoping to see our troupes come marching ouer the Hills and Plaines that were perfect in our view for the most part of the way that they were to come being all alongst the Sea side was in our sight more brim from the Ships by farre then if wee had beene ashoare But this good Towne of Villa Franca had so welcomed and intertained our men being seated in a pleasant soyle full of fruits wines and fresh victualls and the Sellars stuffed so full of Oade and Wheat as that our Army was content there to ingarrison without any further pursuit of Saint Michaels Towne and there for sixe dayes together they lay feasting and carrying aboard of Oade Wheat Salt and other merchandise into certaine priuate mens Ships that followed the Fleet for such purposes Whilest wee all in vaine still gaped for their comming which wee the rather thought would haue bin at the last for that in all this time they neuer so much as sent word to make vs partakers of their determination to the contrary whereby they would be sure wee should neither participate any of their Commodities nor see the disposure of them although â—wee cast many coniectures and aymed neere the marke finding this lingring very strange But to doe right to euery man I assure my selfe our Generall had no benefit of these wares and commodities being of a disposition too noble and bountifull to valiew such trifles worth his regard For it had beene easie for him to haue abounded with wealth and possessions without following the fortune of the warres or the hazard of the Seas if hee had aymed at such common markes But in this meane while as wee in the great Ships ancored in Saint Michaels Road there came in about the Point that lies westwards from the Towne a small Brasil man and let fall his Ancor in the middest of vs all A little after him wee might discerne aloofe off a mightie huge Carack bearing in with all sayles toward vs whom shee tooke to bee the Spanish Armada And the Brasil man confessed that hee thought the same also for the King of Spaines men of Warre when he makes Fleets are compounded of the shipping of diuers Nations and therefore the more hardly to bee distinguished from ours which was at that time compounded of English and Holland Bottoms besides one great Spanish Gallion called the Saint Andrew and some other lesser Spanish Vessels that wee had taken before Now there blew a stiffe gale from the Land ouer Saint Michaels Towne in such sort that shee must either put roome into the Sea or fall vpon vs. For as the wind then stood she could not run in with the Towne or Fort by no meanes neither was it any part of their meaning As soone as wee had made her to bee a Carrack wee tooke in all our Flags by a generall commandement from our Reare-Admiral and withall directions were giuen that no man should once weigh an Ancor or shoot off a Peece or put off a Boat but with leaue or order All this while she still bare in with vs with all sayles to the Boates end when suddenly one of the Holland Squadron contrary to al discretion the direction before weighed his Ancors hoised his top sailes made towards this Carack now ready to double the Poynt that entred the Road where we lay and when the Hollander came neere the Carack hee presently made two or three Shot at her Whereupon shee discouering vs to bee Enemies changed her course and at the very instant in the view of vs al that obserued it as if shee had had the wind at her deuotion the gale changed came full of the Seas with the helpe whereof and with the feare of falling into our hands shee tooke a resolutiou to runne her selfe a ground hard vnder the Towne and Fort. Which done from thence there presently came multitudes of Boats fetching away their men and best wares and that done shee was instantly by them set on fire in many places at once being full of great Ordnance as appeared by the report they made Such is now the custome and obstinacie of all those Sea-faring men vnder the Spanish iurisdiction as that by reason of the seuere order set downe by the King to that effect they will carelesly burne their Ships and wares if they can escape themselues rather then to grow to any composition to saue halfe thereby And the like was seene at Cades by the Fleet that was outwards bound for the Indies who after they had entertained a parley with vs to compound for their Ships and all the merchandize at a ransome of halfe the valew whilest they amused vs with this colourable pretence thereby they gained time to steale out some of their goods and afterwards set the Shippes on fire where they road But this argueth as great seueritie in the Soueraigne as slauery in the subiect This Carrack was a Ship of infinite wealth that at Saint Hellens watering as shee came from the East Indies put ouer to Brasil and so coasted alongst the West Indies and was fraughted with the riches and wares both of the East and West Wee hasted all wee
of Virginia hauing but 30 fighting men 1692 Sr. Arthur Gorge his relation of a voyage to the Iles of Azores 1938 Articles offered to Port Ricco-men by the Earle of Cumberland 1163. And receiued 1164 Articles propounded by Mr. More to the Company planted in the Bermudas to hee subscribed to generally 1795 Arraroopana an entrance into the riuer Orenoco 1248 Armes vsed by the Indians 1261 Aruba Iland described 1146 1246 Aruburguary a town of the Epeuremii in the Indies 1285 Arwarcas certaine Indians so called that dwell in the Wyapoco 1253 Assapana the first Iland in Orenoque 1â—48 Assaccona a Prouince in Guiana 1285 Assawais certaine Indianâ— inhabiting the Plaines of Samia 1â—48 Ashamabaga a riuer in Mawooshen westward from Sagodok 1875 Asshaw a town on the riuer Aponeg in Mawooshen 1874 Aspiner a Gouernor in Nausset vnder the great Massasoye his good entertainment of our English forces 1853 Assumption a place erected by the Spaniards in the West Indies 1352 Asticon a great Lord in Mawooshen 1874 Atabalipa Prince of Peru craftily taken by the Spaniards and afterwards perfidiously slaine 1445 1452 1490 1491 Atacames Bay the situation thereof 1401 Atacama a towne in Peru 1443 Athul a pleasant Country neere the Riuer Orenoco 1248 Atuhualpa or Atabalipa Emperer of Peru his warres with his brother his victory crueltie c. 1483 1484 1485 Ataios-Indians 1516 Atriâ—co a place fiue leagues from Mexico 1414 Attoca-Riuer 1248 Atturari certaine inhabitauts of the West Indies 1299 Anasalii spirits possessing and vexing the inhabitants of West India 1213 Auauares certaine Indians so called 1514 Aubri a French Priest lost in New France and after many dayes found againe being almost starued all his food being a fruit worse then wild cherries 1623 Audacity of the English Admirall in the voyage to the Azores 1943 Augurari Brasilians 1299 Autiamque a Prouince in Florida described with the commodiâ—iâ—s thereof 1550 1551 Axa a place in America 1561 Aximocuntla a place in New Spaine 1558 Azores Ilands their number and nomination in particular why called Azores and why the Flemmish Ilands 1667 1668. Azores Iles situated in the Atlanticke and Westerne Oceans betweene 37 and 40 Degrees 1938. the inhabitant Port 〈…〉 hate the Sp 〈…〉 ds and would bee freed from them if they might fall with a Gouernour that could protect them from the Sp 〈…〉 1952 Aztatlan a Prouince neere New-Spaine 1559 Ayard Indian wood so called 1251 Ayer a disease in Tereeta 1671 Aygas Indians then nature and commodities described 1351 Ay 〈…〉 y a Towne in Florida called by the Spaniards The towne of reliefe the commodities and description thereof 1537 B BAgres a very strange Fish in RioGrand in Florida 1548 Bahia a Towne in the West-Indies neere the Line 1189 Baldiuia his death by a cup of molten Gold which the Indiaâ—â— forced him to drinke saying Now glut thy selfe with gold 1443 Baldiuia a places name neere the South-sea 1391. Baldiuia Port 1442. 1443 Balparizo a place in America 1399 Balsamum of three sorts in Tâ—ppan Basse neere Brasile white red blacke all very odoriâ—erous 1189 Bancke in the New-found Land knowne by Mariners to bee neere by the testimony of Birds 1628. The description of it and the fishing there ibid. Banner of a Spanish ship hung vp in one of the Churches of Leyden in token of triumph 1909 Baptisme of Spaniards leaueth no character in the Indians 1323 Baptisme forbidden by the Deuill to the Sauages 1564 Baratta a delicate perfume and admirable in curing greene wounds 1276 Barbudos Iland the description and commodities thereof 1255 1256 Baâ—ede an Indian towne 1364 Bareras Mermethues hils in Pareyna 1237 Capt. Barker of Bristowes nauigations 1180 Capt. Barker slaine in Brasile 1195 Barkley viz. Sir Iohn Barkley his noble resolution ambition and courage 1151 Baroti an India towne 1364 Barrennesse of women how dispelled by the Indians 1303 Bartennis Indian inhabitants 1349 Bartholomew de las Casas his discouerie of Spanish cruelties in the Indies 1569 sequ his disputations with Doctor Sepulueda concerning the same point 1631. Saint Bartholmew Valley in New Biscany 1562 Bascherepos Indians 1357 Basenesse of the Spaniards in refusing the Earle of Essex his challenge 1924 Basse great plenty summer and winter taken at Mattachiest 1859 Bastimento Ilands 1244 A Bath temperately hot in Dominica 1158 A Bath caring diuers diseases 1281 1282. Bathes boyling meat 1685 Batiscan-Riuer in Canada 1611 Battell of Sauages 1218 1224 1272 1272 1273 1348. Battell of Sauages with Spanâ—ards 1360 1361 Batts very great and noxious 1284 Baximete a place fertile with fine gold 1413 Bay of Cods in Canada 1616 Bay of heate ibid. Bayâ— a towne in Brasile 1142 1438 Bayama a Gulfe in the West Indies 1241 Bayamond a riuer in Port-Ricco 1169 Bayas de Sant Antonio sands on the coasts of Brasile 1238 Bayshas de Ambrobrio certaine clifts so called 1223 Beares tame taught by Sauages in stead of Ladders to cary the climbers vp on trees 1644 Beares that swim 14 Leagues from the Continent to feed on Birds 1605 Beasts with armed scales repelling Iron in America 1326 A Beast called Hay that liueth vpon haire 1328 A Beast with a monstrous snout ibid. Beasts hideously howling 1381 Beasts that carie their young ones in a bag vnder their belly 1502. A beasts hide of strange forms and fashion 1560 Beds of what kind vsed among the Sauages 1188 Beefe how kept in the Ilands of Mona and Sauona c. 1146 Beeues infinitely plentifull 1171 1421 Bees without stings 1364 Belle a voire a riuer of Florida discouered by the French 1603 Belligods 1202 Bengula in Affrica 1234 Saint Bent an Iland in Brasile 1240 Bermuda plantation distrest by Rats in infinite number 1796. Their deuouring their fruits ibid. The weaknesse and mortality succeeding ibid. 1797. The prediction thereof portended by Rauens 1797. Bermudas Plantation vnder the gouernment of Master Moore ibid. Vnder Captaine Tucker ibid. Its growth in benefit and commodities 1798. It s gouernment by Captaine Kendall and Captaine Butler ibid. Its Forts built by Master Moore 1802. It s gouernment by a Triumuirate ibid. A Church built with supplies of all necessaries ib. Bermudas plantation-affaires vnder diuers Gouernours and the fortification therof at large 1804 1805 1811. Beâ—mudas impregnability 1823. Englands naturall and nationall right to plant in Bermudas 1811 Bermuda Ilands infamous for storms and thunder their situation 1169. Called the Deuils Ilands 1737. Opinions of their number magnitude circuit and latitude seasons and climate 1738 Pearle-fishing there ibid. The danger of ariuall thither by ships their soile want of venemous beasts fruits Cedars 1739. Palmes there and their commodities trees Silke-wormes ibid. The reason why they were not formerly inhabited ibid. Their want of fresh water fish great store mâ—king of salt there 1740 The wholesomnesse of the fish and its cauâ—e store of Whales Fowles ibid. Wild Hogs and Tortoises 1741. Bermudas liked by Sir Thomas Gates and other Mariners and preferred before Virginia
