he approueth also the same in other realmes vvhen iust occasions are offred either for his seruice the good of the people and realme or els for punishment of the sinnes and wickednes of some princes that the ordinary line of succession be altred Now then to passe on further and to begyn with the kingdomes of Spayne supposing euer this ground of Gods ordenance as hath bin declared first I say that Spayne hath had three or foure races or discents of kings as France also and Ingland haue had and the first race was from the Gothes which began their raigne in Spayne after the expulsion of the Romans about the yeare of Christ 416. to whō the Spaniard referreth al his old nobility as the french man doth to the German Franckes and the Inglish to the Saxons which entred France and Ingland in the very same age that the other did Spayne the race of Gothysh kynges indured by the space of 300. years vntil Spayne was lost vnto the Moores The second race is from Don Pelayo that was chosen first king of Asturias and of the mountayne countrey of Spaine after the distruction therof by the Mootes about the yeare of Christ 〈◊〉 as before hath bin touched which race contynewed increased added kingdome vnto kingdome for the space of other three hundred yeares to wit vntil the yeare of Christ 1034. when Don Sancho may or king of Nauarra at vnto his power the Earldome also of Aragon and Castilia and made them kingdomes and deuided them among his children and to his second sonne named Don Fernando surnamed afterward the great he gaue not only the said Earldome of Castilia with title of kingdome but by mariynge also of the sister of Don Dermudo king of Leon and Asturias he ioyned al those kingdomes together so began from that day forward the third race of the kings of Nauar to reigne in Castel and so indured for syuehundred yeares vntil the yeare of Christ 1540. whē the house of Austria entred to reigne ther by mariage of the daughter and heyre of Don Ferdinando surnamed the Catholique and this was the fourth race of Spanish kings after the Romans which endureth vntil this day And albeit in al thes foure races and ranckes of royal discents diuers exāples might be alleaged for manifest proofe of my purpose yet wil I not deale whith the first race for that it is euident by the councels of Toledo before alleaged which were holden in that very time that in those dayes expresse election was ioyned with succession as by the deposition of king Suintila and putting back of al his children as also by the election approbation of king Sisinando that was further of by succession hath bin insinuated before in the fyft councel of that age in Toledo it is decreed expresly in these wordes Si quis talia meditatus fuerit talking of pretending to be king quem nec electio omnium perficit nec Gothicae gentis nobilitas ad hunc honoris apicem trahit sit consortio Catholicorum priuatus diuino anathemate condemnatus If any man shal imagin said thes fathers or go about to aspire to the kingdome whom the election choise of al the 〈◊〉 doth not make perfect not the nobility of the Gotish nation doth draw to the height of this dignity let him be depriued of al Catholique society and damned by the curse of almighty God by which woords is insinuated that not only the nobility of Gotish blood or neernes by succession was required for the making of ther king but much more the choise or admission of al the realme wherin this councel putteth the perfection of his title The like determinatiō was made in an other councel at the same place before this that I haue alleaged the vvordes are these Nullus apud nos presumptione regnum arripiat sed defuncto in pace principe optimates gentis cum sacerdotibus successorem regni communi concilio constituant Which in Inglish is thus let no man with vs snatche the kingdome by presumption but the former Prince being dead in peace let the nobility of the nation together with the Priests and cleargie appoint the successor of the kingdome by common councel which is as much to say as if he had said let no man enter vppon the kingdome by presumption of succession alone but let the Lords temporal and spiritual by common voice see vvhat is best for the vveal publique Now then according to thes ancient decrees albeit in the second race of Don Pelayo the law of succession by propinquity of blood was renewed and much more established then before as the ancient bishop of Tuys and Molina and other spanish vvriters do testifie yet that the next in blood was oftentymes put back by the common wealth vppon iust causes thes examples following shal testifie as breefly recoūted as I can possibly Don Pelayo died in the yeare of our Lord 737. and left a sonne named Don Fauila who vvas king after his father and reigned two yeares only After whos death none of his children were admited for king thoughe he left diuers as al writers do testifie But as Don Lucas the Bishop of Tuy a very ancient author vvriteth Aldefonsus Catholicus ab vniuer so populo Gothorum eligitur that is as the chronicler Moralis doth translat in spanish Don Alonso surnamed the Catholique was chosen to be king by al voices of the Gotish nation This Don Alonso was sonne in law to the former king Fauila as Morales sayeth for that he had his daughter Erneenesenda in mariage he was preferred before the kings owne sonnes only for that they were yonge vn-able to gouerne as the said historiographer restifyeth And how wel this fel out for the cōmon wealth and how excellent a king this Don Alonso proued Morales sheweth at large from the tenth chapter of his thirteenth booke vntil the 17. and Sebastianus Bishop of Salamança that liued in the same tyme writeth that of his valiant acts he was surnamed the great To this famons Don Alonso succeded his sonne Don Fruela the first of that name who was a noble king for 10. yeares space and had diuers excellent victories against the Moores but afterward declining to tyrannie he became hate ful to his subiects and for that he put to death wrongfully his owne brother Don Vimerano a Prince of excellent partes and rarely beloued of the Spaniards he was him selfe put downe and put to death by them in the yeare of Christ 768. And albeit this kyng left two goodly children behinde him which were lawfully begotten vppō his Queene Dona Munia the one of them a sonne called Don Alonso the other a daughter called Dona Ximea yet for the hatred conceaued against ther father neyther of them was admitted by the realme to succede him but rather his cosen german named Don Aurelio
apparent of Spayne and they put back in ther grand fathers tyme and by his and the realmes consent ther father as I haue said being dead and this was done in a general parlament holden at Segouia in the yeare 1276. and after this Don Sancho was made king in the yeare 1284. and the two Princes put into prisō but afterward at the sure of there vncle king Phillip the third of France they were let out agayne and endued with certayne landes and so they remaine vnto this day and of thes do come the Dukes of Medina Celi and al the rest of the house of Cerda which are of much nobility in Spayne at this tyme and king Phillip that reyneth cometh of Don Sancho the yonger brother Not long after this agayne when Don Pedro surnamed the cruel king of Castile was driuen out and his bastard brother Henry the second set vp in his place as before hath bin mētioned the Duke of Lancaster Iohn of Gant hauing maried Dona Constantia the said king peters daughter heyre pretended by succession the said crowne of Castile as in deed it appertayned vnto him but yet the state of spaine denied it flatly and defended it by atmes and they preuailed against Iohn of Gant as dyd also the race of Henry the bastard against his lawful brother the race of Don Sancho the vncle against his lawful nephewes as hath byn shewed and that of Dona Berenguela against her elder sister al which races do reigne vnto this day thes three changes of the trew lyue happened with in two ages and in the third and principal discent of the Spanish kings when this matter of succession was most assuredly and perfectly established and yet who wil deny but that the kings of Spayne who hold by the later titles at this day be true and lawful kings Well one example wil I giue you more out of the kyngdom of Portugal and so wil I make an ende with thes countreyes This kinge Henry the bastard last named king of Spayne had a sonne that succeded him in the crowne of Spayne named Iohn the first who married the daughter and heyre named Dona Beatrix of king Fernando the first of Portugal but yet after the death of the said King Fernando the states of Portugal would neuer agree to admit him for ther king for not subiecting themselues by that meanes to the Castilians and for that cause they rather tooke for ther king a bastard brother of the said late king Don Fernando whos name was Don Iuan a youth of 20. yeares old who had bin master of a militare order in Portugal named de Auis and so they excluded Dona Beatrix Queene of Castile that was their lawful heyre aud chose this yong man and maried him afterwards to the lady Phillippe daughter of Iohn of Gant Duke of Lancaster by his first wife blanch Duchesse and heyre of Lācaster in whose right the kings of Portugal and ther discendents do pretend vnto this day a cerrayne interest to the house of Lancaster which I leaue to our tēporal lawyer to discusse but heereby we see what an ordinary matter it hath bin in Spayne and Portugal to alter the lyne of next succession vppon any reasonable consideration which they imagined to be for ther weal publique and the like we shal finde in France Ingland which euen now I wil begin to treat of DIVERS OTHER EXAM'PLES OVT OF THE STATES OF FRANCE AND INGLAND FOR proofe that the next in blood are some tymes put backe from succession and how God had approued the same with good successe CAP. VIII AS concerning the state of France I haue noted before that albeit since the entrāce of ther first king Pharamond with his Frankes out of Germanie which vvas about the yeare of Christ 419. they haue neuer had any strāger come to were there crowne which they attribute to the benefit of there law Salike that for biddeth women to reigne yet among themselues haue they changed twyse there whole race and linage of kings once in the entrance of king Pepin that put out the lyne of Pharamond about the yeare 751. and agayne in the promotion of kinge Hugo Capetus that put out the lyne of Pepin in the yeare 988 so as they haue had three discents and races of kings as wel as the spaniards the first of Pharamond the 2. of Pepin and the 3. of Capetus which indureth vnto this present if it be not altered now by the exclusion that diuers pretend to make of the king of Nauarr and other Princes of the blood royal of the howse of Burbon Wherfore as I did before in the spaniards so I wil heere let passe the first ranke of al of the french kings for that some men may say perhaps that the common wealth and law of succession was not so wel setled in those dayes as it hath bin afterward in tyme of kinge Pepin Charles the great and ther discendantes as also for that it were in very deede ouer tedious to examine and pervse al three rankes of kings in France as you wil say when you shal see what store I haue to alleage out of the second ranck only which began vvith the exclusion and deposition of their lawful King Childerike the third and election of king Pepin as before you haue heard at large declared in the third chapter of this discourse it shal not be need ful to repeate the same agayne in this place Pepin then surnamed le brefe or the litle for his smale stature though he vvere a gyant in deeds being made king of France by mere election in the yeare of Christ 751. after 22. kings that had reigned of the first lyne of Pharamond for the space of more then three hundreth yeares and being so famous and worthy a king as al the world knoweth reigned 18. yeares then left his states and kingdomes by succession vnto his eldest sonne Charles surnamed afterward the great for his famous and heroical acts And albeit the vvhole kingdome of France appertayned vnto him alone by the law of succession as hath bin said his father being king and he his eldest sonne yet would the realme of France shew ther authority in his admission which Girard setteth downe in thes vvords Estant Pepin decedé les Francois esleurent Rois Charles Carlomon ses fils ala charge qu'ils partageroient entre eux egalement le royaume Which is king Pipin being deade the french men chose for ther kings his two sonnes Charles and Carlomon with condition that they should part equally betwene them the realme Wherin is to be noted not only the election of the common wealth besides succession but also the heauie condition laid vppon the heyre to part halfe of his kingdome vvith his yonger brother and the very same woords hath Eginard an ancient French writer in the life of this Charles the great
to wit that the French state in a publique assembly did chose two Princes to be their kings with expresse condition to deuide the realme equally as Francis Belforest citeth his wordes which two French authors I meane Girard and Belforest I shal vse principally hereafter in the rest of my citations After three yeares that these two bretherē had reigned together king Carlomon the yonger died and left many sonnes the elder wherof vvas named Adalgise but Belforest sayeth that the Lords ecclesiastical temporal of France swore fidelitie and obedience to Charles without any respect or regard at al of the children of Carlomon who yet by right of succession should haue bin preferred Paulus Emilius a latine writer saith proceres regni ad Carolum vltro venientes regem eum totius Galliae salutarunt that is the nobility of the realme comming of ther owne accord vnto charles saluted him king of al France wherby is shewed that this exclusion of the children of Carlomon was not by force or tiranny but by free deliberation of the realme After Charles the great reigned by successiō his only sonue Luys the first surnamed de bonnaire of his curtesye vvho entring to reigne in the yeare 817. vvith great applause of al men for the excedinge grateful memory of his father vvas yet afterward at the poursuite principally of his owne three sonnes by his first wife which were Lothair pepin and Luys deposed first in a councel at Lions and then agayne at Compeigne and put into a monastery though afterward he came to reigne agayne and his fourth sonne by his secōd vvife vvhich sonne vvas named Gharles le chauue for that he vvas bald succeded him in the states of France though after many battels against his eldest brother Lothaire to whom by succession the same appertayned After Charles the balde succeded Luys the second surnamed le begue for his stuttering who was not eldest but third sonne vnto his father for the second dyed before his father the eldest vvas put by his succession for his euel demeanure this Luys also vvas like to haue bin depriued by the states at his first entrāce for the hatred conceaued against his father Charles the bald but that he calling a solemne parlament at Compeigne as Girard saith he made the people cleargie and nobilitie many faire promises to haue their good vvilles This Luys the stuttering left two bastard sonnes by a cōcubine vvho vvere called Luys and Carlomō as also he left a litle infant newly borne of his lawful vvife Adeltrude daughter to king Alfred of Ingland vvhich infant vvas king of France aftervvard by the name of Charles the simple albeit not immediatly after the death of his father for that the nobles of Frāce said that they had need of a man to be king not a childe as Girard reporteth therfore the vvhole state of France chose for their kinges the tvvo foresaid bastards Luys the third and Carlomon the first of that name ioyntly and they vvere crowned most solemnly deuided the vvhole realme betwene them in the yeare of Christ 881. and Queen Adeltrude vvith her childe true heyre of France fled into Ingland to her father and ther brought him vp for diuers yeares in which tyme she saw foure or fiue kinges reigne in his place in France one after the other for breflv thus it passed Of thes tvvo bastard kings the elder named Luys reigned but foure yeares died without issue the second that is Carlomon liued but one yeare after him and left a sonne called also Luys vvhich succeded in the kingdome by the name of Luys the fift and surnamed Faineant for his idle and slouth ful life For which as also for his vitious behaueour and in particuler for taking out and marying a Nōne of the Abbey of S. Baudour at Chells by Partis he vvas depriued and made a monke in the Abbey of S. Denys vvher he died and in his place vvas chosen king of France and crowned vvith great solemnitie Gharles the 4. Emperor of Rome surnamed le gros for that he vvas fat and corpulēt he vvas nephew to Charles the bald before mentioned and therfore the French stories say that he came to the crowne of France partly by succession and partly by election but for succession vve see that it vvas nothing worth for so muche as Charles the simple the right heyre was a liue in Ingland vvhom it semeth that the french men had quite forgotten seing that now they had not only excluded him three tymes already as you haue hard but afterwards also againe when this grosse Charles was for his euel gouermēt by them deposed and depriued not only of the kingdome of France but also of his Empire vvhich he had before he was kinge was brought into such miserable penurie as diuers write that he perished for wāt At this tyme I saye the states of France vvould not yet admitt Charles the simple though hither to his simplicity did not appeare but he seemed a goodly Prince but rather they chose for king one Odo Earle of Paris and Duke of Angiers and caused him to be crowned But yet after a few yeares being vveary of this mans gouerment and moued also some what with compassion towards the youth that vvas in Ingland they resolued to depose Odo and so they did vvhiles he vvas absent in Gascony and called Charles the simple out of Ingland to Paris and restored him to the kingdome of France leauing only to Odo for recompence the state of Aquitaine with title of a Duke wherwith in fine he contented himselfe seing that he could get no more But yet his posterity by vertue of this election pretended euer after a title to the crowne of France and neuer left it of vntil at length by Hugo Capetus they gat it for Hugh descended of this king and Duke Odo This king Charles then surnamed the simple an Inglish vvomans sonne as you haue hard being thus admitted to the crowne of France he toke to vvife an Inglish vvoman named Elgina or Ogin daughter of king Edward the elder by whom he had a sonne named Lewys and himselfe being a simple man as hath bin saide vvas allured to go to the castle of peronne in Picardie vvher he vvas made ptisoner and forced to resigne his kingdome vnto Rafe king of Burgundye and soone after he dyed through misery in the same castle and his Queene Ogin fled into Ingland vvith her litle sonne Luys vnto her vncle kinge Adelstan as Queene Adeltrude had done before vvith her sonne vnto king Alfred and one of the chiefe in this action for putting downe of the simple vvas Counte Hugh surnamed the great Earle of Paris father vnto Hugo Capetus vvhich after vvas king But this new king Rafe liued but three yeares after and then the states of France considering the right title of Luys the lawful child of
brothers sonne to Don Alonso the catholique vvas preferred and reigned peacably six yeares and then dying without issue for that the hatred of the spaniards was not yet ended against the memory of king Fruela they would not yet admit any of his generation but rather excluded them agayne the second tyme and admitted a brother in law of his named Don Silo that was married to his sister Dona Adosinda daughter to the fore said noble king catholique Alonso So that here we see twise the right heyres of king Don Fruela for his euel gouerment were put back But Don Silo being dead without issue as also Don Aurelio was before him and the Spaniards anger against king Fruela being now vvel assuaged they admitted to the kingdone his fore said sonne Don Alonso the yonger surnamed afterward the chast whom now twise before they had put back as you haue seene but now they admitted him though hisreigne at the first endured very litle for that a certayne bastard vncle of his named Don Mauregato by help of the moores put him out and reigned by force 6. yeares and in the end dying with out issue the matter came in deliberation againe whether the king Don Alonso the chaste that yet liued and had bin hidden in a monastary of Galitia during the tyme of the tyrāt should returne agayne to gouerne or rather that his cosen german Don vermudo sonne to his vncle the Prince Vimerano whom vve shewed before to haue byn slayne by this mans father king Fruela should be elected in his place And the realme of Spayne determined the second to vvit that Don Vermudo though he vvere much further of by propiuquity of blood and vvith in ecclesiastical order also for that he had bin made deacon should be admitted partly for that he vvas iudged for the more valiant and able Prince then the other vvho seemed to be made more acquainted now vvith the life of monkes and religious men then of a king hauing first bin brought vp among them for 10. or 12. yeares space vvhiles Don Aurelio and Don Silo reigned after the death of his father kinge Fruela and secondly agayne other six yeares during the reigne of the tyrant Mauregato for which cause they estemed the other to be fitter as also for the differēt memories of there tvvo fathers king Fruela and prince Vimerano wherof the first vvas hateful the other most deare as before hath bin declared nether do any of the foure ancient Bishops historiographers of Spayne to wit that of Toledo Besa Salamanca or Ture that liued al about those dayes wrote the storie reprehend this fact of the realme of spaine or put any doubt whether it were lawful or no for the causes before recited Trew it is that after three yeares reigne this king Vermudo being weary of kingly life and feeling some scruple of conscience that being deacon he had forsaken the life ecclesiastical and maryed though by dispensation of the pope as Morales sayeth and entangled himselfe vvith the affaires of a kingdome he resigned vvillingly the gouerment vnto his said Cosen Don Alonso the chast and himselfe liued after a priuate life for diuers yeares but this Don Alonso vvho now the fourth tyme had bin depriued of his succession as you haue seene deceaued the expectation of the spaniards that accoūpted him a monke for he proued the most valiāt and excellent king that euer that nation had both for his vertue valor victories against the moores buylding of townes castells churches Monasteries and other such workes of Christianity as Morales recounteth and be reigned after this his last admission one and fyftie yeares had great frendship vvith king Charles the great of France who liued in the same tyme with hym And this man among other most noble exploites so tamed the Moores of his country as during his dayes he neuer paid that cruel and horrible tribute which before after was paide by the christians to the Moores which was a hundred yong maidens and fiftie sonnes of Gētlemen euery yeare to be brought vp in the religiō of Mahomet amōg those infidel tyrants And finally this man after so much afflictiō came to be one of the most renoumed Princes of the world After this Don Alonso vvho left no children for that he would neuer marry but liued al his life in chastitye ther succeded to him by electiō his nephew named Don Ramiro sonne to the former said king Don Vermudo the deacon that gaue this man the crowne as you haue hard of whose electiō morales writeth these woords Muerto el Rey Don Alonso el casto fue eligido por los 〈◊〉 y grandes del reyno el Rey Don Ramiro primero deste nombre hyio del Rey Don vermudo el diaeono That is the king Don Alōso the chast being dead ther vvas chosen king by the Prelates nobility of the realme Don Ramiro the first of this name sonne of king Vermudo the deacon who resigned his crowne to Don Alonso and it is to be noted that albeit this Don Ramiro vvas next in blood to the succession after the death of his vncle Don Alonso without children yet vvas he chosen by the states as here it is said in expresse vvordes Moreouer it is to be noted that albeit this author Ambrosio Morales and other spanish writers do say that in the tyme of this king Ramiro the law of succession by propinquity in blood vvas so reuiued and strongly confirmed that as the kingdome of Spayne was made as Maiorasgo as he termeth it which is an inheritance so intayled and tyed only to the next in blood as ther is no possibility to alter the same and that frō this tyme forward the king alwayes caused his eldest sonne to be named king or Prince so euer to be sworne by the realme nobilitie yet shal vve find this ordinance and succession oftentymes to haue byn broken vppon seueral considerations as this author himselfe in that very chapter confesseth As for example after foure discents from this man vvhich were Don Ordonio the first this mans sonne and Don Alonso the third Don Garzia and Don Ordonio the second al fower kings by orderly succession it happened that in the yeare of christ 924. Don Ordonio the second dying left foure sonnes and one daughter lawfully begotten and yet the state of spayne displaced them al and gaue the kingdome to ther vncle Don Fruela second brother to there father Don Ordonio and morales sayeth that ther appeareth no other reason heerof but only for that these sonnes of the king disceased vvere yong and not so apt to gouerne vvel the realme as ther vncle was But after a yeares reigne this king Fruelae dyed also left diuers children at mans estate and then did the spaniards as much agaynst them as they had done for him before against the children of his elder brother
For they put them al by the crowne chose for their king Don Alonso the fourth which vvas eldest sonne to Don Ordonio the second before named that had bin last king sauing one and this man also I meane Don Alonso the fourth leauing afterward his kingdome and betaking him selfe to a religious habit offered to the commō wealth of spaine his eldest sonne lawfully begotten named Dō Ordonio to be there king but they refused him and tooke his brother I meane this kings brother and vncle to the yong Prince named Don Ramiro who reigned 19. yeares and vvas a most excellent king and gayned Madrid from the Moores though noted of crueltie for imprisoning pulling out the eyes afterward of this king Don Alonso the 4. and al his children and nephewes for that he would haue left his habit and returned to be king againe But this fact my author Morales excuseth saying that it vvas requisire for peace and safty of the realme so as heere you see two most manifest alteratiōs of lineal succession together by order of the common wealth Furthermore after this noble king Dō Ramiro the second succeded as heyre apparent to the crowne his elder sonne Don Ordonio the third of this name in the yeare of our Sauiour 950. but this succession indured no longer then vnto his owne death which vvas after 7. yeares for then albeit he left a sonne named el enfante Don Vermudo yet he was not admitted but rather his brother Don Sancho the first of this name surnamed el Gordo vvho was vncle to the yong Prince and the reason of this alteration Morales giueth in thes wordes el succeder en el regno al hermano fue por la racon ordinaria de ser el enfante Don Vermudo nīno y no bastante para el gouierno y difença de la terra Which is the cause why the kings brother and not his sonne succeded in the crowne vvas for the ordinary reason so often before alleaged for that the infant or yong Prince Vermudo vvas a little child and not sufficient for gouerment and defence of the countrey Truth it is that after this Don Sancho had reigned and his sonne and heyre named Don Ramiro the third after him for the space of 30. yeares in all then was this youth Don Vermudo that is now put back called by the realme to the succession of the crowne and made kinge by the name of king Vermudo the second vvho left after him Don Alonso the 5. and he agayne his sonne Don Vermudo the third who marying his sister Dona Sancha that was his heire vnto Don Fernando first earle then king of Castile who was second sonne to Don Sancho Mayor king of Nauarr as before hath bin said he ioyned by thes meanes the kingdomes of Leon and Castile together which were seperat before and so ended the line of Don Pelayo first Christian king of Spaine after the entrance of the Moores which had endured now three hundreth yeares and the blood of Nauarr entred as you see and so continued therin vntil the entrance of those of Austria as before hath bin said which was almost 5. hundreth yeares together And thus much I thought good to note out of the stories of Spaine for this first discent of the spanish kings after the entrance of the Moores nether meane I to passe much further both for that it would be ouer long as also for that myne author Morales who is the most diligent that hath writen the chronicles of that natiō endeth heere his story with king Vermudo the third and last of the Gotish bloode Notwithstanding if I would go on further ther would not vvant diuers euident examples also to the same purpose which Stephen Garabay an other chonicler of Spaine doth touch in the continuation of this story vvherof for examples sake only I wil name tvvo or three among the rest And first about the yeare of Christ 1201. ther was a mariage made by king Iohn of Inglād for Dona Blancha his neece that is to say the daughter of his sister Dame Elinor and of Don Alonso the 9. of that name king and Queene of spaine which Blancha was to mary the Prince of Frāce named Luys sonne heyre to king Phillip surnamed Augustus which Luys was after-ward king of France by the name of Luys the 8. was father to Luys the 9. surnamed the saint This lady Blancha vvas neece as I haue said vnto king Iohn and to king Richard the first of Inglād for that her mother lady Elenor was ther sister and daughter to king Henry the second and king Iohn made this mariage ther by to make peace with the French and was content to giue for hir dowrey for that he could not tel how to recouer them agayne al those townes countres which the said king Phillip had taken vppon the Inglish by this kings euel gouerment in Normandie and Gasconie and more ouer promisse was made that if the Prince Henry of spayne that vvas the only brother to the said Lady Blāch should dye without issue as after he did then this lady should succede in the crowne of Spaine also but yet afterward the state of Spayne would not performe this but rather admitted her yonger sister Dona Berenguela maried to the Prince of Leon and excluded both Blanch and her sonne the king S. Luys of France agaynst the euident right of succession and propinquity of blood the only reason they yealded hereof vvas not to admitt strangers to the crowne as Garabay testifieth This hapned then and I do note by the way that this Dona Berenguela second daughter of Queene Elenor the Inglish woman was married as hath bin said to the Prince of Leon and had by him Don Fernando the third of that name king of Castilia surnamed also the saint so as the two daughters of an Inglish Queene had two kings saints for ther sonnes at one tyme the elder of France and the yonger of Spayne After this againe about threescore yeares the Prince of Spayne named Don Alonso surnamed de la cerda for that he was borne with a great gristle heare on his brest called cerda in spanish which Don Alonso was nephew to the king Fernando the saint maried with the daughter of sainct Luys king of France named also Blantha as her grand mother was and had by her two sonnes called Alonso Hernando de la cerda as the Prince their father was named vvhich father of thers dying before the king the grand father left them commended to the realme as lawful heyres apparent to the crowne yet for that a certayne vncle of thers named Don Sancho yonger brother to their father which Do Sancho was surnamed afterward el brauo for his valor and vvas a great warrier and more like to manage vvel the matters of warr then they he was madde heyre
