spoke in this manner If it was saied to Peter I will giue thee the keyes of heauen I say vnto you then that this is the Porter whom I will not contradict but as much as I know or can I desire to obey in all thinges his statutes least when I come to heauen gates there be none to open them to mee This sayd that Religious King and this was his respect to the Sea Apostolick Epist ad Ioan. III. KENVLPHVS King of the Mercians writing in his owne and all his Bishops Vide Malmes lib 1. de gest Reg. Angl. and Nobilities name beginneth his letter in this humble manner To my most holie and welbeloued Lord LEO the Romane Bishop of the holy and Apostolicke Sea Kenulph by the Grace of God King of Merchland with the Bishops Dukes and all degrees of honour with in our Dominions with health of most sincere affection in Christ and afterwards he saieth The sublimitie of the Sea of Rome is our health and the prosperitie therof our continuall ioy Because whence you haue your Apostolicall dignitie thence had wee the knowledge of the true saith VVherfore I thinke it sit that the eare of our obedience be humblie inclined vnto your commandements And then demanding the Popes benediction for the better gouernment of his people and resistance of forraine foes he addeth This blessing haue all the Kinges who swayed the Mercian Scepter deserued to obtaine at your Predecessours hands This same do I in humble manner request Malmes lib. 3. de gest is Pont in VVilfrido Malmes lib. 1. de gest Pōt Angl. Westm an 854. Bale Gent. 2. cap. 20. and desire to obtaine of you most holy Father first by way of adoption to receaue me as a child as I loue you in the person of a Father and shall imbrate you with the whole force of obedience And afterwardes he makes mention of a token of an hundred and twentie Mancuzes which he requesteth him to accept King ETHELDRED receiued the letters of Pope IOHN the seuenth vpon his Knees King ETHELWOLPH sued to the Pope for a dispensation sent his sonne Alfred to the Pope to be instructed and sent Peter-pence and made all England tributarie to the Romane Sea King ALFRED surnamed the Great Malmes lib. 3. de gest Reg. Angl. Fox Act. Mon. pag 166. 167. Stow. an 1066. of whose valour learning and Pietie our Chroniclers write wonders in his Preface before the Pastorall of S. Gregorie which he translated into the Saxon language calleth him Christs Vicaire King WILLIAM the Conquerour offred to trie his Title with Harold before the Pope and after got his Title approoued at Rome He wrote an Epistle to GREGORIE the seuenth in which he confirmeth the Tribute of Peter pence which the Kings of England Lib. 5. hist Ang. Cambd. in Britā pag. 350. Malmes lib. 3. de gest Reg. lib. 1. hist nouel Florent Vigor in Chron an 1107 Matth. Paris pag 96. Houed an 1131. Fox pag. 192. Fox pag. 193. Houed pa. 502. euen from King INAS paied to the Pope as Polidore Virgil writeth in signe of reuerence and subiection to the Romane Sea King HENRIE the first surnamed Beauclerd for his knowledg in the seuen liberall Sciences built a Church at Dunstable and by the Authoritie of Pope EVGENIVS the third as Cambden confesseth placed there Canon Regulars he yeelded the inuestiture of Bishops and intertayned most honourably Pope INNOCENT the second and caused him to be admitted through out all France He wrote a letter to Pope PASCHAL which Fox setteth downe and giueth him this Title To the venerable Father PASCHAL chiefe Bishop and at the same time as the same Fox relateth he wrote another letter to the said Pope demanding the Pall for Gerard Arch-Bishop of Yorke King HENRIE the second though for a time he contended with Pope ALEXANDER the Third yet after the death of S. THOMAS of Canterburie Fox pag. 227. Coop an 1072. Bal. cent 3. cap. 4. Houed par 2. Annal. pag. 677. he permitted Appeales to the Pope and submitted him selfe and his Kingdome vnto his pleasure King RICHARD surnamed Coeur de Lion sonne to HENRIE the second wrote a letter to Pope CLEMENT the second with this Title To his most Reuerend Lord and Blessed Father by the grace of God CLEMENT chiefe Bishop of the holy Apostolick Sea and a little after The factes of Princes saith he haue better successe Houed pag. 706. when they receaue assistance and fauour from the Sea Apostolick Matth. Paris Houed an 1190. And so whē this King went to the holie Land he left the care and gouernement of his Kingdome vnto the Sea Apostolick King HENRIE the third when the Pope sent a Legate into England as Matthew Paris relateth met the Legate at the Sea coast Matth. Paris pag 589. Fox act pag. 287. and bowing his head to his knees conducted him and after writing a letter to Pope INNOCENT he callethe him most holy Father and Lord and Chiefe Bishop and offreth Kisses to his blessed feete King EDWARD the thiad writing a letter to the Pope walsing pag. 150. which Walsingham serteth downe saieth That it is heresie to denie the Popes iudgement praesidere omni humanae creaturae to preside ouer all humane creatures The same King writing to Pope CLEMENT vseth this submission To his most holy Lord Clement by the diuine prouidence Chiefe Bishop of the sacred Romane and vniuersall Church Edward by the Grace of God King of France and England and Lord of Ireland deuout kisses of your blessed feet And the same King and all his Nobles anno 1343. assembled in the Parlament at VVestminster in a letter written to the Pope Fox Act. pa. 383. which Fox setteth downe calleth him Head of the Holie Church King HENRIE the sift that warlike and victorious Prince sent his Embassadours to the Councell of Constance called for the condemnation of VVickleph Stowe an 1416 and there demanded and obtained that England might be called a Nation and one of the fower Nations that owe deuotion to the Church of Rome Fox Acts pa. 799. Georg. Lilius in Chron. an 1506. King HENRIE the seuenth anno 1506. sent three solemne Oratours to Pope IVLIVS the second to yeeld his obedience according to the manner vnto the Sea of Rome Yea King HENRIE the eight in the yeare 152◠dedicated his boke against Luther to Pope LEO the tenth which booke I haue seene signed with the Kings owne hand in an English Caracter for which the Pope gaue him and his successours the Title of Defendour of the faith That he acknowledged the Pope his Pastour appeareth by this that at first he made sute to him for a separation from Queene CATHERINE but when he perceaued he could not obtaine his sute then and vpon that occasion onlie he exiled the Popes Authoritie and made him selfe Head and the first Head of the Church of England as may appeare by that which I
monstretur The beginning is taken from one and the Primacie is giuen to PETER that one Church and one chaire may be shewed Cypr. ep ad Iubaianū Hier. lib. 2. contra Iouin And in his Epistle to Iubaianus Ecclesia quae vna est super vnum qui Claues accepit voce Domini fundata est The Church which is one is by the voice of our Lord founded vpon one who hath receiued the Keyes And S. HIEROME sayth Inter duodecim vnus eligitur vt capite constituto schismatis tollatur occasio Amongest twelue one is chosen that the Head being appointed the occasion of schisme may be taken away But if we admit euerie King as Head of the Church in his Kingdome we shall not haue one visible Head but manie and those also verie diuers For as Kings claime supremacie in causes Ecclesiasticall because they are supreme Princes for the same reason may the senate in Venice Genua and Geneua challenge the same Authoritie Whence followeth that vnitie in faith and Sacraments vnder so diuers Heads cannot any long time be retained but we should haue as many Religions as Kings and as many diuers and independent Churches and Kingdomes for one King will not depend either for him selfe or his people of an other 12. This diuision we see alreadie proceedeth from these diuers Heads Haue we not seene how Religion in England hath changed with our Kinges since they challenged supremacie of our Church King HENRIE the Eight in the six and twentith yeare of his Raigne in the Parlament holden at VVestminster the third of Nouember 1534. enacted that the King should be reputed the onlie supreme Head in earth of the Church of England and should haue aswel the Title and stile as all honours authorities and commodities belonging thervnto and all power also to redresse all Heresies errours and abuses in the same and the yeare before also the fiftenth of Ianuary the King and Parlament decreed That no Appeales should be made to Rome no Annates or Impositions should be paied to the Bishop of Rome no sutes should be made to him for licēre or dispensation And yet in the Parlam̄et holden at Westminster anno Domini 1554. the first and second yeare of King PHILIP and Queene MARIE obedience was restored to the Church of Rome and all statutes repealed which derogated to the Authoritie and honour of the Sea Apostolick and the Title of the Kings supremacie in causes Ecclesiasticall was reiected After this notwithstanding was the same Authoritie taken againe by Queene ELIZABETH in the Parlament Anno Domini 1558. Anno 1. regni Elizab die 13. Ian. Likewise in the Parlament holden by King HENRIE the Eight in the one and thirtith yeare of his raigne and eight and twentith of April and in the yeare of our Lord 1537. these six Articles were enacted The Six Articles The Reall presence of the true and naturall Bodie and bloud of Christ vnder the formes of bread and wine without the substance of bread and wine 2. That Communion vnder both kindes is not necessarie for the people 3. That Priests cannot marrie after Priesthood 4. That Religious after their vowes cannot marrie 5. That Priuate Masses are according to Gods law and to be allowed 6. That Auricular Confession is expedient and necessarie And yet this statute was qualified and repealed by EDWARD the sixt his sonne and as yet a Child in the yeare of our Lord 1547. 4. Nouemb. and first yeare of his raigne After that againe the self same six Articles were receiued and confirmed in Queene MARIES raigne in the first Parlament an Domini 1553. 24. Octob. and in another an Domini 1554. Likewise King HENRIE the Eight in the Parlament holden the 22. of Ianuary and 34. of his raigne in the yeare of our Lord 1542. condemned Tindals Translation of the Bible and all bookes written against the Blessed Sacrament and forbad the Bible to be redd in English in any Church which statutes were repealed by King EDWARD at VVestminster an 1. Edu 6. Domini 1547. And yet the former statute of King HENRIE was renewed by Queen MARIE in the first yeare of her raigne an Domini 1553. and repealed againe by Queen ELIZABETH in the first yeare of her raigne So that if Kings be heads of the Church and haue supreme Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction we shall haue as many Religions almost as Kinges And euen as King HBNRIE the Eight after his vsurpation of the supremacie changed his wiues and made his mariages lawfull and vnlawfull his children legitimat and illegitimat at his pleasure and by Authoritie also of the Parlament which durst not gainesaie so euery King shall haue authority to change religion and must be obeyed as the onlie supreme Head in earth of the Church For as King HENRIE the Eight and his young Sonne King EDWARD and his Daughter Queene ELIZABETH challenged Authoritie to redresse errours and correct heresies to giue validitie to all Ecclesiasticall lawes and Synodes as King HENRIE made it Heresie to denie the Reall Presence so another King of England or of another Kingdome may decree the contrarie As King HENRIE forbad Priests to marrie so another King will permit them to marrie As King HENRIE commanded the Bibles to be read and diuine seruice to be sayd and song in Latin so another will like better of the vulgar tongue of his owne Countrie and if you say that the King is tyed to the word of God euerie one of them will say that they follow the word of God hauing the Authoritie to iudge of heresies and consequentlie of the true meaning of the word of God 3. Sixtlie if Princes were Heads of the Church a ridiculous consequence and of which euen the Kinges and Queenes of England haue bene ashamed would follow to wit that they may preach minister Sacramentes excommunicate call Councels and sit as iudges in them c. For if the Prince be supreme head he is also supreme Pastour of the Church of his Kingdome for Head and Pastour in this kind is all one In Tortura Torti And this D. ANDREWES graunteth and prooueth by the example of DAVID to whom the people sayd That God had sayd vnto him Tu pafces populum meum Israel 2. Reg. 5 Thou shalt feede my people of Israel VVheras there only mention is of a Temporall Pastour gouernment and feeding as appeareth by the words following Tu eris Dux super Israel Thou shalt be Captain ouer Israel Gen. 45. And in this sence IOSEPH said Ego te pascam I will feede thee meaning his father IACOB So that if the Prince be Head of the Church he is Pastour but it pertaineth to the office of a Pastour to gouerne his sheepe by lawes to feede them with bread of the word of God Matt. 4. by which the soule liueth and the Sacraments to seuer an infected sheepe from the flocke by excōmunication least it infect the whole and consequentlie if the King be supreme head
decree will obstinate lie holde that the Pope cannot depose a Prince or free his subiects from their fidelitie and alleageance he must graunt that either the Pope with the Councell commandeth against faith or that hee disobeyeth against faith not beleeuing that to be iust which the Pope decreeth with a Generall Councell This decree of this Great Councell doth so trouble and pussle VViddrington that in his booke intitled discussio discussionis sec 1. he endeauoureth by many Arguments though as he would seeme in the name of others to make this Councell of little credit which was not the Spirit of the learned Cardinall Allan Chap. 4. who in his Answer to the Libeller calleth it the famous Councell of Lateran and comming to alleage this decree of the Fathers of that Councell he thus pronounceth These then are the wordes of their most renowned decree 10. The same Arguments I may drawe out of the Generall Councell of Lions Cap. 1 de homicidio in 6. which hath this decree Sacri approbatione Concilij statuimus c. By the approbation of the holie Councell wee do decree that whatsoeuer Prince Prelate or whatsoeuer Ecclesiasticall or secular person shall cause or command any Christian to bee killed by the aforesayd Murderers although death therby doe not follow or shall receaue or defend or hide them shall incurre ipso facto the sentences of excommunication and deposition from his dignitie honour office and benefice and that the same may be giuen freelie to others by them to whom the collation appertaineth 11. Likewise another Councell of Lions and Generall also held in the yeare of our Lord 1245. Ex Nauclero Aemilio Platina at which were present BALDVINE the Emperour and S. LEWIS of France INNOCENT the fourth with with consent of the Councell deposed FREDERICK the second and absolued his subiects from their oath made vnto him commanded vnder paine of Excommunication all his adherents to leaue him and not to obey him as Emperour gaue permission to the Electours to choose another in his place Extat cap. Ad Apostolicae de sent re iud in 6. Vide etiam Westmo naest an 1245. Mat. 16. The Decree is this Nos itaque super praemissis c. VVe therfore with our brethren and the Holie Councell hauing premised a diligent deliberation about the aforesayd and many other his hainous excesses seing that wee though vnworthie supplie the place of CHRIST in earth and that to vs in the person of Blessed Peter it was sayd VVhatsoeuer thou shalt bynde vpon earth it shal be bound also in heauen doe declare and denounce the aforesayd Prince who hath made him selfe vnworthie of Empire kingdomes and all honour and dignitie and who for his iniquities is reiected of God from raygning and ruling to be tyed in his own sinnes and as an abiect depriued of all honour and dignitie and yet not withstanding by sentence wee depriue him and absoluing perpetuallie all who are bound to him by oath of fidelitie from this oath do by Apostolicall Authoritie firmelie forbid that any hence forth doe obey him as Emperour c. 12. GREGORIE the seuenth in a Councell at Rome in the yeare of our Lord 1076. excommunicated and deposed HENRIE the fourth for many his insolences outrages and enormities Vide Baron an 1076. n. 25. The Excommanication beginneth thus Beate Petre Apostolorum Princeps inclina quaesumus pias aures tuas nobis audi me seruum tuum quem ab infantia nutristi vsque ad hunc diem de manu iniquorum liberasti qui me pro tua fidelitate oderunt odiunt Tu mihi testis es Domina mea Mater Dei Beatus Paulus frater tuus inter omnes sanctos quod tua Sancta Romanâ— Ecclesia me inuitum ad sua gubernacula traxit c. Blessed Peter Prince of the Apostles we beseech theâ— to incline thy pious eares vnto vs and to heare meâ— thy seruant whom from my infancie thou hast nourished and vnto this day hast deliuered from the handes of the wicked who haue hated and do hate mee for my fidelitie towards thee Thou art my witnesse as is also my Ladie the Mother of God and Blessed Paul thy brother amongest all the Saintes that thy holie Romane Church drew mee against my will to her gouernment c. Then a little after he addeth the Excommunication and deposition it selfe Hac itaque fiducia fretus pro Ecclesia tuae honore defensione ex parte omnipotentis Dei Patris Filij Spiritus Sancti per tuam potestatem Authoritatem Henrico Regi Fiâ—io Henrici Imperatoris qui contra tuam Ecclesiam inauditâ superbiâ insurrexit totius Regni Teutonicorum Italiae gubernacula contradico omnes Christianos à vinoulo iuramenti quod sibi fecere facient absoluo vt nullus ei sicut Regi seruiat interdico c. Therfore building vpon this confidence for the honour and defence of the Church in the behalfe of the omnipotent God the Father the Sonne and the Holie Ghost by thy power and Authoritie I do take from King Henrie the sonne of Henrie the Emperour who by an vnwonted pride neuer heard of hath made insurrection against thy Church the gouernment of the whole Kingdome of the Almaines and of Italie and do absolue all Christians from the bond of oath which they haue made or shall make vnto him I do forbid any to serue him as King But because the Emperour after this submitted him selfe and promised by solemne oath satisfaction and shewed exteriourly great penance the Pope to shew that he desired not his deposition but as a meanes to the Churches true peace and his saluation absolued him from excommunication in the Castle of CANVSIVM where then the Pope was and admitted him to the Masse which he celebrated and in the Masse called the Emperour vnto the Altar and holding the Blessed Sacrament in his hand said to the Emperour Ego iam pridem à te tuisque fautoribus literas accepi quibus me insimulasti sedem Apostolicam per simoniacam haeresim occupasse I long since haue receiued letters from thee and from thy fautours by which thou hast accused mee to haue entred into possession of the Apostolicall seate by Simoniacall heresie And though saith he I could bring other testimonie of those that knew my life from my Childhood and were Authors of my promotion ego tamen saith he ne humano potiùs quà m diuino niti videar testimonio vt satisfactionis compendio omnem omnibus scandali scrupulum de medio auferam Ecce Corpus Dominicum quod sumptur us ero in experimentum mihi hodie fiat Innocentiae meae vt omnipotens Deus suo me bodie iudicio vel absoluat obiecti criminis suspicione si innocens sum vel subitanea interimat morte si reus sum Yet I saith he least I should seeme rather to leane vnto humane testimonie then diuine that I
that hateth This I am sure I giue you no other counsell then I would follow my selfe who haue that opinion of the vnlawfulnes of this oath that I would loose liuings libertie and life rather then take it not that I would not giue that to Caesar which is due to Caesar but that I would not take from God which appertaineth to God not that I neglect a temporal life and state but that I preferre the spirituall not that I despise the Prince to whom I acknowledge all tempor all obedience and honour but that I honour the Pastour who hath the rule of my soule not that I regard not the Common wealth but that I desire to liue and dy an obedient sonne of the Church not that I feare not them who can kill the bodie but that I feare God more who can kill the soule Matt. 10. 23. And my intention and proiect I protest of dedicating this Treatise vnto you was not to irritate any Prince but onlie to declare his Authoritie and office not to flatter any Prelate but onlie to defend his right not to increase your persecution but to ridde you of this Anathema which hath prolonged it not to adde affliction to affliction but courage to your fainting and comfort to your griefes to helpe them to rise that are sallen and to confirme them that stand that they may the better keepe their standing And this being my sincere intention I hope not onlie you but all others who shall peruse this booke will make their profit of it and interpret it in that good meaning which the Authour intended Our Lord IESVS for whose cause you endure either ease you of this burden of aduersities vnder which you grone or giue you strength to beare it comfort in bearing and make mee a follower of your rare examples an Imitatour of your patience and partaker of your merits as you shall euer be of my poore prayers and small labours A Preface To the Reader GEntle Reader I did not thinke to haue set out this little booke the second tyme much lesse did I intēd to adde any thing vnto it And although Widdrington in his New-yeares gifte hath of late here and there glanced against some words and speeches of myne where he imagined most aduantage yet I thought as I see other learned writers haue done to haue quite giuen him ouer and not to haue made the least replye as not being desirous to contend with such as are resolued not to yeelde hauing other businesses to many where with to occupie my self But the Printer who first tooke this booke in hād and other friends also īportuning me to let it come forth againe and alleadging that the copies of the first Edition were all spent and yet moe demaunded I was cōtent volens nolens yeelding herein more to importunitie then to myne owne inclination to publishe it once more and vpon this occasion of this new edition to adde here and there something either for a more ample explication or for answer to Widdringtons obiections I was willing I confesse and forward ynough the first tyme to write of this subiect For although as by an accident I was one of the last who wrote in the defence of this the chiefe visible Pastours Authoritie now in Englād impugned so I counted my selfe amongst the least yet as when an house is set on fire some carrie water others ladders and euerie one repayreth thether to shew at least his good will to extinguish it So in this Cōbustion in which not onlie Heretiques but also some of them who make profession of the Catholique name doe endeuoure to put fire euen to the secundarie foundation of God his Church to wit the chiefe vifible Pastours Authoritie I thought it the part of euerie zealous Catholicke to runne to the extinguishing of this fire for though all haue not the like dexteritie yet all may shew the like good will Which I hauing performed in the former Editiō of this little booke according to my abilitie I thought to haue surceased had not importunitie of friendes ouercome mee And therfore after this as I meane not to dispute any more of this point with thē with whōe as I gather by the repulse which greater men then my selfe haue receaued there is little hope to preuaile so I wish all Catholiques seing that they haue hearde their chiefe visible Pastours sentence to leaue of all Disputation touching this his Authoritie and simplie and humblie to obey his commādement and consequentlie to acknowledge the sayd Authoritie to refuse the Oath by him cōdemned and yet to obey the King our Soueraigne and Liege Lord in all ciuil and temporall causes to be faithfull to him and his Royall posteritie and to pray day lie for his maiesties longe and prosperous life that he may liue lōge to vs alwayes to God and so raigne longe in the Kingdome of England as he may raigne for euer in the Kingdome of heauen The Contents of the Chapters BY way of introduction it is shewed that there be two powers in the Church the one Ciuill the other Ecclesiasticall which are both necessary Chap. 1. Some Ciuill povver followeth immediatly from God and nature Regall povver proceedeth immediatly from the peoples election and Donation mediatly from Gods ordination Soe that after the election of the people and reception the king is superiour who may Command and bynde in conscience the people are subiects bound to obey Chap. 2. Ecclesiasticall power is also of God and is distinct from the Ciuill Iurisdiction which also all members of the Church are bound in conscience to obey Chap. 3. These two Iurisdictions and powers Ecclesiasticall and Ciuill are compared and conferred and the preeminence is giuen to the Ecclesiasticall Chap. 4. Ecclesiasticall and temporall Peeres and Princes are compared together and out of the Comparison is gathered that not only priuat laymen but euen temporall Princes though otherwise absolute are subiect to the Pastours of the Church and especially to the Supreme visible Pastour as is prooued by many arguments Chap. 5. That Princes Kings yea emperours haue no authority to gouerne the Church or to make Ecclesiasticall lawes neither are to be accounted heads or Superiours but subiects of the Church though protectours and defendours and therefore are modestly admonished of their duty and office Chap. 6. Although the Pope be not direct temporall Lord and Superiour of the world nor of any part therof by Christs expresse guift and donation but only of the patrimony of Sainct Peter giuen him by Constantine the Great and other Catholicke Princes and confirmed by the consent of the Christian world yet by the spirituall power which Christ gaue him in his predecessour S. Peter 10.21 he may dispose of temporall things and euen of kingdomes for the good of the church and conseruation of her and her faith right and the manner how and in what case he can thus dispose of temporalities is explicated chap. 7. By diuers places and