1745. The religions orders in Bermudas vnder the said Gouernour 1746. Bermudas possession taken their solemnities Preaching Administration of the Sacraments mariage rites c. 1746. Bermudas crosse erected by Sir Thomas 〈◊〉 in memoriall of his deliuerie the inscription 1747. Bermudas plantation by the English 1793 1794. Articles proposed to the plantationers 1795. Bermudas store of Ambergreece 1796. Bermudas geographically described 1798. The soile ibid. With other commodities at large 1799 1800. seq Another desâ—â—iption of its â—auer all excellencies 1806 Bermuda City in Virginia 1767 1768 Berrias making drinke of a restrictiue operation 1739 Berria a Riuer 1206 Beuer-skins very plentifull in Canada and New England 1842 Beuers burnt by Sauages 1644 Biarataca a beast in Brasile that killeth with his stincking smell men and dogs 1303 Biesaie a nation neere the Riuer Parana in the West Indies 1364 Bigrorgia Indians of Brasile 1300 Bird-land one of the Virgin Ilands in the West Indies 1159 Birds incredibly plentifull there 1159 1160 Birds strange in Brasile 1305 1306 Birds that haue two generations that dance that sound like bels that haue three skins that haue hornes ibid. Birds that bring tidings of ships ariuall whose fat is good for loosenesse birds that die and liue againe their seuerall names 1316 1317. Birds in America very delicate and glittering their natures names and diuersities 1329. A bird of a most monstrous bill 1330. A bird no bigger then a Drone Bee that makes most harmonious melody 1330. Birds beleeued by the Barbarians to bee sent from their friends with newes 1330. Birds like Snipes that discouer dangerous sheales 1374. Birds taken with hooke and liue 1383. Their dâ—scription ibid. Birds worshipped as gods 1560 Birds strangely taken in the Bermudas by men yelling and howling 1741 Biscaines a sauage people inhabiting neere Grand Bay on the north of New-found Land 1882 Biscouers vse to fight well 1150 Bishop of Cusco taken prisoner by the English at Cadiz he is set at liberty without ransome 1933 Bishop and his Clerkes certaine Rockes on the north side of Silley so called 1967 Blanches Bay 1386 Blancke a place whither the French Biscaines and Portugals yeerely repaire for Fish neere the South Cape of New-found Land 1886 Blacke-Pinace sunke 1167 Blacke-Rocke a place yeerely fished by three or foure hundred sayle of Spaniards 1837 Blanco Iland 1â—66 Blasâ—â— a Frier of the Order of Franciseus of Siuill being in great extremity through the slauish bondage of the Spaniards was releeued by the Sauages of the I le of Dominica 1833 A Blazing-star in the yeare 1590. Ouer Tercera 1678. Another ouer England Anno 1606 page 1685 Bloody fiâ—x rife and the causes thereof 1149 Blew-beâ—ds wel sold for two or three hundred bushels of corne 1710 Bores in Brasile that haue their nauels on their backes by the sent of which the Dogs hunt and desiroy them 1301 Boates of strange forme and fashion 1504. Bâ—ates onely of â—ollowed trees by the Indians of New France 1633 A Boat that sailed from the Bermudas to Ireland 1803. And there hangd vp for a monument ibid. Boâ—eyua Snakes among the Sauages 1210 Bogs and watry places engendring euill diseases 1623 1624 Boicupecanga a kind of Snake that hath venemous prickles on his backe 1303 Bolus a Riuer in Virginia the commodities and inhabitants 1693 Bonas Ayres a place in the riuer of Plate 1218 Bonito or Spanish Mackarell 1376 Boarding how to bee avoided in a Sea-fight 1405 Borsis a towne taken by Captaine Petuin in the Portugall voyage 1926 Boybona an Indian name of a mountaine in Brasile in English the Rotten Whale 1240 Boycininga and Boiciningpeba certain snakes in Brasile that haue bels in their tailes and are very poysonous 1304 Boyes of the Indians not suffered to take Tobacco their reuerence to their elders their habit c. 1869 Boytiapua a Frog-eating Snake or Serpent wherewith if a barren womans hips be strooke the Indians say she presently conceiues with child 1303 Boynara a place in the Indies 1246 Boisterous Seas not agreeable to London delicacie 1941 Brabisse Riuer and the particular names of the Riuers betweene it and the Amazons and Nations 1286 Bracheo neere the Paretaes in the West Indies 1246 Branco de Malambo 1434 Brasile the Rivers Capes and Ports thereof described their danger or safety for Navigators 1237 1238. seq Brasile when first found and discovered and by whom 1437. The controversie concerning it betweene the Spaniards and Portugals 1437 Brasile the difficulty of sayling thither some times of the yeare 1156 1157 A Brasilian brought to K. Henry the eighth in his wilde accoustrements 1179 Brasile is sixe hundred leagues from the Streights of Mâ—gellane 1193 Brasilian coasts full of Shoales 1195 Brasilian Sauages 1225 1226. seq strange and monstrous Beasts in Brasile their names 1242 1243. Brasilians their nature subâ—â—ction man-eating shooting nakednes flat-heads 1243. plenty of mynes 1243. Brasil and Brasilians described 1289 seq their opinion of an Iland of God of their soule and paradise ibid. Their mariages-rites drinkings diet ruling children liberalitie drunkennesse rudenesse manner of eating 1290. Their lodging nakednesse modestie haire houses child-birth ceremonies loue of children and education 1291. Their entertaining strangers with weeping welcome their hospitalitie their drinking smoake of Petigina their traffiquing ornaments the vsage of their wiues iealousie musicke 1292. Singing instruments loue of poetry their burials and excessiue lamentation tooles weapons archerie their arts quick-sightednesse trauels swimming fishing swords 1293 1294. Their manner of eating mans flesh and divers their ceremonies at large 1295 1296 1297. Their creating Gentlemen the badges thereof and their three titles Abaetes Murubixabâ— Moçacara 1297. Their languages and nations ibid. The climate seasons nature of the soyle 1300 Varietie of strange wilde beasts 1301 1302 1303. Diversity of fearfull Serpents and the venome of â—hat climate 1303 1304. The varietie of Pâ—â—ats and strangenesse of other Bird 1305 1306. Diversities and wonders of their trees and fruits for Physick and 〈◊〉 h 〈…〉 se the severall names of their trees and plants 1307 1308 1309. Rare and admirable plants their severall names and wonders at large 1310 1311 1312. Their multitude and singularitie of fishes and their names at large 1314 1315 seq Their Fish that liveth altogether in Salt-water and their names 1316 1317. The delicate fresh-water of Brasile and Rivers ibid. Theiâ— strange vast and fearfull sea-serpents and their severall names 1317 1318 What Portugall commodities in Brasile 1319. Brasile hath few Lice and Fleas but infinite store of venemous gnats ibid. Articles for the good of Brasile to the Spanish King 1320 seq The want of iustice and the irregularitie of those parts 1321. Their dis-respect of the Iesuits in the matters of counsaile ibid. How cruelly the Brasilians are dealt with by the Portugals 1321. seq Their want of instruction and inhumane slauerie 1324. Brasils beasts plants and other living things described 1325 1326. seq Brasile wood ibid. Difference of
plants beasts and commodities from ours and their severall description 1325. seq Their astonishment at the hearing of God Their inconstancie naturall parts c. 1340. Their mariages and polygamie the manners of women with child c. 1341. The destruction of families and bounds of their possessions 1342. Their houshold stuffe 1343. Their entertainment 1344 1345. Their Physicke and demeanour towards the sicke their buriall attended with diuellish rites 1346. Brasils description and chiefe Havens 1382. A Brasile Ship taken by Sir Water Raleigh 1938. Brasile commodities sent for Spaine not onely gold but much other treasures as Ginger Sugar Hides Tobacco c. 1817 Brauadoes are sometimes the hinderers of successe in great proiects 194â— Braverie of the English turneth to beggerie 1942 Bridegroomes thâ—â— giue the fiâ—st hansâ—ll of their spousâ—â— to their hindred and friends 1481 Brigalian Iland the situation thereof 1240 Buena Ventura a River in the West Indies the description thereof 1413 1414 Buenoâ— Aeres a tâ—â—ne in the River of Plate 1â—41 Buccaw ganecants a towne vnder the dominion of Bashabez Sagamo of Mawooshen 1873 Building without tooles or engines miraculous by the Indians of Peru 1477 1478 Burdones a place so called 126â— Burkes rebellion in Ireland 1893 The Burlings an Iland so called 〈◊〉 soyle commodi 〈…〉 and iâ—â—abitants described 1155 Butter how made by the Indians 1539 C. CAbot viz. Sir Sebastian Cabot his American travels 1177 1178 seq he discovered so much of the continent of the New World that it deserved to bee called Caboâ—iana rather then America 1177 1112 Cabusto a towne in Florida 1544 Caaâ—tâ— certaine Brasilians so called 1298 Câ—era River 1248 Cadiz taken by the English the Castle surrendred c 1931. Cadiâ— described 1932. It is set â—â—firâ— and rased to the ground 1933 Caiama Iland the description therof 1248 Caiocame a towne in Mawocshen 1874 Caioses Cannibals so called living in Brasile 1241 Caiuari certaine Savages of Brasile living in Caues 1â—99 Cale a towne of Florida 1532 Caleformia a sea so called 1560 or an Iland or many Ilands as others say 1562 Calenture 1181 1182 Caliane a River in Guiana very aboundant with gold and silver â—â—60 Caliquen towne 1533 Callipuny a mountaine in Guyana 1â—71 Callis taken by the Spaniards 1927 Calmes the strange effects thereof in the Sea and in mens bodies 1373 Camalaha a Fayre in the Indies neere Orenoco where women are sold. 1248 Camaâ—uiars certaine Savages that haue paps reaching vnder their waste 1299 Camana a road in Brasile 1142 as also a towne in Peru 1446 Campseau a Port in New-France described 1639 Camarijiuua a River how situate 1223. It s danger or ease for Navigation and the commodities thereof 1238 Camo a Hill on the coasts of Brasile 1240 Camoni Indians 1514 Campeche the chiefe towne of Iacatan 1186 Canacum the Governour of Manomet his friendly entertainment to the English 1858 Canada River 1606. The adioyning Countrey the Inhabitants description feasts fights lodging houses Canons with other customes 1606 1607. They endure great famine lye and are false-hearted their beliefe and ridiculous relation of God ibid. 1609. vide Indians of Canada Canasagua a towne in Florida 1539 Canauerall where 1247 Canarie Ilands their number and description 1369 1370 Canariagranda 1185 1369 et seq Candish his Voyage 1971. seq he takes the towne Santos and Saint Vincent 1191. Loseth Captaine Dauies ibid. His ariuall at Port-desire and the Magellane Streights ibid. His mutinous company 1192. and distresse in the streights 1193. Returne for Brasil 1194. His company slaine 1195. His valour and proiects ibid. Losse of men by Indians and Portingals 1197. Losse of the Roe-bucke 1200. Seuerity ibid. His weaknesse and vnwillingnesse of his company for going to the Streights 1200. His voyage further discouered by Anthony â—niuer 1201 1202. seq The supposed ouerthrow of his voyage 1203 Canduacu Brasilian beastâ— that dart their bristles through a mans skin 1302 Canari a Province of Morequito 1248 Cannete iâ— towne in Peru 1446 Canri a toune in the Riuer Marwin in America 1283 Canibals with faces like dogs at Ports-desire 1191. Other strange and valorous Caunibals 1208 Canibals profer fa 〈…〉 to Candish in Santos 1203. Cannibals naked and fearfull 1204. cald Pories 1208. Their strange entertainment of strangers 1208. Canibals called Tamoyes 1228 1240. vid. Savages Cano a famous Nauigator 1191 Canoas or boats of threescore foot long with 80 men in them 1380 Cape Blanco 1379 Cape Saint Francisco 1400 Cape Saint Antonio 1147 Capawucke a place in the Indâ—â—s stored with gold 1841 Cape bona Esperâ—nza the danger of the passage there 1151 1152 Cape Rico 1170 Cape Verdi 1181 Cape de la vela 118â— 1244 Cape Frio or cold Cape its situation 1202. It s Navigation 1240 Cape Saint Augustine 1238 Cape Caldera 1â—46 Cape de verde its vnhealthinesse 1370. Its Ilands 1371 Capignramirinij a place in Brasile 1238. Cape Agreda cape froward 1386 chiqui-towne 1535. Cape Francois 1603 Cape Saint Maries Cape de Rare Cape Saint Lawrence 1606 Caperrocca a Sauage towne 1285 Capitua a flat land in Brasile 1238 Cape-cod 1647. Cape Charls 1691. Cape Henry in Virginia 1687. Cape Laware in Virginia 1762. It s adioyning Shoales ibid. Captaines for narres how chosen among the Indians 1262 Captaines errours checked 1397. patience commendable in a Captaine 1153 Captaine Listers dingerous attempt in my Lord of Cumberlands voyage 1143. Hee is drowned and his Ship in his returne ibid. Captaine Bayly slaine 1144 Captaine Munson taken captiue 1144 Captaine Nortons Uoyage ibid. Captaine Caues surprizall of in Ar gosie of Lisbone ibid. Captaine Nortons assailing a Fortingall ibid. Capt. Caue Admirall in the eighth Uoyage of the Lord of Cumberland slaine 1147 Captaine Antonie killed ibid. Captaine Dounton wounded 1148 Capurisell a River 1250 Capucaras water-Serpents in the Indies 1211 Capari a River neere Orenoque 1247 Carrabouca a place in India 1249 Carcocies Indians so called 1365 Carder viz. Peter Carder a Cornish man his hard fortune and escapes 1187. The losse of his company 1188. His living two moneths vpon a fruit like Oranges and his drinking of his owne Urine ibid. His conversing with Indians â—bid Teacheth them to marre 1189. His departure from them ibid. His imprisonment deliverance 1189 1190. His imployment 1190. His escape from the Portingals and ariuall to England after nine yeares voyage 1190 Carigue a Beast in Brasile that that carteth her yong ones in a bag about with her 1301 Cari-River 1248 A Carrak runneth a shore to avoid the English 1938 Caripo a towne in Guiana 1268 Caroli a pleasant River neere Orenoco 1248 Carraemba Sauages so called 1299 Carapana a place in the Province of Emeria 1247 Carraibas certain Ingglers in Brasile 1290 Carracus a place in the Indies 1242 1248 Caredenas a Province in America 1560 Carripapoory Ilands neere Guiana 1268 Carendies a fierce Nation of the Indies neere the River of Plateâ— their nature warlikenesse and description 1348 A Carrack runneth