made king of France reyned many yeares by the name of Henry the first this he sayeth happened partly for that Robert vvas but a simple man in respect of Henry and partly also for that Henry was greatly fauored and assisted in this pretence by Duke Robert of Normandy father to our William the conqueror and in recompence hereof this king Henry afterward assisted the said Williā bastard sonne to Robert for the attayning of the Dukdome of Normandie after the death of the said Duke Robert his father notwithstanding that Duke Robert had two lawful brothers a liue at that tyme whose names were Manger Archbishop of Roan and William Earle of Argues in Normandie who pretended by succession to be preferred But the states of Normandie at the request of Duke Robert vvhen he went to the holy land in which iorney he died as also for auoyding of dissention and warres that other wise might insue were content to exclude the vncles and admitt the bastard sonne who vvas also assisted by the forces of the king of France as hath bin said so as no scruple it seemed ther vvas in those dayes ether to prefer king Henry to the crowne of France before his elder brother or Duke William the bastard sonne to the Duchie of Normandy before his lawful vncles vppon such dow considerations as those states may be presumed to haue had for their doings I read also that some yeares after to vvit in the yeare 1110. when Phillip the first of France sonne and heyre to this king Henry of whose solemne coronation you haue hard before in the senēth chapter was deceased the people of France were so offended vvith his euel life and gouerment as diuers vvere of opinion to disinherite his sonne Lewis the sixt surnamed le Gros for his sake and so vvas he like to haue bin indeede as may appeare by the chronicle of France if some of his partie had not caused him to be crowned in hast and out of order in Orleans for preuenting the matter The like doth Phillip Cominaeus in his story of king Luys the eleuenth declare how that the state of France had once determyned to haue disinherited his sonne Charles named after the eight and to put him back from his succession for their hatred to his father if the said father had not died vvhile the other vvas very yong as I noted before also that it happened in king Henry the third of Ingland vvho vvas once condemned by the Barons to be disinherited for the fault of king Iohn his father and Lewys the princo of France chosen in his place but that the death of king Iohn did alter that course intended by the Inglish nobilitie so as this matter is nether new not vnacustomed in al foraine countryes and now wil I passe also a little to our Inglish stories to see whether the like may be found in them or no. And first of al that the realme of Inglād hath had as great varietie changes and diuersitie in the races of their kinges as any one realme in the world it semeth euident for that first of al after the Britaines it had Romans for their gouernours for many yeares and then of them their roman blood they had kings agayne of ther owne as appereth by that valiant king Aurelius Ambrosius Who resisted so manfully and prudently the saxons for a tyme after this they had kings of the saxon Inglish blood and after them of the Danes and then of the Normanes after them agayne of the Frēch last of al it semeth to haue returned to the Britains agayne in king Henry the 7. for that his father came of that race and now you know ther be pretendors of diuers nations I meane both of Scottish Spanish and Italian blood so that Inglād is like to participate with al their neybours round about them I for my part do feele my selfe much of the French opinion before alleaged that so the ship be wel happely guyded I esteeme it not much important of what race or natiō the pilote be but now to our purpose I meane to passe ouer the first and ancient rancks of kings as vvel of the British Romā as also of the Saxon races vntil king Egbert the first of this name king of the west Saxons and almost of al the rest of Ingland bisides vvho therfore is said to be properly the first monarch of the Saxon blood and he that first of al commaunded that realme to be called Ingland which euer since hath bin obserued This man Egbert being a yong gentleman of a noble house in the west parts of Ingland was had in ielosie by his king Britricus vvho vvas the 16. Kinge from Cerdicius first king of the vvest Saxons as he was also the last of his blood And for that he suspected that this Egbert for his great prowesse might come in tyme to be chosen king he banished him into France vvher he liued diuers yeares and vvas a captayne vnder the famous king Pepin that vvas father to Charles the great and hearing aftervvards that king Britricus vvas dead he returned into Ingland vvher Polidor sayeth omnium consensu rex creatur that he was created or chosen king by consent and voyce of al men though yet he vvere not next by propinquity of blood royal as is most euident and yet he proued the most excellent king that euer the saxons had before or perhapps after and his election happened in the yeare of Christ 8. hundreth and tvvo vvhen King Pepin the first of that race reigned as hath bin said in france so as this monarchy of Egbert and that of Pepin wherof we haue alleaged so many examples in the former chapter began as it vvere together and both of them I meane both Pepin and Egbert came to their crownes by election of the people as heere you see This king Egbert or Egbrich as others do write him left a lawful sonne behind him named Elthel wolfe or Adeluulfe or Edolph for al is one vvho succeded him in the kingdome and was as worthy a man as his father and this Adeluulfe agayne had foure lawful sonnes vvho al in their turnes succeded by iust and lawful order in the crowne to wit Ethelbald Ethelbert Ethelred and Alfred for that none of the former three had any children and al the later three were most excellent princes especially Alfred or Alured the last of al foure whose acts are wonderful and who among other his reuoumed gestes draue Rollo that famous captaine of the danes from the borders of Ingland with al his company into France wher he gat the countrey or prouince named then Neustria novv Normandie and was the first Duke of that prouince and nation and from whom our William Conqueror came afterwards in the sixth discent This man erected also the vniuersitie of Oxford being very learned himselfe buylded diuers
goodly monasteries and churches and dying left as famous a sonne behynde him as himself which was Edward the first surnamed the senior or elder This king Edward dying left two sonnes lawfully begotten of his wife Edgina the one named Prince Edmund and the other Eldred a third illegitimate whose name vvas Adelstan whom he had by a concubine But yet for that this man vvas estemed to be of more valor then the other he was preferred to the crowne before the two other Princes legittimate for so restifieth Polidor in thes wordes Adelstanus ex concubina Edwardi films rex a populo consalutatur atque ad king stonum opidum more maiorum ab Athelmo Cautuariensi Archiepiscopo coronatur vvhich is Adelstan the sonne of king Edward by a concubine vvas made king by the people and vvas crowned according to the old custome by Athelme Archbishop of Caterbury at the towne of kingston Thus far polidor and Stow addeth further thes words His coronation was celebrated in the market place vppon a stage erected on high that the king might better be seene of the multitude he was a Prince of worthy memorie valiant and wife in al his acts brought this land into one perfect monarchie for he expelled vtterly the danes and quieted the welchme Thus much Stow of the successe of chusing this king bastard to reigne To whose acts might be added that he conquered Scotland and brought Constantine their king to do him homage and restored Luys d'Outremer his sisters sonne to the kingdome of France as before hath bin signified This man dying without issue his lawful brother Edmond put back before was admitted to the crowne who being of excellent expectation died after 6. yeares and left two lawful sonnes but yet for that they were yonge they were both put back by the realme and their vncle Eldred was preferred before them so faith Polidor Genuit Edmondus ex Egilda vxore Fduinum Edgarum qui cum etate pueri essent post Eldredum deinde regnarunt King Edmond begat of his wife Egilda two sonnes named Edwin and Edgar who for that they were but children in yeares were put back and reigned afterward after ther vncle Eldred The like saith Stow and yealdeth the same reason in thes wordes Eldred succeded Edmōd his brother for that his sonnes Edwin and Edgar were thought to yong to take so great a charge vppon them This Eldred though he entred as you see against the right of the nephewes yet saith Polidor and Stow that he had al mens good will and was crowned as his brother had bin at kingston by Odo Archbishop of Canterbury and reigned 9. yeares with great good wil and praise of al men He dyed at last without issue and so his elder nephew Edwin vvas admitted to the crowne but yet after foure yeares he was deposed agayne for his leude and vitious life and his yonger brother Edgar admitted in his place in the yeare of Christ 959. This king Edgar that entred by deposition of his brother vvas one of the rarest princes that the world had in his tyme both for peace and vvar iustice pietye and valor Stow sayeth he kept a nauie of three thousand and 6. hundreth shippes distributed in diuers partes for defence of the realme Also that he buylt and restored 47. monasteries at his owne charges and did other many such acts he vvas father to king Edward the martir grand father to king Edward the confessor though by two different wiues for by his first wife named Egilfred he had Edward after martirized and by his secōd vvife Alfred he had Etheldred father to Edvvard the confessor to the end that Etheldred myght raigne his mother Alfred caused King Edward the sonue of Egilfred to be stayne after king Edgar her husband was dead After this so shameful murther of king Edward many good men of the realme vvere of opinion not to admit the succession of Etheldred his half brother both in respect of the murther of king Edward his elder brother cōmitted for his sake as also for that he semed a man not fir to gouerne and of this opinion among others vvas the holy man Dunston archbishop of Canterbury as Polidor sayeth who at length in flat words denyed to consecrate him but seing the most part of the realme bent on Etheldreds side he foretould them that it would repent them after and that in this mās life the realme should be destroyed as in deede it vvas and he rann away to Normandy and left Sweno and his danes in possession of the realme though afterward Sweno being dead he returned agayne and dyed in London This Etheldred had two wiues the first Ethelgina an Inglish womā by whom he had prince Edmund surnamed Ironside for his great strength and valor vvho suceeded his father in the crowne of Ingland for a yeare and at his death left two sonnes which after shal be named and besides this Etheldred had by his first wife other two sonnes Edwin and Adelston and one daughter named Edgina al which were ether slayne by the danes or dyed without issue The secōd wife of Etheldred was called Emma sister to Richard Duke of Normandie vvho was grand father to William the conqueror to witt father to Duke Robert that was father to VVilliam so as Emma vvas great aunt to this VVilliam and she bare vnto king Etheldred two sonnes the first Edward who was afterward named king Edward the Confessor and Alerud who was slayne traiterously by the Earle of kent as presently we shal shew After the death also of king Etheldred Queene Fmma was maried to the Dane king Canutus the first of that name surnamed the great that was king of Ingland after Etheldred Edmond Ironside his sonne and to him she bare a sonne named Hardicanutus vvho reigned also in Ingland before king Edvvard the Confessor New then to come to our purpose he that wil consider the passing of the crowne of Ingland from the death of Edmonde Ironside elder sonne of king Eltheldred vntil the possession therof gotten by VVilliam Duke of Normandie to wit for the space of 50. yeares shal easely see what authority the common wealth hath in such affaires to alter titles of succession according as publique necessity or vtility shal require for thus briefly the matter passed King Eltheldred seing himselfe to vveake for Sweno the king of Danes that vvas entred the land fled with his wife Emma and her two children Edward and Alerud vnto her brother Duke Richard of Normandie ther remayned vntil the death of Sweno and he being dead Etheldred returned into Ingland made a certayne agrement and diuision of the realme betweene him Canutus the sonne of Sweno and so dyed leauing his eldest sonne Edmond Ironside to succed him who soone after dying also left the whole realme to the said Canutus and that by playne couenant as Canutus pretended that
the longest liuer should haue al wheruppon the said Canutus tooke the tvvo children of king Edmond Ironside named Edmond and Edward and sent them ouer into Sweuelād which at that tyme vvas subiect also vnto him and caused them to be brought vp honorably of vvhich two the elder named Edmond dyed without issue but Edward vvas maried and had diuers children as after shal be touched Etheldred and his sonne Edmond being dead Canutus the Dane was admitted for king of England by the vvhole parlament consent side as hath bin said and this the third breache of lineal discent But this notwithstanding Alerud being slayne prince Edward was made king tanta publica laetitia saith Polidor vt certatim pro eius faelici principatu cuncti vota facercnt That is he vvas made king vvith such vniuersal ioy and contentment of al men as euery man contended who should pray and make most vowes to God for his happie reygne and according to this was the successe for he vvas a most excellent prince and almost miraculously he reygned with great peace and void of al war at home and a broad for the space of almost 20. yeares after so infinit broyles as had bin before him and insued after hym and yet his title by succession can not be iustified as you see for that his eldest brothers sonne was the aliue to wit prince Edward surnamed the outlaw vvho in this kinges reygne came into Ingland and brought his vvife and three lawful children with him to wit Edgar Margaret Christian but yet vvas not this good king Edward so scrupulous as to giue ouer his kingdome to any of them or to doubt of the right of his owne title vvhich he had by election of the common wealth against the order of succession This king Edward being dead without issue Polidor saith that the states made a great consultation whom they should make king and first of al it semeth they excluded him that was only next by propinquity in blood vvhich vvas Edgar Adelin fonne to the said prince Edward the outlaw now departed and nephew to king Edmond Ironside and the reason of this exclusion is alleaged by Polidor in thes vvordes is puet id aetatis nondum regno gubernando maturus erat That is he bing a child of so smale yeares vvas not ripe enough to gouerne the kingdome and then he saith that Harald sonne of Earle Goodwin by the daughter of Canutus the first proclaymed himselfe king and more ouer he addeth Non displicait omnino id factum populo qui plurimum spei in Haraldi virtute habebat itaque more maiorum sacratus est vvhich is this fact of Harald displeased not at al the people of Ingland for that they had great hope in the vertue of this Harald so vvas he annoynted and crowned according to the fassion of the anciēt kings of Ingland by which vvordes vve may fee that Harald had also the approbation of the realme to be king notwith standing that lytle Edgar vvas present as hath bin said so as this was the fourth breach of succession at this tyme. But in the meane space William Duke of Normandy pretended that he vvas chosen before by king Edward the Confessor and that the realme had giuen their consent therunto and that king Edward left the same testified in his last wil and testament and albert none of our Inglish authors do auow the same cleerly yet do many other forrayne writers hold it and it semeth very probable that some such thing had past both for that duke William had many in Ingland that did fauor his pretence at his entrance as also as Girard in his French storie saith that at his first comming to London he punished diuers by name for that they had broken their othes and promises in that behalfe And moreouer it appereth that by alleaging this title of election he moued diuers princes abroade to fauour him in that action as in a iust quarrel vvhich is not like they should haue done if he had pretended only a conquest or his title of consanguinity vvhich could be of no importance in the vvorld for that effect seing it was no other but that his grand father and king Edwards mother vvere brother and sister which could giue him no pretence at al to the succession of the crowne by bloode and yet vve see that diuers princes did assist him and among others the French chronicler Girard so often named before vvriteth that Alexander the second pope of Rome vvhos holines vvas so much estemed in those dayes as one Constantinus Afer wrote a booke of his miracles being informed by Duke William of the iustnes of his pretence did send him his benediction and a precious ring of gold vvith a hallowed banner by vvhich he gott the victory thus writeth Girard in his French chronicles and Antoninus Archbishop of Florence surnamed Sainct vvriting of this matter in his chronicles speaketh great good of William Cōqueror and commendeth his enterprise But howsoeuer this was the victory vve se he gat and God prospered his pretence and hath confirmed his of spring in the crovvne of Ingland more then 500. yeares together so as now accounting from the death of king Edmond Ironside vnto this man we shal finde as before I haue said in lesse then 50. yeares that 5. or 6. kings vvere made in Ingland one after another by only authority and approbation of the common wealth contrary to the ordinary course of lineal succession by propinquitie of blood And al this is before the conquest but if vve should passe any further downe we should finde more examples then before For first the two sonnes of the Conqueror himselfe that succeded after him to vvit william Rufus and Henry the first were they not both yonger brothers to Robert Duke of Normandie to whom the most part of the realme vvas inclined as Polydor sayth to haue giuen the kingdome presently after the Conquerors death as devv to him by succession notwithstanding that VVilliam for particuler displeasure against his elder sonne had ordeyned the contrary in his testament But that Robert being absent in the war of Hierusalem the holy and lerned man Lanfranke as he vvas accompted then Archbishop of Canterbury being deceaued vvith vaine hope of VVilliam Rufus good nature perswaded them the contrary who vvas at that day of high estemation authority in Ingland and so might induce the realme to do what he liked By like meanes gat Henry his yonger brother the same crowne afterwards to wit by faire promises to the people and by helpe principally of Henry Newborow Earle of warwick that dealt with the nobility for him and Maurice bishop of London with the cleargie for that Anselme Archbishop of Cantetbury vvas in banishment Besides this also it did greatly healpe his cause that his elder brother Robert to vvhom the crowne by right apperteyned vvas absent againe
to Stephen countie Palatine of Bloys Champagne and Chartres in France and the other two Polidor saith dyed before they were marryed and so their names vvere not recorded These are the children of king William the Conqueror among whom after his death ther vvas much strife about the succession For first his eldest sonne duke Robert vvho by order of ancestrie by birthe should haue succeded him in al his estares was put back first from the kingdome of Ingland by his third brother William Rufus vppon a pretence of the Conquerors vvil and testament for perticuler affection that he had to this his said third sonne William though as Stow writeth almost al the nobility of Inglande vvere against Williās entrance But in the end agreement vvas made between the two brothers vvithe condition that if William should dye vvithout issue then that Robert should succed him and to this accord both the princes themselues and twelue principal peeres of ech side vvere sworne but yet after when VVilliam dyed vvithout issue this vvas not obserued but Henry the fourth sonne entred and depriued Robert not only of this his succession to Ingland but also of his dukedome of Normandie that he had enioyed peaceably before al the tyme of his brother Rufus and moreouer he toke him prisoner so caryed him into Ingland and ther kept him vntil his death which happened in the castle of Cardif in the yeare 1134. And vvhereas this Duke Robert had a goodly prince to this sonne named VVilliam who vvas duke of Normandy by his father earle of Flanders in the right of his grand mother that was the Cōquerors wife daughter of Baldwin Earle of Flanders as hath bin said and vvas established in both these states by the help of Lewys the 6. surnamed le gros king of France and admitted to do homage to hym for the saide states his vncle king Henry of Englād was so violent against him as first he draue him out of the state of Normandy and secondly he set vp and maynteyned a competitor or two against him in Flanders by whome finally he was slaine in the yeare of Christ 1128. before the towne of Alost by an arrow after he had gotten the vppet hand in the feild and so ended the race of the first sonne of king William the Conqueror to wit of duke Robert vvhich Robert liued after the death of his saide sonne and heyre duke VVilliam six yeares in prison in the castel of Cardife and pyned avvay vvith sorrow and miserie as both the Frenche and Inglishe histories do agree The second sonne of the Conqueror named Richard dyed as before hath bin sayde in his fathers tyme and left no issue at al as did neither the third sōne Williā Rufus though he reigned 13. yeares after his father the Conqueror in which tyme he established the successiō of the crowne by consent of the stares of Ingland to his elder brother duke Roberts issue as hath bin saide though afterward it was not obserued This Kinge Rufus came to the crowne principally by the help and fauour of Lanfrancus Archbishop of Canterbury who greatly repēted himselfe afterward of the error vvhich in that point he had committed vppō hope of his good gouerment which proued extreeme euel But this king William Rufus being slayne afterward by the error of a crosbow in newforest as is vvel knowne and this at such tyme as the foresaid duke Robert his elder brother to vvhom the crowne by succession apparteyned was absent in the vvarr of the holy land vvher according as most authors do vvrit he vvas chosen king of Hierusalem but refused it vppon hope of the kingdome of Ingland But he returning home foūde that his fowerth brother Henry partly by fayre promises and partly by force had inuaded the crowne in the yeare 1100. and so he reygned 35. yeares and had issue diuers sonnes and daughters but al vvere either drowned in the seas comming out of Normandie or els dyed otherwise before their father except only Mathildis vvho vvas first marryed to Henry the Emperor fift of that name and after his death without issue to Geffrey Platagenet duke of Anjow Tourayne and Mayne in France by whom she had Henry which reigned after king Stephen by the name of Henry the second and thus much of the sonnes of William the Conqueror Of his two daughters that lyued to be maryed and had issue the elder named Constance vvas maryed to Alayn fergat duke of Britanie vvho vvas sonne to Hoel earle of Nantes and vvas made duke of Britanie by VVilliam Cōquerors meanes in manner following Duke Robert of Normandy father to the Conqueror vvhen he went in pilgrimage vnto the holy land in which voyage he dyed left for gouernour of Normandy vnder the protection of king Henry the first of france duke Alayne the first of Britanie vvhich Allayn had issue Conan the first vvho being a stirringe prince of about 24. yeares old when duke VVilliam began to treat of passing ouer into Ingland he shewed himselfe not to fauour much that enterprise which duke VVilliam fearing caused him to be poysoned vvith a payre of perfumed gloues as the French stories do report and caused to be set vp in his place and made duke one Hoel earle of Nantes who to gratifie VVilliam sent his sonne Alaine surnamed Fergant with 5000. souldiars to passe ouer into Ingland vvith him and so he did VVilliam afterward in recompēce heer-of gaue him his eldest daughter Constantia in mariage vvith the earldome of Richmond by vvhom he had issue Conan the second surnamed le gros who had issue a sonne and a daughter The sonne vvas called Hoel as his grand father was and the daughters name was Bertha marryed to Eudo Earle of 〈◊〉 in Normandy for that this duke Conan liked better his daughter and his sonne in law her husband then he did Hoel his owne sonne he disauowed him in his death bedde and made his said daughter his heyre who had by the said Eudo a sonne named Conan surnamed the yonger which vvas the third duke of that name and this man had one only daughter and heyre named Lady Constance who whas marryed to the third sonne of king Henry the second named Geffrey elder brother to king Ihon that after came to rayne by this Lord Geffrey she had issue Arthur the second duke of Britanie whom king Iohn his vncle put back from the crowne of Ingland and caused to be put to death as after shal be shewed and he dying without issue his mother Constance duchesse heyre of Britanie marryed agayne vvith a prince of her owne house vvhom after vve shall name in the prosecution of this lyne and by him she had issue that hath indured vntil this day the last vvherof hitherto is the lady Isabella infanta of Spaine that other of Sauoy her sister whom by this meanes we se to haue
