which by report haue lien there since Noes flood And thus proceeding forward the nineteenth day in the morning I came into a town called Yemps an hundred verstes from Colmogro All this way along they make much tarre pitch and ashes of Aspen trees From thence I came to a place called Vstiug an ancient citie the last day of August At this citie meete two riuers the one called Iug and the other Sucana both which fall into the aforesaid riuer of Dwina The riuer Iug hath his spring in the land of the Tartars called Cheremizzi ioining to the countrey of Permia and Succana hath his head from a lake not farre from the citie of Vologda Thus departing from Vstiug and passing by the riuer Succana we came to a towne called Totma About this place the water is verie shallow and stonie and troublesome for Barkes and boats of that countrey which they call Nassades and Dosneckes to passe that way wherein marchandise are transported from the aforesayd Colmogro to the citie of Vologhda These vessels called Nassades are very long builded broade made and close aboue flatte bottomed and draw not aboue foure foote water and will carrie two hundred tunnes they haue none iron appertaining to them but all of timber and when the winde serueth they are made to sayle Otherwise they haue many men some to hale and drawe by the neckes with long small ropes made fast to the sayd boats and some set with long poles There are many of thâ—se barks vpon the riuer of Dwina And the most part of them belongeth vnto the citie of Vologhda for there dwell many marchants and they occupie the said boates with carying of salte from the sea side vnto the sayd Vologhda The twentieth of September I came vnto Vologhda which is a great citie and the riuer passeth through the midst of the same The houses are builded with wood of Firretrees ioyned one with another and round without the houses are foure square without any iron or stone worke couered with birch barkes and wood ouer the same Their Churches are all of wood two for euery parish one to be heated for Winter and the other for Summer On the toppes of their houses they laye much earth for feare of burning for they are sore plagued with fire This Vologhda is in 59 degrees eleuen minutes and is from Colmogro 1000 verstes All the way I neuer came in house but lodged in the wildernesse by the riuers side and caried prouision for the way And he that will trauell those wayes must carie with him an hatchet a tinder bore and a kettle to make fire and seethe meate when he hath it for there is small succour in those parts vnlesse it be in townes The first day of December I departed from Vologhda in posse in a sled as the maner is in Winter And the way to Moscua is as followeth From Vologhda to Commelski 27 verstes so to Olmor 25 verstes so to Teloytske 20 verstes so to Vre 30 verstes so to Voshansko 30 verstes then to Yeraslaue 30 verstes which standeth vpon the great riuer Volga so to Rostoue 50 verstes then to Rogarin 30 verstes so to Peraslaue 10 verstes which is a great towne standing hard by a faire lake From thence to Dowbnay 30 versâ—es so to Godoroke 30 verstes so to Owchay 30 verstes and last to the Mosco 25 verstes where I arriued the sixt day of December There are 14 postes called Yannes betweene Vologhda and Mosco which are accompted 500 verstes asunder The 10 day of December I was sent for to the Emperors Castle by the sayd Emperour and deliuered my letters vnto the Secretary who talked with me of diuers matters by the commandement of the Emperour And after that my letters were translated I was answered that I was welcome and that the Emperour would giue me that I desired The 25 day being the day of the natiuitie I came into the Emperors presence and kissed his hand who sate aloft in a goodly chaire of estate hauing on his heade a crowne most richly decked and a staffe of gold in his hand all apparelled with golde and garnished with precious stones There sate distant from him about two yardes his brother and next vnto him a boy of twelue yeares of age who was inheritor to y e Emperor of Casan conquered by this Emperor 8 yeares past Then sate his nobilitie round about him richly apparelled with gold and stone And after I had done obeisance to the Emperour he with his own mouth calling me by my name bade me to dinner and so I departed to my lodging till dinner time which was at sixe of the clocke by candle light The Emperour dined in a fayre great hall in the midst whereof was a pillar foure square very artificially made about which were diuers tables set and at the vppermost part of the hall sate the Emperour himselfe at his table sate his brother his Uncles sonne the Metropolitane the young Emperour of Casan and diuers of his noble men all of one side There were diuers Ambassadors other strangers as well Christians as heathens diuersly apparelled to the number of 600 men which dined in the sayd hall besides 2000 Tartars men of warre which were newly come to render themselues to the Emperour were appointed to serue him in his wars against the Lieflanders but they dined in other hals I was set at a litle table hauing no stranger with me directly before the Emperors face Being thus set and placed the Emperour sent me diuers bowles of wine and meade many dishes of meat from his own hand which were brought me by a Duke and my table serued all in gold and siluer and so likewise on other tables there were set bowles of gold set with stone worth by estimation 400 pounds sterling one cup besides the plate which serued the tables There was also a Cupbord of plate most sumptuous and rich which was not vsed among the which was a piece of golde of two yardes long wrought in the toppe with towers and dragons heads also diuers barrels of gold and siluer with Castles on the bungs richly and artificially made The Emperour and all the hall throughout was serued with Dukes and when dinner was ended the Emperour called me by name gaue me drinke with his own hand so I departed to my lodging Note that when the Emperour drinketh all the company stand vp and at euery time he drinketh or tasteth of a dish of meate he blesseth himselfe Many other things I sawe that day not here noted The 4 of Ianuary which was Twelftide with them the Emperour with his brother and all his nobles all most richly apparelled with gold pearles precious stones and costly furres with a crowne vpon his head of the Tartarian fashion went to the Church in procession with the Metropolitan and diuers bishops and priests That day I was before the Emperour again
of the yeere required to returne for England I desired pasport and post horses for money which was granted but hauing receiued my pasport ready to depart there came vnto our house there Osep Napea who perswaded me that I should not depart that day saying that the Emperor was not truely informed imputing great fault to the frowardnesse of the Secretary who was not my friend before whom comming againe the next day and finding the same Secretary and Osep Napea together after many allegations and obiections of things and perceiuing that I would depart I was willed to remaine vntill the Emperours Maiestie were spoken with againe touching my passage wherewith I was content within three dayes after sending for me he declared that the Emperours pleasure was that I should not onely passe thorow his dominions into Persia but also haue his Graces letters of commendations to forren princes with certaine his affaires committed to my charge too long here to rehearse whereupon I appointed my selfe for the voyage the 15 day of March the yeere aforesaid I dined againe in his Maiesties presence in company of an Ambassadour of Persia and others and receiuing a cup of drinke at his Maiesties hands I tooke my leaue of his Highnesse who did not onely giue me letters as aforesayd but also committed matter of importance and charge vnto me to be done â—hen I should arriue in those countreys whither I intended to go and hauing all things in readinesse for the same voyage I departed from the city of Mosco the 27 day of April 1562 downe by the great riuer of Volga in company of the said Ambassadour of Persia with whom I had great friendship and conference all the way downe the same riuer vnto Astracan where we arriued all in health the 10 day of Iune And as touching the situations of the cities townes castles and countreys aswell of Mahometans as also of Gentils adioyning to the same whereby I passed from Mosco vnto Astracan I omit in this breuiat to rehearse for that I heretoâ—ore haue declared the same most ampâ—y vnto you in my voyage to Boghar Thus being arriued at Astracan as is aforesayd I repaiâ—ed vnto the captaine there vnto whom I was commended from the Emperours Maiesty with great charge that he not only should ayd and succor me with all things needfull during my abode there but also to safeconduct me with 50 gunners wel appointed in two stroogs or brigantines into the Caspian sea vntil I had passed certaine dangerous places which pirats rouers do accustome to harme and hauing prepared my barke for the sea the Ambassador of Persia being before departed in a barke of his owne the 15 day of Iuly the yeere aforesayd I and my company tooke our voyage from the sayd Astracan and the next day at a West sunne passed the mouth of the said riuer being twenty miles distant lying next Southeast The 18 at a Southwest sunne we passed by three Islands being distant nine miles from the said mouth of Volga and Southsouthwest from thence sailing Southsouthwest the next day at a West by North sun we fel with the land called Challica Ostriua being foure round Islands together distant from the said three Islands forty miles From thence sailing the said course the next day we had sight of a land called Tuke in the countrey of Tumen where pirats and rouers do vse for feare of whom we haled off into the sea due East forty miles and fell vpon shallowes out of the sight of land and there were like to haue perished escaping most hardly then the 22 day we had sight of a goodly Island called Chatalet distant from the said Challica Ostriua an hundred miles the winde being contrary and a stiffe gale we were not able to seize it but were forced to come to an anker to the leeward of the same sixe miles off in three or foure fathom water being distant from the maine land to the Westward of vs which was called Skafcayl or Connyk a countrey of Mahometans about 〈◊〉 miles and so riding at two ankers a head hauing no other prouision we lost one of them the storme and sâ—a being growen very sore and thereby our barke was so full of leaks that with continuall pumping we had much adoe to keepe her aboue water although we threw much of our goods ouerboord with losse of our boat and our selues thereby in great danger like to haue perished either in the sea or els vpon the lee shore where we should haue fallen into the hands of those wicked infidels who attended our shipwracke and surely it was very vnlike that we should haue escâ—ped both the extremities but onely by the power and mercy of God for the storme continued seuen dayes to wit vntill the thirtieth day of the same moneth and then the winde comming vp at the West with faire weather our anker weyed and our saile displayed lying South the next day haling to the shore with a West sunne we were nie a land called by the inhabitants Shyruansha and there we came againe to an anker hauing the winde contrary being distant from the said Chatalet 150 miles and there we continued vntill the third day of August then hauing a faire winde winding Southsoutheast and sailing threescore miles the next day at a Southeast sunne we arriued at a city called Derbent in the king of Hircans dominion where comming to land and saluting the captaine there with a present he made to me and my company a dinner and there taking fresh water I departed This city of Derbent is an ancient towne hauing an olde castle therein being situated vpon an hill called Castow builded all of free stone much after our building the walles very high and thicke and was first erected by king Alexander the great when he warred against the Persians and Medians and then hee made a wall of a woonderfull height and thicknesse extending from the same city to the Georgians yea vnto the principall city thereof named Tewflish which wall though it be now rased or otherwise dâ—cayed yet the foundation remaineth the wall was made to the intent that the inhabitants of that countrey then newly conquered by the said Alexander should not lightly flee nor his enemies easily inuade This city of Derbent being now vnder the power of the Sophy of Persia bordereth vpon the sea adioyning to the foresaid land of Shalfcall in the latitude of 41 degrees From thence sailing Southeast and Southsoutheast about 80 miles the sixt day of August the yere aforesaid we arriued at our landing place called Shabran where my barke discharged the goods layd on shore and there being in my tent keeping great watch for feare of rouers wherof there is great plenty being field people the gouernor of the said countrey named Alcan Murcy comming vnto me entertained me very gently vnto whom giuing a present he appointed for my
sword and he tooke their city which was very mighty seated vpon the sea which is called Ceuta in their language Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris 1482 anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito de que el Rey muyto confiaua é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas é Fernam de Pina por secretario E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada que pera laa faziam per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento é foy delle com muyta honra recebida é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido De que elles trouxeran autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias é com tudo muyto ben acabado é ha vontade del rey se vieram The Ambassage which king Iohn the second king of Portugall sent to Edward the fourth king of England which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea 1481 taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second king of Portugall Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England Ruy de Sonsa a principall person and a man of great wisedome and estimation and in whom the king reposed great trust with doctor Iohn d'Eluas and Ferdinand de Pina as secretarie And they made their voyage by sea very honourably being very well accompanied These men were sent on the behalfe of their king to confirme the ancient leagues with England wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee and also to request him that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men were making by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased and they were receiued of him with very great honour and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed with publication thereof by the heralds and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary And hauing dispatched all things well and with the kings good will they returned home into their countrey A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 and by all circumstances and probabilities long before certaine English marchants and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours some arouas of packthreed sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Tenerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks in those dayes much vsed to die withall some quantity of sugar and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz and to remaine there as factours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne And here also I thought good to signifie that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd A description of the fortunate Ilands otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria with their strange fruits and commodities composed by Thomas Nicols English man who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands which are seuen in number wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more because I finde such variety in sundry writers and especially great vntruths in a booke called The New found world Antarctike set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet the which
the South parts of y e Ilands called De los Ladrones that is The Ilands of rouers or Islas de las Velas vnder 13. degrees and ½ in latitude Septentrionall and 164. degrees in longitude Orientall vpon the sixed Meridionall line which lyeth right with the Iland of Terçera From thence we helde our course Westward for the space of 280. leagues till we came to the point called El capo de Espirito Santo that is The point of the holy Ghost lying in the Iland Tandaya the first Iland of those that are called Philippinas Luçones or Manillas which is a countrey with fewe hilles with some mines of brimstone in the middle thereof From the point aforesayde wee sailed West for the space of eighteene leagues to the point or entrie of the chanell which runneth in betweene that Iland and the Iland of Luçon This point or entrie lieth scarce vnder 12. degrees All the coast that stretcheth from the entrie of the chanel to the point of El capo del Spirito santo is not very faire Eight leagues from the sayde point lyeth a hauen of indisserent greatnesse called Baya de Lobâ—s that is The Bay of woolues hauing a small Iland in the mouth thereof and within the chanell about halfe a league from the ende of the sayd Iland lyeth an Iland or cliffe when you passe by the point in the middle of the chanell â—hâ—n you haue fiue and twentie fathom deepe with browne sand there we found so great a streame running Westward that it made the water to cast a skum as if it had beene a sande whereby it put vs in feare but casting out our lead wee found fiue and twentie fathom deepe From the aforesayd entrie of the chanell North and North and by East about tenne leagues lyeth the Iland of Catanduanes about a league distant from the lande of Luçon on the furthest point Eastward and from the same entrie of the chanell towards the West and Southwest lyeth the Iland Capuli about sixe leagues from thence stretching Westsouthwest and Eastnortheast being fiue leagues long and foure leagues broad and as wee past by it it lay Northward from vs vnder twelue degrees and ¾ and somewhat high lande Foure leagues â—rom the aforesayd Iland of Capuli Northwestward lie the three Ilands of the hauen of Bollon in the Iland of Luçones stretching North and South about foure leagues distant from the firme lande halfe a league whereof the furthest Southward lieth vnder thirteene degrees In this chanell it is twentie fathom deepe with white sand and a great streame running Southeast we passed through the middle of the chanell From this chanell wee helde our course Southwest and Southwest and by West for the space of twentie leagues vntill wee came to the West ende of the Iland of Tycao which reacheth East and West thirteene leagues This point or hooke lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¾ In the middle betweene this Iland and the Iland Capuli there lie three Ilands called the Faranias and we ranne in the same course on the Northside of all the Ilands at the depth of of 22. fathom with white sand From the aforesayd West point of the Iland Tycao to the point of Buryas it is East and West to sayle about the length of a league or a league and an halfe we put into that chanell holding our course South and South and by West about three leagues vntill we were out of the chanell at sixteene fathom deepe with halfe white and reddish sande in the chanell and at the mouth thereof whereof the middle lyeth vnder 12. degrees and â—â— and there the streames runne Northward The Iland of Buryas stretcheth Northwest and Southeast and is lowe lande whereof the Northwest point is about three leagues from the coast of Luçon but you cannot passe betweene them with any shippe but with small foists and barkes of the countrey This shallowe channell lieth vnder twelue degrees and running thorow the aforesaid chanell betweene the Ilands Tycao and Buryas as I sayd before we sayled Southward about two leagues from the Iland of Masbate which stretcheth East and West 8. leagues long being in brâ—dth 4. leagues and lyeth vnder 12. degrees and ¼ in the middle thereof and is somewhat high land From the sayd chanell betweene Tycao and Buryas wee helde our course Westnorthwest for thirteene leagues leauing the Iland Masbate on the Southside and the Iland Buryas on the North side at the ende of thirteene leagues wee came by an Iland called Banton which is in forme like a hat vnder twelue degrees and â—â— when we had sayled the aforesayd thirteene leagues and eight leagues more on the South side wee left the Iland called Rebuiam which stretcheth Northwest and Northwest and by North and Southeast and Southeast and by South for the space of eight leagues being high and crooked lande whereof the North point lyeth vnder tweluâ— degrees and 2 3. and there you finde 35. fathom deepe with white sand From the aforesayd Iland of Banton Southward nine leagues there beginne and followe three Ilandes one of them being called Bantonsilla which is a small Iland in forme of a sugar loafe the second Crymara being somewhat great in length reaching East and West about two leagues the third Itaa or the I le of Goates hauing certaine houels By all these Ilands aforesayd you may passe with all â—ortes of shippes whereof the foremost lyeth Southward vnder twelue degrees and â—â— From the Iland of Bantonsilla or small Banton wee helde our course Northwest for the space of foure leagues to the chanell betweene the Ilands called de Vereies and the Iland Marinduque the Vercies lying on the South side vnder twelue degâ—ees and 3 4. which are two small Ilands like two Frigats and the Iland Marinduque on the North side vnder twelue degrees and 4 5. which is a great Iland stretching West northwest and Eastâ—outheast hauing in length 12 in bredth 7. leagues On the North side with the Iland Luçon it maketh a long and small chanell running somewhat crooked which is altogether full of shallowes and sandes whereby no shippes can passe through it The furthest point Westward of the same Iland lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and 1 4. It is high lande on the East side hauing the forme of a mine of brimstone or fierie hill and on the West side the land runneth downâ—ward at the point thereof being round like a loafe of bread in the chanell betweene it and the Vereies there are 18. fathom deepe with small blacke sand From the aforesayd chanell of Vereies and Marinduque wee helde our course Westnorthwest twelue leagues to the lande of Mindora to the point or hooke called Dumaryn lying full vnder thirteene degrees Fiue leagues forward from the sayde chanell on the South side wee left an Iland called â—sla del maestro del Campo that is The Iland of the Colonell lying vnder twelue degrees and 3 4. which is a small and flat Iland In this
course we had 45. fathom deep with white sand By this point or end of the Iland Marinduque beginneth the Iland of Myndoro which hath in length East and West fiue and twentie leagues and in bredth twelue leagues whereof the furthest point Southward lyeth vnder thirteene degrees and the furthest point Northward vnder thirteene degrees and 2 3. and the furthest point Westward vnder thirteene degrees This Iland with the Iland of Luçon maketh a chanell of fiue leagues broad and tenor twelue fathom deepe with muddie ground of diuers colours with white sande Fiue leagues forward from Marinâ—uque lyeth the riuer of the towne of Anagacu which is so shallowe that no shippes may enter into it From thence two leagues further lie the Ilands called Bacco which are three Ilands lying in a triangle two of them being distant from the land about three hundred cubits and between them and the land you may passe with small shippes And from the landâ— to the other Iland are about two hundred cubites where it is altogether shallowes and sandes so that where the shippes may passe outward about 150. cubites from the landeâ— you leaue both the Ilands on the South side running betweene the third Iland and the riuer called Rio del Bacco somewhat more from the middle of the chanell towardes the Iland which is about a league distant from the other the chanell is â—enne fathom deepe with mud and shelles vpon the ground the riuer of Bacco is so shallowe that no ships may enter into it From this Iland with the same course two leagues forward you passe by the point called El Capo de Rescalco where wee cast out our lead and found that a man may passe close by the lande and there you shall finde great strong streames and halfe a league forward with the same course lyeth the towne of Mindoro which hath a good hauen for shippes of three hundred tunnes Three leagues Northward from the same hauen lyeth the Iland called Cafaa stretching East and West being hilly ground From the sayde towne of Myndoro wee hâ—lde our course Westnorthwest eight leagues till wee came to the poynt or hooke of the sandes called Tulen lying vpon the Iland of Luçon which sande or banke reacheth into the Sea halfe a league from the coast you must keepe about an hundred cubites from it where you finde eight faâ—hom water muddie and shellie ground you runne along by those sandes North and North and by West for the space of two leagues till you come to the riuer called Rio de Anasebo all the rest of the coast called De los Limbones to the mouth or entrie of the Bay called Manilla which are foure leagues is sayled with the same course The Limbones which are Ilands so called are high in forme like a paire of Organs with good hauens for small shippes running along by the Limbones and two leagues beyond them on the South side wee leaue the Ilands of Fortan and foure Ilands more but the three Ilands of Lubao which are very low lie vnder 13. degrees and 1 3. and the Limbones lie in the mouth or entrie of the Bay of Manilla vnder 14 degrees and 1 4. From thence we ranne Northwest for the space of sixe leagues to the hauen of Cabite keeping along by the land lying on the West side where it is shallowe and is called Los Baixos del Rio de Cannas The shallowes of the riuer of Reedes all along this Bay in the same course there is from ten to foure fathom deepe Being by the point or hooke of Cabite then wee kept but an hundred paces from itâ— running Southwest southsouthwest and South vntill wee discouered the whole mouth or entrie of the Bay where wâ— might anker at foure fathom about two hundred cubites from the lande and then the towne of Manilla was two leagues Northward from vs. Chap. 2. The course and voyage of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen or roade of Manilla to the hauen of Macao in China with all the courses and situations of the places SAyling out of the hauen of Cabite lying in the Bay of Manilla wee helde our course Westwarde for the space of eighteene leagues to the point called El Cabo de Sambaâ—les and when wee were eight leagues in our way wee left the two Ilands Maribillas on the South â—ide and sailed about a league from them the point of Samballes aforesayde lyeth vnder foureteene degrees and 2 3. being low land at the end of the same coast of Luçon on the West side From the hooke or point aforesayde wee ranne North and North and by West for the space of fiue and twentie leagues about a league from the coast of Luçon to the point called Cabo de Bullinao all this coast and Cape is high and hilly ground which Cape lyeth vnder sixteene degrees and 2 3. From this Cape de Bullinao we helde our course North and North and by East for 45. leagues to the point called El Cabo de Bojador which is the furthest lande Northwarde from the Iland Luçon lying vnder 19. degrees The Cape de Bullinao being past the lande maketh a great crecke or bough and from this creeke the coast runneth North to the point of Bojador being a land full of cliâ—fes and rockes that reach into the Sea and the land of the hooke or point is high and hilly ground From the point of Bojador wee helde our course Westnorthwest an hundred and twentie leagues vnâ—ill we came to the Iland called A Ilha Branca or the white Iland lying in the beginning of the coast and Bay of the riuer Canton vnder two and twentie degrees hauing foure and twentie fathom browne muddie ground From the Iland Ilha Branca wee helde the aforesayde course of Westnorthwest for the space of sixteene leagues to the Iland of Macao lying in the mouth of the riueâ— of Canton and it maketh the riuer to haue two mouthes or entries and it is a small Iland about three leagues great Chap. 3. The Nauigation or course of the aforesayd Francisco Gualle out of the hauen of Macao to Newe Spaine with the situation and stretchings of the same with other notable and memorable things concerning the same voyage VVHen we had prepared our selues and had taken our leaues of our friends in Macao we set saile vpon the foure and twentieth of Iuly holding our course Southeast Southeast and by East being in the wane of the Moone for when the Moone increaseth it is hard holding the course betweene the Ilands because as then the water and streames run very strong to the Northwest wee trauailed through many narrowe chanels by night hauing the depth of eight or ten fathom with soft muddie ground vntill wee were about the Iland Ilha Branca yet we saw it not but by the height we knew that we were past it Being beyond it we ranne Eastsoutheast an hundred and fiftie leagues to get aboue the sands called Os
Baixos dos Pescadores and the beginning of the Ilands Lequeos on the East side which Ilands are called As Ilhas fermosas that is to say The faire Ilands This I vnderstoode by a Chinar called Santy of Chinchon and hee sayde that they lie vnder one and twentie degrees and 3 4. there it is thirtie fathom deepe and although wee sawe them not noâ—withstanding by the height and depth of the water we knew we were past them Being past As Ilhas fermosas or the faire Ilands wee helde our course East and East and by North for two hundred and sixtie leagues vntill we were past the length of the Ilands Lequeos sayling about fiftie leagues from them the said Chinar tolde me that those Ilands called Lequeos are very many and that they haue many and very good hauens and that the people and inhabitants thereof haue their faces and bodies painted like the Bysayas of the Ilands of Luçon or Philippinas and are apparelled like the Bysayas and that there also are mines of gold Hee sayd likewise that they did often come with small shippes and barkes laden with Bucks and Harts-hides and with golde in graines or very small pieces to traffique with them of the coast of Châ—na which hee assured mee to bee most true saying that hee had bene nine times in the â—mall â—lands bringing of the same wares with him to China which I beleeued to bee true for that afterwarde I enquired thereof in Macao and vpon the coast of China and found that hee sayde true The furthest or vttermost of these Ilands stretching Northwarde and Eastwarde lie vnder nine and twentie degrees Being past these Ilands then you come to the Ilands of Iapon whereof the first lying West and South is the Iland of Firando where the Portugals vse to traffique they are in length altogether an hundred and thirtie leagues and the furthest Eastward lieth vnder two and thirtie degrees we ranne still East and East and by North vntill we were past the sayd hundred and thirtie leagues All this information I had of the aforesayd Chinar as also that there I should see some mines of brimstone or fierie hilles being seuentie leagues beyond them and thirtie leagues further I should finde foure Ilands lying together which I likewise found as hee had tolde mee And that being in Iapon he sayd hee had there seene certaine men of a very small stature with great rolles of linnen cloth about their heads that brought golde in small pieces and some white Cangas of cotton which are pieces of cotton-linnen so called by the Chinars as also salte-fish like the Spanish Aâ—un or Tunney which hee sayde came out of other Ilandes Eastward from Iapon and by the tokens and markes which hee shewed mee I gessed whereabout those Ilands should bee and found them not farre from whence he sayd they lay Hee sayd likewise that all the Ilands of Iapon haue good hauens and chanels being a Countrey full of Rice Corne Fish and flesh and that they are an indifferent and reasonable people to traffique with and that there they haue much siluer Running thus East and East and by North about three hundred leagues from Iapon wee found a very hollowe water with the streame running out of the North and Northwest with a full and very broad Sea without any hinderance or trouble in the way that wee past and what winde soeuer blewe the Sea continued all in one sort with the same hollow water and streame vntill wee had passed seuen hundred leagues About two hundred leagues from the coast and land of newe Spaine wee beganne to lose the sayd hollow Sea and streame whereby I most assuredly thinke and beleeue that there you shall finde a channell or straight passage betweene the firme lande of newe Spaine and the Countreys of Asia and Tartaria Likewise all this way from the aforesayde seuen hundred leagues we found a great number of Whale-fishes and other fishes called by the Spaniards Aâ—uns or Tunnies whereof many are found on the coast of Gibraltar in Spaine as also Albacoras and Bonitos which are all fishes which commonly keepe in chanels straights and running waters there to disperse their seede when they breede which maketh mee more assuredly beleeue that thereabouts is a chanell or straight to passe through Being by the same course vpon the coast of newe Spaine vnder seuen and thirtie degrees and ½ wee passed by a very high and faire lande with many trees wholly without snowe and foure leagues from the lande you finde thereabouts many drifts of rootes leaues of trees reeds and other leaues like figge leaues the like whereof wee found in great abundance in the countrey of Iapon which they eate and some of those that wee found I caused to bee sodden with flesh and being sodden they eate like Coleworts there likewise wee found great store of Seales whereby it is to bee presumed and certainely to bee beleeued that there are many riuers bayes and hauens along by those coastes to the hauen of Acaculpo From thence wee ranne Southeast Southeast and by South and Southeast and by East as wee found the winde to the point called El Cabo de Sant Lucas which is the beginning of the lande of California on the Northwest side lying vnder two and twentie degrees being fiue hundred leagues distant from Cape Mendoçino In this way of the aforesayde fiue hundred leagues along by the coast are many Ilands and although they bee but small yet without doubt there are in them some good hauens as also in the firme land where you haue these hauens following now lately found out as that of the I le of Sant Augustine lying vnder thirtie degrees and ¼ and the Iland called Isla de Cedros scarce vnder eight twenty deg and ¼ and the Iland lying beneath Saint Martyn vnder three and twentie degrees and ½ All this coast and countrey as I thinke is inhabited and sheweth to be a very good countrey for there by night wee sawe fire and by day smoke which is a most sure token that they are inhabited From the poynt or hooke of Saint Lucas to the Southeast side of California wee helde our course Eastsoutheast for the space of 80. leagues to the point called El cabo de las corrientes that is the Cape of the streames lying vnder 19. degrees and â…” And running this course Northward about a league from vs wee sawe three Ilands called Las tres Marias that is to say The three Maries running the same course About foure leagues from the other Ilands there are other Ilands reaching about two or three leagues All this way from the mouth or gulfe of California aforesayd for the space of the sayd fourescore leagues there are great streames that run Westward From the point or Cape de las Corrientes wee ranne Southeast and sometimes Southeast and by East for the space of an hundred and thirtie leagues to the hauen of Acapulco In this
stony for so is all the countrey sand vpon stone like Arabia deserta and Petrea and full of blacke venemous lizards with some wilde beasts and people which be tawny Moores so wilde as they would but call to my Carauels from the shore who road very neere it But not desirous to make any longer aboad in this place by reason of the most infectious serenas or dewes that fall all along these coasts of Africa I caused my Master Abraham Kendall to shape his course directly for the isle of Trinidad in the West Indies which after 22. dayes we descried and the first of February came to an anker vnder a point thereof called Curiapan in a bay which was very full of pelicans and I called it Pelicans bay About 3. leagues to the Eastwards of this place we found a mine of Marcazites which glister like golde but all is not gold that glistereth for so we found the same nothing worth though the Indians did assure vs it was Caluori which signifieth gold with them These Indians are a fine shaped and a gentle people al naked painted red their coÌ„manders wearing crownes of feathers These people did often resort vnto my ship brought vs bâ—â—â—es hogs plantans potatos pinos tabacco many other pretie commodities which they exchanged with vs for hatchets kniues hookes belles and glasse buttons From this bay I fell downe lower to a place called Paracoa where I desired rather to ride because it was a coÌ„uenient place to water balast ground graue my Carauels Then I commanded al my men to lye on shore after I had caused to be made for them a little skonce like an halfe moone for their defence being iealous of the Spaniards of whose estate I could gather no certaintie till froÌ„ Margarita Antonie Berreo for his defence had gotten some 300. souldiers a greater number then I was able to encounter withall hauing then but 50â— men because my Carauels before their comming were sent away The Simerones of the yland traded with me stil in like sort And the Spaniards now prouided for me began to send messengers to me in kindnesse Notwithstanding though I had no reason to assault them because they were both poore strong yet for my experience and pleasure I marched 4. long marches vpon the yland the last from one side of the yland to the other which was some 50. miles going and comming through a most monstrous thicke wood for so is most part of the yland and lodging my selfe in Indian townes The country is fertile and ful of fruits strange beasts and foules whereof munkeis babions parats were in great abundance Being much delighted with this yland and meaning to stay here some time about discouering the maine right against the same the entrance into the empire of Guiana being shewed the discouery thereof by Captaine Popham who receiued the discouery of the saide empire froÌ„ one captaine Harper which being a prisoner learned of the Spaniards at the Canaries in the selfe same maner almost as sir Walter Ralegh very discreetly hath written The intelligence of Harper I conceiue the Captaine hath yet to shew in Spanish This discouery of Guiana I greatly desired yet least I should aduenture all occasions vpon it onely I sent my two Carauels from me the 17. day of February to try their fortunes in the Indies not appointing any other place to meet but England furnishing them with all the prouision that I could spare and diuiding my victuals equally with them knowing they were able to do more good in the Indies then greater ships The Carauels being gone I began to enquire priuately of the Sauages concerning the maine ouer against vs and learned that the names of the kingdomes ioyning to the Sea-coast were in order these The kingdom of Morucca the kingdome of Seawano the kingdome of Waliame the kingdom of Caribes the kingdome of Yguirie and right against the Northermost part of Trinidad the maine was called The high land of Paria the rest a very lowe land Morucco I learned to bee full of a greene stone called Tacarao which is good for the stone In Seawano I heard of a Mine of gold to be in a towne called Wackerew the Captaines name Semaracon Of Waliame I will speake last because therein I made most discouery The Caribes I learned to be man-eaters or Canibals and great enemies to the Islanders of Trinidad The kingdome of Yguiri I heard to be full of a metall called by the Indians Arara which is either copper as I could learne or very base gold In the high land of Paria I was informed by diuers of these Indians that there was some Perota which with them is siluer and great store of most excellent Cane-tabacco But lastly to come to Waliame it is the first kingdome of the empire of Guiana The great wealth which I vnderstood to be therein and the assurance that I had by an Indian mine interpreter of a golden Mine in a towne of this kingdome called Orocoa in the Riuer as he called it of Owrinoicke was much to be esteemed This Indian spake Spanish and whatsoeuer he knew he reueiled it to my selfe onely by a priuate interpreter not in words alone but offered vpon paine of life to be guide himselfe to any place that he spake of This discouery of the Mine I mentioned to my company who altogether mutined against my going because they something feared the villany of Abraham Kendal who would by no meanes go I then wanted my lost pinnesse and was constrained to send 14. men in my ship-boat for this discouery with most of the discreetest men in my ship gaue them their directions to follow written vnder mine owne hand They went from me and entred into one of the mouthes by the broken lands which riuer goeth vnder the name of the great Riuer Orenoque the foreland wherof was called Capulio bearing South by West wanting a fourth part from the point of Curiapan aforesaid being 4. leags distant They found the maine as China is reported full of fresh Riuers running one into another abounding with fish and a land aâ— woody seeming to haue great store of strange beasts and foules very populous They entred into a small riuer called Cabota the people named Veriotaus a courteous people The next riuer they passed was called Mana in the kingdome of Tiuitiuas where the king offered to bring a Canoa full of this golden oare and to this purpose sent a Canoa which returned and brought my men this answere that Armago Captaine of the towne of Orocoa and the Mine refused them but if they would come thither hee himselfe would make them answere Upon this my boat went and at his appointed place hee met them with some 100 men in Canoas and tolde them that by force they should haue nothing but blowes yet if they would bring him hatchets kniues and
armie of the Mongals came vnto the lande of Burithabeth the inhabitants whereof are Pagans and conquered the people in battell These people haue a strange or rather a miserable kinde of custome For when anie mans father deceaseth he assembleth all his kindred and they eate him These men haue no beards at all for we saw them carie a certaine iron instrument in their hands wherewith if any haires growe vpon their chinne they presently plucke them out They are also very deformed From thence the Tartars armie returned to their owne home How they had the repulse at the Caspian mountaynes and were driuen backe by men dwelling in caues Chap. 12. MOreouer Chingis Cham at the same time when he sent other armies against the East hee himselfe marched with a power into the lande of Kergis which notwithstanding he conquered not in that expeditioâ— and as it was reported vnto vs he went on forward euen to the Caspâ—an mountaines But the mountaines on that part where they encamped themselues were of adamant and therefore they drew vnto them their arrowes and weapons of iron And certaine men contained within those Caspian mountaynes hearing as it was thought the noyse of the armie made a breath through so that when the Tartars returned vnto the same place tenne yeeres after they found the mountaine broken And attempting to goe vnto them they could not for there stood a cloud before them beyond which they were not able to passe being depriued of their sight so soone as they approched thereunto But they on the contrary side thinking that the Tartars durst not come nigh them gaue the assault when they came at the cloud they could not proceed for the cause aforesaid Also the Tartars before they came vnto the said mountaines passed for the space of a moneth and more through a vast wildernes departing thence towards the East they were aboue a moneth traueiling through another huge desert At length they came vnto a land wherin they saw beaten waies but could not find any people Howbeit at the last diligently seeking they found a man his wife whom they presented before Chingis Cham and demanding of them where the people of that countrey were they answered that the people inhabited vnder the ground in mountains Then Chingis Cham keeping still the woman sent her husband vnto theÌ„ giuing theÌ„ charge to come at his command And going vnto them he declared all things that Chingis Cham had commanded them But they answered that they would vpon such a day visite him to satisfie his desire And in the meane season by blinde hidden passages vnder the earth assembling themselues they came against the Tartars in warlike manner and suddenly issuing forth they slewe a great number of them This people were not able to endure the terrible noise which in that place the Sunne made at his vprising for at the time of the Sunne rising they were inforced to lay one eate vpon the ground and to stoppe the other close least they should heare that dreadfull sound Neither could they so escape for by this meanes many of them were destroyed Chingis Cham therefore and his company seeing that they preuailed not but continually lost some of their number fled and departed out of that land But the man and his wife aforesaid they caried along with them who all their life time continued in the Tartars countrey Being demaunded why the men of their countrey doe inhabite vnder the ground they sayd that at a certeine time of the yeare when the sunne riseth there is such an huge noyse that the people cannot endure it Moreouer they vse to play vpon cymbals drums and other musicall instruments to the ende they may not heare that sounde Of the statutes of Chingis Cham of his death of his sonnes and of his dukes Chap. 13. BUt as Chingis C ham returned out of that countrey his people wanted victuals suffered extreme famin Then by chance they found y e fresh intrails of a beast which they tooke casting away the dung therof caused it to be sodden brought it before Chingis Cham did eat therof And hereupon Chingis Cham enacted that neither the blood nor the intrails nor any other part of a beast which might be eaten should be cast away saue onely the dunge Wherefore he returned thence into his owne land and there he ordayned lawes and statutes which the Tartars doe most strictly and inuiolably obserue of the which we haue before spoken He was afterward slaine by a thunder clap He had foure sonnes the first was called Occoday the second Thossut Can the third Thiaday the name of the fourth is vnknowen From these foure descended all the dukes of the Mongals The first sonne of Occoday is Cuyne who is now Emperour his brothers be Cocten and Chyrinen The sonnes of Thossut Can are Bathy Ordu Siba and Bora. Bathy next vnto the Emperour is richer and mightier then all the rest But Ordu is the seignior of all the dukes The sonnes of Thiaday be Hurin and Cadan The sonnes of Chingis Cham his other sonne whose name is vnknowen are Mengu Bithar and certaine others The mother of Mengu was named Seroctan and of all others most honoured among the Tartars except the Emperors mother and mightier then any subiect except Bathy These be the names of the dukes Ordu who was in Poland and in Hungarie Bathy also Hurin Cadan and Siban and Ouygat all which were in Hungarie In like maner Cyrpodan who is as yet beyond the sea making war against certaine Soldans of the Saracens and other inhabitants of farre countries Others remained in the land as namely Mengu Chyrinen Hubilai Sinocur Cara Gay Sybedey Bora Berca Corrensa There be many other of their dukes whose names are vnknowen vnto vs. Of the authoritie of the Emperour and of his dukes Chap. 14. MOreouer the Emperour of the Tartars hath a wonderfull dominion ouer all his subiects For no man dare abide in any place vnles he hath assigned him to be there Also he himselfe appointeth to his dukes where they should inhabite Likewise the dukes assigne places vnto euery Millenarie or conducter of a thousand souldiers the Millenaries vnto each captaine of an 100. the captaines vnto euery corporall of ten Whatsoeuer is giuen them in charge whensoeuer or wheresoeuer be it to fight or to lose their liues or howsoeuer it be they obey without any gainsaying For if he demandeth any mans daughter or sister being a virgine they presently deliuer her vnto him without all contradiction yea oftentimes he makes a collection of virgines throughout all the Tartars dominions and those whom he meanes to keepe he retaineth vnto himselfe others he bestoweth vpon his men Also whatsoeuer messenger he sendeth or whithersoeuer his subiects must without delay finde them horses and other necessaries In like sorte from what countrey soeuer tribute payers or ambassadours come vnto
wardens of our heires of the Cinque Portes which for the time shall be their Ports and liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. So also that the sayd Barons and their heires do vnto vs and to our heirs kings of England by the yeare their full seruice of 57. shippes at their costs by the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce or at the somounce of our heires We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haue Outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesayd in the same maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their monours in the countie of Kent And they be not put in any Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will and that they be free of all their owne wines for which they do trauaile of our right prise that is to say of one tunne before the mast and of another behind the maste We haue granted furthermore vnto the said Barons for vs and our heires that they for euer haue this liberty that is to say That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayde for the which they doe their seruice aforesayd and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardships and mariages in time past But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon the liberties and freedomes aforesayde and our grants following to them of our especiall grace of newe haue caused to be made sauing alwaies in al things our kingly dignitie And sauing vnto vs and to our heires plea of our crowne life and member Wherefore we will and surely command for vs and our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue all the aforesaid liberties and freedomes as the aforesaid Charters do reasonably testifie And that of our especial grace they haue outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their manours in the county of Kent And that they be not put in Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will And that they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our right price or custome that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste and of another tunne behinde the maste And that likewise for euer they haue the libertie aforesayde that is to say That wee and our heires haue not the wardships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayd for which they doe their seruice aforesaid and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships and mariages haue not had in times past But our aforesayd confirmation of their liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them of our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made Sauing alwayes and in all things our regall dignity And sauing vnto vs and our heires the pleas of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd These being witnesses the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holie Church of Rome frier William of Southhampton Prior pouincial of the friers preachers in England William of Valencia our vncle Roger of the dead sea Roger of Clifford Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum Master Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding Master Robert of Seyton Bartholomew of Southley Thomas of Wayland Walter of Hoptan Thomas of Normannel Steuen of Pennester Frances of Bonaua Iohn of Lenetotes Iohn of Metingham and others Giuen by our hand at Westminster the fourteenth day of Iune in the sixth yeare of our reigne The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third before Calice extant in the kings great wardrobe in London whereby the wonderfull strength of England by sea in those dayes may appeare The South fleete The Kings Shippes 25. Mariners 419. London Shippes 25. Mariners 662. Aileford Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Hoo Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Maydstone Shippes 2. Mariners 51. Hope Shippes 2. Mariners 59. New Hithe Shippes 5. Mariners 49. Margat Shippes 15. Mariners 160. Motue Shippes 2. Mariners 22. Feuersham Shippes 2. Mariners 25. Sandwich Ships 22. Mariners 504. Douer Ships 16. Mariners 336. Wight Ships 13. Mariners 220. Winchelsey Ships 21. Mariners 596. Waymouth Ships 15. Mariners 263. Lyme Ships 4. Mariners 62. Seton Ships 2. Mariners 25. Sydmouth Ships 3. Mariners 62. Exmouth Ships 10. Mariners 193. Tegmouth Ships 7. Mariners 120. Dartmouth Ships 31. Mariners 757. Portsmouth Ships 5. Mariners 96. Plimouth Ships 26. Mariners 603. Loo Ships 20. Mariners 315. Yalme Ships 2. Mariners 47. Fowey Ships 47. Mariners 770. Bristol Ships 22. Mariners 608. Tenmouth Ships 2. Mariners 25. Hasting Ships 5. Mariners 96. Romney Ships 4. Mariners 65. Rye Ships 9. Mariners 156. Hithe Ships 6. Mariners 122. Shoreham Ships 20. Mariners 329. Soford Ships 5. Mariners 80. Newmouth Ships 2. Mariners 18. Hamowlhooke Ships 7. Mariners 117. Hoke Ships 11. Mariners 208. SouthhaÌ„pton Ships 21. Mariners 576. Leymington Ships 9. Mariners 159 Poole Ships 4. Mariners 94. Warham Ships 3. Mariners 59. Swanzey Ships 1. Mariners 29. Iâ—fercombe Ships 6. Mariners 79. Patrickestowe Ships 2. Mariners 27. Polerwan Ships 1. Mariners 60. Wadworth Ships 1. Mariners 14. Kardife Ships 1. Mariners 51. Bridgwater Ships 1. Mariners 15. Kaertnarthen Ships 1. Mariners 16. Cailechesworth Ships 1. Mariners 12. Mulbrooke Ships 1. Mariners 12. Summe of the South fleete Ships 493 Mariners 9630 The North fleete Bamburgh Ships 1. Mariners 9. Newcastle Ships 17. Mariners 314. Walcrich Ships 1. Mariners 12. Hertilpoole Ships 5. Mariners 145. Hull Ships 16. Mariners 466. Yorke Ships 1. Mariners 9. Rauenset Ships 1. Mariners 27. Woodhouse Ships 1. Mariners 22. Strâ—khithe Ships 1. Mariners 10. Barton Ships 3. Mariners 30. Swinefleete Ships 1. Mariners 11. Saltfleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Grimesby Ships 11. Mariners 171. Waynefleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Wrangle Ships 1. Mariners 8. Lenne Ships 16. Mariners 382. Blackney Ships 2. Mariners 38. Scarborough Ships 1. Mariners 19. Yernmouth Ships 43. Mariners 1950. or 1075. Donwich Ships 6. Mariners 102. Orford Ships 3. Mariners 62. Goford Ships 13. Mariners 303. Herwich Ships 14. Mariners 283. Ipswich Ships 12 Mariners 239. Mersey Ships 1. Mariners 6. Brightlingsey Ships 5. Mariners 61. Colchester Ships 5. Mariners 90. Whitbanes Ships 1. Mariners 17. Malden Ships 2. Mariners 32. Derwen Ships 1. Mariners 15. Boston Ships 17. Mariners 361. Swinhumber Ships 1. Mariners 32. Barton Ships 5. Mariners 91. The Summe of the North fleete Ships 217. Mariners 4521. The summe totall of all the English fleete Ships 700. Mariners 14151. Estrangers their ships and mariners Bayon Ships 15. Mariners 439. Spayne Ships 7. Mariners 184. Ireland Ships 1. Mariners 25. Flanders Ships 14. Mariners 133. Gelderland Ships 1. Mariners 24. The summe of all the Estrangers Ships 38. Mariners 805.
