and that they had advanced a Cruel Vicious Tyrannical Covetous or Wasteful Person they frequently Deposed him oftentimes Banished sometimes Destroyed him and this either Formally by making him Answer before the Representative Body of the People Or if by ill Practices such as making of Parties Levying of Souldiers contracting of Alliances to support himself in Opposition to the Peoples Rights he was grown too Powerful to be legally Contended with they dispatched him without any more Ceremony the best way they could and Elected presently a better Man in his Room sometimes the next of Kin to him sometimes the Valiant Man that had exposed himself so far as to undertake the Expulsion or the Killing of the Tyrant at other times a Private Person of Good Reputation who possibly least dream't of such an Advancement Frequent meetings of the Estates was a part of the very Fundamental Constitution In those meetings all matters relating to Good Government were Transacted Good Laws were Enacted all Affairs belonging to Peace or War Alliances disposal of great Offices Contracts of Marriages for the Royal Family c. were debated c. This was the Ancient Form of Goverment in this Kingdom which continued with very little variation excepting that the Power of the Nobles encreased too much till about 32 years ago when at one instant the whole Face of Affairs was changed c. It is easie for any considering Person to guess the Consequences of this which are Frequent and Arbitrary Taxes and commonly very Excessive ones even in times of Peace little regard being had to the occasion of them So that the value of Estates in most parts of the Kingdom is fallen three fourths And it is worse near the Capital City under the Eye and Hand of the Government than in Remoter Provinces Poverty in the Gentry which â—ecessarily causes extremities of misery in the Peasants Partiality in the distribution of Justice when Favorites are concerned with many other mischiefs which shall be hereafter more particularly mentioned being the constant Effects of Arbitrary Rule in this and all other Countries wherein it has prevailed This Description or Form of Government it is likely the Author has given us in imitation of some old Fashion Romance or other for I am sure out of History he can bring none that were ever like it I must confess that I could scarce Read without some Indignation how he had abused in a most unanswerable manner the Laudable Ancient Constitutions of the Danes not only but also by so doing had taken an Opportunity to put his Fictitious Suppositions the conceits of his own Brains or some States Mountebanks Chimerical Notions for Truth upon the English Nation What he says concerning the Election of their Princes How the Eldest were preferred before the Younger out of Courtesie if they were equal in Vertues as also their Adhering to a Line being at pleasure might be taken for a vulgar mistake such as does arise from the neglect of true History The Qualifications which he says were required in their Princes might be look'd upon as an Effect of a Poetical fancy But what he tells of frequently Deposing and Banishing nay even Destroying their Kings either Formally or without Ceremony by some Valiant Hand who for his Meritorious Act of Killing or Expelling the Tyrant used to Succeed in the Kingdom Is so much against the Practice of the Ancient Danes described in True History that these Extravagancies cannot be look'd upon by Judicious Persons otherwise than self-invented Notions fitted to the Humour of some self-conceited Politicians but always esteemed by the more Understanding sort as most pernicious to Human Society To make this appear the better what if we should endeavour to show that the Ancient Government of the Danes was so far from Adhering to such Barbarous Practices or choosing their Kings by Courtesie that the Laws of Succession were so Sacred with them that that Kingdom ought rather to be called Hereditary if any one ever was in this Gentleman's Opinion to be esteemed as such in Europe than Elective Not to mention here the times before Charles the Great the History of those Countries before that time being infected with many Fabulous Relations we will begin with the Year 804 P. C. N. When Gotricus Brother to his Predecessor Sigifrid being declared King of Denmark left that Crown to his Son Olaus from whom it always descended in the same Line to the next Heir till after the Death of Margaret Queen of Denmark Sweden and Norway which was about the Year 1414. Thus the Crown of Denmark having been in a perpetual Lineal Succession of one Family for above 600 Years and the said Margaret having no Issue she had in her Life time Crowned Eric VIII her Sisters Son who having left Denmark and resigned the Crown after an Anarchy of Six Years in his Place was Constituted Christopher III. Eric's Sister's Son who 's Mother was also Niece to the above named Queen Margaret This Christopher dying without Heirs as did also his Sister before him the most Ancient Race of the Danish Kings was then extinguished about the Year 1448. Only that there was left Adolph VIII Duke of Sleswick and Count of Holstein being Son to a Nephew of Woldemar IV. to