solemnities and feastes that were celebrated at ther seueral natiuities so as it seemeth ther can be no ertor in this matter The 2. reason is for that we read that this Lord Edmond was a goodly vvise and discreet prince notwithstanding that some authors cal him crokback and that he vvas highly in the fauour both of his father king Henry as also of his brother king Edward and employed by them in many great warres and other affayres of state both in France other where vvhich argueth that ther was no such great defect in him as should moue his father and the realme to depriue him of his succession Thirdly vve reade that king Henry procured by diuers waies and meanes the aduancement of this L. Edmond as giuing him the earldomes of Lecester Darby besides that of Lancaster as also procuring by al meanes possible with exceding great charges to haue him made king of Naples Sicilie by pope Innocentius which had bin no pollicy to haue done if he had bin put back from his inheritance in Ingland for that it had bin to haue armed him against his brother the king Fourthly we see that at the death of his father king Henry the third this Lord Edmond vvas principally left in charge with the realme his elder brother prince Edward being scarsly returned frō the warr of Asia at what tyme he had good occasion to chalēg his owne right to the crowne if he had had any seing he wanted no power therūto hauing three goodly sonnes at that tyme aliue borne of his wife Queene Blanch dowager of Nauarre vvho had bin marryed before to Henry king of Nauarre and contie of Champaine to whom she had borne only one daughter that vvas marryed to Phillip le bel king of France But vve shal neuer reade that either he or any of his children made any such clayme but that they liued in very good agreement high grace vvith king Edward the first as his children did also vvith king Edward the second vntil he began to be mis-led in gouerment and then the two sonnes of this Lord Edmond I meane both Thomas and Henry that successiuely vvere earles of Lancaster made vvarr vppon the said Edward the second and vvere the principal doers in his deposition in setting vp of his sonne Edward the third in his place at vvhat tyme it is euidēt that they might haue put in also for themselues if there title had bin such as this report maketh it A fift reason is for that if this had bin so that Edmond earle of Lancaster had bin the elder brother then had the controuersie betweene the two houses of York and Lancaster bin most cleare and vvithout al doubt at al for then had the house of Yorke had no pretence of right in the vvorlde and then vvere it euident that the heyres general of Blanch duchesse of Lancaster vvife of Iohn of Gaunt to wit the discendentes of lady Phillip her daughter that vvas marryed into Portugal these I say and none other were apparent and true heyres to the crowne of Ingland at this day and al the other of the house of Yorke vsurpers as wel king Henry the 7. as al his posterity ofspring for that none of them haue 〈◊〉 of the said Blanch as is manifest And therfore lastly the matter standeth no doubt as Polidor holdeth in the later ende of the life of king Henry the third vvhere hauing mētioned these two sonnes Edward Edmōd he addeth these wordes Ther wanted not certayne men long tyme after this that affirmed this Edmond to be the elder sonne to king Henry the third and to haue bin depriued of his inheritance for that he was deformed in body but these thinges were feyned to the end that king Henry the fourth that came by his mothers side of this Edmond might seeme to haue come to the kingdome by right whereas in decd he gat it by force Thus saith Polidor in this place but aftervvard in the begining of the life of the said K. Henry the 4. he sayeth that some vvould haue had king Henry to haue pretended this title among other reasons but that the more part accompting it but a meare fable it vvas omitted Novv then it being cleere that of these two sonnes of king Henry the third prince Edward vvas the elder and lawful heyre it remayneth only that vve set downe their seueral discents vnto the tymes of king Edward the third and his children in whose dayes the dissention controuersie betweene these royal houses of Yorke and Lancaster began to break fourth And for the issue of Edward that vvas king after his father by the name of king Edward the first it is euident that albeit by two seueral vviues he had a dosen children male and femal yet only his fourth sonne by his first vvife called also Edward vvho vvas king after him by the name of king Edward the second left issue that remayned which Edward the second being afterward for his euel gouerment deposed left issue Edward the third vvho vvas made king by election of the people in his place and after a long and prosperous reigne left diuers sonnes vvherof after vve shal speak and among them his third sonne named Iohn of Gaunt married lady Blanch daughter and heyre of the house of lancaster and of the fornamed Lord Edmond Crouchback by vvhich Blanch Iohn of Gant became duke of lancaster so as the lines of these tvvo bretheren Edward and Edmond did meete and ioyne againe in the fourth discent as novv shall appeare by declaration of the issue of the foresaid L. Edmond Edmond then the second sonne of K. Henry the third being made county palatine of Lancaster as also earle of Lecester and of Darby by his father king Henry as hath bin said had issue three sonnes to vvit Thomas Henry and Iohn among vvhom he deuided his three states making Thomas his eldest sonne county palatine of Lancaster Henry earle of Lecester Iohn earle of Darby But Thomas the eldest Iohn the yongest dying vvithout issue al three states fel againe vppon Henry the second sonne vvhich Henry had issue one fonne and three daughters his sonne vvas named Henry the second of that name earle of Lancaster and made duke of Lancaster by king Edward the third and he had one only daughter heyre named Blanch vvho vvas marryed vnto Iohn of Gant as before hath bin said But Duke Henries three sisters named Ioan Mary and Elenor vvere al marryed to diuers principal men of the realme for that Ioan vvas marryed to Iohn L. Maubery of vvhom are descended the Howards of the house of Norfolk at this day and Mary vvas marryed to Henry lord Pearcy from vvhom cometh the house of the Earles of Northumberland and Elenor vvas married to Richard earle of Arundel vvhence is issued also by his mothers side the Earle of Arundel that novv is so as of this
Polydor that wrote in king Henry the 8. his tyme and others that haue followed him since do take al right from the house of Lancaster and giue the same to the house of Yorke wherfore the best waye I suppose wil be not so much to consider vvhat historiographers do say according to their affections or interests as vvhat reasons and profes be alleged of euery side for that by this we shal more easely come to iudge where the right or wrong doth lye First therfore the defendors of the house of Yorke do alleage that their title is playne and euident for that as in the former chapter hath bin declared Richard duke of Yorke first pretender of this house vvhose father vvas sonne to Edmond Langley duke of Yorke fourth sonne of king Edward the third and his mother Anne Mortimer that vvas neece once remoued and sole heyre to Leonel duke of Clarence second sonne of the said king Edward this Richard I say duke of York pretended that for so much as he had tvvo titles ioyned together in himselfe and vvas lawful heyre as vvel to duke Leonel the second brother as to duke Edmond the fourth that he vvas to be preferred in succession of the crowne after the death of king Richard the second heyre of the first sonne of king Edward before the issue of Iohn of Gaunt that vvas but third sonne to the said king Edward and consequently that Hēry Bolenbrook Iohn of Gaunts sonne duke of Lancaster called afterward king Henry the fourth entred the crowne by tyrāny violēce first for deposing the true and lawful king Richard and secondly for taking the kingdome vppon himselfe vvhich kingdome after the death of the foresaid king Richard which happened in the yeare 1399 belonged to Edmond mortimer Earle of march then liuing and after his death to Anne Mortimer his sister marryed to Richard earle of Cābridge father to this Richard pretendent duke of Yorke as hath bin said for that this Edmond and Anne Mortimer were children to Roger Mortimer sonne of Phillip that vvas daughter to duke Leonel vvhich Leonel vvas elder vncle to king Richard and before Iohn of Gaunt the yonger brother vvhose sonne tooke the crovvne vppon him For the better vnderstanding of which pretence and allegation of the house of Yorke against Lancaster we must note the story following to wit that king Edward the third seing in his old age that prince Edward his eldest sonne whom of al his children he loued most dearly was deade though their vvanted not much doubt in some mēs heads as after shal be shewed vvho ought to succede yet the old man for the exceeding affection he bare to the dead prince vvould heare nothing in that behalfe but appointed Richard the said prince Edwards only sonne and heyre to succed him in the kingdome and made the same to be confirmed by act of parlament and inforced al his children then a liue to svveare to the same which were Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancaster his third and eldest sonne that then liued for Leonel his second sonne duke of Clarence vvas dead before and Edmond Langley and Thomas Woodstock earles at that tyme but after dukes of Yorke Glocester so king Richard reigned with good obedience of his vncles and their children for 20. yeares together but in the end when he grew insolent had put to death his vncle the duke of Glocester together vvith the earle of Arundel and banished many others of the nobility and among them the Archbishop of Canterbury as also his owne cosin germaine Henry duke of Hereford after of Lancaster sonne and heyre of Iohn of Gaunt and had made many wicked statutes aswel against the church and state Ecclesiastical as also to intangle the realme and nobility with fayned crymes of treason against his regaltie as then he termed them the principal men of the realme seing a fit occasion offred by the kings absence in Ireland called home out of France the foresaid Henry duke of Lancaster vvith the Archbishop of Canterbury earles of Arundel and Warwick and others which vvere in banishment and by common consent gathered vppon the suddaine such an army to assist them in Ingland as they took the king brought him to London and there in a parlament laying together the intollerable faults of his gouerment they depriued him of al regal dignity as before they had done to his great grandfather king Edward the second then by vniuersal consent of the parlament and people their present they chose admitted the said Henry duke of Lancaster to be their king vvho continewed so al the daies of his life and left the crowne vnto his sonne and sonnes sonne after him by the space of threescore yeares vntill this Richard before named duke of Yorke made chalenge of the same in manner and forme as before hath bin shewed Now then the storie being this the question is first whether Richard the second were iustly deposed or no and secondly whether after his deposition the house of Yorke or house of Lācaster should haue entred and thirdly if the house of Lancaster did commit any wronge or iniustice at their first entrance to the crowne yet whether the continuance of so many yeares in possession vvith so many approbations and confirmations therof by the common vvealth vvere not sufficient to legitimate their right Concerning vvhich points many things are alleaged by the fauourers of both families and in the first pointe touching the lawfulnes or vnlawfulnes of king Richards deposition three articles especially do seeme most considerable to wit about the thing in it selfe whether a lawful king may be deposed vppon iust causes secōdly about these causes in king Richards deposition to vvit vvhether they vvere iust or sufficient for deposition of the said king and lastly about the manner of doing it vvhether the same were good and orderly or not And touching the first of these three pointes vvhich is that a king vppon iust causes may be deposed I thinke both parties though neuer so contrary betweene themselues vvil easely agree and the Ciuil lawyer seemeth to me to haue proued it so euidently before throughout his vvhole discourse as I thinke very litle may be said against the same For he hath declared if you remember both by reason authority examples of al nations Christian that this may and hath and ought to be done vvhen vrgent occasions are offred And first by reason he sheweth it for that al kingly authority is giuen them only by the common wealth that with this expresse condition that they shal gouerne according to law and equity that this is the cause of their exaltation aboue other men that this is the end of their gouerment the butt of their authority the starr and pole by vvhich they ought to direct their sterne to witt the good of the people by the vveale of their subiects by the benefite of the realme
frosard sayeth he had but three shippes only out of Britanie and Walsingham saith he had but 15. Lances and 400. footmen and the additions to Polychronicon as before I noted do auouch that when he landed at Rauenspurt in the county of Yorke he had but threescore men in al to begin the reformation of his realme against so potent a tyrant as King Richard was then accompted and yet vvas the concourse of al people so great and general vnto him that within few dayes he achiued the matter and that without any battaile or bloodshed at al thus much for the iustnes of the cause But now if we vvil consider the manner and forme of this act they of Lancaster do affirme also that it could not be executed in better nor more conuenient order First for that it vvas done by the choise and inuitation of al the realme or greater and better parte therof as hath bin said Secondly for that is vvas done vvithout slaughter and thirdly for that the king vvas deposed by act of parlament and himselfe conuinced of his vnworthy gouerment and brought to confesse that he vvas vvorthely depriued and that he vvillingly and freely resigned the same nether can their be any more circumstances required saye these men for any lavvful deposition of a Prince And if any man wil yet obiect and saye that notwithstanding al this their vvas violence for that duke Henry was armed and by force of armes brought this to passe they of Lancaster do answere that this is true that he brought the matter to an Roboam for the sinnes of Salomon his father and yet spare him also in parte for the sake of his grand father Dauid he caused a rebellion to be raysed against him by Ieroboam his seruant and more then three partes of foure of his people to rebell against him and this by Gods owne instinct and motion and by his expresse allowance therof after it vvas done as the scripture auoucheth and if Roboam had fought against them for this fault as once he had thought to do and vvas prepared vvith a mayne army no doubt but they might haue lawfully stayne him for that now these tenn tribes that for-sooke him had iust authority to depose him for his euel gouerment and for not yealding to their iust request made vnto him for easing them of those greuous tributes laid vppon them as the scripture reporteth For albeit God had a meaning to punish him for the sinnes of his father Salomon yet suffred he that Roboam also should giue iust occasion him selfe for the people to leaue him as appereth by the story and this is Gods highe vvisdome iustice prouidence and swete disposition in humane affaires An other example of punishing and deposing euel Princes by force they do alleage out of the first booke of kings wher God appointed Elizens the Prophet to send the sonne of an other Prophet to annoynt Iehu Captaine of Ioram king of Israel vvhich Ioram was sonne to the Queene Iezabel and to persuade Iehu to take armes against his said king and against his mother the Queene and to depriue them both not only of their kingdomes but also of their liues and so he did for the scripture saith Coniurauit ergo Iehu contra Ioram Iehu did coniure and conspite at the persuasion of this Prophet vvith the rest of his fellow Captaines against his king Ioram and Queene Iezabel the kinges mother to put them downe and to put them to death with al the ignomy he could deuise and God allowed therof and perswaded the same by so holy a Prophet as Elizeus vvas wherby we maye assure our selues that the fact was not only lawfull but also most godly albeit in it selfe it might seeme abhominable And in the same booke of kings within two chapters after there is an other example how God moued loiada high priest of Ierusalem to persuade the Captaines and Coronels of that cittye to conspire against Athalia the Queene that had reigned 6. yeares and to arme them selues with the armor of the temple for that purpose and to beseige the pallace wher she lay and to kill al them that should offer or goe about to defend her so they did and hauing taken her aliue she vvas put to death also by sentence of the said high priest and the fact vvas allowed by God and highly commended in the scripture and Ioas yong king of the blood royal was crowned in her place al this might haue bin done as you see without such trouble of armes bloodshed if God vvould but he appointed this seueral meanes for working of his wil and for releeuing of common wealthes oppressed by euel princes And this seemeth sufficient proofe to these men that king Richard of Ingland might be remoued by force of armes his life and gouerment being so euel and pernitious as before hath bin shewed It remayneth then that vve passe to the second principal pointe proposed in the begining vvhich was that supposing this depriuation of king Richard vvas iust and lawful vvhat house by right should haue succeded him ether that of lācaster as it did or the other of Yorke And first of al it is to be vnderstood that at that very tyme vvhen king Richard vvas deposed the house of Yorke had no pretence or little at al to the crowne for that Edmond Mortimer earle of march nephew to the lady Phillip vvas then aliue with his sister Anne Mortymer marryed to Richard earle of Cambrige by vvhich Anne the howse of Yorke did after make their clayme but could not do so yet for that the said Edmond her brother was liuing and so continued many yeares after as appeareth for that wee reade that he vvas aliue 16. yeares after this to witt in the third yeare of the raigne of king Henry the fift vvhen his said brother in law Richard earle of Cambrigs vvas put to death in South-hampton vvhom this Edmond appeached as after shal be shewed and that this Edmond vvas now earle of March when king Richard vvas deposed and not his father Roger as Polidot mistaketh is euident by that that the said Roger vvas slayne in Ireland a litle before the depositiō of King Richard to witt in the yeare 1398. and not many monethes after he had bin declared heyre apparent by king Richard and Rogers father named Edmond also husband of the lady Phillip dyed some three yeares before him that is before Roger as after wil be seene so as seing that at the deposition of king Richard this Edmond Mortimer elder brother to Anne was yet liuing the question cannot be whether the house of Yorke should haue entred to the crowne presently after the depriuation of kinge Richard for they had vet no pretence as hath bin shewed but whether this Edmond Mortimer as heyre of Leonel duke of Clarence or els Henry the duke of Lancaster heyre of Iohn of Gaunt should haue entred For as for
after for keping of his oth that he had made vnto his father neuer pretended any right to the crowne yet king Richard knowing vvel the pretence that he and his might haue vvas stil afraid of him and sought infinite meanes to be rydd of him first by perswading him to goe and make vvarr in Spaine vvher he thought he might miscarry in so dangerous an attempt and then offering to giue him al Aquitaine if he vvould leaue Ingland to goe liue there as he did for three yeares vvith extreme peril for that the people of Aquitaine would not receaue him but rose against him and refused his gouerment and vvould not admitt him for their Lord but appealed to the king vvho also allowed therof and so vvhen Iohn of Gaunt came home into Ingland againe kinge Richard thought no better way to vveaken him then to banish his sonne Henry duke of Herford and so he did And besides this the said king Richard practised also by diuers secret drifts the death of his said vncle the duke of Lancaster as Walsingham witnesseth and vvhen the said duke came at lenghte to dye which vvas in the 22. yeare of king Richards raigne he vvrote such ioyous letters therof as frossard saith to his father in law the sixt Charles king of France as though he had bin deliuered of his chiefest enemy not immagining that his owne distructioÌ„ was so neere at hand and much accelerated by the death of the said duke as it was And these vvere the causes say the fauorers of the house of Lancaster why king Richard caused this acte of parlament to passe in fauour of Roger Mortimer in preiudice of the house of Lancaster and not for that the right of earle Mortimer vvas better then that of the duke of Lancaster And this they say is no new thing for princes often tymes to procure partial lawes to passe in parlament for matter of succession according to their owne affections for the like say they did Edward the third procure in the fauour of this Richard as before I haue shevved in the last parlament before his death and afterward againe king Richard the third vvith much more open 〈◊〉 caused an act of parlament to passe in his dayes vvherby his nephew Iohn de la pole earle of Lincolne sonne to his sister Elizabeth duchesse of Suffolke vvas declared heyre apparent to the crowne excluding therby the children of his two elder brothers to vvit the daughters of king Edward the fourth and the sonne and daughter of Georg duke of Clarence vvhich yet by al order should haue gone before their sisters children And like facilitie founde king Henry the 8. to get the consent of two parlaments to giue him authority to appointe what successor he would of his owne kynred by which authority afterward he apointed by his testament as in an other place shal be shewed that the issue of his yonger sister mary should be preferred before the issue of his eldest sister Margaret of Scotland A like declaration was that also of king Edward the sixt of late memory vvho appointed the lady Iane Gray his cosen germane remoued to be his heyre and successor in the crowne of Ingland and excluded his owne tvvo sisters the lady Mary and the lady Elizabeth from the same but these declaratioÌ„s make litle to the purpose vvhen right and equity do repugne as these men say that it did in the fore said declaratioÌ„ of Roger Mortimer to be heyre apparent for that they hold and auow the house of Lancaster to haue had the true right to enter not only after the death of king Richard the second as it did but also before him that is to say immediatly vppon the death of king Edward the third for that Iohn of Gaunt vvas then the eldest sonne which king Edward had lyuing and neerer to his father by a degree then vvas Richard the nephew About vvhich pointe to wit vvhether the vncle or the nephew should be preferred in succession of kingdomes it seemeth that in this age of K. Edward the third there vvas great trouble and controuersy in the world abroad for so testifieth Girard du Haillan Counceler and secretary of France in his story of the yeare of Christ 1346. vvhich vvas about the middest of king Edwards reigne and therfore no maruaile though king Edward tooke such care of the sure establishing of his nephew Richard in succession as is before related And much lesse maruail is it if king Richard had stil great ielosy of his vncle the duke of Lancaster and of his ofspring considering how doubtful the question vvas among the wise and learned of those dayes For more declaration vvher-of I thinke it not amisse to alleage the very vvordes of the foresaid chronicler with the examples by him recited thus then he vvriteth About this tyme sayeth he their did arise a great and doubtful question in the world whether vncles or nephewes that is to say the yonger brother or els the children of the elder should succed vnto realmes and kingdomes vvhich coÌ„trouersy put al christianity into great broyles and troobles For first Charles the secoÌ„d king of Naples begar of Mary his wife Queene and heyre of Hungary diuers children but namely three sonnes Marrel Robert and Phillip 〈◊〉 dying before his father left a sonne named Charles vvhich in his grandmothers right vvas king also of Hungary but about the kingdome of Naples the question vvas vvhen king Charles was dead who should succeed him either Charles his nephew king of Hungary or Robert his second sonne but Robert vvas preferred and reygned in Naples and enioyed the earldome of Prouince in France also for the space of 33. yeares vvith great renowne of valor wisdome And this is one example that 〈◊〉 recounteth vvhich example is reported by the famoê° lawyer 〈◊〉 in his commentaries touching the succession of the kingdome of Sicilia and he saith that this succession of the vncle before the nephew vvas auerred also for rightful by the learend of that tyme and confirmed for inst by the iudicial 〈◊〉 of Pope Boniface and that for the reasons which afterward shal be shewed vvhen vve shal treat of this question more in particuler An other example also reporteth Girard vvhich 〈◊〉 immediatly after in the same place for that the forsaid king Robert hauing a sonne named Charles which dyed before 〈◊〉 he left a daughter and heyre named Ioan neece vnto king Robert which Ioan was married to Andrew the yonger sonne of the foresaid Charles king of Hungary but king Robert being dead ther stept vp one Lewis prince of Tarranto a place of the same kingdome of Naples who vvas sonne to Phillip before mentioned vonger brother to king Robert vvhich Lewis pretending his right to be better then that of Ioan for that he vvas a man and one degree neerer to king Charles his grand father then Ioan was for that he was nephew
of Portugal that are the discēdents of Lady Phillippe his sister thus say the issue of king Henry the seuenth But to this the princes of the house of Portugal do reply and say first that by this it is euident at least that the dukedome of Lancaster vvherof the lady Blanch vvas the only heyre must needs apperteyne to them alone and this vvithout al doubt or controuersie for that they only remaine of her issue after extinguishing of the posterity of her elder brother K. Henry the fourth which vvas extinguished by the death of king Henry the sixt and of his only sonne prince Edward and for this they make no question or controuersie assuring themselues that al law right and equity is on their side Secondly touching the succession and right to the kingdome they saye that Iohn earle of Somerset being borne out of Wedlock and in adultery for that his father had an other vvife aliue vvhen he begatt him and he continuing a bastard so many yeares could not be made legitimate afterward by parlament to that effect of succession to the crowne and to depriue Queene Phillip of Portugal and her children borne before the others legitimation frō their right and succession vvithout their consents for that Iohn king of Portugal did marry the said lady Phillip vvith condition to enjoy al prerogatiues that at that day vvere due vnto her and that at the tyme vvhen Iohn of Gaunt did marry the said lady Catherine Svvinford made her children legitimate by act of parlament vvhich vvas in the yeare of Christ 1396. and 1397. the said lady Phillip Queene of Portugal had now tvvo sonnes liuing named don Alon so and don Edwardo vvhich vvere borne in the yeares 1390. and 1391. that is six yeares before the legitimation of Iohn earle of Somerset and his brethren and therby had ius acquisitum as the law saith vvhich right once acquired and gotten could not be taken away by any posterior act of parlament afrervvard vvithout consent of the parties interressed for vvhich they do alleage diuers places of the canon law vvhich for that they hold not in Ingland I do not cite but one example they put to shew the inconuenience of the thing if it should be otherwise determined then they affirme vvhich is that if king Henry the eight that had a bastard sonne by the lady Elizabeth Blunt vvhom he named Henry fitzroy made him both earle of Notingham and duke of Richmond and Somerset in the 18. yeare of his reigne at vvhat tyme the said king had a lawful daughter a liue named the princesse Mary by Queene Catherin of Spayne if I say the king should haue offred to make this sonne legitimate by parlament with intent to haue him succeede after him in the crowne to the preiudice and open iniury of the said lawful daughter these men do say that he could not haue done it and if he should haue done it by violence it would not haue held and much lesse could Iohn of Gaunt do the like being no king Nor was the act of parlament sufficiēt for this pointe it being a matter that depended especially say these men of the spiritual court and of the Canon law which law alloweth this legitimation no further but only as a dispensation and this so farforth only as it doth not preiudice the right of any other Nether helpeth it any thing in this matter the matriage of Iohn of Gaunt with lady Catherin for to make better this legitimation for that as hath bin said their children vvere not only naturales but Spurij that is to saye begotten in playne aduoutrie and not in simple fornication only for that the one partie had a wife a liue and consequently the priuelege that the law giueth to the subsequent marriage of the parties for legitimating such children as are borne in simple fornication that is to say betweene parties that vvere single and none of them married can not take place here so as these men conclude that albeit this legitimation of parlament might serue them to other purposes yet not to depriue the princes of Portugal of their prerogatiue to succede in their mothers right which she had vvhen she vvas married to their father And this they affirme to haue bin law and right at that tyme if the said Queene Phillip earle Iohn had bin aliue together vvhen Henry the sixt and his sonne vvas put to death that this questiō had bin then moued at the deathe of king Henry the sixt whether of the two to vvit either the said Queene Phillip or her yonger brother Iohn earle of Somerset by the fathers side only should haue succeded in the inheritance of king Henry the sixt in vvhich case these men presume for certaine that the said Queene Phillippe legitimatly borne and not Iohn made legitimate by parlamēt should haue succeded for that by common course of law the children legitimated by fauour albeit their legitimation vvere good and lawful as this of these children is denyed to be yet can they neuer be made equal and much lesse be preferred before the lawful and legitimate by byrthe But now say these men the case standeth at this present somewhat otherwise and more for the aduantage of Queene Phillippe and her ofspring for vvhen king Henry the sixt his sonne were extinguished and Edward duke of Yorke thrust hym selfe in to the crowne which vvas about the yeare of Christ 1471 the foresaid two princes lady Phillip and earle Iohn vvere both dead as also their children and only their nephewes vvere aliue that is to saye their liued in Portugal king Alfonsus the fift of that name sonne to king Edward vvhich Edward vvas child to Queene Phillip and the death of king Henry the sixt of Ingland happened in the 38. yeare of the reigne of the said king Alfonsus and in Inglād liued at the same tyme lady Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother of king Henry the seuenthe and neece of the foresaid Iohn earle of Somerset to vvit the daughter of his sonne duke Iohn of Somerset so as these tvvo competitors of the house of Lancaster that is to say king Alfonsus and lady Margaret were in equal degree from Iohn of Gaunt as also from king Henry the sixt sauing that king Alfonsus vvas of the vvhole blood as hath bin said and by Queene Phillip that vvas legitimate and the countesse of Richmond vvas but of the halfe blood as by Iohn earle of Somerset that vvas a bastard legitimated The question then is which of these tvvo should haue succeded by right of the house of Lancaster immediatly after the death of king Henry the sixt and the lady Margaret alleageth that she vvas descended from Iohn earle of Somerset that vvas a man and therfore to be preferred and king Alfonsus alleaged that he being in equal degree of neernes of blood with the same countesse for that both vvere nephewes he vvas to be preferred