Ruce no Christen man so oft of his degree In Granade at the siege had he bee At Algezer and ridden in Belmarye At Leyes was hee and also at Satalye when they were wonne and in the great see at many a Noble armie had hee bee At mortall battailes had he bin fifteene And foughten for our faith at Tramissen in listes thries and aye slayne his foe This ilke worthie Knight had bin also sometime with the lord of Palathye ayenst another Heathen in Turkie Written in the lustie moneth of May in our Palace where many a million of louers true haue habitation The yeere of grace ioyfull and iocond a thousand foure hundred and second The original proceedings and successe of the Northren domestical and forren trades and traffiques of this Isle of Britain from the time of Nero the Emperour who deceased in the yeere of our Lord 70. vnder the Romans Britons Saxons and Danes till the conquest and from the conquest vntill this present time gathered out of the most authenticall histories and records of this nation A testimonie out of the fourteenth Booke of the Annales of Cornelius Tacitus proouing London to haue bene a famous Mart Towne in the reigne of Nero the Emperour which died in the yeere of Christ 70. AT Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes Londinium perrexit cognomento quidem coloniae non insigne sed copia negociatorum coÌ„meaâ—u maxime celebre The same in English BUt Suetonius with wonderfull constancie passed through the middest of his enemies vnto London which though it were not honoured with the name and title of a Romane Colonie yet was it most famous for multitude of Marchants and concourse of people A testimonie out of Venerable Beda which died in the yeere of our Lord 734. proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffike and Marchandize not long after the beginning of the Saxons reigne ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo quarto Augustinus Britanniarum Archiepiscopus ordinauit duos Episcopos Mellitum videlicet Iustumâ— Mellitum quidem ad praedicandum prouinciae Orientalium Saxonum qui Tamesi fluuio dirimuntur à Cantia ipsi Orientalâ— Mari contigui quorum Metropolis Londonia Ciuitas est super ripam praefati fluminis posiâ—a ipsa multorum emporium populorum terra marique venientium The same in English IN the yeere of the incarnation of Christ 604. Augustine Archbishop of Britaine consecrated two Bishops to wit Mellitus and Iustus He appoynted Mellitus to preach to the East Saxons which are diuided from Kent by the riuer of Thames and border vpon the Easterne sea whose chiefe and Metropolitane Citie is London seated vpon the banke of the aforesayd riuer which is also a Marte Towne of many nations which repayre thither by sea and by land The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning safe trade of the English Marchants in all the Emperours Dominion This Offa died in the yeere of our Lord 795. OFfa interea Carolum magnum Regem Francorum frequentibus legationibus amicum parauit quamuis non facile quod suis artibus conduceret in Caroli animo inuenerit Discordarunt antea adeo vt magnis motibus vtrobique concurrentibus etiam negociatorum commeatus prohiberentur Est Epistola Albini huiusce rei index cuius partem hic apponam Nescio quid de nobis venturum sit Aliquid enim dissentionis diabolico fomento inflammante nuper inter Regem Carolum Regem Offam exortum est ita vt vtrinque nauigatio interdicta negociantibus cesset Sunt qui dicant nos pro pace in illas partes mittendos Et nonnullis interpositis Nunc inquit ex verbis Caroli foedus firmum inter eum Offam compactum subijciam Carolus gratia Dei Rex Francorum Longobardorum patricius Romanorum viro venerando fratri charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum salutem Primo gratias agimus omnipotenti deo de salute animatum de Catholicae fidei sinceritate quam in vestris laudabiliter paginis reperimus exaratam De peregrinis vero qui pro amore Dei salute animarum suarum beatorum Apostolorum limina desiderant adire cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant Sed si aliqui non religioni seruientes sed lucra sectantes inueniantur inter eos locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia Negociatores quoque â—olumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinium habeant in Regno nostro legitime Et si aliquo loco iniusta affligantur oppressione reclament ad nos vel nostros iudices plenam videbimus iustitiam fieri The same in English IN the meane season Offa by often legacies solicited Charles le maignâ— the king of France to be his friend albeit he could not easily finde king Charles any whit enclined to further and promote his craftie attempts Their mindes were so alienated before that bearing hauty stomacks on both parts euen the mutuall traffique of their Marchants was prohibited The Epistle of Albinus is a sufficient testimony of this matter part whereof I will here put downe I know not quoth he what will become of vs. For there is of late by the instigation of the deuill some discord and variance sprung vp betweene king Charles and king Ofâ—a insomuch that sailing to and fro is forbiddenâ— vnto the Marchants of both their dominions Some say that we are to be sent for the obtaining of a peace into those partes And againe after a fewe lines Nowe quoth he out of Charles his owne words I will make report of the league concluded betweene him and Offa. Charles by the grace of God king of the Franks and Lombards and Senatour of the Romanes vnto the reuerend and his most deare brother Offa king of the Mercâ—ans sendeth greeting First we doe render vnto almightie God most humble thankes for the saluation of soules and the sinceritie of the Catholique faith which we to your great commendation haue found signified in your letters As touching those pilgrimes who for the loue of God and their owne soules health are desirous to resort vnto the Churches of the holy Apostles let them goe in peace without all disturbance But if any be found amongst them not honouring religion but following their owne gaine they are to pay their ordinarie customes at places conuenient It is our pleasure also and commandement that your marchants shall haue lawfull patronage and protection in our dominions Who if in any place they chance to be afflicted with any iniust oppression let them make their supplication vnto vs or vnto our Iudges and we will see iustice executed to the full An ancient testimonie translated out of the olde Saxon lawes containing among other things the aduancement of Marchants for their thrise crossing the wide seas set downe by the learned Gentleman Master William Lambert pagina 500. of his perambulaâ—ion of Kent IT was sometime in
graciously affected vnto the Master generall which nowe is and vnto his famous Predecessour in due consideration of the premisses and in regard also of diuers other affaires which are at this present to be propounded vnto your Highnes the foresaid Master general which now is hath caused vs his messengers to be sent with letters of credence vnto your Maiestie humbly praying and earnestly beseeching your roial clemency that in times to come the said Master general his successors our whole Order may of your bounty most graciously obtaine the same fauour beneuoleÌ„ce and stedfast amity friendship which hath bin continued from the times of your foresaid predecessors in regard wherof we do offer the said Master of ours and our whole company vnto your highnes as your perpetual and deuote friends Notwithstanding most souereigne Prince certaine other things we haue to propound vnto your Grace in the name behalfe of our saide Master and Order by way of complaint namely that at certaine times past and especially within the space of x. yeres last expired his subiects and marchants haue sustained sundry damages and ablations of their goods by diuers subiects and inhabitants of your realme of England and that very often both by sea and land the which for the behalf and by the appointment of the Master general aforesaid of his predecessor are put downe in registers and recorded in the writings of his cities in the land of Prussia Of which parties damnified some haue obtained letters froÌ„ the Master-general that now is also from his predecessor vnto your renoumed grandfather K. Edward of famous memory and sundry times vnto your highnes also to haue restitution made for their goods taken from them whereby they haue nothing at al preuailed but heaping losse vpon losse haue misspent their time their charges both because they were not permitted to propound exhibit their complaints letters before your maiesty and also for diuers other impediments Certain of them also considering how others of their countriemen had laboured in vain fearing the like successe haue troubled the Master general very often with grieuous and sundry complaints crauing humbly beseeching at his hands that he would vouchsafe graciously to prouide for theÌ„ as his faithful loial subiects as touching the restitution of their losses especially seeing y t so much wealth of the English marchants was euery yeere to be found in Prussia as being artested they might obtaine some reasonable satisfaction for their losses Which thing the Master general aforesaid his predecessor also haue deferred vnto this present albeit to y e great losse of their subiects therby hauing meere principal respect vnto those special curtesies and fauours which your excellent Maiesty your worthy progenitors haue right graâ—iously vouchsafed vpon our Masters and Order neither yet for the iniuries aforesaid was there euer any maner of offence or molestation offered vnto any of your subiects noble or ignoble whatsoeuer Moreouer in the name behalfe of our foresaid Ma. general we do propound vnto your excellency by way of coÌ„plaint that in the yere last past 6. dayes after y e feast of the Ascension certain persons of your realm of England with their ships captains comming vnto the port of Flanders named Swen finding there amongst sundry other 6. ships of Prussia resident which had there arriued w t diuers goods marchandises and being informed that they were of Prussia their friends they caused them their ships to remain next vnto their owne ships protesting vnto them that they should in no sort be molested or damnified by theÌ„selues or by any other of their company that they would faithfully defend them as if they were their own people froÌ„ y e hands of their aduersaries for their farther security trust they deliuered some of their own men their standerds into our mens ships howbeit a while after being stirred vp bent far otherwise they took out of y e foresaid ships al kind of armors wherwith they were to gard defeÌ„d themselues froÌ„ pirats they deteined the masters of those ships not suffring them to return vnto their own ships coÌ„panies one also of y e said ships hauing taken al the goods out of her they coÌ„sumed with fire And within 3. daies after they came with one accord vnto y e abouenamed ships and tooke away from them all goods and marchandises which they could find and all the armour and weapons of the said ships the chestes also of the marchants of the ship-masters of other persons they brake opeÌ„ taking out money iewels garments diuers other commodities and so they inflicted vpoÌ„ them irrecouerable losses and vnkind grieuances And departing out of the foresaid hauen they caried 2. of the Prussian ship-masters with theÌ„ as their captiues vnto an hauen of England called Sandwich Who being afterward released were compelled to sweare that they should not declare y e iniuries offred vnto them either before your roiall maiesty or your hon Councell or your chaÌ„celor neither were they permitted to come on shore And being offred such hard measure when they made pitiful mones complaints vnto your foresaide subiects amongst other matters they spake on this wise vnto them Do you complain of iniuries losses offered vnto you Loe in your own couÌ„trey of Prussia there are English marchants goods sufficient go your waies home therfore recouer your losses taking two for one and in this maner they were left so departed Afterward returning vnto y e land of Prussia they their friends repaired vnto the Mast. general iointly and w t one consent making their complaint vnto him of the losses which had bin inflicted vpon theÌ„ by your subiects And prostrating theÌ„selues at his feet they all and euery of them made their humble sutes y t he would haue compassion on them as vpon his poore subiects regarding theÌ„selues their wiues children and pitying their distres and penury and that he would graciously procure some redresse for them And when he offred his letters vnto them wishing them to prosecute their cause before your highnes they answered that they were no way able to defray the expenses and that others who were in like sort damnified had laboured that way altogether in vain to no purpose beseeching him again and again that he would by another kind of means namely by arresting of your marchants and their goods procure theÌ„ restitution of their losses At length the Master general being moued by so many and so great complaints and by the molestation of his subiects caused albâ—eit full sore against his will a certaine portion of English marchants goods to be laid hold on and to be arrested in his cities of Elburg Dantzik and to be bestowed in sure places vntil such time as he might conueniently by his messengers propound and exhibit all and singular the premisses vnto your highnes And
beene accustomed in times past and from ancient times Also it is farther concluded and agreed vpon that all lawfull marchants of England whosoeuer shall haue free licence and authority with all kindes of shippes goods and marchandises to resorte vnto euery port of the land of Prussia and also to transport all such goods and marchandises vp farther vnto any other place in the sayde land of Prussia and there with all kindes of persons freely to bargaine and make sale as heretofore it hath from auncient times bene accustomed Which priuiledge is granted in all things and by all circumstances vnto the Prussians in England And if after the date of these presents betweene the sayd kingdome of England and land of Prussia any dissension or discorde which God forefend should arise then the foresayd souereigne prince and king of England and the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall are mutually by their letters and messengers to giue certificate and intimation one vnto another concerning the matter and cause of such dissension and discord which intimation on the behalfe of the foresaid souereigne prince king of England shall be deliuered in the forenamed castle of Marienburg but on the behalfe of the sayd right reuerend lord the Master generall such intimation shall be giuen in the citie of London aforesayd vnto the Maior of the said city that then such a denunciation or intimation being made the marchants of England and the subiects of the land of Prussia may within the space of one yeere next following freely and safely returne home with al their goods marchandises if at the least in the mean while some composition friendly league betweene the two forâ—sayd countreis be not in some sorte concluded And that all the premisses may more firmely and faithfully be put in due practise aâ—d execution on both partes for the strong and inuiolable keeping of peace and tranquillity and also for the full confirmation and strengthening of all the sayde premisses the three foresayd honourable and religious personages being by the said right reuereÌ„d lord the Master general appointed as coÌ„missioners to deale in the aboue written ordination and composition haue caused their seales vnto these presents to be put and the sayd ordination also and letter in the same tenour word for word and in all points euen as it is inserted into these presents they haue mutually receiued froÌ„ the abouenamed three ambassadours of the right soueraigne king of England vnder their seales Giuen at the castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our lord aforesayd vpon the twentieth day of the moneth of August And we therefore doe accept approue ratifie and by the tenour of these presents doe confirme the composition ordination concorde and treaty aforesayd In testimony whereof we haue caused these our letters to be made patents Witnesse our selues a Westminster the 22. of October in the thirteenth yeare of our reigne By the king and his counsell Lincolne The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia written vnto Richard the second king of England in the yeere 1398 for the renouncing of a league and composition concluded betweene England and Prussia in regard of manifold iniuries offered vnto the Prussians OUr humble commendations with our earnest prayers vnto God for your Maiestie premised Most renowmed prince and mighty lord it is not we hope out of your Maiesties remembrance how our famous predecessour going immediately before vs sent certaine letters of his vnto your highnesse effectually contayning sundry complaints of grieuances iniuries and losses wherewith the marchants of his lande and Order being woont in times past to visite your kingdome with their goods and marchandises haue bene contrary to their liberties and priuiledges annoyed with manifold iniuries and wrongs Especially sithens they haue beene molested in your realme being contrary to the friendly composition made and celebrated by the hono personages master Nicholas Stocket Thomas Graa and Walter Sibil in the yeare 1388 with the assistance of their coarbiters on our part and contrary to God and all iustice oppressed with manifold damages losses and grieuances as in certaine articles exhibited vnto our predecessors aforesayd it doeth more manifestly appeare In consideration whereof being vehemently moued by the damnified parties he humbly besought your highnesse by his messengers and letters for complement and execution of iustice About the which affayres your Maiestie returned your letters of answere vnto our sayd predecessor signifying that the sayd businesse of articles concerned al the communalty of your realme and that your highnesse purposed after consultation had in your parliament to send a more deliberate auswere concerning the premisses vnto our predecessour aforesayd Howbeit he being by death translated out of this present world and our selues by the prouidence of God succeeding in his roome and also long time expecting an effectuall answere from your highnesse are not yet informed as we looked for albeit the complaints of iniuries and losses offered vnto our subiects doe continually increase But from hencefoorth to prouide a remedie and a caueat for the time to come the sayd complaynt doeth vpon great reasons mooue and inuite me Sithens therefore in regard of the sayd composition neither you nor your subiects may be iudged in the empire and sithens plaine reason requireth that the one be not inriched by the others losse as vndoubtedly our subiects should sustaine great damage by the composition aforesayd by vertue whereof your subiects doe enioy all commodities in our lande and contrariwise our subiects in your realme haue suffered as yet sundrie wayes do suffer manifold discommodities losses and iniuries Wherefore most soueraigne prince and mighty lord being reasonably mooued vpon the causes aforesayd we doe by the aduise of our counsellers reuoke and repeale the sayd composition concluded as is aboue written together with the effect thereof purely and simply renouncing the same by these prefents refusing hereafter to haue either our selues or our subiects in any respect to stand bound by the vertue of the sayd composition but from henceforth and for the times heretofore also bee it altogether voide and of none effect Prouided notwithstanding that from the time of the notice of this denunciation giuen vnto the hono Maior of your citie of London for the space of a yeare next ensuing it shall be lawfull for all marchants of your kingdome whatsoeuer with their goods and marchandises to returne home according to the forme in the foresayd compoâ—ition expressed conditionaly thaâ— our subiects may euen so in all respects be permitted to depart with the safety of their goods and liues out of your dominions this present renunâ—iation reuocation and retractation of the order and composition aforesayd notwithstanding Howbeit in any other affayres whatsoeuer deuoutly to submit our selues vnto your highnesse pleasure and command both our selues and our whole order are right willing and desirous and also to benefite and promote your subiects we wil indeuour to the vtmost of our ability
the ambassadors of England and the messengers commissioners of Prussia met together at the towne of Hage in Holland the 28. day of August in the yere of our lord 1407. And there was a treaty between theÌ„ concerning the summe 25934. nobles and an halfe demanded on the behalfe of the sayd Master generall for amends and recompense in consideration of wrongs offered vnto himselfe and vnto his subiects of Prussia as is aforesayd Also the sayd Master and his Prussians besides the summe not yet declared in the articles which is very small are to rest contented and satisfied with the summe of 8957. nobles in lieu of al the damages aforesaid no times of paâ—ment being then assigned or limited but afterward to be reasonably limited and assigned by our sayd soueraigne lord the king Insomuch that our said soueraigne lord the king is to write his ful intention determination concerning this matter in his letters to be deliuered the 16. day of March vnto the aldermen of the marchants of the Hans residing at Bruges Otherwise that from thenceforth all league of friendship shall bee dissolued betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia Also it is farther to be noted that in the appointment of the summe next before written to be disbursed out of England this condition was added in writing namely that if by lawful testimonies it may sufficiently and effectually be prooued concerning the chiefe articles aboue written or any part of them that satisfaction was made vnto any of those parties to whom it was due or that the goods of and for the which complaint was made on the the behalfe of Prussia in the sayd articles did or doe pertayne vnto others or that any other iust true or reasonable cause may lawfully be proued alledged why the foresaid sums or any of them ought not to be payed that theÌ„ in the summes contained in the articles abouementioned so much only must be cut off or stopped as shal be found either to haue bene payd already or to appertaine vnto others or by any true iust and reasonable cause alleaged not to be due Neither is it to be doubted but for the greater part of the summe due vnto the Prussians that not our lord the king but others which will in time be nominated are by all equity and iustice to be compelled to make satisfaction Also at the day and place aboue mentioned it was appointed and agreed vpon that our lord the king and his liege subiects for the said 4535. nobles demanded of the Engliâ—h in consideration of recompense to be made for iniuries offered vnto the Prussians are to discharge pay the summe of 764. nobles which are not as yet disbursed but they haue reserued a petition to them vnto whom the sayd summe is due or if they please there shal be made satisfaction which will be very hard and extreme dealing Item that in the last assembly of the sayd ambassadors of England and messengers of Prussia holden at Hage made as is aforesayd for the behalfe of England there were exhibited anew certaine articles of iniuries against the Prussians The value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 1825. nobles and three shillings Item on the contrary part for the behalfe of the Prussians the summe of 1355. nobles eight shillings and sixe pence Item forasmuch as diuers articles propounded as well on the behalfe of England as of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans both heretofore and also at the last conuention holden at Hage were so obscure that in regard of their obscurity there could no resolute answere bee made vnto them and other of the sayd articles exhibited for want of sufficient proofes could not clearely be determined vpon it was appointed and concluded that all obscure articles giuen vp by any of the foresayd parties whatsoeuer ought before the end of Easter then next ensuing and within one whole yeare after to be declared before the Chancelour of England for the time being and other articles euidently exhibited but not sufficiently proued to be proued vnder paine of perpetuall exclusion Which being done accordingly complete iustice shall be administred on both parts Item as concerning the eleuenth article for the behalfe of the Prussians first exhibited which conteined losses amounting vnto the summe of 2445. nobles as touching the first article on the behalfe of England exhibited in the land of Prussia conteining losses which amouÌ„ted to the summe of 900. nobles after many things alleadged on both parts relation thereof shall be made in the audience of the king and of the Master generall so that they shall set downe ordaine and determine such an ende and conclusion of those matters as shall seeme most expedient vnto them Now concerning the Liuonians who are subiect vnto the great Master of Prussia IN primis that the Master of Prussia demaunded of the sayd English ambassadours at their being in Prussia on the behalfe of them of Liuonia who are the sayd Master his liege people to haue restitution of their losses vniustly as he sayth offered vnto them by the English namely for the robbing and rifling of three ships The value of which ships and of the goods contained in them according to the computation of the Liuonian marchants doeth amount vnto the summe of 8037. pound 12. shillings 7. pence Howbeit afterward the trueth being inquired by the sayd ambassadors of England the losse of the Liuonians exceedeth not the summe of 7498. pound 13. shillings 10. pence halfepeny farthing Item forasmuch as in the sayd ships on the behalfe of the sayd Master and of certaine cities of the Hans there are alleadged aboue 250. men very barbarously to be drowned of whome some were noble and others honourable personages and the rest common marchants mariners there was demaunded in the first dyet or conuention holden at Dordract a recompense at the handes of the sayd English ambassadors albeit this complaint was exhibited in the very latter end of al the negotiations informe of a scedule the tenor whereof is in writing at this present beginneth in maner following Cum vita hominum c. Howbeit in the last conuention holden at Hage as is aforesaid it was concluded betweene the ambassadours of England and the messengers and commissioners of the land of Prussia and of the cities of the Hans that our sayd soueraigne lord the king should of his great pietie vouchsafe effectually to deuise some conuenient and wholesome remedie for the soules of such persons as were drowned Item that our sayd soueraigne lord the king will signifie in writing his full purpose intention as touching this matter vnto the aldermen of the Hans marchants residing at Bruges vpon the sixteenth day of March next following Otherwise that from hencefoorth all amity and friendship betweene the realme of England and the land of Prussia shall be dissolued Neither is it to be doubted but that a great part of the sayd goods for the which they of
aforesaid in his kingdome of England it is concluded and agreed about the sayd 20. articles by the aforesaid ambassadors commissioners and procurators as in the acts pleas had and made before the sayd ambassadors commissioners and procurators and in the records made and written of and about the examination of such articles it is more at large contayned vnto the which the sayd ambassadors commissioners and messengers doe here in this place referre themselues of the which articles also some are receiued by the commissioners aforesayd and others are proroged vnto a certaine time vnder written euen as in the foresayd registers it is more fully contayned and put downe in writing As touching certaine other articles also exhibited a newe vnto the sayd English ambassadors in the land of Prussia being 16 in number whereof one is admitted the rest are proroged vntil a terme vnderwritten the same course is to be taken and obserued which was before appoynted and agreed vpon about the articles deliuered and exhibited vnto our foresayd souraigne lorde the king as is aforesayd Moreouer as touching the articles exhibited by the English ambassadours in the name and behalfe of their sayd soueraigne lord the king of England vnto the procuratours and commissioners of the foresayd lord the Master generall of the which some are declared already and the declaration of the rest is proroged vntill a certayne terme vndernamed euen as in the registers made of and vpon the examination of the sayd articles it is more manifestly prouided the same course is to be taken which must be obserued about the articles of the sayd lord the Master generall exhibited as well vnto the foresayd soueraigne prince in England as vnto his ambassadors in the land of Prussia euen as about the sayd articles it is before concluded And whereas on the behalfe of the citizens and marchants of the cities of Rij and Dorp and of other townes in the land of Liuonia many and great complaints haue beneâ— by way of articles exhibited and deliuered vnto the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia which for diuers causes could not as then be ended therefore it is concluded and agreed vpon betweene the ambassadours and the commissioners aforesayd that the saide citizens and marchants may in the towne of Dordâ—act in Holland vpon the first day of the moneth of May next ensuing at the which time and place the continuation and prorogation of all other articles not fully declared in the partes of Prussia shall be put in vre by themselues or their lawfull procurators make their appearance for the obtayning of a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation of all iniuries attempted against them then or at some other times within one whole yere next following and not afterward being effectually set downe and limited at the place aforesaid by the consent of the ambassadours and commissioners of either parte all lawfull impediments ceasing Prouided alwayes that the value and price of all wares goods and marchandises whereof the said citizens and marchants of Liuonia in their articles receiued by the sayde English ambassadours as is aforesayd doe make mention shall be iustly esteemed prized and approoued not by any of England or of Prussia or of Liuonia but by some other indifferent marchants of good credite valuing them at the true rate of marchants which such like marchandise would haue amounted vnto if at the time when they were taken they had bene to be solde at the town of Bruges in Flanders Forasmuch also as diuers and sundry Prussians who exhibited manifolde Articles of complaints being receiued by the said English Ambassadours at their abode in Prussia made not their personall appearance before the saide English Ambassadours in the lande of Prussia aforesaide The prorogation aboue-mentioned was made vnto the first day of the moneth of May and also it was agreed vpon vy the saide Ambassadours Procurators and Commissioners that the saide parties which had not appeared before shall haue libertie graunted them lawfully to make their appearance vpon the first of May aforesaide at the towne of Dordract either by themselues or by their Procurators and also to bring with them the letters testimonial and patents sealed with the seale of the saide Lord the Master generall he hauing first of all receiued sound and sufficient information from the cities whereof the parties plaintife are citizens of the damages and grieuances any way vniustly inflicted vpon them or any of them by the English to the end that they may there by articles conueniently declare and proue before the Ambassadours Procurators messengers and Commissioners of both partes the rate and value of their saide goods and that in so doing they may obtaine conuenient iust and reasonable restitution for all acts vniustly attempted against them then or at some other times effectually to bee set downe and limited at the foresaid place by the consent of the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts euen as it was aboue promised vnto the marchants of Liuonia But if they of Prussia last aboue-mentioned shall not vpon the first of May and at the place appointed for some cause make their appearance that then it shal be lawfull for them at anytime within one whole yeere next following to repaire vnto the lord Chancelor of England at the citie of London and to insinuate and declare vnto him their complaints before exhibited vnto the saide English Ambassadours in the land of Prussia or which complaints should haue bene deliuered at the foresaid terme and place or els the which were not then and there fully finished and dispatched and also by articles as is aforesaide to declare and proue the true worth and estimation of all damages and grieuances any wayes vniustly offered by the English vnto them or any of them to the ende that they may as it is aboue mentioned effectually receiue and also speedily and easily obtaine conuenient iust and reasonable reformation and satisfaction for al acts vniustly attempted against them which are contained in the complaints not as yet fully declared and finished Moreouer it is appointed and agreed vpon betweene the foresaide Ambassadours and Commissioners that the forenamed souereign Lord the said lord the Master general are to send and set forward their Ambassadours messengers and Commissioners vpon the first of May vnto the place appointed to treate parle agree and conclude about those affaires which shal then and there happen to be treated of and handled among them Furthermore betweene the often mentioned Ambassadours Procurators and Commissioners it is enacted and concluded that vnto all and singular lawfull statutes ordinations and prohibitions framed made and ordained by the saide lorde the Master generall in his land of Prussia or by his Proconsuls and Consuls and his gouernours of cities townes villages and of other places in the land of Prussia vnto the obseruation whereof aswell the subiectes of the said Master general as foreners and strangers are tyed and bound vnto the very same
and like marchants to buy sell together one of and vnto another euen as in times past namely in the yeere 1400. and before that time also they haue bin accustomed to exercise mutuall traffike and marchandiseâ— and to buy and sell. Also the saide William and Iohn agreed and consented that they themselues or some other perhaps to be appointed in this behalfe by their saide lord the king in their stead shall vpon the first day of the moneth of May next to come with the continuation of the dayes following at the towne of Dordract in Holland or vpon any other terme or termes then perhaps to bee limited competently satisfie and performe conuenient recompence vnto the saide common societie citizens people and inhabitants of the cities aforesaide and also of other cities townes and villages of theâ— Hans of and for all iniuries damages grieuances and drownings or manslaughters done and committed as they alleage against them deliuered and exhibited in written articles vnto the aboue named William and Iohn or els heereafter to bee deliuered and exhibited either by the same procurators or by some others which shall perhaps be authorized in their stead or by the messengers procurators and commissioners of other cities townes and places of the Hans in equall and like maner and forme euen as at the saide terme limited or then perhaps to be proroged there is appointed by the said William and Iohn reparation reformation and recompence vnto the inhabitants of Prussia and Liuonia for the iniuries damages and grieuances uniustly done and committed against them by the liege people and subiects of the saide soueraigne lord the king in the presence of the mightie lord the Master general of Prussia in his land of Prussia as in certain letters indented bearing date in the castle of Marienburgh in Prussia the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeere of our lord 1405. and being made and written about the reparation reformation and recompence of such like iniuries c. the tenour whereof ought here to be vnderstood as if it were inserted it is more manifestly contained It was furthermore promised by the said William and Iohn that they should not inforce nor compell the citizens people or inhabitants of the common society of the Hans or of the aboue named cities or of any other cities of the Hans aforesaid hauing receiued sufficient information of their dwelling and place of abode to more difficult or district proofes of their Articles of complaints alreadie exhibited and in the foresaide termes to come to bee exhibited then vnto the inhabitants of the lands of Prussia and Liuonia according to the forme of the Indentures aboue mentioned Moreouer the saide William and Iohn doe promise that so soone as they shall come into the kingdome of England and before the presence of their king they shall prouide that all and singular the priuiledges graunted vnto the marchants of the saide Hans by the renowmed kings of England and confirmed by the said Soueraigne lord the king that now is must according to al their contents be inuiolably obserued by the said soueraigne king and his subiects and also that from henceforth nothing is vniustly to be attempted vpon any occasion pretense or colour by the saide Soueraigne Prince and the inhabitants of the realme of England to the preiudice of the sayde priuiledges They shall prouide also that all things heretofore attempted and practised against the saide priuiledges shall by reasonable amendement and iust reformation vtterly be abolished But if after the date of these presents which God forfend within the space of the said one yere and seuen moneths prescribed any damages iniuries or grieuances in ships goods or persons should either by the English and the inhabitants of England be vniustly inflicted vpon the cities and marchants of the cities townes and places of the Hans aforesaid or by any marchants or others of the cities or townes of the saide Hans either vnto the English or vnto any of the inhabitants of that Realme vpon any fained pretense whatsoeuer all and singular the foresaide messengers commissioners ambassadours and procurators haue promised that all such damages iniuries and molestations so inflicted by them who shall offer and commit them must bee reformed and amended after the very same forme and manner that in the like case reformation reparation and amends of iniuries damages and molestations committed by the English against them of Prussia is to be performed according vnto a certaine clause contained in the letters aboue mentioned which beginneth Ceterum ne per c. In English Howbeit least that c. continuing vnto that clause Et vt praescripta omnia c. In English And that all the couenants aboue written c. It was also concluded betweene the foresaide messengers commissioners and procurators and with one generall consent agreed vpon that if from the first day of the moneth of May next to come within one whole yeere following some conuenient iust and reasonable reformation be not performed vnto the parties iniuried and damnified generally aboue mentioned in regard of their damages molestations and iniuries then within three moneths after the saide yeere bee expired the marchants of the Hans cities aforesaid are bound without any molestation perturbation and impediment whatsoeuer none other intimation or admonition being necessarie in this behalfe to auoyde and if no lawfull impediment shall hinder them to abstaine and depart from the Realmes and dominions of the said Soueraigne king of England with their marchandize and other goods bought or gotten within the space of the saide three moneths and also the English likewise in all respects shall auoide abstaine and depart from the territories and dominions of the Hans cities aforesaide Also it was promised by the saide William and Iohn that at the terme appointed namely vpon the first of May next following or at some other terme or termes then limited or to bee limited there must be made a due recompense and a proportionall satisfaction for all those persons of the land of Prussia Liuonia and of the cities townes and other places of the Hans who haue vniustly bene drowned and slaine by the English and that according to the tenour of a certain schedule written concerning a recompense to be had in regarde of the saide persons drowned and slaine and presented vnto them by Albertus Rode consul of the citie of Thoren and by the forenamed procurators and messengers of the cities aforesaid they must faithfully and effectually to the vtâ—ost of their abilitie indeuour for the obtaining of the saide recompense and amends In witnesse whereof these letters of Indenture remaining in the possession of the saide William and Iohn the messengers procurators commissioners of England aforesaid and left in their custodie by the aboue named procurators and messengers Henrie Rimarus Thedericus Simon and Iohn Sotebotter of their certaine knowledge and assurance and for the full confirmation and testimonie of al the premisses the foresaid procurators
clothes namely of skarlet and cloth died in grayne and of other clothes of assise which were by them to be caried out of the realme of England euen as by their foresaid Charter in doeth more plainly appeare and whereas our soueraigne lord the king that now is ratifying and confirming the saide charter and being willing that they shoulde haue more especiall fauour shewed vnto them granted vnto them by their Charter that the said marchants should be exempted and freed from all custome and imposition of small clothes as in pieâ—es and in narrow clothes which were not of assise and in such other clothes of like qualitie yet of late the Customers of our Lorde the King that nowe is not allowing their saide speciall Charter so graunted vnto the marchants aforesaid do compel them to pay for straight clothes and for pieces of clothes which are not of assise together with other demands particularly seuerally made as great custome as if the clothes were full ouâ— of assise Moreouer also of late the customers of the smal or pety custome of the subsidie doe demand of them custome for kersey-clothes equal vnto the custome of those clothes that be of ful assise whereas the foresaid marchants were noâ— wont to pay for those kerseys by vertue of their Charter but onely according to the worth of ech pound of siluer as namely for other goods which are of golde weight to the great hinderance of the foresaid parties and against the manifest graunt of our soueraigne Lord the king as it appeareth in the said speciall Charter Item the said marchants alleage that they are priuiledged by their Charter if they pay custome and subsidy for their goods in the behalfe of our lord the king at any port of England where those goods haue arriued and afterward would transport the saide goods or any part of them vnto any other port within the realme aforesaid that then they should be quite released from paying of any other custome for the same goods if they bring a warrant that they haue paide the saide custome as is aforesaide Of late it fortuned that a certaine man of their socieâ—â—e named Nicholas Crossehaire being a marchant of the lande of Prussia immediatly after the concord was concluded betwene the English and the Prussians brought vnto the towne of Sandwich a shippe laden with bow-sâ—aues and other marchandize and there well and truely paide the custome of our lord the king for all his wares and selling there part of the same goods he afterward transported parcel thereof in a small barke vnto London there to be solde and caried a warrant also with him that he had at Sandwich paid the custome due vnto our lord the king yet the said warrant notwithstanding the customers of the pety custome subsidy of London came demanded custome of him at another time coÌ„trary to reason against the tenor of their charter and the said Nicholas offred pledges vnto them yea euen ready mâ—ney downe into their hands vntil the question were discussed and determined whether he should pay new custome or no but this they would not doâ— Then the said Nicholas brought a brief from our lord the king to get himselfe discharged from paying the said custome and for all that the foresaid customers would not as yet haue regard vnto him but kept the said goods within shipboord vpoÌ„ the riuer of Thames for the space of 15. dayes vntil he had paid another custom to the great losse of the said Nicholas for that which he sold first at Sandwich to be deliuered at London for seuen nobles he could not afterward haue for it aboue foure nobles and yet so was it solde by reason of the harme which his wares had taken by lying so long vpon the water contrary to the tenor of their Charter IteÌ„ the said marchants do alleage that another of their company called Peter Hertson bought at Bristow certain clothes laded the same in a ship to be transported for Prussia for the which he truely paide at Bristow the customs subsidies due vnto our soueraign lord the king which ship with the foresaid goods arriuing at London the customers of the pety-custome and of the subsidie there would not permit the said ship with the goods to passe vnto the parts aforesaid vntil the said Peter had paid another custome for the same goods the warrant which he brought with him notwithstanding to his great hinderance and contrary to the tenour of their Charter IteÌ„ pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants alleage that wheras euery marchant bringing wares into the realm was wont to haue a schedule wherein his name was written for a specification certificat of the quantity of his goods in the said schedule to be found at the arriual of the ship without paying therfore ought at all of late the customers of the pety custome do compel theÌ„ to pay for ech mans name written a peny at y e arriual of their goods out of euery ship wherein the said goods are found what commodities marchandize soeuer they be whenas notwithstanding if there be a chest or any other smal matter there should not therfore be any custome due vnto our lord the king nor any receiued vnto his Maiesties vse In like maner do the customers of the subsidy deale Wheras also the foresaid marchants were not wont to pay for a cocket for the conueyance transportation of their goods out of the realme albeit many names were written therein more then 4.d of late the customers of the pety custom do compel them to pay for euery name contained in the same cocket 4.d and in like sort do the customers of the saide subsidy deale Which contribution in a yere extendeth it self vnto a great summe to the vnknown preiudice of our lord the king more then any man could suppose for the customers enioy their tees and commodities from his Maiestie that they may doe him faithfull seruice and likewise to the great damage of the said marchants IteÌ„ pitifully complaining the said marchants do alleage that they are constrained to pay for subsidy sometime 12.d and somtime 6.d in the pound contrary to the tenor of their charter and yet notwithstanding when their marchandize commeth to the wharf the customers prolong delay the time 3. or 4. weeks before they wil take custome for their goods in the which space other marchants sel their goods the customers not regarding whether the goods aforesaid take weâ— or no to the great damage aswel of our lord the king as of the said marchants because if they had quicke dispatch they mighâ— pay custome vnto his Maiestie oftner then they doe Item the said marchants doe farther alleage that the customers of the petiâ— custome and of the subsidie in the port of London haue appointed among themselues certaine men to seale vp the goods of the saide marchants so soon as they are arriued at the port of safetie vntil the said