whom the Crown of Denmark being offered by the States he refused the same as having no Children The Crown being thus fallen into the Hands of the States yet were they so Religious in observing their Ancient Right of Succession that they chose Christian Count of Oldenburg for their King as being Son of Hedwig Sister of Adolph Duke of Sleswick and consequently being Related to the Family of the Ancient Danish Kings his Son John Succeeding him Constituted with consent of the States his Son Christian II. King of Denmark who was afterwards Declared by the States who had now acquired a greater power incapable of the Crown as having Reigned very Tyrannically over them and in his stead Frederick I. Brother of John King of Denmark and Uncle to Christiern was made their King And I think it is a remarkable Instance that even at that time the States of Denmark did not esteem it belonging to themselves to alter the Succession of the Crown when they did not only choose Frederick I. who was Son of John King of Denmark but also afterwards in a publick Convention of the said Estates they did promise to John Son to the banished King Christiern the Restitution of his Fathers Kingdoms not only but also the immediate Succession after the Death of Frederick I. But John the Son of Christiern II. dying about the same time when Frederick I. dyed the Crown came to his Son Christiern III. whom in a direct Line have Succeeded Frederick II. Christiern IV. Frederick III. and Christiern V. the present King of Denmark Out of these Heads which I have thought fit to mention here it may be evident whether the Succession of Denmark was precarious as this Author has taken a great deal
of pains to perswade us And whether this long and constant Succession in one Family were Anciently depending from a free choice or not will be worth our enquiring into Canute Surnamed the Hardy 1044. having no Issue had by Compact Resigned the Crown of Denmark after his death to Magnus King of Norwegan who by force of Arms taking Possession of the same was opposed by Sueno Canute's Sister Son till Magnus after a Reign of Eight Years coming to dye of a fall from his Horse He was declared King of Denmark tho' in no ways beloved of the Danish Nobility as having Waged continually War against them in the time of Magnus yet being the only one that was left of the Ancient Race of the Danish Kings was received as King of Denmark Afterwards when in the Year 1250. Abel had caused his Brother Eric V. King of Denmark to be murthered tho' the States abominated the Fact yet Eric having left no Children and he being the Eldest among the Brothers that were left was made King of Denmark being Preferred before his Younger Brother Christopher who Reigned after him How the States did promise the Crown to John the deposed Christiern II's Son after the death of Frederick I. has been said before and how in our Age the States of this Kingdom set Frederick III. the present King of Denmark Father upon the Throne in spite of a Faction that were for Advancing his Younger Brother begotten of another Mother and the Second Wife of Christiern the IV. to the Royal Dignity cannot be out of the Memory of such as are acquainted with the Transactions of these Countries Besides these undeniable Examples there are also obvious amongst the Historians Testimonies sufficient to convince any Body that is not prepossess'd with a vain conceit of his own opinion That the Succession was not Anciently depending from the will of the States but that their Kings had and did claim a Right to the same for themselves and their Heirs both Males and Females When after the death of Waldemar the States declared Olaus Haquin and Margarets King and Queen of Norway Son King of Denmark the Danish Historiographer gives this among others for a Reason because he was from his Mothers side the next to the Kingdom And in the same Book he has given us an Extract out of the Records wherein the said Margaret Mother to this Olaus and Daughter of King Waldemar is called Queen of Norway and Sweden and the true Heiress of Denmark That noted Historian Crantius speaks much to the same purpose both of Olaus and his Mother Margaret He says that the two Kingdoms of Denmark are Hereditary to Olaus and that after the Decease of him there being no Male Heirs left all was fall'n to Queen Margaret The same Author calls Siwald the First Heir and Successor to his Father King Ungrin in the Kingdom of Denmark and speaks much to the same purpose of Broderick Son of Yarmerick King of Denmark And truly the Name of Heir of Denmark is so frequent in the ancient Histories of Denmark especially before the Times of Charles the Great that it would be infinite to mention them here since even in latter Times the same has not been out of date there Meursius does not only call Christiern Son to Christiern Heir of that Kingdom but also bestows the same Title upon John the Son of the deposed Christiern the II. And here I cannot but insert the Reasons which were alledged by the States of Denmark among others in their Proclamation for the declaring Frederick I. King of Denmark after they had renounced all Obedience to Christiern II. Their Reasons are these