in Magistrats and for that the former is of nature the other also is of nature Al which is confitmed also by the consent vse of al nations through-out the world which general consent Cicero calleth ipsius vocem naturae the voice of nature herselfe for ther was neuer yet nation found ether of ancient tyme or now in our dayes by the discouery of the Indies or els where among vvhom men liuing together had not some kind of Magestrate or superior to gouerne them which euidently declareth that this poynt of Magestrates is also of nature and from god that created nature which poynt our ciuil law doth proue in like manner in the very begining of our digestes vvher the secōd title of the first booke is de origineiuris ciuilis omnium magestratuum of the begining of the ciuil law and of al magestrates which begining is referred to this first principle of natural instinct and Gods institution And last of al that God did concurr also expresly vvith this instinct of nature our diuines do proue by cleare testimony of holy scripture as vvhen God saith to Salomon by me kings do raigne and S. Paule to the Romans auoucheth that autbority is not but of God and therfore he which resisteth authority resisteth God Which is to be vnderstood of authority power or iutisdiction in it selfe according to the first institution as also vvhen it is lawfully laid vppō any person for otherwise when it is ether vvrongfully taken or vniustly vsed it may be resisted in diuers cases as afterwards more in particuler shal be declared for then it is not law ful authority Thes two poynts then are of nature to wit the common wealth and gouerment of the same by magistrates but vvhat kind of gouermēt ech common vvealth vvil haue whether Democratia vvhich is popular gouerment by the people it selfe as Athens Thebes and many other cyties of Greece had in old tyme as the Cantons of Swizers at this day haue or els Aristocratia vvhich is the gouerment of some certayne chosen number of the best as the Romans many yeares vvere gouerned by Consuls and senators and at this day the states of this countrey of Holland do imitate the same or els Monarchia vvhich is the regiment of one and this agayne eyther of an Emperor King Duke Earle or the like thes particuler formes of gouerment I say are not determyned by God or nature as the other two poyntes before for thē they should be al one in al nations as the other are seing God and nature are one to al as often hath bin said but thes particuler formes are left vnto euery nation and countrey to chuse that forme of gouerment which they shal like best and think most fit for the natures and conditions of their people vvhich Aristotle proueth through out al the second and fourth bookes of his politiques very largly laying dovvne diuers kinds of gouerments in his dayes as namely in Greece that of the Milesians Lacedemonians Candians and others and shevving the causes of their differences which he attributeth to the diuersity of mens natures customes educations and other such causes that made them make choise of such or such forme of gouerment And this might be proued also by infinit other examples both of tymes past and present and in al nations and countryes both christian and otherwise which haue not had only differēt fassions of gouermēts the one frō the other but euen among themselues at one tyme one forme of gouerment and an other at other tymes for the Romans first had Kings and after reiecting them for their euil gouerment they chose 〈◊〉 vvhich vvere two gouernours for euervycare vvhose authority yet they limited by a multitude of senators which vvere of their counsel and thes mens power vvas restrayned also by adding tribunes of the people and some tyme dictators and finally they came to be gouerned last of al by Emperors The like might be said of Carthage in Africa and many cityes and common wealthes of Greece which in diuers seasons and vppon diuers causes haue taken different formes of gouerment to themselues The like vve see in Europe at this day for in only Italye what different formes of gouerment haue you Naples hath a kinge for their soueraine Rome the pope and vnder him one senator in place of so many as vvere wont to be in that common vvealth Venice and Genua haue senators Dukes but litle authority haue ther Dukes Florence Farara Mantua Parma Vrbin and Sauoy haue their Dukes only without senators and there power is absolut Milan vvas once a kingdom but now a Dukedom the like is of Burgundy Lorayne Bauire Gascony and Britayne the lesser al which once had their distinct kings and now haue Dukes for their supreme gouernours The like may be said of al Germany that many yeares together had one king ouer al which now is deuided into so many Dukedomes Earldomes other like titles of supreme Princes But the contrary is of Castile Aragon Portugal Barcelona and orher kingdomes this day in Spayne which vvere first earldomes only and after Dukedomes and then kingdomes and now a gayne are al vnder one Monarchy The like is of Boeme and Polonia which vvere but Dukedomes in old tyme and now are kingdomes The like may be said of France also after the expulsion of the Romans vvhich was first a monarchy vnder Pharamond their first king and so continued for many yeares vnder Clodion Merouys Childrik and Clodouaeus ther first christened kings but after they deuided it into fower kingdomes to vvit one of Paris an other of Suessons the third of Orleans and the fourth of Metts and so it continued for diuers yeares but yet aftervvards they made it one monarchy agayne England also vvas first a monarchy vnder the Britaynes and then a prouince vnder the Romans and after that deuided into seauen kingdomes at once vnder the Saxons and novv a monarchy agayne vnder the Inglish and al this by Gods permission and approbation vvho in token therof suffred his owne peculier people also of Israel to be vnder diuers manners of gouerments in diuers tymes as first vnder Patriarques Abraham Isaac and Iacob then vnder Captaynes as Moses Iosua and the like then vnder iudges as Othoniel Aiod and Gedion then vnder high Priestes as Hely and Samuel then vnder kings as Saul Dauid and the rest then vnder captaines highe priests agayne as Zorobabelludas Machabeus his brethren vntil the gouerment vvas lastely taken from them and they brought vnder the povver of the Romans and forraine kinges appoynted by them So as of al this ther can be no doubt but that the common vvealth hath power to chuse their owne fassion of gouerment as also to change the same vppon resonable causes as we see they haue done in al tymes and countryes and God no
immediatly ther followeth mentiō yet may it seeme also to be taken and verified of kingly authority in respect of al other gouerments seing that at this tyme when the Apostle wrote this epistle the chiefe gouernour of the world vvas not called king but emperour and therfore seing in such a tyme S. Peter affirmeth the state of kingly gouerment to be most excellent it may seme he meant it absolutly signifying therby that this is the best kind of gouerment among al others though to confesse the truth betwene the title of king and Emperor ther is litle or no difference in substance but only in name for that the authority is equal euery king is an Emperor in his owne kingdome And finally the excellency of this gouerment aboue al other is not only proued by the perfection therof in it selfe as for that it is most ancient simple and conforme vnto nature most resembling the gouerment of God himselfe as hath bin said but by the effects also and vtility that it bringeth vnto the subiects with farr lesse inconueniences then any other forme of gouerment what-soeuer if vve compare them together for in the monarchy of one king ther is more vnity agreement and conformity and therby also celerity commonly in dispaching of busines and in defending the cōmon vvealth then vvher many heades be lesse passions also in one man then in many as for example in Democratia vvher the common people do beare the cheife sway which is bellua multorum capitum as Cicero wisely said that is a beast of many heades ther is nothing but sedition trouble tumults outrages and iniustices committed vppon euery litle occasion especially vvher crafty and conning men may be admitted to incense or assuage them with sugred vvords such as were the Orators in Athens and other cyties of Greece that had this gouermēr and the Tribunes of the people of Rome and other such populer and plausible men vvho could moue the vvaues rayse vp the windes and inkindle the fier of the vulgar peoples affections passions or furies at their pleasure by which vve see that of al other common vvealthes these of populer gouerment haue soonest come to ruine vvhich might be shevved not only by old examples of Greec Asia and Africa but also of many cyties in Italy as Florence Bolonia Siena Pisa Arezzo Spoleto Perugia Padua and others vvhich vppon the fall or diminution of the Roman Empire vnder which they vvere before tooke vnto themselues populer gouerments vvherin they vvere so tossed vvith continual sedition mutines and bāding of factions as they could neuer haue ende therof vntil after infinite murthers massacres and inundatiō of blood they came in the ende to be vnder the monarchy of some one Prince or other as at this day they remayne so that of al other gouerments this is the vvorst The second forme which is called Oligarchia or Aristocratia for that a few and those presumed to be the best are ioyned together in authority as it doth participate some thinge of both the other gouermēts to wit of monarchia and Democratia or rather tempereth them both so hath it both good and euil in it but yet inclineth more to the euil for the disunion that commonly by mans infirmity malice is among thos heades for vvhich cause the states before named of Venice and Genua vvhich were wont to haue simply this gouerment of Aristocratia in that their regiment was by certaine chose senators were inforced in the end to chuse Dukes also as heades of their senates for auoyding of dissention and so they haue them at this day though their authority be but smale as hath bin said We see also by the examples of Carthage Rome wher gouerment of Aristocratia tooke place that the diuision and factions among the senators of Carthage was the cause why ayde and succor was not sent to Hanibal their Captaine in Italy after his so great and important victory at Cannas which was the very cause of the sauing of the Roman Empire and the losse of their owne As also afterwardes the emulations discord and disunion of the Roman senators among themselues in the affaires and contentions of Marius and Silla and of Pompey and Cesar was the occasion of al their destruction of their common vvealth with them Euident then it is that of al other gouerments the monarchy is the best least subiect to the inconueuiences that other gouerments haue and if the prince that gouerneth alone hath supreme authority to himselfe as he resembleth God in this poynte of sole gouermēt so could he resemble him also in wise discret and iust gouerment and in ruling without passion no doubt but that nothing more excellent in the world could be desired for the prefect filicity of his subiects but for that a king or Prince is a man as others be and therby not only subiect to errors in iudgment but also to passionat affections in his wil for this cause it was necessary that the common vvealth as it gaue him this great power ouer them so it should assigne him also the best helpes that might be for directing and rectifying both his wil and iudgment and make him therin as like in gouerment to God whom he representeth as mans fraylty can reach vnto For this consideration they assigned to him first ofal the assistance and direction of law wherby to gouerne which law Aristotle saith Est mens quaedam nullo perturbata affectu it is a certayne mynde disquieted with no disordinate affection as mens myndes commonly be for that when a law is made for the most part it is made vppon dew consideration and deliberation and without perturbation of euil affections as anger enuy hatred rashnes or the like passions and it is referred to some good end and commodity of the common vvealth which law being once made remayneth so stil without alteration or partial affectiō being indifferent to al and partial to none but telleth one tale to euery man in this it resembleth the perfection as it were of God himselfe for the which cause the said philosopher in the same place addeth a notable wise sayng to wit that he which ioyneth a law to gouerne with the Prince ioyneth God to the Prince but he that ioyneth to the Prince his affection to gouerne ioyneth a beast for that mens affections and concupiscenses are common also to beastes so that a Prince ruling by law is more then a man or a man deifyed and a Prince ruling by affections is lesse then a man or a man brutified In an other place also the same philpsopher sayeth that a Prince that leaueth law and ruleth himselfe others by his owne appetite and affections of al creatures is the worst and of al beasts is the most furious and dangerous for that nothing is so outragious as iniustice armed and no armor is so strong as witt and authority
wherof the first he hath in that he is a man and the other in that he is a Prince For this cause then al common wealthes haue prescribed lawes vnto their Princes to gouerne therby as by a most excellent certayne immutable rule to which sense Cicero said leges sunt inuentae vt omnibus semper vna 〈◊〉 voce loquerentur lawes were inuented to the ende they should speake in one and the 〈◊〉 same sense to al men For which very reason in lyke maner thes lawes haue bin called by Philosophers a rule or square inflexible and by Aristotle in particular a mynde without passion as hath bin said but the Prophet Dauid who was also a Prince king semeth to cal it by the name of Discipline for that as discipline doth keepe al the partes of a man or of a particuler house in order so law vvel ministred keepeth al the partes of a common vvealth in good order and to sheow how seuerely God exacteth this at al Princes handes he sayth these wordes And now learne ye kinges and be instructed you that iudge the world serue God in feare and reioyse in him with trembling embrace ye discipline least he enter into wrath and so ye perish from the way of righteousnes Which wordes being vttered by a prophet and king do conteyne diuers poynts of much cōsideration for this purpose as first that kings and Prince are bound to learne law and discipline and secondly to obserue the same vvith great humility and feare of Gods wrath and thirdly that if they do not they shal perish frō the way of righteousnes as though the greatest plage of al to a Prince weare to lose the way of righteousnes law and reason in his gouerment and to giue himselfe ouer to passion and his owne vvil whereby they are suer to come to shipwrack and thus much of the first helpe The second help that common wealthes haue giuen to their kings and Princes especially in later ages hath bin cerrayne councelles and councellors with whom to consult in matters of most importance as we see the parlaments of Ingland and France the courtes in Spayne and diets in Germany vvithout which no matter of great moment can be concluded and besides this commonly euery king hath his priuy councel whom he is bound to heare and this vvas done to temper somwhat the absolute for me of a Monarchy whose danger is by reason of his sole authority to fal into tiranny as Aristotle vvisely noteth in his fourth booke of politiques shewing the incōuenience or dangers of this gouerment vvhich is the cause that vve haue few or no simple monarchies now in the world especially among Christians but al are mixt lightely with diuers pointes of the other two formes of gouerment also and namely in Ingland al three do enter more or lesse for in that ther is one king or Queene it is a monarchy in that it hath certayne councelles which must be hard it participateth of Aristocratia and in that the commonalty haue their voices and burgesses in parlament it taketh part also of Democratia or populer gouerment al which limitations of the Princes absolute authority as you see do come for the common wealth as hauing authority aboue their Princes for their restraint to the good of the realme as more at large shal be proued hereafter From like authority and for like considerations haue come the limitations of other kings and kingly povver in al tymes and countries from the beginning both touching themselues and their posterity and successors as breefly in this place I shal declare And first of al if we vvil consider the tvvo most renoumed and allowed states of al the world I meane of the Romans and Grecians vve shal finde that both of them began vvith kings but yet vvith far different lawes and restraints about their authorityes for in Rome the kings that succeded Romulus their first founder had as great and absolute authority as ours haue now a dayes but yet their children or next in blood succeded them not of necessity but new kings were chosen partly by the senate and partly by the people as Titus Liuius testifieth so as of three most excellent kings that ensewed immediatly after Romulus to wit Numa Pompilius Tullius Hostilsus Tarqninus Priscus none of them were of the blood royal nor of kyn the one to the other no nor yet Romans borne but chosen rather from among straingers for their vertue and valor and that by election of the senate and consent of the people In Greece and namely among the lacedemonians which vvas the most emynent kingdom among others at that tyme the succession of children after their fathers was more certayne but yet as Aristotle noteth ther authority power was so restrayned by certayne officers of the people named Ephori which commonly vvere fiue in number as they were not only checked and chastined by them if occasion serued but also depriued and some tymes put to death for which cause the said philosopher did iustly mislike this emynent iurisdiction of the Ephori ouer their kings but yet hereby we see vvhat authority the common wealth had in this case and what their meaning vvas in making lawes and restrayning their kings power to wit therby the more to binde them to do iustice which Cicero in his offices vttereth in tbes vvordes Iustitiae fruendae causae apud maiores 〈◊〉 I se Asia in Europe bene morati regesolint sunt constituti c. at cum ius aequabile ab vno viro 〈◊〉 non consequerentur inuentae sunt leges Good kings vvere appoynted in old tyme among our ancestors in Asia and Europe to the end therby to obteyne iustice but when men could not ob teyne equal iustice at one mans handes they inuented lawes The same reason yealdeth the same philosopher in another place not only of the first institution of kingdomes but also of the chainge therof agayne into other gouerments when thes vvere abused Omnes antiquae gentes regibus 〈◊〉 paruerunt c. That is al old nations did liue vnder kingdomes at the beginning which king of gouerment first they gaue vnto the most iust and wisest men which they could finde and also after for loue of them they gaue the same to their posterity ot next in kynne as now also it remayneth vvher kingly gouerment is in vse but other countries which liked not that forme of gouerment and haue shaken of haue done it not that they wil not be vnder any but for that they wil not be euer vnder one only Thus far Cicero and he speaketh this principally in deferice of his-owne cornmō wealth I meane the Roman which had cast of that kinde of gouerment as before hath bin said for the offence they had taken agaynst cessayne kings of thers and first of al agaynst 〈◊〉 himselfe their first founder for 〈◊〉
excceding cruelty and commaunded his armes and memories to be pulled downe euery vvhere and chose for his successor one 〈◊〉 Nerua an Italian a man of excellent vertue by whom they enjoyed not only the most prosperous tyme of his gouerment but of al thos other fower before named that ensued him no lessc worthy then him selfe Not long after the succession of thes excellent good Emperors ther came to the crowne by lawful discent of blood a youth named Antoninus Heliogabolus sonne of the Emperor Antoninus Caracalla and nephew to the most famous and noble Emperor Septimius Seuerus that dyed in Ingland Which youth as he vvas greatly loued and honored a great while for so worthy a grand father so aftervvards for his owne most beaftly life and foule actions he was depriued and put to death by the souldiars of Rome at the request common desire both of the people and senate vvhen he had reigned six yeares and yet vvas but twenty yeares of age when he vvas put downe and his death depriuation was approued by publique acte of the senate who ordeyned also in his detestatiō that neuer Emperor after him shonld be called more Antoninus so it was obserued though no other name had euer bin more gratful before to the vvorld for the remembrance of the good Emperors that had bin so called This man being chastized as is said ther was preferred to the Empire in his roome a goodly yong man of his next kynred named Alexander Seuerus sonne to Mamonea which was sister to Heliogabolus his mother and being admitted by common consent both of the senate people and army he proued one of the most rarest Ptinces for his valor and vertue that euer the roman Empire hath had so as the worthines of Seuerus semed to recōpencefully the wickednes of Heliogabolus Imight name diuers other such examples among the rest that of Maxentius who being lawfully possessed of the Empire in Rome as it seemed for that he was sonne to Maximinianus the Emperor that reigned vvith Diocletian yet for his tyrannous gouerment that was intolerable it is supposed that the senate not being able to match him in open strenght sent prinily into Ingland France to inuite Constantin to come and do iustice vppon him and so he did and he being drowned in the riuer of Tiber Cōstantin sutnamed afterward the great succeded in the Empire and was the man that al men know and the first Emperor that publiquely professed him selfe a Christian and planted our faith ouer al the world this of the romane Empyre And yf vve wil come lower downe neerer home vve haue yet an other example more markable perhaps then al the rest which vvas the change of the Empire from the East to the vvest for the euel gouerment of Constantin the sixth vvho was deposed first and his eyes put out by his owne mother Irene and the Empire vsurped by her but being not able to rule it in such order as was needful for so great a monarchy though otherwise she were one of the rarest women for valor and vvisdome that euer the world had she vvas depriued therof by the sentence of Leo the third pope of Rome and by consent of al the people and senat of that citye and Charles king of France and of Germany surnamed aftrrward the great vvas crowned Emperor of the vvest and so hath that succession remayned vnto this day and many worthy men haue succeded therin infinite actes of iurisdiction haue bin excersised by this authority which were al vniust and tyrannical if this change of the Empire and deposition of Irene and her sonne for ther euel gouerment had not bin lawful It vvere to long to runne ouer al other kingdomes yet some I shal touch in such poynts as are most notorious The two famous chāges that haue bin made of the royal lyne in France the first from the race of Pharamond and Clodoueus to the lyne of pepin and the second from the race of Pepin agayne to the lyne of Hugo Capetus that endureth vnto this day vvher on are they founded but vppon the iudicial chastisment and deposition of two euel Princes the first of Childeric the third lawful king of France who after tenn yeares that he had reigned vvas deposed by Zaccharie the pope at the request of the vvhole nobility and cleargie of France or rather his depriuation vvas by them and confirmed by the pope to whom they alleaged this reason for their doing in that behalfe as Girard putteth it downe in both his French Cronicles I meane the large and the abbreuiation to vvit that their oth to Childeric was to honor serue obey maynteyne and defend him agaynst al men as long as he vvas iust religious valiant clement and vvould resist the enemies of the crowne punish the wicked and conserue the good and defend the Christian fayth And for as much as thes promises said they vvere condicional they ought not to hold or binde longer then that they were reciprocally obserued on both partes which seing they were not on the part of Childric they would not be any longer his subiects and so desired Zacharias to absolue them from their othes which he did and by this meanes Childric vvas deposed and put into a monastery wher he dyed and in his place Pepin vvas chosen and crowned king vvhos posteritie reygned for many years after hym and were such noble kings as al the world can testifie And so continued this race of Pepin in the royal throne for almost two hundreth yeares together vntil Hugo Capetus vvho was put into the same throne by the same authority of the common vvealth and Charles of Lorayne last of the race of Pepin for the euel satisfaction which the French nation had of him was put by it and kept prisoner during his life in the castle of Orelance And thus much do affirme al the French Historyes and do attribute to thes changes the prosperity and greatnes of their present kingdome and monarchy thus much for France wher many other examples might be alleaged as of king Lewis the third surnamed Faineant For that he was vnprofitable and of Charles surnamed Le gros that succeded him both of them deposed by the states of France and other the lyke of vvhom I shall haue occasion to speake afterwards to an other purpose But now if you please let vs stepp ouer the pirenie mountaines and looke into Spayne vvher ther wil not faile vs also diuers examples both before the opression of that realme by the moores as also after For that before to wit about the yeare of Christ 630. we reade of a lawful king named Flaueo Suintila put downe and depriued bothe he and his posterity in the fourth councel national of Toledo and one Sissinando confirmed in his place notvvithstanding that Suintila vvere at the beginning of his raigne a very