l. 3. Pol. ca. 5. there are three parttcular Kinds of gouernment The first is called Monarchia when one as King and Monarch gouerneth The second is called Aristocratia when diuers but few and those of the better sort equall in Authoritie do rule The third is called Democratia when many and those of the Common people rule The first gouernmēt of it selfe is best because it is easier to finde one good and wise man then few much more hard to find many and it is easier for many to obey one then many for to obey many there are two difficulties the one in those that obey and that difficultie is also found in a Monarchie the second in the commanders and this is lesse in a Monarchie then in other gouernments because one can better agree then many and so when one commandeth it is easier for the subiects to agree in one then when many command Vide Bellar li. 1. de Sum. Pont. c. 2 And hence it is that Tyrannie which is opposit to Monarchie is not so bad as Faction opposed to Aristocratie nor Faction of a few so bad as Sedition of the people opposite to Democratie 7. Now therefore as the Communitie as is before declared hath power to gouerne it selfe so hath it power to choose that gouernment which it liketh best whether it be one of the former three simple gouernments or some other mixt of two or of all three of them And if the Communitie chooseth Magistrates who shall depend of the whole Communitie then the Communitie is the chiefe gouernour the Magistrates are but officers and ministers and so may be deposed by the people some times at pleasure some tymes only vpon some vrgent occasion and alwayes when the chiefe Magistrate dyeth his heyres succeed not necessarily but only they whom the people make choise of This gouernment was amongest the Romanes when they were gouerned by Plebiscita and Senatours and is this day to be seene in the Common VVealth of the Venetians the Geneuians and those of Genua If the Communitie make choise of a King then the Communitie despoileth it self of Authoritie and becometh a subiect and as it were a priuate person and giueth all power and Authoritie to the King to gouerne not principallie for his owne priuate but for the common good of the whole Kingdome And hence it is that the Common wealth cannot depose a King as it may a Magistrate vnles it be in case of intollerable Tyrannie 8. Hence appeareth a great difference betwixt the afore said power of the Communitie and the Regall power of the King because the former power of the Communitie followeth of necessitie the lawfull meeting of many in one societie in so much that it is not in the peoples power to meet with intention to liue together and not to haue that power and so this power dependeth not of any election but that the King or Peeres or the Magistrate rule and gouerne depended at the first of the election and free choise of the people in whose power it was to choose one or many to gouerne the rest and so Kinglie power is in deede of God but by meanes of election It is of God because it proceeded from the Communities power which is of God and Nature necessarilie following the naturall inclination which God hath imprinted in vs to liue in societie and yet it is in the King by free election because though the Communitie haue authoritie from God and Nature to rule it self yet that this power is giuen to the determinate person of the King dependeth of the peoples election 9. Now some thinke that supposing the peoples election God immediatelie giueth the power VVid. in Apolog. Rosp nu 163. pag. 128. This is the opinion of WIDDRINGRON in his Apologetical Answere for the right of Princes where he affirmeth that Quicunque in supremum Reipublicae superiorem legitimè deputatur c. VVhosoeuer is lawfully deputed as soueraigne Superiour of the common VVealth although he receaue that dedeputation or Title of power by the free consent of of men yet the totall power of ruling God onlie giueth vnto him by the law of Nature But VViddringron should haue marked that the people and Cōmunitie from which lawfullie assembled necessarilie floweth as aboue we haue seene a power to gouerne it selfe and to appoint gouernours not onlie designeth the person of the King but also trāsferreth her authoritie frō her selfe to the King and becometh herselfe a subiect and as it were a priuat person So that the Cōmunitie not onlie designeth the person of the King but also despoiling het selfe of the power she had from God and Nature giueth it vnto the person chosen and designed by her for King D. The. 2.2 qu. 10. a. 10. And thersore S. Thom. sayth that Dominion and prelacie Ciuill are brought in by humane lawe 10. VVhorein may be seene a manifest difference also betwixt the Pope and the King For the Cardinalles When they choose one of their companie to be Pope designe onlie his person as Caietan well obserueth but Christ only Caiet in opusc de Pont◠and not the Cardinalles after this deputation of his person giueth the power and iurisdiction it being supernatural as not only the end to which it is ordayned but also the Actes and functions of this iurisdiction doe manifestlie declare and therfore seing that a supernaturall Iurisdiction surpasseth the actiuitie of the Cardinalles they being but morall Agents and vsing no sacrament in the election and creation of the Pope he being ordinarilie Priest and Bishop before this Autoritie must be attributed only to God as the Authour but the Kings authority is naturall and morall ordayned only of it self to natural functions and to a natural end which is temporall peace and felicitie and so it not exceeding the Actiuitie of the people or Communities power may and is giuen by the people and consequentlie not only the deputation of the Kinges person but also his Regall Authoritie proceedeth immediately from the people 11. VVhence also may be gathered a difference betwixt the Authoritie which was in the Communitie before it made choise of a King and the Authoritie of a King for that Authoritie of the Communitie is immediately of God Nature proceeding necessarilie from a Communitie lawfullie assembled in somuch that it is not in the power of the Communitie to be without this power vnles it giue it to one or many gouernours but the Authoritie of the King doth not necessarilie flowe from this Communitie because it is in the free choise of the Communitie to make election of that gouernment in particular which it shall thinke best and so if it make election of a Monarchical gouernment and consequentlie of the King the King is to thanke the Communitie not only for the deputation of his person but also for his Regal Authoritie which being a naturall power and being before contained eminenter or virtualiter eminentlie or virtuallie in the Communities
And if this limitation proceeded from the King he might at his pleasure also take it away which were to giue Princes too much scope and libertie VVherfore as the people gaue the King his authoritie so it was the people that thus limited and restrained him for their owne preseruation for to the same Authoritie that giueth power it pertaineth to restraine it 16. Hauing thus prooued that the King or Prince hath Authoritie from God as Authour of Nature yet by meanes of the peoples election and graunt to gouerne the Kingdome or Common wealth it followeth that he hath Authoritie not only to command priuarelie or particulerlie as the Goodman of the house may command his wife children or seruantes but also to make lawes which shall binde the whole Communitie or Common wealth otherwise if he should command and the people might disobey he could not rule nor direct the people and so should not haue sufficient Authoritie 17. By which may appeare how absurd the opinion of our Reformers is Luth l. de capt Bab. Calu. l. 3 Inst c. 19. n. 14 l. 4. c. 10. and how iniurious to Princes yea and to God that appointeth them who blush not to say and auouch that all Christians that is Caluinists indewed with faith are so freed by Christ from all lawes and humane power that they can not bynde them in coÌ„science 18. Certes Luther in his booke of Babylonical Captiuitie and Caluin in his InstitutioÌ„s make it a part of the office of a Redeemer in Christ to haue so freed vs from all humane Authoritie and lawes that they can not bynde vs in conscience And the Anabaptists and Trinitarians who an 155â— at Alba-Iulia sett forth certaine Antitheses of the true and false Christ in their seuenth Antithesis affirme that falsus Christus habet in suâ Ecclesiâ Reges Principes Magistratus gladios at verus Christus nihil tale in Ecclesiâ pati potest The false Christ hath in his Church Kinges Princes Magistrates swordes but the true Christ can abide no such thing in his Church But this opinion may be euidentlie conuinced by that which is sayd for if Princes haue power from God and Nature to rule they haue power to make lawes and if they can make lawes they can bynd in conscience els their lawes were strawes and to little purpose especiallie when the subiect can auoid by slight the penaltie of the lawe VVherfore Saint Paul commands vs to be subiect to all lawfull humane Authoritie non tantum propter iram sed etiam propter conscientiam not only for wrath but also for conscience sake Rom. 13. And he addeth that he that resisteth this power which is of God Dei ordinationi resistit qui autem resistunt ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt resisteth the ordinance of God and they that resiste purchase to them selues damnation which argueth an obligation in conscience Againe the same Apostle commandeth Titus to admonish Christians to be subiect to Princes and Potestaâ—es Ad Tit. 3. 1. Pot. 2. Saint Peter commandeth them to be subiect to euerie humane creature for God whether it be King as excelling c. and he giues the reason saying for so is the will of God By which it is manifest that we are bouÌ„d vnder sinne vnder God his displeasure to honour and obey Kinges and Princes and consequentlie that we are bound in conscience 19. Let not then our Reformers traduce Catholickes as enemies to Princely Authoritie and Idolators of the Popes power for we acknowledge and reuerence them both highlie in their kind but let the Reformers looke to them selues Plautus because qui alterum incusat probri ipsum se intueri oportet he that accuseth another must looke that he him selfe be free Ioseph l. 18. Ant. c. 2. Aug. l. 3. côt Cros c. 15. Exira de haeret c. 4 Anton. 4. p. tit 11. ca. 7. § 9. Luth. l. de saecul petest Trinita aij supra Buchan li. de iure Regni GoodmaÌ„ l. de obedien pag. 203. Beza ep 78. ad Buchanan Luth. supra Caluin l. 4. Inst c. 19 §. 14. Exod. 12. VVee Catholickes say not with Iudas Galilaeus That no Prince is to be obeyed nor with Cresconius That the Magistrate ought not to punishe nor with the Beguards That the perfect are not bound to obey lawes nor with VVickleph That the Prince by mortall sinne looseth his Authoritie nor with Luther That the Turke is decies probior prudentiorque nostris principibus ten times honester and wiser then our Princes nor with the aforesaid Trinitarians Anabaptists and Libertines That the true Christ suffreth no Princes nor Magistrates in his Church nor with Buchanan That the people onlie is to make lawes Reges sunt veluti Tabulaeriorum custodes nor with Goodman That women cannot raigne and that therfore Wiat rising against Queene Marie was no Traitour nor with Beza doe we call that lawfull and worthy Queene Marie the Mother of our soueâ—aine King Iames Medaea and Athalia as though as he saith Nullum illius sceleribus nomen idoneum inueniri posset no name answerable to her wickednesses could be found out Nor with Luther and Caluin that Princes lawes bynd not the faithfull in conscience But wee say and beleeue with scripture Thow shalt not detract from the Gods that is Princes who are called Gods by participation nor speake euill of the Prince of thy people Prou. 8. Mat. 22. VVe confesse that by God Princes raigne we command to giue to Caesar what is due to Caesar we allowe of S. IGNATIVS counsell Caesari subiecti estote in ijs Ign. epi. ad Antioch in quibus nullum animae periculum Bee you subiect to Caesar in those thinges in which is no daunger of the soule we are taught to giue to Magistrates as S. Eus l. 4. hist c. 14 POLICARP sayd and Potestates appointed by God that honour which is not preiudiciall to our soules or ReligioÌ„ we worship as TERTVLLIAN sayeth the Emperour Lib. aduersus Scap. cap. 2. the King sic quomodo nobis licet ipsi expedit vt hominem à Deo secundum solo Deo minorem so as it is lawfull for vs and expedient for him as a man second in Temporall Authoritie to God and only lesser then God For whilst the King keepeth within his bounds he hath no superiour in temporall matters but God And this is the honourable conceit which Catholikes haue of their Kinges and Princes CHAPTER III. Ecclesiasticall power is of God and distinct from the Ciuil Iurisdiction which also all members of the Church are bound in conscience to obey 1. HAuing giueÌ„ to Caesar and the Kingdome what is due to theÌ„ It followeth that I giue to Christ and his Vicaire yea and Church also what belongeth to them I haue prooued in the former chapter that Ciuill power is of God and Nature because it is necessarilie annexed to all lawfull societies to which God and Nature do incline
who shall haue care of the spirituall and eternall life But let the one not encroache vpon the other let both helpe one another and both are stronger as was excellently obserued by NICHOLAS the Pope Nichol. epist ad Michael Imp. cap. Gum ad verum ventum est d. 96. Cum ad verum ventum est neque Imperator Iura Pontificatus arripuit nec Pontifex nomen Imperatoris vsurpauit quoniaem idem Mediator Dei hominum homo CHRISTVS IESVS sic propriis actibus dignitatibus distinctis officia Potestatis vtriusque difcreuit vt Christiani Imperatores pro aeternâ vitâ Pontificibus indigerent Pontifices pro cursu temporalium tantummodo rerum Imperialibus legibus vterentur VVhen it came to the vnderstanding of the truth neither the Emperour did take vnto him the rightes of Bishop-like authorotitie nor the Bishop did vsurp the name of the Emperour because the same Mediatour of God and men man Christ Iesus hath distinguished the offices of both powers by their proper actes and distinct dignities as that Christian Emperours for attaining eternall life should neede Bishops and Bishops should vse the Imperiall lawes for the cause only of temporall thinges 3. But as both are necessarie so both are not equall but the one inferiour to the other the one subordinate to the other else the one would be an hindraÌ„ce to the other and both would cause confusion And certes if we will not preferre the bodie before the soule heauen before earth temporall before eternall life VVe must preferre the spirituall and Ecclesiastieall power before the Temporall and consequentlie the Church before the Common VVealth 4. These two powers and the preemineÌ„ce of the spirituall before the Temporall were prefigured as Turrecremata hath well remarked by the two brazen Pillars in the Porch of Salomons Temple The Porch was a figure of the Church Militant Turrecr lib. 4. cap. 87. 3. Reg. 7. the Inner Temple of the Church Triumphant because as by the Porch the Iewes entred into the Temple so by the Church Militant and by no other way Christians haue entrance into the Church Triumphant The two brazen Pillars that sustained the Porch signified the Power Temporall spirituall which support the Church Militant and the pillar on the right hand signified the spirituall power the Pillar on the left hand the Temporall power whence it is that that must take the precedence of this and this must be subordinate to that 5. And truly that the spirituall and Ecclesiasticall power is superiour to the Temporall and more eminent then it I prooue First by those thinges by which I haue prooued them in the former Chapter to be distinct For the end and finall cause of the temporall power is temporall and naturall to witt temporall peace the end of the spirituall Authoritie is eternall and supernaturall peace the immediat cause efficient of the Temporall is the people the immediat cause of the spirituall is God The matters in which the temporall power is occupied are temporall the affaires which the spirituall gouerneth are Ecclesiasticall and spirituall the functions of the temporall are all temporall the functions of the spirituall power are all spirituall and supernaturall as absoluing from sinnes ministring Sacraments offering of sacrifices enacting lawes for the soules health excommunicating absoluing c. The temporall ruleth especially the bodies the spirituall the soules that ruleth the Kingdome or Common Wealth this the Church To the King the Keyes of Cities are offered to the Priest and Pastour the Keyes of heauen He remitteth temporall Mulctes and paynes no sinnes at all The Priest and Pastour remitteth sinnes and absolueth from all paynes He can cast out of his Kingdome by banishement the Pastour out of the Church by Excommunication And therfore looke how farre eternall felicitie excelleth temporall God the People supernaturall and diuine thinges naturall and humane spirituall functions temporall soules bodies the Church the Common VVealth the Keyes of heauen the Keyes of cities sinnes ciuill penalties eternall temporall punishment excommunication banishement so farre the Ecclesiasticall and spirituall excelleth the Ciuill and Temporall Authoritie By this Argument S. CHRYSOSTOM as alwaies very excellentlie proueth the Priests to be greater then the King Chrysost homil 4. de verbis Isaiae tom 5. Mane intra tuos terminos ô Rex alij sunt termini Regni alij sacerdotij hoc Regnum illo maius est Rex ea quae sunt in terris sortitus est administranda caeterùm ius sacerdotij è supernis descendit Regi corpora commissa sunt sacerdoti animae Maior hic Principatus propterea Rex caput submittit manui sacerdotis vbique in scripturâ sacordotes inungebant Reges Remaine within thy boundes O King others are the limites of the Kingdome others of Priesthood this Kingdome is greater then that The King hath the administration of the things of the earth but the right of Priesthood defcendeth from aboue To the King bodies are coÌ„mitted to the Priest soules greater is this principalitie and therfore the King inclineth his head to the hand of the Priest and euerie where â—n Scripture Priests did anoint Kings Secondlie there is no Christian can denie but that since God hath ordained vs to a supernaturall end to witt the cleate vision and fruition of him selfe as all Scripture witnesseth that he hath all our goods also and states are ordained to the same end and are not well vsed but rather abused when they are vsed to serue our pleasures contrarie to that end whence followeth that all temporall thinges since the former Institution and ordination of God are Media meanes in respect not only of out supernaturall end but also of supernaturall meanes as Sacraments Grace and supernaturall functions which are more proportionate and more neere meanes to that end and consequentlie temporall power which ordaineth of these meanes is subiect to spirituall power which principally considereth the supernaturall meanes and end For as the art of ryding is more noble Arist li. 1. Eth. c. 1. then the art of making bridles as Aristotle to a like purpose reasoneth because this is ordained to that so the spirituall power which disposeth of supernaturall thinges is nobler then the Temporall this being ordained to that and the end being more noble then the meanes 6. Thirdlie Philosophers affirme that all habites and faculties are specified and dignified by their actes obiectes and endes and so Morall Philosophie which hath vertue and manners the health of the soule for its obiect is more noble then the art of Phisicke which teacheth only to cure the diseases of the bodie and to restore corporall health Seeing therefore that the obiects of spirituall power are supernaturall and heauenlie the obiects of Temporall power are naturall and earthlie the end also of spirituall power is eternall beatitude the end of temporall power temporall felicitie the actes also and functions of that power spirituall and supernaturall the actes of this naturall and
especially by spirituall censures and may cast him out of the Church by excommunication else the Church were inferiour to all politicall bodies yea to a naturall bodie which hath authoritie for its owne preseruation to cutt of a rotten member least it infect the whole and to expell by purgation a malignant humour Neither is there any reason why in this point we should put any difference betwixt the King and another of his owne subiects For althoughe he be superiour in temporall matters to all his subiectes and is to be obeyed of thē yet is he subiect in spirituall matters to the Churches Pastours as much as his meanest subiect 5. And so it is not in the free choise of a Christian though baptized amongst Hereticks when he comes to yeares of discreation as ERASMVS and LVDOVICVS VIVES do absurdly holde to obserue Erasmus paraph. in Mat Ludouic Viues in com l. 1. de ciu Dei cap. 27. or not obserue the Christian law because he is bound to keepe the promise which the Church and his Godfathers made in his name no lesse then Pupills are bound to stand to that which their Tutours haue done in their name and for their profitt and goe he where he will be he of what religion he will he carrieth an indelible Caracter imprinted by Baptisme in hi◠soules by which the Church hath authoritie ouer him as ouer a member de iure debito and can commaund him to obserue the Christian law as also punish him if he disobey though he were an Emperour at least by spirituall punishment 6. Secondlie two Princes independent in one communitie would make a confusion vnlesse the one were subiect to the other and to be directed by the other Wherfore Aristotle as aboue I haue alledged saieth that Pluralitas Principatuum nō est bona Arict l. 12. Met. cap. vlt. Pluralitie of Principalities is not good to witt in one communitie and vnlesse one of them be subiect for the one might hinder the other the one might commaund one thinge the other cleane contrarie and so there would arise contention and confusion But the Church and common wealth of Christians is one bodie and Communitie at least materially if not formallie ergo these two Princes to wit the spirituall and temporali must haue some subordination But there is no reason that the Prince should direct and correct the Pastour he being the greater Prince hauing an higher power as it is aboue prooued ergo seing that both Pastour and Prince are of God and what is of God is rightlie ordayned Rom. 13. and with good order it followeth that the Chiefe Pastour must be superiour and must direct and correct the Prince as much as is necessarie to the Churches end and good 7 Thirdlie the chiefe Pastour and sometimes also inferiour Pastours as Bishops haue challenged to themselues as due Authoritie ouer Princes and haue excommunicated and layed spirituail punishements vpon them whome to condemne as vniust vsurpers they being so manie so wise so vpright and many of them holie Saints were meere madnesse ergo the Prince is subiect in spirituall matters yea and temporall matters also when they are necessarie for the Churches good and may be commaunded and punished at least spiritually if he refuse to obey he being in this case the Pastours subiect and inferiour 8. Eus l. 6. hist c. 25 alias 27. Nicephor l. 13. c. 34. Vide Baron an 407. Card. Alan Ausu 1. polibeller Cap. 2. So wee read that FABIAN Pope commaunded PHILIP the first Christian Emperour to take his place amongst the publick Penitentes so INNOCENTIVS the first excommunicated Arcadius the Emperour and Eudoxia the Empresse for persecuting S. Iohn Chrrsostome The excommunication beginneth thus Vox sanguinis fratris mei Iohannis clamat ad Deum contra te ô Imperator sicuti quondam Abel Iusti contra Cain is modis omnibus vindicabitur The voice of the bloud of my brother Iohn Chrysostome cryeth to God against thee as Abels bloud in tymes past did against Cain and it by all meanes shal be reuenged The sentence followeth in these words Zonaras tom 3. Annal. Itaque ego minimus peccator cui Thronus Magni Apostoli Petri creditus est segrego reijcio te illam à perceptione immaculatorum mysteriorum Christi Dei nostri Therfore I the least and a sinner to whom the throne of Greate Peeter is committed do segregate and reiect thee and her Eudoxia from participation of the immaculate mysteries of Christ our God Of which Pope S. HIEROME giueth this commendation S. Hieron epist 8. Illud te pio charitatis affectu praemonendum puto vt S. Innocentij qui Apostolicae Cathedrae supradicti viri Anastasij successor filius est teneas fidem nec peregrinain quantumuis tibi prudens callidaque videaris doctrinam recipias That I thouht out of charitie to admonish thee that thou holde the faith of S. Innocentius who is the successour and sonne of the sea Apostolicke and of Anastasius neither do thou recedue any strange doctrine seeme thou to thy selfe neuer so wise and wittie GREGORIE the second in a Councell at Rome Anno 726. Vide Baron an 729. excommunicated Leo the Emperour surnamed Isauricus and Iconomachus and tooke from him his Gabelles in Italie and the Prouince it selfe Greg. l. 3. ep 5. 10. l. 7. ep 14. Vide Baron an 1076. GREGORIE the seuenth commēded by all but onlie Schismatikes Heretickes for a Saint as he who wrought myracles as well liuing as dead excōmunicated HENRIE the fourth Emperour of that name for many enormities threatening moreouer excommunication to all Princes Kinges Emperours that should vsurpe Inuestitures as the same Emperour had done Also he interdicted the Kingdome of Polonia and excommunicated the King BOLESLAVS for killinge Stanisldus his Bishop at the Altar because like a good Pastour he had before controlled his lust and excommunicated him Platina in vita Innoc. 3◠ALEXANDER the third excommunicated Frederick the first and if Henrie the second King of England had not submitted him self he had excommunicated him also as he was sollicited thereunto by Lewis the King of France INNOCENTIVS the third excommunicated Otho the fourth Emperour of that name Cap. ad Apostolicae desēt re Iudic in 6. GREGORIE the ninth against Frederick the second IOHN the twentie two against Ludouicus Bauarus INNOCENT the third against King Iohn of England VRBAN the second against Philip the first of France and other Popes against other Princes haue sed the like seueritie Albert. Pighius l. de visib mon. cap. 17. Mat. Paris ann 1204. Baron an 1101. euen to these our daies and in all their Epistles to Kinges and Emperours they call them Sonnes and speake to them as to their sheepe and subiects 9. Yea not onlie Popes but euen Bishops haue the like Authoritie ouer Kinges and Emperours as the Archbishop of Toledo ouer the King of Spaine
Which no man can denie but that it is spoken with the Emperours honour for what more honourable then that the Emperour should be called the sonne of the Church And then say I if he be a sonne he is a subiect no lesse then the sonne to the father The same Doctour in a booke wrote of Priestlie Dignitie sayth yet more Honor sublimitas Episcopalis sayeth he nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari Lib. de dignit sacerd cap. 2. Si Regum fulgori compares Principum Diademati longè erit inferius quà m si plumbi metallum ad auri fulgorem compares quippe cum videas Regum colla Principum submitti genibus sacerdotum exosculatis ecrum dexteris orationibus eorum credant se communiri The honour dignitie and Highnes of a Bishop cannot be equalized by any comparisons If thou compare it to Kinglie lustre and the diademe of Princes thou shalt say lesse then if thou shouldst coÌ„pare lead to the glittering gould for as much as thou seest Kinges and Princes neckes submitted to the knees of Priests and theÌ„ selues kissing their right handes to be waranted by their prayers Hom. 4. de verbis Isaiae S. CHYSOSTOME Regi corpora commissa sunt sacerdoti auima Rex maculas corporum remittit sacerdos autem maculas peccatorum Ille cogit hic exhortatur Ille necessitate hic consilio Ille habet armasensibilia bic arma spiritualia Ille bellum gerit cum Barbaris mihi sacerdoti bellnm est aduersus Daemones Maior hic Principatus propterea Rex caput submittit manui sacerdotis vbique in veteri scriptura sacerdotes inungebant Reges To the King bodies are committed to the Priest soules The King forgiueth the punishments of the bodie the Priest the blottes and blemishes of sinnes He compelleth the Priest exhorteth he by necessitie this by counsell he hath sensible weapons this spirituall he makes warre against the Barbares I the Priest am to wage battaile against the deuils Greater is this Principalitie and therfore the King inclineth his head to the hand of the Priest and euerie where in the old Testament Priests did annoint Kinges And againe SiquideÌ„ sacerdotiuÌ„ Principatus est Hom. 5. de verbis Isaiae ipso etiaÌ„ regno venerabilius ac maius c. Because Priest hoode is a Principalitie and that greater and more venerable then the Kingdome Speake not to mee of the purple and diademe and goulden robes these all be but shadowes and more vaine then springe flowers Speake not to mee of these thinges but if thou wilt see the difference betwixt a King and a Priest way the power giuen to them both and thou shalt see the Priest fitting much higher in dignitie then the Kinge For a though the Throne of a Kinge seeme to vs admirable for the pretious stones wherewith it is couered yet he hath allosted him onely the administration of earthlie thinges But to the Priest a throne is placed in heauen and he hath authoritie to pronounce sentence in heauenlie businesses Who sayth so Mat. 18. The King of the heauens him selfe What soeuer you shall bynde vppon earth shall be bound also in heauen and whatsoeuer you shall loose vppon earth shal be loosed also in heauen What can be compared with this honour from earth heauen taketh the principall power of iudging For the iudge sitteth on earth our Lord folioweth his seruaunt and whatsoeuer he shall iudge heere below that he approueth aboue And a little after Eoque Deus ipsum regale caput sacerdotis manibus subiecit not erudiens quod hic Princeps est illo maior Siquidom id quod minus est benedictionem accipit ab eo quod praestantius est And so much God hathsubmitted the Kinges head to the handes of the Priest teaching vs that this Prince is greater then he for he that is lesse receaueth benediction from him that is greater Yea S. CHYSOSTOME giueth not only Bishops but also euen Deacons Hom. 33. in Matth hom 83. in eund Authoririe ouer Kings Si dux igitur quispiam saieth he si Consul ipse si qui diademate ornatur indignè adeat cohibe ac coërce maiorem tu illo potestatem habes If therfore any Capitaine or Consul if he that is adorned with a diademe approach vnworthilie keepe him backe and restrayne him thou hast greater power then he And to this purpose we read that S. Re. MIGIVS the Apostle of France Histoire de l'Eglise de Reins lib. 1. cap. 13. a little before his death commanded the Bishops to excommunicate the Kinges of France if they should waste or inuade the Churches But aboue all most forcible is the testimonie of Ignat. Epist ad Smyrn S. IGNATIVS an Apostles scholler who so extolleth Princelie dignitie that yet he giues the precedence vnto the Bishops authoritie Honora Deum sayth he vt omnium authorem Dominum c. Honour God as the Authour and Lord of all and the Bishop as the Prince of Priests bearing the Image of God and houlding his princedome of him and his Priesthood of Christ And after him you must honour also the King For none is to be prefered before God nor equal to him nor none more honourable in the Church then the Bishop exercising the Priesthood of God for the saluation of the world Neither is any equall to the King in the Hoste or Campe procuring peace and beneuolence to the other Princes vnder him For he that honoureth the Bishop shal be honoured of God and he that dishonoureth him shall of God be dishonoured For if any man rising against the King is worthie of damnation how shall be escape Gods Iudgements that attempteth any thing against or without the Bishop For Priesthood is the Chiefe and summe of all mans good which whâ— soeuer disgraceth dishonoureth God and our Lord IESVS Christ the Chiefe Priest of God 11. Sixtlie this I proue by Emperours and Kings proper confession who all of them haue acknowledged Bishops and especiallie the Chiefe Bishop of Rome their Fathers Pastours and superiours and those that haue supreame authoritie ouet them CONSTANTINE the Great in an â—ict of his shortely after his baptisme â—saieth thus Cap. CoÌ„stantinus 2. dist 96. Vtile iudicauimus c. vt sicut in terris Beatus Petrus Vicarius filij Dei videtur esse constitutus it a etiam Pontifices qui ipsius Principis Apostolorum vices gerunt Principatus potestatem amplius quà m terrenae Imperialis Nostrae Serenitatis mansuetudo habere videtur concessam à nobis nostroque Imperio obtineant Wee haue Iudged it profitable that as blessed Peeter is appointed the vicaire of the sonne of God in earth so also Bishops who are Vicegerents of this Prince of the Apostles should haue more amplie the power of principalitie graunted by vs and our Empire Ruffin lib. 1. cap. 2. then our terrene Imperiall Serenitie seemeth to haue And Russinus relateth how that when certaine Bishops assembled at