Because he was the Heir of Norway and had his Off-spring out of the most glorious Family of the Danish Kings That He was born a Kings Christiern I's Son and that therefore this Honour did belong to him in his own Right before any other Prince and that he ought to have a Portion or Patrimonial Share out of his Fatherly Kingdom From hence I think may be easily understood that the States of Denmark even in latter Times did not assume to themselves the free disposal of the Crown and that the Succession was not precarious and as our Author would have it according to good Behaviour This will appear more clear to us if we consider that the same Right of Succession has not only in former but also latter Times ever since the Oldenburg Family has sway'd the Scepter in that Kingdom been deprived not only to the next Male Heirs though Minors but also to the Females and their Off-spring Of the Female Succession we have Two Instances since the Oldenburg Family came to the Crown The first is That it was agreed by Marriage Contract betwixt Christiern II. and Isabel Sister to the Emperor Charles V. That if they should leave no Male-Heirs behind them the eldest Daughter should suceed in the Throne of Denmark And when afterwards the same Isabella followed her Husband in his Exile after he was deposed the States did not only recall her but also promis'd her Obedience nay they did declare by a publick Proclamation That if she would return to the Kingdom they would acknowledge her for their Queen and Sovereign Lady Which Proffer however though never so advantageous she refused to accept of Of the Female Succession the Danish ancient History furnishes us with a remarkable Example in Margaret Daughter to King Waldemar IV. who being married to Haquin King of Norway after the Decease of her Husband and Son Olaus succeeded them in both the Kingdoms of Denmark and Norway and reigned for about Thirty Years about the Year 1400. And of several Kings of Denmark who came to that Crown by Right of the Female Succession there are several Examples in their Histories Sueno III. about the Year 1155 succeeded Canute IV. he being born from Margaret the Sister of Canute surnamed The Great and not much beloved by the Danes as having to his Father one Ulpho an Englishman yet being the only One that was left of the Royal Family was therefore declared King of Denmark So was Olaus Son to Haquiâ—â— and Margaret King and Queen of Norway declared King of Denmark because from his Mother's side he came from the Race of the Danish Kings she being Daughter to Waldemar IV. King of Denmark This was about the Year 1340. And not long after viz. about the Year 1417. Eric the same Margaret's Sister's Son succeeded here in the Kingdom upon the same Pretensions having been by her recieved as a Consort in the Danish Empire before As for the Succession of the next Heirs of the Royal Family in their Minority several Instances also may be found in the ancient Histories of Denmark as well as these of latter times Eric about the Year 855. succeeded his Father Siward in the Kingdom of Denmark being a very Child from whence he was surnamed Barn which
in the Danish Tongue signifies a Child Waldemar I. being constituted King of Denmark about the Year 1157. when he was scarce nine Years of Age is another instance in this kind Eric VII also Son of King Christopher I. and Olaus Son of Queen Margaret were both declared and crowned Kings of Denmark before they were come to the Age of Eleven the first about the Year 1260. the second about the Year 1340. And Eric Queen Margaret's Sister's Son was by her made Consort in the Government when he was a Child Neither has the Succession and Declaration of the next Heirs though Minors ceased since the Oldenburg Family had the Government of this Kingdom Christiern I. had his Son John declared King in his Life time when he was about the Age of Twelve Likewise had King John his Son Christiern declared his Successor when he was not above Six Years of Age. And Christiern IV. was at the Age of Seven declared Successor to his Father King Frederick then living and having received Homage from the States actually succeeded him after his Death before he was quite Eleven Out of the History of the continual Succession of the next Heirs belonging to the Royal Family of Denmark both Males and Females and that also in their Minority it will be no difficult matter to judge how great the Rights were of the Danish Royal Family in the Succession of the Crown but when I shall have demonstrated that they also had a right of adopting not only but also by Testament to appoint their Successor and even dividing the Kingdom among their Heirs it will then I think be evident that scarce ever any Kings in these very Kingdoms which have been esteemed ways heredittry could pretend to a greater prerogative An Example of Adoption for the Danish Crown we have in the often before mentioned Queen Margaret who after the Death of her Son Olaus being without Heirs did not only constitute Eric her Sisters Son her Consort and Successor in the Danish Empire but also to make his Title the more firm did adopt him and he was as such receiveâ— after her Death by the Estates