good king and much commended by S. Isiodorus Arch bishop of Siuil who yet in the said councel vvas the first man that subscribed to his depriuation After the entrance of the moores also when Spayne vvas reduced agayne to the order gouerment of Spanish kings vve read that about the yeare of Christ 1282. one Don Alonso the eleuenth of that name king of Castile Leon succeded his father Fernando surnamed the sainct and himselfe obteyned the surname of Sabio and Astrologo that is to say of wise and of an Astrologer for his excellent learning peculier skil in that arte as may vvel appeare by the Astronomy tables that at this day go vnder his name which are the most prefect and exact that euer vvere set forth by iudgment of the learned This man for his euel gouerment and espetially for tyranny vsed towards two nephews of his as the spanish Chronicler Garauay writeth vvas deposed of his kingdome by a publique acte of parlament in the towne of Valliodolid after he had reigned 30. yeares and his owne sonne Don Sancho the fourth vvas crowned in his place vvho for his valiant actes was suruamed el brauo and it turned to great commodity of the common wealth The same common vvealth of Spayne some yeares after to wit abont the yeare of Christ 1368. hauing to their king one Don Pedro surnamed the cruel for his iniurious proceding with his subiects though otherwise he were lawfully seased also of the crowne as sonne and heyre to king Don Alonso the twelfth and had reygned among them 18. yeares yet for his euel gouerment they resolued to depose him and so sent for a bastard brother of his named Henry that liued in France requesting him that he would come with some force of french men to assist them in that acte and take the crowne vppon him self which he did and by the help of the Spaniards and Frēch souldiars he draue the said Peter out of Spaine and himselfe vvas crowned And albeit Edward surnamed the black Prince of Ingland by order of his father king Edward the third restored once agayne the said Peter yet vvas it not durable for that Henry hauing the fauour of the Spaniards returned agayne and depriued Peter the second tyme and slew him in fight hand to hād which made shew of more particuler fauour of God in this behalfe to Henry and so he remayned king of Spayne as doth also his progenie inioye the same vnto this day though by nature he vvas bastard as had bin said and not withstanding that king Peter left two daughters vvhich vvere led awaye into Ingland and ther maryed to great Princes And this king Henry so put vp in his place vvas called king Henry the secōd of this name and proued a most excellent king and for his great nobility in conuersation and prouesse in chiualry vvas called by excellency El cauallero the kinghtly king and for his exceding benignity and liberality vvas surnamed also el dela mercedes which is to say the king that gaue many giftes or the liberal franck and bounteful king which was a great change from the other surnamed cruel that king Peter had before so you see that alwayes I gyue you a good king in place of the bad deposed In Portugal also before I goe out of Spayne I wil alleage you one example more which is of Don Sancho the secōd surnamed Capelo fourth king of Portugal lawful sonne and heyre vnto Don Alonso surnamed el Gardo who whas third king of Portugal This Don Sancho after he had raigned 34. yeares was deptiued for his defects in gouerment by the vniuersal consent of al Portugal this his first depriuation from al kingly rule and authority leauing him only the bare name of king vvas approued by a general councel in Lions pope Innocentius the 4. being ther present who at the petition instāce of the vvhole realme of Portugal by their Embassadors the Archbishop of Braga bishop of Comibra and diuers of the nobility sent to Lyons for that purpose did authorize the saide state of Portugal to put in supreme gouerment one Don Alonso brother to the said king Don Sancho vvho was at that tyme Earle of bullen in Picardy by right of his wife and so the Portugales did further also a lytle after they depriued their said king and did driue him out of his realme into Castilla wher he liued al the rest of his life in banishment and dyed in Toledo without euer returning and this decree of the councel and Pope at Lyons for authorizing of this fact is yet extant in our Canon law in the sixt booke of Decretals now in prynt And this king Don Alonso the third vvhich in this 〈◊〉 was put vp against his brother was peaceably prosperously king of Portugal al the dayes 〈◊〉 his lyfe he was a notable king amōg other great exployres he vvas the first that set Portugal free from al subiection dependence and homage to the kingdome of Castile vvhich vnto his tyme it had acknowledged and he left for his successor his sonne and heyre Don 〈◊〉 Fabricador to wit the great buylder for that 〈◊〉 buylded and founded aboue forty and 〈◊〉 great townes in portugal and was a most 〈◊〉 Prince and his ofspring ruleth in Portugal vnto this day Infinite other examples could I alleage if would examyne the lyues and discentes of 〈◊〉 and other kingdomes with their Princes and namely if I would speake of the Greeke Emperors depriued fortheir euel gouerment not so much by populer mutyny which often happened among them as by consent and grane deliberation of the whole state and wealpublique as Michael Calaphates for that he had troden the Crosse of Christ vnder his feete and was otherwise also a wicked man as also the Emperor Nicephorus Botoniates for his dissolute life and preferring wicked men to authority and the like wherof I might name many but it would be to longe What should I name heere the deposition made of Princes in our dayes by other commō wealthes as in Polonia of Henry the third that was last king of France before that had bin sworne king of Polonia of which crowne of Polonia he vvas depriued by publique acte of parlament for his departing thence vvithout licence and not returning at his day by the said state appoynted and deuounced by publique lettres of peremptory commaundedmēt which are yet extant What should I name the depriuations of Henry late king of Suetia vvho being lawful successor and lawfully in possession after his father Gustauus vvas yet put downe by that common vvealth and depriued and his brother made king in his place who if you remember was in Ingland in the beginning of this Queenes reigne whose sonne reygneth at this day is king also of Polonia and this fact was not only allowed of at home
admonish yon in a few wordes what the charge importeth which you are to take vppon you c. Thus he beginneth and after this he declareth vnto him for what end he is made king vvhat the obligation of that place and dignity byndeth him vnto and vnto vvhat points he must sweare what do signifie the sword the ring the sceptor and the crowne that he is to receaue and at the deliuery of each of thes things he maketh both a short exhortation vnto him and prayer vnto God for him And the kings oth is in thes words Promitto coram Deo angelis eius I do promise and sweare before God and his angels that I will do law and iustice to al and kepe the peace of christ hisChurche and the vniō of his catholique fayth and wil do and cause to be done dew and canonical honor vnto the bishops of this land and to the rest of the cleargie and if which God for bid I should break my oth I am content that the inhabitants of this kingdome shal owe no duty or obedience vnto me as God shal help me and Gods holy ghospelles After this oth made by the king and receaued by the subiects the Lord Martial general of the whole kingdome doth aske vvith a loud voice of al the councellors nobility people ther present whether they be content to submit themselues vnto this king or no Who answering yea the archbishop doth ende the residue of the ceremonies doth place him in the royal throne wher al his subiects do homage vnto him and this for Polonia In Spayne I do find that the manner of admitting ther kings was different and not the same before and after the distruction therof by the Moores but yet that in both tymes ther kings did sweare in effect the selfe same points vvhich before haue bin mentioned in other kingdomes For first before the entring of the Moores when spayne remayned yet one general monatchie vnder the Gothes it is recorded in the fourth national coūcel of Toledo which vvas holden the yeare of our Lord 633. according to Ambrosio Morales the most learned diligēt historiographer of Spayne though other do appoint it some few yeares after in this councel I say it is said that their new king Sissinandus who had expelled Suintila ther fotmer king for his euel gouerment This king Sissinandus I saye comming into the said councel in the third yeare of his reigne accompained with a most magnificent number of nobles that waighted on him did fal downe prostrate vppon the ground before the Archbishops and bishops ther gathered together which vvere 70. in number and desired them vvith teares to pray for him and to determine in that councel that which should be needful and most conuenient both for mainteyning of Gods religion and also for vpholding and prospering the whole common wealth wheruppō thos fathers after matters of religion and reformation of manners vvhich they handled in 73. chapters In the end and last chapter they come to handle matters of estate also And first of al they do confirme the deposition of king Suintila together with his wife brother and children and al for his great wickednes which in the councel is recounted and they do depriue them not only of al title to the crowne but also of al other goods and possessions mouables immouables sauing only that vvhich the new kings mercy should bestow vppon them and in this councel was present and subscribed first of al other S. Isidorus Archbishop of Siuil who writing his history of spayne dedicated the same vnto this king Sissinandus and speaketh infinite good in the same of the vertues of king Suintila that was now deposed and condemned in this said councel wherby it is to presumed that he had changed much his life afterward and became so wicked a man as here is reported After this the councel confirmeth the title of Sissinandus and maketh decrees for the defence therof but yet insinuateth vvhat points he was bound vnto and wherunto he had sworne when they said vnto him Te quoque praesentem regem ac futuros aetatum sequentium principes c. We do require you that are our present king and al other our Princes that shal follow here after vvith the humility which is conuenient that you be meeke moderate towards your subiects and that you gouerne your people in iustice and piety and that none of you do giue sentence alone against any mā in cause of life and death but with the consent of your publique councel and with thos that be gouernours in matters of iudgment And against al kings that are to come we do promulgate this sentence that if any of them shal against the reuerence of our lawes excercise cruel authority with proud domination and kingly pompe only following ther owne concupiscence in wickednes that they are condemned by Christ with the sentence of excommunication and haue theyr separation both from him and vs to euerlasting iudgment and this much of that councel But in the next two yeares after the ende of this councel king Sissinandus being now dead and one Chintilla made king in his place ther were other two councels gathered in Toledo the first vvherof was but prouincial and the second national and they are named by the names of the fift and sixt councels of Toledo In the vvhich councels according to the manner of the Gothes who being once conuerted from the Arrian haeresie were very catholique and deuout euer after and gouerned themselues most by their cleargie and not only matters of religion were handled but also of state and of the common wealth especially aboute the successiō to the crowne safty of the Prince prouision for his children frendes officers and fauorites after his death and against such as without election or approbation of the commō wealth did aspire to the same al thes points I say vvere determined in thes councels and among other points a very seuere decree vvas made in the sixt councel concerning the kings oth at his admission in thes vvords Consonam vno corde ore promulgamus Deo placituram sententiam We do promulgate vvith one hart and mouth this sentence agreable pleasing vnto God and do decree the same vvith the consent and deliberation of the nobles and peeres of this realme that vvhosoeuer in tyme to come shal be aduanced to the honor and preferment of this kingdome he shal not be placed in the royal seat vntil among other conditions he haue promised by the Sacrament of an oth that he vvil suffer no man to break the Catholique faith c. Thus far that synod or councel By which wordes especially thos among other conditions is made euident that thos Princes sweare not only to kepe the faith but also such other conditions of good gouerment as were touched before in the fourth councel and thes things were determyned while
their king Chintilla was present in Tolledo as Ambrosio Morales noteth And thus much of Spayne before the entrance of the Moores and before the deuiding therof into many kingdomes which happened about a hundreth yeares after this to wit in the yeare of our Sauiour 713. and 714. But after the Moores had gayned al Spayne and deuided it betwene them into diuers kingdomes yet God prouided that vvithin fowre or fiue yeares the christians that were left and fledd to the Mountaynes of Asturias Biscay found a certaine yong Prince named Don Pelayo of the ancient blood of the Gotish kings vvho vvas also fled thither and miraculously saued from the enemyes whom they chose straight vvaies to be their king and he began presently the recouery of Spayne and was called first king of Asturias and afterward of Leon and after his successors gatt to be kings also of Castilia and then of Toledo and then of Aragon Barcelona Valentia Murcia Cartagena Iaen Cordua Granade Siuil Portugal and Nauarra al which were different kingdomes at that tyme so made by the Moores as hath bin said And al thes kingdomes were gayned againe by litle and litle in more then 7. hundred yeares space which were lost in lesse then two yeares and they neuer came againe in deede into one Monarchie as they were vnder Don Rodrigo ther last king that lost the whole vntil the yeare of our Lord 1582. when Don Philippe now king of Spayne re-vnited againe vnto that crowne the kingdome of Portugal which was the last peece that remayned seperated and this vvas almost 900. yeares after Spaine was first lost But now to our purpose the chronicler of Spayne named Ambrosio Morales doth record in his chronicle a certaine law written in the Gotish tonge and left since the tyme of this Don Pelayo the first king after the vninersal distruction of Spaine and the title of the law is this Como se an de leuantar Rey en Espn̄a y como el ha de Iurar los fueros that is to saye how men must make ther king in Spaine and how he must sweare to the priuileges and liberties of that nation And then he putteth the articles of the law wherof the first saith thus Before al thinges it is established for a law liberty and priutledge of Spayne that the king is to be placed by voius and consent perpetually and this to the intent that so euel king may enter without consent of the people seing they are to giue co him that which with ther blood and laboures they haue gayned of the Moores Thus far goeth this first article which is the more to be marked for that diuers and thos most ancient spanish authors do say that from this Don Pelayo the succession of kings descended euer by propinquity of blood and yet vve see that election was ioyned ther vvithal in expresse termes The second part of the law conteyneth the manner of ceremonyes vsed in those old dayes at the admission of their kings which is expressed in thes wordes let the king be chosen admitted in the metropolitan citie of this kingdome or at least wise in some cathedral church and the night before he is exalted let him watch al night in the church and the next day let him heare masse and let him offer at masse a peece of scarlet and some of his owne money and after let him communicate and when they come to lift him vp let him step vppon a buckler or target and let the cheife and principal men ther present hold the target and so lifting him vp let them and the people cry three tymes as hard as they can Real Real Real Then let the king comaund some of his owne money to be cast among the people to the quantity of a hundreth shillings and to the end he may giue al men to vnderstand that no man now is aboue him let him self tye on his owne sword in the forme of a crosse let no knight or other man beare a sword that day but only the kinge This was the old fashion of making kings in spayne which in effect and substance remayneth stil though the manner therof be somewhat altered for that the spanish kings be not crowned but haue an other ceremony for their admission equal to coronation which is performed by the Archbishop of Toledo primat of al spayne as the other coronations before mentioned are by the Archbishop of Moguntia to the Emperor and by the Archbishop of Guesna to the king of Polonia and by the Archbishop of Praga to the king of Boemia and by the Archbishop of Braga to the king of Portugal and by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the king of Ingland and by the Archbishop of Rhemes to the king of France of which realme of France we may not omit to say somewhat in particuler seing it is so goodly a kingdome and so neere to Ingland not only in situation but also in Lawes manners customes and as the race of Inglish kings haue come frō them in diuers manners since the conquest so may it be also supposed that the principal ceremonies and circumstances of this actiō of coronation hath bine receaued in like manner from them First then touching the acte of coronation and admission of the king of France euen as be fore I haue said of Spayne so also in this kingdom do I find two manners of that action the one more ancient which the French do say hath indured in substance from ther first Christian king named Clodoueus vnto this day which is about eleuē hundred yeares for that Clodoueus vvas christened the yeare of our Lord 490. in the cytie of Rheims by S. Remigius Bishop of that citie and annointed also and crowned king by the same bishop which manner and order of anoynting and coronation endured after for about 6. hundred yeares vnto the tyme of Henry the first king Phillip the first his sonne both kings of France At vvhat tyme which is about 500. yeares a gone both the Chroniclers and Cosmographers of France do teftifie that ther was a peculier booke in the library of the church of Beuais conteyning the particuler order of this action which had endured from Clodoueus vnto that tyme. Which order for so much as toucheth the solemnitie of officers in the coronation and other like circumstances vvas far different at that tyme from that which is now for that in those dayes ther were no peeres of France appointed to assist the same coronation which now are the chiefe and the greatest part of that solemnirie Yea Girard du Hailan secretarie of France in his third booke of the affaires and state of that kingdome sayth that the ceremonies of crowning their old kinges were much after the fashion which I haue noted a litle before in this very chapter out of the law of Don Pelayo first king of Spaine after the Moores for
into Ingland but after this tyme the manner and ceremonies was somwhat altered and made more maiestical in outward shew this especially by king Lewis surnamed the yonger nephew to the foresaid king Phillip who leauing the substance of the action as it vvas before caused diuers external additions of honor and maiestie to be adioyned therunto especially for the coronation of his sonne Phillip the seconde surnamed Augustus whom he caused also to be crowned in his dayes as his grand father Phillip had bin and as himselfe had bin also in his fathers dayes This man among other royal ceremonyes ordeyned the offices of the twelue peeres of France 6. Ecclesiastical and 6. temporal vvho are they which euer since haue had the chiefest places and offices in this great action fot that the fore said Archbishop of Rhemes intituled also Duke of Rhemes hath the first and highest place of al others and annoynteth crowneth the king The bishop Duke of Laon beareth the glasse of sacred oyle The bishop Duke of Langres the crosse The Bishop and earle of Beuais the mantel royal The Bishop Earle of Noyon the kings girdle and last of al the Bishop and Earle of Chalons doth cary the ring and thes are the six ecclesiastical peeres of France with their offices in the coronation The temporal peeres are the Duke of Burgundie deane of the order vvho in this day of coronation holdeth the crowne the Duke of Gasconie Guyene the first banner quartered the Duke of Normandie the 2. banner quartered the Earle of Tholosa rhe golden spurres the Earle of Champanie the banner Royal or standerd of warr and the Earle of flanders the sword royal so as thet are 3. Dukes 3. Earles in euery one of both ranks of spiritual temporal Lords and as Girard noteth the king is apparraled on this day 3. times and in 3 seueral sortes the first as a priest the secōd as a king ād vvarryer the third as a iudge and finally he saith that this solemnitie of anoynting and crowning the king of France is the most mag nificent gorgious and maiestical thing that may be seene in the vvorld for which he referreth vs not only to the particuler coronations of thes two ancient king Phillipps the first second but also to the late coronation of Henry the second father to the last kings of France which is also in printe and in deede is a very goodly and most notable thing to be read though in deede much more to be seen But to say a vvord or two more of Phillip Augustus before I passe any further which happened in the yeare 1179. and in the 25. of the reigne of our king Henry the 2. of Ingland who as the French stories say was present also at this coronation and had his ranck among the peeres as Duke of Normandy and held the kings crowne in his hand one of his sonnes had his ranck also as Duke of Gasconie the forme vsed in this coronation was the very same which is vsed at this day in the admission of the kings of France in recounting wher-of I wil let passe al the particuler ceremonies Which are largely to be read in Francis Belforest in the place before mentioned and I vvil repeate only the kings oth which the said author recounteth in thes wordes The Archbishop of Rhemes being vested in his pontifical attyre and come to the aulter to begin masse wher the king also was vppon a high seat placed he turned to him and said thes wordes in the name of al the cleargie and churches of France Syre that which we require at your handes this day is that you promise vn to vs that you wil kepe al canonical priuileges law and iustice dew to be keept defended as a good king is bound to do in his realme and to euery bishop and church to him committed wherunto the king answered I do promisse and auow to euery one of you and to euery church to you committed that I wil kepe and mainteyne al canonical priuileges law and iustice 〈◊〉 to euery man to the vttermost of my power and by Gods helpe shal defend you as a good king is bound to doe in his realme This being done the king did sweare and make his oth laying his handes vppon the gospel in thes wordes following Au nom de Iesus Christ ie iure promets au peuple christien a moy suiect ces choses c. Which is in Inglish In the name of Iesus Christ I do sweare and promise to al Christian people subiect vnto me thes points ensuning first to 〈◊〉 that al my subiects be kept in the vnion of the church and I wil defend them from al excesse rapine extorsion and iniquity secondly I wil take order that in al iudgments iustice shal be kept with equity and mercy to the end that God of his mercy may conserue vnto me with you my people his holy grace and mercy Thirdly I shal endeuour as much as possibly shal lye in me to chase and driue out of my realme and al my dominions al such as the church hath or shal declare for heretiques as God shal help me and his holy gospels Thus swereth the king and then kysseth the gospels and mediatly is song Te Deum laudamus and after that are said many particuler prayers by the Archbishop and then is the king vested and the ring scepter crowne and other kingly ornaments and ensignes are brought put vppon him with declaration first vvhat they signifie then particuler prayers are made to God that ther signification may be by the king fulfilled And after al ended the Archbishop with the Bishops do blesse him and say thes vvordes vnto him God which reigneth in heauen and gouerneth al kingdomes blesse you c. Be you stable and constant and hold your place and right from hence forth which heere is committed and laid vppon you by the authority of almighty God and by this present tradition and deliuery which we the bishops and other seruants of God do make vnto you of the same and remember you in place conuenient to beare so much more respect reuerence vnto the 〈◊〉 by how much neerer then other men you haue seene 〈◊〉 to approch to Gods aulter to the end that Iesus Christ mediator of God and man may confirme and maynteyne you by the cleargie and people in this your royal seat and throne who being lord of Lords and king of kings make you reigne with him and his father in the life and glory euerlasting Thus saith the Archbishop vnto him and after this he is led by him and the other peares vnto the seat royal wher the crowne is put vppon his head and many other large ceremoneies vsed vvhich may be read in the author a fore said and are to long for this place And yet haue I bin the larger in this matter of France
for that I do not thinke it to be improbable which this author and others do note to wit that most nations round about haue taken their particuler formes of anoynting and crowning their kings from this anciēt custome of France though the substance therof I meane of ther sacring and anoynting be deduced from examples of far more antiquity to wit from the very first kings among the people of Israel whō God caused to be anoynted by his priestes and prophets in token of his election and as a singuler priuiledge of honor and preheminence vnto them wherof king Dauid made so great accōpt when he said to the souldiar that had killed Saul his enimye in the warr quare non timuisti mittere manum tuam in Christum Domini VVhy diddest thow not feare to lay thy hands vppon the anoynted of God and he put him to death for it notwithstanding that Saul had bin long before deposed and reiected by God and that himselfe had lawfully borne armes against him for many daies so much was that ceremony of anoynting estemed in thos dayes so hath it bin euer since among christian people also for that kings hereby are made sacred and do not only perticipate vvith priests but also vvith Christ himselfe vvho hath his name of this circumstance of anoynting as al the vvorld knoweth Probable then I say it is that albeit the substance of this ceremony of anoynting kings be much elder then the christian kingdome of France yer is this partic uler and maiestical manner of doing the same by waye of coronation the most ancient in France aboue al other kingdomes round about especialy if it began vvith ther first christian king Clodouaeus not ful 500. yeares after Christ as french authors do hold At what tyme also they recount a great miracle of holy oyle sent from heauen by an angel for anoynting Clodouaeus vvherof they say they haue stil remaining for the anoynting of their kings at Rhemes vvhich point I vvil not stand to treat or discoursein this place but rather wil refer my reader to the foresaid chapter of Francis Belforest chonicler of Frāce vvho alleageth diuers vvriters of almost 500. yeares antiquitie that write of the same but howsoeuer that be very probable it semeth that al the ceremoneys of coronation in Germany Polonia before recited which had ther beginning long after the reigne of Clodouaeus might be taken frō thence and so the affinity and likenes of the one to the other doth seeme to agree and Garribay also the chronicler of Spayne and of Nauarra in his 22. booke talking of this custome of anoynting and crowning the kings of Nauarra saith that this excellent custome began ther I meane in Nauarra aboue 800. yeares past and vvas brought in by certaine Earles of Champayn of France named Theobaldes who comming to attayne that crowne brought with them that reuerent ceremony of anoyntig crowning ther kings according to the vse of the French which custome endureth vntil this day in that part of Nauarra that is vnder the house of Vandome albeit in the other that is vnder the Spaniardes which is far the greater it vvasleft of in the yeare 1513. When Ferdinande surnamed the Catholique king of spayne entred ther-vppon for that the Spanish kings are neuer anoynted nor crowned but otherwise admitted by the common vvealth as before I haue declared But among al other kingdomes it semeth that Ingland hath most particularly taken this custome and ceremony from France not only for the reason before alleaged that diuers of our Inglish kings haue come out of France as William Conqueror borne in Normandy king Stephen sonne to the Earle of Blois and Bollen a French man and king Henry the second borne likwise in France and sonne to the Earle of Aniou but also for that in very deede the thing it selfe is al one in both nations and albeit I haue not sene any particuler booke of this action in Ingland as in French ther is yet it is easy to gather by storyes what is vsed in Ingland about this affaire For first of al that the Archbishop of Canterbury doth ordinarily do thes ceremony in Inland as the Archbishop of Rhemes doth it in France ther is no doubte with the same solemnity and honor according to the condition and state of our countrey and Polidor Virgil in his story noteth that pope Alexander did interdict and suspend the Archbishop of Yorke with his two assistants the bishops of Londō Salisbury for that in the absence of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury and without his licence they did crowne king Henry the seconds sonne named also Henry at his fathers perswation and diuers do attribute the vnfortunate successe of the said king Henry the yonger that rebelled against his father to this disorderly and violent coronation by his fathers appointment secondly that the first thing which the said Archbishop requireth at the new kings hands at his coronatiō is about religion church matters and the cleargie as in France vve haue seene it appereth euidently by thes vvords which the same Archbishop Thomas surnamed commonly the martyr remayninge in banishment vvrote to the same king Henry the second which are thes Memores sitis confessionis quam fecistis posuistis super altare apud westmonsterium de seruanda Ecclesiae libertate quando consecrati fuistis vncti in regem à praedecessore nostro Thebaldo Which is do you cal to your remembrance the confession which you made and laid vppon the aulter at vvestminster for keping defending the libertie of the church when you vvere consecrated and annoynted king by Thebaldus our predecessor By which wordes appereth that as the king of Ingland vvas consecrated and annoynted in thos dayes by the Archbishop of Canterbury so did he sweare and giue vp his oth also in vvriting and for more solemnity and obligation layd it downe or rather offered it vp vvith his owne handes vppon the aulter so much as vvas repuired of him by the said Archbishop cleargie for the special safety of religion and theis ecclesiastical liberties which is the selfe same pointe that vve haue sene before as vvel in the oth of the kings of France as also of Polonia and Spayne and of the Emperors both Grecian and German The very like admonition in effect I finde made by an other Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury to an other king Henry to wit by Thomas Arundel to king Henry the fourth vvhen in a parlament holden at Couentry in the yeare 1404. the king vvas tempted by certayne temporal men to take away the temporalityes from the cleargie Wherunto vvhen the said Archbishop Thomas had answered by diuers reasons at last turning to the king he besought him saith Stow to remember the oth which he voluntarily made that he would honor defend the church and ministers therof VVherfore he desired him to permit and