1624. Frenchmen baptize Indians 1644. French yearely repaire to the New-found Land for Traine-oyle 1884. French Kings wrongs to England 1892. French Ambassador plotteth with Moody about the death of Queene Elizabeth 1893. Frenchmen displanted from Uirginia by Captain Argall 1808 1809. Frenchmen seise on part of the King of Spaines Armada 1910 Fresh-water-springs in the New-found Land 1886 Fryer Marco de Niza accompanied with diuers other their voyage into New Mexico and the adioyning coasts and lands 1560 1561 seq Fryers that shewed more charity to the Indians then some mariners of our English nation 1828 Captaine Frobisher his 〈◊〉 and prosperous conflict with the Spanish Armada in 88 and rewarded with the order of Knighthood 1907 Fruits poisonous 1213. Good fruits how discerned from the bad in the Indies 1379. Fruits gathered 3 times in the yeare 1527 Fuego one of the Ilands of Gape Verde the fruitâ— therein fiery â—â—ll and naturall fortification 1371 Funerals among the Indians of Wiapoco 1264 Furres very good bought for kniues 1â—â—2 Furres rich and sweetest of any thing 1505 Fyall or Fayall a towne in the Azores the fertilitie bignesse dwellings and taking thereof by the Lord of Cumberland 1143 G. GAboretho an Indian towne 1364 Gachepe a high land neere the entrance into the riuer Canada 1606. The description and bignesse thereof 1616 Galliaces in number 4 in the fleet in 88 vnder the command of Dom Vgo de Moncada 1900. They are described 1901 Gallies and their power in fighting 1183. Gallies of Anda-luzia seise on a Barke of Plimouth 1925 Gallions comming to the West Indies were cast away on the I le Guaddopâ— 1833. Galleons of the Fleet in 88 described 1901. A Gallion burnt in the Portingall voyage 1918 Games vsed among the Massasoyts 1852 Garcillasco de la Voga his relation of the ancient Kings and Lawes of Peru before the Spanish conquest 1454 seq Gardens of Gold 1465 1466 Garone a riuer in Florida 1603 Gates viz. Sir Thomas Gates his ariuall in Virginia 1732 Gates his Bay in the Bermudas 1739. Sir Thomas Gates wrack and redemption on the Iland Bermudas largely related 1734 seq His endurance of a grieuous storme 1734 1735 1736. Ariuall at the Iland 1737. His care for the Virginian Colonie sending Rauens there and care and toyle to furnish Pinaces for a voyage 1742 1743. His punishment and pardon of mutinies and conspiracie against him 1743. His crosses by a second mutiny 1744. By a third ibid. His punishing of a factious fellow 1745. His Letters to Sir George Summers containing his desire of furthering a Plantation and reclaiming the factions 1745 1746. His religious orders in Bermudas 1746 and possessing it for the King of Englands with good rites and ceremonies ibid 1747. His setting sayle for Virginia and ariuall there 1748. His miserable welcome ibid. His assuming the Presidâ—â—cy there 1749. His speech to the distressed Company with its acceptation 1749. his proposing orders to the Colony 1749. His aliotting times of labour 1750. Purpose to leaue the Country 1751. Resigning the Presidency 1754 vnto the Lord De la Ware ibid. His returne for England 1756. His testimonie vnder oath of the state of Virginia 1757 1758 Gawaâ—ba the north west point of Port-Ricco somewhat dangerous for nauigation 1170 A Generall should bee couragious in fight and courteous in victorie 1411 The Generals authority among the Spaniards 1413 Geneuera Riuer 1416 Gentlemen in what manner made knowne and styled among the Brasilians 1297 Sir George Carow his valour in the voyage to the Azâ—res Iles 1840 Master George Pâ—rcies relation of the south colony of Virginia 1685 et se qu. He is Deputy Gouernor in the absence of the Lord De la Ware 1763 Master George Thorpe too courteous to the Sauage-Uirginians cruelly repaid 1789 Saint George one of the Ilands of the Azores the situation and description thereof 1672 S. George one of the Bermudas or Sommer Ilands 1794 George Fenner his valorous encounter with the Spanish Armada 1906 Georges Fort a plantation neere the riuer Sagadoâ— in Mawooshen 1874 Giboya a great land Snake without poyson in Brasile 1303 Gilbert viz. Sir Humfrey Gilbert his ariue at the New-found land 1882. Lost one of his Ships at the Iles of Canady and returning for England was ouerwhelmed in the Sea ibid. Captaine Bartholmew Gilbert his voyage to Uirginia with the occurrents therein 1656 1657 et seq He is slaine and foure men more by the Indians 1658 Gilbert-point on the coast of the New-found Lands 1648 Ginge a towne of Sauages in the Indies 1364 Ginoloa an Indian Prouince the description and situation thereof 1563. The fruitfulnesse thereof commodities inhabitants and their workmanship and apparell their long haire tall stature great valour and weapons 1563 1564 readinesse in them to heare the Gospell their Baptisme and Ca 〈…〉 sme subiection to the Deuill and familiarity with him their houses ingenuity and adoration of Castles with Mats and couerings of Reeds 1564. Their formes of maâ—iages and Polygamy education of children fashions in making Knights adopting sonnes manner of burialls ibid. et 1565 Ginger plentifull in Port-Ricco 1171 Ginger how it groweth 1178 Gironde a riuer of Florida discouered by the French 1603 Glasses sold deare 1232 Guamanga a City in the south sea 60 leagues from Lima 1416 Gnats 1359 Goauar Riuer 1248 God acknowledged by the Aethiopians and called Cari-pongoa 1233. by the Brasilians Tupan 1290 Godwin-sands 1149 Gomeribo a mountaine in Guiana very fruitfull possessed by the English 1278. deliuery thereof to an Indian as tenant to the King of England 1279 Gomora one of the Canary Ilands 1833 Iohn Goodmans voyage and distresse in New England 1848 Gold which is strange very much dispraised 1814 1815. Gold in Port-Ricco 1165 1170. In Topimo 1560 Gold-getters shall haue many corriuals ibid. Gold ready tried of great valew in the Riuers of Port-Ricco 1170 Gold in no valew 1189 Gold among the Topinaques 1229 among the Pories store 1229. Gold 1230 1231 1232 1358. In Affrica 1237. The manner of purifying it in the Indies 1242. and plenty there ibid. Gold in Guiana how and how pure 1249 1261. Gold in shew 1255. in the Riuer Aracow 1263. Gold how greedily desired 1277. Gold store in the mountaine Oraddo and plaine of Mumpara 1284. Gold gathered two wayes 1395. Plenty of gold ibid. Gold procureth trechery 1415. Gold great store 1419. Gold shipped from Cartagena for the Spaniard euery yeare how much 1420 Gold is not alwaies the greatest eleuation of the Country where it is 1814 1815 A Gold-desirer how serued by the Indians 1391. The desire of gold makâ—th Christians infamous among Pagans 1449. Gold called by them the Christians god 1450. Gold not valued 1526 Golden Country 1231 A golden chain of incredible weight and bignesse 1480. Infinite store of gold in Perâ— 1490. 1491 1494. A gold-wâ—dge the greatest that euer was naturally found lost in the Sea 1571 Gosnols voyage to Uirginia their resolution to plant
towne in Virginia 1687 1688 Rapahanock River 1694 Rashnesse in great enterprizes greatly blamed 1961 Ratliffe alias Sicklemore slaine by Powhatan 1732 Rats of twelue kinds 1303. Râ—ts that sleepe all day and wake all night 1316. Danger by Rats and the preventing thereof in ships 1391. Rats innumerable in the Bermudas 1796 1797. A strange Rat-plague 1727 Henry Ravens his voyage from Bermuda to Virginia 1742 Ravens in Bermudas which seemed to portend a sequell of mortalitie 1797 Raleighs viz. Sir Walter Raleighs his acts and esteeme at Orenoco 1269. His furnishing Ships for the first Discoverie of Virginia 1645. For a second third fourth fift and sixt voyage 1645 1646. He is accused of breach of Articles in the voyage to the Iles of Azores he answereth for himselfe 1958. His men left in Virginia and what became of them 1728 Recibo a towne in Port-Ricco 1170 Red-Reed a plant in the Bermudas causing a forcible vomit and effectually purging the stomacke 1801 Registers observed by the Indians and their manner of registring 1870 Richard Duke of Yorke father to Plantagenet his wilfull casting away himselfe 1962 Richard Sanders and his companions their comming from the Bermudas to Ireland in a small boat without any instrument in a direct line 1803 Rinde of a tree which is more strong then any spice in Virginia 1653 Rio del Oro River the breadth and depth thereof 1141 Rio de la Hacha a place taken by the English 1183. The riches and strength thereof 1419 Rio grand an American River the situation description and commodities thereof 1224 1237 1552 Rivers of gold 1216. A Riuer running vnder-ground 1217. Names of Riuers in America 1282 1286. A medicinable Riuer 1400. Riuers that encrease very much and ouerflow the bankes in dry weather without the flowing of the Sea 1553. River of Toads 1223. 1240. River of Stones 1223 1238. River of Palmes 1505. River of Kine 1562. River of Saint Crosses 1562. River Saint Margaret in Canada 1617. River Canada 1631. River de Carinas from the end of which if there were a channell made of foure leagues in length there would bee a passage to the South Sea through it without passing the perilous straits of Magellane 1433 Lord of Robewall Lieutenant to the French King in the Countreys of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga 1605 Rocke of Christall which if a man looke on in a Sunne-shine day will dazell his eyes 1285 Roecrafts Voyage to the New-found-land his surprizing of a French-Barke the conspiracie of his owne Mariners against him the discouerie of the conspiracie c. 1829. his voyage to Virginia kind vsage by Sir Samuel Argoll the distresse hee suffered in a tempest his death in a priuate quarrell 1830 Romanes custome in managing of Martiall affaires 1942 Rome a Citie of murtherers and haters of Kings 1894. New Rome much more drunken with the blood of Christians then heathenish Rome with the blood of Ethnicks 1894. Romane policie 1669 Rosier his relation of a voyage to Virginia 1651 seq Ruminnaui an Indian Captaine his cruell tyranny in Peru 1486 Russels Iles in Virginia 1712 Russia a little village in the Riuer Marwin 1283 S. SAbbath 1163 1657 Sabuco a Riuer and Towne in Port-Ricco 1170 Sacatekas the richest Mynes in the Indies 1177 Sachim of Mattachuest acknowledgeth the power of the English God 1866 Sacrifices and Sacrificers 1472 1531 1557 Sacrifices to the Deuill 1531 1868 Sacrifices to the water 1702 Sacriledge punished 1163 Sagenay-riuer and the adioyning Countries described 1606 1610 Sayles of cotton cloth 1394 Sagadohoc a riuer in Mawooshen 1874 Sagamos the name of a Captaine among the Northerne Americans 1633 Saint Lucia one of the Ant-Iles in the latitude of 14 degrees and 20 minutes 1833 Salma riuer 1248 Salomons Ilands their situation discouery and losse 1399 Salt how made and purified by the Indians 1550 Saltcountrie 1365. Salt made in New-found Land 1889 Salt-water dangerous to drinke 1143 Salt-water made drinkeable 1378 Samuel Champlain a Frenchman his taking vpon him the plantation of Kebec in New France 1642. a conspiracy against him ibid. his aduice for a further discouery 1642 1643. his fight with the Sauages and returne for France 1643. another voyage ibid. 1644 Samia-plains neere the riuer Orenoque 1248. Indians inhabiting those Plaines 1248 Samambaia a Tree in America 1213 Sambo Bay 1245 Sanctifying meat vsed by the Portingals in the Indies 1522 Sands rained downe in Peru 1476 Sands dangerous for nauigation in Brasil called by the Portingals Bayhas de Sant Antonio 1238 Sandy places trauelled by Compasse 1242 Sandy Cape 1620 Santa Port 1399 Santa Maria one of the Azores Ilands 1834 Santa Cruce a Carracke surprised by Captaine Norton and St. Iohn Burroughs 1144 1145. is burne by the Portingals ibid. Santa Fe del Nueuo regno di Granada the chiefe Citie in new Granada 1419 Santas a towne 1438 Sapparow the high countrie of Guiana 1280 Saquarema a nauigable riuer in Brasile its description and commodities 1240 Sassafrage 1649. its medicinable vertue 1655 Sasquesahunock certaine Indian Gyants their description 1693 Sauseges made of the heart and guts of Cods and Lord spiced 1628 Sauage-rocke 1647 Sauage and his crue plotted the death of Q. Elizabeth 1893 Sauages haue their goods interred with them and why 1605 Sauages fight with the English 1187. Sauages of Tuppan Bass 1188. Sauage towne described ibid. their manners warres and vsage of their captiues 1188 1218. drunkennesse 1189. their religion commodities they esteem not gold ibid. their hospitall fidelity to Anthony Kniuet Englishman 1209. their infidelity 1211. their ambition 1212. Sauages called Carijos and their battells 1218. Sauages called Petiuares 1225. Mariquites 1226. Topinambazes 1227. Tomominos Waytaquazes ibid. Waymores ibid. Abasanguaretam 1228. Wayanasses ibid. Topinaques ibid. called Pories Molopaques Motayas 1229 Lopos Wayanawazons 1230. Sauages their religious desires 1251. Sauages that make flat their childrens faces that liue in hollow trees quartering their faces into foure colours yellow azure particoloured and blacke 1481. Sauages very courteous and weeping at the distresse of Christians 1507. Sauages that kill their children left they should marrie with their aduersaries that eate any kind of Serpents that are great theeues lyars drunkards their tormenting Flies 1512 1513. their drinking onely raine-water 1514. Other Sauages strange customes fights feare of horses quicke-sensed 1518 1519 Sauage strange fashions in Florida 1520 1521. Forty English slaine by the Sauages of St. Lucia Anno 1605. 1833 Saugaleon Cape 1398 Saualet a Frenchman making two and forty voyages to New-found-Land 1605 Sauona Iland 1141 Sausa a Prouince in the Indies whose inhabitants worship the picture of Dog 1471 Scorpions not deadly 1304 Scourge of Malice a fortunate ship 1148 Schnirdels trauells to Peru and accidents there 1347 1362 Schenetveba a large towne in the Indies 1364 Scouring or flux how it may be prouoked or stayed 1265 Scooadodepon a towne of the Caribes in the Indies 1286 Scriueners voyage to Werawocamoco 1719. his death by drowning in the passage