by the saide gouernour as is saide may take their wages for their paines attendances vpon the said marchants according to the custome of the said countreis and as they haue bene accustomed to take of the said marchants before these presents by vs giuen and graunted And hereupon we haue giuen and doe giue expresse charge and commandement by vs and in our names to all our said subiects common marchants and mariners and to euery of them which shall frequent come remaine passe repaire or inhabite within the countreis aforesaid that they shall not make contract or bargaine sell or buy nor shall not cause any contract or bargaâ—ne to be made nor in the said countreis sell or buy any maner of wares goods or marchandises secretely nor openly by way of fraude barat or deceite whatsoeuer with any person or persons of what estate countrey or condition soeuer they be without he hath some of the said brokers at the bargain making to present report and to testifie the said contracts or bargains before the said gouernor or others if need require and strife or contention should grow therof betweene them nor to packe or cause to be packed any goods or marchandises belonging vnto them in packs bales or fardels coffers chests maunds dryfats or rowles without hauing some deputy present thereat nor to take or cause to be taken or set on worke in the said countreis any other brokers alnagers weighers folders or packers then the aforesaid so chosen admitted established and ordained by the saide gouernor hereto authorized in our name as it is said vnder paine of falling into and incurring of our displeasure and of forfeiture and confiscation of all such goods wares and marchandises which shal be found to haue passed by other hands or order then that or those which are before mentioned the fourth part of which forfeitures and confiscations shall be imployed to the repairing and maintenance of two chappels founded to the honour of Saint Thomas of Canterburie by our saide subiects in the townes of Bruges in Flanders and of Middleborough in Zeland the other fourth part to vs our vse the third fourth part to our said cousin of Burgundie or the natural Lord of the countrey wherein the saide goâ—ds shall be found and the fourth fourth part to him or them which shall discouer detect or finde out the saide fraude And also that none of our said subiects shall vnlade or cause to be vnladen vnder any colour nor otherwise nor vnpacke in the countreis abouesaide no kind of wares goods nor marchandises whatsoeuer which they shall bring or cause to bee brought into the couutreyes aforesaide comming out of our countrâ—yes dominions or obeysance without first and beforehand they make the gouernour or his deputies acquainted with their arriuall and craue leaue and deliuer shewe and declare their cockets that it may duely appeare that the saide goods and marchandises haue truly and lawfully payde vnto vs our rights and customes and not to vnpacke them but in the presence of the saide gouernour his lieuetenants or deputies vpon paine of forfaiture and confiscation of the saide goods in maner and forme before declared in the foresaide article And if it bee found by the visitation of the saide gouernor his lieuetenants or deputies that any goods wares or marchandises whatsoeuer be arriued and discharged in the countreis aforesaid belonging to our saide subiectes not lawfully customed and acquited towarde vs of our right and custome for which they cannot nor are not able to make any due proofe of our letters of coquet as is metioned or if they finde any other fraud we will we ordaine and we grant that the sayd gouernour his lieutenants or deputies may seaze vpon the sayd goods on our behalfe and may confiscate and forfeit the same distributing the same into foure parts in maner aforesayd And also wee will that euery one of the sayd packes fardels baskets maunds cofers tunnes bales roules and other furnitures and geare wherein the sayd marchandises shal be packed to be sent out of the said countreis shall not be laden vpon ships carts nor horses to come into our dominion without being first sealed with a seale ordayned by vs and giuen by the sayd gouernour vpon paine to be forfayted applyed and confiscated to vs and into our hand if they be found vnsigned and not sealed with the seale And for euery piece of marchandise which shall be sealed with the sayd seale they shall pay to the sayd sealer two pence of grosse money of Flanders which shall goe to the profite of the sayd gouernour And forasmuch as according to right and conscience we ought not to vse the labour trauels nor seruice of any man without waging paying and fully contenting him according to reason and equity especially when we doe appoint any person or persons to doe or cause to be done so great trauels labours busines and executions as these which are contayned in this present charter aswell for the benefit and profit of vs and our selues as for the holesome perfect good gouernment of our sayd subiects we by the good aduise and deliberation of the sayd lords of our priuie counsell haue granted and giuen and as before doe grant and giue of our sayd grace to the sayd William Obray our sayd seruant and gouernour abouenamed during our pleasure for part of his wages and fee of the sayd office one pennie of our money of England of the value of a liuer of grosse money of Flanders vpon al and singuler the goods wares and marchandises of our sayd subiects frequenting the sayd countreis to be leuyed gathered receiued and payed vnto the sayd William Obray or to his deputies vpon the sayd wares and marchandises belonging vnto our sayd said subiects buying and selling or which they shall cause to sell buy put away trucke or exchange in the countreys abouesaid aswell of the goods and marchandises which they shall bring or cause to be brought into the sayd countries as of all other goods which they shall lade and carie or cause to bee caried and conueyed out of those countreis into our dominion or elsewhere into any other part whatsoeuer And to cause the same to be gathered receiued leauied and payed we haue giuen and by these presents doe giue full power and speciall authoritie vnto the sayd William Obray and to his lieutenants and deputies aforesayd to leauy gather and cause to bee leauied and receiued the sayd money in forme and maner aboue mentioned to his profite and vse during our pleasure and to enioy and vse the same as his proper goods without any contradiction constraining and arresting if neede bee as well on land as on the water our said subiects their sayd goods and euery of them by way of law and iustice and to cause them to yeelde and pay the sayd money vpon the said goods and marchandises as is aforesayd For such is our pleasure and so will we haue it done without contradiction
places at their pleasure and liberty by sea land or fresh waters may depart and exercise all kinde of merchandizes in our empire and dominions and euery part thereof freely and quietly without any restraint impeachment price exaction prest straight custome â—oll imposition or subsidie to be demanded taxed or paid or at any time hereafter to be demaÌ„ded taxed set leuied or inferred vpon them or any of them or vpon their goods ships wares marchandizes and things of for or vpon any part or parcell thereof or vpon the goods ships wares merchandizes and things of any of them so that they shall not need any other safe conduct or licence generall ne speciall of vs our heires or successours neither shall be bound to aske any safe conduct or licence in any of the aforesaid places subiect vnto vs. 2 Item we giue and graunt to the said marchants this power and liberty that they ne any of them ne their goods wares marchandizes or things ne any part thereof shal be by any meanes within our dominions landes countreyes castles townes villages or other place or places of our iurisdiction aâ— any time heereafter attached staied arrested ne disturbed for anie debt duetie or other thing for the which they be not principall debters or sureties ne also for any offence or trespasse committed or that shall be committed but onely for such as they or any of them shall actually commit and the same offences if any such happen shall bee by vs onely heard and determined 3 Item we giue and graunt that the said Marchants shal and may haue free libertie power and authoritie to name choose and assigne brokers shippers packers weighers measurers wagoners and all other meet and necessary laborers for to serue them in their feat of marchandises and minister and giue vnto them and euery of them a corporall othe to serue them well and truely in their offices and finding them or any of them doing contrary to his or their othe may punish and dismisse them and from time to time choose sweare and admit other in their place or places without contradiction let vexation or disturbance either of vs our heires or successors or of any other our Iustices officers ministers or subiects whatsoeuer 4 Item we giue and graunt vnto the saide Marchants and their successours that such person as is or shal be commended vnto vs our heires or successors by the Gouernour Consuls and assistants of the said fellowship restant within the citie of London within the realme of England to be their chiefe Factor within this our empire and dominions may and shal haue ful power and authoritie to gouerne and rule all Englishmen that haue had or shall haue accesse or repaire in or to this said Empire and iurisdictions or any part thereof and shal and may minister vnto them and euery of them good iustice in all their causes plaints quarrels and disorders betweene them moued and to be moued and assemble deliberate consult conclude define determine and make such actes and ordinancesâ— as he so commended with his Assistants shall thinke good and meete for the good order gouernment and rule of the said Marchants and all other Englishmen repairing to this our saide empire and dominions or any part thereof and to set and leuie vpon all and euery Englishmenâ— offender or offenders of such their acts and ordinances made and to be made penalties and mulâ—ts by fine or imprisonment 5 Item if it happen that any of the saide Marchants or other Englishman as one or more doe rebell against such chiefe Factor or Factors or his or their deputies and will not dispose him or themselues to obey them and euery of them as shall appertaine if the saide Rebels or disobedients doe come and bee founde in our saide Empire and iurisdictions or any part and place thereof then wee promise and graunt that all and euery our officers ministers and subiects shall effectually ayde and assist the saide chiefe Factour or Factours and their deputies and for their power shall really woorke to bring such rebell or disobedient rebels or disobedients to due obedience And to that intent shall lende vnto the same Factour or Factours and their deputies vpon request therefore to be made prisons and instruments for punishments â—rom time to time 6 Item we promise vnto the saide Marchants and their successours vpon their request to exhibite and doe vnto them good exact and fauourable iustice with expedition in all their causes and that when they or any of them shall haue accesse or come to or before any of our Iustices for any their plaints mooued and to bee mooued betweene any our subiects or other stranger and them or any of them that then they shal be first and forthwith heard as soon as the party whâ—ch they shal find before our Iustices shal be depeached which party being heard forthwith and assoone as may be the said English marchants shall be ridde and dispatched And if any action shall be moued by or against any of the said Marchants being absent out of our saide empire and dominions then such Marchants may substitute an â—tturney in all and singular his causes to be followed as need shall require and as shall seeme to him expedient 7 Item wee graunt and promise to the saide Marchants and to their successours that if the same Marchants or â—ny of them shall bee wounded or which God forbid slaine in any part or place of our Empire or dominions then good information thereof giuen Wee and our Iustices and other officers shall execute due correction and punishment without delay according to the exigence of the case so that it shall bee an example to all other not to commit the like And if it shall chaunce the factors seruants or ministers of the saide Marchants or any of them to trespasse or offende whereby they or any of them shall incurre the danger of death or punishment the goods wares marchandizes and things of their Masters shall not therefoore bee forfaited confiscated spoiled ne seised by any meanes by vs our heires or successours or by any our officers ministers or subiects but shall remaine to their vse franke free and discharged from all punishment and losse 8 Item we graunt that if any of the English nation be arrested for any debt he shal not be laid in prison so farre as he can put in sufficient suretie and pawne neither shall any sergeant or officer leade them or any of them to prison before he shall haue knowen whether the chiefe Factor or factors or their deputies shal be sureties or bring in pawne for such arrested then the officers shal release the partie and shall set hâ—m or them at libertie 9 Moreouer wee giue graunt and promise to the saide Marchants that if any of their ships or other vessels shall bee spoyled robbed or damnified in sayling anckoring or returning to or from our saide Empires and Dominions or any part thereof by any Pirats Marchants or other person
whatsoeuer hee or they bee that then and in such case wee will doe all that in vs is to cause restitution reparation and satisfaction to bee duely made to the said English marchants by our letters and otherwise as shall stand with our honour and be consonant to equitie and iustice 10 Item for vs our heires and successours wee doe promise and graunt to performe mainteine corroborate autenticate and obserue all and singular the aforesaide liberties franchises and priuiledges like as presently we firmely doe intend and will corroborate autentike and performe the same by all meane and way that we can as much as may be to the commoditie and profite of the said English Marchants and their successours for euer And to the intent that all and singuler the saide giftes graunts and promises may bee inuiolably obserued and performed we the said Iohn Vasiliuich by the grace of God Emperor of Russia great Duke of Nouogrode Mosco c. for vs our heires and successors by our Imperiall and lordly word in stead of an othe haue and doe promise by these presents inuiolably to mainteyne and obserue and cause to be inuiolably obserued and mainteined all and singuler the aforesayde giftes graunts and promises from time to time and at all and euery time and times heereafter And for the more corroboration hereof haue caused our Signet hereunto to be put Dated in our Castle of Mosco the 20. day of in the yeere The Charter of the Marchants of Russia graunted vpon the discouerie of the saide Countrey by King Philip and Queene Marie PHilip and Marie by the grace of God King and Queene c. To all manner of officers true Iurie men ministers aud subiects and to all other people as well within this our Realme or elsewhere vnder our obeysance iurisdiction and rule or otherwise vnto whome these our letters shall bee shewed séene or read greeting Whereas wee be credibly informed that our right trusâ—ie right faithfull and welbeloued Counsailors William Marques of Winchester Lord high Treasurer of this our Realme of England Henrie Earle of Arundel Lord Steward of our housholde Iohn Earle of Bedford Lord keeper of our priuie Seale William Earle of Pembroke William Lorde Howard of Esfingham Lorde high Admirall of our saide Realme of England c. Haue at their owne aduenture costs and charges prouided rigged and tackled certaine ships pinnesses and other meete vessels and the same furnished with all things necessary haue aduanced and set forward for to discouer descrie and finde Iles landes territories Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and by our subiects before this not commonly by sea frequented which by the sufferance and grace of Almightie God it shall chaunce them sailing Northwards Northeastwards and Northwestwards or any partes thereof in that race or course which other Christian Monarches being with vs in league and amitie haue not heeretofore by Seas traffiqued haunted or frequented to finde and attaine by their said aduenture as well for the glorie of God as for the illustrating of our honour and dignitie royall in the increase of the reuenues of our Crowne and generall wealth of this and other our Realmes and Dominions and of our subiects of the same And to this intent our subiects aboue specified and named haue most humbly beseeched vs that our abundant grace fauour and clemencie may be gratiously extended vnto them in this behalfe Whereupon wee inclined to the petition of the foresaide our Counsailours subiects and marchants and willing to animate aduance further and nourish them in their said godlie honest and good purpose and as we hope profitable aduenture and that they may the more willingly and readily atchieue the same Of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere motion haue graunted and by these presents doe graunt for vs our heires and successours vnto our said right trustie and right faithfull and right welbeloued Counsailours and the other before named persons that they by the name of marchants aduenturers of England for the discouery of lands â—erritories Iles Dominions and Seigniories vnknowen and not before that late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented as aforesaid shal be from hâ—nceforth one bodie and perpetuall fellowship and communaltie of themselues both in deede and in name and them by the names of Marchants aduenturers for the discouerie of lands territories Iles sâ—igniories vnknowen and not by the seas and Nauigations before their saide late aduenture or enterprise by sea or Nauigation commonly frequented We doe incorporate name and declare by these presents and that the same fellowship or communalty from henceforth shal be and may haue one Gouernour of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchants aduenturers And in consideration that one Sebastian Cabota hath bin the chiefest setter forth of this iourney or voyage therefore we make ordeine and constitute him the said Sebastian to be the first and present gouernour of the same fellowship and communaltie by these presents To haue and enioy the said office of Gouernour to him the said Sebastian Cabota during his naturall life without amouing or dimissing from the same roome And furthermore we graunt vnto the saine fellowship and communaltie and their successors that they the saide fellowship and communaltie and their successors afâ—er the decease of the saide Sebastian Cabota shall and may freely and lawfully in places conuenient and honest assemble themselues together or so many of them as will or can assemble together as well within our citie of London or elsewhere as it shall please them in such sort and maner as other worshipfull corporations of our saide citie haue vsed to assemble and there yeerely name elect and choose one Gouernour or two of themselues and their liberties and also as well yeerely during the natural life of the said Sebastian Cabota now Gouernour as also at the election of such saide Gouernour or gouernours before his decease to choose name and appoint eight and twenty of the most sad discreete and honest persons of the saide fellowship and communaltie of Marchant aduenturers as is aboue specified and 4. of the most expert and skilfull persons of the same 28. to be named and called Consuls and 24. of the residue to be named and called Assistants to the saide Gouernour or gouernours and Consuls for the time being which shal remaine and stand in their authorities for one whole yeere then nâ—â—t following And if it shall fortune the saide Gouernour Consuls and assistants or any of them so to be elected and chosen as is aforesaid to die within the yeere after his or their election that then and so often it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said fellowship and communalty to elect and choose of themselues other Gouernour or gouernours Consuls and assistants in the place and sleade of such as so shall happen to die to serue out the same yeere And further we do make ordeine and constitute George Barnes knight and Alderman of our
enterprise vnknowen and by our Marchants and subiects not commonly frequeÌ„ted and to enter and land in the sanle without any maner of denying paine penaltie or forfeiture to be had or taken by anie our lawes customes or statutes to our vse or to the vse of our heires or successors for the same And we haue also granted and by these presents for vs our heires and successors doe graunt vnto the sayd Gouernours Consuls assistants fellowship and comminalty and to their successours and to their Factors and assignes and to euery of them licence for to reare plant erect and fasten our banners standards flags and Ensignes in whatsoeuer citie towne village castle Isle or maine lande which shall be by them newly found without any the penalties forfeitures or dangers aforesayde and that the sayd fellowship and comminalty and their successors Factors assignes and euery of them shall and may subdue possesse and occupie all maner cities townes Isles and maine lands of infidelitie which is or shall be by them or any of them newly founde or descried as our vassals and subiects and for to acquire and get the Dominion title and iurisdiction of the same Cities Townes Castles Uillages Isles and maine landes which shall bee by them or any of them newly discouered or found vnto vs our heires and successours for euer And furthermore whereas by the voyage of our subiects in this last yeere attempted by Nauigation towards the discouerie and disclosure of vnknowen places Realmes Islandes and Dominions by the seas not frequented it hath pleased Almighty God to cause one of the three shippes by them set foorth for the voyage and purpose aboue mentioned named the Edward Bonauenture to arriue abide and winter within the Empire and dominions of the high and mightie Prince our cousin and brother Lord Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of all Russia Volodomer great duke of Moscouie c. Who of his clemencie for our loue and zeale did not onely admitte the Captaine and marchants our subiects into his protection and Princely presence but also receiued and intertained them very graciously and honourably granting vnto them by his letters addressed vnto vs franke accesse into all his Seigniories and dominions with licence freely to traffique in and out with all his Subiects in all kinde of Marchandise with diuers other gracious priuiledges liberties and immunities specified in his sayde letters vnder his Signet Know yee therefore that wee of our further royall fauour and munificence of our meere motion certaine knowledge and speciall grace for vs our heires and successours haue giuen and graunted and by these presents doe giue and grant vnto the same Gouernours Consuls assistants fellowship and comunalty aboue named and to their successours as much as in vs is that all the mayne landes Isles portes hauens creekes and riuers of the said mighty Emperour of all Russia and great duke of Mosco c. And all and singuler other lands dominions territories Isles Portes hauens creekes riuers armes of the sea of al and euery other Emperor king prince ruler and gouernor whatsoeuer he or they before the said late adenture or enterprise not knowen or by our foresayd marchants and subiects by the seas not commonly frequented nor by any part nor parcell thereof lying Northwards North-eastwards or Northwestwards as is aforesayd by sea shall not be visited frequented nor hanted by any our subiects other then of the sayd company and felowship and their successours without expresse licence agreement and consent of the Gouernour Consuls and Assistants of the said felowship and communaltie aboue named or the more part of them in manner and number asoresayd for the time being vpon paine of forfeiture and losse as well of the shippe and shippes with the appurtenances as also of all the goods marchandises and things whatsoeuer they be of those our subiects not being of the sayd felowship and communalty which shall attempt or presume to saile to any of those places which bee or hereafter shall happen to bee found and â—raffiked vnto the one halfe of the same forfeiture to be to the vse of vs our heires and successors and the other halfe to be to the vse of the sayd fellowship and communaltie And if it shall fortune anie stranger or strangers for to attempt to hurt hinder or endamage the same marchants their factors deputies or assignes or any of them is sailing going or returning at any time in the sayd aduenture or for to saile or trade to or from any those places landes or coastes which by the sayd marchants their factors deputies and assignes haue bene or shall bee descried discouered and found or frequented aswell within the coastes and limites of gentility as within the dominions and Seigniories of the sayd mighty Emperour and Duke and of all and euery other Emperour King Prince Ruler and gouernour whatsoeuer he or they be before the sayd late aduenture or enterprise not knowen by any our said marchants and subiects by the seas not commonly frequented and lying Northwards Northwestwards or Northeastwards as aforesaid then wee will and grant and by these presents doe licence and authorise for vs our heires and successors the said marchants their factors deputies and assignes and euery of them to doe their best in their defence to resist the same their enterprises and attempts Willing therefore and straightly commanding and charging al and singuler our Officers Maiors Sherifes Escheators Constables Barlifes and all and singuler other our ministers and liege men and subiects whatsoeuer to bee aiding fauouring helping assisting vnto the sayd gouernour or gouernours Consuls assistants fellowship and communalty and to their successeors and deputies factors seruants and assignes and to the deputies factors and assignes of euery of them in executing and enioying the premisses as well on land as in the sea from time to time and at all times when you or any of you shall be thereunto required In witnesse whereof c. Apud Westmonasterium 6 die Feb. Annis regnorum nostrorum primo secundo Certaine instructions deliuered in the third voyage Anno 1556. for Russia to euery Purser and the rest of the seruants taken for the voyage which may serue as good and necessary directions to all other like aduenturers FIrst you shall before the ship doth begin to lade goe aboord and shall there take and write one inuentorie by the aduise of the Master or of some other principall officer there aboord of all the tackle apparell cables ankers ordinance chambers shot powder artillerie and of all other necessaries whatsoeuer doth belong to the sayd ship and the same iustly taken you shall write in a booke making the sayd Master or such officer priuie of that which you haue so written so that the same may not be denied when they shall call accompt thereof that done you shall write a copie of the same with your owne hand which you shall deliuer before the shippe shall depart for the voyage to
keepe a note thereof in your booke secretly to your selfe which you shall open and disclose at your comming home to the gouernours and assistants in such sorte as the trueth of their secret trades and occupyings may be reuealed and knowen You shal need alwayes to haue Argos eyes to spie their secret packing and conueyance aswell on land as aboord the shippe of and for such â—urres and other commodities as yeerely they doe vse to buy packe and conuey hither If you will bee vigilant and secrete in this article you cannot misse to spie their priuie packing one with another either on shore or aboord the shippe worke herein wisely and you shall deserue great thanks of the whole company 10 Also at the lading againe of the shippe you shall continue and abide abord to the ende that you may note and write in your booke all such goods and marchandises as shall be brought and laden which you shall orderly note in all sortes as heretofore as in the second article partly it is touched and in any wise put the Master and the company in remembrance to looke and foresee substancially to the roomaging of the shippe by faire meanes or threats as you shall see and thinke will serue for the best 11 Thus when the shippe is full laden againe and all things aboord in good order and that you doe fortune to goe a shore to the Agent for your letters and dispatch away you shall demand whether all the goods be laden that were brought thither and to know the trueth therof you shal repaire to the companies storehouse there at S. Nicholas to see if there be any goods left in the sayd storehouse if there be you shaldemand why they be not laden and note what kinde of goods they be that be so left and seeing any of the shippes there not fully laden you shall put the Agent in remembrance to lade those goods so left if any such be to be laden as is aforesayd And thus God sending you a faire wind to make speede and away 12 Finally when God shall send you to arriue againe vpon this coast in safetie either at Harewich or elsewhere goe not you aland if you may possiblie to the ende that when you be gone a shore there may no goods be sent priuily ashore to be solde or else to be solde aboord the ship in your absence but keepe you still aboord if you can by any meanes for the causes aforesaid and write the company a letter form the shippe of your good arriuall which you may conuey to them by land by some boy or mariner of the shippe or otherwise as you shall thinke best and likewise when God shall send you and the shippe into the riuer here doe not in any wise depart out of the shippe that you be in vntil the company doe send some other aboord the shippe in your steâ—de and place to keepe the shippe in your absence The Nauigation and discouerie toward the riuer of Ob made by Master Steuen Burrough Master of the Pinnesse called the Serchthrift with diuers things worth the noting passed in the yere 1556. WE departed from Ratclifte to Blackewall the 23 of April Satturday being S. Markes day we departed from Blackewall to Grays The 27 being Munday the right Worshipfull Sebastian Cabota came aboord our Pinnesse at Grauesende accompanied with diuers Gentlemenâ— and Gentlewomen who after that they had viewed our Pinnesse and tasted of such cheere as we could make them aboord they went on shore giuing to our mariners right liberall rewards and the good olde Gentleman Master Cabota gaue to the poore most liberall almes wishing them to pray for the good fortune and prosperous successe of the Serchthrift our Pinnesse And then at the signe of the Christopher hee and his friends banketted and made me and them that were in the company great cheere and for very ioy that he had to see the towardnes of our intended discouery he entred into the dance himselfe amongst the rest of the young and lusty company which being ended hee and his friends departed most gently commending vs to the gouernance of almighty God Tuesday we rode still at Grauesend making prouision for such things as we wanted Wednesday in the morning we departed from Grauesende the winde being at Southwest that night we came to an anker thwart our Lady of Hollands Thursday at three of the clocke in the morning we weyed and by eight of the clocke we were at an anker in Orwell wannes and theâ— incontinent I went aboord the Edward Bonauenture where the worshipfull company of marchants appointed me to be vntill the sayd good ship arriued at Wardhouse Then I returned againe into the pinnesse Friday the 15 of May we were within 7 leagues of the shore on the coast of Norway the latitude at a South sunne 58 degrees and a halfe where we saw three sailes beside our owne company and thus we followed the shoare or land which lieth Northnorthwest North and by West and Northwest and by North as it doth appeare by the plot Saturday at an East sunne we came to S. Dunstans Island which Island I so named It was off vs East two leagues and a halfe the wind being at Southeast the latitude this day at a South sunne 59 degrees 42 minutes Also the high round mountaine bare East of vs at a south sunne and when this hill is East of you and being bound to the Northward the land lyeth North and halfe a point Westerly from this sayd South sunne vnto a North sunne twenty leagues Northwest alongst the shoare Upon Sunday at sixe of the clocke in the morning the farthest land that we could see that lay Northnorthwest was East of vs three leagues and then it trended to the Northwards and to the Eastwards of the North which headland I iudged to be Scoutsnesâ—e At seuen of the clocke we changed our course and went North the wind being at Southsoutheast and it waxed very thick and mistie and when it cleered we went Northnortheast At a South sunne we lost sight of the Serchthrift because of the mist making our way North. And when we lost sight of the shoare and pinnesse we were within two leagues a halfe of the shoare the last land that we saw when this mist came vpon vs which is to the Northwards of Scowtsnesse lay Northnortheast and Southsouthwest and we made our way North vntill a west sunne fiue leagues From that vntill Munday three a clocke in the morning ten leagues Northnortheast and then we went North and by East because the winde came at the Westsouthwest with thicke miste the latitude this day at a South sunne sixtie three degrees and a halfe truely taken at this season we had sight of our Pinnesse againe From that vntill Tuesday a South sunne Northnortheast fortie foure leagues and then Northeast From a South sunne vntill eight of the clocke fifteene leagues Northeast From that vntill Wednesday a South sunne
knowen because it is fullers earth and the like I haue not seene in all that Countrey A head of Foxe nose a league from the shoare there are 15. fadome betwixt Foxe nose and Zolatitsa there are 6. leagues I meane the Southerly part of Foxe nose Sunday I sounded the barre of Zolatitsa which the Russes told me was a good hardorow but in the best of it I found but 4. foote water Munday I had the latitude in 66. degrees and then was point Pentecost sixe leagues South of vs. Wednesday I went on land at Crosse Island and tooke the latitude which was 66. degrees 24. minutes We being one league Northeast of Crosse Island I sawe the land on the Eastside which I iudged to be Cape good fortune and it was then Eastsoutheast of vs 9. leagues Cape grace is 7. leagues and a halfe Northeast from Crosse Island There are 2. Islands 5. leagues Northnortheast from Cape grace the Southermost of them is a little long Island almost a mile long and the Northermost a little round Island and they are both hard aboord the shore Cape Race is from the Southermost Island North and by West and betweene them are two leagues and from that and halfe a league Northnorthwest there is another poynt Betweene which poynt and Cape Race the Russes haue a Stanauish or harborow for their Lodias and to the Westwards of the said poynt there is a shoale bay Three leagues and a halfe to Northwards of Cape Race we had the latitude on the 10. day of this moneth in 67. degrees 10. minutes Riding within half a league of the shoare in this latitude I found it to be a full sea at a North and by East moone I had where we roade two and twentie fadoome and the tallow which is taken vp is full of great broken shels and some stones withall like vnto small sand congealed together From a South sunne that wee weyed the winde being at North and by East wee driued to the windwards halfe the ebbe with the ships head to the Eastwards And then when we cast her head to the Westwards we sounded and had 22. fadome broken shels and gray sand this present day was very mistie with frost on the shrowds as the mist fell Friday in the morning at an East sunne the mist brake vp a little the winde being at North and by West a stiffe gale our shrowdes and roapes ouer head being conered with frost and likely to be a â—â—orme I thought it good to seeke an harborow and so plied roome with the Islands which are two leagues to the Southwards of Cape Race and within these Islands thankes bee to God we found harborow for vs. It higheth at these Islands two fadome water it floweth in the harborow at this place at a Southsoutheast moone ful sea and a sea boord it floweth at a Southsouthwest moone a full sea The Russes call this Island Tri Ostroue You may come in betweene the little Island and the great Island and keepe you in the mids of the Sound and if you borrowe on any side let it bee on the greatest Island and you shall haue at a low water foure fadome and three fadome and a halfe and three fadome vntill that you be shot so farre in as the narrowest which is betweene the Northermost point of the greatest Island and the Southerne point of the maine which is right against it and then hale to the Northwards with the crosse which standeth in the maine and you shall haue at a lowe water 10. foote water and faire sand And if you be disposed to goe through the Sound to the Southwards keepe the Northwest shoare aboorde for on the Island side after you be shotte so farre in as the crosse it is a shoale of rockes halfe the sound ouer which rockes do last vnto the Southerly part of the great Island and rather to the Southwards And if you be constrained to seeke a harbor for Northerly windes when you come out of the sea hale in with the Southerly part of the great Island giuing the Island a faire birth and as you shoote towards the maine you shall finde roade for all Northerly windes in foure fadome fiue sixe and seuen fadome at a lowe water Also within this great Island if neede bee you may haue a good place to ground a ship in the great Island is almost a mile long and a quarter of a mile ouer This storme of Northerly winde lasted vntill the 16. of this moneth and then the winde came Southerly but we could not get out for Ice I went on shore at the crosse and tooke the latitude which is 66. degrees 58. minutes 30. seconds the variation of the Compasse 3. degrees and a halfe from the North to the East Thursday being faire weather and the winde at North we plied to the winde-wards with sailes and oares wee stopped the flood this day three leagues to the Northwards of Cape Race two miles from the shoare and had twentie faâ—ome water faire gray and blacke sand and broken shels And when the slake came wee wayed and made aboord to the shoare-wards and had within two cables length of the shoare eighteene fadomes faire gray and blacke land a man may finde roade there for a North winde and so to the Westwards Two leagues to the Southward of Corpus Christi poynt you may haue Landfang for a North and by East winde and from that to the Westwards in 23. fadome almost a mile from shoare and faire sand and amongst the sand little yong small limpets or such like as growe vpon muscles and within two cables length and lesse of the shoare are eighteene fadomes and the sounding aforesaid but the yong limpets more plentifull It was a full sea where we roade almost a mile from shoare at a South and by West moone two leagues to the Southwards of Corpus Christi point is the vttermost land which land and Cape Race lyeth South and halfe a point to Westwards and North and halfe a point to the Eastwards and betweene them are sixe leagues Riding this day sixe leagues to the Northwards of Cape Race the winde at Northnorthwest with mist and frost at noone the sunne appeared through the mist so that I had the latitude in 67. degrees 29. minutes Munday we were thwart of Corpus Christi point two leagues and a halfe from shoare or rather more where we sounded and had 36. fadoms and broken cocle shels with brannie sand but the broken shels very thicke Tuesday in the morning we were shotte a head of Cape gallant which the Russes call Sotinoz And as we were shot almost halfe a league betwixt it and Cape comfort the wind came vp at the Northwest and after to the Northwards so that we were faine to beare roome to seeke a harbour where we found good harbour for all windes and the least 7. fadome water betweene S. Iohns Islands
sixe degrees 40 minutes Then we went north and by West because we would not come too nigh the land and running that course foure houres we discouered and had sight of Rost Islands ioining to the main land of Finmarke Thus continuing our course along the coast of Norway and Finmark the 27 day we tooke the Sunne being as farre shot as Lofoot and had the latitude in 69 degrees And the same day in the afternoone appeared ouer our heads a rainebow like a semicircle with both ends vpwarde Note that there is between the said Rost Islands Lofoot a whirle poole called Malestrand which from halfe ebbe vntill halfe flood maketh such a terrible noise that it shaketh the ringes in the doores of the inhabitants houses of the sayd Islands tenne miles off Also if there commeth any Whale within the current of the same they make a pitifull crie Moreouer if great trees be caried into it by force of streams and after with the ebbe be cast out againe the ends and boughs of them haue bene so beaten that they are like the stalkes of hempe that is bruised Note that all the coaste of Finmarke is high mountaines and hils being couered all the yere with snow And hard aboord the shoare of this coast there is 100 or 150 fadomes of water in depth Thus proceeding and sailing forward we fell with an Island called Zenam being in the latitude of 70 degrees About this Island we saw many Whales very moÌ„strous about our ships some by estimation of 60 foot long and being the ingendring time they roared and cried terriblie From thence we fell with an Island called Kettelwicke This coast from Rost vnto Lofoot lieth North and south and from Lofoot to Zenam Northeast and southwest and from Zenam to Kettelwike Eastnortheast and Westsouthwest From the said Kettelwike we sailed East and by North 10 leagues and fell with a land called Inger sound where we fished being becalmed and tooke great plenty of Cods Thus plying along the coast we fell with a Cape called the North Cape which is the Northermost land that wee passe in our voyage to S. Nicholas and is in the latitude of 71 degrees and ten minutes and is from Inger sound East and to the Northwards 15 leagues And being at this North Cape the second day of Iuly we had the sunne at North 4 degrees aboue the Horizon The third day wee came to Wardhouse hauing such mists that we could not see the land This Wardhouse is a Castle standing in an Island 2 miles from the maine of Finland subiect to the king of Denmarke and the Eastermost land that he hath There are two other Islands neere adioining vnto that whereon the Castle of Wardhouse standeth The inhabitants of those three Islands liue onely by fishing and make much stockefish which they dry with frost their most feeding is fish bread and drinke they haue none but such as is brought them from other places They haue small store of cattell which are also fed with fish From Wardhouse we sailed Southsoutheast ten leagues and fell with a Cape of land called Kegor the Northermost part of the lande of Lappia And betweene Wardhouse and the said Cape is a great Bay called Dommes haff in the South part whereof is a Monasterie of Monkes of the Russes religion called Pechinchow Thus proceeding forward and sayling along the coast of the said land of Lappia winding Southeast the fourth day through great mists and darkenes we lost the company of the other three ships and met not with them againe vntill the seuenth day when we fell with a Cape or headland called Swetinoz which is the entring into the Bay of S. Nicholas At this Cape lieth a great stone to the which the barkes that passed thereby were wont to make offrings of butter meale and other victuals thinking that vnlesse they did so their barkes or vessels should there perish as it hath bene oftentimes seene and there it is very darke and mistie Note that the sixt day we passed by the place where Sir Hugh Willoughbie with all his company perished which is called Arzina reca that is to say the riuer Arzina The land of Lappia is an high land hauing snow lying on it commonly all the yere The people of the Countrey are halfe Gentiles they liue in the summer time neere the sea side and vse to take fish of the which they make bread and in the winter they remoue vp into the countrey into the woods where they vse hunting and kill Deere Beares Woolues Foxes and other beasts with whose flesh they be nourished and with their skinnes apparelled in such strange fashion that there is nothing seene of them bare but their eies They haue none other habitation but onely in tents remouing from place to place according to the season of the yeere They know no arte nor facultie but onely shooting which they exercise dayly as well men as women and kill such beasts as serue them for their foode Thus proceeding along the coast from Swetinoz aforesaid the ninth day of Iuly wee came to Cape Grace being in the latitude of 66 degrees and 45 minutes and is at the entring in of the Bay of S. Nicholas Aboord this land there is 20 or 30 fadoms water and sundry grounds good to anker in The current at this Cape runneth Southwest and Northeast From this Cape wee proceeded along vntill we came to Crosse Island which is seuen leagues from the sayd Cape Southwest and from this Island wee set ouer to the other side of the Bay and went Southwest and fell with an headland called Foxenose which is from the sayd Island 25 leagues The entring of this Bay from Crosse Island to the neerest land on the other side is seuen leagues ouer From Foxenose proceeding forward the twelfth day of the sayd moneth of Iuly all our foure ships arriued in safetie at the road of Saint Nicholas in the land of Russia where we ankered and had sailed from London vnto the said roade seuen hundred and fifty leagues The Russian ambassadour and his company with great ioy got to shore and our ships here forthwith discharged themselues and being laden againe and hauing a faire winde departed toward England the first of August The third of the sayd moneth I with other of my company came vnto the citie of Colmogro being an hundred versâ—es from the Bay of Saint Nicholas and in the latitude of 64 degrees 25 minutes I carried at the said Colmogro vntill the fifteenth day and then I departed in a little boate vp the great riuer of Dwina which runneth very swiftly and the selfe same day passed by the mouth of a riuer called Pinego leauing it on our lefte hand fifteene verstes from Colmogro On both sides of the mouth of this riuer Pinego is high land great rockes of Alablaster great woods and Pineapple trees lying along within the ground
hee takes toll and custome c. of them They are infidels but if any of them become Christians it is after the Russe law If there happen any controuersie betweene those people such as cannot be ended amongst themselues or by the Emperours deputies in that countrey they repaire to the Mosko as their highest Court and there haue it ended Betweene the place specified Kegor and the confines of Finmarke aforesaide in Lappia is the monasterie Pechingo which are monkes and vse the Russe lawe the chiefe or head of that abbey is alwayes appointed by the cleargie in Mosko Also in the yeere of our Lord 1557. the said Deponent was at the place Kegor in the moneth of Iune the 29. day being S. Peters day at which time was a great assembly of people at a mart there the Russes Kerils and Lappians on the one side subiects to the said mighty prince the Emperour of Russia and the Norwegians or Norses and people of Finmarke subiects to the king of Denmarke on the other part they did barter and exchange fish for other commodities The deputie for the Russe had the chief gouernment of the said Mart and tooke toll of those people y t were subiect to his master and the captaine of Wardhouse had then the gouernment of the people subiect to his master the king of Denmark He saith also that betweene the abbey Pechingo and the abbey of S. Nicholas in Russia vpon the border of the said coast of Lappia he hath bene vpon the shore at diuers places where fresh riuers fall into the Sea where are commonly taken fresh salmons all which places he doth know for certaine that they were farmed out to the subiects of the said Emperour and he the said Emperour receiued yeerely the rent for them And further he saith that it hath bene further credibly reported vnto him that there is not any such riuer or creek of fresh water which falleth out of the said coūtrey of Lappia into the sea between the said abbey Pechingo and the bay of S. Nicholas but they are all and euery of them farmed out and the Emperour receiueth the rent for them Item whether as well before as also within the memorie of men till the time of the graunt of the said letters patents any of the English merchants sauing the merchants of the said societie subiects of this realme of England haue commonly exercised or frequented businesse or trade in the said villages or townes called the Narue Kegor Pechingo and Cola or in any of them or in any ports or territories of the said Emperour of Russia To this Interrogatorie the Deponent answereth that the subiects of this realme before the graunt of the said letters patents did not commonly exercise neither frequent or trade to any of the said places called the Narue Kegor Pechingo or Cola or to any of them Certaine reasons to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue aforesaide by way through Sweden THe merchandise of the Narue are grosse wares viz. flaxe hempe waxe tallow and hides The traffique at that place standeth vpon the agreement and liking of the Emperour of Russia with the king of Sweden for all these merchandises that are brought thither come from Plescoue Nouogrod and other parts of the Emperours dominions For transporting those merchandises from Narue to Stockholm or what other place shall bee thought conuenient in Sweden it must be in vessels of those countries which wil be of smal force to resist Freebooters or any other that shall make quarel or offer violence against them When the goods are brought into Sweden they must be discharged and new laden into smaller vessels to cary the same by riuer or lake a part of the way and againe to be vnladen and transported by land to Newles So as the ordinary charges for transporting of goods from Narue to Newles by way as aforesaid besides the spoile by so often lading and vnlading cariage by land and the dangers of the seas pirats c. will be such as when it shal be so brought to Newles it wil be as deare to the merchants in that place as it shall be worth to be sold in London wherefore the trade that wayes cannot be profitable to our nation Moreouer when the goods shall be in Newles it may bee thought doubtfull to bring it thence quietly without disliking or forcible resistance of the king of Denmarke forasmuch as he maketh quarell and alleageth damage vnto him in his tolles of the Sound by our trade to S. Nicholas how much more will he now doe by this way and with how much greater aduantage may he performe it The danger that may grow in our trade to Russia by way of S. Nicholas through the displeasure that the Emperour may conceiue by our trade with the Sweden to Narue is also to be considered A remembrance of aduise giuen to the merchants touching a voyage for Cola abouesaid 1578. WHereas you require my counsell after what order the voyage for Cola is to be set forth I answere that I know no better way then hath bene heretofore vsed which is after this maner First of all we haue hired the ship by the great giuing so much for the wearing of the tackle and the hull of the shippe as the ship may be in bignesse as if shee bee about the burden of an hundred tunnes we pay fourescore pound and so after that rate and thereunto we doe victual the ship our selues and doe ship all our men our selues shipping no more men nor giuing them more wages then we should doe if they went of a merchants voyage for it hath bene a great helpe to our voiage hitherto to haue our men to fish with one boate costing vs no more charges then it should do if our men should lie doe nothing sauing the charges of salt of lines which is treble paid for againe For this last yere past our men killed with one boat betwixt 9. or 10. thousand fish which yeelded to vs in money with the oile that came of it about 15. or 16. score pounds which is a great helpe to a voyage And besides al this our ship did take in so much oile and other commodities as we bestowed 100. whole clothes in But because as I doe suppose it is not the vse of London to take ships to fraight after that order before prescribed neither I think that the mariners wil take such paines as our men will Therefore my counsell is if you thinke good to freight some ship of Hul or Newcastle for I am sure that you may haue them there better cheap to freight then here at London Besides al this one may haue such men as wil take paines for their merchants And furthermore when it shal please God that the ship shal returne to come to discharge at Hull which will be the most for your profit for the sales of all such like commoditie as comes from that place as