the Councell of NICE offred him Memorialles in which were complaints and accusations of one another he sayd to them Deus vos constituit sacerdotes potestatem vobis dedit de nobis quoque iudicandi ideo nos à vobis rectè iudicamur Vos autem non potestis ab hominibus iudicari propter quod Dei solius inter vos expectate iudicium vestraeiurgia quacumque sunt ad illud diuinum reseruentur examen Vos etenim nobis à Deo dati est is Dij Psal 81. conueniens non est vt homo iudicet Deos sed ille solus de quo scriptum est Deus stetit in Synagoga Deorum in medio autem Deos Diiudicat God hath constituted you Priests and hath giuen you power to iudge eueÌ„ of vs therfore wee are rightlie Iudged of you But you can not be iudged of men for which cause do you expect onlie Gods iudgment betwixt you and your differences what soeuer they bee let them be reserued to the othâ—e examination For you are giuen of God to vs as ourâ—â—oddes it is not conuenient that a man should iudge Goddes but he onlie of whom it is written Psal 81. God stood in the Assemblie of Goddes and in the middest he Iudgeth Goddes IVSTINIAN the Emperour in his sixt Constitution confesseth the same Authent Quomodo oportet Episcopum c. saying The greatest guifts of God among men is the Priesthood and the Empire of which two the former hauing the administration of diuine thinges the other of hamane both proceeding of one beginning do adorne mans life c. CHARLES the great vseth this manner of stile Cap. In memoriam dist 19. Vide Baron tom 9. an 801. In memoriam Beati Petri Apostoli honoremus Sanctam Romanam Apostolicam Sedem vt qnae nobis Sacerdotalis est mater dignitat is esse debeat Ecclesiasticae Magistra rationis Quare seruanda est cum mansuetudine humilitas vt licet vix ferendum ab illâ sede imponatur iugum tamen feramus piâ deuotione toleremus In memorie of Blessed Peter the Apostle let vs honour the holie Roman and Apostolicall Seate that she which is to vs the mother of Pristlie dignitie should be the mistresse of Ecclesiasticall discipline and affaires VVherfore humilitie is to be kept with Mansuetude that although a yoke scarcelie tollerable should be imposed vpon vs from that Seate yet let vs beare it and let vs suffer it with a pious deuotion And in his Epistle to Pope ADRIAN thus he writeth Sanctissimo Patri Adriano summo Vniuer sali Pontifiei Carolus Dei gratia Rex spiritualis silius vester To our most holie Father Adrian the Chiefest and Vniuersall Bishop Charles by the Grace of God King and your spirituall sonne Ludou Rex in epist ad Pium 2. King Lewis in an Epistle to PIVS the second stiles him in this manner Beatissimo Patri nostro Pio Papae secundo Obedientiam filialem To our most Blessed Father Pope Pius the second filial Obedience And afterwards thus he writeth Te Vicarium Dei viuentis eâ veneratione prosequimur vt sacra tua monita praesertim in Ecclesiasticis rebus velut vocem Pastoris audire promptâ mente velimus Te Dominici Gregis Pastorem prefitemur scimus teque iubentem sequimur VVee beare thee the Vicaire of the liuing God such respect and reuerence that we will heare with a prompte mynde thy sacred admonitions especiallie in Ecclesiasticall matters as the voice of our Pastour VVee professe and know thee to be the Pastour of our Lords flocke Nangius de gest is S. Lud. Surin vitae eiusdem Aug. 25. and wee follow thy commandement King LEWIS the Saint and ninth of that name gaue this commandement to his sonne PHILIP Sis deuotus obediens Matris Romanae Ecclesiae eiusque Pontifici tanquam Patri spirituali te morigerum praebeas Bee thou deuoted and obedient to thy mother the Romain Church and be thou obedient to her Bishop as to thy spirituall father 12. The Kinges of SPAINE as being surnamed CATHOLICK yeeld not in this point to the most ChristiaÌ„ Kings of France Vide Cïe. Later sub Leone X. sess 2. FERDINAND professeth him self Filium Sancta Romanae Ecclesiae Matris nostrae deditissimum The most deuoute sonne of the holy Roman Church our mother and withall pro eius honore atque statu animam ponere paratissimum To be most readie to expose his lise for her honour and state Rox Alphons in suis Legibus Part. 1. tit 5. l. 1.2.3.4 5. Carol. 5. in Edict wormat King ALPHONSE in his lawes calleth the Pope Patrum Patrem Father of Fathers and saieth that therfore all Christians when they haue accesse vnto him do kisse his feete CHARLES the fifte in his Edict made at Wormes in which he condemneth Luther and his booke calleth LEO the Tenth Beatissimum Patrem Most blessed Father and stiles him self Sedis Apostolica Sanctaeque Roâ—anae Ecclesiae primarium filium Aduocatum First Sonne and Aduocat of the Sea Apostolick and the hodie Romain Church 13. Neither are our Kinges of England behind them in this deuotion King LVCIVS the first Christian King of the Brittaines although he might haue found some preachers which were the remnant of those that were conuerted by Ioseph of Arimathia and as many thinke by S. Peter him selfe or at least might haue found nearer helpe out of France yet to shew his reuerend conceit of the Sea Apostolike sent Embassadours to Pope ELEVTHER vs obsecrans vt per eius mandatum Christianus fieret Beda lib. 1 hist Angl. ca. 4. Beseeching that by his commandement he might be made a Christian INAS King of the West-English in sigue of Homage to the Chiefe Pastour WestmoÌ„ an 727. Polid. Virg. lib. 4. hist Angl. Alredus in vitae S. Eduardi Polid. lib. 6. hist Angl made his Kingdome tributarie to the Pope of Rome and set a taxe vpon euerie house called Peeter-pence S. EDWARD King and Confessour giueth this title to Pope NICHOLAS the second Summo vniuersalis Eeclesiae Patri Nicholao Edwardus Gratia Dei Anglorum Rex debitam subiectionem obedientiam To the chiefest Father of the vniuersall Church Nicholas Edward by the Grace of God King of the English offereth due subiection and obedience And in the same Epistle he writeth how he sendeth Peter-pence vnto him with other Royall giftes King OSWIN long before Beda lib. 3. cap. 25. when there was a controuersie about the time of obseruation of EASTER and COLMAN Bishop had saied that he receaued his manner of celebrating EASTER from S. Iohn the Euangeliste and WILFRID saied that he had his manner from Rome and Sainct Peter to whom it was sayd Mat. 16. Tues Petrus c. tibidabo claues regni Caelorum Thou art Peter c. and to thee will I giue the keyes of heauen The King hauing heard bothe
haue saied of the knowen respect the Kings of England euer before bare to the Pope and the Apostolicall Sea 14. Seuenthlis I prooue this by the ancient Ceremonies of kissing the Popes feete and other Homage which no good Christian though a King or Emperour hath euer disdained fulfilling therein the prophecie of Esay Quam speciosi pedes Euangelizantis pacem How beautifull are the feet of him that Euangelizeth and preacheth peace Esay 52. And following therin the example of the three Kinges Matt. 2. who adored Christ and of the prime Christians who brought the price of their Lands to the feet of the Apostles Act. 4. 5. Act. 10. Phocius in Nomo con Cap. Constantinus dist 96. Naucler lib. 2. gener 18. Blond li. 10. Mart. Polonus Platina in Steph. 2. S. Ansel Luc li. 1. Collecta Plat. in Adria 1. Baro. to 12. anno 1130. Platina in Eugenio IV. and of Cornelius that fell at Peeters feet CONSTANTINE the Great Greater for his humilitie then for the greatnes of his victories and Emperie honoured the Pope as his Pastour and superiour and bestowed great temporall honour and Regalities vpon him IVSTINIAN the Great in the yeare 535. adored AGAPETVS Pope IVSTINIAN the second crouching to Pope CONSTANTINES the first feete embraced him King PIPIN going to meete Pope STEEVEN who was going to him into France for helpe kissed his feet and ledd his horse by the bridle into the Court and pallace CHARLES the Great would not be hindred by Pope ADRIAN the first from kissing his feet as Platina writeth LEWIS King of France and HENRIE the second King of England kissed humblie the feet of INNOCENT the second SIGISMVND the Emperour in the Councell of Constance worshipped Pope MARTIN prostrate vpon the ground ALBERT Emperour of the West and IOANNES PALEOLOGVS Emperour of the East vsed the same submission to EVGENIVS the fourth in the Councell of Florence 15. By this which hath bene said who is of so little insight that seeth not how Princes are and ought to be subiect vnto the chiefe Bishop and highest visible Pastour of the Church which if Princes also could see as their conceipt of their owne Authoritie many times hindreth them from seeing they would not encroach vpon the Church as they doe they would not contemne her lawes but honour them as Oracles they would not despise the Churches Pastours but would as the auncient Christian Princes were wont to do honour them aboue all terrene Potentates 16. And would to God our noble soueraigne King IAMES had bene trained vp in the schoole of Christs Catholike Church in which our ancient Kings his Predecessours learned their dutie towards the Pope that rare and deepe iudgement of his would neuer haue permitted him to thinke a Temporall King as great as the Pope In praf monitor pag. 5. to whom his Predecessours subiected their persons Kingdomes Crowns and Scepters it would neuer haue sunke into his learned head that the Pope should be Antichrist and consequentlie all his Predecessours the Kings of England yea of Christendome so wise so pious so warlike so victorious worshippers and fauourers of Antichrist he would neuer haue incited the Emperour and Christian Princcs In praef monitor to curbe him restraine him and to diminish that his Authoritie which not they but Christ gaue him by which he hath put the crowne vpon many an Emperour and Kings head by which all Christian Kinges and their Kingdomes haue bene maintayned in Religion wealth and prosperitie against which Authoritie no temporall stares haue long preuailed but like waues against the Rocke by persecuting it haue wasted and ruined them selues which Authoritie was not giuen him ex prima intentione to take away temporall Kingdomes from any vnlesse by euill comportement they make them selues vnworthie of all rule and humane societie but rather to conserue them and to adde vnto them a new Crowne and Kingdome of Heauen for non eripit mortalia qui regna dat Coelestia he that giueth to man heauenlie thinges goeth not about to take away from him those that be earthlie Imploie then ô noble soueraine your rare witt power and force to defend and protect this Authoritie not to impugne it shew your self worthie that Title of a Defendour of the faith which was giuen to your Predecessours by the Sea Apostolick not for impugning but for defending her faith and Authoritie Seeke not to sacke and rase that Citie which is built vpon a Rocke Thinke not to preuaile against that Church against which all the persecutions schismes and heresies that haue beene raised against her no nor the forces or gates of Hell could hetherto or shall euer here after preuaile Seeke not to sinke the shippe which PETER ruleth and at whose sterne CHRIST him self sitteth It may be by Gods permission tossed with windes waues and Tempests but it can neuer be drowned for as Pope GREGORIE the ninthe once tould an Emperour that thought by humane force and policie to sincke her Cuspinianus in Frederice Niteris incassum nauem submergere PETRI Fluctuat at nunquam mergitur illa ratis Thou striu'st in vaine S. PEETERS ship to sinke Floate may it well to drown it neuer thinke CHAPTER VI. That Princes Kings yea Emperours haue no authority to gouerne the Church or to make Ecclesiasticall lawes neither to be accounted heads or Superiours but subiects of the Church though protectours and defendours and therefore are modestly admonished of their duty and office 1. ALmightie God as he hath instituted two powers terrene and spirituall Ciuill and Ecclesiasticall and hath distinguished them in Natures obiects functions ends so to auoid confusion he hath placed them in diuers subiects The terrene power he hath giuen to Princes and Magistrates the spirituall and Ecclesiasticall to Priests Prelats and Pastours as aboue we haue seene For although there be no such naturall repugnancie but that these powers may consort in one Ep. 126. ad Euag. and the selfe same person for as S. HIEROME sayth in the law of Nature the first begotten of euerie familie were Priests and Temporall Lords Melchisedech also and Moyses and the Machabâ—et were Priests and Princes yet it is most conuenient that these two powers should be separated the King and Prince by reason of his warres and Temporall Affaires wherwith he is intangled being not so apt to menage matters of the Church and Religion the Prelate and Pastour being by office obliged to attend to diuine matters from which the menaging of common wealthes affaires would much distract him And therfore as the Church came to greater perfection Num. 27. so were these offices giuen to distinct officers For IOSVE was made Captaine and Commander in Temporall things 2. Paralip 19. ELEAZAR was the High Priest and chiefe in matters of the Church AMARIAS the High Priest commanded in his quae ad Deum pertinent in matters pertaining to God and ZABADIAS was deputed to the gouernment of those thinges that
appertained to military affaires And so from the first establishing of the law of Moyses the Temple and Synagogue was committed to the Tribe of LEVI the scepter and regall Authoritie was giuen to the Tribe of IVDA in like sort in the law of Grace when the Church came to her greatest perfection Christ appointed particularly Apostles Doctours Ephes 4. and Pastours to gouerne the Church and confirmed Princes in their temporall Authoritie commanding that obedience should be giuen to the Pastour in spirituall matters and to the Prince in temporall Mat. 22 Rom. 13 2. VVherfore least in giuing one of these Potentates too much Mat. 22 I may do iniutie to the other I must follow our Sauiours Commandement and so giue to Cesar that which belongeth to him that I take not from God and his Church what appertaineth to them And although in giuing both but their due I may perchance displease one yet if I may haue that indifferent audience which the grauitie and equitie of the cause requireth I hope to offend neither and how soeuet it happen I had rather displease then do wronge or iniurie And wheras in our Iland by the sway of Authoritie and terrour of lawes it hath bene made High Treason to denie the Prince Authoritie in matters Ecclesiasticall I protest that what I shall say in this matter proceedeth not from any disloyall minde towards my Princes true Authoritie nor from any itching desire I haue to lay open the disgrace of my Countrie which I would rather couer if it were possible with my owne life and bloud and to discharge my self from all iust imputation of Treason I desire to haue the leaue to plead this onlie for my defence that if this be Treason in mee not onlie all Catholick Priests Doctours and Prelates of the Church but also all the ancient subiectes not onlie of England but of all other Christian Countries must incurre the same imputation with me because there was neuer Christians before our English Protestants that gaue Ecclesiasticall power to Princes and there was neuer King of England or of any other Countrie what soeuer that euer was so hardie as to challenge such Authoritie before King HENRIE the Eight which his Challenge seemed so preposterous and monstrous that all the World stood and to this day standeth amazed at it and euen our Puritanes at home and all the new sectes abroade do abhorre and derest it And I in this Chapter shall bring such Argumentes against it that I hope that euen our English protestants who hitherto haue adored it wil be ashamed hence forth to submitt them selues to so monstrous Authoritie 3. My first Arguments shall be drawen from scriptures them selues For if the King had any such Authoritie then no doubt scripture which â—s aboue wee haue seene so often inculcateth Princes Authoritie in matters temporall would neuer haue kept silent this Ecclesiasticall power if they had had any such this being the greater and more eminent but scripture neuer giueth Princes this Authoritie neuer commandeth Christians to obey them in Ecclesiasticall matters but rather giueth that Authoritie to Apostles Bishops and Pastours and Commandeth obedience in this kinde to them not to Princes ergo Princes haue no Authoritie to command in Ecclesiasticall matters The Minor Proposition in which onlie consists the difficultie I proue out of those places of Scripture which aboue I haue alleaged and here will bring in againe yet to another purpose For to S. PETER no Temporall Prince but an Apostle and Pastour was promised the headship of the Church and consequently the soueraintie and supreame power of the Church Tues Petrus super hane Petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam Mat. â—6 The Hebrew hathâ— Thou art a Rocke and vpon this Rocke will I build my Church And seing that to PETER it was sayd Thou art a Rocke to him also and not to CHRIST the Chiefe and independent Rocke nor to the faith of Christ as our Aduersaries would haue it it must needs be sayd and vpon this Rocke will I build my Church because the Relatiue This hath relation to him that was spoken of imediatly before which was only PETER not CHRIST nor the faith of CHRIST and therfore the Rocke and foundation of the Church and Head being all one it followeth that PETER and consequently the Pope his successour for the Church after PETERS tyme had as much neede or rather more of a Head and Pastour as in PETERS tyme and none euer practized Authoritie ouer all the Church but the Pope as all Councels and histories do witnesse is the supreme Head of the Church and so not euerie King no not any King in his Kingdome Apostles Prophetes Euangelists Pastours and Doctours onlie CHRIST gaue to gouerne his Church as S. PAVLE sayth not Princes Ephes 4. Mat. 18 To Apostles it was sayd VVhat soeuer you shall binde vpon earth shall be bound also in Heauen and what soe-euer you shall loose vpon earth shall be also loosed in heauen Ioan. 20 Neuer to Princes To Apostles it was said VVhose sinnes you shall forgiue they are forgiuen them and whose you shall retaine they are retained Neuer to Princes Of Bishops and Priests it was sayd Neb. 13. Obey your Prelates and be subiect to them for they watch as being to render account for your soules of Princes neuer rather they by these wordes are commanded also to obey Act. 20. To Bishops it was sayd Take heedâ— to your selues and the whole flocke wherein the Holie Ghost hath placed you Bishops to rule the Church which he hath purchased with his owne bloud to Princes neuer To a Bishop it was sayd Tit. 1. For this cause I left thee in CRETE that thou thouldst reforme the things that are wanting and thouldst order Priests by Cities as I also appointed thee To Princes neuer 4. I will not denie but that Princes are to assist the Church by sword scepter and Power and to punnish at the Churches direction not onlie Theefes and murderers but also Hereticks as CONSTANTINE and other Emperours did I graunt that they are nourcing Fathers Isay 49. but no Superiours to the Church And therfore if we read ouer both the old and new Testament we shall neuer finde that any King as King medled in the gouernment of Ecclesiasticall persons and matters 5. Bilson when he was VVardon of VVinchester wrote a booke called The True Difference betwixt Christian subiection and Vnchristian Rebellion in which he striueth but in vaine to prooue that the Prince hath supreme Authoritie in causes Ecclesiasticall and gouernment of the Church And to prooue this he citeth Nabuchodonosor Darius Par. 2. pag. 191 the King of Niniue Moyses Iosue Dauid Salomon Asa Iosaphat Ezechias Manasses Iosias and Nehemias as though they had gouerned the Ecclesiasticall affaires of the Synagogue In Tortura Torti pa. 363. So doth also D. ANDREWES But if I should graunt them that all these were by God appointed Rulers of
the Synagogue yet could it not thence be inferred that Princes are to gouerne the Church of Christ For first the Synagogue was more terrene and Lesse perfect then the Church and so as their sacrifices and Priests were terrene in respect of ours so God might haue giuen them terrene Princes for their chiefe Ecclesiasticall superiours which manner of gouernment is not to be made a patterne for the gouernment of the Church of CHRIST this being a more perfect common wealth more spirituall gouerned by more spirituall Pastours enriched with a more spirituall sacrifice and Sacraments Secondlie if Princes then were rulers of the Synagogue it was by Gods speciall and Indiciall law and seing the Iudiciall and Ceremoniall lawes are abrogated they can not binde Christians or if Bilson will needs haue it that Christian Princes must now gouerne the Church because they then ruled the Synagogue one might inferre that the Ministers of England must be circumcized and must offer Caldes because then the Iewish Priests did so VVherfore that law as Ceremoniall and Iudiciall being abrogated we must looke to the new law in which not withstanding there is no one Text or example that giueth Princes the rule of the Church Thirdlie I answere that none of all the Kings alledged by D. Bilson and D. Andrewes did gouerne the Synagogue in Ecclesiasticall matters but did onlie assist the priests that gouerned and punnished Malefactours and transgressours of the law Suarez according to the prescript of the law interpreted by the Priests as Suarez in his answere to our soueraine hath learnedlie declared 6. The second argument against Princes spirituall supremacie shall be this If a Prince hath authoritie to gouerne the Church of his Kingdome either he hath it preciselie because he is a King or because he is a Christian King but by neither of these waies he hath it ergo by no way he hath it Not because he is a King for Kinglie power only medleth with temporall and humane matters and therfore Kings are called Humanae Creaturae 1. Petri. 2. humane creatures and they haue their authoritie from the people in manner afore sayd which people can giue no Ecclesiasticall power that being spirituall and supernaturall yea if Kings as Kings had this Authoritie then the Kinges which raigned in the Apostles time though Infidels should haue been Heads of the Church although they were no members at all and consequentlie NERO should haue been Head of the Church and all the Apostles and the sheepe of Christ had bene committed to a Rauening Wolfe which though it be most absurd to imagine yet TOMSOM as BECANVS in his booke entituled the English Iarre reciteth is not ashamed to auouch it saying Omnes Principes etiam Pagani obiectiuè habent supremam potestatem in omnes omnino personas suorum subditorum generatim in res ipsas siue ciuiles sunt siue sacrae All Princes euen Paganes obiectiuelie haue supreme Authoritie ouer all the persons of their subiectes and generallie ouer their goods whether they be Ciuill or holy Not because he is a Christian King because Baptisme by which he is made a Christian and member of the Church giueth the King no new power no more then it doth to others that are baptized And therfore if before Baptisme he be no Head of the Church neither is he after Baptisme rather Baptisme as aboue we haue seene maketh him a subiect to the Church wheras before he was not and only giueth him a new charge to obey serue and assist the Church VVherby it may appeare how fowlie Doctour ANDREWS was deceiued when he sayd That an Ethnick King when he becommeth a Christian gaineth and getteth a new right and power ouer the Church and Spirituall matters for these are his wordes Quin Rex quiuis Tortura Torti pag. 40. cum de Ethnico Christianus fit non perdit terrenum ius sed acquirit ius nouum in bonis Ecclesiae spiritualibus Yea euery King when of an Ethnike he becometh Christian doth not loose his terrene right but getteth a new right in the spirituall goods of the Church And Citing Bellarmine he sayth Omnia haec Dominus tuus totidem verbis All those things thy Master Bellarmin in so many words affirmeth Bollar lib. 5. de Pont. ca. 2. 3. as though Bellarmine had affirmed that a Pagan King were Head of the Church and had right and power in spirituall matters whereas Bellarmine is too learned to make so grosse an errour and only affirmeth That Pagan Kings are true Princes and Lords of their Countries 7. But perchance they will say that the Prince hath this Authoritie by a speciall Graunt from God him self This they may say but with how little reason may appeare by that which alreadie I haue handled in this Chapter for I haue prooued out of scripture that Christ gaue all Authoritie concerning the gouernment of the Church to his Apostles and their successours and not any at all to Kings and Princes VVhich because our state pleasers perceaued well enough they are enforced to play the Iewes and to alledge examples out of the old law as D. Bilson and D. ANDREWS do which examples not witstanding as I haue shewed do not firt their purpose for they knew and D. ANDREWS confesseth saying Exemplum inde nobis snmendum est Tortura Torti pa. 363. cum in Testaemento nouo nullum habeamus Thence wee must take an example since in the new Testament we haue none that there is not one text or example in the new Testament that giues Princes any power ouer the Church but rather giueth it from them vnto the Pastours 8. Thirdlie if Princes were supreme Commanders in Ecclefiasticall matters and gouerment of the Church the gouernment of the Church should not be Monarchiall which yet is the best gouernment Aristoâ— l. 8. Eth c. 1â— Plato in Poli. Senec lib. 2. de Benef Plut. in opusc â—a de re Homer 2. Iliad Iustorat ad gent. Athan. orat ad Idola Gypr lib. de vanit IdoloruÌ„ Mat. 16. Ioan. 21. as Aristocle with all the best Philosophers and auncient Fathers do affirme and was in deed chosen by Christ for his Church as the writers of this time prooue out of scripture and especiallie out of those wordes spoken to S. Peter Thou art Peter and on this Rocke will I build my Church and those also Pafce oues meas seede my sheepe but rather if Kinges were euerie one head of the Church in their Kingdomes the gouernmeÌ„t of the Church should be Aristocraticall because the Church should be gouerned by diuers Princes which were most inconuenient in the Church and subiect to schismes and tumultes For if euerie King be supreme Head in his Kingdome when a Generall Councell should be called as his Maiestie of England desireth I demand who should call it The Emperour the Kinges of England Spaine and France though they giue him precedence in place and honour yet they pretend by prescription and