of Denmark An Example of disposing of thâ— Crown by Testament Albert Krantâ— that Ancient and Celebrated Historian has given us in the Danish King Haldan who left by his last Will the Kingdom to Unguin which being confirmed by the Estates is mentioned by this Author as an Act without a Precedent in Denmark at that time As for the Division of the Kingdom of Denmark there are several Examples extant in their Histories Canute I. sirnamed the great being King of England Denmark and Norway divided in his Life-time about the Year 1030 the three Kingdoms without consulting the Estates between his three Sons giving to the Eldest Harald England to Canute Denmark and Norway to Sueno And having the two Crowns of England and Norway in his Possession by right of Conquest yet he used the same Power in appointing his Successor in the Kingdom of Denmark The second Instance of dividing the Kingdom is in the Reign of Waldemar about the Year 1170 Who having called together the Estates at Samsoâ— he had his Son Waldemar crowned King of Denmark After which another Son being born to him who 's Name was Eric he declared him Duke of Sleswick and to Canute another Son of his he assigned Laland But Waldemar the younger not long after his Coronation happening to die by a Mischance which he got in Hunting King Waldemar made a new Division among the rest of his Sons and before he died exhorted them to Unity alledging that to the best of his Power he had equitably divided the Kingdom among them And the several Provinces so assigned by King Waldemar to his Son were afterwards devolved to their Children and Grandchildren before they were reunited into one Kingdom There is one remarkable Instance more in the Danish History of this Kingdom being divided into three Parts betwixt Waldemar Canute and Sueno For aftere the Death of Eric sirnamed the Lamb during the Minority of Waldemar I. who was declared King before contended for the Crown of Denmark Sueno and Canute the first having on his side the Zealanders and Inhabitants of Schonen the latter the Jutlanders being at last tired by the Wars the Decision was referred to Waldemar I. who dividing the Kingdom into three Parts assigned to himself Jutland to Canute Zealand and Funen and to Sueno Schonen Halland and Blekingen and that all three should be called Kings And even since that time that the Family of Oldenburg has ruled in Denmark Christiern I dying Anno 1482. at Copenhagen divided the Kingdom and that by Testament betwixt his two Sons John and Frederick giving to the Eldest the Kingdoms and to the Youngest the Dukedoms And it is remarkable that when afterwards both Frederick and the Holsteiners urged the Execution of Christiern I's Will it was alledged for a reason by them that since John the Eldest had for his share two Kingdoms it was no more than reason that the Dukedom should come to Frederick in recompensation of what John had obtained Truly if the Succession of Denmark had been precarious Sweedland being then already faln off from Denmark this would have been a foolish reason since the Dukedoms being hereditary and very considerable in themselves the Younger would have had much the better share And that the said Christiern I had a right of disposing the same among his Children the States afterwards did confess themselves in their Proclamation wherein having published their reasons for refusing to obey Christiern II and receiving Frederick I. for their King they alledged as one main reason for Frederick that there was due unto him his patrimonial share out of his Father's Kingdom As out of what I have related here it will easily appear how ill grounded our Author's Assertions are concerning the Danish Government so he that will be so curious as to make a thorough search into the Danish History will be the better convinced that the Ancient Kings enjoyed and exercised the same Prerogatives which are acknowledged to appertain to other hereditary Kingdoms in Europe It is not to be denied that in this as well as other Kingdoms either during the Minority of some Kings or else by the Division of the Kingdom betwixt several Heirs and other Accidents many Irregularities Contests Wars and Slaughters have happened but to draw these into Consequence and to attribute the villanous Acts of exasperated Parties to the whole Government is to overturn the whole frame of History and at once to charge all Governments with the blackest Villanies that can be imagined since none have been free of them And I verily believe if a due Comparison were made there would be as few to be found of this Kind in the Danish History as in any in Christendom Let but any Body who is not byass'd by his own Opinions look into