Saâ—ages 1299 Tuquema a Prouince subiect to Peru its seuerall townes of gouernment 1419 Turkes taken by the Spaniards and made Gally-slaues rescued by the English and set at liberty 1933 Turky-stenes in New France 1621 1622 Turneps a remedy against the scurâ—ie 1880 Master Turners relation of Brasile c 1243 Turners relation voyage successe at large 1265 1266 Turtles innumerable 1306 Tutelpinco a forsaken towne in Florida left by the inhabitants and destitute of prouision 1551 Tygers worshipped 1457 V. VAcupa a Prouince in America 1560 Vahuar huacac an Emperour in Peru his acts and conquest hee wept blood at his natiuity 1457 1458 Valenzuola a golden place in America 1419 Valpariso a plaâ—e in the south Sea 1416 Valuation of the voyages of fishing Boats to the coast of New found Land 1886 Varaua a fish in Brasile as big as an Oxe 1239 Vaytacasses a kinde of Sauages 1219 Vbra Riuer 1248 Vcita a towne in Florida its description and commodities 1530 Vela Pampilona an American place 1419 A Venetian ship taken by the English 1906 Venter-hauen a place in the west parts of Ireland 1144 Veragua a towne in the West Indies plenteous of gold 1419. it neuer raines there an vnhealthy country 1433 Vâ—â—u Cruz a new towne 1418 Verginia its hopefull commodities the inhabitants idolatry and worship of the Sunne their othes and fidelity thereupon 1690. 〈…〉 their customes 1690. plantation there and mortality accompanied with famine 1689. 1690. Virginias bounds temperature winds entrance mountaines soile 1691. vallies and 5 faire delicate nauigable Riuers neere the English Plantation 1692. its seuerall and different languages thereabout 1694. Vide Virginia Via tuna Indians in Brasile deâ—â—â—red by the Portingals 1298 Victuals verie scarce in Plimouth in New England 1856. Victuals of the Spanish Fleet sent for England Anno 1588. 1901 Vigo a towne taken by the English in the Portingall voyage 1926 Villa de Praya a towne in Tercera one of the Ilands of Azores 1668 Villa Franca a towne of St Michels one of the Azores Iles 1963. the situation fertility of the soyle and fruits of the Land 1964 Vines store in Canada Ilands 1612 vines naturally growing in New England 1844 St Vincent a port in the West Indies 1190. called by the Inâ—ians Warapuimama its description 1242 1438 Virachocha an Emperour of Peru his first conquest 1458 his seuerall acts and death with his successor 1459 The V 〈…〉 gines Ilands not inhabited and description 1159 Virginia Companies aduentures in fiâ—â—ing ships one of them being taken by the Turkes 1836. Vâ—rginia despised of the very abiects 1841. fruitfulnesse of the Land store of fish and Fowle ibid. Virginia why so called the praise thereof the first voyages and discoueries there with their colonies 1645 1646. Virginias healthinesse ibid. a Virginian yellow haird and faire 1689. Virginias naturall commodities trees among which cypresse vines wines fruits gums sassafras nourishable roots raw they are poyson roasted not so but otherwise vsed for bread medicinable plants beasts in variety 1694. 1695. birds fishes and minerals 1696. fruits that are plantedin Virginia the seasons there their vse of corne of flesh the ayres mildnesse and commodities for trafficke with France Swethland Spain Holland 1696 1697. the commodities that may redound thence to the industrious ibid. Virginians number nations languages their description constitution Barbers apparell women shamefastnesse attire ornaments 1697 1698. their building lodging bedding gardens exercise for men or women child-birth naming children easie deliuery their manner of striking fire of making bowes and arrowes 1698 their swords and targets boats fishing spinning fish-hookes hunting either in companyes or alone consultations before battell 1699. Virginians neere the English Plantation their enemies their manner of embattelling stratagems ambusâ—adoes painting to make themselues looke terrible singing and yelling in their combate musicke and entertainment of great men 1700. their trade Physicke Chirurgery charming 1701. their Religion and adoration of any thing that can hurt them without their preuention worshipping the Deuil called Oke buriall of their Kings their ordinary burialls and mourning for the dead their Temples their supposed sanctitie Priests and their habite times for solemnities ibid. their coniuration altars sacrifices to the water their solemne customes for the making Southsayers their opinion of their Kings and Priests soules and the common peoples after death their opinion of the Christians God 1702. manner of gouernment which is monarchicall their Kings pompe described 1703 1704. Virginian punishment of offenders 1703. Virginia by whom discommended the miserie it sustained by effeminate idlers 1704. Virginian dissentions in the English plantationers 1706. The Planters nominated and their first imployment ibid. their miserie famine and sicknesse with mortality caused by the Presidents auarice 1706 1707. with vnexpected remedy ibid seconded by the care of Captaine Smith ibid. Virginian plots for the leauing the Plantation 1707 1709. Virginian plantation and trading endamaged by the ambition of the Company 1710. by desire of gaine in some priuate persons 1711. Virginias golden hopes frustrate ibid. Virginia its want of a good President 1712. Virginias plantation supposed ouerthrow 1717. Virgina Tauerne the abuse of trading among Saylors there 1719. Virginian first mariage of the English 1720. Virginian Plantations supply 1708 1716 1719. Gold as easie to bee gotten as corne there from the needy Sauages 1725. Virginian planters losse of armes by the trecherie of Dutchmen 1725. Virginias buildings repaired but by want of prouision not prosecuted the cause of such want 1727. and the miserie sustained by lazinesse ibid. Virginias vnprofitable planters checked by the Presidents speech 1728. Virginias healthinesse and the care taken for sicke men there by the English 1728. the Plantations third supply 1729. the change of gouernment and Captaines the preiudice of the plantation and mutiny seconding the supply 1729. Virginia Plantation at the Falls and Nanâ—amund 1729. Virginia planters breake peace with the Sauages 1730. Virg 〈…〉 〈◊〉 of Presidents losing Captaine Smith the miserie famine and diâ—comfort it sustained by his absence 1732. its supply by the ariuall of the Lord La Ware Sir Thomas Dale 1732 1733. Virginias innouation in gouernment whether mutinous or no 1734. Viâ—ginias dispraise by idle fellowes 1743. the Presidency of Virginia assumed by St Thomas Gates 1749 the miserie of it at that time ibid. the causes thereof ibid. 1750. Virginias hopes and aduancement 1750. other causes of its distresse and the distresse it selfe 1751. more at large 1756 1757. its commodities 1757. Virginians triumphs after victory feasting simâ—licity feare horrible and prodigious rites of southsaying their iudgement of powder and other customes 1708 1709. Virginians are al of all occupations 1709 a Virginian exchanged for a Christian 1710. Virginia Sauages strange mortality 1712. Virginians courtesie to the English 1713. and trecherous proiects ibid. exceeding feare of Muskets ibid. how Virginian Sauages may be dealt withall 1714. Virginia Sauages fight disguised like bushes 1716. Virginians made proud not awed by courtesie
in a golden Countrie Cristall mountaine Vault-straits Tamoyes proper men Store of gold His iourney with the Sages Tocoman Pigmeys dwelling in Caues Riuer running to Chile Mountaines of a 〈…〉 Mettals The Caryiohs A youth 13. spans high Chile Giants habitlesse habit Port â—amine in the Sâ—râ—its of Magelan Wide mouthed men Extreame cold and naked people Harris the Goldâ—mith H. Barrawell Beasts bigger then Horses at the Mâ—gellan stâ—aiâ—s called Tapeâ—ywason in Ethiopia whether he meaneth Zebra or Dantecâ— see Tom. 1. p. 1002. Of Angola to which he fled cut of Brasil as is before deliliuered The Kings pompe Rites of the people The Countrie Wezels sâ—iâ— affected Branded beguiled slaues Taking of Elephants Circumcision Of Congo The King Masangana See Tom. 1. l. 7. c. 3. And. Battell liued here sixe yeeres Sickly disposition of the place Gold Paul Di 〈…〉 Angica Anzicans valiant Of Mahometan Religion if the Author were not deceiued by occasion of their circumcision which in Africa is common to Christians and Ethnicks with Mahumetans Rio Grande Ambergreese Para 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Riuers A Riuer called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—an 〈…〉 Sir 〈◊〉 â—â—wly The description of a place called by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—â—â—nâ—mbuqâ—o and 〈◊〉 Citie o◠〈◊〉 Cape of Saint Augustine Iâ— of S. Aleyxo Porto Docaloâ— Riuer of stones Camaryiâ—â—â— The Riuer of Saint Antoniâ— Salt Fish Varâ—â—â— A place called the Harbour of Frenchmen Riuer called Iaquareasicke Alaqua Riuer of Saint Michael The Harbour called The Riuer of Toades R. Saquarâ—ma Etiâ—ca Pirâ—teninga M 〈…〉 mayd â—een by the Author The Riuer of Ienero and Ci 〈…〉 oâ— Saint Sebastian Iland of Brigalion Iland of Saint Bent. The Riuer câ—lled Waratiâ—â— Certaine Ilands called by tâ—e 〈◊〉 gr 〈…〉 Greaâ— Ilaâ—â— The Iland of 〈◊〉 Sebastian The descripti 〈…〉 oâ— S. Vin 〈…〉 s Saâ—tos The description of the third 〈◊〉 noâ— called by the Pâ—â—tugals Oâ— patoâ— and by the Indianâ— Vâ—â—son The description of the Riuer of Plate Note Beasts of Brasil Traueil by Compasse on sands Saint Michaels Brasill Iesuits Sauages friends Ciants Flat heads Strange Kine See before in Ouiedo Strange Serpent * â—his number may perhaps seeme incredible and iustlâ— vethâ—e tels the report which in some one yeere after some great battle may also be probable but the general report is of diuers thousands shipped thence yeerly the Portugals making their gaine by the Negroes foolish and spightfull wars vpon each other Pinnaffes lost in a Ternado Iles of Cape Verde The I le and Towne of S. Vincent 〈◊〉 The Raâ—chera in Cubagua wâ—â—h diuers 〈…〉 oners taken and ransomed A great ship with 〈◊〉 Negros taken Las Cabâ—zas They take sixe or seuen people of the Iles of Bastimentos R. of Puerto bello The great Castle of S. Philippe with 25. pieces of brasse and 50. Souldiers The Towne Triana Porto bello Pedro Melendes Melendes the Gouernour taken prisoner Braue spirit liberall minde of Captaine Parker Porto bello described He at 〈…〉 ineth from 〈…〉 tting the Towne of Porto bello on fire Two Frigats taken and brought away Their departure Sir Fr. 〈◊〉 buriall Sambo Virtuâ— in 〈◊〉 laudanda Grand Canarie Punta delaraya S. Vincents â—oinara Aruba Seuen men killed Puntal Bracheo Cape Caldera Morecapana M. S. Ann. Portete Cape S. Antony Organes Cuba Cobey Martyrs Cape of Florida Silley The Riuer of Capuri The Gulfe of Guanipa The Riuer Amana Orenoco Tiuitiuas The Riuer Macurio Toparimaca a Gouernour Arwacan Carapana lyeth in the Prouince of Emeria 〈◊〉 Iland Iwana Iland Arrarooâ—ana Europa Riuer Ocawitâ— Iland Morrequito Arromaia Putapaima Iland Oâ—â—â—â—e The Playnes of Samia Cumana Aroami Iland Aio Iland Manoripano A omaio Th Riuer Caroli Cassipagotos Morâ—equito â—aâ—â—ma Iland Epuremi Great Fall Caâ—uri Store of gold among the Epuremians Casâ—ipagotos Eâ—arâ—â—oâ—os Arawagotos Store of gold beyond the Mountaines of Curaa Store of gold Riuer Arui Riuer Cassipa Riuer Atoica Riuer Caora Riuer Casnero Amapaia The Riuâ—rs Cari Limo Paoo Caturi Voari Capuri The Prouince of Amapaia Bad water Guicar Goauar Papemena The Iland of Amazones The Iland Athul Riuer Vbra Eregoodawe Oromona Tapiawary Riuer Salma Papemena a great Riuer Athul a most sweet pleasant Iland He returneth from Athul Papemena Limo Orenoco Cosnero Riuer Amapaia Paoo Riuer The rich countrie of Curaa six weekes trauell from Orenoco Manoa Gold in abundance Gold in grains found in Riuers Crocodiles in the Riuer and worse on land keepers of gold Tulahe Bad pearles Top asses Camalaha Women-Faire and yet no fair women Eight women for a halfe-peny knife Tar or Taroo an Iland Habuc a Riuer Habuc scarce eight dayes iourney from Orenoco Europa Riuer Oecopa Mountaine Santo Domingo Amapaia Riuer Amazones Iland Wiaumli Riuer Maccah Riuer Woripur Carrabouca Guiana or Manoa Drano Riuer Aâ—â—bas Moores Vnhealthfull dewes Emeria Capurisol Riuer Canoa of water Riuer of Amazones Riuer Wiapogo The Falls They desire to learne religion Caribes A Canowe taken R. Aracawa The Commodities of the Countrey Strange fishing Cassauiâ— The iuice Sicknesse The cause The remedie Ni 〈…〉 little 〈…〉 mes great torture Terrible cure Trecherie of a S 〈…〉 e. Captaine Leâ— Saint Barbudos Sancta Lucia Captaine Nich Saint Iohn staieth at Saint Lucia with 67. men Tortoises Shew of Gold The Captaine and his men slaine Indian treacherie Faire gardens Great Trees of hard wood Hamaca beds Treacherous ambush Blind hungrie voyage A storme Thomas Morgan dyeth Land Boat split Three Spanâ—ards Miserable famine Vse of Tabacco Fiue died in the Iland â—ood almost kils aswell as penurie Tocoya Coâ—o Kind Spaniards Good Flemming Spanish gentlenesse Two more dic Commodities of the Countrey Drinke made of Maiz. The treason of the Indians * The cause why Francisco Lopez did vse vs so kindly was because Sir Fr. Drake when he tooke Cartagena did saue all his fathers goods and his lâ—â—â— withall They ariue at Wiapâ—â—â— Causes of their mutinie Second voiage of the Phenix Captain Leighs weaknesse Deiected minds Mount Howard Possession Bay Gold siluer R. Caliane Expedition against the Caribes Mount Huntly Cou. R. Wia. English ship Vrake Arwakes Mortalitie The Captains sicknesse and death M. Tederington 35. persons lost 15. depart Kindnesse of a Dutchman French ship Ten more depart Two returne out of the Countrey to them They plant Flaxe c. Surgeâ—ie Indian Armes Mad choice of a patient Captaine R. Caliane searched Three ships in R. of Amazons Peyar-diuining Riuer of Arâ—cow Fall Three Nations The Yayes The Arwakes Suppayes Nakednesse Men and women how they liue Their houses Faire earthen Pots Baskets Hamakes Painting Childebirtâ— Funerals Beasts of those parts Fowles Fishes and fishing as before Fruites Dying woods other commodities of the Countrie Their returne Sir Walter Rawleigh Trinidado Fountaine of Pitch * The large iournall of their voiage to this place is for breuity omitted as also their course homewards * The vertue of the Guanos a thing worthy the noting for their nature is if one eat a ripe one it sets one a scouring and