other Titles to be quite exempt from him and subiect to none in temporall matters And seing that this supremacie in Ecclesiasticall matters either is not distinguished from their Regall Authoritie or is necessarilie annexed vnto it as they refuse to be subiect in temporall matters so might they in Ecclesiasticall The King of England Why he rather then the King of France The King of France why he rather then any of the others Yea if these Kings pretend not to be subiect to the Emperour much more may they claime exemption from one anotherr 9. If any answere that by Common consent they may either choose one to call the rest or being all equall they may meete altogether in one neither will this serue For as for the first meanes it is morally impossible because Kinges who haue high aspiring mindes would neuer be drawen to subiect them selues to any and so whilst euerie one would be Chiefe none should be Chiefe The second meanes is as impossible for first where shall they meet Certes no King will easilie leaue his Kingdome and so euerie one would be desirous to haue the Councell in his Countrie yea euerie one would refuse to haue such a meeting in his Kingdome for feare of daunger But suppose they meete when they are mett how shall they agree especiallie they being commonly of diuers Religions for if a King in that he is a King is to iudge in matters of the Church euery King hath right to be of this Councell and so the Turke the Persian the Muscouite shall haue place in this Councell If you say that not euerie King but onely Christian Kinges are Heads of the Church in their Kingdomes then at least Catholick Lutheran and Caluinian Kinges must be of the Councell and how shall these agree who shall moderat seing there is no more reason of one then another If you say that Bishops must be the Men that must make Decrees and Canons and conclude all in this Councell This they cannot do without Kinges if euerie King be supreme Head in their Countrie and therfore it was enacted accordinglie in the Parlament holden by King HENRIE the Eight in the twenty sixt yeare of his raigne That he should be reputed supreme Head of the Church of England and should haue all the honours Authorities and commodities belonging there vnto Amongst which honours the Principall and that which is necessarilie annexed vnto the Headship of the Church is to call Councels and to sitt as Chiefe Iudge in them See Poulton â—n his AbridgemeÌ„t of the statutes Sander de Schis Angl. And Queene ELIZABETH had also graunted vnto her by a Parlament in the first yeare of her raigne all power for the correction and reformation of the Clergie for the iudgements and punishmeÌ„ts of schismes and heresies for nominating of Bishops and for calling of Synods and that with such ample Authoritie that nothing should be decreed in any Synod with in the Realme without expresse licence and consent of the Queene And if the Bishops in the Councell agree not as I see not how they can if there be no one amongst them that can command who shall be the man that shall take vp the matter amongst them If you say the Kings I demand who shall beare the sway amongst them And so to make Kinges Heads of the Church in their Kingdomes is to hinder all Generall Councels which yet heretofore haue been so oft assembled by the Authoritie of the Pope to the great profit peace and vnitie of the Church 10. Fourthlie if Princes in that they are Princes or Christian Princes were Heades of the Church in their Realme then Children might be Heades of the Church yea and women also for they are capable of Regall Authoritie wheras not withstaÌ„ding the Wiseman pronounceth a vae curse to the land whose King is a Child Ecclesiastes 10. And much more woe it were to a Church whose head is a Child Surely S. PAVL 1. Cor. 14 that commands women to be silent in the Church would neuer haue permitted such to gouerne the Church And yet after King HENRIE had arrogated this monstrous power in a King to make it ridiculous to the world God permitted that next after him a Child came to be King the Head of the Church of England and next but one after the Child a womaÌ„ succeeded also in the like authoritie 11. Fiftlie to make enerie King supreme Head of the Church in his Kingdome destroyeth the vnitie of the Church for wheras there are three especiall and essentiall Vnities in the Church to wit Vnitie of Head and one gouernment Vnitie of one faith Vnitie of the same externall profession and worship of God by the same rites and Sacramentes If we receaue euerie Prince in his Realme for Head of the Church these three Vnities can not long be conserued For as for the first Vnitie though our Aduersaries would say that it may well be conserued in CHRIST who is the principall and onely principall and absolute Head yet because CHRIST is now ascended to his Father and conuerseth no more visibly amongst vs besides him the Church which is a Visible Congregation and bodie standeth in neede of a visible Head else should she be visibly headlesse and imperfect And therfore as scripture hath declared CHRIST for our soueraine and invisible head Ioan. 10 Vnum ouile vnus Pastor One fould Ephes 1. one Pastour And againe Ipsum dedit caput supra omnem Ecclesiam God the Father made him head ouer all the Church which is his bodie So doth scripture and CHRIST him self in scripture point out another vnderhead and visible Pastour Mat. 16. saying Thou art Peter and vpon this Rocke will I build my Church and againe Pasâ—e oues meas feede my sheepe that is all Christians Ioan. 21 and so PETER was in his time and his successour the Pope now is Chiefe Head and visible pastour ouer all Christians and consequentlie ouer all Bishops euen in a Generall Councell vnlesse they will denie them selues to be the sheepe of Christ. And this Vnitie was necessarie to conserue the other Vnities of faith and eternall profession and worship of God by the same SacrameÌ„tes For diuers visible Heades would not so easilie agree amongst them selues it being a naturall thing for meÌ„ in equall authoritie to striue to drawe all to their partie Whereupon S. CIPRIAN sayth Cypria lib. 4. ep 9. lib. 1. epist 8. lib. de vnit Eccl. That the Church is Plebs suo sacerdoti adunata The people vnited to their Priest And that Non aliunde natae sunt haereses aut orta schismata nisi quod vni sacerdoti Dei ab vniuersa fraternitate non obtemperetur Not from any other source heresies or schismes are risen then for that obedience is not giuen to one Priest of all the fraternitie For why Exordium ab vno proficiscitur Primatus Petro datur vt vna Christi Ecclesia vna Cathedra
matter of faith when as thou knowest not the mystieries of faith And yet againe to the same purpose he addeth Soluimus quae sunt Caesaris Caesari quae sunt Dei Deo c. VVe haue payed to Caesar what was Caesars Tribute is Caesars it is not denyed the Church is Gods therfore it must not be giuen to Caesar because the Temple can be no right of Caesars No maÌ„ can deny but that this is spokeÌ„ with Caesars honour For what more honorable then for the Emperour to be called the sonne of the Church Which when it is sayd it is sayd without sinne it is sayd with grace Imperator enim bonus intra Ecclesiam non supra Ecclesiam est for a good Emperour is within the Church not aboue the Church The like libertie of speech he vseth also in an Epistle to his sister Marcellina Ambr li. 5. cit ep 33. ad Marcellinam sororem Mandatur denique Trade Basilicam c. To be briefe the Emperours commaund is Deliuer vp the Church I answer it is neither lawfull for mee to deliuer it nor expedient for thee O Emperour to take it Thou canst by no law spoile or ransake the house of any priuat man and thinkest thou that the house of God may by thee be destroied and ruinated It is alleaged that to the Emperour all thinges are lawfull all thinges are his I answer doe not ô Emperour charge thy selfe as to thinke that thou hast Imperial right ouer diuine thinges Do not extoll thy selfe but if thou wilt raygne longe be subiect to God It is written Mat. 22 What is Gods to God what is Caesars to Caesar To the Emperour Palaces do belong to the Priests Churches To thee is committed the care and charge of publick walles not of those that be holy If S. AMBROSE would not yeeld a Church or Chappell to the Emperours disposition would he if he had liued in King HENRIE the Eight his time and in England haue permitted him to seaze vpon all Abbayes Abbay lands and Churches belonging vnto them Or would he or S. ATHANASIVS or HOSIVS haue permitted him to sitt in Parlament as supreme Iudge in matters not only temporall but Ecclesiasticall or if they had seene Cromwell appointed King Henrie the Eights Vicaire Generall in Spirituall causes taking place aboue all the Bishops and Archbishops in their Conuocation would not ATHANASIVS haue called it the Abomination of desolation 14. Bilson in his Difference pa. 174. Andr. in Tortura Tortipa 169. Field li. 5. de Eccles cap. 53. To this Argument Doctour BILSON Doctour ANDREWES and Doctour FIELD answere that Constantius and Valentinian the younger were reprehended by these Fathers not for medling in Councels and Ecclesiasticall affaires but for tyranizing ouer Bishops and for partiall and vniust dealing But if these Fathers had meaÌ„t no otherwise they would not so absolutly haue reprehended medling in Ecclesiasticall matters but would onlie haue inueighed against the abuses For if a Pope who is in deed Head of the Church should abuse his Authoritie in Councels or Ecclesiasticall Iudgments though euen a Catholick who takes him for supreme Head might reprehend the abuse Athan. supra yet he could not saie to him as ATHANASIVS did to Constantius If this be the Iudgment of Bishops what hath the Pope to do with it Nor could he say to the Pope as he did to the Emperour VVhen was it euer heard from the beginning of the world when did the Iudgment of the Church take Authoritie from the Pope Neither could he haue sayd to the Pope Hosius supra as HOSIVS sayd to the same Constantius VVhen was the Emperour present to wit as Iudge for as Protectour and hearer he knew and saw CONSTANTIN the Great present in the Councell of Nice in Ecclesiasticall Iudgments Neither could he haue sayd to the Pope as the same HOSIVS saieth to Constantius Do not intermeddle in Ecclestasticall businesses nor do thou command vs in this kind but rather learne these thinges of vs. Much lesse could those wordes of S. AMBROSE Ambros supra which he so bouldlie spake to Valentinian haue been sutable to the Pope or any supreme Head Ecclesiasticall VVhen didst thou heare ô most Clement Emperour Pope that any of the laitie Clergie Iudged Bishops in a cause of faith Much lesse could these other words of S. AMBROSE haue been fitting a Pope or any supreme head Ecclesiasticall A good Emperour Pope is in the Church not aboue the Church Nor could S. AMBROSE haue denyed so peremptorily to deliuer a Church or Chappell to the Emperour if he had deemed him supreme head of the Church much lesse could he haue alleadged that reason of his denyall To the Emperour Pallaces appertaine to the Priest Churches for if the King be supreme Heade of the Church then Churches pertaine to him as well as Pallaces 15. But let vs heare another Father S. Chrysost ho. 4. de verbis Isaiae 2. Paral. 26. CHRYSOSTOME pondering the audacious fact of King OZIAS who in the pride of his power victories and former vertues arrogated to him selfe the Priests office hath these words Rex cum esset Sacerdotij Principatum vsurpat Volo inquit adolere incensum quia iustus sum Sed mane intra terminos tuos alij sunt termini Regni alij termini Sacerdotij Being a King he vsurpeth the power of Priesthood I will sayth he offer incense because I am iust But stay within thy limits Others are the bounds of the Kingdome others of the Priesthood If then the King hath his limits prefixed and contained within the Kingdome it followeth that he cannot intermeddle him selfe as a superiour in Ecclesâ—asticall causes but he shall passe his limits The same Father in his next Homelie hath these words Chrysost hom 5. de verbis Isaiae which are worthy the marking Quanquam nobis admirandus videatur Thronus Regius ob gemmas affixas aurum quo obcinctus est tamen rerum terrenarum administrationem sortitus est nec vltra potestatem hanc praeterea quicquam habet Authoritatis Verum sacerdoti Thronus in Coelis collocatus est de coelestibus negotiis pronunciandi habet potestatem Although the Kings Throne seemes to vs worthy to be admired for the pretious stones wherwith it is besett and the gould wherwith it is couered yet the King hath only the administration of terrene things neither hath he beyond this power any further Authoritie But to the Priest a throne is placed in HeaueÌ„ and he hath power to pronounce senteÌ„ce of heauenly businesses and affaires appertaining vnto heauen 16. Tenthlie I proue this veritie by the Arguments wherwith in the former Chapter I haue prooued that Kings Christian by baptisme are made subiects of the Church as much as is the lowest Christian and that not onlie Popes but inferiour Bishops haue challenged superiority ouer them which also Princes from the beginning haue euer acknowledged For if Princes in matters Ecclesiasticall be
subiects to Bishops and especiallie to the Chiefe Bishop they can not in that kind be heads and superiours to Bishops 17. Lastlie I prooue this by out Aduersaries confession which is an argument ad hominem of no little force because none is presumed to lie against him selfe Calu. in cap. 7. Amos. CALVIN pronounceth thus of HENRIE the eight his supremacie Qui initio tantoperè extulerunt HENRICVM Regem Angliae certè fuerunt homines inconsiderrti dederuut enim ills summam rerum omnium potestatem hoc me grauiter semper vulnerauit Erant enim blasphemi cum vocarent eum Summum Caput Ecclesiae sub Christo They who in the beginning did so much extoll HENRIE the Eight King of England were men inconsiderate for they gaue him supreme power of all thinges and this did alwayes much aggreue mee For they were Blasphemous when they called him supreaine Head of the Church vnder Christ This was the opinion of CALVIN which is not to be contemned of our Protestants who follow him as an Oracle in other and those verie manie points And to him haue subscribed our Puritans in England and the Brethren of Heluetia Zurich Berne Geneua Polonia Hungarie and Scotland who all denie this supremacie of Kings in Ecclesiasticall causes Yea our Protestants them selues whilst they seeke to auoid the absurdities which aboue I haue produced against this supremacie and which Catholickes haue obiected do in effect despoile the King of all such Authoritie 19. Becanus in Dissid Angl. For first as BBCANVS hath tould them they are not agreed whether his Authoritie should be called Primacie or Supremacie nor whether he should be stiled Primate or Soueraine Salclebr pag. 140. D. And. in Tort. pag. 90. Tomson pag. 33. Head or Gouernour SALCLEBRIDGE calles the King Primate of the Church of England Doctour ANDREWES calles his Authoritie Primacie and yet TOMSON will not haue this authoritie called Primacie but Supremacie because the former word argueth a power Ecclesiasticall and of the same order with that which Prelates of the Church haue the last word he saith signifieth not so much And againe he will not haue it called Spirituall Authoritie but Authoritie in respect of Spirituall things Tomson pag. 31. Idem pag. 95. Salcl pag. 305 and he addeth that the King gouerneth Ecclesiasticall things but not Ecclesiastically And yet SALCLEBRIDGE saith that Kinges annointed with sacred oyle what will he then say of Kings that are not annointed are capable of Spirituall Iurisdiction And wheras at the first by the Parlament anno Domini 1543 in the yeare 35. of HENRIE the eight it was decreâ—d That the King should be called supreme head of the Church Poulton in his statute Tooker pag. 3. Burhill pag 133. and that also vnder paine of highe Treason yet now TOOKER and BVRHILL will not haue the King called head of the Church And so in deed Queene ELIZABETH in the First Parlament chose rather to be Gouernesse of the Church then Head 20. And as these men varie in the name so do they in the Power and thing it self TOOKER saith The King hath and can giue Tooker pag 305. Salclebr pa. 140. and take away all Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall in the outward court SALCLEBRIDGE sayth the King can dispense in pluralitie of benefices D. And. apud Tooker pa. 305. Bur. pa. 234. Salcl pa. 121. Took pag. 36. Bur. pag. 137. 242. Took pag. 15. D. And. pag. 151. and can licence a Bastard to take holie orders D. ANDREWES sayth hee hath all externall Iurisdiction but Censures yet BYRHIL denyeth him all Iurisdiction Ecclesiasticall both in the inward and outward Court SALCLEBRIDGE sayth the King can giue Benefices create and depose Bishops and yet TOOKER sayth he can only nominate and present BVRHIL denyeth the King Authoritie to excommunicate yea he sayth he may bee excommunicated And the same doth also D. ANDREWES and TOOKER maintaine But what a supreme Head is he that can not cut of by excommunication an infecting and infected member What a Pastour that caÌ„ not cast out an infected sheepe by Excommunication And if he can not excommunicate but rather may be excommunicated it argueth that he hath a superiour who can exercise Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction ouer him and so he is not supreme Head of the Church Wherfore Catholicks as they acknowledge the Pope supreme Head Salcl pag. 136. so they say he can not be excoÌ„municated by any SALCLEBRIGE sayth that it is clearer then the sunne that Princes haue determined controuersies of faith in 8. Councels Tooker pag. 50. Bilson caeteri infra citandi and yet TOOKER as also D. BILSON D. ANDREWES and D. FIELD as wee shall see anone will not haue the King called superiour in matters of faith 21. After this doubting and varying they proceed to a flat denyall of the foresaied supremacie In Tortura Torti pa. 170. D. ANDREWES hath taken a great part of the Supremacie from the King for he confesseth that the Emperour hath no Imperiall right to diuine things These be his words Non est in ea quae diuina sunt Imperiale sed neque Pontificale ius vllum Ther is not in the King any Imperiall no nor Pontificall right ouer diuine thinges He addeth that the King hath no right to dispose of Churches which yet King HENRIE the 8. challenged and practized to the ruine of tenne thousand Churches in one yeare For thus sayth D. ANDREWES At illa diuina hîc quae tandem Aedes Templa Basilicae neque verò in ea quae ita diuina sunt Rex noster vllum sibi ius vendicet Ibid. pa. 171. And a little after he sayth That the King is no Iudge in a cause or matter of faith And in the next page he seemeth to affirme and prooue out of the Councels of Constantinople Pa. 172. Antioche and Carthage that the King is not to be Iudge in the causes of Bishops And the page next after that Pa. 173. In sacramentes the King hath neither supreame nor any power at all And besides all this he addeth that he cannot excommunicate Pag. 151 Nos Principi sayth he Cenfurae potestatem non facimus VVe do not graunt the Prince or King any power to excommunicate c. D. BILSON saith plainlie that the King hath Authoritie ouer the Persons of the Church Bilson in his true difference pag. 171 172. par 2. but not ouer the things of the Church to wit ouer the persons of the Bishops but not ouer faith Sacraments materiall Churches and such like Which yet I see not how it can stand together for if the King be supreme Head not only ouer the Kingdome but also ouer the Church that is of the persons of the Church then as because he is supreme Head of the Kingdome he can command his laye subiects in temporall matters as to paie Tribute to obey temporall lawes c. so if he be supreame Head of the Church and
hath Authoritie ouer Clergie men as Clergie men he can command euen Churchmen in Ecclesiasticall matters and can call Synodes determine controuersies of faith in them enact Ecclesiasticall lawes and bestowe Ecclesiasticall Benefices and so he shall haue Authoritie not onlie ouer the persons but also ouer the things of the Church And therfore as he that should say that the King for the necessarie good of the Common VVealth cannot dispose of the Temporalities of the Realme should in effect make him no King so BILSON in saying that the King hath no Authoritie ouer the spirituall things and graces of the Church makes him no Head of the Church nor superiour ouer Church men as Church men For if the King be Head of the persons of the Church he can command them as his subiects And then I demand of BILSON in what things he can command them If in temporall thinges onlie as to paie Tribute to go to warre c. then is he King only of the Common wealth but no Head of the Church If in Spirituall things as administration of Sacraments decisions of matters of faith in Councels c. then hath he the administration of spirituall things and hath authority not only ouer the persons but also ouer the things of the Church But I neede not wrest this frō BILSON by force of Argument for he no lesse plainely confesseth that the King is no Head of the Church Bilson par 2 pag. 240 These are his wordes VVe confesse Princes to be supreme Gouernours that is as we haue often told you supreme bearers of the sword which was first ordained from aboue to defend and preserue as wel godlines and honestie as peace and tranquillitie amongst men We giue Princes no power to deuise or inuēt newe Religions to alter or chaunge sacraments to decide or debate doubtes of faith to disturbe or infringe the Canons of the Church Thus he VVherby we see first how he derogateth from that authority which King HENRIE the 8 and Queene ELIZABETH challēged and the former Parlament approoued for by that authoritie King HENRIE the 8. exiled all the Popes authoritie forbad all Appeales to Rome contrary to the ancient Canons disposed of Abbaies and Churches without the Popes authority c. And by the same authoritie Q. ELIZABETH chaūged the sacraments and all the whole face and hew of religion and forbad Councels to be called or any thing in them to be decided without her consent Secondlie we may see also herby how BILSON maketh the King no supreme Head yea no head at all of the Church but only a Protectour and defender therof which Title all Catholikes graunt to Kinges acknowledging that the King is to defēd the Church to assist her by his temporall sword and Authoritie that shee bee not hindred in calling Councels and administration of the Church yea and to punish heretikes condemned by her and deliuered vp to secular power And no more doth BILSON graunt And so he denying the Prince to be head of the Church and graunting him to be only a protectour and defender is guiltie of high treason 22. D. Field lib. 5. de Eccles cap. 53. Doctour FIELD also in effect denieth this authority to the King for he distinguisheth things merelie Spirituall in this manner Either sayth he the power in these things is of order or of iurisdiction the power of order consisteth in preaching the worde in ministring Sacramēts and ordaining ministers and in these things saith he Princes haue no Authoritie at all much lesse supreme authority The power of iurisdiction standeth in prescribing lawes in hearing examining and iudging of opinion in matters of saith and things pertaining to Ecclesiasticall order and Ministerie and due performing of Gods seruice and in these the King can only by direction of the Clergie make penall and tempor all lawes for the Execution of Bishops lawes and Canons Thus he But to omitt how aptlie D. FIELD annexeth preaching to the power of order Vide Sairum lib. 4. de Censuris cap. 16. num 21 which may be exercised with licence of the Bishop by one that hath no Orders at all to omitt also how he can possiblie distinguish the powers of order ād Iurisdiction he and his Doctours denying all Caracters and making ordination nothing else but a meere deputation to such an office I auerre that D. FIELD in this contradicteth the former authority which was giuen by Parlament to King HENRIE the Eight and King EDWARD his sonne and Queene ELIZABETH his Daughter as may appeare plainlie by the actes of Parlament aboue alleadged and he maketh the King no Supreme Head of the Church but onlie an Assistant Protectour and Defendour therof as I haue shewed against D. BILSON 23. Wherfore the Catholicks of England haue iust cause to complaine of seuere dealing towards them who many of them haue bene condemned to Premuniries and cruell deathes for denying the snpremacie of the Prince in Spirituall causes of which notwithstanding the leardnest of the Ministerie make such doubt and question as we haue seene yea denie it in plaine termes For if that care had bin had of the Kings Catholick subiects which their number antiquitie and loyaltie seemed to require this question of the Supremacie should haue bene better discussed and more maturely resolued before the Ministers should haue preached it as necessarie to be beleeued and before Catholicks should haue been so seuerelie handled for denying it their own Doctours now varying so much as we haue seene about the very name and thing it self and some of the leardnest amongst them denying it as flatly as any Catholick can do 24. Remember then O Kinges Princes and Potentates of the earth what is belonging to your so high an office Psal 2. An exhortation to Princes Et nunc Reges intelligite erudimini qui iudicatis terram And now ô Kings vnderstand your office informe your selues ô you that iudge the earth what belongeth vnto you You are Iudges of the earth and Common wealth you are not to meddle with the Church which is called Regnum Coelorum Mat. 13 the Kingdome of Heauen You are Isa 49. as Esaye calleth you Nurcing Fathers but no Gouernours of the Church you are Protectours and Defendours and Assistants obliged by scepter and sword to assist her and to punish her Rebelles at her direction You are subiects no Superiours sheepe no Pastours Inferiour members no Heads and your greatest honour and safetie is to serue not to rule the Church to defend not to inuade her rightes Harken ô Princes to that holsome counsell which AZARIAS the High Priest gaue to King OZIAS 2. Paral. 26. Ioseph l. 9. Ant. cap. 11. who would be medling with the Priests office For when he being puffed vp with pride of hart tooke vppon him to offer Incense in the Temple and on the Altar of Incense AZARIAS matching his Kinglie pride with a Priestlie Zeale followed him at his heeles accompanied with fourescore Priests and
followed him sayth S. CHRYSOSTOME non vt Regem eiecturus Homi. 5. de verbis Isaiae sed vt profugum ingratum filium expulsurus not as though he were to cast out of the Temple a King but a Runnegate and vngrateful seruant Followeth him as an eagre Mastiffe doth the beast to chase him out of his Lord and Maisters howse and as one that tooke no care of the Kings threatning feared neither his Garde nor his Regalitie nor his golden crowne nor his Kinglie scepter nor his sterne lookes and Maiestie but with an vndaunted courage with a Constant countenance and a free voice that neuer had learned how to flatter 2. par 26 he telles him as plainlie as trulie Non est tui officij OZIA vt adoleas Incensum Domino sed sacerdotum hoc est filiorum Aaron qui consecrati sunt ad huiusmodi Ministerium egredere de sanctuario ne contempseris quia non reputabitur tibi ad gloriam hoc à Domino Deo It is not thy office OZIAS to burne Incense to our Lord but of the Priests that is of the Children of Aaron which are consecrated to this kinde of Ministerie Go out of the sanctuary contemne not because this thing shall not be reputed to thee for glorie of our Lord God Vide sayth S. Chrysostome Hom. 4. de verbis Esaiae libertatem vide mentem seruire nesciam vide linguam coelos attingentem vide libertatem incoercibilem vide hominis Corpus angeli mentem vide humi ingredientem in Caelo versantem Behould the freenesse and plainesse of a Priest behould a minde that neuer knew how to be seruile behould a tongue that is heard to Heauen behould an vnrestrained libertie behould the bodie of a man the mind of an Angell behould one treading on the ground yet conuersing in heauen Let me ô Christian Princes a Priest not of AARON but of Christ vse the like libertie against you that inuade the Churches right and arrogate Priestlie dignitie It is not thy office ô King ô Prince to meddle in Church matters or gouernment of the Church but it is the office of Priests and Prelates consecrated and ordayned for that purpose Dareth a Prince once offer to meddle in the Churches gouernment to sitt as Iudge in her Synodes to pronounce sentence in her tribunals to prescribe seruice in her Temples Depart ô King whosoeuer thou art that art thus hardie depart out of the sanctuary command no more in the Church if thou wilt command long and prosperouslie in thy Kingdome Depart I say this is no place for thee Contemne not my Counsell least thou paie for thy contempt and be stricken with a leprosie in thy forehead for such impudencie It is no glorie for thee ô King to meddle in Church matters It is a glorie indeed and as much greater then the office of a King at it is more to gouerne soules then bodies and to menage spirituall then temporall affaires But it is no honour to a King neither will it euer turne to the prosperitie of him or his Posteritie All the Auncient Kings yea and Emperours also so mightie in Armes so rich in Treasure so glittering in their Crownes Scepters purple and pretious stones so fortunate in VVarre so glorious in Victories neuer dreamed of such ambition but thought it their honour to be defendours not rulers of the Church subiects in Spirituall matters no Pastours Children no Fathers Inferiour members to the Church no supreme Heads and therfore submitted their scepters to the Pastorall staffe their Crowne to the Mitre their Temporall swords to the spirituall glaiues their lawes to the Canons their Kingdomes to the Church their persons to the Priests And shall now a King a Christian King arrogate Ecclesiasticall authority If he will raigne long ouer his subiects let him permitt the Churches rule and command ouer him If he will haue God for his Father let him acknowledge the Church for his Mother him self a sonne no Father a subiect in this kinde no superiour 25. Harken ô King whosoeuer thou art that arrogatest Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction or encroachest vpon the Churches right and demaines vnto S. AMBROSE his Counsell which he gaue to VALENTINIAN the yonger When didst thou heare Supra citatus pag. 143 O most ClemeÌ„t King that laymen were Bishops Iudges in matters of faith and Church do not trouble thy self as to thinke that thou hast any Imperiall right in diuine matters Giue to God and his Church and Pastours what is due to them if thou wilt that thy subiects giue to thee what belongeth to thee ô King Giue eare ô King to graue Hosâ—vs his speech Leaue of Ibidem O King to intermeddle in such matters remember thou art a Mortall Man a King no Priest and reserue thy selfe pure and fâ—â—e from suth audacious attemptes command not Priests in Ecclesiasticall matters but rather learne such things of them ô Potentate ô Prince ô King Nu. 16. Harken to AZARIAS Counsell which he gaue to King OZIAS It is not thy office ô King to burne Incence to our Lord or if thou contemne AZARIAS his Counsell feare OZIAS his leprosie If thou wilt arrogate the Office of AARON take heed least with Chore Dathan and Abiron the earth deuoure thee or the fire coÌ„sume thee 2. Maâ— 3. If thou wilt robb the Treasure of the Temple take heed the Angell of God scourge thee not with Heliodorus 2. Maâ— 9. If thou wilt spoile the Temple and kill the people of God with Antiochus If thou wilt destroy the Temple with Nabuchodonosor vse prophanelie the holy vessels with Balthasar prophane the said Temple with Pompey and others feare their infamous and miserable ends knowing that there was neuer King nor Emperour that rebelled against the Church or persecuted her especially since Christs time and since he shed his bloud for her that hath not had some miserable end or other 26. And to omitt those Pagan Persecutours Nero Domitian Dioclesian Maximinian Iulian and others a Zonar Cedr in eius vira Rhegino lib. 1. Chron. an 5.8 Martin Polon in Anast ANASTASIVS the first Emperour of that name for resisting the Pope for fauouring the Arrian heresie and for disdaining to receaue or to admitt to his sight the legates whom HORMISDA Pope sent to him was sodainlie with a Thunderbolt leueled at him from heauen stricken to death b Theop. Miscel lib. 17. CedreÌ„ â—n Annal. Niceph. lib 18. c. 8. seqq alij omnes MAVRITIVS for his insolencies against S. GREGORIE was driuen out of his Empire chased into an Iland where by Phocas commandement himselfe his wise and children were miserablie slaine c Procop. lib. 3. de Bello Goth. Nicep li. 17. c 31. Vide Baron to 7 an 565. IVSTINIAN after many glorious victories fell into a most hard fortune for his heresie and tyranie against VIGILIVS Pope 〈◊〉 was infested on all sides with the Incursions of the Barbares and at length