good and as you may most conueniently and from Willoughbies land you shall proceed Westwards alongst the tract of it though it incline Northerly euen so farre as you may or can trauell hauing regard that in conuenient time you may returne home hither to London for wintering And for your orderly passing in this voyage and making obseruations in the same we referre you to the instructions giuen by M. William Burrough whereof one copie is annexed vnto the first part of this Indenture vnder our seale for you Arthur Pet another copie of it is annexed to the second part of this Indenture vnder our seale also for you Charles Iackman and a third copy thereof is annexed vnto the third part of this Indenture remaining with vs the saide companie sealed and subscribed by you the said Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman And to the obseruing of all things contained in this Commission so neere as God will permit me grace thereunto I the said Arthur Pet doe couenant by these presents to performe them and euery part and parcell thereof And I the said Charles Iackman doe for my part likewise couenant by these presents to performe the same and euery part thereof so neere as God will giue me grace thereunto And in witnes thereof these Indentures were sealed and deliuered accordingly the day and yeere first aboue written Thus the Lorde God Almightie sende you a prosperous voyage with happie successe and safe returne Amen Instructions and notes very necessary and needfull to be obserued in the purposed voyage for discouery of Cathay Eastwards by Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman giuen by M. William Burrough 1580. VVHen you come to Orfordnesse if the winde doe serue you to goe a seabord the sands doe you set off from thence and note the time diligently of your being against the saide Nesse turning then your glasse whereby you intende to keepe your continuall watch and apoint such course as you shal thinke good according as the wind serueth you and froÌ„ that time forwards continually if your ship be lose vnder saile a hull or trie do you at the end of euery 4. glasses at the least except calme sound with your dipsin lead and note diligently what depth you finde and also the ground But if it happen by swiftnes of the shippes way or otherwise that you cannot get ground yet note what depth you did proue and could finde no ground this note is to be obserued all your voyage as well outwards as home wards But when you come vpon any coast or doe finde any sholde banke in the sea you are then to vse your leade oftener as you shal thinke it requisite noting diligently the order of your depth and the deeping and sholding And so likewise doe you note the depthes into harboroughs riuers c. And in keeping your dead reckoning it is very necessary that you doe note at the ende of euery foure glasses what way the shippe hath made by your best proofes to be vsed and howe her way hath bene through the water considering withall for the sagge of the sea to leewards accordingly as you shall finde it growen and also to note the depth and what things worth the noting happened in that time with also the winde vpon what point you finde it then and of what force or strength it is and what sailes you beare But if you should omit to note those things at the end of euery foure glasses I would not haue you to let it slip any longer time then to note it diligently at the end of euery watch or eight glasses at the farthest Doe you diligently obserue the latitude as often and in as many places as you may possible and also the variation of the Compasse especially when you may bee at shoare vpon any land noting the same obseruations truely and the place and places where and the time and times when you do the same When you come to haue sight of any coast or land whatsoeuer doe you presently set the same with your sailing Compasse howe it beares off you noting your iudgement how farre you thinke it from you drawing also the forme of it in your booke howe it appeares vnto you noting diligently how the highest or notablest part thereof beareth off you and the extreames also in sight of the same land at both ends distinguishing them by letters A. B.C. c. Afterwards when you haue sailed 1. 2. 3. or 4. glasses at the most noting diligently what way your barke hath made and vpon what point of the Compasse do you againe set that first land seene or the parts thereof that you first obserued if you can well perceiue or discerne them and likewise such other notable points or signes vpon the land that you may then see and could not percâ—iue at the first time distinguishing it also by letters from the other and drawing in your booke the shape of the same land as it appeareth vnto you and so the third time c. And also in passing alongst by any and euery coast doe you drawe the maner of biting in of euery Bay and entrance of euery harborow or riuers mouth with the lying out of euery point or headland vnto the which you may giue apt names at your pleasure and make some marke in drawing the forme and border of the same where the high cliffs are and where lowe lande is whether sande hils or woods or whatsoeuer not omitting to note any thing that may be sensible and apparant to you which may serue to any good purpose If you carefully with great heede and diligence note the obseruations in your booke as aforesaid and afterwards make demonstration thereof in your plat you shall thereby perceiue howe farre the land you first sawe or the parts thereof obserued was then from you and consequently of all the rest and also how farre the one part was from the other and vpon what course or point of the Compasse the one lieth from the other And when you come vpon any coast where you find floods and ebs doe you diligently note the time of the highest and lowest water in euery place and the slake or still water of full sea and lowe water and also which way the flood doeth runne how the tides doe set how much water it hicth and what force the tide hath to driue a ship in one houre or in the whole tide as neere as you can iudge it and what difference in time you finde betwene the running of the flood and the ebbe And if you finde vpon any coast the currant to runne alwayes one way doe you also note the same duely how it setteth in euery place and obserue what force it hath to driue a ship in one houre c. Item as often and when as you may conueniently come vpon any land to make obseruation for the latitude and variation c. doe you also if you may with your instrument for trying of distances obserue the platforme
to flow the more water This day we found the pole to be eleuated 68 degrees 40 min. In the afternoone we both set saile to seeke way to get out of these sands our boate a head sounding hauing 6,7 and 8 fadomes all within the sand which was without vs. We bare to the Southward and the William bare more to the Eastwards and night being at hand the wind came to the Southeast whereupon we layd it to the Southwards lying Southwest and South and by West and ran to 19 and 12 and 14 fadoms and presently we had but sixe fadoms which was off the sands head which we were a ground vpon the day before Then we cast about to the Eastwards for deepe water which we presently had as 10,15 and 20 and so to 23 fadoms The 22 day at 8 in the morning we cast about to the Southward and this day in the morning we saw the William vnder our Ice as far as we could see her and with a great fogge we lost the sight of her and since we haue not seene her Thus we ranne till we came to thirtie fadomes blacke oze which we had at twelue of the clocke and at three in the afternoone we had twenty and three fadoms and then we ranne Westnorthwest and West by North all the same night following The 23 day we had at 6 in the morning 27 fadoms at 8 a clocke 28 fadoms at 9 the winde being at Eastsoutheast we haled Westnorthwest this day we had sight of the land of Hugri side At twelue of the clocke we had thirty two fadoms sand This day we ranne West and by North and came to fiue fadoms off the bay of Morzouets Then we layd it to the Northwards so that we lay Northnortheast off The wind after came to the North and North by East and we lay East and East by North then we layd it to the Westward againe and thus we lay till we came to fortie fadoms and then we went Northwest till wee came to fourteene fadoms and so to tenne fadoms Then we cast about to the Eastwards and lay East and East by North all the same night The 24 day at 8 in the morning we had 32 fadoms We ran Northwest till we came to 11 fadoms then we lay to the Northwards till 12 at night and then we came to forty fadoms then the wind at Northeast we lay to the Westwards and haled Northwest along The 25 at 4 in the morning we had 37 fadoms wee ranne Northwest the winde at Northnortheast uery much The 26 day we ran with the same winde and found the pole to be eleuated 70 deg 40 min. The 27 at 7 in the morning we saw land which we made to be Kegor then we haled Northwest and North by West to double the North Cape The 28 day at 3 in the morning we ran Northwest and so all day At night the wind came to the Southwest and we ran Northwest all that night The 29 day we put into a sound called Tane and the towne is called Hungon we came to an ancre at 5 in the afternoone at 25 fadoms very faire sand This sound is very large and good and the same night we got water aboord The 30 day in the morning the winde at Northeast and but litle we set saile and with our boate on head we got the sea about 12 of the clocke the wind with a faire gale câ—me to the East Southeast and all this day and night we ran Westnorthwest The 31 day at 12 of the clocke we doubled the North Cape the wind being at Eastsoutheast we haled West all the same day and at night we ran Westsouthwest The 1 day of September the wind was at Northeast with very much fogge all this day we ran Westsouthwest at 2 in the afternoone the wind came North. The second day at 3 in the morning we doubled Fowlnesse the wind was this day variable at all parts of the Compasse In the afternoone we made but litle way at 6 a clocke the winde came to the Southwest and we went Northwest At 9 in the night there came downe so much winde by the Westsouthwest that we were faine to lay it a hull we haled it to Northwards for the space of 2 houres and then we layd her head to the Southwards and at the breake of day we saw land which is very high and is called by the men of the countrey Foulenesâ—e It is within ful of small Islands and without full of rocks very farre out and within the rockes you haue fayre sand at 20 fadoms The 3 day in the morning we bare with the sound aforesaid Within it is but shoale water 4 5 and 3 fadoms sandie ground the land is very high and the Church that is seene is called Helike Kirke It doeth high here not aboue 8 or 9 foote The 12 day at 3 in the afternoone we put into a sound by Lowfoote where it doeth flowe Southwest and by South and doth high 7 or 8 foote water The 13 day much wind at West we had a ledge of rocks in the wind of vs but the road was reasonable good for all Southerly and Westerly winds We had the maine land in the winde of vs this day was stormie with raine The 23 day at foure of the clocke in the afternoone we put into Norway into a sound called Romesal where it floweth Southsoutheast and doth high 8 foote water this place is full of low Islands and many good sounds without the high mountaine land Here is great store of wood growing as firre birch oke and hasell all this night the wind was at the South very much winde with raine and fogge The 28 day in the morning the wind being at Eastnortheast we set saile at 8 of the clocke and haled out of the bay Westsouthwest and Southwest hauing a goodly gale vntill one of the clocke and then the wind came to Southeast and to the South with raine and fogge and very much winde at sixe of the clocke we came into a very good rode where we did ride all the same night in good fafetie The 29 day we put into a good sound the wind by the Southwest at three in the afternoone there came downe very much wind by the South and all night with vehement blastes and raine The 30 day all day the wind was at Westsouthwest And in this sound the pole is eleuated 63 deg 10 min. The first day of October the winde was at South with very much winde and vehement blastes The 7 day we set saile for from the first of this moneth vntill this 7 day we had very foule weather but specially the fourth day when the wind was so great that our cables brake with the very storme and I do not thinke that it is possible that any more wind then that was should blow for after the breaking of our cable we did driue a
die vnder the said filthy idol mo then 500. persons whose carkases are burned and their ashes are kept for reliques because they died in that sort for their god Moreouer they haue another detestable ceremony For when any man offers to die in the seruice of his false god his parents all his friends assemble themselues together with a consort of musicians making him a great solemne feast which feast being ended they hang 5. sharpe kniues about his neck carying him before the idol so soone as he is come thither he taketh one of his kniues crying with a loud voice For the worship of my god do I cut this my flesh and then he casteth the morsel which is cut at y e face of his idâ—l but at the very last wound wherewith he murthereth himselfe he vtterth these words Now do I yeeld my self to death in the behalfe of my god and being dead his body is burned is esteemed by al men to be holy The king of the said region is most rich in gold siluer and precious stones there be the fairest vnions in al the world Traueling from thence by the Ocean sea 50. daies iourney southward I came vnto a certain land named Lammori where in regard of extreeme heat the people both men and women go stark-naked from top to toe who seeing me apparelled scoffed at me saying that God made Adam Eue naked In this countrey al women are common so that no man can say this my wife Also when any of the said women beareth a son or a daughter she bestowes it vpon any one that hath lieâ— with her whoÌ„ she pleaseth Likewise al the land of that region is possessed in coÌ„mon so that there is not mine thine or any propriety of possession in the diuision of lands howbeit euery man hath is owne house peculiar vnto himselfe Mans flesh if it be fat is eaten as ordinarily there as beefe in our country And albeit the people are most lewd yet the couÌ„try is exceeding good abounding with al coÌ„modities as flesh corne rise siluer gold wood of aloes Campheir and many other things Marchants comming vnto this region for traffique do vsually bring w t them fat men selling them vnto the inhabitants as we sel hogs who immediatly kil eat them In this island towards the south there is another kingdome called Simoltra where both men and women marke themselues with red-hot yron in 12. sundry spots of their faces and this nation is at coÌ„tinual warre with certaine naked people in another region Then I traueled further vnto another island called Iaua the compasse whereof by sea is 3000. miles The king of this Iland hath 7. other crowned kings vnder his iurisdiction The said Island is throughly inhabited is thought to be one of the principall Ilands of y e whole world In the same Iland there groweth great plenty of cloues cuâ—ibez and nutmegs and in a word all kinds of spices are there to be had and great abundance of all victuals except wine The king of the said land of Iaua hath a most braue and sumptuous pallace the most loftily built that euer I saw any it hath most high greeses stayers to ascend vp to the roomes therin contained one stayre being of siluer another of gold throughout the whole building Also the lower roomes were paued all ouer with one squarâ— plate of siluer another of gold All the wals vpon the inner side were seeled ouer with plates of beaten gold wherupon were ingrauen y e pictures of knights hauing about their temples ech of them a wreath of golde adorned with precious stones The roofe of the palace was of pure gold With this king of Iaua the great Can of Catay hath had many conflictes in war whom notwithstanding the said king hath alwayes ouercome vanquished Of certaine trees yeelding meale hony and poyson NEere vnto the said Iland is another countrey called Panten or Tathalamasin And the king of the same country hath many Ilands vnder his dominion In this land there are trees yeelding meale hony wine the most deadly poison in all y e whole world for against it there is but one only remedy that is this if any man hath taken of y t poyson would be deliuered from the danger therof let him temper the dung of a man in water so drinke a good quantity thereof it expels the poyson immediatly making it to auoid at the fundement Meale is produced out of the said trees after this maner They be mighty huge trees and when they are cut with an axe by the ground there issueth out of the stocke a certain licour like vnto gumme which they take and put into bags made of leaues laying them for 15 daies together abroad in the sun at the end of those 15 dayes when the said licour is throughly parched it becoÌ„meth meale Then they steâ—pe it first in sea water washing it afterward with fresh water and so it is made very good sauorie paste wherof they make either meat or bread as they thinke good Of which bread I my selfe did eate it is fayrer without somewhat browne within By this countrey is the sea called Mare mortuuÌ„ which runneth continually Southward into y e which whosoeuer falleth is neuer seene after In this countrey also are found canes for an incredible length namely of 60 paces high or more they are as bigge as trees Other canes there be also called Cassan which ouerspread the earth like grasse out of euery knot of them spring foorth certaine branches which are continued vpon the ground almost for the space of a mile In the sayd canes there are found certaine stones one of which stones whosoeuer carryeth about with him cannot be wounded with any yron therefore the men of that countrey for the most part carry such stones with them whithersoeuer they goe Many also cause one of the armes of their children while they are yong to be launced putting one of the said stones into the wound healing also and closing vp the said wound with the powder of a certaine fish the name whereof I do dot know which powder doth immediatly consolidate and cure the said wound And by the vertue of these stones the people aforesaid doe for the most part triumph both on sea and land Howbeit there is one kind of stratageme which the enemies of this nation knowing the vertue of the sayd stones doe practice against them namely they prouide themselues armour of yron or steele against their arrowes weapons also poisoned with the poyson of trees they carry in their hands wooden stakes most sharpe hard-pointed as if they were yron likewise they shoot arrowes without yron heads and so they confound slay some of their vnarmed foes trusting too securely vnto the vertue of their stones Also of the foresayd canes called Cassan they make
fault and followe mine aduise Thus with much labour I gat out of the Mole of Chio into the sea by warping foorth with the helpe of Genoueses botes and a French bote that was in the Mole and being out God sent mee a speciall gale of winde to goe my way Then I caused a peece to be shotte off for some of my men that were yet in the towne with much a doe they came aboord and then I set sayle a little before one of the clocke and I made all the sayle I could and about halfe an houre past two of the clocke there came seuen gallies into Chio to stay the shippe and the admirall of them was in a great rage because she was gone Whereupon they put some of the best in prison and tooke all the men of the three ships which I left in the port and put them into the Gallies They would haue followed after mee but that the townes men found meanes they did not The next day came thither a hundred more of Gallies and there taried for their whole companie which being together were about two hundred 50 sayle taking their voyage for to surprise the Iland of Malta The next day after I departed I had the sight of Candia but I was two dayes after or euer I could get in where I thought my selfe out of their daunger There I continued vntill the Turkes armie was past who came within the sight of the towne There was preparation made as though the Turks had come thither There be in that Iland of Candia many banished men that liue continually in the mountaines they came downe to serue to the number of foure or fiue thousand they are good archers euery one with his bowe and arrowes a sword and a dagger with long haire and bootes that reach vp to their grine and a shirt of male hanging the one halfe before and the other halfe behinde these were sent away againe assoone as the armie was past They would drinke wine out of all measure Then the armie being past I laded my shippe with wines and other things and so after I had that which I left in Chio I departed for Messina In the way I found about Zante certaine Galliots of Turkes laying abord of certaine vessels of Venice laden with Muscatels I rescued them and had but a barrell of wine for my powder and shot and within a few dayes after I came to Messina I had in my shippe a Spanish pilot called Noblezia which I tooke in at Cades at my comming foorth he went with me all this voyage into the Leuant without wages of good will that he bare me and the shippe he stoode me in good steede vntill I came backe againe to Cades and then I needed no Pilot. And so from thence I came to London with the shippe and goods in safetie God be praysed And all those Mariners that were in my sayd shippe which were besides boyes threescore and tenne for the most part were within fiue or sixe yeeres after able to take charge and did Richard Chanceller who first discouered Russia was with me in that voyage and Mathew Baker who afterward became the Queenes Maiesties chiefe ship-wright The voyage of M. Iohn Locke to Ierusalem IN my voyage to Ierusalem I imbarked my selfe the 26 of March 1553 in the good shippe called the Mathew Gonson which was bound for Liuorno or Legorne and Candia It fell out that we touched in the beginning of Aprill next ensuing at Cades in Andalozia where the Spaniardes according to their accustomed maner with all shippes of extraordinarie goodnes and burden picked a quarrell against the company meaning to haue forfeited or at the least to haue arrested the said shippe And they grew so malicious in their wrongfull purpose that I being vtterly out of hope of any speedie release to the ende that my intention should not be ouerthrowen was inforced to take this course following Notwithstanding this hard beginning it fell out so luckily that I found in the roade a great shippe called the Caualla of Venice wherin after agreement made with the patron I shipped my selfe the 24. of May in the said yere 1553 and the 25 by reason of the winde blowing hard and contrary we were not able to enter the straits of Gibraltar but were put to the coast of Barbarie where we ankered in the maine sea 2. leagues from shore and continued so vntill two houres before sunne set and then we weighed againe and turned our course towards the Straits where we entered the 26 day aforesayd the winde being very calme but the current of the straites very fauourable The same day the winde beganne to rise somewhat and blew a furthering gale and so continued at Northwest vntill we arriued at Legorne the third of Iune And from thence riding ouer land vnto Venice I prepared for my voyage to Ierusalem in the Pilgrimes shippe I Iohn Locke accompanied with Maister Anthony Rastwold with diuers other Hollanders Zelanders Almaines and French pilgrimes entered the good shippe called Fila Cauena of Venice the 16 of Iuly 1553. and the 17 in the morning we weighed our anker and sayled towardes the coast of Istria to the port of Rouigno and the said day there came aboard of our ship the Perceuena of the shippe named Tamisari for to receiue the rest of all the pilgrimes money which was in all after the rate of 55. Crownes for euery man for that voyage after the rate of fiue shillings starling to the crowne This done he returned to Venice The 19 day we tooke fresh victuals aboard and with the bote that brought the fresh prouision we went on land to the Towne and went to see the Church of Sancta Eufemia where we sawe the bodie of the sayd Saint The 20 day wee departed from Rouignio and about noone we had sight of Monte de Ancona and the hilles of Dalmatia or else of Sclauonia both at one time and by report they are 100. miles distant from ech other and more The 21 we sayled still in sight of Dalmatia and a litle before noone we had sight of a rocke in the midst of the sea called in Italian il Pomo it appeareth a farre off to be in shape like a sugarloafe Also we sawe another rocke about two miles compasse called Sant Andrea on this rocke is onely one Monasterie of Friers we sayled betweene them both and left S. Andrea on the left hand of vs and we had also kenning of another Iland called Lissa all on the left hande these three Ilands lie East and West in the sea and at sunne setting we had passed them Il pomo is distant from Sant Andrea 18 miles and S. Andrea from Lissa 10 miles and Lissa from another Iland called Lezina which standeth betweene the maine of Dalmatia and Lissa tenne miles This Iland is inhâ—bited and hath great plentie of wine and frutes and
wee had extended onely to a fewe of her people therefore as wee haue entred into amitie and most holy league with the most excellent kings and princes our confederats shewing their deuotion and obedience or seruices towards our stately Porch as namely the French king the Venetians the king of Polonia and others so also we haue contracted an inuiolable amitie peace and league with the aforesaid Queene Therefore wee giue licence to all her people and marchants peaceably and safely to come vnto our Imperiall dominions with all their marchandise and goods without any impeachment to exercise their traffique to vse their owne customes and to buâ— and sell according to the fashions of their owne countrey And further her Maiestie signified vnto vs that certaine of her people had heretofore bene taken prisoners and were detained in captiuitie and required that they might bee set at libertie and that as we had graunted vnto other Princes our confederats priuiledges and Imperiall decrees concerning our most inuiolable league with them so it would please our Imperial Maiesty to graunt and confirme the like priuiledges and princely decrees to the aforesaid Queene Wherefore according to our humanitie and gracious ingraffed disposition the requests of her Maiestie were accepted of vs and we haue granted vnto her Maiestie this priuilege of ours agreeable to reason equitie And we straightly command all our Beglerbegs and Zanziacbegs our seruants and our Reyz that is to say our Iudges and all our customers in all places hauens and passages that as long as this league and amitie with the conditions and articles thereof are kept and obserued on the behalfe of the aforesaid Queene 1 Our Imperiall commandement and pleasure is that the people and subiects of the same Queene may safely and securely come to our princely dominions with their goods and marchandise and ladings and other commodities by sea in great and smal vessels and by land with their carriages and cattels and that no man shall hurt them but they may buy and sell without any hinderance and obserue the customes and orders of their owne countrey 2 Item if the aforesaid people and marchants shal be at any time in the course of their iourneis and dealings by any meanes taken they shall be deliuered and inlarged without any excuse or cauillation 3 Item if their ships purpose to ariue in any of our ports and hauens it shal be lawfull for them so to do in peace and from thence againe to depart without any let or impediment 4 Item if it shall happen that any of their ships in tempestuous weather shall bee in danger of losse and perishing and thereupon shall stand in need of our helpe we will and commaund that our men and ships be ready to helpe and succour them 5 Item if they shal be willing to buy any victuals for their money no person shall withslande them but they shall buy the same without any disturbance to the contrary 6 Item if by any casualtie their shippes shall bee driuen on shoare in perill of shipwracke our Begs and Iudges and other our Subiects shall succour them and such wares and goods of theirs as shall bee recouered from the losse shall bee restored to them and no man shall wrong them 7 Item if the people of the aforesayd Queene their interpreters and marchants shall for trafique sake either by lande or Sea repaire to our dominions paying our lawfull toll and custome they shall haue quiet passage and none of our Captaines or gouernours of the Sea and shippes nor any kinde of persons shall either in their bodies or in their goods and cattels any way molest them 8 Item if any Englishman shall grow in debt and so owe money to any other man and thereupon doth absent himselfe that he can not be found let no man be arrested or apprehended for any other mans debt except he be the surety 9 Item if any Englishman shall make his will and testament to whom soeuer by the same hee shall giue his goods the partie shall haue them accordingly and if hee die intestate hee to whom the Consull or gouernour of the societie shall say the goods of the dead are to bee giuen hee shall haue the same 10 Item if the Englishmen or the marchants and interpreters of any places vnder the iurisdiction of England shall happen in the buying and selling of wares by promises or otherwise to come in controuersie let them go to the Iudge and cause the matter to be entred into a booke and if they wil let them also take letters of the Iudge testifying the same that men may see the booke and letters whatsoeuer thing shall happen and that according to the tenour thereof the matter in controuersie and in doubt may be ended but if such things be neither entred in booke nor yet the persons haue taken letters of the Iudge yet he shall admit no false witnesse but shall execute the Law according to iustice and shall not suffer them to be abused 11 Item if any man shall say that these being Christians haue spoken any thing to the derogation of our holy faith and religion and haue slandered the same in this matter as in all others let no false witnesses in any case be admitted 12 Item if any one of them shall commit any great crime and flying thereupon cannot bee found let no man be arrested or detained for another mans fact except he be his suretie 13 Item if any slaue shall be found to be an Englishman and their Consull or gouernour shall sue for his libertie let the same slaue be diligently examined and if hee be found indeed to be English let him be discharged and restored to the Englishmen 14 Item if any Englishman shall come hither either to dwel or trafique whether hee be married or vnmarried he shall pay no polle or head money 15 Item if either in Alexandria Damasco Samos Tunis Tripolis in y e west the port townes of AEgypt or in any other places they purpose to choose to themselues Consuls or gouernours let them doe so and if they will alter them at any time and in the roome of the former Consuls place others let them do so also and no man shall restraine them 16 Item if their interpreter shal be at any time absent being occupied in other serious matters let the thing then in question bee stayed and differred eâ—â— his comming and in the meane time no man shall trouble them 17 Item if any variance or controuersie shall arise among the Englishmen and thereupon they shall appeale to their Consuls or gouernours let no man molest them â—ut let them freely doe so that the controuersie begunne may be finished according to their owne customes 18 Item if after the time and date of this priuilegeâ— any pirats or other free gouernours of ships trading the Sea shall take any Englishman and shall make sale of him either beyonde the Sâ—a or on this side of the Sea the matter shal
the fayres to buy my commodities with the marchants And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke of the water of the riuer Ganges yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer then the water of Nilus is From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin and from Cochin to Malacca from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred miles distant That voyage is woont to be made in fiue and twentie or thirtie dayes but we were foure moneths and at the ende of three moneths our ship was without victuals The Pilot told vs that wee were by his altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary in the kingdome of Pegu and these his words were not true but we were as it were in the middle of many Ilands and many vninhabited rockes and there were also some Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land and knewe also where the citie of Tanasari was This citie of right belongeth to the kingdome of Sion which is situate on a great riuers side which commeth out of the kingdome of Sion and where this riuer runneth into the sea there is a village called Mirgim in whose harbour euery yeere there lade some ships with Uerzina Nypa and Beniamin a few cloues nutmegs and maces which come from the coast of Sion but the greatest marchandise there is Uerzin and Nypa which is an excellent wine which is made of the floure of a tree called Nyper Whose liquour they distill and so make an excellent drinke cleare as christall good to the mouth and better to the stomake and it hath an excellent gentle vertue that if one were rotten with the french pockes drinking good store of this he shall be whole againe and I haue seene it proued because that when I was in Cochin there was a friend of mine whose nose beganne to drop away with that disease and he was counselled of the doctors of phisicke that he should goe to Tanasary at the time of the new wines and that he should drinke of the nyper wine night and day as much as he could before it was distilled which at that time is most delicate but after that it is distilled it is more strong and if you drinke much of it it will fume into the head with drunkennesse This man went thither and did so and I haue scene him after with a good colour and sound This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies and for that it is brought so farre off it is very deare in Pegu ordinarily it is good cheape because it is neerer to the place where they make it and there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof And returning to my purpose I say being amongst these rockes and farre from the land which is ouer against Tanasary with great scarcitie of victuals and that by the saying of the Pylot and two Portugales holding then firme that wee were in front of the aforesayd harbour we determined to goe thither with our boat and fetch victuals and that the shippe should stay for vs in a place assigned We were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for victuals and on a day about twelue of the clocke we went from the ship assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid port wee rowed all that day and a great part of the next night and all the next day without finding harbour or any signe of good landing and this came to passe through the euill counsell of the two Portugales that were with vs. For we had ouershot the harbour and left it behind vs in such wise that we had lost the lande inhabited together with the shippe and we eight and twentie men had no maner of victuall with vs in the boate but it was the Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a litle rice with him in the boate to barter away for some other thing and it was not so much but that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale I tooke the gouernment of this Ryce promising that by the helpe of God that Ryce should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some place that was inhabited when I slept I put the ryce into my bosome because they should not rob it from me we were nine daies rowing alongst the coast without finding any thing but countreys vninhabited desert Ilands where if we had found but grasse it would haue seemed sugar vnto vs but wee could not finde any yet we found a fewe leaues of a tree and they were so hard that we could not chewe them we had water and wood sufficient and as wee rowed we could goe but by flowing water for when it was ebbing water wee made fast our boat to the banke of one of those Ilandes and in these nine dayes that we rowed we found a caue or nest of Tortoises egges wherein were one hundred fortie and foure egges the which was a great helpe vnto vs these egges are as bigge as a hennes egge and haue no shell aboue them but a tender skinne euery day we sodde a kettle full of those egges with an handfull of rice in the broth thereof it pleased God that at the ende of nine dayes we discouered certaine fisher men a fishing with small barkes and we rowed towardes them with a good cheare for I thinke there were neuer men more glad then we were for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie that we could scarce stande on our legges Yet according to the order that we set for our ryce when we sawe those fisher men there was left sufficient for foure dayes The first village that we came to was in the gulfe of Tauay vnder the king of Pegu whereas we found great store of victuals then for two or three dayes after our arriuall there we would eate but litle meate any of vs and yet for all this we were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to Martauan in the kingdome of Pegu are seuentie two miles We laded our bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for sixe moneths from whence we departed for the port and Citie of Martauan where in short time we arriued but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her And they found her in great calamitie and neede of water being at an anker with a contrary winde which came very ill to passe because that she wanted her boat a moneth which should haue made her prouision of wood and water the shippe also by the grace of God arriued safely in the aforesaid port of Martauan The Citie of Martauan WE found in the Citie of Martauan ninetie Portugales of Merchants and other base men which had fallen at difference with the Retor or gouernour of the citie and all for this cause that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales had slaine fiue
with the Ianizaries abouesaid at three aspers a day one with another which is two hundred fourescore and fifteene thousand sixe hundred and fiftie pounds The fiue Bassas whereof the Uiceroy is supreme at one thousand aspers the day besides their yerely reuenues amounteth sterling by the yeere to ten thousand nine hundred and fiftie pounds The fiue Beglerbegs chiefe presidents of Greece Hungary and Selauonia being in Europe in Natolia and Caramania of Asia at one thousande aspers the day as also to eighteene other gouernours of Prouinces at fiue hundred aspers the day amounteth by the yeere to thirtie thousand sixe hundred and threescore pounds The Bassa Admirall of the Sea one thousand aspers the day two thousand one hundred toure score and ten thousand pounds The Aga of the Ianizaries generall of the footemen fiue hundred aspers the day and maketh by the yeere in sterling money one thousand fourescore and fifteene pounds The Imbrahur Bassa Master of his horse one hundred and fiftie aspers the day is sterling money three hundred and eight and twenty pounds The chiefe Esquire vnder him one hundred and fiftie aspers is three hundred and eight and twenty pounds The Agas of the Spahi Captaines of the horsemen sixe at one hundred and fiftie aspers to either of them maketh sterling one thousand nine hundred three score and eleuen pounds The Capagi Bassas head porters foure one hundred and fiftie aspers to ech and maketh out in sterling money by the yeere one thousand three hundred and foureteene pounds The Sisinghir Bassa Controller of the housholde one hundred and twentie aspers the day and maketh out in sterling money by the yeere two hundred threescore and two poundes sixteene shillings The Chaus Bassa Captaine of the Pensioners one hundred and twentie aspers the day and amounteth to by the yeere in sterling money two hundred threescore and two pounds sixteene shillings The Capigilar Caiasi Captaine of his Barge one hundreth and twentie aspers the day and maketh out by the yeere in sterling money two hundred three score and two poundes sixteene shillings The Solach Bassi Captaine of his guard one hundred and twentie aspers two hundred three score and two pounds sixteene shillings The Giebrigi Bassi master of the armoury one hundred and twenty aspers two hundred three score and two pounds sixteene shillings The Topagi Bassi Master of the artillerie one hundred and twentie aspers two hundred three score and two pounds sixteene shillings The Echim Bassi Phisition to his person one hundred and twentie aspers two hundred three score and two pounds sixteene shillings To fourtie Phisitions vnder him to ech fourtie aspers is three thousand eight hundred three score and sixe pounds sixteene shillings The Mustasaracas spearemen attending on his person in number fiue hundred to either three score aspers and maketh sterling threescore and fiue thousand and seuen hundred pounds The Cisingeri gentlemen attending vpon his diet fourtie at fourtie aspers ech of them and amounteth to sterling by the yeere three thousand fiue hundred and foure pounds The Chausi Pensioners foure hundred and fourtie at thirtie aspers twenty eight thousand nine hundred and eight pounds The Capagi porters of the Court and City foure hundred at eight aspers and maketh sterling money by the yeere seuen thousand and eight pounds The Solachi archers of his guard three hundreth and twenty at nine aspers and commeth vnto in English money the summe of sixe thousand three hundred and sixe pounds The Spahi men of Armes of the Court and the City ten thousand at twenty fiue aspers and maketh of English money fiue hundred forty and seuen thousand and fiue hundred pounds The Ianizaires sixteene thousand at six aspers is two hundred and ten thousand and two hundred and forty pounds The Giebegi furbushers of armor one thousand fiue hundred at sixe aspers and amounteth to sterling money nineteene thousand seuen hundred and fourescore pounds The Seiesiâ— seruitors in his Equier or stable fiue hundred at two aspers and maketh sterling money two thousand one hundred fourescore and ten pounds The Sacsi Sadlers and bit makers fiue hundred at seuen aspers seuen thousand six hundred threescore and fiue pounds The Catergi Carriers vpon Mules two hundred at fiue aspers two thousand one hundred fourescore and ten pounds The Cinegi Carriers vpon Camels one thousand fiue hundred at eight aspers and amounteth in sterling money to twenty sixe thousand two hundred and fourescore pounds The Reiz or Captaines of the Gallies three hundred at ten aspers and amounteth in English money by the yeere the summe of sixe thousand fiue hundred threescore and ten pounds The Alechingi Masters of the said Gallies three hundred at seuen aspers foure thousand fiue hundred fourescore and nineteene pounds The Getti Boateswaines thereof three hundred at sixe aspers is three thousande nine hundred fourty and two pounds The Oda Bassi Pursers three hundred at fiue aspers maketh three thousand two hundred and fourescore pounds The Azappi souldiers two thousand sixe hundred at foure Aspers whereof the six hundred do continually keepe the gallies two and twentie thousand seuen hundred fourscore and six pounds The Mariers Bassi masters ouer the shipwrights and kalkers of the nauie nine at 20. Aspers the piece amounteth to three thousand fourescore and foure pound foure shillings The Master Dassi shipwrights kalkers one thousand at fourteene aspers which amounteth by the yeere to thirtie thousand sixe hundred threescore pound Summa totalis of dayly paiments amounteth by the yeere sterling one million nine hundred threescore eight thousand seuen hundred thirty fiue pounds nineteene shillings eight pence answered quarterly without default with the summe of foure hundred fourescore twelue thousand one hundred fourescore and foure pounds foure shillings eleuen pence and is for euery day fiue thousand three hundred fourescore and thirteene pounds fifteene shillings ten pence Annuities of lands neuer improued fiue times more in value then their summes mentioned giuen by the saide Grand Signior as followeth TO the Uiceroy for his Timar or annuitie 60. thousand golde ducats To the second Bassa for his annuitie 50. thousand ducats To the third Bassa for his annuitie 40. thousand ducats To the fourth Bassa for his annuitie 30. thousand ducats To the fifth Bassa for his annuitie 20. thousand ducats To the Captaine of the Ianizaries 20. thousand ducats To the Ieu Merhorbassi master of his horse 15. thousand ducats To the Captaine of the pensioners 10. thousand ducats To the Captaine of his guard 5. thousand ducats Summa totalis 90. thousand li. sterling Beside these aboue specified be sundry other annuities giuen to diuers others of his aforesaid officers as also to certaine called Sahims diminishing from three thousand to two hundreth ducats esteemed treble to surmount the annuitie abouesaid The Turkes chiefe officers THe Uiceroy is high Treasurer notwithstanding that vnder him be three subtreasurers called Teâ—tadars which bee accomptable to him of the receipts out of Europe Asia and Africa saue their yeerely annuitie of
lands The Lord Chancellor is called Nissangi Bassa who sealeth with a certaine proper character such licences safe conducts passeports especiall graunts c. as proceed from the Grand Signior not withstanding all letters to forreine princes so firmed be after inclosed in a bagge and sealed by the Grand Signior with a signet which he ordinarily weareth about his necke credited of them to haue bene of ancient appertayning to king Salomon the wise The Admirall giueth his voyce in the election of all Begs Captaines of Islandes to whom hee giueth their charge as also appointeth the Subbassas Bayliffes or Constables ouer Cities and Townes vpon the Sea coastes about Constantinople and in the Archipelago whereof hee reapeth great profit The Subbassi of Pera payeth him yeerely fifteene thousande ducats and so likewise either of the others according as they are placed The Ressistop serueth in office to the Uiceroy and Chancellor as Secretary and so likewise doeth the Cogie Master of the Rolls before which two passe all writings presented to or granted by the said Uiceroy and Chancellor offices of especiall credite and like profite moreouer rewarded with annuities of lands There are also two chiefe Iudges named Cadi Lesker the one ouer Europe and the other ouer Asia and Africa which in Court doe sit on the Bench at the left hand of the Bassas These sell all offices to the vnder Iudges of the land called Cadies whereof is one in euery Citie or towne before whom all matters in controuersie are by iudgement decided as also penalties and corrections for crimes ordained to be executed vpon the offenders by the Subbassi The number of Souldiers continually attending vpon the Beglerbegs the gouernours of Prouinces and Saniacks and their petie Captaines mainteined of these Prouinces The Beglerbegs Of persons GRaecia fourtie thousand Buda fifteene thousand Sclauonia fifteene thousand Natolia fifteene thousand Caramania fifteene thousand Armonia eighteene thousand Persia twentie thousand Vsdrum fifteene thousand Chirusta fifteene thousand Caraemiti thirtie thousand Giersul two and thirtie thousand The Beglerbegs Of persons BAgdat fiue and twentie thousand Balsara two and twenty thousand Lassaija seuenteene thousand Alepo fiue and twentie thousand Damasco seuenteene thousand Cayro twelue thousand Abes twelue thousand Mecca eight thousand Cyprus eighteene thousand Tunis in Barbary eight thousand Tripolis in Syria eight thousand Alger fourtie thousand Whose Sangiacks and petie Captaines be three hundred sixtie eight euery of which retaining continually in pay from fiue hundreth to two hundreth Souldiers may be one with another at the least three hundreth thousand persons Chiefe officers in his Seraglio about his person Be these CApiaga High porter Alnader Bassi Treasurer Oda Balsi Chamberlaine Killergi Bassi Steward Saraiaga Comptroller Peskerolen Groome of the chamber Edostoglan Gentleman of the Ewer Sehetaraga Armour bearer Choataraga he that carieth his riding cloake Ebietaraga Groome of the stoole There be many other maner Officers which I esteeme superfluous to write The Turkes yeerely reuenue THe Grand Signiors annual reuenue is said to be foureteene Millions and an halfe of golden ducats which is sterling fiue millions eight score thousand pounds The tribute payd by the Christians his Subiects is one gold ducat yeerely for the redemption of euery head which may amount vnto not so litle as one Million of golden ducats which is sterling three hundred threescore thousand pounds Moreouer in time of warre he exacteth manifolde summes for maintenance of his Armie and Nauie of the said Christians The Emperour payeth him yeerely tribute for Hungary threescore thousand dollers which is sterling thirteene thousand pound besides presents to the Uiceroy and Bassas which are said to surmount to twentie thousand dollers Ambassadors allowances THe Ambassadour of the Emperor is allowed one thousand Aspers the day The Ambassadour of the French king heretofore enioyed the like but of late yeeres by meanes of displeasure conceiued by Mahumet then Viceroy it was reduced to sixe crownes the day beside the prouision of his Esquier of his stable The Ambassadours of Poland and for the state of Venice are not Ligiers as these two abouesaid The said Polack is allowed 12. French crownes the day during his abode which may be for a moneth Uery seldome do the state of Venice send any Ambassador otherwise then enforced of vrgent necessity but in stead thereof keepe there their Agent president ouer other Marchants of them termed a bailife who hath none allowance of the Grand Signior although his port state is in maner as magnifical as the other aforesaid ambassadors The Spanish Ambassador was equall with others in Ianizaries but for so much as he would not according to custome folow the list of other ambassadors in making presents to y e Grand Signior he had none alowance His abode there was 3. yeres at the end wherof hauing coÌ„cluded a truce for 6. yeres taking place froÌ„ his first comming in Nouember last past 1580. he was not admitted to the presence of the Grand Signior The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellour to Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signior to the sacred Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England shewing that vpon her request and for her sake especially hee graunted peace vnto the King and kingdome of Poland GLoriosissima splendore fulgidissima foeminarum selectissima Princeps magnanimorum â—ESVM sectantium regni inclyti Angliae Regina Serenissima Elizabetha moderatrix rerum negotiorum omnium plebis familiae Nazarenorum sapientissima Origo splendoris gloriae dulcissima nubes pluuiarum gratissima heres domina beatitudinis gloriae regni inclyti Anglie ad quam omnes supplices confugiunt incrementum omnium rerum actionum Serenitatis vestrae beatissimum exitusque foelicissimos à Creatore omnipotente optantes mutuáeque perpetua familiaritate nostra digna vota laudes sempiterâ—as offerentes Significamus Ser. vestrae amicisimè Quia sunt anni aliquot à quibus annis potentissima Cesarea celsitudo bella ineffabilia cuÌ„ Casul-bas Principe nempe Persarum gessit ratione quorum bellorum in partes alias belluÌ„ mouere noluit ob eamque causam in partibus Polonie latâ—ones quidam Cosaci nuncupati alij facinorosi in partibus illis existentes subditos Cesaris potentissimi turbare infestare non desierunt Nunc autem partibus Persicis compositis absolutis in partibus Polonie alijs partibus exurgentes facinoâ—osos punire constiruens Beglerbego Greciae exercitu aliquo adiuncto Principi Tartarorum mandato Cesaris misso anno proximè preterito pars aliqua Regni Poloniae infestata turbata deuastaâ—a fuit Cosaci alijque facinorosi iuxtra merita sua puniti fuerunt Quo rex Polonie viso duos legatos ad CesareaÌ„ celsitudineÌ„ mittens quòd facinorosos exquirere poena perfecta punire ab annis multis ad portam Cesaree celsitudinis missum munus augere vellet significauiâ— Cesarea autem celsitudo cui Creator omnipotens tantam suppeditauit potentiam