raw and so to be set in the Sunne to be tortuâ—ed to death by Muskitos Golden hopes Sir W. Ral. Topiawary dead Tiuitiuas houses on trees tops Men with shoulders higher then thâ—iâ— heads Crystill Rock Images of gold Monooan great Citie in Guiana Houses with lofts Branches of Dissikeebee Branches of Selinama Swift footmen Distant from England 1600. leagues This is a part of a Booke â—et forth by the said Dauies of his mâ—serable captiuitie * I finde at the end of the Booke some meâ—â—cinall receipts and the name subscribed Ir. Maâ—â—el 〈…〉 staon E 〈…〉 eâ—ro do Colagiâ— da 〈◊〉 whom Iâ—magine to haue beene Author of this Treatise Cooke reported that he had it of a Friar but the name Iesus diuers times on the top of the page and often mention of the Fathers and socâ—etie maketh me thinke him a brother of that order besides the state-tractate following Their opinion of a floud Of the knowledg that they haue or the Creator and of the Soule Paradise Diuels Diuels feare Caraibas iugling No proper name of God Of the Mariages They giue no dowries to their daughters or to the sous but they serue their mother in law Tailes Drinkings Of the manner thâ—y keepe in their eating and drinking Liberality and opinion of niggardiâ—e Their diet Drinking Feasts Daunces Rudenesse Of the manner that they haue in their sleeping * One House containeth many Families Nakednesse Modesty Painting Galantry Neatnesse Mourning Apparell Of their Houses Childebirth Loue and eâ—â—cation of children Friers and Iesuires paines with Indians children Of the custom they haue in harboring or entertayning their guests Of the custom they haue of drinking of smoake Of the manner of payments and husbandrie Of their Iewels and Brooches Filthily fine Of the vsage of their wiues and how they man them Iealousie Of their dances and their songs Instruments Womens dances Of their burials Lamentations to be lamented Of the Instruments they do vse Of the weapons they doe vse Cruel arrowes Cunning Archers Their Arts. Quick sighted Great Trauellers and swift Swords Gentle cruell keeper Festiuall preparation and solemnitie Black Saints First encounters The womens parts Their songs c. Adorning of the Captiue The fatall Sword Crocodiles teares Hallowing the Sword Butchery rites Block-head Cerrmonies of making a new Gentleman Markes and habit of new Gentrie Titles of Honour See before in in M. Kniuet Portugals vse of Sauages Pitiguaras viâ—tâ—n a people eaten out by the Portugals Tupinaba Caâ—ete Tupinaquin Timimins Tamuya Araraâ—e Vnchristian impietie of some Portugals Scuentie six Nations of Tapuya See of these Master Kniuet which liued with them * A roote so called Cowards and cruell Tucanucu and other Nations many Caue-houses Anheâ—im c. Great Paps Cumpehe Sauages not Canibals Guaitaca Beast in humane shape Of the Climate Countrie of Brasill of some notable things found there as well one the Land as one the Sea The wilde Boare 3. kinds and more Acuti Pacaâ— Iagoarete M. Kniuet callâ— them Tigres Bold vain-glorious Indians Carigue An t Beare or Tamandua a strange-shaped beast Tatu or Armadillo The Badas are the Rhinocerots Canduacu or Porcupine diuers kinds Hiraras or Ciuet Cats Aquiqui Apes or Monkies Ape-king His Oration His Page Many kindes of Monkies Their Physike Monkie-tricks Cuati Other kinds Wilde Cats Iagoarucu Tapati Iaguacini Biarataca Stinking beast Priguica or Lazinesse Simple food Twelue kinds of Rats Of the Snakes that are on the land and haue no poison Gibâ—ya Egge-eater Caninana Long-snout Gaitiopiâ— Boyuna Snakes that haue poison Iarâ—racâ— Curucucu Boycininga Ibiracua Ibiboboca Store and sore Carima a drug so called Musk-snake Scorpions Poisonous Region Parots Varietie of Parots The Arara Anapuru Araruna Aiurucurâ— Tuin Guiraiubâ— Yapu Dangerous to the eyes The Guaimimbique others call it the Tomineios Generation Note for Philosophers Guiranhe eng eta Tangara Dance Quereina Tucana Guirapanga Macucagua Mutu Hard egges Dogs poison Vâ—u Turtles innumerable Ostriches Anima Horne medicinable Acaiu a kinde of Chesnut Many vses thereof Mangaba Or Musk-rose Murucuge Ill gathering Araca Ombu Fruit causing teeth to fall Iacapucaya Haire-fal-fruit Graes Araticu Pequea Iabaticaba Cocos 20. kinds of Palmes The Pine tree Of the Trees thâ—◠〈…〉 rue for m 〈…〉 ines Cabueriba Port Eâ—gaddi A medicine for wounds Cupayba For wounds Ambayba For wounds Ambaigtinga For the Collicke Igbacamuci For the bloudy Fluxe Igcigca Foâ— cold diseases Gumme Anime Curupicaiba For wounds and for the Poxe Caaroba For the Poxe Caarobmocorandiba For loosenesse and the Poxe Iaburandiba For the sicknesse of the Liuer For the Tooth-ake Cassia fistulae Of the Oyles the Indians doe vse to an 〈…〉 themselues withall Moxerequigba Aiuruatubira Aiabutipita Ianipaba For the Laske Iequitimguacu Beades and Sope. Of the tree that hath water Note Compare this with those mentioned by A. Batle in Congo Of the Trees that serue for timber Cedars and Nutmegs Mandioca The iuyce is poison Other kindes Nana Pacoba Adams Tree Murucuia Many other Brasilian plants Ietigcucu A purge For the bloudy Fluxe A remedie for poyson Tyroqui or Tareroqui For the bloudy Fluxe * Perhaps the worme in the fundament mentioned by Sir R. Haukins Embeguacu For the Fluxe of bloud Caa obetinga For wounds Cobaura For wounds The Holy herbe or Tobacco For sundry diseases For the worme Camaracatimbae For scabs and the Poxe Aipo Meade-Mallow Caraguata It causeth to abort Timbo Baite for fishes Sleeping herb An hâ—râ—e so called â—rua viâ—a See M. Harcourt his Guiana Relations Brasilian herbs smell not Of the Canes Oxe-fish Maâ—ati * Or Greace or Oile so after Maâ—tega in the Portugall word Beijupira The Oxe eie d Or foure shillings a piece e Or Greace Camurupi f Or Butter The wild fish The Whale Ambergrise The Sword fish Battle with Whaies A Tortoise Tuborones or Sharkes Pelgrimes The flying fish Soles and Salmonets A little red fish very daintie in Spaine Of the venemous fishes Toad fish deadly Puraque or Torpedo See Iobson Caramuru Amoreatie k A fish so called Ierepomonga Strange Sea Snake Mermen or Monsters of the Sea Of the Shel-fishes Cuttle fishes Apula Sea-fomes Sea Crabs Vza Guainumu Aratu Ten or twelue kinds of crabs Oysters Note for lime Muscles Perewinkles Wilkes Pirâ—guaig White Corral Prawnes Of the Trees that gâ—ow in salt-water Mangues Gnats Guiratinga Caripira Note Guaca Guirateontâ—on Calâ—amar or Sea-stamper Ayaya C 〈…〉 Gâ—â—â—â— Of the fresh Riuers and the things that in them are Cururijuba a great Snake many wayes wonderfull Manima Water Lizards Iacare or Crocodile Hard Egges Iaguarucu A great Dogge This seemeth some kind of the Hippopetamas Atacape Iaguapopebâ— Baeapina Water-hogge Guararici Men dye with hearing it Horses Kine Swine Sheepe Goates Hennes Turkies Geese and Duckes Dogges * For one kind are called Limas as it werâ— the Female Trees Fig-trees Quinces Vines Roses Plants and Herbes Wheate i That is â—oure bâ—â—â—l and an haâ—e k Nâ—â—e that the Alqueâ—que contâ—iâ—eth 18. bushâ—ls Sâ—elling heâ—bâ—s l
characters sort not to terrestriall fabrikes instanced in the Reuenge Thunderbâ—lt and this Resentance with the Iesus of Sir Io. Hawk Considerations for pretended Voyâ—ges Prouisions bâ—â—ter prouided at Plimoutâ— then at London Note Danger of Porâ—s open Parts requisite in a good Mariner Abuses of some Sea faring men Master Thomas Candish Master George Reymond Note He addes another remedie in taking away imprâ—sts The consequence of Instructs at departure False calking For preuention thereof Example See Cap. â—rings last Voyagâ— in which the Great Iames was oft endangered thereby Aduice for shooting at Sea Two English shâ—ps haue hâ—â—eby much wroâ—ged each other by mistaking The Madera Ilands Canarie Ilands Gorgosho The descâ—iâ—tion of Tenerif and the Pike Of a Tree in Fierro One M. Lewis Iackson now dwelling in Holboâ—â—e told me that A. 1618. he had beene in this Iland and seene this Tree which he thus described It is as big as an Oake of middle size the barke white like Haâ— dbeame sixe or seuen yards high with ragged boughs the leafe like that of the Bay white on the bottome and greene on the other side It beareth neither fruit nor flower It is scituate in the decliuitie of a Hill in the day it is withered dropping â—n the night a cloude hanging thereon yeelding water sufficient for the whole Iland which containeth 8000. soules and aboue 100000. beasts Camels Mules Goats c. It falls into a Pond made of bricke floored with stones very thight by pipes of â—ead conueighed from the Tree to it and thence diuided into seuerall Ponds through all the Iland They which dwell vp-hill fetch â—t in barrels They water therewith also their Corne-grounds The Pond holds 20000. tuns and is filled in a night He added a report perhaps deuised to keepe off busie fingers or with busie tongues to multiplie wonders that the Moores hauing taâ—en that Iland from the Christians went to fell that Tree but each blowe recoyled on the striker Hee affirmed also that hee had beene â—p the Pike of Teneriff two miles He saith the South side is healthfull the North very Aguish and subiect to Calentures and the Inhabitants on one side looke lustie on the other withered The first discouerers of these Ilands Exercises vpon the Southwards of the Canaries â—â—pe de Verde The vnwholsomnesse thereof The heate The Breze Another cause of Feuers is the dâ—wes which fall euery night so that the exceeding moisture and vnsoundnesse thereof causeth men lying or watching in the open aire to fall sicke The remedie The influence of the Moone in hot Countries Saint Iago Sacked by Manuel Serades Sir Francis Drake and Sir Anthony Sherley Fuego Fiery hill Brano good watering The Palmito The Plantan great leaues Placentia The Cocos their kindes Coquillos A third kinde Cyuet-Cats Munkeyes Parrots * Tawt or taught a Sea-terme sig stiffe and fast Morning and euening praier Change of water Error in reckoning Note The lesse of Edward â—otton Current-consideration New found-land Current Leuant Sea Brasil and South Sea Currents of smaller force neere the shore A discourse of the Scuruey or Scorâ—â—â—â— The signes Azores Strange effect of calmes The remedies By Diet. By shift By labour By early eating and drinking Ten thousand English dead of the Scuruie in 20. yeeres By sowre Oranges and Lemmons By Doctor Steuens water By Oyle of Vitry By the Aire of the Land The company sicke and dismayed Prouerbe Brasill Cape Saint Augustine Farnambuca Todos Santos De Vitoria Dangers of fire By heating of Pitch Vse of â—ugge Gownes Preuention Diuers ships as the Primrose Iesus of Lubeck Robuck Blacke Lion c. haue beene burned By hooping scuâ—ling of Caske Note By natures of waters By swearing An excellent order for shipswearing Custome feedâ— vice which seuerity starueth Pi hy discourse of diuers fishes and their description The Dolphin The Bonito The Sharke His mouth Superstition All-deuouring Three rowes of teeth Whelping Pilats â—â—shes Sea hawking and hunting Flying fishes Alcatrace The fight of the Whale with the Sword-fish and Thresher The strokes heard two leagues Of Whales see our Greeneland discourses li. 3. c. 2. 〈◊〉 Amber-greece Amber Corall Best times to passe the line froÌ„ the Northwards to the Southward Port of Santos For preuention of annoyances c. in Harbours S 〈…〉 rds periury Their punishment Note for that harbour The vertue of Oranges Distilling of Salt water Vnskilfulnesse of the Masters Mâ—te Prouidence of God and the caâ—â— of the Master Care of Steeridge Exquisit in the Spaniards and Portugals Cape Blanco Saint Ialmes Ilands alias Saint Annes Gannets Purslane Cherries Palmitos Purgatiues Artechoques or Prick-pears A good note to take or refuse vnknowâ— fruits Contagious water Waste losse of mâ—n Hawke burnt Sholes of Abrcoios Industry of the 〈…〉 ans They surprise 〈◊〉 French G 〈…〉 at Canoa San sebastian Wise stratagem The merry euents of a care full watch 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 Palmito Iland The creatures Cape Frie. Ienero Little Iland Isla Grand Shels of mother of Pearle Price of Negroes Cassaui meale And for Beuerage The manner of planning Iuca With the labour of the women The description of Brasil Its Hauens Strang worme Variation of the Compasse The ouerthrow of the Voyage by a perfidious man The cunning of Runnawayes Birds like Swans Such the Hollanders found in the Straits which they called Mayres Caughâ— with Line Hooke Proue good refreshment Care of the Patagones Land vnknowne A descriâ—tion of the same A caueat for comming suddenly to neâ—re an vnknowne Land Point Tremountaine Faire Iland Conduit-head Hawkins Maidenland Beds of Oreweed with white flowres Our comming to the Straits Description thereof Pedro Sarmiento buildeth San Philip. Hogs Ilands of Pengwins Note Since it hath bin plainly found that all the South part are Ilands Good prouision in the Straits The description of the Pengwin Hunting the Pengwin The keeping for store The Guls. Ducks Cunning Architecture Their neatnes Of Seales or Sea-woolues Description of the Seale Their Sentinel The second peopling of the Spaniards Elizabeths Bay The Riuer of Ieroniâ—â— Another channell Blanches Bay Obiection of waste Answere Warning against wormes which eate througâ—sâ—aps Of sheathing ships In Spaine and Portugall with double plankes With Canuas With burnt plankes In china with Varnish in England Best manner of sheathing The Naturaâ— Long Reach Mouth of the Straits Note Tempest English Bay The natiues houses Sloth cause of imagination Tobias Coue. Setting of the ship vpon a Rocke To the laborious God propitious Crabby Coue. Gods gracious deliuerance Voyage ouerthrowne by giuing way to murderers Edward Fenton and Master Thomas Candish Master William Hawkins The mending of an vnseruiceable Anchor Entertainment of time to auoid idlenesse A kind of hot Spice in the Straits In gathering of Wiâ—ters Barke Of Pearles in the Straits Discourse of Pearles how they breed Preuention of Rats The calamities they bring to a ship Backwardnes in the company Cape Desire South part of the Straits Ilands