discended from king VVilliam the Cōqueror by his eldest daughter lady Cōstance as also by diuers other participations of the blood royal of Ingland as aftervvards vvil appeare Now then to come to the second daughter of king VVilliam the Conqueror or rather the third for that the first of al vvas a Nonne as before hath byn noted her name vvas Adela or Alis as hath bin saide and she vvas marryed in France to Stephen counte Palatin of Champagne Charters and Bloys by whom she had a sonne called also Stephen vvho by his grand mother was earle also of Bollayne in Picardie and after the death of his vncle king Henry of Ingland vvas by the fauour of the Inglish nobility and especially by the helpe of his owne brother the Lord Henry of Bloys that vvas Bishop of Winchester and iointly Abbot of Glastenbury made kinge of England and this both in respect that Mathilda daughter of king Henry the first was a woman and her sonne Henry duke of Anjou a very childe one degree farther of from the Conqueror and from kings Rufus then Stephen vvas as also for that this king Henry the first as hath bin signified before vvas iudged by many to haue entred vvrongfully vnto the crowne and therby to haue made both himselfe and his posterity incapable of succession by the violence vvhich he vsed against both his elder brother Robart and his nephew duke VVilliam that vvas sonne and heyte to Robert vvho by nature and law were bothe of them held for soueraintes to Iohn by those that fauored them and their pretentions But yet howsoeuer this were we see that the duke of Britany that liued at that day should euidently haue succeded before Stephen for that he was discended of the elder daughter of the Conqueror and Stephen of the yonger though Stephen by the commodity he had of the neernes of his porte and hauen of Bullayne vnto Ingland as the French stories do saye for Calys vvas of no importance at that tyme and by the frendship and familiarity he had gotten in Ingland during the raigne of his two vncles king Rufus and king Henry and especially by the help of his brother the Bishop and Abbot as hath bin said he gat the start of al the rest and the states of Ingland admitted him This man although he had two sonnes namely Eustachius duke of Normandy and William earle of Norfolk yet left they no issue And his daughter Marie was maried to mathew of Fladers of whom if any issue remaines it fell afterward vppon the house of Austria that succeded in those states To king Stephen who left no issue succeded by compositiō after much warre Henry duke of Aniou sonne and heyre to Mathilda before named daughter of Henry the first which Henry named afterward the second tooke to wife Elenor daughter and heyre of VVilliam duke of Aquitaine earle of Poytiers which Elenor had bin marryed before to the king of France Lewis the 7. and bare him two daughters but vppon dislike conceaued by the one against the other they were deuorced vnder pretēce of being within the fowerth degree of consanguinitye and so by second marriage Elenor vvas vvife to this said Henry who afterward was king of Ingland by name of K. Henry the fecōd that procured the deathe of Thomas Becket archebishope of Canterbury and vvas both before and after the greatest enimye that euer Lewis the king of France had in the vvorld and much the greater for his marriage by vvhich Henry vvas made far stronger for by this woman he came to be duke of al Aquitaine that is of Gascony and Guyene and earle of al the coūtrey of Poytiers wheras beforealso by his fathers inheritance he vvas duke both of Anjou Tourayne and Mayne by his mother Mathilda king Henries daughter of Ingland he came to be king of Ingland duke of Normandie and by his owne industry he gat also to be lord of Ireland as also to bring Scotland vnder his homage so as he enlarged the kingdome of Ingland most of any other king before or after him This king Henry the second as Stow reconteth had by Lady Elenor fyue sonnes and three daughters His eldest sonne vvas named VVilliam that dyed yonge his seconde vvas Henry vvhom he caused to be crowned in his owne life tyme vvherby he receaued much trouble but in the end this sonne died before his father without issue His third sonne vvas Richard surnamed for his valour Cor de leon who reigned after his father by the name of Richard the first and died vvithout issue in the yeare of Christ 1199. Hys fovverth sonne named Geffrey maried lady Constance daughter and heyre of Britanie as before hath bin said and dying left a sonne by her named Arthur which vvas duke of Britanie after him and pretended also to be king of Ingland but vvas put by it by his vncle Iohn that tooke him also prisoner and kept him so in the castel first of fallaise in Normandie and then in Roan vntil he caused him to be put to death or slew him vvith his owne hands as Frēch stories vvrite in the yeare 1204. This duke Arthur left behind him two sisters as Stow writeth in his chronicles but others write that it was but one and at least wise I fynde but one named by the french stories which vvas Elenor whom they saye king Iohn also caused to be muthered in Ingland a a litle before her brother the duke vvas put to death in Normandie and this was the end of the issue of Geffrey whose vvife Constance duchesse of Britanie marryed againe after this murther of her children vnto one Guy Vicond of Touars and had by him two daughters wherof the eldest named Alis was duchefse of Britanie by vvhome the race hath bin continued vnto our tyme. The fift sonne of king Henry the second was named Iohn who after the death of his brother Richard by help of his mother Elenor and of Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury drawen therunto by his said mother gat to be king and put back his nephew Arthur vvhom king Richard before his departure to the war of the holy land had caused to be declared heyre apparent but Iohn preuayled and made away both nephew and Neece as before hath bin saide for which fact he vvas detested of many in the world abroade and in France by acte of parlament depriued of al the states he had in those partes Soone after also the pope gaue sentence of depriuation against him and his owne barons tooke armes to execute the sentence and finally they deposed both him and his yong sonne Henry being then but a child of 8. yeares old and this in the 18. yeare of his reigne and in the yeare of Christ 1215. and Levvis the 8. of that name prince at that tyme but afterward king of France was chosen king of Ingland sworne in Londō and
placed in the Tower though soone after by the suddaine death of king Iohn that course vvas altered agayne Henry his sonne admitted for king And thus much of the sonnes of king Hēry the second but of his daughters by the same lady Elenor heyre of Gascony Belforest in his story of France hath these wordes following King Henry had foure daughters by Elenor of Aquiraine the eldest vvherof vvas marryed to Alonso the 9. of that name king of Castile of vvhich marryage issued Queene Blanch mother to S. Lewis king of France The second of these two daughters vvas espoused to Alexis Emperor of Constantinople The third vvas married to the duke of Saxony and the fourth vvas giuen to the earle of Tholosa thus being the french stories of these daughters Of the marriage of the eldest daughter of these foure whose name was Elenor also as her mothers vvas vvith king Alonso the 9. of Castile ther proceeded many children but only one sonne that liued whose name vvas Henry vvho vvas king of Castile after his father by the name of Henry the first and dyed quickly vvithout issue and besides this Henry tvvo daughters also vvere borne of the same mariage of which the eldest and heyre named Blanch vvas married by intercession of her vncle king Iohn of Ingland vvith the foresaid Prince Lewis of France with this expresse cōdition as both Polidor in his Inglish story Garibay the chronicler of Spayne do affirme that she should haue for her dowry al the states that king Iohn had lost in France vvhich were almost al that he had there and this to the end he might not seeme to haue lost them by force but to haue giuen them with the mariage of his Neece and so this mariage vvas made and her husband Lewis was afterward chosen also king of Ingland by the Barons and sworne in London as before hath bin saide hereby also the Infanta of Spaine before mentioned that is discended lineally from both these princes I meane as wel from Queene Blanch as from Lewys is proued to haue her pretence fortified to the interest of Ingland as afterward shal be declared more at large in dew place The second daughter of king Alonso the 9. by Queen Elenor vvas named Berenguela and vvas married to the prince of Leon in Spayne and had by him a sonne named Fernando vvho afterward vvhen king Henry her brother vvas dead vvas admitted by the Castilians for their king by the name of Fernando the fourth as before the Ciuilian hath noted and Blanch vvith her sonne S. Lewis though she vvere the elder vvas put by the crowne against al right of succession as Garibay the Spaniard Chronicler noteth and confesseth Heerby then some do gather that as the first interest which the crowne of Ingland had to the states of Gascony Guyne and Poyters came by a vvoman so also did it come to France by the right of this foresaid Blanch wherof the fauourers of the Infanta of Spaine do saye that she being now first and next in blood of that house ought to inherite al these and such like states as are inheritable by vvomen or came by womē as the former states of Gascony and Guvne did to king Henry the second by Queen Elenor his wife and Normandie by Mathilda his mother and both of them to France by this former interest of Blanch and more they saye that his lady Blanch mother to King S. Lewis vvhose heyre at this daye the infanta of spayne is should by right haue inherited the kingdome of Ingland also after the murther of Duke Arthur and his sister Elenor for that she was the next of kynne vnto them at that tyme vvhich could be capable to succede them for that king Iohn himselfe vvas vncapable of their succession whom he had murthered and his sonne Henry vvas not then borne nor in diuers yeares after and if he had bin yet could he receaue no interest therunto by his father vvho had none himselfe of al vvhich points ther vvilbe more particuler occasion to speak hereafter Now then I come to speak of king Henry the third vvho was sonne to this king Iohn and from whom al the three houses before mentioned of Britanie Lancaster and Yorke do seeme to issue as a triple branch out of one tree albeit the royal line of Britanie is more ancient and vvas deuided before euen from William Conquerors tyme as hath bin shewed yet do they knytt againe in this king Henry for that of king Henry the third his eldest sonne named prince Edward the first discended Edward the second and of him Edward the third from whom properly riseth the house of Yorke And of his secōd sonne Edmond surnamed crooke-backs county Palatine of Lancaster issued the dukes of Lancaster vntil in the third dissent vvhen the Lady Blanch heyre of that house matched vvith Iohn of Gaunt third sonne of king Edward the third from which mariage rose afterward the formal diuision of these two houses of Lancaster and Yorke also two distinct branches of Lancaster Besides these two sonnes king Henry the third had a daughter named lady Beatrix whom he marryed to Iohn the second of that name duke of Britanie vvho after vvas stayne at Lions in France by the fal of an old wall in the coronation of pope Clement the 5. of that name in the yeare of Christ 1298. and for that the frēdes of the Infanta of Spayne do seeke to strengthen her title by this her discent also of the royal blood of Ingland from Henry the third as afterward shal be declared I wil breifly in this place continew the pedegree of the house of Britanie from that I left before euen to our dayes I shewed before in this chapter that Geffrey the third sonne to king Henry the second and duke of Britanie by his wife being dead his two children Arthur and Elenor put to death by their vncle king Iohn in Ingland as before hath bin said it fel out that Constance duchesse and heyre of Britanie marryed agayne to Guy viscond of Touars and had by him two daughters wherof the eldest named Alis vvas duchesse of Britanie and marryed to Peter Brien earle of Drusse and by him had Iohn the first of that name duke of Britanie vvhich Iohn the first had issue Iohn the second vvho marryed lady Beatrix before mētioned daughter to king Henry the third and by her had the second Arthur duke of Britanie to vvhom succeded his eldest sonne by his first wife named Iohn the third who dying without issue left the very same trouble and garboyle in Britanie about the succession betweene the two noble houses of Bloys and Monford the one maynteyned by France and the other by Ingland as soone after vppon the very like occasion happened in Ingland betweene the houses of Lancaster York as after shal be shewed And not long after that againe the like
affliction also ensewed in France though not for succession but vppon other occasions betwene the great and royal houses of Burgundy and Orleans vvherby al three common wealthes I meane Ingland Britanie and France vvere like to haue come to distruction and vtter desolation And for that it may serue much to our purpose hereafter to vnderstand vvel this contiousie of Britanie I thinke it not amisse in few vvordes to declare the same in this place thus then it happened The foresaid Arthur the secōd of that name duke of Britanie and sonne of Lady Beatrix that was daughter as hath bin said to king Henry the third of Ingland had two vviues the first named Beatrix as his mother vvas and by this he had two sonnes Iohn that succeded him in the state by the name of duke Iohn the third and Guye that dying before his elder brother left a daughter and heyre named Ioan and surnamed the lame for that she halted who vvas marryed to the earle of Bloys that vvas nephew to Phillip of Valois king of France for that he vvas borne of his sister But besides these two children the said duke Arthur had by his second wife named Ioland countesse and heyre of the earldome of Monford an other sonne called Iohn Breno vvho in the right of his mother vvas earle of Monford And afterward vvhen duke Iohn the third came to die vvithout issue the question vvas who should succede him in his dukedome the vncle or the neece that is to saye his third brother Iohn Breno by half bloode or els his Neece Ioan the lame that vvas daughter and heyre to his second brother Guye of whole bloode that is by father and mother which lady Ioan was marryed to the earle of Bloys as hath byn said And first this matter vvas handled in the parlament of Paris the king himselfe sitting in iudgment vvith al his peeres the 30. day of Septemb. 1341. and adiuged it to the earle of Bloys both for that his wife vvas heyre to the elder brother as also for that duke Iohn by his testament and consent of the states had appointed her to be his heyre but yet king Edward the third and states of Ingland did iudge it otherwise and preferred Iohn Monford not knowing that the very like case vvas to fal out very soone after in Ingland I meane they iudged the state to Iohn Breno earle of monford yonger brother to Guye they did assist him and his sonne after him vvith al their forces for the gayning and holding of that state And albeit at the beginning it seemed that matters went against Monford for that himselfe vvas taken prisoner in Nantes and carryed captiue to Paris vvhere he dyed in prison yet his sonne Iohn by the assistance of the Inglish armies gat the dukedome afterward and slew the earle of Bloys and vvas peaceably duke of Britanie by the name of Iohn the fourth and his posterity hath indured vntil this day as briefly heere I wil declare This duke Iohn the fourth of the house of Monford had issue Iohn the fift he Francis the first vvho dying without issue left the dukedome to Peter his brother and Peter hauing no children neither he left it to his vncle Arthur the third brother to his father Iohn the fift and this Arthur vvas earle of Richmond in Ingland as some of his ancestors had bin before him by gyftes of the kings of Ingland This Arthur dying without issue left the dukdome vnto his nephew to vvit his brothers sonne Francis the second who vvas the last male child of that race and was he that had once determyned to haue deliuered Henry earle of Richmond vnto his enimye king Edward the fourth and after him to king Richard the 3. but that Henries good fortune reserued him to come to be king of Ingland This duke Francis had a daughter and heyre named Anna marryed first to Charles the eight king of France and after his death without issue to his successor Lewis the 12. by whome she had a daughter named Claudia that was heyre to Britanie though not to the crowne of France by reason of the law Salique that holdeth against vvomen in the kingdome of Frace but not in Britanie and to the end this dukdome should not be disvnited agayne from the said crowne of France this daughter Claudia vvas marryed to Francis duke of Angoleme heyre apparent to the crowne of France by vvhom she had issue Henry that was afterward king of France and vvas father to the last king of that country and to Ysabel mother of the Infanta of Spayne and of her sister the duchesse of Sauoye that now is by which also some do affirme that the said princesse or Infanta of spayne albeit she be barred from the successiō of France by their pretended law Salique yet is her title manifest to the dukdome of Britanie that came by a woman as we haue shewed and thus much of the house of Britanie and of the princesse of Spaine how she is of the blood royal of Ingland from the tyme of VVilliam Conqueror himselfe by his eldest daughter as also by other kings after him and now we shall returne to prosecute the issue of these two sonnes of king Henry the third to wit of Edward and Edmond which before we left I shewed yon before how king Henry the third had two sonnes Edward the prince that vvas king after his father by the name of Edward the first and Edmond surnamed crokback by some writers who vvhas the first earle and county Palatine of Lancaster and beginner of that house And albeit some writers of our tyme haue affirmed or at least wise much inclined to fauour a certayne old report that Edmōd should be the elder brother to Edward and put back only for his deformity of his body wherof Polidor doth speak in the begining of the reigne of king Henry the fourth and as vvel the Bishop of Rosse as also George Lylly do seeme to beleeue it yet euident it semeth that is was but a fable as before I haue noted and now againe I shall briefly proue it by these reasōs following for that it importeth very muche for deciding the cōtrouersie between the howses of Lancaster and yorke The first reason then is for that al ancient historiographers of Ingland and among them Matheus Westmonasteriensis that liued at the same tyme do affirme the cōtrary and do make Edward to be elder then Edmond by six yeares and two dayes for that they appointe the birth of Prince Edward to haue bin vppon the 16. day of Iune in the yeare of Christ 1239 the 24. of the reigne of his father king Henry and the birth of Lord Edmond to haue followed vppon the 18. day of the same moneth 6. yeares after to wit in the yeare of our lord 1245. and they do name the godfathers and godmothers of them both together with the peculier
and after made duke of Hereford by king Richard the second and after that came to be duke also of Lancaster by the death of his father and lastely vvas made king by the deposition of his cosen germaine the said king Richard and reigned 13. yeares by the name of king Henry the fourth and vvas the first king of the house of Lācaster of the right of vvhose title examination shal be made afterwards The first of the two daughters vvhich Iohn of Gaunt had by Blanch vvas named Phillip vvho was marryed to Iohn the first of that name king of Portugal by whom she had issue Edward king of Portugal and he Alfonsus the fift he Iohn the second so one after another euen vnto our dayes The second daughter of Iohn of Gaunt by lady Blanch vvas named Elizabeth vvho was marryed to Iohn Holland duke of Excester she had issue by him an other Iohn duke of Excester and he had issue Henry duke of Excester that dyed without issue male leauing only one daughter named Anne vvho vvas marryed to Sir Thomas Neuill knight and by him had issue Raffe Neuill third earle of Westmerland whose lineal heyre is at this day Lord Charles Neuill earle oft Westmerland that liueth banished in Flanders And this is al the issue that Iohn of Gaunt had by lady Blanch his first vvife sauing only that I had forgotten to prosecute the issue of Henry his first sonne surnamed of Bolenbrok that vvas afterward called king Henry the fourth which king had 4. sonnes and tvvo daughters his daughters vvere Blanch and Phillip the first marryed to William duke of Bauaria and the second to Erick king of Denmarke and both of them dyed without children The four sonnes vvere first Henry that reygned after him by the name of Henry the fift and the second vvas Thomas duke of Clarence the third vvas Iohn duke of Bedford and the fourth vvas Humfrey duke of Glocester al vvhich three dukes dyed vvithout issue or vvere slaine in vvarres of the realme so as only king Henry the fift their elder brother had issue one sonne named Henry also that vvas king and reigned 40. yeares by the name of Henry the sixt who had issue prince Edward both of them I meane both father sonne were murthered by order or permissiō of Edward duke of Yorke vvho afterward tooke the crowne vppon him by the name of king Edward the fourth as before hath bin said so as in this king Henry the 6. and his sonne prince Edward ended all the blood royal male of the house of Lancaster by Blanch the first wife of Iohn of Gaunt and the inheritance of the said lady Blanch returned by right of succession as the fauorers of the howse of Portugal affirme though others deny it vnto the heyres of lady Phillip her eldest daughter marryed into Portugal vvhose nephew named Alfonsus the fift kinge of Portugal liued at that day when king Henry the 6. and his heyre were made away and this much of Iohn of Gaunts first marriage But after the death of the L. Blanch Iohn of Gaunt marryed the Lady Constance daughter and heyre of Peter the first surnamed the cruel king of Castile who being driuen out of his kingdome by Henry his bastard brother assisted therunto by the french he fledd to Burdeaux vvith his wife tvvo daughters where he founde prince Edward eldest sonne to king Edward the third by vvhom he was restored and for pledge of his fidelity and performance of other conditions that the said king Peter had promised to the Prince he left his two daughters withe hym which daughters being sent afterwards into Inglād the eldest of them named Constance was marryed to Iohn of Gaunt and by her title he named himselfe for diuers yeares afterward king of Castile and went to gayne the same by armes when Peter her father vvas stayne by his foresaid bastard brother but yet some yeares after that againe their vvas an agrement made betweene the said Iohn of Gaunt and Iohn the first of that name king of Castile sonne and heyre of the foresaid Henry the bastard vvith condition that Catherine the only daughter of Iohn of 〈◊〉 by lady Cōstance should marry vvith Henry the third prince of Castile sonne and heyre of the said king Iohn and nephew to the bastard Henry the 2. and by this meanes vvas ended that controusie betweene Ingland and Castile and the said L. Catherine had issue by king Henry Iohn the 2. king of Castile he Isabell that marryed with Ferdinando the Catholique king of Aragon and ioyned by that marriage both those kingdomes together and by him she had a daughter named Ioan that marryed Phillip duke of Austria and Burgundy and by him had Charles the fifth that vvas Emperor and father to king Phillip that now reigneth in Spaine vvho as we see is descēded tvvo waies from Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancaster to vvit by two daughters begotten of two wiues Blanch and Constance nether had Iohn of Gaunt any more childrē by Constance but only this daughter Catherine of vvhom vve haue spoken vvherfore now vve shal speake of his third vvife that vvas Lady Catherine Swinford This lady Catherin as Inglish histories do note vvas borne in Henalt in Flanders was daughter to a knight of that country called Sir Payne de Ruet and she vvas brought vp in her youth in the duke of Lancasters house and attended vppon his first wife lady Blanch and being fayre of personage grew in such fauour vvith the duke as in the tyme of his second wife Constance he kept this Catherin for his concubin and begat vppon her fower children to vvit three sonnes and a daughter vvhich daughter vvhose name vvas Iane was marryed to Raph earle of Westmerland called commonly in those dayes Daw Raby of whom descended the Earles of VVestmerland that insued His three sonnes were Iohn Thomas and Henry and Iohn vvas first earle and then duke of Sommerset Thomas vvas first marques Dorset and then duke of Excester Henry vvas Bishop of VVinchester and after Cardinal And after Iohn of Gaunt had begotten al thes 4. children vppon Catherin he marryed her to a knight in Ingland named Swinford vvhich knight lyued not many yeares after Iohn of Gaunt comming home to Ingland from Aquitaine vvher he had bin for diuers yeares and seing this old concubine of his Catherine to be now a widow and himselfe also without a wife for that the lady Cōstance vvas dead a litle before for the loue that he bore to the children which he had begotten of her he determyned to marry her and therby the rather to legitimate her childrē though himselfe vvere old now and al his kyndred vtterly against the marriage and so not ful two yeares before his death to wit in the yeare of Christ 1396. he married her and the next yeare after in a parlament begun at Westminster the 22. of Ianuary
and she neece once remoued he preuailed in like manner and thus farr Gerrard historiographes of France And no doubt but if we consider examples that fell out euen in this very age only concerning this controuersie betweene the vncle and nephew we shal finde store of them for in Spaine not long before this tyme to wit in the yeare of Christ 1276. vvas that great and famous determination made by Don Alonso the wise eleuenth king of that name and of al his realme and nobility in their couites or parlament of Segouia mentioned before by the Ciuilian wherin they disinherited the children of the prince Don Alonso de la Cerda that dyed as our prince Edward did before his father and made heyre apparent Don Sancho brauo yonger brother to the said Don Alonso and vncle to his children the two yong Cerdas Which sentēce standeth euen vnto this day and king Phillip enioyeth the crowne of Spaine therby and the dukes of Medina Celi and their race that are discendentes of the said two Cerdas vvhich vvere put backe are subiects by that sentence and not soueraines as al the world knoweth The like controuersie fel out but very litle after to vvit in the tyme of king Edward the third in frāce though not about the kingdome but about the earldome of Artoys but yet it was decided by a solemne sentence of two kings of France and of the whole parlament of Paris in fauour of the aunte against her nephew which albeit it cost great troubles yet vvas it defended and king Phillip of Spaine holdeth the county of Artoys by it at this day Polidor reporteth the story in this manner Robert earle of Artoys a man famous for his chiualry had two children Phillip a sonne and Maude a daughter this maude vvas marryed to Otho earle of Burgundy and Phillip dying before his father left a sonne named Robert the second vvhose father Robert the first being dead the question was vvho should succede ether maude the daughter or Robert the nephew and the matter being remitted vnto Phillip le Bel king of France as chiefe Lord at that tyme of that state he adiuged it to Maude as to the next in blood but vvhen Robert repyned at this sentence the matter vvas referred to the parlament of Paris vvhich confirmed the sentence of king Phillip wher vppon Robert making his way with Phillip de Valoys that soone after came to be king of France he assisted the said Phillip earnestly to bring him to the crowne against king Edward of Ingland that opposed himselfe therunto and by this hoped that king Phillip would haue reuoked the same sentence but he being once established in the crowne answered that a sentence of such importance and so maturely giuen could not be reuoked Wheruppon the said Robert fled to the king of Inglands part against france thus far Polidor The very like sentence recounteth the same author to haue bin giuē in Ingland at the same tyme and in the same controuersie of the vncle against the nephew for the succession to the dukedome of Britany as before I haue related wherin Iohn Breno earle of Montford vvas preferred before the daughter and heyre of his elder brother Guy though he vvere but of the halfe blood to the last duke and she of the whole For that Iohn the third duke of Britanny had two brothers first Guy of the vvhole blood by father and mother and then Iohn Breno his yonger brother by the fathers side only Guy dying left a daughter and heyre named Iane married to the earle of Bloys nephew to the king of France vvho after the death of duke Iohn pretended in the right of his wife as daughter and heyre to Guye the elder brother but king Edward the third with the state of Ingland gaue sentence for Iohn Breno earle of Montford her vncle as for him that vvas next in consanguinity to the dead duke and with their armes the state of Ingland did put him in possession vvho flew the earle of Bloys as before hath bin declared and ther-by gat possession of that realme and held it euer after and so do his heyres at this day And not long before this againe the like resolution preuayled in Scotland betweene the house of Balliol and Bruse who were competitors to that crowne by this occasion that now I wil declare VVilliam king of Scots had issue tvvo sonnes Alexander that succeded in the crowne and Dauid earle of Huntington Alexander had issue an other Alexander and a daughter marryed to the king of Norway al which issue and lyne ended about the yeare 1290. Dauid yonger brother to king William had issue two daughters Margaret and Isabel Margaret vvas married to Alaine earle of Galloway and had issue by him a daughter that married Iohn Balliol Lord of Harcourt in Normādie vvho had issue by her this Iohn Balliol founder of Balliol College in Oxford that now pretended the crowne as discended from the eldest daughter of Dauid in the third discent Isabel the second daughter of Dauid vvas married to Robert Bruse Earle of Cleueland in Ingland vvho had issue by her this Robert Bruse earle of Carick the other competitor Now then the question betweene these two cōpetitors was vvhich of them should succeede ether Iohn Balliol that was nephew to the elder daughter or Robert Bruse that vvas sonne to the yonger daughter so one degree more neere to the stock or stemme then the other And albeit king Edward the first of Ingland whose power vvas dreadful at that day in Scotland hauing the matter referred to his arbitrement gaue sentence for Iohn Bailliol and Robert Bruse obeyed for the tyme in respect partly of feare and partly of his oth that he had made to stand to that iudgment yet vvas that sentence held to be vniust in Scotland and so vvas the crowne restored afterward to Robert Bruse his sonne and his posterity doth hold it vnto this day In Ingland also it selfe they alleage the examples of king Henry the first preferred before his nephew William sonne and heyre to his elder brother Robert as also the example of king Iohn preferred before his nephew Arthur duke of Britany for that king Henry the second had fower sonnes Henry Richard Geffrey and Iohn Henry dyed before his father vvithout issue Richard reygned after him and dyed also vvithout issue Geffrey also dyed before his father but left a sonne named Arthur duke of Britanie by right of his mother But after the death of king Richard the question vvas vvho should succeede to vvit either Arthur the nephew or Iohn the vncle but the matter in Ingland vvas soone decided for that Iohn the vncle was preferred before the nephew Arthur by reason he vvas more neere to his brother dead by a degree then vvas Arthur And albeit the king of Frāce and some other princes abroad opposed themselues for stomack against this succession of king Iohn yet say these