Ambassadours men hauing the winde faire and came within two cables length of this his moskita where hee to his great content beholding the shippe in such brauery they discharged first two volies of small shot and then all the great ordinance twise ouer there being seuen and twentie or eight and twentie pieces in the ship Which performed he appointed the Bustangi-Bassa or captaine of the great and spacious garden or parke to giue our men thankes with request that some other day they would shew him the like sporte when hee would haue the Sultana or Empresse a beholder thereof which few dayes after at the shippes going to the Custome-house they performed The grand Signiors salutation thus ended the master brought the ship to an anker at Rapamat neere the ambassadors house where hee likewise saluted him with all his great ordinance once ouer and where he landed the Present the deliuerie whereof for a time was staied the cause of which staie it shall neither be dishonorable for our nation or that woorthie man the ambassador to shew you At the departure of Sinan Bassa the chiefe Vizir and our ambassadors great friend toward the warres of Hungarie there was another Bassa appointed in his place a churlish and harsh natured man who vpon occasion of certaine Genouezes escaping out of the castles standing toward the Eurine Sea nowe called the blacke Sea there imprisoned apprehended and threatened to execute one of our Englishmen called Iohn Field for that hee was taken thereabouts and knowen not many dayes before to haue brought a letter to one of them vpon the solliciting of whose libertie there fell a iarre betweene the Bassa being nowe chiefe Vizir and our ambassador and in choler he gaue her maiesties ambassador such words as without sustaining some great indignitie hee could not put by Whereupon after the arriuall of the Present he made an Arz that is a bill of Complaint to the grand Signior against him the maner in exhibiting where of is thus performed The plaintifes expect the grand Signiors going abroad from his pallace either to Santa Sophia or to his church by the sea side whither with a Perma that is one of their vsuall whirries they approch within some two or three score yards where the plaintife standeth vp and holdeth his petition ouer his forehead in sight of the grand Signior for his church is open to the Sea side the rest sitting still in the boat who appointeth one of his Dwarfes to receiue them and to bring them to him A Dwarfe one of the Ambassadors fauorites so soone as he was discerned beckned him to the shore side tooke his Arz and with speed caried it to the grand Signior Now the effect of it was this that except his highnesse would redresse this so great an indignitie which the Vizir his slaue had offered him and her maiestie in his person he was purposed to detaine the Present vntill such time as he might by letters ouer-land from her maiestie bee certified whither she would put vp so great an iniurie as it was Whereupon he presently returned answere requesting the ambassador within an houre after to goe to the Douan of the Vizir vnto whom himselfe of his charge would send a gowne of cloth of gold and commaund him publikely to put it vpon him and with kind entertainment to embrace him in signe of reconciliation Whereupon our ambassador returning home tooke his horse accompanied with his meÌ„ and came to the Vizirs court where according to the grand Signiors command he with all shew of kindnesse embraced the ambassador and with curteous speeches reconciled himselfe and with his own hands put the gowne of cloth of gold vpon his backe Which done hee with his attendants returned home to the no small admiration of all Christians that heard of it especially of the French and Venetian ambassadors who neuer in the like case against the second person of the Turkish Empire durst haue attempted â—o hold an enterprise with hope of so friendly audience and with so speedie redresse This reconciliation with the great Vizir thus made the ambassador prepared himselfe for the deliuerie of the Present which vpon the 7 of October 1593. in this maner he performed The Ascension with her flags and streamers as aforesaid repaired nigh vnto the place where the ambassador should land to go vp to the Seraglio for you must vnderstand that all Christian ambassadors haue their dwelling in Pera where most Christians abide from which place except you would go 4 or 5 miles about you cannot by land go to Constantinople whereas by Sea it is litle broder then the Thames Our Ambassador likewise apparelled in a sute of cloth of siluer with an vpper gowne of cloth of gold accompanied with 7 gentlemen in costly sutes of Sattin with 30 other of his men very well apparelled and all in one liuerie of sad French russet cloth gownes at his house tooke boate at whose landing the ship discharged all her ordinance where likewise attended 2 Bassas with 40 or 50 Chauses to accompany y e ambassador to the court also horses for the ambassador his gentlemen very richly furnished with Turkish seruants attendaÌ„t to take the horses wheÌ„ they should light The ambassador thus honorably accompanied the Chauses foremost next his men on foote all going by two and two himselfe last with his Chause and Drugaman or Interpreter and 4 Ianissaries which he doeth vsually entertaine in his house to accompany him continually abroad came to the Seraglio about an English mile from the water side where first hee passed a great gate into a large court much like the space before White hall gate where he with his gentlemen alighted and left their horses From hence they passed into an other stately court being about 6 store in bredth and some 10 score yards long with many trees in it where all the court was with great pompe set in order to entertaine our ambassador Upon the right hand all the length of the court was a gallerie arched ouer and borne vp with stone pillars much like the Roiall Exchange where stood most of his guard in rankes from the one end to the other in coâ—tâ—â—aray with round head pieces on their heads of mettall and gilt ouer with a great plume of fethers somewhat like a long brush standing vp before On the left hand stood the Cappagies or porters and the Chauses All these courtiers being about the number of 2000. as I might well gesse most of them apparelled in cloth of gold siluer veluet sattin and scarlet did together with bowing their bodies laying their hands vpon their brests in curteous maner of salutation entertain the Ambassador who likewise passing between them turning himself somtime to the right hand and sometime to the left answered them with the like As he thus passed along certaine Chauses conducted him to the Douan which is the seat of Iustice where certaine
I required the Master to goe vnto one of the townes and to take two of our marchants with him I my selfe went to the other and tooke one with me because these two townes stand three miles asunder To these places we caried somewhat of euery kinde of marchandize that we had and hee had at the one Towne nine teeth which were but small and at the other towne where I was I had eleuen which were also not bigge and we left aboord with the Master certaine Manilâ—â—os wherewith he bought 12. teeth aboord the ship in our absence and hauing bought these of them wee perceiued that they had no more teeth so in that place where I was one brought to me a small goat which I bought and to the Master at the other place they brought fiue small hennes which he bought also and after that we saw there was nothing else to be had we departed and by one of the clocke we met aboord and then wayed and went East our course 18. leagues still within sight of land The 28. the wind varied and we ranne into the sea and the winde comming againe off the sea wee fell with the land againe and the first of the land which we raised shewed as a great red cliffe round but not very high and to the Eastward of that another smaller red cliffe and right aboue that into the land a round hummoke and greene which we tooke to be trees We ranne in these 24. houres not aboue foure leagues The 29. day comming neere to the shoare we perceiued the red cliffe aforesaide to haue right vpon the top of it a great heape of trees and all to the Westwards of it ful of red cliffes as farre as we could see and all along the shoare as well vpon the cliffes as otherwise full of wood within a mile of the said great cliffe there is a riuer to the Eastwards and no cliffes that we could see except one small cliffe which is hard by it We ran this day and night 12. leagues The windes that wee had in this place by the reports of the people and of those that haue bene there haue not bene vsuall but in the night at North off the lande and in the day South off the sea and most commonly Northwest and Southwest The 31. day we went our course by the shoare Northwards this land is al along a low shoare and full of wood as all the coast is for the most part and no rockes This morning came out many boates which went a fishing which bee greater boates then those which we sawe before so that in some of them there sate 5. men but the fashion of the boats is all one In the afternoone about three of the clocke wee had sight of a Towne by the sea side which our Pilots iudged to be 25. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape Tres puntas The third of Ianuary in the morning we fell with the Cape Tres puntas and in the night passed as our Pilots saide by one of the Portugals castles which is 8. leagues to the Westwards of the Cape vpon the first sight of the Cape wee discerned it a very high land and all growen ouer with trees and comming neere to it we perceiued two head lands as it were two Bayes betwixt them which opened right to the Westward and the vttermost of them is the Easterne Cape there we perceiued the middle Cape and the Eastermost Cape the middle Cape standeth not aboue a league from the West Cape although the Card sheweth them to be 3. leagues one from the other and that middle Cape hath right before the point of it a small rocke so neere to it that it cannot be discerned from the Cape except a man be neere to the shoare and vpon the same Cape standeth a great heape of trees and when a man is thwart the same Cape to the Eastward there riseth hard by it a round greene hommoke which commeth out of the maine The thirde Cape is about a league beyond the middle Cape and is a high landlike to the other Capes and betwixt the middle and the thirde commeth out a litle head or point of a land out of the maine and diuers rocks hard aboord the shoare Before we came to the Capes being about 8. leagues off them wee had the land Southeast and by East and being past the Capes the land runneth in againe East Northeast About two leagues beyond the farthest Cape there is a lowe glade about two miles long and then the land riseth high againe and diuers head-lands rise one beyond another and diuers rockes lie at the point of the first head-land The middest of these Capes is the neerest to the Southwards I meane further into the sea then any of the other so that being to the Eastward of it it may be discerned farre off and being so to the Eastward it riseth with two small rockes This day we ankered for feare of ouershooting a towne called S. Iohns Wee ran this day not aboue 8. leagues In the afternoone this day there came a boate of the countrey from the shoare with fiue men in her and went along by vs as we thought to discerne our flagges but they would not come neere vs and when they had well looked vpon vs they departed The fourth day in the morning sailing by the coast we espied a ledge of rockes by the shoare and to the Westwards of them two great greene hils ioyning together so that betweene them it was hollow like a saddle and within the said rockes the Master thought the aforenamed Towne had stoode and therefore we manned our boates and tooke with vs cloth and other marchandize and rowed ashoare but going along by the â—oast we sawe that there was no towne therefore wee went aboord againe From these two hils aforesaid about two leagues to the Eastward lie out into the Sea almost two miles a ledge of rockes and beyond that a great Bay which runneth into the North Northwestward and the land in this place lieth North Northeast along the shoare but the vttermost point of land in that place that we could see lay Northeast and by East from vs. After that we were with a small gale of winde runne past that vttermost head-land we sawe a great red cliffe which the Master againe iudged to be the towne of S. Iohns and then wee tooke our boate with marchandize and went thither and when we came thither we perceiued that there was a towne vpon the toppe of the hill and so wee went toward it and when we were hard by it the people of the towne came together a great sort of them and waued vs to come in with a peece of cloth and so we went into a very faire Bay which lieth to the Eastward of the cliffe whereupon the towne standeth and being within the cliffe wee let fall our grapnell and after that we had tarâ—ed there a good space they sent a boate aboord
the towne of Don Iohn and that he himselfe was in the Countrey and would be at home at the going downe of the Sunne and when he had done he required a reward as the most part of them will doe which come first aboord and I gaue him one ell of cloth and he departed and that night we heard no more of him The ninth day in the morning we went againe with our boates to the shoare and there came foorth a boate to vs who made signes that Don Iohn was not come home but would be at home this day and to that place also came another boate from the other towne a mile from this which is called Don Deuis and brought with him gold to shew vs making signes that we should come thither I then left in this place Iohn Sauill and Iohn Makeworth and tooke the Hinde and went to the other towne and there ankered and tooke cloth and went to shore with the boate and by and by the boates came to vs and brought a measure of foure yards long a halfe and shewed vs a weight of an angell and twelue graines which they would giue for so much and not otherwise so I staied and made no bargaine And all this day the barke lay at Don Iohns towne and did nothing hauing answere that he was not come home The tenth day we went againe to the shoare and there came out a boat with good store of gold and hauing driuen the matter off a long time and hauing brought the measure to a nayle lesse then three elles and their weight to an angell and twentie grainâ—s and could not bring them to more I did conclude with them and solde and within one quarter of an houre I tooke one pound and a quarter of an ounce of golde and then they made me signes to tary till they had parted their cloth vpon the shoare as their manner is and they would come againe and so they went away and layde the cloth all abroad vpon the sande peece by peece and by and by one came running downe from the towne to them and spake vnto them and foorthwith euery man made as much haste as he could away and went into the woods to hide his golde and his cloth we mistrusted some knauery and being waued by them to come a shoare yet we would not but went aboorde the Hinde and perceiued vpon the hill 30 men which we iudged to be Portugals and they went vp to the toppe of the hill and there mustered and shewed themselues hauing a flagge with them Then I being desirous to knowe what the Hart did tooke the Hindes boate and went towards her and when I came neere to them they shot off two pieces of ordinance which I marueiled at I made as much haste as I could to her and met her boate and skiffe comming from the shoare in all haste and we met aboord together They shewed me that they had beene a shoare all that day and had giuen to the two sonnes of Don Iohn to either of them three yardes and a halfe of cloth and three basons betwixt them and had deliuered him 3 yards of cloth more and the weight of an angell and 12 graines and being on land did tarie for his answere and in the meane time the Portugals came running from the hill vpon them whereof the Negroes a litle before had giuen them warning and â—ad them to go away but they perceiued it not The sonne of Don Iohn conspired with the Portugales against them so that they were almost vpon them but yet they recouered their boate and set off from the shoare and the Portugales shot their calieuers at them but hurt no man and then the ship perceiuing it shot off the two peeces aforesayde among them Hereupon we â—ayde bases in both the boates and in the Skiffe and manned them well and went a shoare againe but because of the winde we could not land but lay off in the sea about ten score and shot at them but the hill succoured them and they from the rockes and from the hilles shotte at vs with their halfe hakes and the Negroes more for feare then for loue stoode by them to helpe them and when we saw that the Negroes were in such subiection vnto them that they durst not sell vs any thing for feare of them we went aboord and that night the winde kept at the East so that we could not with our ship fetch the Hinde but I tooke the boate in the night and went aboord the barke to see what was there to be done and in the morning we perceiued the towne to be in like case layde with Portugales so we wayed and went along the coast This towne of Iohn de Viso standeth vpon an hill like the towne of Don Iohn but it hath beene burned so that there are not passing fire houses in it the most part of the golde that comes thither comes out of the countrey and no doubt if the people durst for feare of the Portugals bring forth their gold there would be had good store but they dare not sell any thing their subiection is so great to the Portugales The 11 day running by the shoare we had sight of a litle towne foure leagues from the last towne that we came from and about halfe a league from that of another towne vpon a hill and halfe a league from that also of another great towne vpon the shoare whither we went to see what could there be done if we could doe nothing then to returne to the other towne because we thought that the Portugales would leaue the towne vpon our departure Along from the castle vnto this place are very high hilles which may be seene aboue all other hilles but they are full of wood and great red cliffes by the sea side The boates of these places are somewhat large and bigge for one of them will carrie twelue men but their forme is alike with the former boates of the coast There are about these townes few riuers their language differeth not from the language vsed at Don Iohns towne but euery one can speake three or foure words of Portuguise which they vsed altogether to vs. We sawe this night about 5 of the clocke 22 boates running along the shoare to the Westward whereupon we suspected some knauery intended against vs. The 12 day therefore we set sayle and went further along the coast and descried more townes wherein were greater houses then in the other townes and the people came out of the townes to looke vpon vs but we could see no boates Two mile beyond the Eastermost towne are blacke rocks which blacke rockes continue to the vttermost cape of the land which is about a league off and then the land runnes in Eastnortheast and a sandy shoare againe vpon these blacke rockes came downe certaine Negroes which waued vs with a white flagge but we perceiuing the principall place to be neere would not stay but bare
degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctiall From which Cape of Comori vnto the aforesayd Ilands we ranne in sixe dayes with a very large wind though the weather were foule with extreme raine and gustes of windes These Ilands were missed through our masters default for want of due obseruation of the South starre And we fell to the Southward of them within the sight of the Ilands of Gomes Polo which lie hard vpon the great Iland of Sumatra the first of Iune and at the Northeast side of them we lay two or three dayes becalmed hoping to haue had a Pilote from Sumatra within two leagues whereof wee lay off and on Now the Winter comming vpon vs with much contagious weather we directed our course from hence with the Ilands of Pulo Pinaou where by the way is to be noted that Pulo in the Malaian tongue signifieth an Iland at which Ilands wee arriued about the beginning of Iune where we came to an anker in a very good harborough betweene three Ilands at which time our men were very sicke and many fallen Here we determined to stay vntill the Winter were ouerpast This place is in 6 degrees and a halfe to the Northward and some fiue leagues from the maine betweene Malacca and Pegu. Here we continued vntill the end of August Our refreshing in this place was very smal onely of oisters growing on rocks great wilks and some few fish which we tooke with our hookes Here we landed our sicke men on these vninhabited Ilands for their health neuerthelesse 26 of them died in his place whereof Iohn Hall our master was one and M. Rainold Golding another a marchant of great honestie and much discretion In these Ilands are abundance of trees of white wood so right and tall hat a man may make mastes of them being an hundred foote long The winter passed and hauing watered our ship and fitted her to goe to Sea wee had left vs but 33 men and one boy of which not past 22 were found for labour and helpe and of them not past a third part sailers thence we made sailâ— to seeke some place of refreshing and went ouer to the maine of Malacca The next day we came to an anker in a Baie in six fadomes water some two leagues from the shore Then master Iames Lancaster our captaine and M. Edmund Barker his lieutenant and other of the companie manning the boat went on shore to see what inhabitants might be found And comming on land we found the tracking of some barefooted people which were departed thence not long before for we sawe their fire still burning but people we sawe none nor any other liuing creature saue a certaine kind of foule called oxe birds which are a gray kind of Sea-foule like a Snite in colour but not in beake Of these we killed some eight dozen with haile-shot being very tame and spending the day in search returned toward night aboord The next day about two of the clocke in the afternoone we espied a Canoa which came neere vnto vs but would not come aboord vs hauing in it some sixteen naked Indians with whom neuertheles going afterward on land we had friendly conference and promise of victuals The next day in the morning we espied three ships being all of burthen 60 or 70 tunnes one of which wee made to strike with our very boate and vnderstanding that they were of the towne of Martabam which is the chiefe hauen towne for the great citie of Pegu and the goods belonging to certaine Portugal Iesuites and a Biscuit baker a Portugal we tooke that ship did not force the other two because they were laden for marchants of Pegu but hauing this one at our command we came together to an anker The night folowing all the men except twelue which we tooke into our ship being most of them borne in Pegu fled away in their boate leauing their ship and goods with vs. The next day we weighed our anker and went to the Leeward of an Iland hard by and tooke in her lading being pepper which shee and the other two had laden at Pera which is a place on the maine 30 leagues to the South Besides the aforesaid three ships we tooke another ship of Pegu laden with pepper and perceiuing her to bee laden with marchants goods of Pegu onely wee dismissed her without touching any thing Thus hauing staied here 10 daies and discharged her goods into the Edward which was about the beginning of September our sicke men being somewhat refreshed and lustie with such reliefe as we had found in this ship we weighed anker determining to runne into the streights of Malacca to the Ilands called Pulo Sambilam which are some fiue and fortie leagues Northward of the citie of Malacca to which Ilands the Portugals must needs come from Goa or S. Thome for the Malucos China and Iapan And when wee were there arriued we lay too and agayne for such shipping as should come that way Thus hauing spent some fiue dayes vpon a Sunday we espied a saile which was a Portugall ship that came from Negapatan a towne on the maine of India ouer-against the Northeast part of the I le of Zeilan and that night we tooke her being of 250 tunnes she was laden with Rice for Malacca Captaine Lancaster commanded their captaine and master aboord our shippe and sent Edmund Barker his lieutenant and seuen more to keepe this prize who being aboord the same came to an anker in thirtie fadomes water for in that chanell three or foure leagues from the shore you shall finde good ankorage Being thus at an anker and keeping out a light for the Edward another Portugall ship of Sant Thome of foure hundred tunnes came and ankered hard by vs. The Edward being put to Leeward for lacke of helpe of men to handle her sailes was not able the next morning to fetch her vp vntil we which were in the prize with our boate went to helpe to man our shippe Then comming aboord we went toward the shippe of Sant Thome but our ship was so foule that shee escaped vs. After we had taken out of our Portugall prize what we thought good we turned her and all her men away except a Pilot and foure Moores We continued here vntill the sixt of October at which time we met with the ship of the captaine of Malacca of seuen hundred tunnes which came from Goa we shot at her many shot and at last shooting her maine-yard through she came to an anker and yeelded We commaunded her Captaine Master Pilot and Purser to come aboord vs. But the Captaine accompanied with one souldier onely came and after certaine conference with him he made excuse to fetch the Master and Purser which he sayd would not come vnlesse he went for them but being gotten from vs in the edge of the euening â—he with all the people which were to the number of about
three hundred men women and children gote a shore with two great boates and quite abandoned the ship At our comming aboord we found in her sixteene pieces of brasse and three hundred buts of Canarie wine and Nipar wine which is made of the palme trees and raisin wine which is also very strong as also all kind of Haberdasher wares as hats red caps knit of Spanish wooll worsted stockings knit shooes veluets taffataes chamlets and silkes abundance of suckets rice Uenice glasses certaine papers full of false and counterfeit stones which an Italian brought from Venice to deceiue the rude Indians withall abundance of playing cardes two or three packs of French paper Whatsoeuer became of the treasure which vsually is brought in roials of plate in this gallion we could not find it After that the mariners had disordredly pilled this rich shippe the Captaine because they would not follow his commandement to vnlade those excellent wines into the Edward abandoned her let her driue at Sea taking out of her the choisest things that she had And doubting the forces of Malaca we departed thence to a Baie in the kingdom of Iunsalaom which is betweene Malacca and Pegu eight degrees to the Northward to seeke for pitch the trimme our ship Here we sent our souldier which the captaine of the aforesaid galion had left behind him with vs because he had the Malaian language to deale with the people for pitch which hee did faithfully and procured vs some two or three quintals with promise of more and certaine of the people came vnto vs. We sent commodities to their king to barter for Amber-griese and for the hornes of Abath whereof the king onely hath the traffique in his hands Now this Abath is a beast which hath one horne onely in her â—orehead and is thought to be the female Unicorne and is highly esteemed of all the Moores in those parts as a most soueraigne remedie against poyson We had onely two or three of these hornes which are of the colour of a browne gray and some reasonable quantitie of Amber-griese At last the king went about to betray our Portugall with our marchandise but he to get aboord vs told him that we had gilt armour shirtes of maile and halberds which things they greatly desire for hope whereof he let him returne aboord and so he escaped the danger Thus we left this coast and went backe againe in sight of Sumatra and thence to the Ilands of Nicubar where we arriued and found them inhabited with Moores and after wee came to an anker the people daily came aboord vs in their Canoas with hennes Cocos plantans and other fruits and within two dayes they brought vnto vs roials of plate giuing vs them for Calicut cloth which roials they finde by diuing for them in the Sea which were lost not long before in two Portugall ships which were bound for China and were cast away there They call in their language the Coco Calambeâ— the Plantane Pison a Hen â—am a Fish Iccan a Hog Babee From thence we returned the 21 of Nouember to goe for the Iland of Zeilan and arriued there about the third of December 1592. and ankered vpon the Southside in sixe fadomes water where we lost our anker the place being rockie and foule ground Then we ranne along the Southwest part of the sayd Iland to a place called Punta del Galle where we ankered determining there is haue remained vntill the comming of the Bengala Fleet of seuen or eight ships and the Fleete of Pegu of two or three sailes and the Portugall shippes of Tanaseri being a great Baie to the Southward of Martabam in the kingdom of Siam which ships by diuers intelligences which we had were to come that way within foureteene dayes to bring commodities to serue the Caraks which commonly depart from Cochin for Portugall by the middest of Ianuarie The commodities of the shippes which come from Bengala bee fine pauillions foâ— beds wrought quilts fine Calicut cloth Pintados and other fine workes and Rice and they make this voiage twise in the yeere Those of Pegu bring the chiefest stones as Rubies and Diamants but their chiefe fraight is Rice and certaine cloth Those of Tanaseri are chiefly fraighted with Rice and Nipar wine which is very strong and in colour like vnto rocke water somewhat whitish and very hote in taste like vnto Aqua vitae Being shot vp to the place aforesayd called Punta del Galle wee came to an anker in foule ground and lost the same and lay all that night a drift because we had nowe but two ankers left vs which were vnstocked and in hold Whereupon our men tooke occasion to come home our Captaine at that time lying very sicke more like die then to liue In the morning wee set our foresaile determining to lie vp to the Northward and there to keepe our selues to and againe out of the current which otherwise would haue set vs off to the Southward from all knowen land Thus hauing set our foresayle and in hand to set all our other sayles to accomplish our aforesayd determination our men made answere that they would take their direct course for England and would stay there no longer Nowe seeing they could not bee perswaded by any meanes possible the captaine was coâ—strained to giue his consent to returne leauing all hope of so great possibilities Thus the eight of December 1592. wee see sayle for the Cape of Buona Speransa passing by the Ilands of Maldiua and leauing the mightie Iland of S. Laurence on the starreboord or Northward in the latitude of 26 degrees to the South In our passage ouer from S. Laurence to the maine we had exceeding great store of Bonitos and Albocores which are a greater kind of fish of which our captain being now recouered of his sicknesse tooke with an hooke as many in two or three howers as would serue fortie persons a whole day And this skole of fish continued with our ship for the space of fiue or sixe weekes all which while we tooke to the quantitie aforesayd which was no small refreshing to vs. In February 1593. we fell with the Eastermost land of Africa at a place called Baia de Agoa some 100 leagues to the Northeast of the Cape of Good Hope and finding the winds contrary we spent a moneth or fiue weekes before we could double the Cape After wee had doubled it in March folowing wee directed our course for the Iland of Santa Helena and arriued there the third day of Aprill where wee staied to our great comfort nineteene dayes in which meane space some one man of vs tooke thirtie goodly Congers in one day and other rockie fishe and some Bonitos After our arriuall at Santa Helena I Edmund Barker went on shore with foure or fiue Peguins or men of Pegu which we had taken and our Surgion where
deliuered to wit The Bonauenture wherein himselfe went as General the Lion vnder the conduct of Master William Borough Controller of the Nauie the Dread-nought vnder the command of M. Thomas Venner and the Rainebow captaine whereof was M. Henry Bellingham vnto which 4. ships two of her pinasses were appointed as haud-maids There were also added vnto this Fleet certaine tall ships of the Citie of London of whose especiall good seruice the Generall made particular mention in his priuate Letters directed to her Maiestie This Fleete set saile from the sound of Plimouth in the moneth of April towards the coast of Spaine The 16. of the said moneth we mette in the latitude of 40. degrees with two ships of Middle-borough which came from Cadiz by which we vnderstood that there was great store of warlike prouision at Cadiz thereabout ready to come for Lisbon Upon this information our Generall withal speed possible bending himselfe thither to cut off their said forces and prouisions vpon the 19. of April entered with his Fleet into the Harbor of Cadiz where at our first entring we were assailed ouer against the Towne by sixe Gallies which notwithstanding in short time retired vnder their fortresse There were in the Road 60. ships and diuers other small vessels vnder the fortresse there fled about 20. French ships to Port Real and some small Spanish vessels that might passe the sholdes At our first coÌ„ming in we sunke with our shot a ship of Raguza of a 1000. tunnes furnished with 40. pieces of brasse and very richly laden There came two Gallies more from S. Mary port and two from Porto Reale which shot freely at vs but altogether in vaine for they went away with the blowes well beaten for their paines Before night we had taken 30. of the said ships became Masters of the Road in despight of the Gallies which were glad to retire them vnder the Fort in the number of which ships there was one new ship of an extraordinary hugenesse in burthen aboue 1200. tunnes belonging to the Marquesse of Santa Cruz being at that instant high Admiral of Spaine Fiue of them were great ships of Biskay whereof 4. we fired as they were taking in the Kings prouision of victuals for the furnishing of his Fleet at Lisbon the fift being a ship about 1000. tunnes in burthen laden with Iron-spiâ—es nailes yron hoopes horse-shooes and other like necessaries bound for the West Indies we fired in like maner Also we tooke a ship of 250. tunnes laden with wines for the Kings prouision which wee caried out to the Sea with vs and there discharged the said wines for our owne store and afterward set her on fire Moreouer we tooke 3. Flyboats of 300. tunnes a piece laden with biscuit whereof one was halfe vnladen by vs in the Harborow and there fired and the other two we tooke in our company to the Sea Likewise there were fired by vs ten other ships which were laden with wine raisins figs oiles wheat such like To conclude the whole number of ships and barkes as we suppose then burnt suncke and brought away with vs amounted to 30. at the least being in our iudgement about 10000. tunnes of shipping There were in sight of vs at Porto Real about 40. ships besides those that fled from Cadiz We found little ease during our aboad there by reason of their continuall shooting from the Gallies the fortresses and from the shoare where continually at places conuenient they planted new ordinance to offend vs with besides the inconuenience which wee suffered from their ships which when they could defend no longer they set on fire to come among vs. Whereupon when the flood came wee were not a little troubled to defend vs from their terrible fire which neuerthelesse was a pleasant sight for vs to beholde because we were thereby eased of a great labour which lay vpon vs day and night in discharging the victuals and other prouisions of the enemie Thus by the assistance of the Almightie and the inuincible courage and industrie of our Generall this strange and happy enterprize was atchieued in one day and two nights to the great astonishment of the King of Spaine which bread such a corrasiue in the heart of the Marques of Santa Cruz high Admiral of Spaine that he neuer enioyed good day after but within fewe moneths as may iustly be supposed died of extreame griefe and sorrow Thus hauing performed this notable seruice we came out of the Road of Cadiz on the Friday morning the 21. of the said moneth of April with very small losse not worth the mentioning After our departure ten of the Gallies that were in the Road came out as it were in disdaine of vs to make some pastime with their ordinance at which time the wind skanted vpon vs whereupon we cast about againe and stood in with the shoare came to an anker within a league of the towne where the said Gallies for all their forâ—er bragging at length suffred vs to ride quietly We now haue had experience of Gally-fight wherein I can assure you that onely these 4. of her Maiesties ships will make no accompt of 20. Gallies if they may be alone and not busied to guard others There were neuer Gallies that had better place and fitter opportunitie for their aduantage to fight with ships but they were still forced to retire wee riding in a narrow gut the place yeelding no better and driuen to maintaine the same vntill wee had discharged and fired the shippes which could not conâ—eniently be done but vpon the flood at which time they might driue cleare off vs. Thus being victualed with bread and wine at the enemies cost for diuers moneths besides the prouisions that we brought from home our Generall dispatched Captaine Crosse into England with his letters giuing him further in charge to declare vnto her Maiestie all the particularities of this our first enterprize After whose departure wee shaped our course toward Cape Sacre and in the way thither wee tooke at seuerall times of ships barkes and Carauels well neere an hundred laden with hoopes gally-oares pipe-staues other prouisions of the king of Spaine for the furnishing of his forces intended against England al which we burned hauing delt fauorably with the men and sent them on shoare We also spoiled and coÌ„sumed all the fisher-boats and nets thereabouts to their great hinderance and as we suppose to the vtter ouerthrow of the rich fishing of their Tunies for the same yere At length we came to the aforesaid Cape Sacre where we went on land and the better to enioy the benefite of the place and to ride in harborow at our pleasure we assaâ—lâ—d the same castle and three other strong holds which we tooke some by force and some by surrender Thence we came before the hauen of Lisbon ankering nere vnto Cascais where the Marques of Santa Cruz was with his Gallies who seeing vs chase his ships a shoare take
battery and of the rest taken at the Groine which had it bene such as might haue giuen vs any assurance of a better battery or had there bene no other purpose of our iourney but that I thinke the Generall would haue spent some more time in the siege of the place The two last nights there were that vndertooke to fire the higher towne in one place where the houses were builded vpon the wall by the water side but they within suspecting as much made so good defence against vs as they preuented the same In our dâ—parture there was fire put into euery house of the low towne insomuch as I may iustly say there was not one house left standing in the base towne or the cloister The next day being the eight of May we â—mbarked our army without losse of a man which had we not bâ—aten the enemy at Puente de Burgos had bene impossible to haue done for that without doubt they would haue attempted something against vs in our imbarking as appeared by the report of the Commissary aforesayd who confessed that the first night of our landing the Marques of Seralba writ to the Conde de Altemira the Conde de Andrada and to Terneis de Santisso to bring all the forces against vs that they could possible raise thinking no way so good to assure that place as to bring an army thither where withall they might either besiege vs in their base towne if we should get it or to lie betweene vs and our place of imbarking to fight with vs vpon the aduantage for they had aboue 15000 souldiers vnder their commandements After we had put from thence we had the winde so contrary as we could not vnder nine dayes recouer the Burlings in which passage on the thirteenth day the Earle of Essex and with him M. Walter Deuereux his brother a Gentleman of woonderfull great hope Sir Roger Williams Colonell generall of the footmen Sir Philip Butler who hath alwayes bene most inward with him and Sir Edward Wingfield came into the fleet The Earle hauing put himselfe into the iourney against the opinion of the world and as it seemed to the hazzard of his great fortune though to the great aduancemâ—nt of his reputation for as the honourable cariage of himselfe towards all men doth make him highly esteemed at home so did his exceeding forwardnesse in all seruices make him to be woondered at amongst vs who I say put off in the same winde from Falmouth that we left Plimmouth in where he lay because he would auoid the importunity of messengers that were dayly sent for his returne and some other causes more secret to himselfe not knowing as it seemed what place the Generals purposed to land in had bene as farre as Cadiz in Andaluzia and lay vp and downe about the South Cape where he tooke some ships laden with corne and brought them vnto the fleet Also in his returne from thence to meet with our fleet he fell with the Ilands of Bayon and on that side of the riuer which Cannas standeth vpon he with Sir Roger Williams and those Gentlâ—men that were with him went on shore with some men out of the ship he was in whom the enemy that held guard vpon that coast would not abide but fled vp into the countrey The 16 day we landed at Peniche in Portugall vnder the shot of the castle and aboue the waste in water more then a mile from the towne wherein many were in perill of drowning by reason the winde was great and the sea went high which ouerthrew one boat wherein fiue and twenty of Captaine Dolphins men perished The enemy being fiue companies of Spaniards vnder the commandement of the Conde de Fuentes sallied out of the towne against vs and in our landing made their approch close by the water side But the Earle of Essex with Sir Roger Williams and his brother hauing landed sufficient number to make two troups left one to holde the way by the water side and led the other ouer the Sandhils which the enemy seeing drew theirs likewise further into the land not as we coniectured to encounter vs but indeed to make their speedy passage away notwithstanding they did it in such sort as being charged by ours which were sent out by the Colonell generall vnder Captaine Iackson they stood the same euen to the push of the pike in which charge and at the push Captaine Robert Piew was slaine The enemy being fled further then we had reason to follow them all our companies were drawen to the towne which being vnfortified in any place we found vndefended by any man against vs. And therefore the Generall caused the castle to be summoned that night which being abandoned by him that commanded it a Portugall named Antonio de Aurid being possessed thereof desired but to be assured that Don Antonio was landed whereupon he would deliuer the same which he honestly performed There was taken out of the castle some hundred shot and pikes which Don Emanuel furnished his Portugals withall and twenty barrels of powder so as possessing both the towne and the castle we rested there one day wherein some Friers and other poore men came vnto their new king promising in the name of their country next adioyning that within two dayes he should haue a good supply of horse and foote for his assistance That day we remained there the Generals company of horses were vnshipped The Generals there fully resolued that the Armie should march ouer land to Lisbone vnder the conduct of Generall Norris and that Generall Drake should meete him in the riuer therof with the Fleete that there should be one Company of foote left in garde of the Castle and sixe in the ships also that the sicke hurt should remaine there with prouisions for their cures The Generall to trie the euent of the matter by expedition the next day beganne to march in this sort his owne Regiment and the Regiment of Sir Roger Williams Sir Henrie Norris Colonell Lane and Colonell Medkerk in the vantgard Generall Drake Colonell Deuereux Sir Edward Norris and Colonell Sidneis in the battell Sir Iames Hales Sir Edward Wingfield Colonell Vmptons Colonell Huntlies and Colonell Brets in the arrereward By that time our army was thus marshalled Generall Drake although hee were to passe by Sea yet to make knowen the honourable desire he had of taking equall part of all fortunes with vs stood vpon the ascent of an hill by the which our battalions must of necessity march and with a pleasing kindnesse tooke his leaue seuerally of the Commanders of euery regiment wishing vs all most happy successe in our iourney ouer the land with a constant promise that he would if the iniury of the weather did not hinder him meet vs in the riuer of Lisbon with our fleet The want of cariages the first day was such as they were enforced to cary their munition vpon mens backs which was the next day remedied In this