Estâ—tes discourse of that Voiage is at large in Ramuâ—â— here omitted Herera saith that in their sharings the Spaniards valued gold of 14. carats at 7. and by the abundance thereof grew to great excesses in gaming pride other vices he saith that the three sent to Cusco were fooles â—heir behauior causâ—d the Indians to vndeâ— value the Spaniards * A Maâ—ke is 8. ounces and a Castilian is a Pezâ— which containeth in this Peru acconnt after Inca Uega 450. Marauediz euery 5. Peâ—â—s or Caste 〈…〉 s being six Duckers about seuen shillings English Golden Age. Miserable comforters b Other Incas made one called Atabalipa to serue the Spaniards turn Without them as in the conclusion they confesse they could being so few neuer haue perfected their coÌ„quest But first they vsed the Cuscoans against those of Quito and lastly to pacifie all to the Spanish subiection After which they performe nothing but falshood and cruelty Piâ—arros purpose being alway by any way to erect the Spanish Empire Second sharing Garitico slaine for as the war had bin begun by Atabalipa the first against Cusco so after his death it was by his Captaines continued against the Iucas there seeking to aduance Quito aboue Cusco the seed of Atabalipa to the Souereigntie Chilichuchima burned Manco Inca made Lord. Third sharing of gold and siluer at Cusâ—o Images of beasts men in gold Cusco a Spanish Colonie Other Spaniards enter Peru. Countrey described c Immatonare d Scaloni Description of Cusco as it was when the Spaniards first came thither For after the Indians burnt the most part of it in Mancos wars with Piçarro The Fortresse e Gironi f See sup pag. 1056. Acosta saith he measured some aboue 38. foot long c. g Voltati h Sguincio de igironi Note this * See sup l. 7. c. 〈◊〉 Ramus vol 3. The Gouernor of the Fleete The officers ouer the Fleete The Iland of S. Dominico The hauen of S. Iames. The Trinitie An hauen called the Cape of Saint Cruz. An Huracano or tâ—â—pest notable both at Sea and Land Presages Boate placed vpon trees by the tempest Fifth of Nouember The hauen of Sagua or Xaqua Sands of Cunarreo Guaniguanico The Cape of S. Anthony The Hauana Martes Great houses without hous-keepers Golden Bell. The first towne taken in Florida in the Emperors name * Samples The Prouincâ— Apalachn â—aâ—iqueâ—gniâ—eth â—gniâ—eth 〈◊〉 Lord among the Indians Strong stream Dulcancellin a King or Cazique among them Toublesome Countrey Trees cleft with thunderbolts Apâ—lâ—chen Caccoagoâ—â—o Great tempests in those parts Lakes Beasts Beast which carrieth her yong in a bag Fowles Indian fight Strong archers Men of tall 〈◊〉 ture good archers The Riuer Madalena Hard shift Ockam of Palmiti No stones Strong shot Crosse shoare Miserable successe of the Spaniards in this Voyage Spiaggia de Caualli The Strait of Saint Michael R. of Palmes Miserable thust Rich Furres sweete Mardole Zibelline Desription of thâ—se Indians Current Three drowned Humanitie of Sauages Panuco The Christians eate one another for hunger Indian sicknesse and mortalitie Iland Malhado Pierced paps with canes for gallantry The Indians poore life Mourning for children Age diâ—esteemed Physicians burned Filthie and foolish customes They are made Physicians Learned argument Manner of curing Lamentable salutations The Indians of Carruco Queuenes and Dragnanes Indians Tune fruits of India Marianes Iguâ—bes The Spaniards cate one another A cruell custome of the Indians who vse to kill their male children while they sleep and cast their female children as soone as they are borne to the dogges to eate them because they would not marrie them to their enemies nor to their kindred Penutious die The Indians in this Prouince eate Serpents Vipers and other beastly things by reason of the famine which continually is thâ—re Women Theeuâ—s Indians which runne a whole day to take a Deere and tiring him with running estsoones take him aliue in the chase Natures nurâ—lings Dogs life Tune-time Flies troublesome Noisome remedie Decre hauâ—â— dry places to auoid Huntmen Oxen of that Countrie Caâ—agâ—di Indians Pastures Camâ—â—i Indians What became of their fift Boat Aâ—â—uares In Cures very wonderfull yet true Benzo which trauelled fourteene yeeres in the Indies with the Spaniards from 1541. saith that of six hundred of Naruaez his company searsly tâ—n returned which at Mexico reported that they had by breathing on them cured the sicke raised to life three dead men c. But saith hee Let their holines pardon me I will easier beleeue that they killed foure liuing men th en thâ—t they raised halfe one deâ—d man to life Ben. l. 2. c. 13. I permit some of these relations more for knowledge of the Countrey then for credit of Spanish cures in the Indies which you shal find in Casâ—s of another nature These here challenge no Diuine end to conuert the people to God and therefore are not like to haue any diuine beginning but â—re either falsly told or falsly done or falsly intended by the Father of falshood And why may they not be ascribed to the Deuill either as lies if neuer done or if done as deuillish Arts to maintaine rapine and superstition which are here mentioned the effâ—cts thereof Acosta tells of a great miracle-worker in the Indies a vicious man and hanged for knaueries This Cowes-Head the Author is also by Schmidel before recorded for a bad man in his acts at the Riuer of Plate I will conclude with S. Aug. de vnit Ecc. 〈◊〉 16. Remoueantur ista vâ—â— figmentâ— mendac 〈…〉 hominum vel porâ—enta fallacium spirituum c. Cacalcuches Maticones Coaios Susolas and Ataios Indians A dead man raised If Benzos opinion be not rather to be embâ—aced that they killed the liuing as this author also reports of his Country-men in the end of this booke Children of the Sunne All become Physitians An euill thing of spirit of the Indians Diabolicall appatition Their computation of times Maticones Arbadaâ—â— Hungers perambulation Appareli Famines Discoueries Sine Cerere liberâ— frâ—gâ—t Venus The Indians let their children sucke 〈…〉 ll the age of twâ—lue yeares No deadly fights Vse of Horses Quicke senses Names of the Nations of those parts Maâ—hada Cauoques Ca 〈…〉 uco Deguenes Mâ—ndica Quâ—uenâ—s Marianâ—s Gâ—aiâ—ones Iâ—guâ—zes Ataios and Acubadaâ—s Quiâ—oles Auauares and Matiaconâ—s Culia'culches Susolus Comos Camoles Fichâ— Foolish drinkrites * A vessell containing diuâ—rs gallons Sodomy Mesquiquez a fruite of India The Toupin Erasilians vse such Marakas or Raeles and haue like conceits thereof Blinde and â—quint-eyed people Copper Bell ingrauen Plates of Plate South Sea Pleasant huâ—ung Superstitious sanctifying their meat Desert Countrey A riuer Many garments Foolish liberalitie Womenâ—reaters No lamenting for the dead Houses artificially built Mays Other strange behauiour Goodly people Old fashion of boiling pulse They come to the South Sea Barren Countrey People which liue on the powder of straw A plentifull Countrey with houses and corne Corall and Turkesses Emeralds
hundrâ—ds haue hereby perished The number of the dead and sicke Dangerous mâ—neths The opening of a dead body What food causeth the land diseaâ—e Bad waters Plin. li. 25. c. 3. Stomaccacè Scelotyrbè Britannica or Scuruy grasse an herbe Strabo Monsieur de Ioâ—nuille The Gouitres of Sauore What aire is against health Windes Seasons Bad food and di commodities of the Sea Aduice for the sicknesses of New France Good Wine Herbes in the Spring time Stoues Stoues in Gardens Such I haue seene at Beddington in Surrie at Sir Nicolas Carews The sweatings of the Sauages A merry heart a principall preseruatiue against the Scuruie Eccles. 3. 12 22. Meanes of mirth Necessitiâ— of hauing women into the Countrey Tree of life Sasafras Monsieur Champlain is now this present yeere 1609. in Canada The discoueric of new Lands by Monsieur de Monts fabulous tales and reports of the Riuer and fained Towne of Norombega Kinibeki sâ—xty leagues from S. Croix Fabulous â—ales of the Riuer Norombega Pemptegoet Obiection Answer Kinibeki The Bay of Marchin 1607. Ch 〈…〉 koet The ground manured Vines Malebarre Etechemins The Armouchiquois traitours and theeues Thâ— swiftnesse of the Armouchiquois The arriuall of Monsieur du Point 1605. Transmigration from S. Croix to Port Royal. New buildings Trafficke with the Sauages Beuers Otters and Stags Tabaguia is a sauage tearme signifying banket Hand Mils The number of the dead Fault in their buildings The furniture of Monsieur du Pont to goe to the discouery of new lands The wracke of their Barke Causes of delay in establish ing the dwelling place of the Frenchmen The third voyage made by Monsieur de Poutrincourt Rochel The courage of Monsieur de Monts and his associates 13. of May 1606. Meetings of Ships Great cold The reason of this Antiperistâ—sâ— and the cause oâ— the Ices of New-sound land Warnings neerethe great Banke Birds called by Frenchmen Godes Fouquets Hapfoies The fishing of Cod. Hap-foyes why so called Sea dogs skins Excellent sawsiges made with the inwards of Cod. The weather in those Seâ—s contrary then in ours The causes of Mists on the West Seas Land makes The discouery of S. Peters Ilands Plaine discouery of the Land Cap. Breton The Bay of Campseau Eight daies Gods fauour in danger Calm weather Morueilous odours comming from the land The boording of two Shallops The Sauages goodly men Matachiaz be carkanets neklaces bracelets and wrought girdles During the mists at Sea it is faire wether on land The departing of some of our company going alâ—nd The Sauages do traueli much way in small time Mists Calmes Portâ—u â—u Rossignoll Port au Mouton â—hat growes 〈◊〉 the Land at Port â—u Mouton Le Cap de Sable Long Iland The Bay S. Mary The arriuing to Port Royall Difficulties in comming in The beautie of the Port. Sagamos signifieth Captaine Praises of the two Frenchmen leâ—t alone in Fort of Port Royall The tilling of the ground The meeting with Monsieur du Pont. The forme of a Rain-bow vnder a Caue Greatnesse of Canada 400. leagues from the mouth It springs from a Lake Which is the first mine Sowing of Corne. August 20. Cause of the Voyage made into the country of the Armouchiquois Parting from Port Royall Faire Rie found at S. Croix Their meaning is to plant beyond Malebarre to the southward A ditch profitably made What store of workmen and lab 〈…〉 rers in N 〈…〉 France Their exercise and manner of life Mussels Lobsters Crabs Good prouision of wilde fowle What quantity of Bread and Wine * A kinde of Stag or red Deere The liberall nature of the Sauages What earth is in the Medowes Ellans in the Medowes Poutrincourts discouery Pemptegoet the true name of the fabulous Norombega Kinibeki The Bay of Marchin Confederacy Orignac or Ellan Champlein saith they are like Oxen. The Riuer of Olmechin Port De Chouakoet An Iland of Vines The Riuer of Olmechin The galantnesse of the Sauages Port De la Heue The Sâ—uages doe paint their faces The Oration of Messamoet Messamoets affection to the Frenchmen The largesse and liberality of Messamoet The Sauages be liberall A Corn-countrie Beanes Pumpions and Grapes Bessabes Englishmen Asticou Canoas A very good Port. The agilitie of the Arm 〈…〉 quois Fifes A Sauage wounded Their mouthes and mops about him that was hurt 〈◊〉 The Presents of a Sauage woman Hempe very faire Beanes Quantitie of Grapes The simplicity and ignorance of people Thâ— bad natuâ—eo the Armouchiquois Noâ—e how the Armouchiquois must be dealt withall This the only way to ciuilize Sauages Trust them and hang them nay trust them and they will cut your throat as in the Virginian massacre appeaâ—â—th Suspicion for the comming of Olmechin The trouble of garments Corne sowed and Vines planted 100. Boats of Sauages Malebarre Peril of sholds Note Great antiquity of Grapes Hereupon chap. 7. Two fathames tide onely Danger Oigoudi or S. Iohns Riuer Sauages of sundry Nationâ— vnderstand not one another A forge and an ouen 〈…〉 de A croâ—e set vp Abundance of Larkes fishes Shel-fish Grapes Rush-baskets The triall of Trench weapons before the Sauages Good instruction Port Fortune Râ—solution for the returne Their returne Perill The arriuall of Monsieur de Poutrincourt The state of Corne. How they speÌ„t their winter Câ—ales The vse of the Compasse in land voiages The institution of the Order Bon temps La Rue aux Ours or Beare street is as Pie-corner or such a Cooke place in London Store of Sturgions Before in chap. 113. The vsage of the Sauages The Sauages haue care of the Frenchmen Preseruatiue against Scuruy Bad winde The state of Winâ—er weather Why Raines and Mists be scarse in winter Snow is profitable Frosts when they are The state of Ianuary Conformity of weather in East and West Fraâ—ce The great Frost 1607. Wherefore is the season late Dressing of Gardens Good crop from the ground Abundance of fishes The care of Monsieur de Pouirincourt in prouiding for theÌ„ that should come after him The building of a water-mil Abundance of Herrings Pilchers Preparation for the return Great ouersight Monsieur de Poutrincourt his inuention Bricke made in New France Why the Saâ—â—ges call all French men Noâ—mands Newes out of France and their returne The contents of the Letters written to Monsieur de Poutrincourt The societie of Monsieur de Monts broken and why rincourtâ—is â—is resolution The English Nation going to Virginia with a zealous intent to plant true religion so to increase Christs blessed flock no doubt he will bee their leader Monsieur de Monts is enuied Robbing from the dead The Sauages go to the wars Voyages vpon the Coast of the French Bay Salmons Assembly of Sauages a feasting Filthy trading The subtiltie of an Autmoiâ— or Sauage Southsayer A Myne of Steele Menane Good watch Seales voices The arriuall in the I le of Saint Croix The state of the same Turtles The Sauages of better nature then many Christians A number of Iles.