fauourers of the house of Lancaster that the Inglish inclined stil to acknowlege and admitt his right before his nephew and so they proclaymed this kinge Iohn for king of Ingland vvhiles he vvas yet in Normandie I meane Hubert Archbishop of Canterbury Elenor the Queene this mother Geffrey Fitzpeter chiefe iudge of Ingland vvho knew also vvhat law meant therin and others the nobles and Barons of the realme vvithout making any doubt or scruple of his title to the succession And vvheras those of the house of Yorke do alleage that king Richard in his life tyme vvhen he was to goe to the holy land caused his nephew Arthur to be declared heyre apparent to the crowne and therby did shew that his title vvas the better they of Lancaster do answere first that this declaration of king Richard vvas not made by act of parlament of England for that king Richard vvas in Normandy vvhen he made this declaration as playnly appeareth both by Polidor and Hollingshead Secondly that this declaration was made the sooner by king Richard at that tyme therby to represse and kepe downe the ambitious humor of his brother Iohn vvhom he feared least in his absence if he had bin declared for heyre apparēt might inuade the crowne as in dede vvithout that he was like to haue done as may appeare by that which happened in his saide brothers absence Thirdly they shew that this declaration of king Richard vvas neuer admitted in Ingland neither duke Iohn would suffer it to be admitted but rather caused the bishop of Ely that vvas left gouernour by king Richard vvith cōsent of the nobility to renownce the said declaration of king Richard in fauour of Arthur and to take a contrary oth to admitt the said Iohn if king Richard his brother should dye vvithout issue and the like oth did the said Bishop of Ely together withe the Archbishop of Roan that was left in equal authority with him exact and take of the citizens of London vvhen they gaue them their priuileges and liberties of cōmunaltie as Hollingshed recordeth And lastly the said Hollingshed vvriteth how that king Richard being now come home againe from the warr of Hierusalem and void of that ielosy of his brother vvhich before I haue mentioned he made his last wil and testament and ordeyned in the same that his brother Iohn should be his successor caused al the nobles there present to sweare fealtie vnto him as to his next in blood for which cause Thomas Walsingham in his story vvriteth these wordes Ioannis Filius iunior Henrici 2. Anglorum regis Alienorae Ducissae Aquitaniae non modo iure propinquitatis sed etiam testamento fratris sui Richardi designatus est successo post mortem ipsius Which is Iohn yonger sonne of Henry the second king of Ingland and of Eleanor duchesse of Aquitaine vvas declared successor of the crowne not only by law and right of neernes of blood but also by the wil and testament of Richard his brother Thus much this ancient chronicler speaketh in the testifying of King Iohns title By al which examples that fell out almost vvithin one age in diuers natiōs ouet the world letting passe many others which the Ciuilian touched in his discourse before for that they are of more ancient tymes these fauourers of the house of Lancaster do inferr that the right of the vncle before the nephew vvas no new or straunge matter in those dayes of king Edward the third and that if we vvil deny the same now vve must cal in question the succession and right of al the kingdomes and states before mentioned of Naples Sicilie Spayne Britanie Flanders Scotland Ingland whose kings and princes do euidently hold their crownes at this day by that very title as hath bin shewed Moreouer they saye that touching law in this pointe albeit the most famous Ciuil lavvyers of the world be some vvhat deuided in the same matter some of them fauouring the vncle and some other the nephew and that for different reasons As Baldus Oldratus Panormitanus and diuers others alleaged by Guillelmus Benedictus in his repetitions in fauour of the nephew against the vncle and on the other side for the vncle before the nephew Bartolus Alexander Decius Altiatus Cuiatius and many other their follovvers are recompted in the same place by the same man yet in the end Baldus that is held for head of the contrary side for the nephew after al reasons weighed to and fro he commeth to conclude that seing rigour of law runneth only with the vncle for that in deed he is properly neerest in blood by one degree and that only indulgence and custome serueth for the nephew permitting him to represent the place of his father vvhich is dead they resolue I say that vvhensoeuer the vncle is borne before the nephew and the said vncles elder brother dyed before his father as it happened in the case of Iohn of Gaunt and of king Richard their the vncle by right may be preferred for that the said elder brother could not giue or transmitt that thing to his sonne vvhich vvas not 〈◊〉 himselfe before his father dyed and consequently his sonne could not represent that vvhich his father neuer had and this for the Ciuil law Touching our common lawes the fauourers of lancaster do say two or three things first that the right of the crowne and interest therunto is not decided expresly in our lavv not it is a plea subiect to the common rules therof but is superiour and more eminent and therfore that men may not iudge of this as of other pleas of particuler persons nor is the tryal like nor the common maximes or rules alwaies of force in this thing as in others which they proue by diuers particuler cases as for example the vvidow of a priuate man shal haue her thirdes of al his landes for her dowry but not the Queene of the crowne Againe if a priuate man haue many daughters and dye seazed of any landes in fee simple vvithout heyre male his said daughters by law shal haue the said landes as coparteners equally deuided betweene them but not the daughters of a king for that the eldest must carry away al as though she vvere heyre male The lyke also is seene if a baron matche vvith a femme that is an inheretrix and haue issue by her though she dye yet shal he enioye her landes during his lyfe as tenant by curtesie but it is not so in the crowne if a man mary with a Queene as king Phillip dyd with Queene Marye and so finally they saye also that albeit in priuate mens possessions the common course of our law is that if the father dye seazed of landes in fee simple leauing a yonger sonne and a nephew that is to say a child of his elder sonne the nephew shal succede his grandfather as also he shal do his vncle if
stoppe is alleaged diuersly by competitors of diuers religions for that such as are followers and fauoures of the forme of religion receaued and defended by publique authoritie of Ingland at this daye vvhom for distinction sake men are vvont to call by the name of moderate protestants these I saye do vrge this exclusion against the earle of Huntington not vppō any certaine law or statute extant against the same but ab aeqno bono as men are vvont to say and by reason of state shewing infinite inconueniences hurts damages and dangers that must needes ensew not only to the state present of religion in Inglād but also to the whole realme and body politike if such a man should be admitted to gouerne And this consideration of state in their opinion is a more forceable argument for excluding such a man then any statute or particuler law against him could be for that this comprehendeth the very intention meaning and drift of al lawes and lawmakers of our realme vvhose intēsions must needes be presumed to haue bin in al tymes to haue excluded so great and manifest incoueniences thus say they But now those that are of the Roman religion and contrary both to puritan and protetestant do vrge a great deale further this argument against the earle and do alleage many lawes ordinances decrees and statutes both of the Canon and imperial lawes as also out of the old lawes of Ingland vvhich in their opinion do debarr al that are not of their religion and consequently they would hereby exclude both the one and the other of these pretendēts And in fine they do conclude that seing their vvanteth not also some of their owne religion called by them the Catholique in the house of Clarence they haue so much the lesse difficultie to exclude the earle of Huntingtons person for his religion if one of that house were to be admitted of necessitie And this is so much as seemeth needful to be spoken at this tyme and in this place of this house of Clarēce and of the pretenders therof It resteth then that I treate something also of the house of Britanie and France which tvvo houses are ioyned al in one for so much as may apperteyne to any inheritance or pretence to Ingland or vnto any parcel or particuler state therof at home or abroade that may follow the succession or right of women vvhich the kingdome of Frāce in it selfdoth not as is knowne and consequently a vvoman may be heire to the one vvithout the other that is to say she maye be heyre to some particuler states of France inheritable by women though not to the crowne it selfe and so do pretende to be the tvvo daughters of Frāce that were sisters to the late king Hēry the third which daughters were married the one to the king of Spaine that now is by whom he had issue the Infanta of spayne yet vnmarried and her yonger sister married to the duke of Sauoy and the other to vvit the yonger daughter of the king of France vvas married to the duke of Loraine yet liuing by whom she had the prince of Lorayne other children that liue at this day This then being so cleere as it is first that according to the common course of succession in Ingland and other countries and according to the course of all common law the Infanta of Spaine should inherite the whole kingdome of France and al other states therunto belonging she being the daughter and heyre of the eldest daughter of king Henry the second king of France whose issue male of the direct line is vvholy now ended but yet for that the French do pretend their law Salik to exclude vvomen which we Inglish haue euer denied to be good vntil now hereby commeth it to passe that the king of Nauarr pretendeth to enter to be preferred before the said Infanta or her sisters children though male by a collateral line But yet her fauourers say I meane those of the Infanta that from the dukedomes of Britanie Aquitaine and the like that came to the crowne of France by women and are inheritable by womē she cannot be in right debarred as neyther from any succession or pretence in Ingland if either by the blood royal of France Britanie Aquitaine or of Ingland it selfe it may be proued that she hath any interest therunto as her said fauourers do affirme that she hath by these reasons following First for that she is of the ancient blood royal of Ingland euen from the conquest by the elder daughter of William the conqueror married to Allayne Fergant duke of Britanie as hath bin shewed before in the second chapter and other places of this conference and of this pointe they inferr two or three consequences First that vvhen the sonnes of the Conqueror vvere dead without issue or made vncapable of the crowne as it vvas presumed at least wife of king Henry the first last sonne of the Conqueror that he lost his right for the violence vsed to his elder brother Robert and vnto William the said Roberts sonne heyte then say these men ought the said duchesse of Britanie to haue entred as eldest sister And secondly they saye that when duke Robert that both by right of birth and by expresse agrement with William Rufus and with the Realme of Ingland should haue succeded next after the said Rufus came to dye in prison the said lady Constance should haue succeded him for that his brother Henry being culpable of his death could not in right be his heyre And thirdly they say that at least vvise after the death of the said king Henry the first she and her sonne I meane lady Constance and Conan duke of Britanie should haue entred before king Stephen vvho was borne of Adela the yonger daughter of William Conqueror Secondly they do alleage that the Infanta of Spayne descēdeth also lineally from lady Eleanor eldest daughter of king Henry the second married to king Alonso the nynthe of that name king of Castile vvhose eldest daughter leesing by this forfeit al right he had in the kingdome of Ingland it followeth that the same should haue gone to his said sister by her to this lady Blanch her heyre and eldest daughter married into france as hath bin saide which forfeit also of king Iohn these men do confirme by his depriuation by the Pope that soone after ensewed as also by an other depriuation made by the Barrons of his realme as after shal be touched Further more they saye that when Arthur duke of Britanie whom to this effect they do hold to haue bin the only true heyre at that tyme to the kingdome of Ingland vvas in prison in the castle of Roan suspecting that he should be murthred by his said vncle K. Iohn he nominated this lady Blanch his cosen germanie to be his heyre persuading himselfe that she by the helpe of her husband prince Lewis of
France and her father the king of spaine should be better able to defend and recouer his or her right to the crowne of Ingland then Eleanor his owne sister should be who vvas also in the handes of his said vncle for that he supposed that she also should be made away by him shortly after as in deede the french chronicle affirmeth that she vvas and howsoeuer this matter of duke Arthurs testament were yet certaine it is that vvhen he and his sister vvere put to death the next in kynne that could succeede them in their right to Ingland vvas this lady Blanch and her mother Queene Elenor that was sister to Arthurs father Geffrey duke of Britanie For that king Iohn their vncle was presumed by al men to be vncapable of their inheritance by his putting of them to death and child yet he had none and this is the second pointe that these men do deduce for the lady Infanta of Spayne by the title of Queence Eleanor and her daughter Blanch to whom the Infanta is next heyre A third interest also the same men do deriue to the Infanta by the actual deposition of king Iohn by the Barons and states of his Realme in the 16. yeare of his reigne and by the election and actual admission of Lewis prince of Frāce husband of the foresaid lady Blanch whom they chose with one consent and admitted and swore him fealtic and obedience in London for him and for his heyres and posteritie in the yeare 1217. and gaue him possession of the said citie and Tower of London and of many other cheefe places of the realme albeit afterwatd the most parte of the realme chainged their myndes agayne vppon the suddaine death of the said king Iohn and chose and admitted his yong sonne Henry the third a child of nync yeares old yet do the fauourers of the Infanta say that their remayneth to her as heyre vnto the said Lewis vntil this day that interest which by this election oth and admission of the realme remained vnto this prince Lewis which these men affirme to be the very like case as was that of Hugo Capetus in France who came to be king especially vppon a certayne title that one of his ancestors named Odo earle of Parris had by being once elected king of France and admitted and sworne though afterward he were deposed agayne and yong Charles surnamed the simple was admitted in his place as Henry the third was in England after the election of this Lewis But yet as the other continued euer his right and clayme vntil it was restored to Hugo Capetus one of his race so say these men may this Infanta cōtinew and renew now the demaund of this right of king Lewis her ancester for that titles and interestes to kingdomes once rightly gotten do neuer dye but remaine euer for the posterity to effectuate when they can thus much of this matter But after this againe these men do shew how that the said Infanta of Spayne doth discende also from Henry the third sonne of king Iohn by the dukes of Britanie as before in the secōd chapter hath bin declared and in the arbor and genealogie following in the end of this conference shal be seene for that king Henry besides his two sonnes Edward and Edmond which were the beginners of the two houses of Yorke and Lancaster had also a daughter named Lady Beatrix married to Iohn the second of that name duke of Britanie and by him she had Arthur the second and so lineally from him haue descended the princes of that house vntil theire vnion with the crowne of France and from thence vnto this lady Infanta of Spayne that now is who taketh herselfe for proper heyre of the said house of Britanie and heyre general of France as hath bin said By this third coniunction then of the house of Britanie with the blood royal of Ingland the frendes of the Infanta do argue in this manner that seing she discendeth of the sister of these two brothers which were the heades of the two opposite houses of Lancaster and Yorke and considering that each of these houses hath oftentymes bin attainted excluded from the succession by sondry actes of parlament and at this present are opposite and at contention among themselues why may not this right of both houses say these men by way of composition peace and comprimise at least be passed ouer to the issue of their sister vvhich resteth in the Infanta Agayne they saye that al these three branches of the lines of Inglish kings to wit by the lady Constance daughter of king William Conqueror by the lady Elenor daughter of king Henry the second and by the lady Beatrix daughter of king Henry the third it is euidēt that this lady the infanta of Spaine is of the true and ancient blood royal of Ingland and that diuers wayes she may haue clayme to the same vvhich being graunted they inferr that seing matters are so doubtful at this day about the next lawful succession and that diuers of the pretendores are excluded some for bastardie some other for religion some for vnaptnes to gouerne and some for other causes seing the common wealth hath such authoritie to dispose in this affaire as before the Ciuil lawyer hath declared why may there not consideration be had among other pretenders of this noble princesse also saie these men especially seing she is vnmarried and may therby cōmodate many matters and salue many breaches satisfie many hopes and giue contentment to many desires as the vvorld knoweth And this is in effect as much as I haue hard alleaged hitherto in fauour of the Infanta of Spayne but against this pretence others do produce diuers arguments and obiections as first of al that these her clayme 's be very old and vvorne out and are but collateral by sisters Secondly that she is a stranger and allien borne Thirdly that her religion is cōtrary to the state vnto al which obiections the fauourers aforesaid do make their answeres and to the first they say that antiquity hutteth not the goodnes of a title vvhen occasion is offred to aduāce the same especially in titles apperteyning to kingdomes which commonly are neuer presumed to dye as hath bin said and nullum tempus occurrit Regi saith our law And as for collateral lines they say that they may lawfully be admitted to enter when the direct lynes do eyther fayle or are to be excluded for other iust respects as in our case they hold that it happeneth And as for the second pointe of forraine birth they saye there hath bin sufficient answered before in treating of the house of Scotland that in rigor it is no barr by intention of any Inglish law yet whether in reasō of state politique gouerment it may be a iust impedimēt or no it shal after be handled more al large vvhen we come to treat of the house of Portugal
before her for that he was a man and of the vvhole blood to the last kings of the house of Lancaster and that she was a vvoman and but of the halfe blood so that three prerogatiues he pretended before her First that he vvas a man and she a vvoman and secondly that he descended of the lawful and elder daughter and she of the yonger brother legitimated and thirdly that he vvas of vvhole blood and she but of halfe and for better fortifying of this proofe of his title these men do alleage a certayne case determyned by the learned of our dayes as they say vvherin for the first of these three causes only the succession to a crowne vvas adiudged vnto king Phillip of Spayne to vvit the succession to the kingdome of Portugal vvhich case was in al respects correspondent to this of ours for that Emanuel king of Portugal had three children for so much as apperteyneth to this affaire for afterward I shal treat more particulerly of his issue that is to say two sonnes and one daughter in this order Iohn Elizabeth and Edward euen as Iohn of Gaunt had Hēry lady Philippe and Iohn Prince Iohn of Portugal first child of king Emanuel had issue an other Iohn and he had Sebastian in whom the line of Iohn the first child vvas extinguished but Iohns sister Elizabeth vvas married to Charles the Emperor had issue K. Phillip of Spayne that now liueth Edward also yōger brother to Elizabeth or Isabel had issue two daughters the one married to the duke of Parma the other to the duke of Bragansa so as king Phillip vvas in equal degree vvith these ladies in respect of king Emanuel for that he vvas sonne to his eldest daughter and the two duchesses vvere daughters to his yonger sonne vppon this rested the question vvhich of these should succeede and it vvas decided that it apperteyneth vnto king Phillip for that he vvas a man and his mother vvas the elder sister though if king Phillips mother and the two duchesses father I meane lord Edward of Portugal had bin aliue together no doubt but that he beinge a mā should haue borne it away vvhich these men say holdeth not in our case but is much more to our aduantage for that it hath bin shewed before that if Queene Phillippe had bin aliue vvith earle Iohn of Somerset at the death of king Henry the sixt she should haue bin preferred as legitimate by birth and therfore much more ought her nephew king Alfonsus to haue bin preferred afterward in that he vvas a man before the neece of the said earle Iohn of Somerset that vvas but a vvoman thus farr they And besides all this they do adde as often before I haue mentioned that king Alfonsus vvas of the vvhole blood vnto al the three king Henries of the house of Lancaster the countesse of Richmond vvas but of the halfe blood and for more strengthening of this argument they do say further that besides that interest or right to the crowne vvhich king Henry the fourth that vvas the first king of the house of Lancaster had by his father Iohn of Gaunt in that the said Iohn vvas third sonne of king Edward the third the said king Henry had diuers other interestes also which came of himselfe only and not from his said father as vvere for example his being called into the realme by general voyce of al the people his right gotten by armes vppon the euil gouerment of the former king the personal resignation and deliuery of the kingdome by solemne instrument made vnto him by king Richard his election also by parlament coronation by the realme and finally the quiet possession of him and his posteritie for almost threescore yeares vvith many confirmations of the whole realme by diuers acts of parlament othes and other assurāces as the world knoweth so many I meane and so autētical as could possibly be deuised or giuen and besides al this that vvhen king Richard vvas dead he vvas next in degree of propinquitie vnto him of any man liuing for that the sonnes of Roger Mortimer vvere two degrees further of then he as hath bin shewed before Al vvhich particuler rightes and interestes vvere peculier to Henry the fourth his person and vvere not in his father Iohn of Gaunt and therfore cannot possibly discend from him left by the last duke of Parma lord Ranutius that is now duke of Parma and lord Edward that is Cardinal and the lady Catherine duchesse of Bragansa that yet liueth hath issue diuers goodly princes as the lord Theodosius that is now duke of Bragansa and three yonger brothers to vvit Edward Alexander and Phillip al yong princes of great expectation and these are the children of king Emanuel vvhose particuler successions and issues I shall declare somwhat more yet in particuler Prince Iohn of Portugall afterward king by name of king Iohn the third had issue an other Iohn that vvas prince of Portugal but dyed before his father and left a sonne named Sebastian vvho vvas king and slayne afterward by the Moores in Barbary and so ended this first lyne The second sonne and fourth childe of king Emanuel vvas named lord Lewis and dyed also vvithout issue legitimate as is supposed for that don Antonio his sonne that afterward vvas proclaymed king by the people of Lisbone and now liueth in Ingland vvas taken by al men to be vnlawful as presently more at large shal be shewed so as after the death of king Sebastian their entred the Cardinal lord Henry vvhich vvas third sonne to king Emanuel and great vncle to king Sebastian lately disceased for that he was brother to king Iohn the third that vvas grand father to king Sebastian and albeit their vvanted not some accordinge as the authors wryte vvhich afterward I shal name vvho affirmed and held that king Phillip of Spayne should haue succeded king Sebastian before the Cardinal for that he vvas neerer in consanguinitie to him then vvas the Cardinal for that besides that king Phillip was sonne of king Emanuels eldest daughter he vvas brother also to king Sebastians mother yet the said Cardinal entred peceably and by consent of al parties but for that he vvas old and vnmarried and not like to leaue any child of his owne there began presently the contention in his dayes vvho should be his successor To vvhich succession did pretende fiue princes of the blood royal of Portugal besides the lady Catherine Queene mother of France who pretended by her mothers side to be discended of one lord Raphe earle of Bulayne in Picardy vvhich Raphe vvas eldest sonne of Alfonsus the third king of Portugal which Alfonsus before he vvas king to wit in the tyme of his elder brother king Sanches of Portugal was married to the countesse and heyre of Bullayn named Mathildis and had by her this Raphe but afterward this Alfonsus comming to be king of Portugal he married agayne