not so soone cleared the lande and spoken with one of them which wâ—s a Barke of Bristoll who had also sought my Lorde in the heigths appointed and could not finde him but a violent storme arose in such manner as if we had remained in the roade we had beene in daunger of perishing and the same extremely continued during the space of threescore houres In which storme I was separated from our Fleete except the Cherubin and the Costely which kept company with mâ—e And so sayling among the Ilands I viewed the roade of Fayal and finding no Roaders there went directly for the Isle Tercera The ninâ—teenth day in the morning comming vnto y â— same with intent to edge into the Road a tempest arose and scanted the winde that we could not seaze it from the which being driuen we fell among certaine of the Indian Fleete which the sayde storme dispersed and put them from the road wherâ—upon my selfe with the other two ships in companie gaue seuerall chases and thereby lost the company each of other In following our chase aboue noone we made her to strike and yeelde being a Portugall laden with hides salsa-perilla and Anile At this very instant we espied another and taking our Prize with vs followed her and somewhat before night obtayned her named the Conception Francisco Spinola being Captaine which was laden with hides Cochonillio and certaine raw sâ—lke And for that the seas were so growen as neither with boate nor shippe they were to bee boorded we kept them till fit opportunitie The same night a litle before day there happened another into our company supposing vs by our two prizes to be of their Fleete which we vntill the morning dissembled The 20 day in the morning the sayle being shot somewhat a head of vs hauing a speciall care for the safe keeping of the two former we purposed to cause our Prizes to put out more sayle thereby to keepe them neere in giuing chase to the other vnto the which the Master would not â—earken nor be peâ—swaded but that they would follow vs by the which his wilfulnâ—sse by such time as we had caused the other to yeelde and sent men aboord the Conception Francisco Spinola Captaine being brought a sterne and hauing gotten the winde of vs stood off with all her sayles bearing so as we were forced to make a new chase of her and had not the winde enlarged vpon vs we had lost her In the puâ—sute before we recouered her and brought our selues againe in company of our other Prizes the whole day was spent and by this meanes we lost the oportunitie of that day the weather fitly seruing to boord the Portugall Prize which was in great distresse and made request to take them being readie to sinke and as we well perceiued they ceased not to pumpe day and night the which ship to all our iudgements the same night perished in the sea The one and twentie day the Conception whereof Francisco Spinola was Captaine being also in a leake and the same still increasing notwithstanding the continuall pumping in such sort as not to be kept long aboue water I tooke and discharged out of her two and forty chestes of Cochonillio and silkes and so left her with 11 foote water in holde and her furniture and 4700 hides vnto the seas The other Prize which we haue brought into the harborough is named Nostra Sennâ—â—â—â—e los remedios whereof Francisco Aluares is Captaine laden with 16 chests of Cochonillio certaine fardels of raw silke and about 4000 hides Upon the discharge of the goods your worships shall be particularly aduertised thereof In the boording of the Prizes the disorder of the company was such as that they letted not presently besides the rifling of the Spaniards to breake open the chests and to purloyne such money as was in them notwithstanding that it was ordered at conuenient leasure to haue gone aboord my selfe and there in the presence of three or foure witnesses to haue taken a iust account thereof and the same to haue put in safe keeping according to the effects of articles receiued in this behalfe And whereas there wâ—re also certaine summes of money taken from the company which they had thus purloyned and embeseled and the same with some other parcels brought aboord my ship amounting vnto 2129 pezoes a halfe the company as pillage due vnto them demanded to haue the same shared which I refused openly at the maine maste read the articles firmed by my Lord Treasurer and my lord Admirall whereby we ought to be directed and that it was not in mee any way to dispose thereof vntill the same were finally determined at home Hereupon they mutined and at last grew into such furie as that they would haue it or els breake downe the cabbine which they were also readie to put in practise whereby I was forced to yeeld least the Spaniards which we had abord being many perceiuing the same might haue had fit opportunitie to rise against vs which after their brawles were appeased they sought to haue put in execution By the last aduise from Castile the Generall of the kings Armada which is lately come to sea hath receiued commaundement to ioyne his Fleete with those of the Indies and for to stay altogether at Tercera vntill the 15 of October for that 6 pataches with 7 or 8 millions of the kings treasure will come by that time or els they stay their comming from Hauana vntil Ianuary next or the kings further pleasure therein to be knowen These Pataches are said to be of 300 tuns the piece and to cary 30 pieces of brasse and also of saile reported to haue the aduantage of any shipping There perished of the Indies Fleete sunke in the sea before their comming to Flores 11 sailes whereof the General was one and not one man saued And it is by the Spaniards themselues presupposed that the stormes which we had at Flores at Tercera haue deuoured many more of them whereof in part we were eye witnesses And so what by the seas and our men of warre I presume that of 75 sailes that came from Hauana halfe of them will neuer arriue in Spaine The 11 day of October at night we came to anker in the sound of Plimouth and the next morning with our Prize came into Cattewater for which God be thanked for that a vehement storme arose and with such fury increased as that the Prize was forced to cut ouer her maine maste otherwise with the violence of the storme her ground tackle being bad she had driuen on shore which was the most cause that moued me to put in here intending now here to discharge the goods without further aduenture and haue certified thus much vnto my Lord Admirall and therewith also desired to vnderstande the direction of the Lords of the Counsell together with yours insomuch as my Lord Thomas Howard is not returned How the rest of our consorts which were
chiefe commaunder vpon the Seas and of all Fleetes or ships and of all places and Islands or lands wheresoeuer he came whereupon the gouernour of Tercera did him great honour and betweene them it was concluded perceiuing the weaknesse of their ships and the danger of the Englishmen that they would send the shippes emptie with souldiers to conuey them either to Siuill or Lisbon where they could first arriue with aduise vnto his Maiestie of all that had past and that he would giue order to fetch the siluer with good and safe conuoy Whereupon the said Aluaro Flores stayed there vnder colour of keeping the siluer but specially because of his disease and for that they were affraide of the Englishmen This Aluaro Flores had alone for his owne part aboue 50000 Duckats in pearles which he shewed vnto vs sought to sell them or barter them with vs for spices or bils of exchange The said two ships see sayle with 3 or 4 hundred men as well souldiers as others that came with them out of India and being at sea had a storme wherewith the Admiral burst and sunke in the sea not one man saued The Uice-Admirall cut downe her mast and ranne the ship on ground hard by Seruual where it burst in pieces some of the men sauing themselues by swimming that brought the newes but the rest were drowned In the same moneth there came two great ships out of the Spanish Indies and being within half a mile of the Road of Tercera◠they met with an English ship which after they had fought long together tooke them both About 7 or 8 moneths before there had beene an English shippe in Tercera that vnder the name of a Frenchman came to traffike in the Island there to lade woad and being discouered was both ship and goods confiscated to the kings vse and all the men kept prisoners yet went they vp and downe the streetes to get their liuings by labouring like slaues being in deede as safe in that Island as if they had beene in prison But in the ende vpon a Sunday all the Saylers went downe behinde the hils called Bresil where they found a Fisher-boat whereinto they got and rowed into the sea to the Erle of Cumberlands shippes which to their great fortune chanced at that time to come by the Island and ankered with his ships about halfe a mile from the Road of Angra hard by two small Islands which lie about a bases shot from the Island and are full of Goats Deere and Sheepe belonging to the inhabitants of the Island of Tercera Those Saylers knew it well and thereupon they rowed vnto them with their boates and lying at anker that day they fetched as many Goates and sheepe as they had neede of which those of the towne and of the Island well saw and beheld yet durst not once goe foorth so there remained no more on land but the Master and the Marchant of the said English ship This Master had a brother in lawe dwelling in England who hauing newes of his brothers imprisonment in Tercera got license of the Queene of England to set forth a ship there with to see if he could recouer his losses of the Spaniards by taking some of them and so to redeeme his brother that lay prisoner in Tercera and he it was that tooke the two Spanish ships before the Towne the Master of the ship aforesaid standing on the shore by me and looking vpon them for he was my great acquaintance The ships being taken that were worth 300 thousand duckats he sent al the men on land sauing onely two of the principall Gentlemen which he kept aboord thereby to ransome his brother and sent the Pilot of one of the Indian ships that were taken with a letter to the Gouernor of Tercera wherein he wrote that he should deliuer him his brother he would send the 2 Gentlemen on land if not he would saile with them into England as indeed he did because the Gouernour would not doe it saying that the Gentlemen might make that suite to the king of Spaine himselfe This Spanish Pilot we bid to supper with vs and the Englishmen likewise where he shewed vs all the manner of their fight much commending the order and maner of the Englishmens fighting as also their courteous vsing of him but in the end the English Pilot likewise stole away in a French ship without paying any ransome as yet In the moneth of Ianuarie 1590 there arriued one ship alone in Tercera that came from the Spanish Indies and brought newes that there was a Fleete of a hundred shippes which put out from the Firme land of the Spanish Indies and by a storme were driuen vpon the coast called Florida where they were all cast away she hauing onely escaped wherin there were great riches many men lost as it may well be thought so that they made their account that of 220 ships that for certaine were knowen to haue put out of Noua Spagna S. Domingo Hauana Capo verde Brasilia Guinea c. in the yeere 1589. to saile for Spaine Portugall there were not aboue 14 or 15 of them arriued there in safetie all the rest being either drowned burst or taken In the same moneth of Ianuary there arriued in Tercera 15 or 16 ships that came from Siuil which were most Flieboats of the Low countries and some Britons that were arrested in Spaine these came full of souldiers and wel appointed with munition to lade the siluer that lay in Tercera and to fetch Aluares de Flores by the kings cōmandement into Spaine And because that time of the yeere there are alwayes stormes about those Ilands therefore they durst not enter into the road of Tercera for that as then it blew so great a storme that some of their ships that had ankred were forced to cut downe their mastes and were in danger to be lost and among the rest a ship of Biscaie ran against the land and was striken in pieces but all the men saued themselues The other ships were forced to keepe the sea and seperate themselues one from the other where wind and weather would driue them vntill the 15 of March for that in all that time they could not haue one day of faire weather to anker in whereby they endured much miserie cursing both the siluer and the Iland This storme being past they chanced to meet with a small English ship of about 40 tunnes in bignesse which by reason of the great wind could not beare all her sailes so they set vpon her and tooke her and with the English flag in their Admirals sterne they came as proudly into the hauen as if they had conquered all the realme of England but as the Admirall that bare the English flag vpon her sterne was entring into the road there came by chance two English ships by the Iland that paied her so well for her paines that they were forced to cry Misericordia and without all doubt
pieces before they could get to the wall The ship sailing in this maner as I sayd before towards the Iland and approching to the shore the master being an olde man and full of yeeres called his sonne that was in the ship with him and hauing imbraced one another and taken their last farewell the good olde father willed his sonne not to take care for him but seeke to saue himselfe for sayd he sonne thou art yong mayest haue some hope to saue thy life but as for me it is no great matter I am olde what become of me and therewith ech of these shedding many teares as euery louing father and kinde childe may well consider the ship fell vpon the cliffes and brake in pieces the father on the one side the sonne on the other side falling into the sea ech laying holde vpon that which came next to hand but to no purpose for the sea was so high and furious that they were all drowned and onely foureteene or fifteene saued themselues by swimming with their legs and armes halfe broken and out of ioynt among which was the Masters sonne and foure other Dutch boyes the rest of the Spaniards and Sailers with the Captaine and Masterâ— were drowned Whose heart would not melt with teares to beholde so grieuous a sight specially considering with himselfe that the greatest cause thereof was the beastlines and insolency of the Spaniards as in this onely example may well be seene Whereby may be considered how the other shippes sped as we our selues did in part beholde and by the men that were saued did heare more at large as also some others of our countreymen that as then were in the like danger can well witnesse On the other Ilands the losse was no lesse then in Tercera for on the Iland of Saint George there were two ships cast away on the Iland of Pico two ships on the Iland of Gratiosa three ships and besides those there came euery where round about diuers pieces of broken ships and other things fleeting towards the Ilands wherewith the sea was all couered most pitifull to beholde On the Iland of S. Michael there were foure ships cast away and betweene Tercera and S. Michael three more were sunke which were seene and heard to cry out whereof not one man was saued The rest put into the sea without masts all torne and rent so that of the whole fleet and armada being 140 ships in all there were but 32 or 33 arriued in Spaine and Portugall yea and those few with so great misery paine and labour that not two of them arriued there together but this day one and to morrow another next day the third and so one after the other to the number aforesayd All the rest were cast away vpon the Ilands and ouerwhelmed in the Seaâ— whereby may be considered what great losse and hindrance they receiued at that time for by many mens iudgements it was esteemed to be much more then was lost by their army that came for England and it may well be thought and presumed that it was no other but a iust plague purposely sent by God vpon the Spaniards and that it might truely be sayd the taking of the Reuenge was iustly reuenged vpon them and not by the might or force of man but by the power of God as some of them openly sayd in the I le of Tercera that they beleeued verily God would consume them and that he tooke part with the Lutherans and heretiks saying further that so soone as they had throwen the dead body of the Uiceadmirall Sir Richard Greenfield ouer-boord they verily thought that as he had a diuellish faith and religion and therefore the diuels loued him so he presently sunke into the bottome of the sea and downe into hell where he raised vp all the diuels to the reuenge of his death and that they brought so great stormes and torments vpon the Spaniards because they onely maintained the Catholike Romish religion Such and the like blasphemies against God they ceased not openly to vtter without being reprooued of any man therein nor for their false opinions but the most part of them rather sayd and affirmed that of trueth it must needs be so As one of those Indian fleets put out of Noua Spagna there were 35 of them by storme and tempest cast away and drowned in the Sea being 50 in all so that but 15 escaped Of the fleet that came from Santo Domingo there were 14 cast away comming out of the chanell of Hauana whereof the Admirall and Uiceadmirall were two of them and from Terra Firma in India there came two ships laden with golde and siluer that were taken by the Englishmen and before the Spanish army came to Coruo the Englishmen at times had taken at the least 20 ships that came from S. Domingo India Brasilia c. and were all sent into England A relation sent by Melchior Petoney to Nigil de Moura at Lisbon from the Iland and Castle of Arguin standing a little to the Southward of Cape Blanco in the Northerly latitude of 19 degrees concerning the rich and secret trade from the inland of Africa thither Anno 1â—91 AS concerning the trade to this Castle and Iland of Arguin your worship is to vnderstand that if it would please the kings maiesty to send hither two or three carauels once in a yeere with Flanders and Spanish commodities as Bracelets of glasse Kniues Belles Linnen-cloth Looking-glasses with other kinds of small wares his highnesse might do great good here For 50 leagues vp into the land the Moores haue many exceeding rich golde mines insomuch that they bring downe their golde to this Castle to traffique with vs and for a small trifle they will giue vs a great wedge of gold And because here is no trade the sayd Moores cary their golde to Fez being 250 leagues distant from hence and there doe exchange the same for the foresayd kindes of commodities By this meanes also his maiesty might stop that passage and keepe the king of Fez from so huge a masse of golde Scarlet-clothes and fine Purples are greatly accepted of in these parts It is a most ferâ—â—le countrey within the land and yeeldeth great store of Wheat flesh of all kindes and abundance of fruits Therefore if it were possible you should do well to deale with his maiesty either himselfe to send a couple of carauels or to giue your worship leaue to traffique here for here is a very good harbour where ships may ride at ancre hard by the Castle The countrey where all the golde-mines are is called The kingdome of Darha In this kingdome are great store of cities and townes and in euery city and towne a Captaine with certaine souldiers which Captaines are lords and owners of the sayd townes One city there is called Couton another Xanigeton as also the cities of Tubguer Azegue Amader Quaherque and the towne of Faroo The which
opened a gulfe betwixt the Wâ—st Indies and the extreame Northerne land but such a one that either is not to be trauelled for the causes in the first obiection alledged or cleane shut vp from vs in Europe by Groenland the South ende whereof Moletius maketh firme land with America the North part continent with Lappeland and Norway Thirdly the greatest fauourers of this voyage can not denie but that if any such passage be it lieth subiect vnto yce and snow for the most part of the yeere whereas it standeth in the edge of the frostie zone Before the Sunne hath warmed the ayre and dissolued the yce eche one well knoweth that there can be no sailing the yce once broken through the continuall abode the sunne maketh a certaine season in those parts how shall it be possible for so weake a vessel as a shippe is to holde out amid whole Islands as it were of yce continually beating on eche side and at the mouth of that gulfe issuing downe furiouâ—ly from the north and safely to passe when whole mountaines of yce and snow shall be tumbled downe vpon her Well graunt the West Indies not to continue continent vnto the Pole grant there be a passage betweene these two lands let the gulfe lie neerer vs then commonly in cardes we finde it set namely betweene the 61. and 64. degrees north as Gemma Frâ—sius in his mappes and globes imagineth it and so left by our countryman Sebastian Cabot in his table which the Earle of Bedford hath at Cheinies Let the way be voyde of all difficulties yet doeth it not follow that wee haue free passage to Cathayo For examples sake You may trend all Norway Finmarke and Lappeland and then bowe Southward to Saint Nicholas in Moscouia you may likewise in the Mediterranean Sea fetch Constantinople and the mouth of Tanais yet is there no passage by Sea through Moscouia into Pont Euxine now called Mare Maggiore Againe in the aforesaid Mediterranean sea we saile to Alexandria in Egypt the Barbarians bring their pearle and spices from the Moluccaes vp the Red sea or Arabian gulph to Sues scarcely three dayes iourney from the aforesayd hauen yet haue wee no way by sea from Alexandria to the Moluccaes for that Isthmos or litle straight of land betweene the two seas In like maner although the Northerne paâ—sage be free at 61 degrees of latitude and the West Ocean beyond America vsually called Mar del Zur knowen so be open at 40. degrees eleuation from the Island Iapan yea three hundred leagues Northerly aboue Iapan yet may there be land to hinder the thorow passage that way by Sea as in the examples aforesaid it falleth out Asia and America there being ioyned together in one continent Ne can this opinion seeme altogether friuolous vnto any one that diligently peruseth our Cosmographers doings Iosephus Molerius is of that minde not onely in his plaine Hemispheres of the world but also in his Sea card The French Geographers in like maner be of the same opinion as by their Mappe cut out in forme of a Hart you may perceiue as though the West Indies were part of Asia Which sentence well agreeth with that old conclusion in the Schooles Quic quid praeter Africam Europam est Asia est Whatsoeuer land doeth neither apperteine vnto Afrike nor to Europe is part of Asia Furthermore it were to small purpose to make so long so painefull so doubtfull a voyage by such a newfound way if in Cathayo you should neither bee suffered to land for silkes and siluer nor able to fetch the Molucca spices and pearle for piracie in those Seas Of a law denying all Aliens to enter into China and forbidding all the inhabiters vnder a great penaltie to let in any stranger into those countryes shall you reade in the report of Galeotto Perera there imprisoned with other Portugals as also in the Iaponish letters how for that cause the worthy traueller Xauierus bargained with a Barbarian Merchant for a great summe of pepper to be brought into Canton a port in China The great and dangerous piracie vsed in those Seas no man can be ignorant of that listeth to reade the Iaponish and East Indian historie Finally all this great labour would be lost all these charges spent in vaine if in the ende our trauellers might not be able to returne againe and bring safely home into their owne natiue countrey that wealth riches which they in forrein regions with aduenture of goods danger of their liues haue sought for By the Northeast there is no way the Southeast passage the Portugals doe hold as the Lords of those Seas At y e Southwest Magellans experience hath partly taught vs and partly we are persuaded by reason how the Easterne current striketh so furiously on that straight and falleth with such force into that narrow gulph that hardly any ship can returne that way into our West Ocean out of Mar del Zur The which if it be true as truely it is then wee may say that the aforesayd Easterne current or leuant course of waters continually following after the heauenly motions looseth not altogether his force but is doubled rather by an other â—urrent from out the Northeast in the passage betweene America and the North land whither it is of necessity caryed hauing none other way to maintaine it selfe in circular motion consequently the force and fury thereof to be no lesse in the straight of Anian where it striketh South into Mar del Zur beyond America if any such straight of Sea there be then in Magellans fret both straights being of like bredth as in Belognine Zalterius table of new France and in Don Diego Hermano de Toledo his Card for nauigation in that regiâ—â— we doe fâ—â—de precisely set downe Neuerthelesse to approoue that there lyeth a way to Cathayo at the Northwest from out of Europe we haue experience namely of three brethren that went that iourney as Gemma Frisius recordeth and left a name vnto that straight whereby now it is called Fretum trium fratrum We doe reade againe of a Portugall that passed this straight of â—hom Master Frobisher speaketh that was imprisoned therefore many yeeres in Lisbone to verifie the olde Spanish prouerbe I suffer for doing well Likewise Andrew Vrdaneta a Fryer of Mexico came out of Mar del Zur this way into Germanieâ— his Carde for he was a great Discouerer made by his owne experience and trauell in that voyage hath bene seene by Gentlemen of good credite Now if the obseruation and remembrance of things breedeth experience and of experience proceedeth arte and the certaine knowledge we haue in all faculties as the best Philosophers that euer were doe affirme truely the voyage of these aforesayd trauellers that haue gone out of Europe into Mar del Zur and returned thence at the Northwest do most euidently conclude that way to be nauigable and that passage free So much the more we are so
perceiue about a mile from vs a certaine place cleare from any yce to the which with an easie breath of wind which our God sent vs we bent our selues And furthermore hee prouided better for vs then we deserued or hoped for for when we were in the foresaid cleare place he sent vs a fresh gale at West or at West Southwest which set vs cleare without all the yce And further he added more for he sent vs so pleasant a day as the like we had not of a long time before as after punishment consolation Thus we ioyfull wights being at libertie tooke in all our sailes and lay a hull praysing God for our deliuerance and slayed to gather together our Fleete which once being done we seeing that none of them had any great hurt neither any of them wanted sauing onely they of whom I spake before and the ship which was lost then at the last wee hoised our sailes and lay bulting off and on till such time as it would please God to take away the yce that wee might get into the Straights And as we thus lay off and on we came by a marueilous huge mountaine of yce which surpassed all the rest that euer we saw for we iudged it to be neere fourescore fathomes aboue water and we thought it to be a ground for any thing that we could perceiue being there nine score fathoms deepe and of compasse about halfe a mile Also the fift of Iuly there fell a hidious fogge and mist that continued till the nineteenth of the same so that one shippe could not see another Therefore we were faine to beare a small sayle and to obserue the time but there ran such a current of a tide that it set vs to the Northwest of the Queenes foreland the backside of all the Straights where through the contagious fogge hauing no sight either of Sunne or Starre we scarce knew where we were In this fogge the tenth of Iuly we lost the company of the Uiceadmirall the Anne Francis the Busie of Bridgewater and the Francis of Foy. The 16. day one of our small Barkes named the Gabriel was sent by our Generall to beare in with the land to discrie it where being on land they met with the people of the Countrey which seemed very humane and ciuill and offered to traffike with our men profering them foules and skins for kniues and other trifles whose courtesie caused vs to thinke that they had small conuersation with other of the Straights Then we bare backe againe to goe with the Queenes foreland and the eighteenth day wee came by two Islands whereon we went on shore and found where the people had bene but we saw none of them This day wee were againe in the yce and like to be in as great perill as we were at the first For through the darknesse and obscuritie of the foggie mist we were almost run on rocks and Islands before we saw them But God euen miraculously prouided for vs opening the fogges that we might see clearely both where and in what danger we presently were and also the way to escape or els without faile we had ruinously runne vpon the rocks When we knew perfectly our instant case wee cast about to get againe on Sea-bord which God be thanked by night we obtained and praised God The cleare conâ—inued scarce an houre but the fogge fell againe as thicke as euer it was Then the Rearadmirall and the Beare got themselues cleare without danger of yce and rocks strooke their sailes and lay a hull staying to haue the rest of the Fleete come forth which as yet had not found the right way to cleare themselues from the danger of rockes and yce vntill the next morning at what time the Rearadmirall discharged certaine warning pieces to giue notice that she had escaped and that the rest by following of her might set themselus free which they did that day Then hauing gathered our selues togither we proceeded on our purposed voyage bearing off and keeping our selues distant from the coast till the 19. day of Iuly at which time the fogges brake vp and dispersed so that we might plainely and clearely behold the pleasant ayre which so long had bene taken from vs by the obscuritie of the foggie mists and after that time we were not much encombred therewith vntill we had left the confines of the Countrey Then we espying a fayre sound supposed it to goe into the Straights betweene the Queenes foreland and Iackmans sound which proued as we imagined For our Generall sent forth againe the Gabriel to discouer it who passed through with much difficulty for there ran such an extreme current of a tide with such a horrible gulfe that with a fresh gale of wind they were scarce able to stemme it yet at the length with great trauaile they passed it and came to the Straights where they met with the Thomas Allen the Thomas of Ipswich and the Busse of Bridgewater who altogether aduentured to beare into the yce againe to see if they could obtaine their wished Port. But they were so incombred that with much difficultie they were able to get out againe yet at the last they escaping the Thomas Allen and the Gabriel â—are in with the Westerne shore where they found harbour and there moared their ships vntill the fourth of August at which time they came to vs in the Countesse of Warwicks sound The Thomas of Ipswich caught a great leake which caused her to cast againe to Seabord and so was mended We sailed along still by the coast vntill we came to the Queenes foreland at the point whereof we met with part of the gulfe aforesayd which place or gulfe as some of our Masters doe credibly report doeth flow nine houres and ebs but three At that point wee discouered certaine lands Southward which neither time nor opportunitie would serue to search Then being come to the mouth of the Straights we met with the Anne Francis who had laine bulting vp and downe euer since her departure alone neuer finding any of her company We met then also the Francis of Foy with whom againe we intended to venture and get in but the yce was yet so thicke that we were compelled againe to retyre and get vs on Sea-bord There fell also the same day being the 26. of Iuly such an horrible snow that it lay a foot thick vpon the hatches which frose as it fell We had also at other times diuers cruell stormes both of snow and haile which manifestly declared the distemperature of the Countrey yet for all that wee were so many times repulsed and put backe from our purpose knowing that lingering delay was not profitable for vs but hurtfull to our voyage we mutually consented to our valiant Generall once againe to giue the onset The 28. day therefore of the same Iuly we assayed and with little trouble God be praysed we passed the dangers by day light Then
The twentieth of Iune at two of the clocke in the morning the General descried land found it to be West Frisland now named west England Here the Generall other Gentlemen went ashore being the first knowen Christians that we haue true notice of that euer set foot vpon that ground and therefore the Generall tooke possession thereof to the vse of our Souereigne Lady the Queenes Maiestie and discouered here a goodly harborough for the ships where were also certaine little boates of that countrey And being there landed they espied certaine tents and people of that countrey which were as they iudge in all sorts vâ—ry like those of Meta Incognita as by their apparell and other things which we found in their tents appeared The Sauage and simple people so soone as they perceiued our men comming towards them supposing there had bene no other world but theirs fled fearefully away as men much amazed at so strange a sight and creatures of humane shape to farre in apparell complexion and other things different from themselues They left in their tents all their furniture for haste behind them where amongst other things were found a boxe of small nailes and certaine red Herrings boords of Firre tree well cut with diuers other things artificially wrought whereby it appeareth that they haue trade with some ciuill people or else are indeede themselues artificiall workemen Our men brought away with them onely two of their dogs leauing in recompense belles looking-glasses and diuers of our countrâ—y coyes behinde them This countrey no doubtâ— promiseth good hope of great commoditie and riches if it may be well discouered The description whereof you shall finde more at large in the second voyage Some are of opinion that this West England is firme land with the Northeast partes of Meta Incognita or else with Groenland And their reason is because the people apparel boates and other things are so like to theirs and another reason is the multitude of Islands of yce which lay betweene it and Meta Incognita doth argue that on the Northside there is a bay which cannot be but by conioyning of the two lands together And hauing a faire and large winde we departed from thence towards Frobishers Streites the three and twentieth of Iune But first wee gaue name to a high cliffe in West England the last that was in our sight and for a certaine similitude we called it Charing crosse Then wee bare Southerly towards the Sea because to the Northwardes of this coast we met with much driuing yce which by reason of the thicke mistes and weather might haue bene some trouble vnto vs. On Munday the last of Iune wee met with many great Whales as they had bene Porposes This same day the Salamander being vnder both her corses and bonets happened to strike a great Whale with her full stemme with such a blow that the ship stoode still and stirred neither forward nor backward The Whale thereat made a great and vgly noyse and cast vp his body and taile and so went vnder water and within two daies after there was found a great Whale dead swimming aboue water which wee supposed was that which the Salamander strooke The second day of Iuly early in the morning we had sight of the Queenes Foreland and bare in with the land all the day and passing thorow great quantity of yce by night were entred somewhat within the Streites perceiuing no way to passe further in the whole place being frozen ouer from the one side to the other and as it were with many walles mountaines and bulwarks of yce châ—ked vp the passage and denied vs entrance And yet doe I not thinke that this passage or Sea hereabonts is frozen ouer at any time of the yere albeit it seemed so vnto vs by the abundance of yce gathered together which occupied the whole place But I doe rather suppose these yce to bee bred in the hollow soundes and freshers thereabouts which by the heate of the sommers Sunne being loosed doe emptie themselues with the ebbes into the sea and so gather in great abundance there together And to speake somewhat here of the ancient opinion of the frozen sea in these parts I doe thinke it to be rather a bare coniecture of men then that euer any man hath made experience of any such sea And that which they speake of Mare glaciale may be truely thought to be spoken of these parts for this may well be called indeede the ycie sea but not the frozen sea for no sea consisting of salt water can be frozen as I haue more at large herein shewed my opinion in my second voyage for it seemeth impossible for any sea to bee frozen which hath his course of ebbing and flowing especially in those places where the tides doe ebbe and flowe aboue ten fadome And also all these aforesayd yce which we sometime met a hundreth mile from lande being gathered out of the salt Sea are in taste fresh and being dissolued become sweete and holesome water And the cause why this yere we haue bene more combred with yce then at other times before may be by reason of the Easterly Southerly winds which brought vs more timely thither now then we looked for Which blowing from the sea directly vpon the place of our Streits hath kept in the yce and not suffered them to be caried out by the ebbe to the maine sea where they would in more short time haue bene dissolued And all these fleeting yce are not only so dangerous in that they wind and gather so neere together that a man may passe sometimes tenne or twelue miles as it were vpon one firme Island of yce but also for that they open and shut together againe in such sort with the tides and sea-gate that whilest one ship followeth the other with full sayles the yce which was open vnto the foremost will ioyne and close together before the latter can come to follow the first whereby many times our shippes were brought into great danger as being not able so sodainely to take in our sayles or stay the swift way of our ships We were forced many times to stemme and strike great rockes of yce and so as it were make way through mighty mountaines By which meanes some of the fleete where they found the yce to open entred in and passed so farre within the danger thereof with continuall desire to recouer their port that it was the greatest wonder of the world that they euer escaped safe or were euer heard of againe For euen at this present we missed two of the fleete that is the Iudith wherein was the Lieutenant generall Captaine Fenton and the Michael whom both we supposed had bene vtterly lost hauing not heard any tidings of them in moe then 20 dayes before And one of our fleete named the Barke Dennis being of an hundreth tunne burden seeking way in amongst these yce receiued such a blow
painefull trauaile and most diligent inquirie Now to be short for I haue bene ouer long by Master Butlers means who cryed on mee to write at large and of as many things as I call to minde woorthy of remembrance wherefore this one thing more I could wish the Island in the mouth of the riuer of Canada should bee inhabited and the riuer searched for that there are many things which may rise thereof as I will shew you hereafter I could find in my heart to make proofe whether it be true or no that I haue read and heard of Frenchmen and Portugals to bee in that riuer and about Cape Briton I had almost forgot to speake of the plentie of wolues and to shew you that there be foxes blacke white gray other beasts I know none saue those before remembred I found also certain Mines of yron and copper in S. Iohns and in the Island of Yron which things might turne to our great benefite if our men had desire to plant thereabout for proofe whereof I haue brought home some of the oare of both sortes And thus I ende assuring you on my faith that if I had not beene deceiued by the vile Portugals descending of the Iâ—wes and Iudas kinde I had not failed to haue searched this riuer and all the coast of Cape Briton what might haue bene found to haue benefited our countrey but they breaking their bands and falsifying their faith and promise disappointed me of the salte they should haue brought me in part of recompense of my good seruice in defending them two yeeres against French Rouers that had spoyled them if I had not defended them By meanes whereof they made me lose not onely the searching of the countrey but also forced mee to come home with greatlosse aboue 600. li. For recompence whereof I haue sent my man into Portugall to demaund iustice at the Kings hand if not I must put vp my supplication to the Queenes Maiesty her honourable councell to grant me leaue to stay here so much of their goods as they haue damnified mee or else that I may take of them in Newfound land as much â—sh as shall be woorth 600. li. or as much as the salte might haue made I pray you aduertise mee what way I were best to take and what hope there will bee of a recompence if I follow the suite many there are that doe comfort me and doe bid me proceede for that her Maiestie and the councell doe tender poore fisher men who with me haue susteined three hundred pound lossâ— in that voyage And to conclude if you and your friend shall thinke me a man sufficiâ—nt and of credite to seeke the Isle of S. Iohn or the riuer of Canada with any part of the firme land of Cape Briton I shall giue my diligence for the true and perfect discouerie and leaue some part of mine owne businesse to further the same and thus I end committing you to God From Bristow the 13. of Nouember 1578. Yours to vse and command ANTHONY PARCKHVRST The Letters Patents graunted by her Maiestie to Sir Humfrey Gilbert knight for the inhabiting and planting of our people in America ELIZABETH by the grace of God Queene of England c. To all people to whom these presents shall come greeting Know ye that of our especiall grace certaine science and meere motion we haue giuen and granted and by these presents for vs our heires and successours doe giue and graunt to our trustie and welbeloued seruaunt Sir Humfrey Gilbert of Compton in our Countie of Deuonshire knight and to his heires and assignes for euer free libertie and licence from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter to discouer finde search out and view such remote heathen and barbarous lands countreys and territories not actually possessed of any Christian prince or people as to him his heires assignes and to euery or any of them shall seeme good and the same to haue hold occupie and enioy to him his heires and assignes for euer with all commodities iurisdictions and royalties both by sea and land and the sayd sir Humfrey and all such as from time to time by licence of vs our heires and successours shall goe and trauell thither to inhabite or remaine there to build and fortifie at the discretion of the sayde sir Humfrey and of his heires and assignes the statutes or actes of Parliament made against Fugitiues or against such as shall depart remaine or continue out of our Realme of England without licence or any other acte statute lawe or matter whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And wee doe likewise by these presents for vs our heires and successours giue full authoritie and power to the saide Sir Humfrey his heires and assignes and euery of them that hee and they and euery or any of them shall and may at all and euery time and times hereafter haue take and lead in the same voyages to trauell thitherward and to inhabite there with him and euery or any of them such and so many of our subiects as shall willingly accompany him and them and euery or any of them with sufficient shipping and furniture for their transportations so that none of the same persons nor any of them be such as hereafter shall be specially restrained by vs our heires and successors And further that he the said Humfrey his heires and assignes and euery or any of them shall haue hold occupy enioy to him his heires or assignes and euery of them for euer all the soyle of all such lands countries territories so to be discouered or possessed as aforesaid and of all Cities Castles Townes and Uillages and places in the same with the rites royalties and iurisdictions as well marine as other within the sayd lands or countreys of the seas thereunto adioyning to be had or vsed with ful power to dispose thereof of euery part thereof in fee simple or otherwise according to the order of the laws of England as nere as the same conueniently may be at his and their will pleasure to any person then being or that shall remaine within the allegiance of vs our heires and successours paying vnto vs for all seruices dueties and demaunds the fift part of all the oare of gold and siluer that from time to time and at all times after such discouerie subduing and possessing shall be there gotten all which lands countreys and territories shall for euer bee holden by the sayd Sir Humfrey his heires and assignes of vs our heires and successours by homage and by the sayd payment of the sayd fift part before reserued onely for all seruices And moreouer we doe by these presents for vs our heires and successours giue and graunt licence to the sayde Sir Humfrey Gilbert his heires or assignes and to euery of them that hee and they and euery or any of them shall and may from time to time and all times for euer hereafter for
his and their defence encounter expulse repell and resist as well by Sea as by land and by all other wayes whatsoeuer all and euery such person and persons whatsoeuer as without the speciall licence and liking of the sayd Sir Humfrey and of his heires and assignes shall attempt to inhabite within the sayd countreys or any of them or within the space of two hundreth leagues neere to the place or places within such countreys as aforesayd if they shall not bee before planted or inhabited within the limites aforesayd with the subiects of any Christian prince being in amitie with her Maiesty where the said sir Humfrey his heires or assignes or any of them or his or their or any of their associates or companies shall within sixe yeeres next ensuing make their dwellings and abidings or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter vnlawfully to annoy either by Sea or land the said sir Humfrey his heires or assignes or any of them or his or their or any of their companies giuing and graunting by these presents further power and authoritie to the sayd sir Humfrey his heires and assignes and euery of them from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter to take and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoeuer all and euery person and persons with their shippes vessels and other goods and furniture which without the licence of the sayd sir Humfrey or his heires or assignes as aforesayd shall bee found traffiquing into any harborough or harboroughs creeke or creekes within the limites aforesayde the â—ubiects of our Realmes and dominions and all other persons in amitie with vs bring driuen by force of tempest or shipwracke onely excepted and those persons and euery of them with their ships vessels goods and furniture to detaine and possesse as of good and lawfull prize according to the discretion of him the sayd sir Humfrey his heires and assignes and of euery or any of them And for vniting in more perfect league and amitie of such countreys landes and territories so to bee possessed and inhabited as aforesayde with our Realmes of England and Ireland and for the better encouragement of men to this enterprise wee doe by these presents graunt and declare that all such countreys so hereafter to bee possessed and inhabited as aforesayd from thencefoorth shall bee of the allegiance of vs our heires and successours And wee doe graunt to the sayd sir Humfrey his heires and assignes and to all and euery of them and to all and euery other person and persons being of our allegiance whose names shall be noted or entred in some of our courts of Record within this our Realme of England and that with the assent of the sayd sir Humfrey his heires or assignes shall nowe in this iourney for discouerie or in the second iourney for conquest hereafter trauel to such lands countries and territories as aforesaid and to their and euery of their heires that they and euery or any of them being either borne within our sayd Realmes of England or Ireland or within any other place within our allegiance and which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the lands countreys and territories with such licence as aforesayd shall and may haue and enioy all the priuileges of free denizens and persons natiue of England and within our allegiance any law custome or vsage to the contrary notwithstanding And forasmuch as vpon the finding out discouering and inhabiting of such remote lands countreys and territories as aforesayd it shall be necessarie for the safetie of all men that shall aduenture themselues in those iourneys or voiages to determine to liue together in Christian peace and ciuill quietnesse each with other whereby euery one may with more pleasure and profit enioy that whereunto they shall attaine with great paine and perill wee for vs our heires and successours are likewise pleased and contented and by these presents doe giue and graunt to the sayd sir Humfrey and his heires and assignes for euer that he and they and euery or any of them shall and may from time to time for euer hereafter within the sayd mentioned remote lands and countreys and in the way by the Seas thither and from thence haue full and meere power and authoritie to correct punish pardon gouerne and rule by their and euery or any of their good discretions and pollicies as well in causes capitall or criminall as ciuill both marine and other all such our subiects and others as shall from time to time hereafter aduenture themselues in the sayd iournâ—ys or voyages habitatiue or possessiue or that shall at any time hereafter inhabite any such lands countreys or territories as aforesayd or that shall abide within two hundred leagues of any the sayd place or places where the sayd sir Humfrey or his heires or assignes or any of them or any of his or their associats or companies shall inhabite within sixe yeeres next ensuing the date hereof according to such statutes lawes and ordinances as shall be by him the said sir Humfrey his heires and assignes or euery or any of them deuised or established for the better gouernement of the said people as aforesayd so alwayes that the sayd statutes lawes and ordinances may be as neere as conuâ—niently may agreeable to the forme of the lawes pollicy of England and also that they be not against the true Christian faith or religion now professed in the church of England nor in any wise to withdraw any of the subiects or people of those lands or places from the allegiance of vs our heires or successours as their immediate Soueraignes vnder God And further we doe by these presents for vs our heires and successours giue and graunt full power and authority to our trustie and welbeloued counseller sir William Cecill knight lord Burleigh our high treasurer of England and to the lord treasurer of England of vs for the time being and to the priuie counsell of vs our heires and successours or any foure of them for the time being that he they or any foure of them shall and may from time to time and at all times hereafter vnder his or their handes or seales by vertue of these presents authorize and licence the sayd sir Humfrey Gilbert his heires and assignes and euery or any of them by him and themselues or by their or any of their sufficient atturneys deputies officers ministers factors and seruants to imbarke and transport out of our Realmes of England and Ireland all or any of his or their goods and all or any the goods of his or their associates and companies and euery or any of them with such other necessaries and commodities of any our Realmes as to the said lord treasurer or foure of the priuie counsell of vs our heires or successours for the time being as aforesayd shall be from time to time by his or their wisedoms or discâ—etions thought meete and conuenient for the better reliefe and supportation of him the