by an inuisible blowe reached him from God perished most miserably d Earon tom 7. au 561. BELLISARIVS Iustinians Generall ouer his Armie to whome he was so deare that his pourtraict was printed in the one side of Iustinians Coyne with this Title Bilisarius Romanorum decus Bellisarius the glorie of the Romans for his molestation of SILVERIVS to grarifie therby THEODORA the Empresse had for suspicion of conspiracie against IVSTINIAN his eyes pulled out was despoiled of all his dignities and forced in fine to begg e CedreÌ„ in Anna Paul Diac. li. 20. reruÌ„ Roman Baron tom 8. an 713. Anast in Vital Baro. an 668. Paul Diac. lib. 19 reruÌ„ Rom. PHILIPPICVS for his contempt of CONSTANTINE Pope and propagating of heresie was depriued of his Empire and his eyes also f CONSTANS for persecuting THEODORVS Pope and violently carying away Pope MARTIN from Rome was slaine in a bathe g Fascie Temp. in Iust 2. Martin Pol. in Iust 2. IVSTâ—NIAN the second for infringing the Eight Synod and molesting of SERGIVS Pope who refused to consent to his heresie was depriued of his Empire and besides that of his nose and tongue h Baron tom 11. an 1080. HENRIE the Fourth Emperour excommunicated and deposed by GREGORIE the seuenth as we haue seene was by his owne sonne persecuted holden in prison and at length made a miserable end out of his owne Countrie i Neubr li. 4. c. 13 Palmer 〈◊〉 in ChroÌ„ an 1189 FREDERICK the first was drowned miserablie in a riuer of Armenia for punishment of the schisme he raised against ALEXANDER Pope as our NEVBRIGENSâ—S recordeth k Fascic Temp. in Frider. 2 Matt Westm an 1245 FREDERICK the Second after he was excommunicated and deposed by INNOCENT the Fourth Pope of that name was strangled by his owne sonne and dyed without Sacraments l Geneb lib 4. Chron. anno 2294. in Bonifacio 8. PHILIP le BEL King of France after he was excommunicated and deposed by BONIFACE the Eight neuer prospered as Genebrard la FreÌ„ch man writeth And after that BONIFACIVS was taken vnawares by the deceipts which PHILIP vsed a holy Bishop said The King is glad he hath BONIFACE Pope in holde but no good thereby will happen to him and his posteritie which Prophecie saith m Genebr lib 4. Chron. anno 1315. Genebrard was shortlie after fulfilled for the King perished by reason of a Boare that rushed betwixt his horses legges three of his sonnes that raigned after him dyed one after another in a short space their Queene 's dishonoured them with their infamous adulteries and the Issue of PHILIP fayling the contention betwixt our EDWARD the third sonne of the Daughter of PHILIP le Bel and PHILIP de Valois the sonne of CHARLES de Valois PHILIP le Bel his brother arose which contention cost France verie dearely And to spare our times as God threatned by his Prophet Isai 60. that the Kingdome that shall not serue the Church shall perish as we see all Greece is lost by their heresies and schismes against the Romane Church and England Germanie and Holland and other Countries know not what punishment hangeth ouer their heads so whosoeuer shall obserue the course of times and Histories shall finde that few Princes haue long prospered who haue persecuted the Romane Church and faith or haue been by her excommunicated or deposed 26. Wherfore Kings and Princes that contemne and despise the Church remember you are Men and that your Kingdome is subiect to a higher state of the Church Feare her glaiue that striketh euen the soule and spirit And if you will raigne long and prosperouslie here imitate those Constantines Martians Theodosius Pipins Charles the Great Lewis and others who were more glorious for amplifying the Churches Immunities and Demaines then for exteÌ„ding their Empire more renowned for the Churches and Monasteries they founded theÌ„ for the Cities and Castels they builded who by obeying honouring and enriching the Church strengtned and enriched their Kingdomes and haue prospered in all their warres and battailes But I will end with S. BERNARDS Counsell which he gaue to CONRADVS King of the Romanes Bern. ep 183. ad Conrad Regem Romam Rom. 13. desiring all Christian Princes to followe it Legi quippe Omnia anima Potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit c. Quam tamen sententiam cupio vos omnimodis moneo custodire in exhibenda reuerentia summae Apostolicae sedi I haue read indeed Let euerie soule be subiect to higher powers and he that resisteth the power resisteth the ordinance of God which sentence not withstanding I desire and by all meanes warne you ô Princes to keepe by exhibiting reuerence to the highest and Apostolicall seat CHAPTER VII Although the Pope be not direct Temporall Lord and Superiour of the world nor of any part therof by Christs expresse guift and donation but only of the patrimony of Sainct Peter giuen him by Constantine the Great and other Catholicke Princes and confirmed by the consent of the Christian world yet by the spirituall power which Christ gaue him in his predecessour S. Peter Io 21. he may dispose of temporall things and euen of Kingdomes for the good of the Church and Conseruation of her and her faith right and the manner how and in what case he can thus dispose of temporalities is explicated 1. HAuing shewed by manie Arguments in the former Chapter that the Prince neither hath any spirituall Authoritie neither can by his Temporall power entermeddle him self as a Superiour in matters Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall It remaineth that we discusse and examine whether contrarie wise the Pope haue any temporall power or can by his Spirituall power dispose of temporall things A thing I confesse odious to some Princes who can hardly brooke it that you should meddle with their Crownes and Regalities thinking their Crownes so fast sett on their Heads that none but God can plucke them of and imagining they holde their scepters so fast that none vnder God can wrest them out of their hands But yet this question is odious only to such as sett little by the Churches Authoritie or at least preferre the state before Religion and the Temporall aduancement of the Common wealth before the Spirituall good of the Church for otherwise as guiltie malefactours only crie out of the Princes lawes Tribunals good subiects embrace and reuerence them so those Princes only whose consciences accuse them of some disloyaltie towards the Church or who desire to preferre their owne wils before the Churches commandement or to extend their Empire with encroaching on her Demaines and to rule so independentlie as they may not be controlled such Princes I say can not abyde to heare of any Authoritie in the Pope or Church which may restraine them Other Kings who counte it their honour to be obedient Children of the Church and who desire not to raigne ouer their subiects but so as God and his Church
may raigne ouer them are content that this opinion of the Popes authoritie be taught in schooles and published in printed bookes And therfore of late his Catholike Maiestie with three Bishops of his Counsell and the Inquisition of Spaine authorized the printing and setting forth of a booke of this subiect composed by a learned Diuine Franciscus Suarius intituled Defensio fidei Catholicae Apostolicae aduersus Anglicanae sectae errores c. in which the Authoritie of the Pope in deposing Princes who by their tyrannie against the Church make them selues vnworthy of their honourable roome and place is largelie and learnedlie defended and prooued 2. I confesse that the Popes Temporall Authoritie which he hath in ROME and ITALIE proceeded not from the immediat guift of CHRIST but rather commeth to him by the a Cap. Cōstantinus d. 96. c. Ego Ludouic d. 63. ca. futuram 12. q. 1. Naucler gen 13. Magd. Cent. 4. c. 7. Petr. Damian disp cum Reg. Aduoc Anselm li. 4 c. 32. Iuo Carn p. 5. Decr. cap. 49. Genebr lib. 3. Chron. Abrahā Leuita in ca. 11. Dan. Donation of CONSTANTINE PIPIN CHARLES the Great LEWIS the Godlie and other Princes as is testified partlie by the Canon law partlie by the Actes of SILVESTER partlie by other auncient writers I graunt also that Christ made him no temporall Prince but only Pastour of the Christian world For although many b Ostiens in cap. quod super his de voto voti Redemp Anton. 3. p. tit 22. cap. 5 §. 13. Silu. V. Papa V. Legitimus Canonists affirme that the Pope is Temporall Lord of the whole world yet c Henr. quod lib. 6. q. 23. Turrecr lib. 2. Summ◠cap. 113. Caiet tom 1. Opusc tract 2. cap. 3. 2.2 q. 43. art 8. passim recentiores Diuines stand against them in this point and not without good reason For looke what power the Pope hath by Diuine right he hath from the Apostles And seing that CHRIST made his Apostles Pastours Ephes 4. Ioan. 21 Mat. 16. not Princes and gaue them a Church to rule not a Kingdome bestowed on them the Keyes of heauen not of Cities Mat. 18. Act. 20. Mat. 28. gaue them power to bind and loose the soule not the bodie to teach and baptize all Nations not to subiugate them and built his Church vpon an Apostle not vpon any King or Prince It followeth euidently that the Pope by Christs donation hath no title to Kingdomes and Empires 3. True it is that many Diuines and those also of note are of opinion that Christ as man was Temporall King ouer all the world which is the expresse opinion of S. a Anton. 3 p. tit 3. cap. 2. Antonine b Almai tract de potest Ecc. c. 8. Almainus c Turrec lib. 2. Summae cap. 116. Turrecremata d Ostiēs in cap. quod super his de voto voti redemp Ostiensis e Duran tract de Iurisd Eccl qu. 43. Durand f Nauar. in cap. Nouit de Iudiciis not 3. n. 8. 130. Nauar and others which they also prooue out of diuers places of scripture as Apoc. ◠Princeps Regum terrae Prince of the Kings of the earth Apoc. 19. Rex Regum Dominus Dominantium King of Kings and Lord of Lords Act. 10. Hic est omnium Dominus This is Lord of all Psalm 8. and Heb. 9. Omnia subiecisti sub pedibus eius Thou hast subiected all things vnder his feet Matt. vlt. Data est mihi omnis potestas in Coelo in terra All power is giuen to me in heauen and in earth Yet most Interpreters expound these places as meant of Christs spirituall and Priestlie Power by which he was spirituall King of the world And though it be verie probable 1. Vasq 3 p. disp 87. ca. 3. as the Leardned Vasquez sheweth that Christ in deede as man was Temporall King of the world and had that Regall dignitie not by election or descent but only by Hypostaticall vnion which did so eleuate and dignifie his humane nature that it gaue him Authoritie euen as man ouer all the Kings of the earth by which he might haue commanded them euen in Temporall things and might haue depriued them of their Crownes Yet this it not so certaine because many Diuines also holde that Christ as man was no Temporall King But howsoeuer all allmost do agree that Christ neuer vsed any Regall power nor did actually raigne as King ouer any Countrie much lesse ouer all the world And therfore he sayd Ioan. 18 Regnum meum non est de hoc mundo My Kingdome is not of this world Because although his spirituall Kingdome the Church be in this world yet it is not of this world in respect of the spirituall authoritie and graces of the Church which are from heanen And although it be probable that he had Kinglie authoritie which is called Ius regnandi A right to raigne by which he might haue raigned and ruled temporallie in the world yet as I haue said he neuer actually raigned neither did he exercise any Kinglie act of his Kinglie Power and so hauing sayd that his kingdome is not of this world Ibidem be giueth a reason thetof saying Si enim ex hoc mundo esset Regnum meum ministri vtique decertarent vt non traderer Iudaeis For if my Kingdome were of this world my Ministers verily would striue that I should not be deliuered to the Iewes Which is a good reason if you vnderstand by his Kingdome the actual exercise of his Kinglie authoritie for otherwise one may be a true King in respect of his right as Kings driuen by force out of their Kingdomes are and yet haue no souldiers nor ministers to fight for them Ioan. 2. I know some Authours contend that he did actually exercise the Temporall power of a King when with a whippe he chased buyers and sellers out of the Temple yet that he did by the office of a Redeemer and Prophet whose part was to correct sinnes and abuses Others say that he vsed Kinglie Authoritie when he cast the Deuils into the Hogges and them into the sea Matth. 8. and when he withered the Figgetree Mat. 21. Mar. 11. Otherwise saye they he had done iniurie to the owners But all this an other Prophet might haue done though no King much more CHRIST the Prophet of Prophets and yet should he haue done no iniurie to the owner seing that what Prophets do miraculously they do by authority from God who is supreme Lord ouer life goods and all And because CHRIST did not actually raigne therfore Emperours and Kinges were absolute and were not vicaires or delegates to CHRIST and CHRIST tooke neither crownes nor scepters from them according to that of the Hymne of the Epiphanie In 1. Vesp Epiph. Hostis Herodes impie Christum venire quid times Non eripit mortalia Qui
regna dat coelestia That Christ is come why dost thou dread O Herode thou vngodlie foe He doth not earthlie Kingdomes reaue That heauenly Kingdomes doth bestow 4. And so although CHRIST were euen as man a Temporall King yet he not actually raigning him self it is not likelie that he should giue any such authoritie to S. PETER and the Pope his successour And although hee had actually raigned him self yet it is not necessarie that he should giue that Authoritie to S. PETER for hee had also the power of Excellencie by which he might command euen Infidels not baptized and by which he instituted a Church Sacraments and a Priesthood which S. PETER and the Pope his Successour can not doe Certes none can denie but that CHRIST might haue giuen S. PETER supreme Iurisdiction spirituall ouer the Church without Temporall because as spirituall power is not necessarily annexed to the Temporall as I haue proued in the former Chapter so Temporall power is not necessarily ioyned to the spirituall and therfore seing that neither the law of God nor Nature nor man giueth any such Temporall Iurisdiction to the Chiefe Pastour of the Church why should either he challenge it or we giue it him especiallie it being a thing verie inconuenient and odious that either the Church or her Chiefe Pastour should haue any such Temporall power For if it were so that the Church or her supreme Pastour had any such soueraintie it would deterre all Pagan Kings and Princes from our Religion fearing least the Church by her absolute Authoritie might depriue them of their Kingdomes Crownes and Scepters at her pleasure And hence it is that the Popes them selues confesse that they haue no Imperiall nor Kinglie Authoritie giuen them by CHRIST but rather that these two powers are in distinct subiects So NICHOLAS Pope sayth Cum ad verum ventum est c. Ca. cum ad verū d. 96. Vide supra pa. 66. et pag. 78. VVhen it came to the vnderstanding of the truth neither did the Emperour take vnto him the rights of Bishop-like Authoritie nor did the Bishop vsurpe the name of the Emperour because the same Mediatour of God and men man Christ IESVS hath distinguished the offices of both powers by their proper and distinct dignities as that Christian Emperours for attaining eternall life should neede bishops and Bishops should vse the Imperiall lawes for the cause onely of temporall things And S. BERNARD Bern. li. 2. de Cōsid ca. 6. Nam quid tibi aliud dimisit Sanctus Apostolus quod habeo inquit tibi do c. VVhat other thing did the holie Apostle leaue vnto thee what I haue saith hee I giue thee VVhat is that One thing I know it is neither gould nor siluer seing that he sayth gould and siluer is not with mee Bee it that by some other way thou maist challenge this vnto thee yet not by Apostolicall right for he could not giue thee that which he had not VVhat he had he gaue sollicitude as he sayd ouer the Churches Did be giue thee rule and domination not ouer-ruling the Clergie but made example of the flocke and doost thou thinke this to be spoken onlie out of humilitie not in veritie the voice of our Lord is in the Ghospell the Princes of the Gentils ouer-rule them c. but it shal not be so amongst you 5. But although the Pope and Chiefe Pastour of the Church hath no direct Temporall power but only in his owne Temporall Patrimonie and Kingdome by which he may dispose of Kingdomes Crownes and scepters yet he hath a Spirituall power which may directlie and ordinarilie dispose of spirituall matters and indirectlie and in some extraordinarie case of the Temporall also that is when it shall be iudged necessarie for the consernation of the faith or Religion or the Churches lawes and right or some other great and necessarie good I say the Pope hath no direct power ouer Princes for then he might limit their power abrogate their lawes and depose their persons at least for some iust cause though it did not concerne either faith or the Churches right or necessarie good as the King can deale with his Viceroy and any of his subiects and then Princes should not be absolute and independent who yet as aboue is declared in Temporall matters and so long as they exceede not the bounds of their authority by commanding things contrary to Gods law or the Churches Canons acknowledg no Superiour in earth neither Pope nor Emperour nor Common wealth For as for the Emperour all Princes who are not his Vassals as the Kings of Spaine England and France are not as they acknowledge him Superiour in dignitie and therfore will and must giue him the precedence whersoeuer they meete yet they are not subiect to him nor bound to obey him vnlesse it be when the Pope the Chiefe Pastour and hee the greatest Prince in dignitie shall thinke it necessarie that all Christian Princes contribute or concurre for the defence of Christendome against the Turke or such like Common enemie As for the Pope I graunt that CHRIST gaue him no Temporall power at all which aboue I haue prooued for that Temporall power which he hath in Italie hee had not by Christs immediat graunt but onlie by Constantines and other Emperouts and Princes donation which donation supposed and confirmed also by Prescription and his subiects yea all the Christian worlds consent that part of Italie which he possesseth is as trulie appertaining to him as England is to the King of England France to the King of France and Spaine to the King of Spaine onlie the Pope cannot transfer his Kingdome to his Heyres as they may because it cometh not to him in particular by hereditarie succession but onlie by election Yea if the Pope were by the law of God a Temporall Soueraine Prince ouer all the world other Princes should holde of him and CONSTANTINES donation by which he made him Temporall Prince of Italie had been no donation but restitution As for the Common wealth I haue aboue declared how it hath despoiled it self of all authoritie and by translating it to the King is trulie a subiect and like a priuate person and so hath no power ouer the King vnles it be in case of intollerable Tyrannie as aboue is explicated 6. I say yet that the Pope hath an Indirect power ouer Kings euen in Temporall mattters which power notwithstanding is not Temporall but spirituall nor any distinct power from his spirituall supremacie but euen the self same And therfore GREGORIE the Seuenth in his deposition of HENRIE the Fourth sayth that he deposeth him by the power he hath from S. PETER of binding and loosing And although his Pastorall and Spirituall power directly and ordinarily hath the menaging only of spirituall matters and so directly and ordinarily exerciseth it self in excommunicating interdicting and suspending frō Spirituall offices calling Councels and deciding controuersies of faith in them in making
is a temporall thing and yet the high Priest could depriue euen a King of the same and if he may dispose of this Temporall thing why not of other Temporall things though they be Kingdomes Secondly cohabitation or at least power and right of cohabitation societie is essentiallie included in Kingly power or at least necessarille annexed vnto it For a King is he that hath supreme power to gouerne his subiects And seing that gouernment necessarilie requireth yea importeth possibilitie or right to cohabitate and conuerse with subiects for how can he gouerne them if he cannot conuerse with them or his officers if the King might by the Priest be depriued of all right to cohabitate and conuerse he might be depriued also of his Kingdome Thirdlie OZIAS disobeyed the high Priest and notwithstanding his reprehension and expresse commandement to the contrarie did burne Incense to our Lord and so AZARIAS might haue caused him to haue bene killed for this disobedience in so great a matter Deut. 17 as appeareth by the law of God in Deuteronomie where MOYSES sayth He that shal be proued refusing to obey the commandement of the Priest which at that time ministreth to our Lord thy God and the decree of the Iudge that man shall die and thou shalt take away the euill out of Israel Hence I make this deduction AZARIAS the High Priest might haue pronounced sentence of death against King OZIAS for disobeying in so great a matter much more might he haue deposed him and depriued him of his Kingdome for death which is depriuation of life is a greater penaltie then depriuation of a Kingdome and includeth also that because a dead man cannot be King and if AZARIAS could depriue OZIAS of his Kingdome it is like that in separating him from cohabitatiō with the people he did in deed depriue him And certes this the Scripture in the same place insinuareth saying Fuit igitur OZIAS c. 2. Paral. 26. OZIAS therfore the King was a leper vnto the day of his death and he dwelt in a howse a part Moreouer IOATHAN his sonne gouerned the Kings house and iudged the people of the Lord. Which last words insinuate that his sonne raigned and was King in his place and consequentlie that he was deposed Lib. 9. Antiq. cap. 11. And so IOSEPHVS seemeth to haue vnderstood the matter when treatinge of this fact of OZIAS and the issue thereof he sayeth Et cum aliquādiu extra vrbem vixisset filio IOATHANO rempnblicam administrante moerore tandē confectus obijt and for some tyme he had liued out of the Citie his sonne IOATHAN administrating the cōmon wealth Hom. 4. de verhis Isai at last he was killed with sorrow The same doth also S. CHRYSOSTOME auouch saying Cumque sacerdotium sibi vellet sumere hoc quod habebat perdidit And when he would take vpon him Priesthood he lost that Kingdome which he had Barron an Christi 31. Tiberij 15. To this may be added that which Baronius well obserueth in his Annales to wit that the Iewes had a Councell called Synedrin or Sanedrin which consisted of 72. persons and succeeded the 72. who assisted Moises Num. 11. which Councell had authoritie to iudge of the Law of the Prophet and of Kinges and ouer this Councell the High Priest had supreame authoritie This Councell was of such credit that it summoned Herod to appeare and to answer to Hircanus and the Iudges vnder him to that which was to be obiected against him And when he appeared in his purple and with a stronge troupe Sameas one of the Iudges reprehended this his māner of comming and told him that he came in that manner Ex Iosepho lib. 14. Antiq 6.17 vt si capitalem iuxta leges sententiam in eum tulerimus nobis mactatis ipse euadat illatâ vi legibus that if we according to the Lawes should pronounce sentence of death against him he vsing force against the lawes and killing vs might escape By which it is plaine that this Councell and consequentlie the High Priest had authoritie to Iudge of the Law Prophet and Kinge and that therfore Azarias had Authoritie to pronounce sentence of death and much more of deposition against Ozias and seing he might depose him it is like the fore sayd circumstances considered that he did depose him 3. I confesse that our aduersaries may answer that this example doth not conuince that Ozias was deposed but only that he not actually gouerning his sonne gouerned for him he remaining still King till his death But yet if this fact be not taken barelie but with the law also of Leuiticus and the argument deduced out of it with other insinuations of scripture Losephus S. Chrysostome and the Authoritie of the Councel of Sanedt in it is sufficient to prooue that the high Priest did or might haue deposed him I confesse also that our Aduersaries might answer Deut. 2. that there was in the old law an expresse statute to put to death those that would disobey the High Priest in matters pertaining to the law and that therfore the High Priest might pronounce sentence of death and consequentlie of depriuation against a King but in the new law there being no such expresse law and the new law also being a law of sweetnesse and Charitie not of feare and rigour the case is not the like This they may say But yet seing that it made much for the honour of the Synagogue and her securitie to haue had such a power if the Church bee the veritie the Synagogue but the figure and as farre inferiour to the Church as the law and Priesthood and sacrifice of CHRIST is Superiour to that of MOYSES no honourable nor profitable power and authoritie graunted to the Synagogue is to be denyed to the Church and therfore seing it is an honour to haue Authoritie to depose Princes and that it is many tymes necessary for the conseruation of the Church her right and faith for many times admonitions yea commandements and excommunications will take no effect with proud and rebellious Princes if such power were graunted to the Synagogue it is not to be denied to the Church 4. Another example which Diuines vse to alleadge is 4. Reg. 11 2. Par. 22. 23 that of Queene ATHALIA who as we read in the fourth booke of Kings was by the Commandement of the high Priest depriued first of her Kingdome and afterwards of her life and that also after shee had raigned six yeares And although it may seeme that he only sett the right King Ioas in his Throne and displaced an vsurper who had killed all the right Kings sonnes sauing IOAS Bellarminus Becanus alij who was secretlie reserued and still liuing yet many learned Authours affirme that she was before her deposition true and lawfull Queene because though she entred by tyrānicall vsurpation yet raigning so long peaceably it is verie like that she was receaued