For any man that putteth himselfe into the enemies Port had neede of Argus eyes and the winde in a bagge especially where the enemy is strong and the tydes of any force For with either ebbe or flood those who are on the shore may thrust vpon him inuentions of fire and with swimming or other deuises may cut his cables A common practise in all hot Countries The like may be effected with Raffes Canoas Boates or Pinnaces to annoy and assault him and if this had beene practised against vs or taken effect our Ships must of force haue yeelded themselues for they had no other people in them but sick men many times opinion feare preserueth the Ships and not the people in them Wherefore it is the part of a prouident Gouernor to consider well the dangers that may befall him before he put himself into such places so shall he euer be prouided for preuention In Saint Iohn de Vlua in the New-Spain when the Spaniards dishonoured their Nation with that foule act of periury and breach of faith giuen to my Father Sir Iohn Hawkins notorious to the whole world the Spâ—niards fired two great Ships with intention to burne my Fathers Admirall which he preuented by towing them with his Boates another way The great Armado of Spaine sent to conquer England Anno 1588. was with that selfe-same industry ouerthrowne for the setting on fire six or seuen Ships whereof two were mine and letting them driue with the floud forced them to cut their Cables and to put to Sea to seeke a new way to Spain In which the greatest part of their best Ships and men were lost and perished The next night the winde comming off the shore we set saile and with our Boates and Barkes sounded as we went It flowed vpon the Barre not aboue foure foote water and once in foure and twenty houres as in some parts of the West Indies at full Sea there is not vpon the barre aboue seuenteene or eighteene foote water The harbour runneth to the South-westwards he that will come into it is to open the harbours mouth a good quarter of a league before he beare with it and be bolder of the Wester-side for of the Easterland lyeth a great ledge of Rockes for the most part vnder water which sometimes breake not but with small shipping a man may goe betwixt them and the point Comming aboord of our Ships there was great ioy amongst my company and many with 〈◊〉 sight of the Oranges and Lemmons seemed to recouer heart This is a wonderfull secret of the power and wisedome of God that hath hidden so great and vnknowne vertue in this fruit to be a certaine remedy for this infirmity I presently caused them all to be reparted amongst our sicke men which were so many that there came not aboue three or foure to a share but God was pleased to send vs a prosperous winde the next day so much to our comfort that not any one died before we came to the Ilands where we pretended to refresh our selues And although our fresh water had failed vs many dayes before we saw the shore by reason of our long Nauigation without touching any land and the excessiue drinking of the sicke and diseased which could not be excused yet with an inuention I had in my Ship I easily drew out of the water of the Sea sufficient quantitie of fresh water to sustaine my people with little expence of fewell for with foure billets I stilled a hogshead of water and therewith dressed the meate for the sicke and whole The water so distilled we found to be wholesome and nourishing The coast from Santos to Cape Frio lyeth West and by South Southerly So wee directed our course West South-west The night comming on and directions giuen to our other Ships wee set the waâ—ch hauing a faire fresh gale of winde and large My selfe with the Master of our Ship hauing watched the night past thought now to gâ—ue nature that which she had beene depriued of and so commended the care of Steeridge to one of his Mates who with the like trauell past being drowsie or with the confidence which he had of him at the Helme had not that watchfull care which was required he at the Helme steered West and West by South brought vs in a little time close vpon the shore doubtlesse he had cast vs all away had not God extraordinarily deliuered vs for the Master being in his dead sleepe was suddenly awaked and with such a fright that he could not be in quiet whereupon waking his youth which ordinarily 〈…〉 pt in his Cabin by him asked him how the watch went on who answered that it could not be an houre since he laid himselfe to rest He replyed that his heart was so vnquiet that he could not by any meanes sleepe and so taking his Gowne came forth vpon the Decke and presently discouered the land hard by vs. And for that it was sandie and low those who had their eyes continually fixed on it were dazeled with the reflection of the Starres being a faire night and so was hindered from the true discouery thereof But he comming out of the drake had his sight more forcible to discerne the difference of the Sea and the shoare So that forthwith hee commanded him at the Helme to put it close a starbourd and taking our Ship we edged off and sounding found scant three fathome water whereby we saw euidently the miraculous mercy of God that if hee watched ouer vs as he doth continually ouer his doubtlesse wee had perished without remedie to whom be all glory and praise euerlasting world without end In this point of Steeridge the Spaniards Portugals doe exceede all that I haue seene I meane for their care which is chiefest in Nauigation And I wish in this and in all their workes of Discipline and reformation we should follow their examples as also those of any other Nation In euery Shippe of moment vpon the halfe decke or quarter decke they haue a chaire or feate out of which whilst they Nauigate the Pilot or his Adiutants which are the same officers which in our Ships wee terme the Master and his Mates neuer depart day nor night from the sight of the Compasse and haue another before them whereby they see what they doe and are euer witnesses of the good or bad Steeridge of all men that take the Helme The next day about ten of the clocke we were thwart of Cape Blanco which is low sandie land and perilous for foure leagues into the Sea thwart it lye bankes of sand which haue little water on them on a sudden we found our selues amongst them in lesse then three fathome water but with our Boate and Shallop we went sounding and so got cleare of them The next day following we discouered the Ilands where we purposed to refresh our selues they are two and some call them Saint
Iames his Ilands and others Saint Annes They lye in two and twentie degrees and a halfe to the Southwards of the line and towards the euening being the fift of Nouember we anchored betwixt them and the maine in six fathome water where we found our other Ships All which being well Moored we presently began to set vp Tents Booths for our sick men to carry them ashore and to vse our best diligence to cure them For which intent our three Surgeans with their seruants and adherents had two Boates to waite continually vpon them to fetch whatsoeuer was needefull from the Ships to procure refreshing and to Fish either with Nets or Hooks and Lines Of these implements we had in abundance and it yeelded vs some refreshing For the first daies the most of those which had health occupied themselues in romeging our Ship in bringing ashore of emptie Caske in filling of them and in felling and cutting of wood which being many workes and few hands went slowly forwards Neere these Ilands are two great Rocks or small Ilands adioyning In them wee found great store of yong Gannets in their nests which we reserued for the sick and being boyled with pickled Porke well watered and mingled with Oatmeale made reasonable Pottage was good refreshing and sustenance for them This prouision failed vs not till our departure from them Vpon one of these Rocks also we found great store of the hearbe Purslane which boyled and made into Sallets with oyle and vineger refreshed the sicke stomackes and gaue appetite With the ayre of the shore and good cherishing many recouered speedily some died away quickly and others continued at a stand We found here some store of Fruits a kinde of Cherry that groweth vpon a tree like a Plum-tree red of colour with a stone in it but different in making to ours fot it is not altogether round and dented about they haue a pleasing taste In one of the Ilands we found Palmito trees great and high and in the top a certaine fruite like Cocos but no bigger then a Wal-nut We found also a fruit growing vpon trees in cods like Beanes both in the cod and the fruite Some of my Company proued of them and they caused vomits and purging One other fruit we found very pleasant in taste in fashion of an Artechoque but lesse on the outside of colour red within white and compassed about with prickles our people called them Prick-peares no Conserue is better They grow vpon the leaues of a certaine roote that is like vnto that which we call semper viua and many are wont to hang them vp in their houses but their leaues are longer and narrower and full of prickes on either side The Fruite groweth vpon the side of the leafe and is one of the best fruites that I haue eaten in the Indies In ripening presently the Birds or Vermine are feeding on them a generall rule to know what fruite is wholesome and good in the Indies and other parts Finding them to be eaten of the Beasts or Fowles a man may boldly eate of them The water of these Ilands is not good the one for being a standing water and full of venemous wormes and Serpents which is neere a Butt-shot from the Sea-shore where wee found a great Tree fallen and in the roote of it the names of sundry Portugals French-men and others and amongst them Abraham Cockes with the time of their being in this Island The other though a running water yet passing by the rootes of certaine trees which haue a smell as that of Garlique taketh a certaine contagious sent of them Here two of our men died with swelling of their bellies the accident we could not attribute to any other cause then to this suspicious water It is little and falleth into the sand and soketh through it into the Sea and therefore we made a well of a Pipe and placed it vnder the rocke from which it falleth and out of it filled our Caske but we could not fill aboue two tuns in a night and a day After our people began to gather their strength we manned our Boates and went ouer to the Maine where presently we found a great Riuer of fresh and sweete water and a mightie Marish Country which in the winter seemeth to be continually ouer-flowne with this Riuer and others which fall from the mountainous Country adiacent We rowed some leagues vp the Riuer and found that the further vp we went the deeper was the Riuer but no fruit more then the sweate of our bodies for the labour of our hands At our returne we loaded our Boate with water and afterwards from hence we made our Store The sicknesse hauing wasted more then the one halfe of my people we determined to take out the victuals of the Hawke and to burne her which we put in execution And being occupied in this worke we saw a Ship turning to windwards to succour her selfe of the Ilands but hauing descried vs put off to Sea-wards Two daies after the winde changing we saw her againe running alongst the coast and the Daintie not being in case to goe after her for many reasons wee manned the Fancie and sent her after her who about setting of the Sunne fetched her vp and spake with her when finding her to be a great Fly-boate of at least three or foure hundreth tuns with eighteene Peeces of Artillery would haue returned but the winde freshing in put her to Leewards and standing in to succour her selfe of the land had sight of another small Bark which after a short chase she tooke but had nothing of moment in her for that she had bin vpon the great Sholes of Abreoios in 18. degrees and there throwne all they had by the boord to saue their liues This and the other chase were the cause that the Fancie could not beate it vp in many dayes but before wee had put all in a readinesse the winde changing shee came vnto vs and made Relation of that which had past and how they had giuen the small Barke to the Portugals and brought with them onely her Pilot and a Merchant called Pedro de escalante of Potosi In this Coast the Portugals by industry of the Indians haue wrought many feates At Cape Frio they tooke a great French Shippe in the night the most of her company being on the shore with Canoas which they haue in this Coast so great that they carrie seuentie and eightie men in one of them And in Isla Grand I saw one that was aboue threescore foote long of one tree as are all I haue seene in Brasil with prouisions in them for twenty or thirty daies At the Iland of San-sebastian neere Saint Vincent the Indians killed about eightie of Master Candish his men and tooke his Boate which was the ouerthrow of his Voyage There commeth not any Ship vpon this Coast whereof these Canoas giue not notice presently
their Daggers as also they sloe all the Captains friends and they made a great crie saying Liue the King liue the King wherwith all the Campe was in an vprore Then Lope de Agira made vnto the Souldiers a long Oration got them all to consent with him some by force some because they durst not say to the contrarie and others with their good will in the end they all agreed vnto his determined purpose So they made the gentleman their head and Lope de Agire was made Captaine this done and because the people should the better hold their opinion hee did as great a villanie as euer any Spaniard did for hee made an Altar on which hee and all the Souldiers did denie their seruice vnto the King of Spaine and so as people without a King they chose the said Don Fernando to be their King and did vnto him homage These matters being finished they agreed among themselues which should be the best way for them to goe to Peru for they could not goe vp the Riuer from whence they came for the great currant and also if they should goe thorough the land they should be very weake for want of Horsemen therefore they determined to goe downe the Riuer Then said this Lope de Agire that they would carry nothing with them but the Pinnaces and Souldiers which should fight and that it were best to leaue behinde them all the Indians that they brought from Peru with the women and sicke men vnto which their Generall Don Fernando would not agree for that he knew that when they were gone the people of the Countrie would kill them all Lope de Agire hearing this and longing to be chiefe Gouernour himselfe ouer all and taking vnto him thirtie of his owne Countrie men of his own disposition he sodainly killed Don Fernando whom not twentie daies before hee had sworne to obey But now by his subtile working and being withall eloquent in his talke he caused the people to make himselfe Gouernour and made the people beleeue that all these cruelties were done to saue themselues but the tyrannie of this man did not end here he was of the Countrie of Bisca a land ioyning vnto France therefore I rather beleeue that he was a Frenchman then a Spaniard for that in the heart of a Spaniard there is not so much crueltie as this man had Now he being ready to goe his way he determined not to carrie with him any Gentleman or other of high degree and therefore hee slew all those which hee did know to be of high degree or Gentlemen and then departed onely with the common Souldiers and left behinde him all the Spanish women and sicke men with all other creatures If I should rehearse all the cruell murders of this wicked man one by one I should be ouer much tedious vnto you onely I say in as few words as I may that this man proceeded downe the Riuer and had with him onely foure hundred men but before he passed this Riuer and came to Margareta he had no more left but two hundred and thirtie men for the rest hee had done to death and left ashore among the people of the Countrie he vsed this tirannie because hee alwaies stood in feare of his life for that if he had seene but two Souldiers talke together hee thought that he had alwaies consulted on his death and therefore hee vsed the order aboue said now he neuer went any way but that they had in his companie thirtie Biscains of his owne will and minde for to execute his cruell desire As these Souldiers with their Captaine came downe the Riuer they saw many Canoas with Gold in them going to and fro and people on both sides the Riuer where in their passage many times they landed and got good store of Gold and victuals Now did they see also that which Oryllana had reported which was that there were Amazones women that fight in the warre with Bowes and Arrowes but these women fight to helpe their husbands and not by them selues as