order to our chyrurgion to dresse the wounded men one of which was wounded vnto death That done we had then time to view our prize which we found of great defence and a notable strong ship almost two hundred tun in burden very well appointed and in all things fitted for a man of warre They had also foureteene or fifteene men more which were then absent from the ship otherwise we should haue had the hoter fight The same day we got our sailes to the yard and our top masts on end and rigged the shippe what we could The 26 day we got some oile aboord and there we taried vntill the second of August fitting our selues for the sea and getting fish aboord as weather serued vs. During our â—â—ode there we diuided our men and appointed to ech ship their company my selfe and my friends being resolued to take our passage in the prize wherein when we were shipped and the company there arose great enmity against vs by the other shippe which afterward was quieted The second day of August hauing taken in water and wood we put to sea from that harborow in company of the Hopewell with puâ—pose to go directly to Parlican which is an harborow in the North part of Newfoundland where we eâ—pected another prize But when we came to sea we found our sailes so olâ—e our ropes so rotten and our prouision of bread and drinke so short as that we were constrained to make our resolution directly for England whereupon we drew out our reasons the fourth day of August and sent them aboord the Hopewell to certifie them the cause of our resolution for England wherat they were generally offended thinking and saying that we in the prize went about to cousin and deceiue them To conclude they sent vs word that they would keepe vs company for England But I had giuen William Crafton commission before to go for the Islands of the Açores and there to spend his victuals for a man of warre The next day being the fift of August hauing a faire winde we put off from the coast of Newfoundland and kept our course directly for England the Hopewell keeping vs company vntill midâ—ay whenas hauâ—ng lost vs in a fogge she shot off two pieces of ordinance and we answered her with three afterwarde wâ— spake not with her supposing that she went for the Islands The 27 of August drawing neere the coast of England we sounded and found ground at seuenty fadoms Some of the mariners thinking we were in Bristow channell and other in Silly channell so that through variety of iudgements â—nd euill marinership we were fame to dance the hay foure dayes together sometimes running to the Northeast sometimes to the Southeast then againe to the East and Eastnortheast Thus did we spend faire winds and lose our time vntill the last of August And then it pleased God that we fell with the Island of Lundy within the channell of Bristoll from whence we sâ—ayed our course and aftâ—r diuers dangers the third of September we mâ—t with the Tramontane of the Queene off of Dartmouth to the captaine whereof we gaue certaine things that he had need of The fift of Septeâ—â—er I landed on the outside of the Isle of Wight and within few dayes after it pleased God to bring the ship in safety to London where she was made prize as beloâ—ging to the enemies of this land Certaine obseruations touching the countreys and places where we trauelled THe Newfoundland we found very subiect to fogs and mists The ground of it is very rocky and vpon it there is great store of firce trees and in some places red and abouâ— the shore it hath great abundance of cod-fish We were on land in it in foure seuerall places 1 At Caplin bay and Farrillon 2 At Cape Rase 3 At the harborow of Lano which lieth foure leagues to the West beyond Cape Laurence 4 At S. Marie port The Island of Menego for the soile is much like Newfoundland but the fish about it as also thorowout the Grande Bay within Cape Briton is much larger and better then that of the Newfoundland This Island is scant two leagues long and very narrow In the midst of it a great way within the wood is a great poole Here we were thrise on shore once at the East side and twise at the West The three Islands of birds are sandy red but with the multitude of birds vpon them they looke white The birds sit there as thicke as stones lie in a paued street The greatest â—f the Islands is about a mile in compasse The second is little lesse The third is a very little one like a small rocke At the second of these three lay on the shore in the Sunshine about thirty or forty sea-oxen or morses which when our boat came nere them presently made into the sea and swam after the boat Brions Island wee found to be very good and sandy ground It hath in it store of firre trees It is somewhat more then a league long and about three leagues in compasse Here we were on land once and went from the one side of it to the other The Island of Ramea we tooke to be like ground as Brions Island hauing also abundance of firre trees It seemeth to be in length about twelue or thirteene leagues at least We were there in harborow but not on shore which we much desired and hoped to haue bene but the conflict which we had there with the Basks and Britons mentioned before preuented vs. The Isle Blanche likewise seemeth in quality of the ground and bignesse of it to be much like Brions Island aforesayd but somewhat lesse We were not on shore vpon it but rode before it at anker The land of Cape Briton we found to be somewhat like the Newfoundland but rather better Here toward the West end of it we saw the clouds lie lower then the hils as we did also at Cape Laurence in Newfoundland The Easterly end of the land of Cape Briton is nothing so high land as the West We went on shore vpon it in fiue places 1 At the bay where the Chancewell was cast away 2 At Cibo 3 At a little Island betweene Cibo and the New port 4 At the New port And 5 at Port Ingles or the English port Concerning the nature and fruitfulnesse of Brions Island Isle Blanche and of Ramea they do by nature yeeld exceeding plenty of wood great store of wild corne like barley sâ—rawberries gooseberries mulberies white roses and store of wilde peason Also about the sayd Islands the sea yeeldeth great abundance of fish of diuers sorts And the sayd Islands also seeme to proffer through the labour of man plenty of all kinde of our graine of roots of hempe and other necessary commodities Charles Leigh CERTAINE VOYAGES CONTAINING THE Discouerie of the Gulfe of Sainct Laurence to the West of Newfoundland and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places with a
their children with the breast and they sit continually and are wrapped about the bellies with skinnes of furre The voyage of Monsieur Roberual from his Fort in Canada vnto Sagueuay the fifth of Iune 1543. MOnsieur Roberual the kings Lieutenant generall in the Countries of Canada Saguenay and Hochelaga departed toward the said prouince of Saguenay on the Tuesday the 5. day of Iune 1543. after supper and he with all his furniture was imbarked to make the saijd voyage But vpon a certaine occasion they lay in the Rode ouer against the place before mentioned but on the Wednesday about sixe of the clocke in the morning they set sayle and sayled against the streame in which voyage their whole furniture was of eight barks aswell great as small and to the number of threescore and ten persons with the aforesayd Generall The Generall left behinde him in the aforesayde place and Fort thirtie persons to remayne there vntill his returne from Saguenay which hee appoynted to bee the first of Iuly or else they should returne into France And hee left there behinde him but two Barkes to cary the sayde thirtie persons and the furniture which was there while hee stayed still in the Countrey And for effectuating hereof he left as his Lieutenant a gentleman named Monsieur de Royeze to whom he gaue commission and charged all men to obey him and to be at the commandement of the sayd lieutenant The victuals which were left for their mayntenance vntill the sayd first day of Iuly were receiued by the sayd Lieutenant Royeze On Thursday the 14. of Iune Monsieur de l'Espiney la Brosse Monsieur Frete Monsieur Longeual and others returned from the Generall from the voyage of Saguenay And note that eight men and one Barke were drowned and lost among whom was Monsieur de Noirefontaine and one named la Vasseur of Constance On Tuesday the 19. of Iune aforesayd there came from the Generall Monsieur de Villeneusue Talebot and three others which brought sixescore pounds weight of their corne and letters to stay yet vntill Magdalentyde which is the 22. day of Iuly The rest of this Uoyage is wanting THE VOYAGES AND NAVIGATIONS OF the English nation to Virginia and the seuerall discoueries therof chiefly at the charges of the honourable Sir Walter Ralegh knight from 33 to 40 degrees of latitude together with the successe of the English colonies there planted as likewise a description of the Countrey wiâ—h the Inhabitants and the manifold commodities Whereunto are annexed the Patents letters dicourses c. to this part belonging The letters patents granted by the Queenes Maiestie to M. VValter Ralegh now Knight for the discouering and planting oâ— new lands and Countries to continue the space of 6. yeeres and no more ELizabeth by the grace of God of England France and Ireland Queene defender of the faith c. To all people to whom these presents shal come greeting Know ye that of our especial grace certaine science meere motion we haue giuen and granted and by these presents for vs our hâ—ires and successors doe giue and grant to our trusty and welbeloued seruant Walter Ralegh Esquire and to his heires and assignes for euer free liberty licence from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter to discouer search finde out and view such remote heathen and barbarous lands countreis and territories not actually possessed of any Christian prince nor inhabited by Christian people as to him his heires and assignes and to euery or any of them shall seeme good and the same to haue holde occupy enioy to him his heires and assignes for euer with all prerogatiues commodities iurisdictioÌ„s royalties priuiledges franchises and preeminences thereto or thereabouts both by sea and land whatsoeuer we by our letters paâ—ents may grant and as we or any of our noble progenitors haue heretofore granted to any person or persons bodies politique or corporate and the saide Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and all such as from time to time by licence of vs our heires and successors shal goe or trauaile thither to inhabite or remaine there to build and fortifie at the discretion of the said Walter Ralegh his heires assignes the statutes or act of Parliament made against fugitiues or against such as shall depart remaine or continue out of our Realme of England without licence or any other statute act law or â—ny ordinance whatsoeuer to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And we do likewise by these presentsâ— of our especial grace meere motion and certaine knowledge for vs our heires and successors giue and graunt full authoritie libertie and power to the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery of them that he and they and euery or any of them shall and may at all and euery time and times hereafter haue take and leade in the sayde voyage and trauaile thitherward or to inhabite there with him or them and euery or any of them such and so many of our subiects as shall willingly accompany him or them and euery or any of them and to whom also we doe by these presents giue full libertie and authoritie in that behalfe and also to haue take and employ and vse sufficient shipping and furniture for the transportations and Nauigations in that behalfe so that none of the same persons or any of them be such as hereafter shall be restrained by vs our heires or successors And further that the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery of them shall haue holde occupie and enioy to him his heires and assignes and euery of them for euer all the soyle of all such landes territories and Countreis so to be discouered and possessed as aforesayd and of all such Cities Castles Townes Uillages and places in the same with the right royalties franchises and iurisdictions as well marine as other within the sayd landes or Countreis or the seas thereunto adioyning to be had or vsed with full power to dispose thereof and of euery part in fee simple or otherwise according to the order of the lawes of England as neere as the same conueniently may be at his and their wil and pleasure to any persons then being or that shall remaine within the allegiance of vs our heires and successors reseruing alwayes to vs our heires and successors for all seruices dueties and demaunds the fift part of all the oare of golde and siluer that from time to time and at all times after such discouerie subduing and possessing shall be there gotten and obteined All which lands Countries and territories shall for euer be holden of the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes of vs our heires and successors by homage and by the sayd payment of the sayd fift part reserued onely for all seruices And moreouer we do by these presents for vs our heires and successors giue and grant licence to the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and
euery of them that he and they and euery or any of them shall and may from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter for his and their defence encounter and expulse repell and resist aswell by sea as by lande and by all other wayes whatsoeuer all and euery such person and persons whatsoeuer as without the especiall liking and license of the sayd Walter Ralegh and of his heires and assignes shall attempt to inhabite within the sayde Countryes or any of them or within the space of two hundreth leagues neere to the place or places within such Countryes as aforesayde if they shall not bee before planted or inhabited within the limits as aforesayd with the subiects of any Christian Prince being in amitie with vs where the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires or assignes or any of them or his or their or any of their associats or company shall within sixe yeeres next ensuing make their dwellings or abidings or that shall eâ—terprise or attempt at any time hereafter vnlawfully to annoy eyther by Sea or Lande the sayde Walter Ralegh his heires or assignes or any of them or his or their or any of his or their companies giuing and graunting by these presents further power and authoritie to the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery of them from time to time and at all times for euer hereafter to take and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoeuer all and euery those person or persons with their Shippes Uessels and other goods and furniture which without the licence of the sayde Walter Ralegh or his heires or assignes as aforesayd shal be found traffiquing into any Harbour or Harbours Creeke or Creekes within the limits aforesayd the subiects of our Realmes and Dominions and all other persons in amitie with vs trading to the Newfound lands for fishing as heretofore they haue commonly vsed or being driuen by force of a tempest or shipwracke onely excepted and those persons and euery of them with their shippes vessels goods and furniture to deteine and possesse as of good and lawfull prize according to the discretion of him the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery or any of them And for vniting in more perfect league and amitie of such Countryes landes and territories so to be possessed and inhabited as aforesayd with our Realmes of England and Ireland and the better incouragement of men to these enterprises we doe by these presents graunt and declare that all such Countries so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as is aforesayd from thencefoorth shall be of the allegiance of vs our heires and successours And wee doe graunt to the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and to all and euery of them and to all and euery other person and persons being of our allegiance whose names shall be noted or entred in some of our Courts of recorde within our Realme of England that with the assent of the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires or assignes shall in his iourneis for discouerie or in the iourneis for conquest hereafter trauaile to such lands countreis and territories as aforesayd and to their and to euery of their heires that they and euery or any of them being eyther borne within our sayde Realmes of England or Irelande or in any other place within our allegiance and which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the Lands Countryes and Territories with such licence as aforesayd shall and may haue all the priuiledges of free Denizens and persons natiue of England and within our allegiance in such like ample maner and forme as if they were borne and personally resident within our said Realme of Eâ—gland any law custome or vsage to the contrary notwithstanding And for asmuch as vpon the finding out discouering or iâ—habiting of such remote lands countries and territories as aforesaid it shal be necessary for the safety of all men that shall aduenture themselues in those iourneyes or voyages to determine to liue together in Christian peace and ciuill quietnesse eche with other whereby euery one may with more pleasure and profit enioy that whereunto they shall atteine with great paine and perill wee for vs our heires and successors are likewise pleased and contented and by these presents doe giue grant to the said Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes for euer that he and they and euery or any of them shall and may from time to time for euer hereafter within the said mentioned remote lands and countries in the way by the seas thither and from thence haue full and meere power and authoritie to correct punish pardon gouerne and rule by their and euery or any of their good discretions and policies aswell in causes capitall or criminall as ciuil both marine and other all such our subiects as shal from time to time aduenture themselues in the said iourneis or voyages or that shall at any time hereafter inhabite any such lands countreis or territories as aforesayd or that shall abide within 200. leagues of any of the sayde place or places where the sayde Walter Ralegh his heires or assignes or any of them or any of his or their associats or companies shall inhabite within 6. yeeres next ensuing the date hereof according to such statutes lawes and ordinances as shall be by him the sayd Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery or any of them deuised or established for the better gouernment of the said people as aforesaid So alwayes as the said statutes lawes and ordinances may be as nere as conueniently may bee agreeable to the forme of the lawes statutes gouernement or pollicie of England and also so as they be not against the true Christian faith nowe professed in the Church of England nor in any wise to withdrawe any of the subiectes or people of those lands or places from the alleageance of vs our heires and successours as their immediate Soueraigne vnder God And further we doe by these presents for vs our heires and successors giue and grant ful power and authoritie to our trustie and wâ—lbeloued Counsailour Sir William Cecill knight Lorde Burghleyâ— our high Treasourer of England and to the Lorde Treasourer of England for vs our heires and successors for the time beingâ— and to the priuie Cousaile of vs our heires and successors or any foure or more of them for the time being that he they or any foure or more of them shall and may from time to time and at all times hereafter vnder his or their handes or Seales by vertue of these presents authorise and licence the saide Walter Ralegh his heires and assignes and euery or any of them by him by themselues or by their or any of their sufficient Atturneis Deputies Officers Ministers Factors and seruants to imbarke transport out of our Realme of England and Ireland and the Dominions thereof all or any of his or their goods and all or any the goods of his and their associats and companies and
high mountaines with certaine woods which woods and mountaines ranne ouerthwart the countrey and continued along with certaine small hilles sharpe on the toppe and certaine little vallies are betweene those mountaines And in truth to me which with diligent eyes beheld the same both in length and in the breadth thereof it could not chuse but be a good counâ—rey and to haue great matters in it as well touching the inhabiting thereof by the Indians as in golde and siluer for there was great likelihood that there is store thereof This night we saw a fire farre within the lande towards those mountaines which made vs thinke that the countrey was throughly inhabited The next day being Sunday and Innocents day the 28 of the said moneth at breake of day we seâ— sayle and by nine or ten of the clocke had sayled three or foure leagues where we met with a point which stretched towarde the West the pleasant situation whereof delighted vs much From the eight and twentieth of December we ranne our course vntill Thursday being New-yeares day of the yeere 1540 and we ran some 40 leagues passing by certaine inlets and bayes and certaine high mountains couered with grasse in colour like rosemary but toward the sea-side very bare and burned and toward the top were certaine cragges somewhat of a red colour and beyond these appeared certaine white mountaines and so all the countrey shewed vnto a point which appeared beyond those burnt white and red mountâ—ines which haue neither any grasse nor tree vpon them whereat we maruelled not a little This Newyeares day we sawe neere the maine two small Ilands and reioyced greatly to see them for we stood in great feare that contrary windes would driue vs as farre backe in one day as we had sayled in tenne which if they had taken vs we could not haue withstood them Wee ranne from the first of Ianuary vntill Munday which were fiue dayes and the land alwayes stretched Northwest from the mountaines aforesaid And on the Sunday we saw a farre off a-heâ—d of vs a high land somewhat seuered from the maine shore aâ—d all of vs beganne to dispute whether it were the land which trâ—nded toward the Northwest for that way the Pilots hoped to discouer a better countrey and the said Munday the fift of Ianuarie we came to this high land beforesâ—â—d and it was two Ilands the one a small one and the other a great one we coasted these two Ilands some sixe leagues which were greene and had on the toppe of them many high slender trees and the great Iland was twentie leagues in compasse We coasted it 6 leagues in length without seeing or discouering any othâ—r things but we saw before vs high land which stretched eight or tenne leagues Northwaâ—d where we rode on Munday at night From Thursday being Newyeares day vntill the next Munday we sayled about 35 leagues And in this course we felt great cold which grieued vs much especially being assailed by two or three windie showers which pinched vs much with colde We rode ouer against this land two or three nights hauing it neere vnto vs alwayes keeping watch by equall houres one while marâ—â—ers and another souldiâ—rs all the night long with great vigilancie On Tuesday being Twelfe day we came within â—wo or three leagues of this land which we had descryed the day before seeming to vs very plâ—asant for it shewed grâ—ene with greene â—rees of an ordinary bignesse and we saw many vallies out of which certaine smâ—ll mists arose which continued in them for a long time whereupon we gathered that they rose out of certaine riuers The same morning to our great comfort we saw great smokes though we were aboue foure leagues distant from them and the Captaine made no great reckoning to approch neere vnto them nor to seeke nor serch what the matter was and perchance because he was not then in the Santa Agueda but was aboord the Trinitie as his maner was to come and stay there two or three dayes as well to passe the time as to giue order for things that were needefull In this countrey the winter and raine seemed to be like that of Castâ—le We rode al night two or threâ— leagues distance from shore and toward euening we saw fiue or sixe fires whereat we all reioyced but did not maruell thereat because the situation of that countrey shewed to be habitableâ— being â—aire pleasant and all greâ—ne and likewise because the Iland which we had left behind vs being as I haue said twenty leagues in circuit made shewe that it was well peopled On the Wednesday we were 3 or 4 leagues at sea from the land and began to see â—wo fires more therfore we assured our selues that the countrey was very well inhabited and the farther we sayled we alwayes found it more ciuill And for the space of fifty leagues before we came hither we alwayes found swimming on the sea certaine flotes of weedes of a ships length and of the bredth of two ships being round and full of gourds and vnder these weedes were many fishes and on some of them were store of fowles like vnto white sea-meawes We supposed that these floting weeds did grow vpon some rocke vnder the water We were now in 30 degrees of Northerly latitude We sailed from the 7 of Ianuary vntill the 9 still with contrary windes and on Fryday about noone there rose a North and Northeastern winde which forced vs to returne vnder the shelter of that Iland which we left behind vs from whence we had sayled aboue twentie leagues And that Friday at night somewhat late wee had sayled backe aboue twelue leagues of the same and because it was night wee stayed in the sea where we and our shippes were not a little troubled so that all that night none of vs slept a winke but watched euery one The next morning betimes being Saturday we proceeded on our voyage and gate vnder the shelter of the said Iland riding in thirtie fadome water and on that side where we ankored we found high and closed mountaines with heapes of a certaine earth which was all ashes and burnes and in other places skorched and as blacke as coales and like the rust of yron and in other places whitish and here and there small blacke hilles whereat we maruelled exceedingly considering that when we passed by it seemed vnto vs an habitable countrey full of trees and now we saw not a sticke growing on this side All of vs supposed that on the other side toward the firme lande the trees grâ—we which we sawe although as I haue sayde wee sayled foure or fiue leagues distant from the same We stayed here vnder the shelter of these mountaines Saturday Sunday and Munday alwayes hauing the Northren winde so strong that we thinke if it had caught vs in the sea wee should haue bene cast away Chap. 12. They enuiron and land vpon the Iland of
which course hauing sayled a while hee espied another Iland which hee thought to bee Teneriffe and being not able by meanes of the fogge vpon the hils to discerne the same nor yet to fetch it by night went roomer vntill the morning being the seuenth of Nouember which as yet hee could not discerne but sayled along the coast the space of two houres to perceiue some certaine marke of Teneriffe and found no likelyhood thereof at all accompting that to bee as it was in deede the I le of Palmes and so sayling forwards espied another Iland called Gomera and also Teneriffe with the which hee made and sayling all night came in the morning the next day to the port of Adecia where he found his pinnesse which had departed from him the sixt of the moneth being in the weather of him and espying the pike of Teneriffe all a high bare thither At his arriuall somewhat before hee came to anker hee hoysed out his shippes pinnesse rowing a shoare intending to haue sent one with a letter to Peter de ponte one of the gouernours of the Iland who dwelt a league from the shoare but as hee pretended to haue landed suddenly there appeared vpon the two points of the roade men leuelling of bases and harguebuzes to them with diuers others to the number of fourescore with halberds pikes swordes and targets which happened so contrary to his expectation that it did greatly amaze him and the more because hee was nowe in their danger not knowing well howe to auoyde it without some mischiefe Wherefore hee determined to call to them for the better appeasing of the matter declaring his name and professing himselfe to bee an especiall friend to Peter de ponte and that he had sundry things for him which he greatly desired And in the meane time while hee was thus talking with them whereby hee made them to holde their hands hee willed the marriners to rowe away so that at last he gat out of their danger and then asking for Peter de ponte one of his sonnes being Sennor Nicolas de Ponte came forth whom hee perceiuing desired to put his men aside and hee himselfe would leape a shoare and commune with him which they did so that after communication had betweene them of sundry things and of the feare they both had master Hawkins desired to haue certaine necessaries prouided for him In the meane space while these things were prouiding hee trimmed the maine mast of the Iesus which in the storme aforesayd was sprung here he soiourned 7. dayes refreshing himselfe and his men In the which time Peter de ponte dwelling at S. Cruz a citie 20. leagues off come to him and gaue him as gentle intertainment as if he had bene his owne brother To speake somewhat of these Ilands being called in olde time Insulae fortunatae by the meanes of the flourishing thereof the fruitfulnesse of them doeth surely exceede farre all other that I haue heard of for they make wine better then any in Spaine they haue grapes of such bignesse that they may bee compared to damsons and in taste inferiour to none for sugar suckets raisins of the Sunne and many other fruits abundance sor rosine raw silke there is great store they want neither corne pullets cattell nor yet wilde soule they haue many Camels also which being young are eaten of the people for victuals and being olde they are vsed for caryage of necessaries whole propertie is as hee is taught to kneele at the taking of his loade and vnlading againe his nature is to ingender backward contrary to other beastes of vnderstanding very good but of shape very deformed with a little bellie long misshapen legges and feete very broad of flesh without a hoose all whole sauing the great toe a backe bearing vp like a molehill a large and thin necke with a little head with a bunch of hard flesh which nature hath giuen him in his breast to leanâ— vpon This beast liueth hardly and is contented with sâ—rawe and stubble but of force strong being wâ—ll able to carrie 500. weight In one of these Ilands called Fierro there is by the reports of the inhabitants a certaine tree that raineth continually by the dropping whereof the inhabitants and cattell are satisfied with water for other water haue they none in all the Iland And it â—ameth in such abundance that it were incredible vnto a man to beleâ—ue such a vertue to bee in a tree bâ—â— it is knowen to be a diuine matter and a thing ordeined by God at whose power therein wee ought not to maruell seeing he did by his prouidence as we read in the Scriptures when the children of Israel were going into the land of promise feede them with Manna from heauen for the space of 40. yeeres Of the trees aforesaid wee saw in Guinie many being of great height dropping continually but not so abundantly as the other because the leaues are narrower and are like in leaues of a peare tree About these Ilands are certaine fliâ—ting Ilands which haue beene oftentimes seene and when men approched neere them they vanished as the like hath bene of these Ilands nowe knowen by the report of the inhabitants which were not found of long time eâ—e aftâ—r â—he other and therefore it should seeme hee is not yet borne to whom God hath appoynted the â—inding of them In this Iland of Teneriffe there is a hill called The Pike because it is piked which is in heigth by their reports twentie leagues hauing both winter and summer abundance of â—ewe in the top of it this Pike may bee seene in a cleere day fiftie leagues off but it sheweth as though it were a blacke cloude a great heigth in the element I haue heard of none to be compared with this in heigth but in the Indias I haue seene many and in my iudgement not inferiour to the Pike and so the Spaniards write The 15. of Nouember at night we departed from Teneriffe and the 20. of the same wee had sight of ten Carauels that were fishing at sea with whome we would haue spoken but they fearing vs fled into a place of Barbarie called Cape de las Baâ—bas The twentieth the ships pinnesse with two men in her sayling by the ship was ouerthroweÌ„ by the ouersight of them that went in her the winde being so great that before they were espied and the ship had cast about for them she was driuen halfe a league to leeward of the pinnesse and had lost sight of her so that there was small hope of recouerie had not Gods helpe and the Captaines deligence bene who hauing wel marked which way the pinnesse was by the Sunne appointed 24 of the lustiest rowers in the great boate to rowe to the wind-waidesâ— and so recouered contrary to all mens expectations both the pinnesse and the men sitting vpon the keele of her The 25 he came to Cape Blanco which is vpon the
leuied a thousand mariners of Catalunna and Genoa to bee diuided among the Fleete and bee conducted as they were for the Fleete of Terçera furthermore that sixe thousande souldiers bee leuied giuing commaundement to presse a greater number to the ende that these may bee able men for seruice Moreouer it is needfull for this armie that 20. pataches be brought from Biscay and 20. Azabras from Castro That the pataches bee from 50. to 60. tunnes and that the Azabras bee like those which were in the expedition to Terçera That sufficient prouision be made of artillerie powder match and lead and harquebuzes muskets and chosen pikes for the keeping of the coast It is also meete to prouide another army of two ships of 400. tunnes apiece and other foure of 200. tunnes and foure pataches and a thousand souldiers besides mariners Hauing seene and considered that the Englishmen with their marchants ships onely that trauerse these seas haue made such hauocke in two moneths and that it is to bee thought that they will doe the like against the fleetes which goe and come from the Indies it is expedient that as by order in time of peace the fleete hath an Admirall and Uiceadmirall that now it should haue two more at the least in eche Fleete and neuerthelesse they are to bee wafted home with an armie In mine opinion all these prouisions ought to bee made onely in regard of the English army and the rest of the ships which haue bene set out of that kingdome But in case that Don Antonio should come with an armie and should seeke to inuade this kingdome these prouisions following would be needesull THat warning be giuen to the Conde de Beneuenta to the Marques de Soria to the Conde of Altamira to the Conde of Monterey to the Marquesse of Zerraluo and to the rest of the Lordes and Knights which are to haue order to bee in a readinesse against hee come vnto this kingdome That the people also be trained of the cities of Toro Zamora and Salamanca to bee ready to succour the countrey betweene the riuers of Doro and Minno and the people of Estremadura and Siuilla are likewise to bee trained to be ready to succour the citie of Lisbon and the countrey about the same Also that the castles of this citie riuer and territorie be victualled and prouided of gunpowder match and lead and all things else belonging to the artillerie as I haue requested in the relations which I sent vnto his maiestie the 7. of March of this present yeere 1585. That the gaâ—lies be furnished for foure moneths and that sixe more bee brought from Spaine to this riuer of Lisbon with an hundred and twentie souldiers for ech gallie that they may be deuided among the eight gallies which remaine here And in case it fall out that the armie of the English goe not for the Indies but occupie themselues vpon this kâ—ngdome for there may be English ships which may attend the one and the other we shal be enforced to make another armie besides that for the Indies of twelue ships foure pataches and a thousand fiue hundred souldiers In mine opinion all this is meet for his maiesties seruice to be foresâ—ene to be made ready with great diligence and care and to prouide money needfull for the same without neglecting the one or the other but that â—ll these things be done without delay Referring my selfe in all things to those of wisâ—r iudgement Written in Lisbon the 26 of October 1585. A summarie and true discourse of sir Francis Drakes West Indian voyage begun in the yeere 1585. Wherein were taken the cities of Saint Iago Santo Domingo Cartagena and the towne of Saint Augustine in Florida Published by M. Thomas Caâ—es THis worthy knight for the seruice of his Prince and countrey hauing prepared his whole fleete and gotten them downe to Plimmouth in Deuonâ—hire to the number of fiue and twenty saile of ships and pinnesses and hauing assemâ—led of souldiers and mariners to the number of 2300. in the whole embarked them and himselfe at Plimmouth aforesaid the 12. day of September 1585. being accompanied with these men of name and charge which hereafter follow Master Christopher Carleil Lieutenant general a man of long experience in the warres as well by sea as land who had formerly caried high offices in both kindes in many fights which he discharged alwaies very happily and with great good reputation Anthonie Powel Sergeant Maior Captaine Matthew Morgan and Captaine Iohn Sampson Corporals of the field These officers had commandement ouer the rest of the land-Captaines whose names hereafâ—er follow Captaine Anthony Plat. Captaine Edward Winter Captaine Iohn Goring Captaine Robert Pew Captaine George Barton Captaine Iohn Merchant Captaine William Cecill Captaine Walter Bigs Captaine Iohn Hannam Captaine Richard Stanton Captaine Martine Frobisher Uiceadmirall a man of great experience in sea-faring actions who had caried the chiefe charge of many ships himselfe in sundry voyages before being now shipped in the Primrose Captaine Francis Knolles Reere admirall in the Galeon Leicester Master Thomas Vennor Captaine in the Elizabeth Bonaduenture vnder the Generall Master Edward Winter Captaine in the Aide Master Christopher Carleil the Lieutenant generall Captaine of the Tygar Henry White Câ—ptaine of the sea Dragon Thomas Drake Captaine of the Thomas Thomas Scelie Captaine of the Minionâ— Baily Captaine of the Barke Talbot Robert Crosse Captaine of the Bark Bond. George Fortescue Captaine of the Barke Bonner Edward Carelesse Captaine of the Hope Iames Erizo Captaine of the White Lyon Thomas Moone Captaine of the Francis Iohn Riuers Captaine of the Vantage Iohn Vaugham Captaine of the Drake Iohn Varney Captaine of the George Iohn Martin Capâ—aine of the Beniamin Edward Gilman Captaine of the Skout Richard Hawkins Captaine of the Galiot called the Duckâ— Bitfield Captaine of the Swallow After our going hence which was the foureteenth of September in the yeere of our Lord 1585. and taking our course towards Spaine wee had the winde for a fewe dayes somewhaâ— skant and sometimes calme And being arriued neere that part of Spaine which is called thâ— Moores wee happened to espie diuers sailes which kept their course close by the shore the weather being farre and calme The Generall caused the Uiceadmirall to goe with the pinnesses well manned to see what they were who vpon sight of the said pinnesses approching neere vnto them abandoned for the most part all their ships being Frenchmen laden all with salt and bound homewards into France amongst which ships being all of small burthen there was one so wel liked which also had no man in her as being brought vnto y e general he thought good to makâ— stay of her for the seruice meaning to pay for her as also accordingly he performed at our returneâ— which â—arke was called the Drake The rest of these ships being eight or nine were dismisseâ— without any any thing at all taken from them Who
currents Remember that when you see one league before you a Rocke and a Shoald that hath vpon it but 2. fathomes water and your marke if you come out of the sea is an Hill and the Hil is not very hie it standeth East and West and vpon it are some little risings and they are not very high and vpon these risings stand two round homocks close together you shall see the Teates of Hauana To know along the shore when you are against the Harbour of Xaroca the markes are these A little to the Westward one league you shall see along the shore a Hill that is broken and that broken Hill is ouer tâ—â— Harbour of Xaroca and then a little more to the Westward a league there is another broken Hill And you shall see that North and South from these broken hits is a Flat off And from that to Hauana is 7. leagues and it is all cleane ground and you may goe along the shore till you come to Hauana To know the harbour of Hauana you shall see before you come at it one litle rocke of stone not very hie and smooth toward the sea vpon the rocke standeth a litle white tower wherein they keepe watch And then if you haue the winde large you shall see the harbour open and then you may beare in with it Your shippe being of great burthen when you are within then keepe on the West side â—ecâ—â—se on the East side on the West end of the Rocke aforesayde there lieth a ledge to the Westward which hath but three or foure fathoms ½ vpon it If your ship be of small burthen you may run along the weather shore vntill you come right against the Castle and then halfe the Bay ouer you may come to an anchor How to worke comming through the olde Chanell if you be not minded to goe ouer the Pracellas or shoalds If you will come through the olde Chanel when you come as hie as the Shoalds comming vpon your course from the Caio de Moa as I told you keepe 2. leagues from the Pracel or shoald and then set our course West vnto the low islands of the Firme land And vpon this course you shal kea the Flats on the point of Caio Romano and within it is one Flat higher then the other and smooth vpon and in the middest it maketh as it were broken land and when you are in the chanel in the day time you must take heede you come not neere the shore by 2. leagues and by your sounding no neerer then 3. fathoms And you must take heede stil when y e night commeth to keepe 2. or three leagues off for feare of the shoalds And in the night you must goe Northwest as is aforesaid And also you must take heed that you keepe in the middle of the chanel as nere as you can toward the shoald And finding much wind being benighted from midnight till day stirre West Northwest and when it is towards day then you may edge towards the Flats as is aforesaid And as you stirre hence one day and one night from Caio Romano to the inwards of the Chanell you shall see the firme land of Cuba and other markes and among the rest around hamocke which you may easily know It is called Alcane de Barasoga And from thence to Sauano and to Basquo is 6. leagues and likewise Hauana 6. leagues And from thence to crosse vnder the Fort is 45. leagues And stirre hence vpon your course aforesaid And if you haue gone from Barasoga 30. leagues you shall see none of the Flats of Mecala And giue them a bredth off two or three leagues and keepe your course West Northwest as aforesayd vntill it be day and presently you may edge round to the Flats And thus stirring keepe your course vntill you see the hilles of Camaloqua And looke that when you come from Caio de Moa along the Pracel or shoald by night close by it you shall not see what land it is till it be day and in the Morning you shall set your course as is aforesayd vntill you see the shoald and in seeing it you may stirre on your course as is aboue menâ—ioned vntill you come to Hauana For to set your course from the point of Mance to Caio Romano when you are North and South with the point of Mance you shall stirre thence West Northwest vntil you thinke you be Northeast and Southwest with the hill of Hama And this hill is an high hill and smooth to the seaside And from this hill to Caio Romano you shall stirre Northwest and by West and vpon this course you may be bolde to see Caio Romano And the marke of this Flat is that it maketh an hie land and smooth vpon the top and in the middest of it it sheweth as it were broken And when you come to it you must take heede you come not neere it by 2. leagues because it is sowle And looke that you bring not your selfe too neere the hill of Hama by night For you must take heede of Caio Romano to keepe off it vntill Morning in the Morning you may goe your course vntill you see it and then set your course as is abouesaid A principal ruttier conteining most particular directions to saile from S. Lucar in Andaluzia by the Isles of the Canaries the small Isles called Las Antillas along the South parts of the Isles of S. Iuan de Puerto rico Hispaniola and Cuba and from Cabo de Corrientes or Cabo de S. Anton without and within the litle Isles called Los Alacranes to the port of S. Iuan de Vllua in Nueâ—a Espanna and the course from thence backe againe by Hauana and through the Chanell of Bahama to Spaine together with the speciall markes of all the Capes Islands and other places by the way and a briefe declaration of their latitudes and longitudes IF you depart from the barre of S. Lucar de Barameda toward the West Indias in the Summer time you must stirre a way Southwest vntill you come to the head-land called Punta de Naga vpon the Isle of Tenerif But if your departure be from the sayd barre in the Winter you must stirre away Southwest and by South vntill you come to the height of Cape Cantin on the coast of Babarie the markes and signes whereof be these following The markes to know Cape Canâ—in CApe Cantin is a lowe Câ—pe and small to the sea-ward and maketh a snowt like the nose of a galley and hath vpon the tâ—p of the poynt a Heath or shrubby place and on the toppe thereof staâ—d two homocks that to the sea-ward being higher then the other but that on the Souther side sheweth like a tower and this Cape is in 32. degrees and ½ And he that wil seeke from this Cape to discouer Punta de Naga beforesayd must stirre away Southwest and by West