by the peoples consent and although IOAS who was the right heyre was yet liuing yet because that was not knowen it seemeth that the people generallie consented to ATHALIA which consent was sufficient to make her lawfull Queene otherwise we must call in question the Titles of many Kings whose Predecessours entred into the possession of their Kingdomes by violence and inuasion and without all Title and yet afterwards prooued lawfull Kings by the common reception and consent of the people actually raigning for some time with expresse or tacitt consent of the people giuing à sufficient Title At least this example sheweth that the High Priest might be Iudge of the Kings right and Title which was to meddle in a Temporall matter and no lesse then a Kings Title 5. ELIAS also though a Prophet onlie 3. Reg. 18 4. Reg. 1. 2. and no Temporall Prince consumed by fire from Heauen OCHOSIAS Captaines and their fifties and made a massacre of Iesabels false Prophetes Againe ELISEVS his scholler by his curse sett Beares vpon those vngracious boyes who called him by scorne Bald-pate he stroke Giezi with the leprosie which he had taken from NAAMAN for his symonie Certes ELIAS was so famous for chrastizing rebellious Princes and their Captaines Eccl. 48. that Ecclesiasticus pronounceth thus of him VVho didst cast downe Kings to destruction and didst easilie breake their might and the glorious from their bed And howbeit they did this by extraordinarie and Propheticall power yet these examples shew how it is not vnbeseeming Spirituall power to controule sometimes Princes and to punish them euen temporally when Gods glorie and his Churches right and honour requireth it Num. 25 I could alleadge the example of MOYSES who caused the Princes to be hanged on Gibbets against the sunne for communicating with the Moabites in sactifice Exod. 32 who also by the assistaÌ„ce of the sonnes of LEVI killed aboue three thowsand for adoring the Goulden Calfe But I will come to the Newe law and see what proofes it yeeldeth 6. The new law though it be the law of Charitie not seueritie loue not feare yet it is not without examples of Temporall punishment vsed euen by the spirituall sword 1. Cor. 5 1. Tim. 1 S. PAVL excommunicated the In cestuous Christian as also Hyminaeus and Alexander and deliuered them vp to Satan for the destruction of the flesh for in the Primatiue Church to excommunication was annexed a Temporall punishment D. Th. 3. p. in Addit q. 21. a. 2. ad 3. Act. 13. by reason that then when any was excommunicated the Deuill by and by possessed him and tormented him corporally In the new law I behould S. PAVL stricking Elymas the Magician with corporall blindnes for hindring the fruict of the Ghospell Act. 5. and I find S. PETER pronouncing sentence of present death against Ananias and Saphira his wife for defrauding the Apostles in the price of the peece of land which they had vowed And although this also they did by the guift of miracles and extraordinarie prerogatiue of their Apostleship yet this sheweth that TeÌ„porall punishment doth not altogether surpasse the actiuitie and force of Spirituall power 7. Secondlie I prooue this by another Argument drawne from the persons of theÌ„ on whom it seemeth the Church may by warrant of scripture inflict Temporall punishment such as are obstinat Hereticks disobedient Princes to the Church D. Kellyson Rep. p. 185. Deut. 13 Blasphemers persecutours c. which examples a writer of this tyme alleageth though to another end In the old law which was a figure of the new false Prophets who persuaded to follow false Gods were slaine and stoned to death and the whole Citie that permitted worship of straunge Gods was commanded to be sacked and vtterly destroyed Deut. 17 And as we haue seene whosoeuer stubbornlie disobeyed the High Priest in matters pertaining to the law was to be killed And shall the Heretick stubborne against the Church who persuadeth vs to follow straunge Religions goe scotfree The person that was infected with a Corporall leprosie Leu. 13â— was separated from all societie and shall obstinat Hereticks prefigured by such infected and infecting persons be permitted to conuerse with vs yea to rule and gouerne amongst Christians heresie being a spirituall leprosie Aug lib. 2. quaest Euang. cap 40. Leu. 24. which mixeth falsehood with truth as a leprosie infecteth some parts of the flesh others remaining sound and infecting not only the bodie as that doth but euen the soule The blasphemer in the same law was by Gods owne mouth commanded to be cast out of the Camp and to be stoned of the people and shall the heretick in words commonlie blasphemous in deeds sacrilegious be permitted in the Church and not be cast out by Censure of excommunication Leis. 20â— and by death also when that will not serue NADAD and ABIV though sonnes of AARON for vsing straunge fire in their Censors were deuoured with fire from heauen Nu. 16. CHORE DATHAN ABIRON and HON for arrogating vnto them Aarons office were swallowed vp by the Earth and shall the Heretick who inuenteth straunge doctrines and who commonly without right ordination or vocation arrogateth Priestlie Authoritie be free from all Temporall punishment he commonly contemning all spirituall Censures Matt. 7. Ioan. 10. No no an heretick is a woolf and consequentlie to be driuen from the fold with stones and clubbes he is a theefe and so to be hanged he is a Canker Ioau 10. ergo to be burned and seared he is a false Coyner that is a deprauer of Gods word ergo to be hangâ—â— drawne 2. Tim. 2. Lib. 2. 3. de falsâ— moneta Mat. 13. Iudae 1. and quartered he is cockle ergo to be pluckt vp by the rootes least he hinder the growth of the good corne he is a tree of Autumne vnfruitfull twise dead being deuoid both of the life of faith and charitie ergo to be cast into the fire he is an euill humour ergo to be purged and expelled Mat. 7. he is a rotten and rotting member ergo to be cutt of least he infect the whole bodie 8. Thiralie I prooue this out of those verie wordes by which S. PETER was constituted supreame Pastour vnder Christ and vnder-Head of the Church Pasce oues meas Ioan. 21. Feed my sheep for to a Pastour it appertaineth to rule and gouerne his sheepe to feede them to cure them and to defend them from the woolfe or rauenous beast VVherfore S. PETER and his successour the Pope being the supreame visible Pastour of the Church is not onlie to rule and gouerne them by lawes nor onlie to feede them by the word and Sacraments nor only to cure and correct them by spirituall Censures but if they beinfected and infecting sheepe he may not only separate them from the Church by excommunication but also if they contemne that punishment by deposition and depriuation
are necessarie meanes to attaine to the end of the Spirituall power which is conferuation of the Church and faith and the attaining of life euerlasting And so as S. THOMAS saith D. Th. 2. 2. q. 40. a. 2. ad 3 Omnis persona velars vel virtus ad quam pertinet finis habet disponere de his quae sunt ad finem Euery person or art or virtue to which the end belongeth may dispose of those things which are for the end Seeing then that God hath ordained Temporall things to the saluation of our soules and consequently to the Churches conseruation when the Chiefe Pastour whose office is to bring vs to our Spirituall end seeth that Temporall things are necessarie to that end he can not only command but also dispose of them Turrecr lib. 2. de Eccl. ca. 114. Hereupon TVRRECREMATA also vsinge the like Argument sayth To him that can dispose of the end it pertaineth to dispose of the meanes and to remoue also the Impediments as it is manifest in the Phisitian and sickman who because they haue Authoritie to procure health may make choise of the meanes and may remoue the Impediments of health VVherfore seing that the Chiefe Pastour is to looke to the soules health of his subiects he may not onlie command Temporall things but also dispose of them to that end and may remoue them when they are impediments to that end And because the King and his Kingdome are comprehended in the number of Temporall things which are ordained to the conseruation of the Church and the Spirituall end for God maketh a promise to his Chureh by the Prophet Esay Esai 49. That Kings shal be her Nurcing Fathers and that with a countenance cast downe to the ground they shall adore her Esai 60. and threatneth that the Nation and the Kingdome that shall not serue her shall perish it followeth also that when the Churches right and faith can not otherwise be conserued the Chiefe Pastour may dispose of the Kings Crowne and Kingdome hee in that case being subordinate to the Church and Christian faith Neither will VViddringtons answere serue to wit that in this case they are to be directed and commanded by the Chiefe Pastour for the conseruation of the Church but cannot be by him disposed because the argument prooueth more to wit that if the Chiefe Pastour can not only command in spirituall matters which are greater but also may dispose of them he may also dispose of the Temporall which are lesser they being in some case subordinate to the end of the Spirituall power which is conseruation of the Church and faith and procuration of eternall saluation 3. A second Theologicall Argument may be deduced from the Authoritie The Second Theologicall Argum. which the Church hath ouer Temporall power for as aboue I haue shewed the Spirituall power of the Church is not onlie Superiour to the Temporall in dignitie but also if they who haue this Temporall Authoritie be baptized in Authoritie of commanding not only in spirituall matters but also in Temporall when they hinder the Churches good or are necessarie for the Churches conseruation And therfore if the Prince make a Ciuill law which derogateth to the Church the Pastour can command them to alter or to abrogate it S. GREGORIE corrected MAVRITIVS the Emperours law Gregor lib. 7. Indic 1. by which he forbad souldiers to enter into Religion So S. AMBROSE though no Pope but Archbishop of Milan commanded Theodosius the Emperour Theodor. li. 5 cap. 17. 18 who had caused seuen thousand at Thessalonica to be killed for a sedition made against the Magistrates to make a new law by which he was so restrained that when he should condemne any to death or confiscation of goods the sentenee should not be executed till 30. daies after that he might haue time to iudge better when the furie of anger was past And the Canon law is full of commandementes of the Pope to Princes euen for the disposition of Temporall things Widdr. in Apol. n. 93. num 97.101.141 139.377 378. which also Widdrington graunteth For in his Apologie for the right of Princes he oftimes repeateth that the spirituall power can direct command and compell by Censures the Princes to make lawes which are necessarie for the Churches conseruation and to abrogate lawes which are iniurious to her and so to dispose Temporall things as they shall not preiudice the Church but rather serue her for her necessarie conseruation Widdr. Apolog. n. 197. Yea sayth he Potest Ecclesia propter instantem sui ipsius necessitatem praecipere vel prohibere vsum gladij materialis The Church when necessitie vrgeth can command or forbid the vse of the materiall and temporall sword And then say I if the Chiefe Pastour can command the Temporall power scepter and sword when the necessitie of the Church requireth he may also dispose of the Temporall power scepter and sword Widdr. in Apol. Resp nu 28. This consequēce Widdrington often tymes denieth but with how little reason we shall see brieflie For although euerie one that can command can not dispose yet Princes may I graunt the Ghostlie Father can command his Penitente to giue Almes and the Penitent shall be bound vnder sinne to obey yet he shall not therfore loose the proprietie and dominion of those his goods which he should haue giuen in almes Yea I graunt that the Prince when he commandeth his subiects to contribute for his warres or other necessities of the Realme doth not alwaies by and by depriue them of their dominion and proprietie but yet I say that as he can command Temporall things for the necessitie of the Realme of which he hath charge so he can by his absolute power called Dominium Altum when it is necessary for the Common wealth not only command but also take those goods from them and depriue them of the same as in many other cases he also confiscateth their goods and depriueth them of Dominion VVherfore seing that the Pope is the supreame visible and spirituall Prince of the Church he may not only command Christian Princes his subiects to vse their Scepter Authoritie and sword to the necessarie conseruation of the Church and especially not against the Church but may also if they contemne his commandement and Spirituall Censures for the necessarie conseruation of the Church and faith dispose of them else he were inferiour to the Prince and had not Authoritie sufficient for the conseruation of the Church which is committed and commended to his charge 4. The third Theologicall argument The third Argument shall be grounded in the Nature of the Church as it is a Common wealth for the Church is an absolute Common wealth not subordinate to any other as the Kingdome is to the Chiefe Pastour and Church Now it is so that euerie absolute Common wealth to wit which is no part nor is dependent of another hath power not onlie to
lesse daungerous to them seing that by permitting Popes and Bishops to doe it they might derogate to their owne authoritie and giue occasion to them to prescribe against them and to do it not in the Princes but in their owne name and Authoritie And when did WIDDRINGTON heare that any good Christians appealed from the Church and Pope in these lawes vnto Princes as to their highest Superiours when did they reiect any of these lawes till they had informed them selues that they were made not by the Churches but by the Princes authoritie Certes WIDDRINGTON in this openeth a wide gap for Heretickes and all contemners of the Churches authoritie And what may he not defend if he be permitted to vse this libertie and audacitie As for his Authours we shall see hereafter in the ensewing thirteenth Chapter how many they are and of what Authoritie 4. Wherfore my Argument shall proceede as it began in this manner The Pope by VViddrington can make a Decree to depose inferiour Temporall Lordes ergo Supreame Princes they as Christians being as subiect te the Church by Baptisme as aboue is shewed in the 5. Chapter num 4.5.6 as much as the lowest Christians though in that they are absolute Princes they haue no Superiour but God in Temporall Authoritie To say that Pope INNOCENT made this Decree of his own head is but to shew great ignorance for in Generall Councels Popes speake ex Cathedra and as publick not priuate persons and what they decree is With the common consent of all the Bishops or the most part else if the Pope should do all of his owne head in vaine should he assemble Generall Councels But that all the Councell and Christian world consented to this decree it is cleare enough for that no mention is made of any variance betwixt the Pope and the Councell in this matter To say that the true Councell of Laterane is not extant or that the Canons extant were compiled only by INNOCENTIVS because in this Councell the Councell of Laterane though not this but another is cited and alleadged are so improbable euasions that they merit not confutation and are verie suffieientlie reiected by the booke called Discussio decreti Magni Concilij Lateranensis 5. One thinge there is bearing more shew which our Aduersaries might alleage to wit that if this Councell did in expresse tearmes define that the Pope hath power to depose Princes they would then yeeld because what a Generall Councell with the Pope defineth directly and expresly is a mattet of faith and it is heresie to gainsay it But seing that all thinges spoken or written in a Councell are not matters of faith for as Diuines commonlie say the reasons which the Councell bringeth for confirmation of her decree and those things which are spoken incidentlie Bellarm. lib 2. de Concil cap. 11. 12. and the things which are determined as probable are not of necessitie to be beleeued it seemeth that by this decree we are not bound to beleeue that the Pope can depose Princes because though the Pope and Councell make a decree of deposition yet they define not expresly nor sub Anathemate vnder paine of Curse that the Pope can depose Princes 6. But who so pleaseth to consider this decree well and without all passion or partiall affection must needs confesse that this decree ought to be of verie great credit for first the Pope and Councell suppose at least that the pope can depose Princes else they would neuer haue made such a Decree and consequentlie this decree argueth that the Pope and all the Prelates Princes and Legates present were of that opinion which no doubt they being so many and so learned must needs beare a great sway amongst all good Christians for what they thought all the Christian world at least for the most part thought all receauing and approouing this Councell But widdringtoÌ„ will say that he will not denie but that they all thought so piouslie and probablie yet because they defined not in expresse tearmes that the Pope can depose Princes he will not beleeue it A peremptorie Answer certainlie and wherin to say no more the Answerer shall shew him selfe verie slow and hard of beleefe and to hardie also who blusheth not to gainsay so many learned and godlie Prelates and whome so many graue countenances and Iudgements can not moue 7. But I will deale yet another Way and out of the selfe same decree Although the Pope and Councell in the alleaged decree do not expreslie define that Popes can vpon iust cause depose Princes yet it argueth that they nor onlie probablie but verilie and assuredlie thought he could else to haue grounded so odious a decree and iniurious also if the Pope haue not Authoritie vpon a probable opinion had bene great rashnesse For the Councell had exposed therby if the opinion had not bene supposed most assured the King and Common wealth yea and sometimes the whole Church to vprores garboiles rebellious warres and such like And warre should haue bene iust also on both sides For the subiects might haue refused to obey the deposed Prince as being freed by a Generall Councels authoritie from all obligation to him and being warranted by the same Councell that now he is no more their King but an vsurper and Inuader against whom euerie particuler man hath iustum bellum iust warre And so as if a forraine Prince should vniustlie inuade France without iust title or wrong receiued euerie Frenchman might resist him if he could because he hauing no Title all the Kingdome and euerie particuler member hath iust warre against him so if a Prince deposed persist in gouernment he is according to the Popes and Councels opinion which VViddrington confesseth to be probable an vsurper and inuader and consequentlie euerie one of his former subiects hath iust warre against him Cicero lib. 3. de offic Hâ—rodotus lib. 3. Xiphilin in Augusto AlexaÌ„d ab Alex. li. 3. c. 26 D. Th in 2. d. vlt. q. 2. a. 2. ad 5 Sot lib. 5. de Iust q. 1. art 3. alij infra cap. 15. citandi no lesse then as all the best Philosophers and Diuines teach the subiectes haue against an vsurper of the crowne And yet this Prince deposed might iustlie also persist in his possession because no man is bound to forgoe that to which he hath probable right being warranted by the rule of the law †Reg. 65 de Regulis Iuris in 6. In pari delicto velcausa potior est conditio possidentis In the like default or cause better is the condition of him that is in possession And againe * Reg. 11 ibid. Cum sunt iura partium obscura reo fauendum est potius quà m Actori VVhen the rightes of the parties are obscure the guiltie or accused is to be fauoured before the Actour or accuser But the Prince in this case hath according to VViddrington probable right and is in possession and he is reus not Actors
ergo he may stand in his owne defence and by warres defensiue may maintaine his possession And then to what iniuries and gatboiles the Church should expose Kings subiects and Kingdomes and consequently the whole Church who seeth not but he that is wilfullie blind and will not open his eyes so that either the Councell of Laterane was temerarious and rash to build so perilous a Decree vpon no assured but only probable opinion or she thought assuredly that the Pope had such Authoritie and then euerie obedient Child of the Church should rather follow hers then Widdringtons and some few his companions opinion For certes otherwise as it is iniustice to put one out of his land or house who hath probable right and withall possession because potior est cónditio possidentis better is the condition of him that is in possession So were it open iniustice in the Pope to depriue a King of his Crowne and Kingdome who hath probable right because it is as Widdrington saith but probable not assured that the Pope can depose him and who yet hath possession He answereth that the Church commandeth the Feast of the Conception and the Pope hath giuen authoritie to simple Priests to confirme and moreouer dispensed with Princes in the solemne vow of Religion which yet are grounded but on probable opinions But the foresaid Authour in his discussion of this Decree hath verie well shewed that such inconuenienecs follow not vpon these Decrees which are not so dangerous nor concerne not the whole Church as this decree doth but onlie particuler persons and therfore I will not actum agere 8. But here I can not but obserue how cunninglie Widdrington in his new yeares-gifte endeauoureth to make his Reader beleeue that I made this Argument against my selfe In his new yeares gift pag. 43. and 52. For wheras I out of the decree of the Generall Coūcell of Lateran which I supposed to be iust had inferred that the opinion which holdeth that the Pope can in some case depose a Prince on which this decree is grounded must needes be more then probable and no lesse then certaine else if it were but probable that the Pope can depose a Prince it were probable also that the Prince deposed had still probable Title and so being in possession should vniustly be dispossessed because better is the condition of the possessour who hath probable right VViddrington taketh it for a probable opinion only that the Pope can depose a Prince whieh I alwayes denied and disprooued and thence inferreth and as he would seeme euen by my argument and Confession that the Pope cannot without open iniustice depose a Prince Where I desire the Reader to note how I as all modest Catholickes should doe doe attribute so much to the Councelles decree that by it I prooue it to be a certaine opinion that the Pope can depose a Prince in some case else the decree had been vniust VViddrington notwitstanding this decree holdeth still that it is but a probable opinion that the Pope can depose a Prince and thence inferreth that the Pope can not iustlie depose and so is not ashamed nor afraid to confesse in effect that this decree of that so greate and Generall Councell is vniust which with what modestie he can do I report me to all modest Catholickes and to the iudgement of all iudicious Readers 9. Lastlie I will yet trie another waie to persuade these kinde of men which if they contemne Mat. 18. they can hardlie auoide that imputation of Ethnikes and Publicanes which Christ him selfe layeth on them that will not heare the Church For not onlie that which is expreslie and in actu signato defined by the Councell is to be beleeued vnder paine of heresie but also that which in actu exercito is defined I will explicate my self If the Pope especiallie with a Generall Councell decree or enact any Generall law which he commandeth to be obserued of the whole Church he doth not expresselie and in actu signato define the thing to be lawfull which he commandeth but yet he doth in actu exercito and tacitè define it to be lawfull because if he cannot erre in prescribing generall lawes to the vniuersall Church as if he could the whole Church which must obey her Chiefe Pastour should erre with him it followeth necessarily that he hath infallible assistance in enacting such lawes and consequently that it must not onlie be probable but also certainly true yea and so true that it is not onlie temeritie and rashenes but also obstinate heresie to holde that it is vnlawfull which the Pope thus commandeth Bellarm. lib 4. de Rom. Pont. cap. 5. Du Valle lib. de suprema Rom. Pont. in Ecclesiam potestate part 2. q. 7. This is the opinion of Bellarmine which he prooueth also verie solidlie The same a learned Doctour of the Sorbonnes and Chiefe Reader in Diuinitie called Du Valle holdeth and as Diuines knowe it is the common opinion though some few holde the contrarie Du Valle hath these wordes Han◠autem infallibilitatem non minùs quà m in fidei definitionibus agnoscunt omnes Catholici Doctores But this Infallibllitie no lesse then in definitions of faith all Catholick Doctours do acknowledge This both Bellarmine and he as others also prooue by many Arguments For First if the Pope could command an vnlawfull thing he should command vice for vertue and might forbid vertue as vnlawfull whence should follow that the Church which must obey her Chiefe Pastour should erre in a matter necessarie to saluation for she should imbrace vice for vertue and imbracinge that should be no more Holie Yea then the Church should erre in a matter of faith because if the Pope cōmād vice for vertue the Church which must giue eare to her Chiefe Pastour should embrace it as lawfull and consequentlie should embrace a thing against faith for as it is against faith to say or thinke that Christ is not reallie in the Blessed Sacrament so is it to say or thinke that vice is vertue which yet the Chiefe Pastour should teach in commanding and the Church should beleeue in embracing and obseruing Whence I inferre that the former decree of the Councell is a matter of faith and necessarily to be beleeued For by this decree the Pope and Councell of Lateran do absolue the subiects from obedience and fidelitie by a Generall Decree do depose the Prince from his Kingdome which if it were vniust as it must needs be if the Pope had no Authoritie the Pope and Councell should erre in a matter against faith because the Catholick faith teacheth that vertue is good vice is euill and vnlawfull yet if this decree of deposition of the Prince and absolution of his subiects from their fidelitie were against iustice the Church which must obey her Chiefe Pastour should be bound to thinke iniustice to be iustice vice to be vertue which is against faith And therfore if VViddrington notwitstanding this