the lawes of Ingland and not by the lawes of other forrayne countryes it followeth that the selfe same right of succession that is pretended at this day by the princes of Portugal for succeding the said lady Phillippe should be determined only by the lawes of Ingland where representation taketh place and not by the lawes of any other nation Thus say they But against this others do alleage that the question is not heer by vvhat law this pretence of the blood royal of Portugal to the crowne of Ingland is to be tried but rather vvho is the true and next heyre and successor vnto K. Iohn the first and to his wife Queene lady Phillippe heyre of the house of Lancaster which two priuces vvere king and Queene of Portugal their true heyre at this day hath the forenamed pretence to the crowne of Ingland which true and next heyre being once knowne it litle importeth by what law he pretendeth his said right to Ingland whether by that of Inglād or by this of Portugal or by bothe thoughe to determine this first and chief point vvho is the next and true heyre vnto these foresaid king Queene of Portugal the lawes of Portugal must needes be iudge not those of Ingland and so seing that by these lawes of Portugal the king of Spayne is now adiudged for next heyre to the said princes and is in possession of their inheritance at this day I meane of the crowne of Portugal these mē say that he must consequently inherite also al other rightes dignities and prerogatiues belonging to the foresaid princes or to their posteritie And thus you see now how great diuersitie of arguments and obiections are and may be alleaged on different sides about this affayre wherby also is made manifest how doubtful ambiguous a matter this pointe of Inglish succession is seing that in one only branch of the pretenders vvhich is in the house of Portugal alone their are so many difficulties as heere hath byn touched But now the common obiection against al these titles and titlers is that they are old and out of vre and not to be brought in question againe now especially seing that both king Henry the seuenth and his issue haue enioyed so long the title of the house of Lancaster as it hath and secondly that these titles do apperteyne vnto strangers vvhose gouerment may be dangerous many wayes vnto Ingland and especially in that which toucheth the king of Spayne who being so great and mightye a monarch as he is may preiudice greatly the Inglish libertye and easely bring them into seruitude if his pretence should be fauoured as by some it seemeth to be This is the speach of many men in Ingland and abroad at this day wherunto yet some others do answer that as concerning the first obiection of the oldnes of the pretence title it hath bin shewed before that by law no title to a kingdome dyeth euer but may take place vvhensoeuer the partie to vvhom it belongeth is able to auouch it and gett possession and as for this pretence of the line of Portugal they say that it hath not such great age but that very vvel it may shew it selfe and be had in consideracion especially at this tyme vvhen now the issue male of king Henry the seuenth is ended and that of necessitie vve must returne to haue consideration of the issue of his daughters before vvhich daughters good reason say these men is it that the issue of lady Phillippe Queene of Portugal should be admitted for that albeit vve vvould haue that respect to the issue male of Iohn Earle of Somerset as to preferr it or suffer it to enioy the crowne before the issue of Queene Phillippe and so they say it seemeth that it was for that king Henry the seuenth vvas crowned king his mother being a liue vvhich yet by ordinary course of succession should haue gone before him yet say they it is no reason that the issue female of Iohn of Somerset or of king Henry the seuenth should be preferred before the issue male of the said Queene Phillippe Moreouer they saye that the house of Clarence and Huntington do pretend a title more old and stale at this day then this of Portugal for that they pretend from George duke of Clarence that neuer had the crowne and these of Portugal pretend to be next heyre to king Henry the sixt that did vveere the crowne of Ingland for 40. yeares togeather after whose death if king Alfonsus of Portugal who vvas then old vvearied with euel successe of warres had bin so able to preferr and follow his title as some of that house be at this day he vvould neuer haue suffered the house of York to haue entred nor king Henry the seuenth to haue enioyed it after them by the title of Lancaster vvhich title yet of Lancaster say these men king Henry the seuenth could not haue in himselfe any vvay vvhether we respect Queene Phillippe or Iohn of Somerset for by Queene Phillippe they of Portugal were euidently before him and by waye of Iohn of Somerset the countesse his mother vvas as cleerly before hym nether could he haue any title as yet by the house of Yorke for that he vvas not yet married to the daughter of king Edward so as his crowning in the feild and whole entrance to the kingdome vvas without any actual title at al but only the good will of the people as these men do hold To the other obiection of forraine princes strange gouerment that may come to Ingland by these pretences of the princes of Portugal diuers men do answer diuersly for some do graunt that it may be so that by this meanes Ingland may come to be vnder forayne kinges and that no hurt or inconuenience at al would ensue therof to Ingland but rather much good and commoditie but other that like not vvell of this assertion do say further that if these forrayne pretence should take place yet that al matters might be so compounded that albeit the prince himselfe which is to rule should be forrayne borne vvhich they take to be no inconuenience yet that his forces and dependance should be only of the Inglish for that he should not bring in any strainge powers into the land no more them did king Stephen or king Henry the second that were borne in France or then did king Phillip of Spayne in Queene Maryes dayes or as it is thought Monsieur of France should haue done if he had married her Maiestie that now is as once it was supposed he should To this said one of the companie and is it possible that any man should be of opiniō that forrayne gouerment in what manner or kinde so euerit be should not be iuconuenient and hurtfull to Inglād wher the people are vvholye bent against it you remember quoth he as concering the last two examples that you haue alleaged what tumult and sture
in his description of those countryes the whole wealth and riches of the world seemed to slow thither and I my selfe can remember to haue seene such exceding abundance in very ordinairy men of this country both for their dyet apparrel furniture of house and the like as was wonder ful besides that for their nobilitie they were al great Princes for that euery one had his prouince or great towne in gouerment which they ruled whith that pompe and honor as if they had bin absolute lordes themselues by reason of the farr distance of their supreme Prince and so they were receaued whith publique honor of al citties and townes their charges borne wheresoeuer they passed as such high estates are wont to be And albeit they had euer commonly a strainger for supreme gouernor among them vnder their kinge which bare the name to be aboue them yet did he in deed nothing but as they would haue him and this partly for that his time of gouerment being but short he alwaies attended principally to gett the good willes of the people and to hold them contented and therby to be grat-ful to his king at his returne home and partly also for that if he should attempt to do any thing against their myndes and liking they made reply by their president and Chancelor and other of their owne Councelers residing for the Flemish nation in the court of Spayne for this nation hath alwaies a particuler councel ther about the king as al other forayne nations also haue that are vnder him and by this meanes they obteyned lightly what they would and brought the gouernor to what they pleased so as in effect they were absolute kings in themselues wrought their willes in euery thing this in that tyme while the country was quiet But now since their reuolt which hath indured almose these foure or fiue and twenty yeares what hath succeded surely their hath not a quarter so many bin punished or put to death in al these yeares by order of Iustice of their king absent as before I haue shewed that there were in one day by their owne earles and dukes when they were present that vppon far lesse occasion and cause giuen then are these for if we take away the two noble men Egmond and Horne put to death at the beginning of these Flemish troobles by the duke of Alua for which some men say also that he had no thanke afterward by the king no man of importance hath bin since executed and the cheefest townes that haue bin and are agaynst the king in Holland and Zeland are suffred vntil this day to traffique freely into Spayne and yet we know that for a little beginning of a certayne tumult this last yeare past in Spayne it selfe to wit in the kingdome of Aragon many heades haue bin stroken of and much iustice done where of then riseth this differēce no doubt for that the Flemmings are straingers far of and the other neere at home natural borne so as this circumstance of being a stranger and dwelling far of doth them great pleasure and giueth them priuilege aboue the homborne subiects The like I might shew for this matter of punishment in the fore said states of Italie where if a mā do compare the number of them that were put to death pulled downe or afflicted by order of Iustice and other wise at the commandement of the Prince in tyme of their owne home-borne kings with that which hath bin since especially of the nobility you shal not finde one for twenty and the reason of this is for that their owne kings were absolute and had to giue accompt to no man of their doings and for that they were men and had their passions and emulations with the nobilitie and might put the same in execution without accompt or controlment they pulled downe set vp at their pleasure and made oftentymes but a iest of noblemens liues and deathes but now these that are gouernours viceroyes for a forraine prince first they haue not so great authority or comission as to touch any such principal persons liues whithout giuing relation therof first vnto their king councel and receaue againe particuler order for the same and then they knowing that after their three yeares gouermēt is ended they must be priuate men againe and stay their 40. dayes as subiects vnder the next new gouernour to giue a reconning of their doings against al that shal accuse them which in these countryes they call to make their residence they take heede what they doe and whom they offend so as the condition of nobility is far different vnder such a strainge gouerment as this is termed then vnder a natural Prince of their owne country which oppresseth them at his pleasure But now to draw neer homward if we wil examine and considerer what hath passed in Ingland in this point of massacring our nobility by our domestical Princes it is a matter lamentable for it may seeme that they haue serued oftentymes for our Princes to make disport to play whith their heades And to let passe al those which in tyme of warres rebellions comotions haue bin cut of which occasions may seeme more iustifiable I do read also in our chronicles that 2 Sangue freddo as the Italian sayth that is to say in tyme of peace and by execution of iustice at the Princes appoyntment these noblemen following and knyghts by name were put to death with in the space of one fiue yeares in king Henry the fourth his dayes The duke of Excester the duke of Surrey the Archbis hop of Yorke the earles of Salisbury of Glocester of Worcester and of Huntington The earle mowbray earle marshal The Baron of Kinderton S. Roger Clarington bastard sonne of Edward the black Prince S. Thomas Blunr S. Barnard Rocas S. Richard Vernon And agayne soone aftervnder king Edward the fourth in almost whith in as litle space The dukes of Somerset and of Excester The earles of Deuonshire of Oxford and of Keyns The Lord Rosse the Lord Molyns S. Thomas Tudingham S. Phillip Wentworth S. Thomas fyndam and many others afterward for this was but at the beginning of his reigne which number of nobility if a man should haue seene them aliue together with their traynes before they had bin put downe he would haue said they had bin a very goodly company pitiful that so many of our owne nobilitie should be brought by our own Princes to such confusion But yet this matter may seeme perhapps the lesse maruelous and more excusable vnder those two kings for that troobles and contentions had passed a little before in the realme about the succession and heervppon so many of the nobility might be cut of but let vs see then what ensued afterwards when thinges were established and al doubt of contention about the succession taken away as in king Henry the eight his dayes it was and yet do
their owne and Ireland and Scotland is not far of vvhere frendship perhapps in such a case might be offred and finally in this poynte of abillity great oddes is their seene betweene these Lordes As for their religion I cannot determyne what difference their is or may be betweene them The Lord Beacham by education is presumed to be a protestant albeit some hold that his father and father in law be more inclined towards the Puritans The earle of Darbyes religion is held to be more doubtful so as some do thinke him to be of al three religions and others of none and these agayne are deuided in iudgments about the euent heerof for that some do imagin that this opinion of him may do him goode for that al sides heerby may perhapps conceaue hope of him but others do persuade themselues that it vvil do him hurt for that no side in deede will esteeme or trust him so as al these matters with their euents and consequences do remayne vncertaine But now will I passe to speake of the house of Clarence the cheefe persons wherof and most emynent at this day are the earle of Huntington and his bretheren the Hastings for that the Pooles and Barringtons are of far meaner condition and authoritie albeit the other also I meane the house of Hastings doth not seme to be of any great allyance for that albeit the old earle of Huntington this earles father had two brethren the one S. Thomas Hastings that married one of the Lord Henry Pooles daughters named Lord montague that was put to death which daughter was sister to this earles mother and the other named S. Edward Hastings vvas made Lord of Lowghborow by Queene Mary to whom he was first master of the horse and afterward Lord Chamberland neither of them hauing left issue and this is al I remember by his fathers side except it be his owne brethren as hath bin said of which S. George Hastings is the cheefest By his mothers side he hath only the Pooles whose power as it is not great so what it is is rather lyke to be agaynst him then with him partly for their difference from him in religion and partly for preferment of their owne title vppon the reasons before alleaged By his owne marriage with the daughter of the late duke of Northumberland and sister to the late earles of Lecester and Warwicke he was lyke to haue drawne a very great strong alliance if the said two earles had liued and especially S. Phillip Sidney who was borne of the other sister of the present Countesse of Huntington and his owne sister was married to the earle of Penbroke that now is himselfe to the daughter of S. Francis Walsingham cheefe secretary of the state by al which meanes and by al the affection and power of the party puritan and much of the protestant this earle was thought to be in very great forwardnes But now these great pillers being fayled and no issue yet remayning by the said Countesse his wife no man can assure himselfe what the successe wil be especially seing that of the three bodyes of different religions before described it is thought that this earle hath incurred deeply the hatred of the one and perhapps some ielousy and suspition of the other but yet others do say and no doubt but that it is a matter of singular importance if it be so that he is lyke to haue the whole power of London for him which citty did preuaile so much in aduancing the title of Yorke in king Edward the fourth his tyme as it made him king twise to wit once at the beginning when he first apprehended and put downe king Henry the sixt and the second tyme vvhen he being driuen out of the kingdome by his brother the duke of Clarence and Richard earle of Warwicke he returned from Flanders vppon hope of the fauour of the Londoners and was in deede receaued fauoured and set vp agayne by them especially and by the helps of kent and other places adioyning and depending of London and so it may be that the fauourers of this earle do hope the like successe to him in tyme by this potent cittie For the houses of Britanny and Portugal I shal ioyne them both together for that they are straingers and the persons therof so nigh linked in kynred affinitie frendship as both their tittles forces and fauours may easely be ioyned together and imparted the one with the other as to themselues shal best appeare conuenient The lady Infanta of Spayne pretendent of the house of Britanie is eldest daughter of king Phillip as al the world knoweth and dearly beloued of him and that worthely as al men report that come from thence for that she is a princesse of rare partes both for bewty wisdome and pietie The two yong Princes of Parma I meane both the duke and his brother the Cardinal are ympes in like manner of great expectation and diuers wayes neere of kynn to the said king for that by their fathers side they are his nephewes that is the childeren of his sister and by their mothers side almoost as neere for that they are the nephewes of his vncle Prince Edward Infant of Portugal In lyke neernes of blood are the Duchesse of Bragansa and her children vnto the said king which children are many as hath bin shewed and al of that rare vertue and valor and of that singuler affection vnto the English natiō as it is wonderful to heare what men write from those partes and what others do reporte that haue trauayled Portugal and seene those Princes and tasted of their magnificente liberality so as I haue hard diuers reioyse that are affected that way to vnderstand that their do remayne such noble ofsping yet in forrayne countryes of the true and ancient blood royal of Ingland What the powers and possibilities of al these Princes of the house of Portugal be or may be heerafter for pursuyng their right shal not neede to be declared in this place for that al the world doth know and see the same yet al seemeth to depend of the heade roote which is the king of Spayne himselfe and the yonge Prince his sonne whose states and forces how and where they lye what allyance frendes subiects or followers they haue or may haue it is easy to consider but what part or affection of men they haue or may haue heerafter in Ingland it selfe when tyme shal come for the determyning of this matter no man can tell at this present and what plotts agreements compartitions or other conclusions may be made at that day tyme only must teach vs so as now I know not well what to say further in this affaire but only commend it to Gods highe prouidence and therefore I pray you quoth the Lawyer let me ende with this only that alredy I haue saide and pardon me of my former promisse to put my
with the course of that Lord hitherto and do thinke that they should do much better with his brother if so be he shal be thought more fitt yet are thease things vncertaine as we see but not withstanding such is the nature and fashon of man to hope euer great matters of youthes especially Princes God send al iust desires to take place and with this I wil ende and passe no further hoping that I haue performed the effect of my promisse made vnto you at the beginninge FINIS A â—â—rfect and exact Arbor and geneaâ—â—gie of al the Kynges Queenes and Prinâ—â—â— of the blood royal of EnglaÌ„d from the tâ—me of William the conqueror vnto our tâ—â—e wherby are to be seene the groundes oâ—â— the pretenders to the same crowne at thiâ—â—aye accordinge to the booke of M. R. Dâ—â—man set foorthe of the sayde pretenders and their seueral claymes this present yeare 1594. The ancient howses of the blood royal of England are the howse of Lancaster that beareth the redd rose and the howse of Yorke that beareth the vvhyte and then the howse of Britanie and France ioyned in one And out of these are made fiue particular howses which are the howse of ScotlaÌ„d of Suffolke of Clarence of Britanie of Portugal and in these are twelue different persons that by waye of succission do pretende eche one of theÌ„ to be next after her Maiestie that now is as by the booke appeareth Polyd in vita H. s. OccasioÌ„s of meeting The matter of succession discussed M. Bromely M. V VeÌ„rvvorth Tvvo lavvers Many pre tendors to the crovvne of InglaÌ„d SuccessioÌ„ doubtful vvhy Three or fovver principal heades of praetendors 1. Lancaster 2. Yorke 3. The tvvo houses ioyned Circumstances of the tyme present The Roman conclaue SuccessioÌ„ includeth also some kinde of election Of this more aftervvards Cap 4. 5. Neernes only in blood not sufficient More to be considered besides succession in the pretendors Tvvo principal pointes handled in this booke Tvvo partes of this conference Bellay apollog pro reg cap. 20. Not only successioÌ„ sufficient That no perticuler forme of gouermeÌ„t is of natu re To liue in company is natural to man the grouÌ„d of al com moÌ„ vvealthes Plato de repub Cicero de repub Aristotle polit Diuers praefes 1. InclinatioÌ„ vniuersal Pompon Mesa lib. 3. cap. 3. 4 Tacit. l. 8. 2. Aristot. l. 1. pol. c. 1. 2. 3. 4. Imbecilility of man Theoph. lib. de Plaut Plu tarch coÌ„de fortuna lib. de pietatem in parent Note this saying of Aristotle 4. The vse of iustice and FreÌ„ship Cicero lib. de amicitia The vse of charity helping one an other August lib. de amicitia Gen. 2. v. 18. That gouermeÌ„t iurisdiction of Magestrats is also of nature Necessity Iob 10. v. 12. 2. Consent of natioÌ„s Cicero li. 1. de natu ra DeoruÌ„ 3. The ciuil lavv Lib. 1. digest tit 2. 1. Scripture Prou. 2. Rom. 13. Particuler forme of gouermeÌ„t is free Arist. li. 2. polit Diuersitie of gouerment in diuers coÌ„tryes and tymes Rome Africa Greece Italie Dukes for kings and kings for dukes Spayne Boeme Polonia England The Ievves lib. Genes Lib. Exo. Lib. Iob. Lib. Iud. Lib. 1. Reg. Lib. Machab The realme chuseth her forme of gouermeÌ„t The common vvealth limiteth the gouernors authority A Natural Prince A monarchy the best gouerment A rist li. 4. pol. a. c. 9. Seneca Plutarch The antiquity of Monarchy 1 Reg. 8. Dionys. Haly l. 5. Cornel. Tacit. l. 3. Cicero l. 1. Offic. Hierom. l. 2. epist. 12 Chrisost. ho. 23. 1. Pet. 2. Tvvo poyntes to be noted Hovv S. Peter calleth a king most excellent Vtilites of a kingdome and in conueniences of other gouermentes Cicerol x offic Democratia Miseries of populer gouerment in Italy Aristocratia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 30. Eutrop. l. 3. Oros. l. 5. 6. The cause vvhy lavves be added to Kings Arist. l. 3. pol. c. vlt. A notable saying Arist. l. 3. Pol. c. 12. Arist. l. 1. Pol. c. 2. Diuers names propeties of lavves Cie lib. 2. offic Lavv is the discipline of a vveale pu blique Psal. 2. The CouÌ„cels of Princes a great healp Arist. l. 4. Pol. c. 10. The monarchie of Inglad reÌ„pered The restraints of kingly po vver in al estates Roman Kings Liu. lib. 1. dec 1. Grecian kings Arist. li. 2. c. 8. polit Plutarch in Lycurg Cic. lib. 2. 〈◊〉 Ciclib 3. de 〈◊〉 Restraints of kingdomes in Europe Sleydan lib. 8. An. 1532. Blond Di cad 2. li. 3 Crant li. cap. 25. Kingdomes of polonia and Boemia Herbert li. 9. hist. Polon Cromerus lib. 3. Hist. Polon Kinges of Spayne Fraunce and Ingland Concil blet 4. c. 74. coÌ„cil s. c. 3. Peculiar manner of succession An. 1340. Paul Anil hist. Franc. l. 2. Gerard. du Hayllan lib. 14 hist. FraÌ„c Fran. Belfor llb. 5. cap. 1. An. 1327. Reasons for succession of vvomen The infanta of Spayne Prince of Lorayne Gerard du Haillan Lib. 13. Hist. FraÌ„c Anno 1317. lib. 14. An. 1328. lib. 3. de l'Estat defrunaee Kings lavvfully possessed may be depriued A markable circuÌ„stance Agaynst rebellious people and contemnors of Princes 〈◊〉 flateries 〈◊〉 by Bellay others Belloy in apolog cath apolog pro rege The purpose of the next Chapter Tvvo pointes to be proued Nothing hear spokeÌ„ against devv respect to Princes Depriuations of kings recounted in scriptu re 1. Reg. 31. 4. Reg. 21. 44. King Iosias 2. Paralip 34. 〈◊〉 2. Paralip 35. King Dauid XenophoÌ„ in Cyropaed Nich. Machal l. 2. c. 2. in Tit. Liuius August l. de Gran. The vvisdome and piety of King Dauid 1. Paralip 15. 1. Psal. 24. 25. Thearmes of King Dauid His valor in chiualry King Dauides victoires 2. Reg. 8. Paral. 18 〈◊〉 2. Reg. 23 Ioseph l. 7 antiq c. 10 2. Reg. 7. His humi lity charity and dc uotion Kings pur doune among the romaÌ„s vvhat successors they had Halicar l. 1. Tertul. li. de praescrip contta haeres Iustin. martyr apolog Tit. liu li. 1. dec 〈◊〉 Eutrop. l. 1. Caesar Au gustus Dion in Caesa. Sueton in Caesa. Nero Vespatian Cornel. Tacit. lib. 20. 21. Egesip l. 5 Eutrop. in vita Caesa. Heliogabolus An. DnÌ„i 124. Alius laÌ„p in vita Heliog AlexaÌ„der Seuerus Herod in vit seuen MaxeÌ„tiua Constantin The chan ge of the east empy re Charles the greate An. 800. Tvvo changs in France Belfor l. 1 Girard l. 3 AEmil l. 2 Clem. Baudin en la chro mique des Roys de France Reasons of depriuation Hugo 〈◊〉 anno 988. Examples of Spayne Concil Tolet. 4. cap. 4. Ambros moral 1. II cap. 17. Isidor in 〈◊〉 hispan Esteuan de Garibay 1. 13 de la hist. de Espa. c. 15. Tabulae Astron. Alfonsinae King Don Alonso deposed Don Pedro cruel deposed Garibay l. 14. c. 40. 41. In Portugal King DoÌ„ Sancho 2. deposed Garibay lib. 4 de hist. Portug c. 19. Lib
primogenitura Genes 15 49 Deut. 21. 15. 2. Patalip 21. 3. Exod. 3. 2. Rom. 9. 13. Genes 28 27. Tvvo points to be noted Genes 29 49. Exod. 1. 2. Reg. 5. 1. Paral. 3. Tvvo cases resolued The remede of inconueniences by succession Election succession do helpe the 〈◊〉 thothen Ansvver to the 〈◊〉 principal questions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 VVhat an heyre apparent is before 〈◊〉 coronatiō Examples of tnatiage VVhat respect is devv to an heyre apparent VVhy Princes do cōpt ther yeares from the death of ther predecessors Girard de Haillan l. 3. de l'estate pag. 241. No heyre apparent K. before his coronation An euident Argument A rare example of King Henry V. Polydor. virg lib. 22. hittor Angliae in vita Henrici V. Stovv in the beginning of the life of king Henry V. Notes of this act 2. 3. 4. Admissiō of more importan ce then successiō See ther lastvvords to ther frendes in Sir Tho Moore Stovv VVhy diuer kings caused ther sonnes to be crovvned in ther ovvne dayes Hirrd du Haillan lib. 6. hist. an 1001. An. 1032. An. 1061. An. 1131. An. 1180. 3. Reg. 1. Polyd. Stovv in vita Henrici 11. The occasion of the next chapter The Ciuilian cloyed vvith copy Obiectiēs The example of the Ievves 3. Reg. 8. King Saule 2. Reg. 2. 21. An obiection ansevered 2. Reg. 9. King Dauid made by electiō 2. Reg. 2. 5. Psal. 131. 2. Paral. 6. Adonias the elder sonne relected 3. Reg. 1. The motiues of Adonias 〈◊〉 to King Dauid to make Salomō his successor 3. Reg. 1. The coronation of Salomon 〈◊〉 Reg. 1. A poynt to be noted The manner of admission of the prince Roboam 3. Reg. 12. 3. Reg. 11. 5. Reg. 12. 21. Foure races of Spanish Kings Ambros. moral Lib. 11. 〈◊〉 c. 12. 2. Race Ambros. moral lib. 13. c. 3 Moral lib. 37. e. 42. 43. 44. 3. Race Garibay lib 20. c. 〈◊〉 4. 〈◊〉 Examples of the first race Concil Tol. 3. c. 3. Conc. tol 4. cap. 74. Examples of the 2. race Episcop Tuyens l. 1. histoin Ludou de Molin li. de hared King Don Pelayo Ambros Mor 1. 13. cap. 6. 9. 10. Sebast. Epise Salam in hift Hisp. K. Don Alonso y Dö fruela Moral li 13. cap. 17 An. 768. Many breaches of succession Moral e. 21. King Don Aurelio King Don Sile. King Don Alonso the chast Mor I 15. cap. 25. A strange deliberation Great authoritie of comon vvealth K. Alonso the chast reyneth the secōd tyme. Moral e. 28. 29. An. 791. Moral li. 13. cap. 45 46. Anno 842. A horible tribute King Dō Ramiro 1 by election Moral e. 51. The kingdom of Spayne a Maiorasgo K. Don Ordonio An. 924. Moral 1. 16. cap. 1. An. 924. Don Alonso 4. Don Ramiro Moral lib. 19 cap. 20. An. 930. Don Ordonio 3. An. 950. Don Sancho 1. Moral l. 16. cap. 29 An. 950. Mor. l. 17. c. 1. 2. 3. 4. The end of the race of Don Pelayo Of the disceues follovving Spanish examples in the second discent 〈◊〉 1201 Carib li. 11. cap. 12 37. Lady Elenor an Inglish vvoman Q. of Spayne Garib l. 13. cap. 10 An 1207. An Inglish Qgrād mother to tvvo king saints at once An other brech of successiō The Cerdas put bark from the crovvne 1276. Garabay l. 15. c. 1. an 1363. Many alterations of lineal discent Dō Iohn the first a bastard made king of Portugal Garib l. 15 cap 22. li. 34. c. 39. Of the state of france An. 419. An. 751. An. 988. Examples of the 2. rancke of French Kings King Pepin by election An. 751. K. Charles by election Girard du Haillan l. 3. an 768. Eginard Belfor li 2. cap. 5. The vncle preferred before the nephevv Paul mili hist. Franc. King Luys de bonnaire An. 814. Girard l. 5 An. 834. An. 840 An. 878. Baudin en la Chroni que pag. 119. Girard l. 1 An. 879. Tvvo bastards pre ferred An. 881. Luys faineant K. of France An. 886. Charles 4 le Gros. King of France Girard li. 5. An. 888 Odo a king and after Duke of vvhom came Hugo Capetus Rafe 1. King of France An. 927. An. 929 Luys 4. d'Outremer The true geyre of France excluded Hugh Capet othervvise Snatch cappe 988 Belfor li. 3. cap 1. An. 988. Defence of Hugh Capetus title The embassage of the states of France vnto Char les of Loraine Girard 1. 6 an 988. Note this comparison Examples out of the third tyme of France Girard li. 6. an 1032 K. Henry 〈◊〉 preferred before his elder brother VVilliam conqueror hovv he came to be duke of Normandie Girard 1. 6. Anno 1032. 1037. Sonnes excluded for the fathers offences Girard lib. 7. An. 1110. Belfor l. 4 c. 1. l. 5 Cōmzus in comen tar l. 1. in vita Ludouic 11. Examples of the realme of Ingland Diuers races of Inglish Kinges Thename of Ingland and Inglish King Egbert the first monarch of Inglād Polidor hist. aug li. 4. in fine An. soz King Pepin of France king Adel vvolfe An. 829. King Alfred 872. King Edvvard elder An. 900. King Aleston the Bastard 〈◊〉 An. 924. Polid. 1. 5. hist. Angl. Stovv pag. 130. An. 924. King Edmond r. An. 940. The vncle preferred before the nephevvs 946. Polid. 1. 6. Stovv in his chronicles Edgar a famous king King Edvvard Martirized K. Etheldred 978. Polid. 1. 7. hist. Ang. K. Edmēd 〈◊〉 Quere Emma mother to King Edward the 〈◊〉 Many breches of lineal succestiō Sonnes of King Edmond Ironside King Canutus the first 〈◊〉 King Edvvard the confessor made K. against right of successiō Prince Edvvard the out lavv and his children put back Polyd l 8. Harald second K. by election 1066. Polid. vbi sup VVilliam Duke of Normādy King of Ingland An. 1066. by election Girard li. 6. an 1065 Chron. Cassin l. 3. cap. 34. Antoninus part z. chron tit 16. cap. 5. 9. 1. Examples after the conquest Polyd. in vita Gul. Conq. VVilliam Rufus King An. 1087. Henry 1. An. 1100 Mathild the empresse King Stephen entred against successiē 1135. An act of parlamēt about successiē 1153. King Richard and king Iohn 1190. Prince Ar tur put back Tvvo sisters of prince Artur Duke of Britaine K. Iohn and his sonne reiected 1216. The titles of york Lācaster The con clusion of this-chapter Causes of excluding Princes VVhe must iudge of the lavvful causes of exclusiōs Open iniustice to be resisted VVhat are the cheete pointes to be regarded in a princes ad mission VVhence the reasons of admitting or re iecting a prince are to be taken Girard li. 3. de l'Estar pag. 242. Three principal points to be considered VVhy he resolueth to treat of religion principally The cheef end of a common vvealth supernatural Philosophers and lavv makers vvhat end they had of ther doings The com mon vvealth of beastes The natu ral end of mans cōmon vvealth Sacrifices and oblations by