golde and diuers stones called Piedras Hijadas or Spleene-stones Now Berreo for executing of Morequito and other cruelties spoiles and slaughters done in Aromaia hath lost the loue of the Orenoqueponi and of all the borderers and dare not send any of his souldiers any further into the land then to Carapana which he called the port of Guiana but from thence by the helpe of Carapana he had trade further into the countrey and alwayes appointed ten Spaniards to reside in Carapanas towne by whose fauour and by being conduâ—â—ed by his people those ten searched the countrey thereabouts aswell for mines as for other trades and commodities They also haue gotâ—en a nephew of Morequito whom they haue Christened and named Don Iuan of whom they haue great hope endeuouring by all meanes to establish him in the sayd prouince Among many other trades those Spaniards vsed canoas to passe to the riuers of Barema Pawroma Dissequebe which are on the South side of the mouth of Orenoque and there buy women and children from the Canibals which are of that barbarous nature as they will for three or foure hatchets sell the sonnes and daughters of their owne brethren and sisters and for somewhat more euen their owne daughters Hereof the Spaniards make great profit for buying a maid of twelue or thirteene yeres for three or foure hatchets they sell them againe at Margarita in the West Indies for fifty and an hundred pezos which is so many crownes The master of my shippe Iohn Dowglas tooke one of the canoas which came laden from thence with people to be solde and the most of them escaped yet of those he brought there was one as well fauoured and as well shaped as euer I saw any in England and afterward I saw many of them which but for their tawnie colour may be compared to any of Europe They also trade in those riuers for bread of Cassaui of which they buy an hundred pound weight for a knife and sell it at Margarita for ten pezos They also recouer great store of Cotton Brasill wood and those beds which they call Hamacas or Brasill beds wherein in hot countreyes all the Spaniards vsed to lie commonly and in no other neither did we our selues while we were there By meanes of which trades for ransome of diuers of the Guianians and for exchange of hatchets and kniues Berreo recouered some store of golde plates eagles of golde and images of men and diuers birdes and dispatched his campe-master for Spaine with all that hee had gathered therewith to leuie souldiers and by the shew thereof to draw others to the loue of the enterprise And hauing sent diuers images aswell of men as beasts birds fishes so curiously wrought in gold he doubted not but to perswade the king to yeeld to him some further helpe especially for that this land hath neuer beene sacked the mines neuer wrought and in the Indies their works were well spent and the golde drawen out with great labour and charge He also dispatched messengers to his sonne in Nueuo reyno to leuie all the forces he could to come downe the riuer Orenoque to Emeria the prouince of Carapana to meet him he had also sent to Saint Iago de Leon on the coast of the Caracas to buy horses and mules After I had thus learned of his proceedings past and purposed I told him that I had resolued to see Guiana and that it was the end of my iourney and the cause of my comming to Trinidad as it was indeed and for that purpose I sent Iacob Whiddon the yeere before to get intelligence with whom Berreo himselfe had speech at that time and remembred how inquisitiue Iacob Whiddon was of his proceedings and of the countrey of Guiana Berreo was stricken into a great melancholy and sadnesse and vsed all the arguments he could to disswade me and also assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost and that they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded And first he deliuered that I could not enter any of the riuers with any barke or pinnesse or hardly with any ships boat it was so low sandy and full of flats and that his companies were dayly grounded in their canoas which drew but twelue inches water Hee further sayde that none of the countrey would come to speake with vs but would all flie and if we followed them to their dwellings they would burne their owne townes and besides that the way was long the Winter at hand and that the riuers beginning once to swell it was impossible to stem the current and that we could not in those small boats by any means cary victuall for halfe the time and that which indeed most discouraged my company the kings and lords of all the borders of Guiana had decreed that none of them should trade with any Christians for golde because the same would be their owne ouerthrow and that for the loue of gold the Christians meant to conquer and dispossesse them of all together Many and the most of these I found to be true but yet I resoluing to make triall of all whatsoeuer happened directed captaine George Gifford my vice-admirall to take the Lions whelpe and captaine Calfield his barke to turne to the Eastward against the mouth of a riuer called Capuri whose entrance I had before sent captaine Whiddon and Iohn Dowglas the master to discouer who found some nine foot water or better vpon the flood and fiue at low water to whom I had giuen instructions that they should anker at the edge of the shoald and vpon the best of the flood to thrust ouer which shoald Iohn Dowglas bwoyed and beckoned for them before but they laboured in vaine for neither could they turne it vp altogether so farre to the East neither did the flood continue so long but the water fell yer they could haue passed the sands as wee after found by a second experience so as now wee must either giue ouer our enterprise or leauing our ships at aduenture foure hundred mile behinde vs must run vp in our ships boats one barge and two wheries But being doubtfull how to cary victuals for so long a time in such bables or any strength of men especially for that Berreo assured vs that his sonne must be by that time come downe with many souldiers I sent away one King master of the Lions whelpe with his ship-boat to trie another branch of a riuer in the bottome of the bay of Guanipa which was called Amana to prooue if there were water to be found for either of the small ships to enter But when he came to the mouth of Amana he found it as the rest but stayed not to discouer it thorowly because he was assured by an Indian his guide that the Canibals of Guanipa would assaile them with many canoas and that they shot poisoned arrowes so as if he hasted not backe they should all be lost In the meane
when the Indians had well eaten and drunke they departed thence and going somewhat farre from them one of the Indians cryed to them and sayde Magallanes Esta he minha Terra that is Magallanes this is my countrey and because the Englishmen followed them it seemed the Indians fledde vpward into the land and beeing somewhat farre off they turned backe againe and with their arrowes slewe two of the English shippers one being an Englishman the other a Netherlander the rest came backe againe and saued themselues in the boate wherewith they presently put off from the shore Here they stayed till the seuenteenth of August vpon the which day they set saile running along by the coast about a league and a halfe from the land for there it is all faire and good ground at twentie and fiue and twentie fathome deepe and were about foure or fiue dayes before they came to the mouth or entrie of the Streight but because the wind was contrary they stayed till the 24 of August before they entred The entrie or mouth of the Streight is about a league broad on both sides being bare and flatte land on the North side they sawe Indians making great fires but on the Southside they saw no people stirring The foure and twentieth day aforesayd they beganne to enter into the Streight with an Eastnortheast wind This Streight may bee about an hundred and tenne leagues long and in bredth a league About the entry of the Streight and halfe way into it it tunneth right foorth without any windings or turnings and from thence about eight or tenne leagues towards the ende it hath some boutes and windings among the which there is one so great a hooke or headland that it seemed to runne into the other land and there it is lesse then a league broad from one land to the other and from thence forward it runneth straight out againe And although you finde some crookings yet they are nothing to speake of The issue of the Streight lieth Westward and about eight or tenne leagues before you come to the ende then the Streight beguineth to bee broader and it is all high land to the ende thereof after you are eight leagues within the Streight for the first eight leagues after you enter is low flat land as I sayd before and in the entrie of the Streight you find the streame to runne from the South sea to the North sea And after they began to saile in with the Eastnortheast wind being entred they passed along without any let or hinderance either of wind or weather and because the high land on both sides lay couered with snow and that all the Streight is faire and cleare they helde their course a harquebuse-shot in length from off the North side hauing nine and tenne fathome depth with good ground as I said before where if neede require a man may anker the hilles on both sides being full of trees some of the hilles and trees reaching downe to the sea side in some places hauing plaine and euen land and there they sawe not any greâ—t riuers but some small riuers that issued out of the riffes and breaches of the land and in the countrey where the great Cape or crooking is on the South side they saw certaine Indian fishermen in their Canoas or skiffs being such as they saw first on the North side but more people they saw not on the South side Being out of the Streight on the other side vpon the sixt of September of the aforesaid yeere they held their course Northwest for the space of three dayes and the third day they had a Northeast wind that by force draue them Westsouthwest which course they held for the space of ten or twelue dayes with few sailes vp and because the wind began to be very great they toâ—ke in all their sailes and lay driuâ—ng till the last of September The 24 day of the same moneth hauing lost the sight of one of their shippes which was about an hundred tunne then againe they hoised saile because the winde came better holding their course Northeast for the space of seuen dayes and at the ende of the sayde seuen dayes they had the sight of certayne Islands which they made towards for to anker by them but the weather would not permit them and being there the wind fell Northwest whereupon they sailed Westsouthwest The next day they lost the sight of another ship of their company for it was very foule weather so that in the ende the Admirals shippe was left alone for the ship of Nuno da Silua was left in the Bay where they wintered before they entred into the Streights and with this foule weather they ranne till they were vnder seuen and fiftie degrees where they entred into a hauen of an Island and ankered about the length of the shot of a great piece from the land at twentie fathome deepe where they stayed three or foure dayes and the wind comming Southward they weyed anker holding their course Northward for the space of two daies and then they espied a small vnhabited Island where being arriued they stroke sailes and hoised out their boate and there they tooke many birds and Seales The next day they set saile againe holding their course Northnortheast and North to another Island lying fiue or sixe leagues from the firme land on the Northside of the Streight where they ankered about a quarter of a league from the land in twelue fathome water This Island is small and lowe land and full of Indians the Island being altogether possessed and inhabited by them where they hoysed out their boate wherein the Admirall and twelue Englishmen entred going to fetch fresh water and to seeke for victuals and being landed vpon the Island the Indians in exchange of other things brought two Spanish sheepe and a little Maiz or rootes whereof they make bread and because it was late they returned againe vnto their ship without doing any other thing for that day The next day the said Captaine with the aforesaid twelue men being harquebusiers rowed to land againe and set two of their company on shore with their vessels to fetch fresh water and by the place where they should fill their water there lay certaine Indians secretly hidden that fell vpon the two Englishmen and tooke them which they in the boat perceiuing went out to helpe them but they were so assailed with stones arrowes that all or the most part of them were hurt the Captaine himselfe being wounded with an arrow on the face and with another arrow in the head whereby they were constrained to tuâ—ne backe againe without once hurting any of the Indians and yet they came so neere the boate that they tooke foure of their oares from them This done they set saile againe running along the coast with a South winde sailing so for the space of sixe dayes passing by the hauen called Sant Iago and put into another hauen and
there they tooke an Indian that lay fishing in a Canoa giuing him linnen and butchers chopping kniues with other trifles and not long after there came another Indian aboord their shippe called Felippe and he spake Spanish he gaue the English Captaine notice of a certaine shippe that lay in the hauen oâ— Sant Iago which they had left sixe leagues behind them with that intelligence the Indian being their guide the next day they set saile and went to the aforesayd hauen of S. Iago and entring therein they tooke the said shippe wherein they found a thousand seuen hundred and 70 Botijas or Spanish pots full of wine and other things which hauing done they lept on land where they tooke certaine sackes with meale with whatsoeuer they could find they tooke likewise the ornaments and the reliques out of the Church wherewith they departed from thence taking the aforesayd shippe with two men that they found in her with them and so departed from that hauen which lyeth vnder 32 degrees and a halfe running along â—y the coast till they came vnder one and thirtie and thirtie degrees which was the place where they had appointed to meete and there to stay for ech other if by tempest or foule weather they chanced to be separated and so loose eche others company And comming vnder thirtie degrees they found a very good hauen whereinto they entred and ankered at sixe fathome deepe the shot of a great peece from the land which was right ouer against a riuer where they tooke in sixe pipes of fresh water and to defend them that fetched the water they set twelue men vpon the land and being busied in filling of their water they espied a company of men comming towards them whereof halfe of them were Spaniards being about two hundred and fifty horsemen and as many footemen but they had no sooner espied them but they presently entred into the boat and escaped away loosing but one man The same night they set saile againe with both their ships running along the coast about ten leagues farther where they tooke in some fresh water but because they perceiued certaine horsemen they departed without lading any more water From thence they followed on their course along the coast for the space of 30 leagues where they entred into a desert or vnhabited hauen yet they went not on land for euery day they saw people vpon the shore there they made out a smal pinnesse the peeces wherof they brought ready framed out of England and hauing prepared it they launched it into the water wherein the Captaine with fifteene men entred with the chiefe boatesman called Iohn the Greeke being Master of the ship which they had taken in the hauen of S. Iago wherewith they went to see if they could find the two shippes that they had lost by stormie weather as I sayd before and likewise thinking to goe on land to fill certaine vessels with fresh water they durst not venture for they saw people on all sides of the shore so that in the ende they returned againe without hearing of the other ships being there they tooke all the ordinance out of their ship and new dressed and rigged her which done they put a small peece of ordinance into the pinnesse wherewith they set saile againe following on their course Hauing sailed thirteene dayes they came to an Island lying about the shotte of a base from the land where they ankered and there they found foure Indian fishermen in two Canoas who told them that on the firme land they might haue fresh water but they vnderstanding that there was not much and that it was somewhat within the land would not spend any time about it but set saile againe leauing the fishermen with their Canoas following on their course along by the shore The next day being somewhat further they espied certaine Indian fishermen that were vpon the land in their houses which the English captaine perceiuing presently entred into his pinnesse and rowed on land where he tooke three of the said fishermen taking with him halfe of the fish that lay packed vpon the shore ready to be laden with the which Indians and booty they came on boord againe The next day following they saw a barke laden with fish that belonged to the Spaniards with foure Indians in it This barke with the Indians and the fish they tooke and bound the Spanish ship to their sterne and so drewe it after them leauing the said Indians within it who by night vnbound the barke and secretly made away with barke and fish and were no more seene The next day the Captaine went into the pinnesse and because he saw certaine houses vpon the shore he made thither and being on land he found two men in them one whereof he tooke leauing the other behind and there he â—ound three thousand pezos of siluer euery pezo being the value of a ryall of eight and seuen Indian sheepe and hennes tooke al whatsoeuer they found wherewith they departed from thence following on their course And two dayes after they came to the hauen called Arica where they found two ships the one laden with goods and Spanish wares out of the which they tooke only two hundred Botijas or Spanish pots with wine and out of the other seuen and thirty barres of siluer which are peeces of ten or twelue pound eche barre and thinking to leape on shore with two barks that they found in the said hauen with about seuen and thirty harquebuses and bowes they perceiued on the land certaine horsemen comming towards them whereupon they left off their pretence and tooke with them a Negro that they found in the barks with whom they returned aboord The next day in the morning they burnt the ship that was laden with the Spanish wares and tooke the other with them passing forward with it on their course the Captaine sailing along the shore with his pinnesse and the ship keeping about a league from him to seaward to seeke for a ship wherof they had intelligence and hauing in that maner sailed about fiue and forty leagues they found the ship that lay at anker in a hauen who about two houres before had bene aduertised of an English pirate or sea-rouer and had discharged eight hundred barres of siluer out of her and hidden it on the land which siluer belonged to the king of Spaine of the which siluer the Englishmen had receiued some inâ—elligence but they durst not go on land because there were many Indians and Spaniards that stood to gard it and they found nothing in the ship but three pipes of water the shâ—p they tooke with them and being about a league in the sea they hoysed vp all her sailes and let her driue doing the like with the ship that they had taken in Arica as also the other of Sanâ— Iago which likewise they let driue following on their course with their owne ship and the pinnesse Being seuen or eight leagues
as we were taking in of water by Port Famine out boate-swaine the hooper and William Magoths being on shoare Matthew Hawlse did hallow to haue them in all the haste come on-bord saying therewithall these words He that will come in this voyage must not make any reckoning to leaue two or three men on shore behinde him whereas we had so lately lost all the foresaide men hauing then but sixe sailers left vs on-bord Also the saide Matthew Hawlse did cary a pistoll for the space of two dayes secretly vnder his gowne intending therewithall to haue murthered Andrew Stoning and William Combe as by confession of Hawlse his man William Martin it is manifest for the saide William Martine reported vnto two of his friends viz. Richard Hungate and Emanuel Dornel that he kneeled vpon his knees one whole houre before Matthew Hawlse in his owne cabin desiring him for Gods cause not to kill either of them especially because the saide Stoning and Martin came both out of one towne Also the said Hawlse at our second time of watering in the place aforesaide came into the Gunners roome to speake with you your selfe with the master Gunner Thomas Browne and his mate William Frier being then present demanding of you if he should send certaine men to Port famine being two leagues from the ship by land Thomas Browne answered him presently that he should send none for feare least the wind might arise and by that meanes we should loose so many of our men more to whom Matthew Hawlie replied that it was not material for that he had made choyce of a company for the very same purpose whose names were Emmanuel Doâ—nel Richard Hungate Paul Carie Iohn Dauis Gabriel Valerosa a Portugall and Peter a Britaine and the Spaniard which we had taken in at the same place at our first time of watering And thus we end desiring God to sende vs well into our natiue countrey In witnesse whereof wee haue subscribes our names Thomas Browne Gunner Iohn Morrice c. The last voyage of the worshipfull M. Thomas Candish esquire intended for the South sea the Philippinas and the coast of China with 3. tall ships and two barks Written by M. Iohn Iane a man of good obseruation imployed in the same and many other voyages THe 26. of August 1591. wee departed from Plimmouth with 3. â—all ships and two barkes The Galeon wherein M. Candish went himselfe being Admiral The Roebucke viceadmirall whereof M. Cocke was Captaine The Desire Rere-admirall whereof was Captaine M. Iohn Dauis with whom and for whose sake I went this voyage The Blacke pinnesse and a barke of M. Adrian Gilbert whereof M. Randolfe Cotton was Captaine The 29. of Nouember wee fell with the bay of Saluador vpon the coast of Brasil 12. leagues on this side Cabo Frio where wee were becalmed vntill the second of December at which time wee tooke a small barke bound for the Riuer of Plate with sugar haberdash wares and Negros The Master of this barke brought vs vnto an yle called Placencia thirtie leagues West from Cabo Frio where wee arriued the fift of December and rifled sixe or seuen houses inhabited by Portugales The 11. wee departed from this place and the fourteenth we arriued at the yle of S. Sebastian from whence M. Cocke and Captaine Dauis presently departed with The Desire and the blacke pinnesse for the taking of the towne of Santos The 15. at euening we anckered at the barre of Santos from whence we departed with our boates to the towne and the next morning about nine of the clocke wee came to Santos where being discouered wee were inforced to land with 24. gentlemen our long boat being farre a sterne by which expedition wee tooke all the people of the towne at Masse both men and women whom wee kept all that day in the Church as prisoners The cause why master Candish desired to take this towne was to supply his great wants For being in Santos and hauing it in quiet possession wee stood in assurance to supply all our needes in great abundance But such was the negligence of our gouernour master Cocke that the Indians were suffered to carry out of the towne whatsoeuer they would in open viewe and no man did controll them and the next day after wee had wonne the towne our prisoners were all set at libertie onely foure poore olde men were kept as pawnes to supply our wants Thus in three dayes the towne that was able to furnish such another Fleete with all kinde of necessaries was left vnto vs nakedly bare without people and prouision Eight or tenne dayes after master Candish himselfe came thither where hee remained vntill the 22. of Ianuary seeking by increatie to haue that whereof we were once possessed But in conclusion wee departed out of the towne through extreeme want of victuall not being able any longer to liue there and were glad to receiue a fewe canisters or baskets of Cassaui meale so that in euery condition wee went worse furnished from the towne then when wee came vnto it The 22. of Ianuary we departed from Santos and burnt Sant Vincent to the ground The 24. we set saile shaping our course for the Streights of Magellan The seuenth of February we had a very great storme and the eight hour Fleet was separated by the fury of the tempest Then our Captaine called vnto him the Master of our ship whom hee found to be a very honest and sufficient man aâ—d conferring with him he concluded to goe for Port Desire which is in the Southerly latitude of 48. degrees hoping that the Generall would come thither because that in his first voyage he had found great reliefe there For our Captaine could neuer get any direction what course to take in any such extremities though many times hee had intreated for it as often I haue heard him with griefe report In sayling to this port by good chance we met with The Roe-bucke wherein master Cocke had endured great extremities and had lost his boate and therefore desired our Captaine to keepe him company for hee was in very desperate case Our Captaine hoiâ—ed out his boate and went abord him to know his estate and returning turning tolde vs the hardnesse thereof and desired the Master and all the company to be carefull in all their watches not to loose The Roe-bucke and so wee both arriued at Port Desire the sixth of March. The 16. of March The Blacke pinnesse came vnto vs but master Gilberts barke came not but returned home to England hauing their Captaine abord the Roe-bucke without any prouision more then the apparell that hee wore who came from thence abord our ship to remaine with our Captaine by reason of the great friendship betweene them The 18. the Galeon came into the road and master Candish came into the harborough in a boat which he had made at sea for his long boat and light-horseman were lost
Currants The I le de Flores The I le of Coruo Where they lost the sight of the North starre How the compasse doâ—th varie The Primrose The towne of Samma Golde Gold foure hundreth â—â—â—â—gâ—â— Graines Elephants teeth The head of an Elephant Sir Andrew Iudde The contemplations of Gods worâ—s The description and pâ—â—â—â—â—â—ies of the Elephant Debate betweene the Elephant the Dragon Sanguis Draconis Cinnabaris Three kinds of Elephants Workes of Iuorie The people of Africa Libya interior â—â—tulâ—â— AEthiope Nigrite The riuer Nigritis or Senega â— strange thing Garamantes People of Libya Prester Iohn Regnum Orguene Gambra Guinea Cabo Verde The Portugals Nauigation to Brasile Aethiopia The 7 Bank of Meroe The Queene of Saba Prester Iohn Emperour of Aethiopia People of the Eastside of Africa People without heads Myrth Azania Regnum Melinde Aethiopia interior White Elephants Habasia Iâ—â—â—hiophagi Anthropophagi Monteâ— Lunae Gazatia Cap. bonç Spei Africa without colde The winter of Africa Flames of fire and noise in the aire The middle region of the aire 〈◊〉 cold The sâ—â—â—â—e of Elements Winde The heate of the Moone The nature of the starres Spoutes of water falling out of the aire Cataracts of heauen Uehement motions in the Sea A strange thing The power of nature They rase their skinnes Fiue iewels A bracelet Shackles Kings Dogs chaines of golde A muske cat Their houses Their feeding Flying fishes A strange thing Their bread Their wheat The Sunne Their drinke Graines â—â—els that â—leaue to ships Barnacles Bromas A secret The death of our men Fiue blacke Moues brought vnto England Colde may be better abiden then heate September October Nouember Porto Santo Madera Tenerif Palma Gomera Ferro Riuer del Oro. A Caruell taken Great store of fish vpon the coast of Barbary The Tropike of Cancer in 23. and a halfe Cape Blanke Cape Verde The coast of Guinea The Currant setting Eastward Riuer S. Vincent Cloth made of the barke of trees The Negroes race their skinnes Graines of Guinea Elephants teeth The description of their Townes and houses Diago the name of a Captaine The latitude of S. Vincent riuer is 4. degrees and a halfe Leaues of exceeding length Long pease stalkes Long womens breasts The language about the Riuer of S. Vincent The tides and nature of the shoare The point of Palmas * That was the yere 1554. The tides running Eastward A Towne Many Palme trees Cape Tres puntas Their maner of swearing by the water of the Sea Two townes Cape Tres puntas The towne of Don Iohn Their weapons 60. Portugales in the castle of Mina The English in anno 1554 tooke away 5 Negroes This language seemeth partly to be corrupt Sight of the castle of Mina Don Iohns towne described The Portugales of the castle of Mina inuaded our men The towne of Don Iohn de Viso Foure men taken away by the English A great towne The like they doe in the countrey of Prete lanni Master Roberâ— Gainshes voyage to Guâ—â—ea uâ— anno 1554. The English were offered to buâ—â—d a towne in Gâ—â—ne A Portugale Brigandine Februarie They returne for England Cape de Monte. March Cape Verde in latitude 14 degrâ—es a halfe Aprill May. Their arriual â—t Bristoll Nouember December Sierra Leona The riuer of Sestos They admit certaine Frenchmen into their companie An assault vpon elephants Rio de S. Andre Captaine Blundel the French Admirall Allow Dondoâ— a great towne The castle of Mina Cape de Tres puntas Bulle Hanâ—a Shamma The Negros brought â—ome by our men * Note Robert Gaynsh Hanta Fiue sailes of Portiugals descried The fight with the Portugals The French foâ—sake our men Februarie George our Negro Two Portugalâ— slaine by the Engliâ—h The Frenchmen bridled by the English Iâ—ing Abaan The offer of the king to the English to build a Fort. A towne in circuit as big as London A pretie deuise to descrit the enemie The kings friendly entertainment of oâ—r men Their ceremonies in drinking Mowâ—e Lagoua They returneâ— Ships of Portugall Cape Mensâ—rado Two small Ilands by Sierra Leona Note A Freâ—ch bâ—as uado It is to be vnderstood that at this time there was warre betwixt England and France The French mens goods seazed in the time of the warre vpoâ— the losse of Tales Two English Marcâ—ants Ligiers in the Grand Canary The Spanish West Indian fleet oâ— nineteene saile Rio del Oro. Francis Castelin Cape verde Foure Ilands A great trade of the Frenchmen at Cape â—erde A faire Iland where the French trade Elephants teeth muske and hides Cabo de Monte. The riuer de Sestos Rio de Potos They descrie fiâ—e saile of the Portugals The fight Lagua Periâ—nen Weamba Peâ—ecow Egâ—â—nd The English boord the Frenchmen Fifty pound of golde taken in the French prise Benin Our men die of sicknesse Sicknesse Mowre The great towne of Don Iohn Cormatin A fight with the Negros Note They put the Frenchmen with victuals into the pinnesse Shamma burnt by the English Their returne homeward The currant S. Thome Iland The description of the â—le of S. Thome The Iland of Salt The great inconuâ—nience by late sâ—aying vpon the coast of Guinie The Tyger giuen vp Extreame weaknesse of our men The English marchants intend to fortifie in Ghinea in the king of Habaans countrey The king of Haban Capo verde Rio de Sestos The Minion Rio de Potis Rio de S. Andre Cauo das palmas Cauo de tres puntas Anta Equi Two galies Mowre Cormantin Much hurt done in the Minion with firing a barrel of gunpouder They returne Rio de Barbos The blacke pinnasse Rio de Sesto The Minion of the Queene The firing and sâ—nking of the Merline bound for Guinea They meet their Admirall againe A good caueat Cape Verde The foolish rashnes of Wil. Bats perswading the company to land vnarmed Ciuet muske gold grains the commoditieâ— of Cape Verde The Negros trecherie A French interpreter for Cape Verde The danger of poisonâ—d arrowes The answere of the Negros Bona vista A good admonition Banished Portugals Great store of goates The I le of Maiyo S. Iago The treason of the Portugals in S. Iago to our men The Isle of Fuego Mill. Cotton in Fuego The Isle of Braua They returne March Aprill Woad May. A Portugall Galiasse of 400 tunnes A fight betweene one English ship and 7 Portugals The 7 Portugals depart with shame from one English ship Iune A Portugall ship notwithstanding all their vilanies defended by one men from Rouers M. Hogan his arriual at Azafi in Barbarie May. â—n Barbary theâ— haue no Innes but they lodge in open fieldes where they can find water The singular humaniâ—ie of the king to our Ambassadour The Spaniards and Poâ—â—â—gales were coÌ„mandeâ— by the king in paine of death to â—eete thâ— Enâ—lish Ambasâ—adour The king of Spaine sought to disgrace the Queene heâ— Ambassour The king of Barbarie sent into England for Musicians A rich gift bestowed vpon our Ambassadour Iune The
The king of this land is called Carapana a man very wise subtill and of great experience being little lesse then an hundred yeeres olde in his youth he was sent by his father into the Island of Trinidad by reason of ciuill warre among themselues and was bred at a village in that island called Parico at that place in his youth hee had seene many Christians both French and Spanish and went diuers times with the Indians of Trinidad to Margarita and Cumaná in the West Indies for both those places haue euer beene relieued with victuall from Trinidad by reason whereof he grew of more vnderstanding and noted the difference of the nations comparing the strength and armes of his countrey with those of the Christians and euer after temporized so as whosoeuer els did amisse or was wasted by contention Carapana kept himselfe and his countrey in quiet plenty he also held peace with the Caribes or Canibals his neighbours and had free trade with all nations whosoeuer els had warre Berreo soiourned and rested his weake troupe in the towne of Carapana sixe weeks and from him learned the way and passage to Guiana and the riches and magnificence thereof but being then vtterly disable to proceed he determined to try his fortune another yere when he had renewed his prouisions and regathered more force which hee hoped for aswell out of Spaine as from Nueuo reyno where hee had left his sonne Don Antonio Ximenes to second him vpon the first notice giuen of his entrance and so for the present imbarked himselfe in canoas and by the branches of Orenoque arriued at Trinidad hauing from Carapana sufficient pilots to conduct him From Trinidad he coasted Paria and so recouered Margarita and hauing made relation to Don Iuan Sermiento the gouernour of his proceeding and perswaded him of the riches of Guiana he obteined from thence fifty souldiers promising presently to returne to Carapana and so into Guiana But Berreo meant nothing lesse at that time for he wanted many prouisions necessary for such an enterprise and therefore departed from Margarita seated himselfe in Trinidad and from thence sent his camp-master and his sergeant-maior backe to the borders to discouer the neerest passage into the empire as also to treat with the borderers and to draw them to his party and loue without which he knew he could neither passe safely nor in any sort be relieued with victuall or ought els Carapana directed his company to a king called Morequito assuring them that no man could deliuer so much of Guiana as Morequito could and that his dwelling was but fiue dayes iourney from Macureguarai the first ciuill towne of Guiana Now your lordship shall vnderstand that this Morequito one of the greatest lords or kings of the borders of Guiana had two or three yeeres before bene at Cumaná and at Margarita in the West Indies with great store of plates of golde which he caried to exchange for such other things as he wanted in his owne countrey and was dayly feasted presented by the gouernours of those places and held amongst them some two moneths in which time one Vides gouernour of Cumaná wanne him to be his conductour into Guiana being allured by those croissants and images of golde which hee brought with him to trade as also by the ancient fame and magnificence of El Dorado whereupon Vides sent into Spaine for a patent to discouer and conquer Guiana not knowing of the precedence of Berreos patent which as Berreo affirmeth was signed before that of Vides so as when Vides vnderstood of Berreo and that he had made entrance into that territory and foregone his desire and hope it was verily thought that Vides practised with Morequito to hinder and disturbe Berreo in all he could and not to suffer him to enter thorow his signorie nor any of his companies neither to victuall nor guide them in any sort for Vides gouernour of Cumaná and Berreo were become mortall enemies as well for that Berreo had gotten Trinidad into his patent with Guiana as also in that he was by Berreo preuented in the iourney of Guiana it selfe howsoeuer it was I know not but Morequito for a time dissembled his disposition suffered Spanyards and a frier which Berreo had sent to discouer Manoa to trauell thorow his countrey gaue them a guide for Macureguaray the first towne of ciuill and apparelled people from whence they had other guides to bring them to Manoa the great city of Inga and being furnished with those things which they had learned of Carapana were of most price in Guiana went onward and in eleuen dayes arriued at Manoa as Berreo affirmeth for certeine although could not be assured thereof by the lord which now gouerneth the prouince of Morequito for he tolde me that they got all the golde they had in other townes on this side Manoa there being many very great and rich and as he sayd built like the townes of Christians with many roomes When these ten Spaniards were returned and ready to put out of the border of Aromaia the people of Morequito set vpon them and slew them all but one that swam the riuer and tooke from them to the value of forty thousand pezos of golde and one of them onely liued to bring the newes to Berreo that both his nine souldiers and holy father were benighted in the said prouince I my selfe spake with the captaines of Morequito that slew them and was at the place where it was executed Berreo inraged heerewithall sent all the strength he could make into Aromaia to be reuenged of him his people and countrey But Morequito suspecting the same fled ouer Orenoque and thorow the territories of the Saima and Wikiri recouered Cumaná where hee thought himselfe very safe with Vides the gouernour But Berreo sending for him in the kings name and his messengers finding him in the house of one Fashardo on the sudden yer he was suspected so as he could not then be conueyed away Vides durst not deny him as well to auoid the suspition of the practise as also for that an holy father was slaine by him and his people Morequito offered Fashardo the weight of three quintals in golde to let him escape but the poore Guianian betrayed on all sides was deliuered to the campe-master of Berreo and was presently executed After the death of this Morequito the souldiers of Berreo spoiled his territorie and tooke diuers prisoners among others they tooke the vncle of Morequito called Topiawari who is now king of Aromaia whose sonne I brought with me into England and is a man of great vnderstanding and policy he is aboue an hundred yeeres olde and yet of a very able body The Spaniards ledâ—e him in a chaine seuenteene dayes and made him their guide from place to place betweene his countrey Emeria the prouince of Carapana aforesayd and he was at last redeemed for an hundred plates of
best sure I am that the place is as likely as those from whence all the rich stones are brought and in the same height or very neere On the lefâ— hand of this riuer Caroli are seated those nations which are called Iwarawakeri before remembred which are enemies to the Epuremei and on the head of it adioyning to the great lake Cassipa are situate those other nations which also resist Inga and the Epuremei called Cassepagotos Eparegotos and Arrawagotos I farther vnderstood that this lake of Cassipa is so large as it is aboue one dayes iourney for one of their Canoas to crosse which may bee some fourtie miles and that thereinto fâ—ll diuers riuers and that great sâ—ore of graines of gold are found in the Summer time when the lake falleth by the banckes in those branches There is also another goodly riuer beyond Caroli which is called Arui which also runneth thorow the lake Cassipa and falleth into Orenoque farther West making all that land betweene Caroli and Arui an yland which is likewise a most beautifull countrey Next vnto Arui there are two riuers Atoica and Caora and on that branch which is called Caora are a nation of people whose heads appeare not aboue their shoulders which though it may be thought a meere fable yet for mine owne part I am resolued it is true because euery childe in the prouinces of Arromaia and Canuri affirme the same they are called Ewaipanoma they are reported to haue their eyes in their shoulders and their mouthes in the middle of their breasts and that a long traine of haire groweth backward betweene their shoulders The sonne of Topiawari which I brought with me into England told me that they are the most mighty men of all the land and vse bowes arrowes and clubbes thrice as big as any of Guiana or of the Orenoqueponi and that one of the Iwarawakeri tooke a prisoner of them the yeere before our arriuall there and brought him into the borders of Aromaia his fathers countrey And farther when I seemed to doubt of it hee told me that it was no wonder among them but that they were as great a nation and as common as any other in all the prouinces and had of late yeeres slaine many hundreds of his fathers people and of other nations their neighbours but it was not my chance to heare of them till I was come away and if I had but spoken one worde of it while I was there I might haue brought one of them with mee to put the matter out of doubt Such a nation was written of by Mandenile whose reports were holden for fables many yeeres and yet since the East Indies were discouered we find his relations true of such things as heretofore were held incredible whether it be true or no the matter is not great neither can there bee any profit in the imagination for mine owne part I saw them not but I am resolued that so many people did not all combine or forethinke to make the report When I came to Cumana in the West Indies afterwards by chance I spake with a Spaniard dwelling not farre from thence a man of great trauell and after hee knew that I had bene in Guiana and so farre directly West as Caroli the first question hee asked me was whether I had seene any of the Ewaipanoma which are those without heads who being esteemed a most honest man of his word and in all things else tolde mee that hee had seene many of them I may not name him because it may be for his disaduantage but hee is well knowen to Monsieur Mucherons sonne of London and to Peter Mucheron merchant of the Flemish shippe that was there in trade who also heard what he auowed to be true of those people The fourth riuer to the West of Caroli is Casnero which falleth into Orenoque on this side of Amapaia and that riuer is greater then Danubius or any of Europe it riseth on the South of Guiana from the mountaines which deuide Guiana from Amazones and I thinke it to bee nauigable many hundreth miles but wee had no time meanes nor season of the yeere to search those riuers for the causes aforesayd the Winter being come vpon vs although the Winter and Summer as touching colde and heate differ not neither doe the trees euer sensibly lose their leaues but haue alwayes fruit either ripe or greene and most of them both blossome leaues ripe fruite and greene at one time but their Winter onely consisteth of terrible raines and ouerflowing of the riuers with many great stormes and gustes thunder and lightnings of which we had our fill erâ— we returned On the North side the first riuer that falleth into Orenoque is Cari beyond it on the same side is the riuer of Limo betweene these two is a great nation of Canibals and their chiefe towne beareth the name of the riuer and is called Acamacari at this towne is a continuall market of women for three or foure hatchets a piece they are bought by the Arwacas and by them sold into the West Indies To the West of Limo is the riuer Pao beyond it Caturi beyond that Voati and Capuri which falleth out of the great riuer of Meta by which Berreo descended from Nueuo reyno de Granada To the Westward of Capuri is the prouince of Amapaia where Berreo wintered and had so many of his people poysoned with the tawny water of the marshes of the Anebas Aboue Amapaia toward Nueuo reyno fall in Meta Pato and Cassanar To the West of those towards the prouinces of the Ashaguas and Catetios are the riuers of Beta Dawney and Vbarro and toward the frontier of Peru are the prouinces of Thomebamba and Caxamalca Adioyning to Quito in the North side of Peru are the riuers of Guiacar and Goauar and on the other side of the sayd mountaynes the riuer of Papamene which descendeth into Marannon or Amazones passing thorough the prouince Mutylones where Don Pedro de Osua who was slaine by the traytour Agiri before rehearsed built his brigandines when he sought Guiana by the way of Amazones Betweene Dawney and Beta lyeth a famous Island in Orenoque now called Baraquan for aboue Meta it is not knowen by the name of Orenoque which is called Athule beyond which ships of burden cannot passe by reason of a most forcible ouerfall and current of waters but in the eddy al smaller vessels may be drawen euen to Peru it selfe But to speake of more of these riuers without the description were but tedious and therefore I will leaue the rest to the description This riuer of Orenoque is nauigable for ships little lesse then 1000 miles and for lesser vessels neere 2000. By it as aforesayd Peru Nueuo reyno and Popaian may be inuaded it also leadeth to the great empire of Inga to the prouinces of Amapaia and Anebas which abound in gold his branches of Cosnero Manta Caora
descended from the middle land valley which lieth betweene the easter prouince of Peru and Guiana and it falles into the sea betweene Marannon and Trinidad in two degrees and a halfe all which your Honours shall bettâ—r perceiue in the general description of Guiana Peru Nueuo reyno the kingdome of Popayan and Roidas with the prouince of Veneçuela to the bay of Vraba behind Cartagena Westward and to Amazones Southward While we lay at ankor on the coast of Canuri and had taken knowledge of all the nations vpon the head and branches of this riuer and had found out so many seueral people which were enemies to the Epuremei and the new conquerours I thought it time lost to linger any longer in that place especially for that the fury of Orenoque began dayly to threaten vs with dangers in our returne for no halfe day passed but the riuer began to rage and ouerflowe very fearefully and the raines came downe in terrible showers and gustes in great abundance and withall our men began to crie out for want of shift for no man had place to bestowe any other apparell then that which he ware on his backe and that was throughly washt on his body for the most part tenne times in one day and we had now bene wel neere a moneth euery day passing to the Westward farther and farther from our shippes Wee therefore turned towards the East and spent the rest of the time in discouering the riuer towards the sea which we had not viewed and which was most materiall The next day following we left the mouth of Caroli and arriued againe at the port of Morequito where we were before for passing downe the streame we went without labour and against the winde little lesse then a hundreth miles a day Assoone as I came to ankor I sent away one for olde Topiawari with whom I much desired to haue further conference and also to deale with him for some one of his countrey to bring with vs into England as well to learne the language as to conferre withall by the way the time being nowe spent of any longer slay there Within three houres after my messenger came to him he arriued also and with him such a rabble of all sorts of people and euery one loden with somewhat as if it had beene a great market or faire in England and our hungry companies clustered thicke and threefold among their baskets euery one laying hand on what he liked After he had rested a while in my tent I shut out all but our selues and my interpreter and told him that I knew that both the Epuremei and the Spaniards were enemies to him his countrey and nations that the one had conquered Guiana already and the other sought to regaine the same from them both and therefore I desired him to instruct me what he could both of the passage into the golden parts of Guiana and to the ciuill townes and apparelled people of Inga Hee gaue mee an answere to this effect first that hee could not perceiue that I meant to goe onward towards the citie of Manoa for neither the time of the yeere serued neither could hee perceiue any sufficient numbers for such an enterprize and if I did I was sure with all my company to bee buried there for the Emperour was of that strength as that many times so many men more were too fewe besides hee gaue mee this good counsell and aduised mee to holde it in minde as for himselfe hee knewe hee could not liue till my returne that I should not offer by any meanes hereafter to inuade the strong parts of Guiana without the helpe of all those nations which were also their enemies for that it was impossible without those either to bee conducted to be victualled or to haue ought caried with vs our people not being able to indure the march in so great heate and trauell vnlesse the borderers gaue them helpe to carie with them both their meate and furniture For hee remembred that in the plaines of Macureguarai three hundreth Spaniards were ouerthrowen who were tired out and had none of the borderers to their friendes but meeting their enemies as they passed the frontier were enuironed on all sides and the people setting the long drie grasse on fire smoothered them so as they had no breath to fight nor could discerne their enemies for the great smoke He told me farther that 4 daies iourney from his towne was Macureguarai and that those were the next and neerest of the subiects of Inga and of the Epuremei and the first towne of apparelled and rich people and that all those plates of gold which were scattered among the borderers and caried to other nations farre and neere came from the sâ—yd Macureguarai and were there made but that those of the land within were farre finer and were fashioned after the images of men beastes birds and fishes I asked him whether-hee thought that those companies that I had there with me were sufficient to take that towne or no He told me that he thought they were I then asked him whether he would assist me with guides and some companies of his people to ioyne with vs He answered that he would go himselfe with al the borderers if the riuers did remaine foordable vpon this condition that I would leaue with him til my return againe fifty souldiers which hee vndertooke to victuall I answered that I had not aboue fiftie good men in all there the rest were labourers and rowers that I had no prouision to leaue with them of powder shot apparell or ought else and that without those things necessary for their defence they should bee in danger of the Spaniards in my absence who I knewe would vse the same measure towards mine that I offered them at Trinidad And although vpon the motion Captaine Calfeild Captaine Greenuile my nephew Iohn Gilbert and diuers others were desirous to stay yet I was resolued that they must needes haue perished for Berreo expected daylie a supply out of Spaine and looked also hourely for his sonne to come downe from Nueuo reyno de Granada with many horse and foote and had also in Valencia in the Caracas two hundreth horse ready to march and I could not haue spared aboue fortie and had not any store at all of powder leade or match to haue left with them nor any other prouision either spade pickeaxe or ought else to haue fortified withall When I had giuen him reason that I could not at this time leaue him such a companie he then desired mee to forbeare him and his countrey for that time for he assured mee that I should bee no sooner three dayes from the coast but those Epuremei would inuade him and destroy all the remaine of his people and friendes if hee should any way either guide vs or assist vs against them He further alleaged that the Spaniards sought his death and as they had already murthered his Nephew