thing he might say vnlesse an Anathema be added as alwaies it is not that what the Councell defineth Widdr. supra n. 7. was defined but as probable He excepteth also that in an other of these definitioÌ„s it is defined quod Romanus Pontifex si Canonicè fuerit ordinatus meritis B. PETRI indubitanter sanctus efficitur That the Roman Bishop if he be Canonicallie ordained is made vndoubtedlie a saint by the merites of S. PETER which is true taken in the right sence because though euerie Pope be not a saint in life and manners yet he is a sainct in office because his office is holy and so euen Emperours are holie and therefore be stiled Sacra Maiestas Sacred Maiestie Bell li. â— de Rom. Pont. c. 8. tract de potest sum PoÌ„t contra Barcl pag. 28. seqq Schulck pag. 29. Many other Councels I could alleage as Bellarmine and Schulckennius haue done but these shall suffice all Generall Councels yea and prouinciall also if they be confirmed by the Pope according to the common opinion being of infallible Authoritie Who listeth to see the other Councels let him read the Authours prealleadged CHAPTER XII By the facts of the holy and learned Bishops of Rome especially before Gregorie the seauenth the same power is confirmed 1. MY Argumentes which I shall bring in this Chapter I grouÌ„d in the factes of Popes Bellarm. supra Schulck pag 36. Azor. 10. 2. lib. 10. cap. 8. whom Bellarmine Schulckenius and others commonlie produce to prooue that the Pope can depose Princes For although Popes may erre in matters of fact yet if it had bene an vniust and not to them an assured matter so many so learned and so holie Popes would neuer haue attempted such a thing And many of these depositions were decreed in Councels also Schulkenius hath produced twenty eight Popes that haue denounced deposition against Emperours Kings and Princes I shall content my self with the Popes who before GREGORIE the seuenth haue medled with crownes and scepters partlie because our Aduersaries affirme that GREGORIE the Seuenth was the first that medled with Temporall states of Princes partlie because they confesse that GREGORIE the Seuenth and others after him haue deposed Princes partlie also because they seeme to giue more credit to those former then these later Popes although in deed all haue the same Authoritie of which only and not of sanctitie of life deposition dependeth 2. S. GREGORIE the Great in two Epistle Greg. li. 11. epist 10. lib. 12. epist 32. threatneth deposition not onlie against Bishops and Priests but also against Kings Iudges and whatsoeuer secular persons that shall be so hardie as to infringe or violate priuileges by him graunted to the AVGVSTVNENSES and to the Monasterie of S. MEDARD For he sayth in the first place Si quis Regum c. If any King Priest Iudge or secular person acknowledging the tenour of this our constitution shall presume to do contrarie thereunto potestatis honorisque sui dignitate careat let him want the dignitie of his power and honour In the second place he sayth Si quis autem Regnum c. But if any King Prelate Iudge or other secular person whatsoeuer shall violate or contradict the decrees of this Apostolicke authoritie and our command or shall disquiet and trouble the Brothers of the Monasterie or shall ordaine otherwise then thus cuiuscunque dignitatis vel sublimitatis sit honore priuetur of what dignitie or place soeuer he be let him be depriued of his honour Which is an argument that S. GREGORIE thought he could depriue them as those also must needs haue acknowledged who subscribed to the later of the foresaied decrees to wit thirtie Bishops of seuerall countries and Prouinces together with the Kinge and Queene of France 3. Codrenus Zonaras in vita Leonis Isauri Sigebert in Chron. an 728. alij S. GREGORIE the second as aboue depriued LEO Isauricus of Italie and the Gabelles of that prouince * Platina in Gregorio III. Ado in ChroÌ„ an 744. Ced in vita Leonis Isauri Rheg li. 2 Chron. Sigebert an 750. Paul Aemil li. 2. de rebus gest FraÌ„c Fasc TeÌ„p in Zach. Otho Frising li. 5. hist c. 55. Marian. Scot. li. 3. Paulus Diac. li. 6 deff Longob ca. 5. Bonif. ep ad Zach. Pont. Some attribute this to GREGORIE the third but the reason is because he confirmed the former excommunication and deposition anno 730. 4. ZACHARIAS Pope deposed CHILDERIC King of France freed all his subiects from their fidelitie to him and gaue his Kingdome to PIPINE Father to CHARLES the Great and before Maior domus This Ado Viennensis Cedrenus Rhegino Sigibert Paulus Aemiliue Fasciculus Temporum Otho Frisingensis Marianus Scotus Paulus Diaconus and S. Boniface do auouch True it is that the Peeres and Nobles of France desired it and sent Legates to the Pope but the Pope was he by whose Authoritie he was deposed what soeuer Barclaie and VViddrington say to the contrarie And therefore the Olde Chronicon of France sett forth by Pitheus sayth that the Pope sayd it was better he should be King who had all the power as PIPINE being Maior Domus had the King doing nothing then he that had the name onlie dataque Authoritate suâ iussit PIPINVM Francorum Regem institui and by power giuen commanded Pipine to be instituted King Likewise the Authour of Fasciculus Temporum saith Ipse ZACHARIAS regâ—â— Francorum scilicet CHILDERICVM deposuit ZACHARIAS did depose the King of the French to wit CHILDERIC And after addeth Et hinc patet potestas Ecclesiae quanta fuerit hoc tempore qui regnum illud famosissimum transtulit de veris haeredibus ad genus PIPINI propter legitimam causam And here appeareth how great was the power of the Church at this tyme seing that he ZACHARIAS did transferre that most famous Kingdome from the true heires to the familie of PIPINE vpon a iust cause Rhegino sayth Per authoritatem Apostolicam iussit Pipinum Regem creari By the Apostolicall Authoritie he commanded PIPINE to be created King The same writeth Marianus Scotus saying Tunc ZACHARIAS Papa ex authoritate S. Petri Apostoli mandat populo Francorum vt PIPINVS qui potestate Regia vtebatur etiam nominis dignitate frueretur Then ZACHARIAS by the Authoritie of S. Peter the Apostle commandeth the people of the FreÌ„ch that PIPINE who exercised the Regall power should also enioy the name of the dignitie Besides this Paulus Aemilius relateth that one Burchardus a Bishop made an oration to him to perswade him to it for the Pope at first feared to vndertake a matter of so great importance yet when he considered how all the French desired Pipine Francos Sacramento Regi CHILDERICO dicto soluit he freed the French from their oath made to King CHILDERIC 5. LEO the third Pope a holy Prelate to whom God miraculouslie restored both his eyes and tongue of
Albestanensis Bishop Hugo de Sancto Victore Henricus de Gandauo Vlricus Dionysius Carthufianus Ioanues Driedo Albertus Pighius Iacobus Latomus Conradus Brunus and to these may be added Adolphus Schulkenius and Lessius 6. Out of England he bringeth Alexander of Hales a learned Professour of Diuinitie and Maister to S. Thomas of Aquin and S. Bonauenture Holcot Franciscus Maironus Ioannes Bachonus Thomas VValdensis Prouinciall in his time in England of the order of Carmelites and one of the learnedst of his age Cardinall Pole Doctour Sanders To whome may be added Cardinall Allen in his Apologie and Answer to the libeller Doct. Stapleton Mr. Reynolds and diuers others of our learned writers since King HENRIE the Eight his time 7. Dareth now our aduersarie shew his face against such an ample Senate of Doctours and learned men can he thinke him selfe a good Catholicke that holdeth against Catholick Councells Chiefe Pastours Doctours yea and the Catholicke Church which neuer dissented from her Doctours and Pastours He will say that he wanteth not Doctours also O the Doctours I graunt he may alleadge Hereticks for his opinion for in this he conspireth with them for although as wee shall see anone they arrogate to them selues this power yet they denie it to the Pope Nay sayth VViddrington I haue Catholicke Doctours also to countenance my opinion and to free it from Heresie yea temeritie And who be these his Authours He alleageth Occam Ioannes Parisiensis Dante 's the Poet Almainus Ioannes Maior Hugo Vulcurunus Albericus and others But either these Authours were Schismatickes as Sigebert or they expreslie auerte the contrarie to that for which he alleadgeth them as Ocham and Almaine or finally they neither affirme the Popes power nor denie it in deposing Princes And so onlie fiue or six as Dante 's the Poet Sigebert the Schismatick Barclay Bochell and Lescherius expreslie holde with VViddrington Schulck pag. 131. as Schulckenius hath shewed particularlie of euerie one of the authors he alleageth And what are these obscure Authonrs to Scriptures Councels Popes Practise of the Church so many learned Authours of Italie France Spaine Germanie and England as are produced But that the Reader may see more plainelie how little authoritie Widdrington purchaseth to his opinion by his Authours I shall examine some of them in particular 8. Apol. n. 4 Disput Theolog. sec 3. c. 3. n. 4. New yeares-guift pa. 54. VViddrington in his Apologie and Theologicall Disputation and Newyeares guift alleageth out of Ioannes Azorius diuerse Authours as patrones of his opinion and seemeth to endeauour to bring in AZORIVS him selfe amongest them though by the head and shoulders IOANNES AZORIVS a famous Iesuit sayth he affirmeth that it hath euer been a great controuersie betwixt Emperours and Kinges on the one side and the Bishops of Rome on the other whether in some certaine cases the Pope hath a right and power to depriue Kinges of their Kingdomes c. And he alleageth diuerse Authours out of Azorius who fauour his opinion But First although he might haue some reason to alleage those Authours yet I can not see what reason he had to alleage them out of Azorius for if he would therby make his Reader beleeue that Azorius alloweth his opinion for probable in that it is countenaunced by these Authours by him alleaged he abuseth his Reader for that AZORIVS condemneth these his Authours and cōsequentlie him selfe verie deepelie whosoeuer pleaseth to reade AZORIVS shall see that he disputing this Question alleageth for the first opinion Tom. 2. lib. 4. instit moral c. 19. which denieth the Pope Authoritie of deposing Princes in some cases Lutherans Caluinistes and Marsilius Patauinus an hereticke and after that he sayeth non longè ab his fuerunt Gulielmus Ocham c. not farre different from these heretickes were William Ocham and Ioannes Parisiensis Deuines and Dante 's the Flonentine Poet and Almainus tract de suprem potest laicâ quaest 3. Maior in 4. dist 24. quaest 3. concl 3. who haue followed Ocham And then he addeth hauc sententiam Marsilij temerariam errorem continentem ipse Marsilius alij colligere se arbitrabantur imprimis c. This temerarious opinion and which containeth errour Marsilius and others thought they might gather first c. And after that he addeth reuera nisilabi errare velimus negare omnino non possumus penes Romanum Pontificem esse iure diuino vtramque potestatem trulie if we will not be deceaued and erre we can not at all deny but that the Romane Bishop hath bath authorities Tom. 2. lib. 10. Instit mor. c. 6. And after he prooueth this out of the canon Law by Diuines also and Lawiers The same Azorius addeth to these fauourers of VViddringtons opinion Hugo Michael vulcurunus and Albericus but condemneth them and prooueth out of Bartolus l. 1. ff de requirendis reis § vlt that Dante 's was after his death almost condemned of heresie and he alleageth Antonius 3. p. tit 21. cap. 5. § 2. who sayeth that Dante 's in hoc errauit erred in thu and so is put in the Index amongst prohibited authours and his booke of Monarohie condemned and of Albericus he sayeth he is cautè legendus warilie to be read and confuteth what he saith Wheras therfore Azorius sayeth that it hath euer been a great contronersie betwixt Emperours and Kinges on the one side and the Bishop of Rome on the other c. whence VViddrington would in ferre that his opinion were disputable and probable Azorius meaneth not that it hath been a controuersie betwixt Bishops of Rome and all Emperours and Kinges for seing that he coūteth this opinion of VViddrington temerarious and erroneous therin he should condemne all Emperours and Kinges of temeritie and errour but he meaneth schismaticall or hereticall Emperours and Kinges especiallie such as the Bishops of Rome haue deposed who to holde their crownes stood to it that the Pope could not depose them wherupon their followers complained of GREGORIE the seuenth And therfore in GREGORIE the seuenth his time when the greatest controuersie was about rhis matter none but the Emperour deposed and his followers Schismatickes as he was did contradict the Popes sentence of deposition yea then the Kinge of England William the Conquerour Alphonsus Kinge of Castile Philip King of Fraunce Kanuius King of Denmarcke Count Robert of Flaunders and other Princes held league and amitie with GREGORIE the seuenth against the Emperour and his Antipope Baron tom 11. an 1084 Et anno 1085. n. 11. 12 in Greg. 7. Epist ad Greg. 7. quam referunt Magdeburgēses Cent. 11. cap. 8. de Schismatibus circa med as may be seene in Baronius in his eleuenth Tome Yea the Emperour deposed pleading that he could not be deposed but for heresie confessed that he might haue been deposed for heresie Traditio Patrum est sayth he me solius Dei iudicio obnoxium esse nisi quod absit a
an other that can So that Ocham and Almainus are quite opposite to VViddrington for VViddrington sayth the Pope can depose the Prince or dispose of temporall Kingdomes in no case they say he can regularlie depose and dispose in case of Schisme or Heresie and casuallie for a Ciuill faulte and crime that is when the secular Iudge Prince or common wealth is wanting In his Newye aresguift pag. 45. Almain q. in vesperiis vltra medium VViddrington obiecteth that Almainus auerteth that de ratione potestatis laicae est poenam ciuilem posse infligere vt sunt mors exilium bonorum priuatio sed nullam talem poenam ex institutione diuina infligere potest Ecclesiastica potestas imo nec incarcerare vt plerisque Doctoribus placet sed ad solam â—â—â—â—am spiritualem extenditur vipote excommunicationem c. It is pertaining to the nature of Laicall power to inflict a ciuill payne as death Banishment and priuation of goodes but the Ecclesiasticall power can inflict no such punishment by the diuine institution yea it can not imprison as many Doctours thinke but it is onlie extended to a spirituall punishment as excommunication c. But Widdrington should haue expounded Almainus by Almainus vnlesse he will make him flatlie to contradict him selfe and so to adde little credit to his opinion And therefore when Almainus sayth that the Ecclesiasticall power can inflict no Temporall punishment he meaneth that it can not regularlie and for a ciuill crime but graunteth with Ocham in the expresse wordes alleaged that it may inflict a Temporall punishment casuallie for a Ciuill crime and regularlie for the crime of heresie But perchaunce Widdrington hath better lucke in his other Authours 11. Ioan. Parisiens tract de potest Regia Papale Trithem de script Ecc. an 1280. An other Authour of his is Ioannes Parisiensis who as Trithemius testifieth was a Deuine well seen in Scriptures who taught publickelie in Paris c. And what sayth he If the Kinge sayth he were an hereticke and incorrigible and a contemner of the Ecclesiasticall censure the Pope might do some thing in the people wherby that King might be depriued of his honour and deposed by excommunicating all them to whom it belongeth to depose him c. To this Authour I answer first that he hath other positions also in that his tract which sound not well Secondlie as he sayth to little for the truth so he sayth to much for VViddrington and for the oath which he defendeth for as he sayth the Pope by him selfe can not depose the Prince so he sayth he can depose him by the people in that he can commaund them vnder paine of excoÌ„munication to depose him wherein he fauoureth the Prince as little as if he had sayd the Pope by him selfe can depose him for whether the Prince be deposed immediatlie or mediatlie by the Pope it is all one to the Prince it being as hard for the Prince to be deposed by the people at the Popes commaundement as by the Popes immediat Authoritie 12. After Dante 's and Almainus whome we haue alreadie examined In 4. d. 24 q. 3. ad 3. et 4 followeth Ioannes Maior who yet sayth no lesse then Ioannes Parisiensis for he after he hath denied the Pope to be direct Lord or that all Princes are his vassalles to be constituted and deposed at his will in which I also with all diuines will not let to agree sayth si intelligatur habere dominium in temporalibus casualiter c. if he be vnderstood to haue dominion in Temporall thinges casuallie and that he can do much to the deposition of Kinges by persuading counseling yea and by prouoking others to the sword against them Kinges when they are destroyers and altogeather vnprofitable spoylers of Christian faith and coÌ„mon wealth this is more gentlie to be borne neither is it against my sayinges HVGO cited by the Glosse In cap. caujam quae Qui filij sint legitimi Lib. de Regim mundi par 2. q. 2. princ num 82 as Schulkennius obserueth sayth not that the Pope can not depose the Emperour in case of heresie but onlie that he hath his authoritie from God Michael Vulcurunus as Schulkennius also obserueth standeth in plaine tearmes against VViddrington and therefore was not wiselie alleaged by him for he sayth that in case the Emperour or King should be rebellious to the Pope and would not assist him in necessitie he might expell such a Prince out of the Church and by this he shall be sayd to be expelled out of his Kingdome seing that he who hath rule ouer Christians ought to be Catholicke and a little after but yet sayth he if the Emperour or any other King be incorrigible in respect of faith and of a great and manifest sinne the Pope might depose or depriue such a man Trithem de Scrip. Eccl. an 1340. Albericus as appeareth by that which Trithemius sayth of him doubteth onlie whether certaine decretalles disposing of Temporall matters be iust Qua decretales an sint iustae Deus nouit nullaÌ„ enim earum saluo meliori consilio si erroneum foret reuoco credo luri consonam which decretalles whether they be iust or no God knoweth for I thinke not gaine saying better counsell and if it were erroneus I recall it that none of these decretalles are conformable to Law I answer that this man was a Lawier no Diuine and so being not skilfull in that science is not of Authoritie in a matter of diuinitie Secondlie he is doubtefull him selfe readie to recall what he sayth and so can giue no assurance to others 13. Trithemius is an other Authour and him VViddrington often bringeth on the stage Trithemius sayth he in his Theologicall Disputation Disput Theolog. cap. 2. n. 5. New-year asgift pag. 45. Trithem in ChroÌ„ Monast Hirsangiensis anne 1106. and in his Newyearesgift Abbot of the order of S. Benedict a man of greate learning and pietie sayd that the Question whether the Pope can depose a Prince or no was disputed amongst schoole Diuines and yet not determined by the Iudge And indeede Trithemius hath these woordes Ipse autem Henricus 4. primus est inter omnes Imperatores per Papam depositus Scholasticicertant adhuc sub iudice lis est vtrum Papa Imperatorem possit deponere quam quaestionem cum ad nos non pertineat indiscussam relinquamus Henrie the fourth was the first amongst all Emperours that was deposed by the Pope The Schoole Diuines do contend and as yet it is not decided by the Iudge whether the Pope caÌ„ depose an Emperour which question because it pertaineth not to vs let vs leaue vndiscussed I answer first that Trithemius was only a Chronographer and Historiographer and so his wordes are of no more authoritie then Ioannes de Sacrobosco his verdict in a case of Law for as Vasquez sayth and VViddrington aboue confesseth the Authours who can make an opinion probable
must be skilfull in that art or science which Trithemius him selfe knew and therefore leaueth this question vndiscussed Secondly I answer that Trithemius speaketh of HENRIE the fourth Emperour who though he had committed many insolences against the Pope and Church and had set vp an Antipope c. which his enormities Trithemius calleth scelera inaudita yet he professed him selfe a Catholicke and so the Schoole Diuines to wit Ocham Almainus and such others as I haue related for others VViddrington can not alleage disputed whether he could be deposed he being or pretending to be no hereticke as appeareth by his Epistle to GREGORâ—E the seuenth aboue alleaged and what they resolued we haue seene 14. Widdr. In his Newyearesgift pag. 46. Disput Theol. c. 3. sec 3. num 13. Petrus Pithaeus God libert Ecc. Gallicana Petrus Pithaeus sayth VViddrington a man as Posseuin sayth trnlie learned and a diligent searcher of Antiquities affirmeth that the libertie of the Church of Fraunce is grounded in this Principle which Fraunce hath euer held for certaine that the Pope hath not power to depriue the French Kinge of his kingdome or in any other manner to dispose thereof and that notwithstanding any whatsoeuer monitions or monitories excommunications or Interdicts which by the Pope can be made yet the subiectes are bounde to yeeld obedience due to the King for Temporalles neither therin can they be dispensed or absolued by the Pope And in his Disput Theologicall Cap. 3. sec 3. num 13. he sayth that Pithaeus out of a generall Maxim which Fraunce that is as he putteth in the margent the greater part euer approoued deduceth this particular proposition that the Pope can not depriue the French Kinge of his Kingdome But first here we see VViddrington ascribeth two thinges to Pithaeus which seeme to imply contradiction for in his Newyearesgift he makes him say that the libertie of the Church of Fraunce is grouÌ„ded in this Principle that the Pope hath not power to depriue the Kinge of his Kingdome And in his Theologicall Disputation he sayth that Pithaeus out of a certaine generall Maxim deduced this particuler proposition that the Pope can not giue the Kingedome of Freunce into prey nor depriue the Kinge of it And so he maketh this position That the Pope can not depriue the King of Fraunce both a generall Maxime in which the libertie of the Church of Fâ—aunce is grounded and also a particuler proposition deduced out of a generall Maxim which he nameth not which two thinges how they cohere let VViddrington looke And certes I can not imagin any Maxim receaued in Fraunce out of which either VViddrington or Pithaeus can deduce that the Pope can in no case depriue the King And if there were any such Maxim receaued in Fraunce that learned Prelat Cardinall Perone in his eloquent oration made in the Chamber of the Third estate not onlie in his owne name but also in the name of all the Nobilitie and Clergie of Fraunce would neuer haue dared before such curious Auditours to vtter these wordes following now if those who haue of set purpose laboured in fauour of the oath of England he putteth in the margent VViddrington to find out Authours who haue affirmed that in case of heresie or infidelitie the subiects could not be absolued from the obligation that they owe to their Princes could not find out any one and if those who haue since written of the same subiect in Fraunce could neuer find out in all FrauÌ„ce note these wordes since the time that Schooles of Diuinitie haue been instituted and sett open till this day one onlie Doctour neither Diuine nor Lawier nor Decree nor Councell nor determination nor acte of Parlament nor Magistrat either Ecclesiasticall or Politicke who hath sayd that in case of heresie or infidelitie the subiect can not be absolued from the oath of fidelitie which they owe to their Princes on the contrarie if all those who haue written for the defence of the Temporall power of Kinges haue euer excepted the case of heresie and Apostasie from Christian Religion how is it that they can without enforcing of Consciences make men not onlie to receaue this doctrine that in no case the subiectes can be absolued from the oath of Allegeance they owe to theire Princes for a perpetuall and vniuersall doctrine of the French Church c. Thus he whereby it is manifest that there is no such receaued Maxime in Fraunce out of which Pithaeus or Widdrington can deduce that the Pope in no case can depriue the King of Fraunce And what the opinion of the most Christian Kingdome of Fraunce at this present is may well appeare by this that all the nobilitie and Clergie the two most worthie Partes and members of that Realme in the yeare 1615. reiected an oath like to the oath of England as pernicious cause of Schisme the open gappe to heresie as our most Excellent and learned King in his Preface to his declaratioÌ„ for the right of Kinges set forth in FreÌ„ch the same yeare confesseth though in a coÌ„plaining manner and as it is to be seene in the Oration of the sayd Cardinall sent to our sayd Soueraigne And although the Tierce estate proposed an oath like to that of England yet that was but one and the lowest of the three estates and as Cardinal Perone affirmeth they had their lessons giuen them from England 15. He alleageth also out of Bochellus the Testimonie of Cardinall Pelue and other Prelates who in an assemblie at Paris 1595. reiected the Decree of the Councell of Trent sess 25. cap. 19. by which it is forbidden Kinges to permitte Duelles vnder payne of loosing the citie or place in which they permitte a Duelle Concilium TridentiuuÌ„ inquiunt excommunicat priuat Regem ciuitate illâ vel loco in quo permittit fieri duellum Hic Articulus est contra authoritatem Regis qui non potest priuari suo dominio temporali respectu cuius nullum Superiorem recognoscit The Councell of Trent say they excommunicateth and depriueth a Kinge of that Citie or place in which he permitteth a duelle to be made This Article is against the Authoritie of the Kinge who can not be depriued of his temporall Dominion in respect of which he acknowledgeth no Superiour I answer that it is not credible that Cardinall Pelue and those Prelates would thus reiect the Councell of Trent or affirme that the Pope can not depriue the King and least I may seeme to doe iniurie to Bochellus in not crediting him I shall giue reasones for it Cap. 3. pag. 111. for first as Schulkennius sheweth he thrustes into the Decrees of the Church of Fraunce and reckeneth amongest her liberties many scandalous thinges and to omitte many of them which Schulkennius noteth I will note onlie two or three of his absurdities which I haue seen in his book In his Preface to the Reader he sheweth him selfe no good Catholicke in carping vniustelie and saucilie
to my Soueraigne speake no more of him then any other Prince but abstracting from all Princes factes and cases in particular I intend onlie to dispute as I haue hetherto of the Popes Right and Authoritie ouer Princes in generall The First Clause of the Oath I. A. B. do trulie and sincerelie acknowledge professe and testifie in my conscience before God and the world that our Soueraigne Lord King Iames is lawfull and true King of this Realme and of all other his Maiesties Dominions and Countries 12. I will not stand much with WIDDRINGTON about this clause because all Catholicks will acknowledge his Maiestie that now is for their Prince and King and will sweare also fidelitie vnto him in all Temporall matters and this Oath hath bene offered by the Catholicks in an Epistle they wrote to his Maiestie which others also haue offered and for better notice and in argument of their true meaninge published their offer in print This then is one reason which maketh Catholicks to suspect that in this Oath couertlie is intended a denyall of the Popes spirituall supremacie For if the Prince and his Magistrate intended only Ciuill and Temporall Alleageance why did they not propose this Oath in the ordinarie tenour and termes of a Ciuill oath with which the former Kings of England and all Catholick Kinges of other Countries euen to this day content them selues Why bring they in the Popes Authoritie which other Princes leaue out But they knew that Catholicks would neuer haue refused such an oath and therefore to trouble and engage their consciences to haue thereby some pretence to seaze vpon their liuings and goods and to vexe their persons they deuised this Oath Which their manner of proceeding may make Catholicks iustlie suspect that some thing is intended to which in conscience they cannot agree and consequentlie oathes conscience and Religion being so nice and daungerous matters if there were no other reason then this In his Newyearesguift num 8. pag. 37. the Catholicks haue iust cause to make not only a scruple but also a conscience to take it And therefore Widdrington him selfe in his Newyeares-guist confesseth at least that in the beginning and why not still Catholickes might iustlie suspect this oath to be vnlawfull 13. Suarez Gretzerus Hence it is also that some writers make a scruple of those wordes Supremus Dominus Soueraigne Lord because the Oath being of it self suspicious and the King of England by his ordinarie Title giuen him by Parlament being stiled Supreame Head of the Church which dignitie the Bishops and Diuines of England affirme to be annexed to the Kinges Regalitie iure diuino as we haue seen aboue Chap. 6. they feare least a snake lie hid in the grasse and a pad in the strawe and that vnder that Title of Supreme or Soueraigne Lord is couertlie vnderstood Supreame Head of the Church of England not only in Temporall but also in Spirituall causes But because these wordes Soueraigne Lord may be taken in that good sense which ordinarilie they import and are not put ex parte praedicati but only ex parte subiecti for by this clause the swearer sweareth not that his Maiestie is Supreame or Soueraigne Lord but only that our Soueraigne Lord is true and lawfull King I will not much stand about them 14. For as if one should sweare that the Archbishop of Cantetburie is trulie a persecutour of Catholicks he should not sweare that he is trulie Archbishop but onlie that he who is called Archbishop of Canterburie is truly a persecutour so by swearing that our supreame Lord King IAMES is true and lawfull King we do not sweare that he is Soueraigne or Supreame Lord but only that he who is so stiled is our Prince and King which no English Catholicke will refuse to sweare But howsoeuer Catholicks haue good cause to suspect all things in this vnwonted Oath it being not the ordinarie Oath of Alleageāce which the Kings in other Countries propose and wherewith the Kings of England contented them selues till they began to seuer them selues from the true Catholicke Romane Church for true Catholicke and Romane euer went together and to banish out of their Realme all Papall Authoritie as an enemie to their state which other Princes do retaine and euer haue reuerenced and maintained as the Chiefe support of their Kingdoms And that which augmenteth the suspition is for that his Maiestie him selfe seemeth to make doubt of this Oath and so it seemeth daungerous either for the Magistrate to propose it or the subiects to receaue it For these are his Maiesties wordes vttered in the Parlament an 1606. Some doubtes haue been conceaued in vsing the Oath of Allegeance and that part of the Act which ordaineth the taking therof is thought so absurd as no man can tell who ought to be pressed therewith For I my selfe when vpon a tyme I called the Iudges before mee at their going to their courts moued the question vnto them wherin as I thought they could not reasonablie auswer So that this obscuritie in the Oath should first be cleared least swearing to that which wee vnderstand not wee expose our selues to periurie The Second Clause And that the Pope neither by him selfe nor by any authoritie of the Church or Sea of Rome or by any other meanes with any other hath any power or authoritie to depose the King or to dispose of any of his Maiesties Kingdomes or Dominions or to authorize any forraine Prince to anoy him or inuade his Countries or to discharge any of his subiects of their Alleageance and obedience to his Maiestie or to giue licence or leaue to any of them to beare Armes raise tumultes or to offer any violence or hurt to his Maiesties Royall person state or gouernment or to any of his Maiesties subiectes within his Maiesties Dominions 15. Widdr. in disp Theol. in exam huius clausulae This clause sayth VViddrington is Petra illa scandali lapis offensionis that Rocke of scandall and stone of offence at which so many of this age as well learned as vnlearned haue stumbled And in deed to VViddrington him selfe it hath beene such a Rocke of scandall but by his owne fault for many haue passed it with out either falling or stumbling that he hath not onlie stumbled and fallen at it him selfe but by his fall he hath beene the cause of the fall and ruine of many an hundred For if August serm 14. de Sāctis Act. 7. 22. as S. AVGVSTIN sayth S. PAVL by holding the garments of those that stoned S. STEVEN did more stone him then any of the stoners them selues Magis saeuiens omnes adiuuaudo quà m suis manibus lapidando Certes Widdrington persuading by his bookes that the Oath is lawfull sinneth more damnably then any one of them that take the Oath yea taketh it in euerie one of them and stumbleth and falleth in them all and consequently more then them all But vae homini illi