Orillana reported from the company of men there were of these women in diuers parts of the Riuer and saw the Spaniards fight with their husbands and came and helped them and shewed themselues more valiant then their husbands and therefore is named the Riuer of the Amazones the Spaniards intent onely was to passe downe the Riuer and therefore neuer sought to know the Countrie within the land yet tooke they good store of Gold and put it into one of the Pinnaces where he went himselfe which Pinnace at the mouth of the Riuer was cast away but he himselfe escaped because as yet he had not made an end of his bloudie minde But comming to the Iland of Margareta the Gouernour thereof thought he had beene one of the Kings Captaines receiued him with Pinnaces and brought to him good store of victuals but he put him to death presently and landed on the Ilands and tooke it and two Shippes that were in the Ilands and tooke perforce one hundred and fiftie men to goe with him and others that went willingly with good store of victuals and many Horses and then returned to the maine land saying that with his small force hee would subdue the whole Indies thinking that all the old Souldiers and poore people in seeing of him would all turne to his side and take his part and so hee went deceiued in his owne conceit for he had not gone two dayes Iourney vp in the Land when the Captaine of new Granado came against him with a power of men but Lope de Agire hoping that the other Souldiers would haue come all vnto him whereby his strength might bee the more but hee was deceiued for his owne men left him and tooke the Kings Captaines part Now seeing himselfe destitute of his Souldiers and voide of all helpe he then shewed himselfe more cruell then did the tyrant Nero for this man killed his owne daughter being but sixteene yeeres of age which he brought with him from Peru for that she should not be made the bed of Villains nor be called the daughter of a Traitor these words he vsed vnto her after he had giuen her her deaths wound but before hee could finish this cruell deed the Souldiers came vpon him and cuchim in pieces yet his daughter did die of her wound in that place and thus you haue heard the euill end of this cruell man for hee was the cause likewise that the King would neuer suffer to haue this Riuer discouered so that the riches resteth to this day vnknowne that is in this Riuer Now hauing ended with this Riuer of Marannon all the Coast between this Riuer and the Riuer of Plate is called the Coast of Brasill taking the name of the wood in the Countrie which is called Brasill wood for there is great store of it Brasill was first found by Pedro Arnales Cabrall in the second time that
in America inhabited by Sauages 1283 Congo a Region in Affrica the King thereof his great strength his Christian Religion guard pompe riding on Elephants rites of State 1234 Conibas lake 1566. Neere it a stately Citie of Indians their ornament and great fortification 1566 Connies of two sorts in Florida the manner how they are taken by the Indians there 1551 Conauacus chiefe Prince of the great people of Nanohigganset his challenge to the English men he is terrified by a present of powder and shot 1854 Coniuration vsed of the Indians being in distresse for want of raine 1867 Conversion of sinners a worke meritorious witnesse a Spanish Captaine 1558 Content a small Ship of Sir George Carews fought with three great Spanish Ships of six hundred tuns a piece 1186 Cooligoa a Province in Florida 1549 Cocunibo an excellent and safe harbor in the West Indies 1394. The markes whereby to finde it ibid. Cordoua-towne 1446 Cooropan a place ten dayes iourney from the head of the River Marrawin 1285. Directions for the iourney betwixt Marrawin and Cooropan ibid. Directions to Cooropan from the head of the River Sehnama 1286 Cooshebery a Prouince in Guiana the description pleasantnesse healthinesse and commodities thereof 7171 Corburrimore a towne of the Epuremei in the Indies 1285 Cape Corientes 1147 Corne how kept in Tercera 1669 Corn-hil a place in New-England where the Savages were went to hide their corne 1845. Corne much encreaseth in New-England 1871 Coro a towne in America 1258 The fruitfulnesse commodities thereof 1258 Corrall 1516 Combination of the English forces is New-England 1843 Complaint of a Sauage woman for her sonnes losse stolne away by Hunt an Englishman 1853 Copiapo a towne of Chili in the Indies 144â— Coquinibo an American towne 144â— Coresao Iland how situate 1146 Coro a towne and Castle burnt by Captain Preston and Captainâ— Summers 1186 Cororoespe or the River of Toads in America 1223 Cortez a Spaniard contesteth with Don Antonio de Mendoza for discoveries of land sendeth forth Francis Vllua with a Fleet of three Ships for that purpose 1560 Corupeo a spirit vsing to possesse and vexe the Americans 1213 Casnero River 1248 Costa Ricca a West Indian towne copious with gold 1419 1446 Covetousnesse the cause of the dispeopling the Indies by the Spaniards 1569 Couetousnesse is an Idoll vnto which the Spaniards haue sacrificed millions of Indians 1602 1603 Couetousnesse reproved by a Savage 1331 A provinciall Councell held at Lyma 1421 Counsaile vsed among the Indians 1270 Countries vnhealthy 1360 Countries very healthy 1274 Countries vnknowne and description of them 1383 1334 Cowab a Mountaine 1271 Cowardlinesse of the Indians 1154 Cowardlinesse of the Master of the Ree-Bucke in Brasile 1197 Cozco the Imperiall City of Peru the opinion the Inhabitants have of it the admir able Temple of the Sunne in it rich hangings images profuse ornaments Chappels roofes plates gardens heapes all Church-instruments in gold their priests and charinesse of their Temple 1464 1465. Their divers Monasteries their riches manner in mariages care of Infants 1457. Their super stition feasts braverie fasts solemn feasts for the Sunne 1472. Their adoration sacrifices solemnized at the rising thereof holy fire festivall eating drunkennesse 1473 Their sooth-saying ibid. Manner of creating Knights and Ceremonies 1474. Cozco also described with its situation fortification and splendour 1496 1497 Crabs on the land in great abundance 1172 1330 Ten or twelue sorts of Crabs 1315 Crocodiles by the Indians called Aligartos 1228. Their description and maner of fishing for them and bait ib. His Cods are muske ib. Crocodiles in America harmlesse and kept tame 1326. Crocodiles in great Scoules 1400. Saint Croix point and the countrey described 1611 1622 Crooroorere a Suppay towne in the Indies 1285 Crosses erected by the Spaniards in New-Spaine intoken of possession 1557 The Crozier a Starre neere the Pole antartick 1157 Crokemago a Province in Mawooshen neere the River Shawakotoc 1875 Cruelty is companion of cowardize 1395. And feare ibid. Requited in the Spanish Gouernour by the Indians 1449. Cruelty cruelly rewarded 1959 Cuba an Iland described 1147. It s want of fortification the chiefe Port Lahauana wherein is a castle of Spaniards 1415. The length and breadth thereof and the Christian townes thereof named 1529. The King commonaltie men women and sucking children how many murdered by Spaniards 1572 Cueremagbas Indians so called their nature strength courtesic and commodities 1351 Cueruo one of the Azories Iles taking its name from the multitude of Crows breeding in that place 1939 Cuigbe Indians 1299 Cuigtaio Brasilians so called 1299 Cuimechi warlike Indians that wander in droues in the mountains to seeke food 1561 Cuinao Province 1557 Cuinquiro a place in New Spaine 1557 Cuiseo Province taken by the Spaniards 1558 Culiazzon a Nation in the Indies 1527 Cultalculebes Indians of Florida 1519 Cumberlands first Voyage discovered 1141. The time when they set forth his ships and company ib. His arivall at Brasile 1142. Hee taketh foure Ships from the Portingall ibid. The hinderance of his Voyage for the South sea his disastrous losse of a Hulke men and goods his returne to England ibid. His second voyage his acts at Sluce the 88 service his company returne 1142 His third voyage ibid. His ariuall at Saint Michael and attempt there danger by a Fish ibid. Taketh a prize from the Spaniards the euasion of some of his men with a small Boat 1143. His surpriz all of Fiall a town in Tercera ibid. His losse of men and danger of his person ibid. His great want of drinke his clemencie and equity ibid. The number of his prizes taken in the voyage his returne 1144. His fourth voyage purchase losse returne for England ibid. His fifth voyage hindrances defeating retiring to London and committing the charge to Captaine Norton ibid. His gaines by the Portingal Carrack taken in that voyage 1145 1146. His sixth voyage purchases sicknesse returne ibid. The seuenth voyage ibid. The eighth voyage and the surprizo of a Carrack 1147. The ninth voyages successe 1148. The tenth voyage ibid. Eleventh voyage 1149. Twelfth voyage its preparation company and ships ibid. His meanes to get intelligence ill successe of his plot 1150. Ariues at the Canaries 1151. His care and government of his company 1151. His discreetnesse and guidance by reason 1152. His proiects ibid. His ariuall at Dominica and entertainment ibid. His comming to Port-Ricco 1153 1160. To the Canaries 1155. His perill at the assault of Port-Ricco 1161. Besicging Fort-Mora his iustice severitie and taking the fortresse 1162 1163. Offers the ransoming of Port-Ricco departeth hence 1168 1169. Meetes with his Fleet by Flores 1176. His returne and danger on the coast of Normandie 1176 His vnfortunate missing the Spanish ships at the Azores where hee lost forty millions 1673. And others of fiue millions ibid. Cumana a towne 1186 1248 Cumpehe Brasilian Sauages so called 1299 Cunames Indians in New Mexico their townes and faculties of painting described 1561 Cunarreo
sands 1500 Curenda a populous Indian nation in the River Parana described their apparell ornament and commodities 1350 Cutes wrought by prayers 1515 Curewapori Ilands 1279 Curiadan a place in Trinidad the inhabitants called Saluages 1247 Curiapan a place neere Orenoque 1247 A Current in the Sea vnder thirty two degrees 1174 Currents that set East or West may breed mistake in Navigators ibid. Other vncertaine currents 1400 1373 A Current setting to the Northward in forty degrees 1759 Curucucu Snakes in Brasile of 15 spans long very venemous 1304 Curupija Indians of Brasile 1299 Cusco a place in the South Sea 1416. A Citie as bigge as Rome it hath in it a thousand Spaniards 1420 Customes of fishing of wonderfull gaine to the townes of Lubecke Hamborough and Embden 1837 Customes paiá yearely to the Prince of the Indians 1869 Cutifa-chiqui a Province in Florida 1537 Caynaccaro a Province 1558 D. DAinty a Ship of Sir Richard Hawkins fortunate in voyage for her Maiestie vnfortunate for the owners 1367 Dale viz Sir Tho Dales ariuali at Virginia 1733. His relation of the passages there and how the affaires stood An. 1614. p. 1768 seq His commendation 1770 Damarius Coue a place neere Munhiggen forty leagues from Plimouth in New-England North-east-ward 1856 Dancing distinguishing nations in the Indies 1480 Dancing of the Virginians 1687 1573 1574 Dariene a Sound in the Indies 1180 Sir Ber. Drake his ariue at the New-found-land 1883 Captaine Darmers fishing voyage his coasting the shore till hee came to Virginia his men fall sicke his returne to the New-found-land his discouerie of many fruitfull Coasts and pleasant Rivers from Hudsons River to Cape Iames. 1830 The prosperous successe hee had in pâ—â—curing a truce betweene vs and the Savages is treacherously betrayed wounded and flyeth to Virginia for succour and there dyeth 1831 Capt. Davies voyage to the South Sea 1191. seq His losse of Cap. Candish successe ibid. seq Accused for treacherie 1193 Candishes opinion of him 1194 Daycao a riuer in Florida 1554 Dayes of publike Thanks giving instituted in New-England 1867 Dayes length in New-England 1871 Dead not lamented by some Indians 1523 Deaws very vnhealthy to Englishmen and Indians 1250 Deere worshipped by some Indians 1479. Deere of severall sorts bringing forth two three or foure at once 1831. Decre good store in New-England and the manner of taking them 1845. Deeres-flesh dried in the winde food of the Indians 1881 Dermers resolution by letter of some passages in Virginia 1778 1779 Description of the King of Spaines invincible Armada 1897 De Todos los Santos a towne in the West Indies neere the line 1189 Dâ—vill consulted withall by â—he Indians of Wyâ—poco they call him Peyar 1263. As also Watupâ— who beatâ— them sometimes blacke and blew 1274. The Brasilians cal him Curupira Taguain Pigtanguâ— Machchera Anhanga they feare him much and think their soules after death are tured into Devils 1290 The Devils illuding wounding and tormenting the Savages of Florida 1516 1517. The Devill worshipped by New-Spaniards that is in Noua Hispania their delusion by him 1558. Temples built for him and an oratory made and meat given him by them of new Mexico 1561 The Divell forbids Baptisme to the Indians 1564 The deuils policy in keeping the Indians poore 1868. His try all of those which are dedicated to him ibid. His being worshipped by the Virginians his images feare and name of Oke 1701 Dyals how admired by the Virginian Savages 1708 Dâ—amonds in Brasile 1230 In Canada 1612. in New France 1611 Difference betweene Campe and garison Souldiers 1944 Diego Flores de Valdes a Spaniard sent with a Fleet to Brasile and the successe 1440 1441 Diego de Almagro the first Spanish discouerer of Chili 1475. The next Pedro de Maldiuia 1476 Discoveries of divers Ilands and Lakes in Canada 1614. seq A Discoverie of the English full of danger Discoveries proue best when least discouered 1955 First discoveries of America the new World by English and Spanish 1812 Diseases very strange 1191 1214 1258 Disorder the fore-runner of ill successe in Candâ—shes Fleet 1202 Disorder more weakencth the English then the enemy 1966 Dispâ—â—ations touching Spanish crueltie in the Indies 1601 1602 1603 Dissequebe an Indian River 1269 Dogs worshipped 1471. Ravenous dogs 1172. Terrible to the Indians 1327 1328 Great dogs that fight with Buls and carie fifty pound on their backe in hunting 1561 Dogs that devoure men first taught by Spaniards 1582 Dogs that cannot barke 1696 Dolphin described his loue to mankinde 1375 Saint Domingo 1146. The description riches and fortification thereof 1418 Dominica 1152. The inhabitants described with their brutishnesse 1685. The inhabitants hate the Spaniards loue the English their presents tradings and commodities ibid. Want of cloathes ornaments Canons Merchandise and red painting 1158. More copious description of the soyle woods mountaines towne wo 〈…〉 modestie King familiaritie of their maids chastitie desire of cloathes 1158 1159. Their common fare state meat haire desire to learne English 1159. Distinction of maids and wiues 1159 Dominica assaulted and taken by Sir Francis Drake 1182. Inhabited by Spaniards the sand of the Rivers mixed with gold great plenty of Roots and Sugar Canes 1833 Don Alfonso Perez de Guzman Commander of the Spanish Fleet in 88. 1901 Don Antonio de Mendoza his strife with Cortez for most discoveries and sending forth divers by sea and land for that purpose 1560 Don Diego de Pâ—mentell taken prisoner in Zeland 1911 Don Iohn of Austria defeated of his intended treachery to get to himselfe Mary Queene of Scots his wife 1893 Dos Patos a River in America 1218 Don Pedro and his company taken prisoners by Sir Francis Dâ—ake 1905 Douer-cliff-sound on the North of Virginia 1648 A Doue lighted on the Mastes of English Ships 1967 Dragnanes a certaine kind of Indians in Florida 1510 Drake viz. Sir Francis Drakes first discovery of the Southermost land 1391. His treacherous vsage by the Indians 1392. His expedition with a great Fleet 1434. His riches gotten by his voyages 1439 Sir Fraâ— Drakes original parentage education progresse first voyage surprising of the towne of Nombre de Dios 1179. His burning 200000 Duckets in Merchandize and protestation for the South sea 1180. His circumnauigation the opinion of his riches ibid. Which were sequestred to the Queen his voyage to Domingo company and ships ariues at Saint Iago and takes it 1181. His comming to Dominica and Saint Christopher 1181. Takes Saint Domingo 1182. And Cartagena ib. Fireth two Spanish fortresses ibid. His returne benefit losse of men ibid. His voyage at Calz his Fleet and Prizes ibid. Takes a Carrack 1183. His going for the Azores ibid. His last voyage His fellow Commissioner his taking Rio de la Hacha Rancheria Tapia S. Martha and Nombre de Dios his death successor and Fleets arivall at Plimouth 1183. His disagreeing with Sir Iohn Hawkins 1184. His comparison with him 1185. 1186. His buriall 1245. His clemency to