knowing that so many Scriptures Theologicall reasons Councels Popes their factes and practise so many learned Doctours and Sainctes stand for the contrarie he can not sweare absolutely and with the former asseueration that the Pope hath no such authoritie he knowing that so many Authours and so great Argumentes and Authoritie do countenance the contrarie opinion Yea much lesse can he sweare for his opinion in this point then can a Thomist for his touching our Ladies Conception because the Thomist is licenced by the expresse leaue of the Church to teach and thinke as he doth and his aduersaries are commaunded by the Church not to condemne his opinion as hereticall Concil Trid. sess 5. c. 1. de Reform Sixtus 4 ca. graue nimis de reliq or erronious or rash which warrant VViddrington hath not for his opinion rather the Church hath condemned it in Councells and practise as wee haue shewed Who is then so hardie or rather so rash that dareth sweare absolutely that the Pope hath no authoritie to depose Princes or dispose of their Kingdomes the contrarie being not only probable yea more probable which VViddrington can not denie but also a matter of faith or so neerely concerning faith as the arguments and authoritie produced do warrant that Cardinall Allan in his Answer to the libeller sayth Chap. 4. it concerneth the Popes Supremacie and power Apostolicall Apol. pro Card. Bellar. cap. 6. cont 4. pag. 259. and Schulkennius verie well auerreth the contrarie is either hereticall or erronious and temerarious either of which is enough to deterre any timorous conscience But be it that the opinion which holdeth that the Pope in some cases can depose a Prince were but probable yet seing that the thing which is probable may be true and if it be the more common and probable opinion as Widdrington denyeth not but that this opinion of deposing Princes is it is most like to be true It followeth consequently that he that abiureth this probable yea more probable opinion that the Pope can in some case depose Princes exposeth him selfe to probable daunger of swearing false and abiuring the truth and so is periured because qui amat periculum in illo peribit Eccl. 3. he that loueth daunger shall perish therein out of which wordes Diuines do prooue that he who wittinglie and willinglie exposeth him selfe to probable daunger of any sinne is guiltie before God of that sinne as if he had actuallie committed 19. Certes if Veritie be a necessarie companion of a lawfull oath no man can sweare more then he thinketh there is veritie in the thing he sweareth Wherefore that he may sweare that this opinion is probable he must in conscience thinke it at least probable which if he ponder the Authoritie which aboue I haue produced for the contrarie he can not possiblie and with any reason thinke to sweare that he thinketh it not only probable but also absolutely and vndoubtedly true he must in conscience be so perswaded else he should sweare against his conscience and otherwise then in his conscience is true And how can hee perswade him selfe so fullie as to sweare that from his hart and before God he thinketh and holdeth that the Pope in no case can depose Princes or dispose of their Dominions he knowing that so many and with so great reason holde the contrarie who are as likelie and as farre more likelie not to be deceaued then he as they haue more reason and Authoritie for their opinion then he 20. Pag. 62. and Pag. 63. WIDDRINGTON in his Newyeares-gift answereth that whatsoeuer opinioÌ„ a man followeth in Speculation concerning the Popes Authoritie to depriue Princes yet he may as certainelie acknowledge and sweare that the Pope hath no Authoritie to depose the King that is to practise his deposition as it is cleare and manifest that he may certainlie acknowledge and sweare that the Pope hath no authoritie to committe open iniustice and that in a doubtfull vncertaine and disputable case the condition of the possessour is to be preferred But although Widdrington maketh great accounte of this answer yet it will be found defectiue For first VViddrington is not ignorant that the power and exercise of the power are two thinges which also may be separated for we haue the power of seeing when we sleepe but not the exercise of it we haue the power of walking when we repose our selues on our bedde and yet then we walke not And so the power of excommunicating and deposing is one thing and the exercise of it is an other and therfore the Bishop may haue power to excommunicate and yet not exercise that power and the Pope may haue power to depose although he do not actuallie depose any Secondly WIDDRINGTON knoweth that a man may haue the power to do a thing validlie that is so as the thing donne shall stand in force and yet not lawfullie that is with out sinne As for example the Prelate or Soueraigne Prince who haue Authoritie to dispense in positiue lawes subiect to their Authoritie if they dispense with out iust cause the dispensation according to the probable opinion of diuerse Diuines is valid and of force and freeth the dispensed in conscience Soto li. 1 de Iustitia Iure q. 7 a. 3. Siluest Angelus V. Dispensatio but it is vnlawfull and the dispenser sinneth So the Pope or Bishop may sometymes Excommunicate validlie and yet not lawfullie For Diuines affirme Excommunication may be three wayes vniust Ex animo when there is iust cause to excommunicate but the Bishop who excommunicateth doth it not out of Zeale of iustice or desire of amendment but out of enuie hatred or malice Ex ordine when the Bishop hath iust cause to excommunicate but obserueth not the order of Canonicall Premonition which is to be donne thrice or once for thrice Ex cauiâ when there is no iust cause The first excommunication is alwayes valid Lib. 1. Thesauri â—â—suum â—â—â—sci entia ca. 7. but vnlawfull so is ordinarilie the second as noteth Sayrus our countrie man the third is not onlie vnlawfull but also inualid and of no force So also the Pope may depose validlie and yet not lawfullie or without sinne For if the Prince giue sufficient cause of deposition and the Pope notwithstanding should as such a superiour is not easilie to be thought so to do depose the Prince out of hatred or enuie or else when prudeÌ„ce would haue him to tolerate the Prince for feare of garboyles and greater hurte the deposition should be valid and of force but yet vnlawfull and sinnefull Wherefore seing that in this second clause we are to sweare that the Pope hath no power or Authoritie to depose the King or to dispose of his maiesties Kingdomes or Dominions c. Although perchaunce he can not now as thinges stand lawfullie exercise his power in deposing an absolute Prince because much more hurt then good might come of it yet if it be
3. which S. AVGVSTINE sayth is a greater euill then to be killed by a sword consumed by fier or cast vnto wild beastes to be deuoured who doubteth but that he should be called the principall cause of the deposition he compelling the subiectes therunto by so great a punishment 40. Likewise as a forreine Prince may and is bound sometimes to defend Innocents so the Pope may licence and authorize yea and commaund him so to do he hauing authoritie as VViddrington auoucheth to commaund a Prince in tēporall matters and if at the Popes commaundement this Prince make warre vpon the Prince that intolerably molesteth Innocents in their faith and Religion as Victoria in the place before alleaged saith he may that which the Prince shall doe against the other tyrannizing Prince in the pursewing of his iust warre the Pope shal be said to do hee being the commaunder and consequently the principall agent And yet by this Clause of the Oath the subiects are commaunded to sweare that the Pope hath no authoritie to authorize any forreine Prince to anoy the King of England or to inuade his countries which is to abiure at least a probable opinion as certainely false which how it can be done with a good conscience I report me euen to VViddringtons large conscience But be this spoken to shew the daunger of swearing this Clause not to giue any scope against Kings or Princes whome I honour as God his Images and his Vicegerents in Earth The Third Clause Also I sweare from my heart that notwithstanding any declaration or sentence of excōmunication or depriuation made or graunted or to be made or graunted by the Pope or his successours or by any authoritie deriued or pretended to be deriued from him or his Sea against the said King his Heires or successours or any Absolution of the sayd subiects from their obedience I will beare faith and true alleageance to his Maiesti◠his Heires and successours and him and them will defend to the vttermost of my power against all conspiracies and attempts what soeuer which shal be made against his or their persons their crowne and dignitie by reason or colour of any such sentence or declaration or otherwise and will do my best endeuour to disclose and make knowne vnto his Maiestie his heires and successours all Treasons and Trayterous conspiracies which I shall knowe or heare of to be against him or any of them 41. Widdr. in Disp Theol. ca. 4. sect 1. n. 1. seqq Here VVIDDRINGTON insulteth against the learned Cardinall Bellarmine though the Phoenix for controuersies of this our age Cardinall Bellarmine sayth he Gretserus and Lessius contend that by this Clause is denyed to the Pope power to excommunicate which yet sayth he this Clause seemeth to suppose and the King professeth he had not the intention to denie But although this Clause seeme to suppose and the King in wordes seemeth to confesse or at least not to denie the Pope Authoritie to excommunicate yet in effect they denie it For depriuation of Regall Authority being an effect of excommunicating which ordinarily followeth excommunication of Kings and Princes in the deniall of the effect the cause is denied For as if you should say A man is not risibilis you should denie him to be homo so in denying that the Pope can depriue Princes of their Kingdomes you denie in effect tha he can excommunicate 42. Here WIDDRINGTON in his Newyearesgift insulteth against me for saying as he makes me to say that depriuation of Regall Authoritie is an effect of Excommunication as necessarilie following Excommunication as risibile followeth homo But if we looke into the matter narrowlie we shall finde he triumpheth before the victorie and counteth his chickins before they be hacht For first if we speake of the power of Excommunication and depriuation of which I speake but two lines before these wordes at which VViddrington carpeth I had shewed in the seauenth Chapter before that the power to excōmunicate which the cbiefe visible Pastour hath is one and the selfe same power with the power of depriuation and deposition which one power hath two actes and effectes the one principall and first intended called actus primarius and this is Excommunication or such like spirituall Censure and punishment the second is depriuation deposition and such like Temporall chastisement and correction which is actus secundarius a secundarie acte of the Chiefe Pastours spirituall power secondarilie intended when the first will not preuaile And these two actes are necessarilie belonging to the Popes spirituall power of Supremacie not that this power must needes alwayes exercise both or either of them but because the Pope can not haue this power but he must haue facultie to exercise them when a iust cause requireth it and so these two actes being necessarilie belonging to the Popes Supremacie he that denyeth him power to depriue or depose a Prince denyeth in effecte that he hath power to Excommunicate it being one and the selfe same power because the denyall of an effect necessarilie belonging to a cause is a virtuall denyall of the cause euen as to deny that fier can heate or rarifie is to deny it to be fier and to deny a man to be risibilis is to deny him to be man Secondlie if we speake of these two actes of this power although WIDDRNIGTON knoweth that the learned SVAREZ alleaged by him 2. p. Append contra Suarem sec 4. affirmeth that the suspension of Kinglie Authoritie is an effect of the acte of Excommunication I did not say that depriuation is alwayes an effect of the acte of Excommunication well knowing that although both these are so necessarilie belonging to the Popes power of Supremacie that it can not be without possibilitie of exercising them yet it is in his free choise to exercise either both or either of them and so he may excommunicate and not depriue and he may depriue as he did King CHILDERIC See Cap. Alius 15. q. 6. alleaged by me pag. 250. and not excommunicate And therfore I sayd onlie that depriuation of Regall Authoritie being aneffect of excommunication which ordinarilie followeth Excommunication of Kinges and Princes in the denyall of the effect the cause is denyed c. where WIDDRINGTON leaueth out those wordes which ordinarilie followeth because those wordes would haue made it plaine that I say not that depriuation is an effect of Excommunication in all Excommunicate persons but in Kinges and Princes nor alwayes in excommunicated Princes because a Kinge may be excommunicated and not deposed and he may be deposed as CHILDERIC King of Fraunce was and not Excommunicated but oftentimes and ordinarelie Cap. Alius 15. q. 6. because the Chiefe visible Pastour vseth not by name to excommunicere a Prince but he also ordinarilie especiallie in these later Ages deposeth him and for two reasons also the one because he ought not ordinatilie to proceede to so seuere a temporall punishment before he haue tryed whether the
or is taken copulatiuelie in the Clause alleadged As for example if one should say It is hereticall to say that a man may steale or committ aduoutrie in that proposition or is taken disiunctiuelie and the proposition importeth that it is hereticall to say that a man may either steale or committ aduoutrie Or because he may say this is true by reason of the matter not of the forme if he should say I derest as heresie that Position which sayth that a man may be baptized of an Heretieke either lawfullie or validlie were it not a false and hereticall detestation and yet by reason of one parte of the disiunctiue proposition to wit or validlie The verie like as who so marketh shall perceaue is the proposition alleadged and therfore it importeth that it is an hereticall proposition to say that Prince excommunicated and depriued by the Pope may be either deposed or killed Whence it cometh to passe that the partie who sweareth that Clause shall sweare that it is hereticall to say that Princes excommunicated by the Pope may be deposed which notwithstanding is no where condemned as hereticall yea is decreed by Generall Councells and practised by many holie and learned Popes allowed of by common consent and lastely confessed by VViddrington himselfe as probable 50. Secondlie seeing that this manner of speech is often yea ordinarily taken in a disiunctiue meaning it maketh this Clause at least doubtfull whether it also be not taken disiunctiuelie and so importe that it is hereticall to say that a Prince excommunicated may be deposed And seeing that no man can sweare a doubtfull thing least he expose himselfe to periurie in swearing false and consequently make himselfe guiltie indeed of periurie because euerie one is esteemed guiltie of that sinne or crime Eccles 3. to which he exposeth himselfe and qui amat periculum in illo peribit Ht that loueth daunger shall perish in it therfore he can not sweare this Clause hauing no better assurance for the trueth therof then as yet Widdrington or any other can alleadge which is none at all and so long remaining at the least doubtfull and vncertaine Thirdlie Widdrington in this his explication doth euidentlie eontradict the inteÌ„tion of the Kings Maiestie ParlameÌ„t Authours of the oath for their intention as we haue seene aboue was to secure the Prince not onlie from killing but also especiallie from depriuatioÌ„ and deposition partlie because a King ordinarilie would choose as willingelie to be killed as to be depriued and deposed he by deposition or depriuation being made of a King no Kinge but a priuat man partlie because when he is once depriued or deposed he is in daunger to be killed by his subiectes if he persist in gouernment for then they who holde his deposition to be of force do holde him as an inuader So that VViddrington by this exposition making the swearer to sweare onlie that the Kinge excoÌ„municated cannot be killed secureth him not from deposition or depriuatioÌ„ no nor from killing as I haue shewed and so maketh the oath frustrate secureth not the Kinge and contradicteth the Kings and Parlaments intention which they had in framing proposing and commaunding this oath to be taken therby to secure the King 51. Fourthlie although for the respect I owe and beare to Princes and especially to my owne naturall Liege I will not auerre that Princes persisting in possession and gouernment of their Kingdome after that the Pope hath excommunicated and depriued them may be deposed and killed also by their former subiectes or any other power or potentate yet seeing that many do affirme and holde it whose opinion notwithstanding is no waies censured for hereticall or so much as temerarious or erroneous I do not see how that position though taken in VViddringtons sense and meaninge can be abiured as hereticall I acknowledge that it is condemned as heresie in the Councell of Constance Concil CoÌ„stant sess 15. to say that quilibet Tyrannus potest debet licitè meritoriè occidi per quemlibet vasallum suum vel subditum c. Euery Tyrant may and ought lawfullie and meritoriously be killed by euerie one of his vasalls or subiects euen by secret wiles or ambushements and by craftie enticements and adulations notwithstanding whatsouer oath or couenant or without expecting the sentence or commandement of whatsoeuer Iudge But this is vnderstood of him who is true King but gouerneth tyrannically who can not be killed by any one of his vasalls or subiects and not of euery Tyrant For if the Tyrant be an open inuader and vsurper of the crowne without all Title then according to the †Vide D. Tho. lib. 1. de regim Princip c. 6. Caiet 2.2 q. 64. a. 3 Arragon ibid. Sayr lib. 7. Claeu Regiae cap. 10. uu 4. reliquos infra citandos common opinion euerie one of the Realme hath iustum bellum iust warre against him and so may kill him by way of defence Yea although the Tyrant haue iust Title and so be true King yet if he tyrannize in gouernment not howsoeuer for * RoÌ„ 13. 1. Pet. 2. euill Kings must be borne withall and ought to be obeyed but intolerably and so as the Common wealth can not consist vnder him that then not particuler subiects but the Common wealth after sufficient admonition may by common consent publick authoritie and publick senteÌ„ce depose him As for example if the Prince should vniustely kill all his nobilitie cause their wiues to be rauished massacre their children ransack their houses and families and withall giue their lands and liuings to others for no offence also but out of his owne humour then say diuers Authours the Common wealth as she made him King for although some be Kings by succession yet the first King as before is declared if he were lawfull came to the crowne by electioÌ„ of the people so by the same power which in case of intolerable tyrannie returneth againe vnto her she may depose him and if after deposition he persist she may kill him if otherwise she finde no meanes to resist him This was the opinion of many of the a Zenâ—phon lib. de Tyran Arist lib. 2. Polit. cap. 5. li 5. cap. 10. 11. Cic. lib. 3. de offic auncient Philosophers and this also many Christian b Gigas Paridius de Puteo alij citati a Suar. lib. 6. defens fidei Cathol c. 4. Lawiers and learned c D. Tho. citat in 2 d. vlt. q. 2 ar 2. ad 5. Gerson par 4 tract coÌ„tra adulatores consid 7. Sotus lib. 5. de iust q. 1. ar 3. Bannes 2.2 q 64. a 3. dub 1. § sed quaeret aliquis ValeÌ„tia to 3. disp 5 q. 8 p. 3. §. si est Tyrannus Molina to 4. de iust tract 3. disp 6. n. 2. Tolet lib. 5. Summa cap. 6 num 17. Sa in Aphorismis V. Tyrannus num 2. Lessius lib. 2. de iust iure cap. 9.
Ecclesiasticall lawes in giuing Authoritie to preach to minister Sacramentes and such like yet when it is necessarie for the conseruation of this power or of the Church or faith of which it hath the Charge that it dispose of Temporall matters it can do that also and so the same spirituall Authoritie which directlie and as it were ex prima intentione ordaineth and determineth of Spirituall matters dealeth also with Temporall affaires not absolutelie but as they are ordained and necessary to the attaining of the Spirituall end which is conseruation of the Church and faith and the soules faluation But because this power doth not respect Temporall thinges principallie and for them selnes but only secondarilie and as they are ordained to the conseruation of the Spirituall good of the Church it is sayd indirectlie only to respect Temporall matters and for as much as it medleth not ordinarilie but in some extraordinary case with the saied Temporall matters we may say that the Pope ordinarilie medleth with spirituall matters and hath for his ordinarie glaiue and weapons the Spirituall censures but when they will not serue to defend the Churches necessarie right then he may also vse the Temporall sword and punishment because the same Authoritie which handleth principallie directlie and ex prima intentione the spirituall glaiue may also command and handle the Temporall sword when it is necessarie to the spirituall end for then gladius est sub gladio as BONIFACE the Eight said The Temporall sword is subordinate and subiect to the Spirituall And this is the common opinion which our most Illustrious Cardinall Allan the honour of our countrie holdeth and defendeth in his Answer to the libeller Chap. 5.6 7. But this subiection of Temporall states to the Spirituall power of the Pope and Church may be diuerslie taken First it may be taken for subiection and inferioritie in the order of Dignitie only and so all Authours agree that the Spirituall power is Superiour to the Temporall Secondlie it may be vnderstood of a Superioritie in Directing not onlie by counsell but also by Commandement vnder paine of sinne and some spirituall mulct as excommunication suspension and Interdict And so also all good and Catholick Authours yea Barclaye and VViddrington confesse Widdring in Apol. n. 197. that the Spirituall power may not only direct by Counsell but may also command the Temporall power not to vse the Temporall sword or authoritie to the preiudice of the Church and it may also correct and punish those that refuse to obey by Spirituall penalties Thirdlie it may be taken for a subiection which importeth not onlie a subiection to the Commandement but also to the disposition of the Spirituall power in which sense the Pope and supreme Pastour may be said to haue Authoritie not only to command vnder paine of sinne Christian Princes to cease from persecuting or wrōging the Church or to implore their sword and Temporall Authorities and meanes to the necessarie defence of the Church but also if they refuse and contemne his spirituall Authoritie and penalties which he inflicteth vpon them he may dispose of their Crownes Kingdomes and Authoritie and bestowe them on some other that shall do the Church better seruice or at least shall not wronge her or do her that iniurie with the which the Churches right and faith cannot consist And this Authoritie Barclaye VViddrington and some others not only Hereticks Schismaticks but also who desire still to go by the name of Catholickes do deny Wherfore for the respect I beare and owe to God and his Church and for the information of some deceiued Catholicks and confutation of Hereticks and those Catholicks who in this point ioyne with them I will prooue it by many conuincing arguments in the ensuing chapters of this Treatise And first out of Scripture CHAPTER VIII By diuers places and examples of the old and nevv Testament it is prooued that the Pope in some case can not only by Spirituall Censure but also by Temporall punishment and euen by depriuation chastice Princes who are rebellious and doe tyrannically persecute and molest the Church 1. HAuing explicated how the Popes Spirituall power may dispose of Temporall things and euen Crownes and Diademes when it is necessarie for the Churches cōseruation or great and necessarie good it remaineth that I prooue the same But because the proofes are long and many I will in this Chapter alleadge only those Arguments which may be deduced out of the Text of Scripture And least the Aduersaries of the Popes authority in this point plaie with me as they haue donne with some learned writers of this time and bragge of the victorie when they can deuise any answere though neuer so slender I will be so bolde as to preuent them and to take this euasion from them For if it were sufficient to shape an vnshapen answere which hath only a shew of probabilitie then all the proofes out of scripture which the aunciēt Fathers produced against the auncient hereticks shal be called in question For what better and more pregnant place can be alleadged then that Ioa. 10. which the aunciēt Fathers cited out of S. IOHN against the Arrians Ego Pater vnum sumus I and the Father are one and yet the Arrians had their answer in redines to witt that God the Father and the Sonne are one not by vnitie of substance but consent of wils And what plainer wordes can be alleadged for the Reall presence then those of CHRIST This is my body Mat. 26. Clandius de Sainctes Repetit 1. ca. 10. and yet the Reformers of this time haue deuised no lesse then fowerscore expositions and answers all different from the Catholick sence and meaning But my Aduersaries are to waigh and ponder the soliditie of their answers and the conformitie also of them to the Churches definition and practise 2. 1. Reg. 13 My first proofe then shal be taken from examples of the olde and new Testament which do not a little patronize the aforesaid authoritie of the Pope SAMVEL as he anoynted King SAVL and created him King of the Iewes so he deposed him And although he did this as a Prophet yet this might be a figure of that which the Chiefe Pastour may do in the new law Zuing. art 41. 2. Paral. 26. whervpon Zuinglius whose authority must needs be of force against Protestantes saith plainly Quòd Reges deponi possunt Saulis exemplum manifestè docet That Kings may be deposed Saules example doth manifestlie teach 2. Par. 26. AZARIAS the High Priest deposed OZIAS for arrogating the Priests office for although God immediately marked him with a leprosie yet the high Priest after he was thus marked had authoritie from God by the Leuitical lawe Leu. 13. to separate him from all societie and cohabitation with his subiects Hence I inferre first that the high Priest had in some case authoritie to dispose of Temporall things though they belonged to Kings For cohabitation