also of His Majesty himself and the Parliament also sometimes if every thing does not exactly agree with their conceited Rules of governing and that at a time when both King and the grand Council of the Nation are mutually labouring for the Repose and Happiness of those Kingdoms I would ask any body of common Sense if one who has perhaps from others only learned the Rules of Navigation and peept a little into the Sea-cards should pretend to instruct old Commanders of Ships how to steer with Advantage how to avoid such hidden Banks as lay scattered up and down near several Coasts and how to manage a Ship in case of Tempests would not he deservedly be laught at by every body and whether those who should trust a Ship to his Management would not be esteemed to be out of their wits Yet these Câ—amber-Politicians find their Admirers here and are vain enough to imagine that they could manage the Helm of our Government better than those to whom the same by our Laws is committed and have given sufficient proof both of their Fidelity and Ability And here I cannot forbear to insert what is related of that great General of the Carthaginians Hannibal because it seems to agree in most of its Circumstances with what I have said before Hannibal in the time of his Banishment from Carthage came to Ephesus where at that time was a Famous Philosopher Phormio much admired especially by the Ephesians Among other diversions wherewith they entertained Hannibal they would by all means invite him to hear their so much beloved Philosopher Hannibal at last over-perswaded by the Ephesians went to be entertained with his Discourse where the Philosopher with abundance of Rhetorick begun to make a long and tedious Sermon of Military Affairs and the Duty of a General to the great content of the Ephesians The Oration at last being ended Hannibal was asked by them what he thought of their Philosopher to whom he replied very freely that he had in his Life-time seen a great many old Dottrels but had never met with one that was so raving-mad as this old Fellow which Answer coming from so great a Man it 's said put them a little out of Countenance but not out of conceit of their Doctor But to return to our Authorâ— who having attributed our not travelling of late Years to the management of the two last Reigns says further thus 'T is not very long ago since nothing was more generally believed even by Men of the best Sense than that the Power of England was so unquestionably established at Sea that no force could possibly shake it That the English Valour and Manner of fighting was so far beyond all others that nothing was more desirable than a French War Should any one have been so regardless of his Reputation as at that time to have represented the French an over-match for the united Forces of England and Holland or have said that we should live to see our selves insulted on our own Coasts and our Trades endangered by them That we should be in apprehension every Year of an Invasion and French Conquest Such a venturesome Man must have expected to have pass'd for a very Travellour or at least for an ill-natur'd or unthinking Person who little considered what the irresistible Force of an English Arm was but our late Experience has reclaimed us from these Mistakes It were to be wish'd that our late Experience though never so dearly bought had quiâ—e rooted out so vulgar an Errour among us which had almost proved fatal to these Kingdoms But the ignorance of foreign Affairs the fondness of our own irresistible Strength and the want of duly comparing the same with that of our Enemies seems not by late Experience it self quite extinguish'd among some who fancy themselves no small Politicians How many are to be found to this Day who vainly boast that we are not so near concerned in this War as the rest of the Allies that the Sea is a sufficient Bulwark against any Attempts from France upon us nay that upon all occasions we are able alone to beat the French by Sea and Land without the Assistance of our Allies This vain Belief of our own Strength was the Trap which the French twenty Years ago when first they began to bid fair for the universal Monarchy knew how to make good use of to catch us withall at their own time I remember very well that coming some time before the Peace at Nimuegen out of France and having had an opportunity to pass along the Rhine and afterwards through Flanders where the Seat of the War then lay I at my Return hither would often relate to my Friends what I thought and had as an Eye witness observed concerning the Strength of France who tho' else no Favourers of the Court at that time were so far from making any reflection upon that matter that they rather look'd upon it as a false Notion and the vain Effect of Travelling so deeply had this flattering Fancy taken root among the Generality of our Nation here At those times it must be confess'd this Opinion might be perhaps excusable but I cannot see under what Colour some who have seen so formidable a French Fleet a few Years ago in our Chanel and the Armies of France out number us almost every where last Year can pretend to scatter their Pamphlets at this time full of vain Suppositions of this Nature But we must return to our Author who by the Example of the Ecclesiasticks encourages us to Travelling in these words The Jesuits have brought several Maxims as well as Summs of Money from as far off as China or Japan thereby improving their Knowledge c. These Men whose firm Adherence to the most exquisite Tyranny is manifest by their indefatigable Endeavours in behalf of the French King's Interests as formerly of the House of Austria whilst it was in its Height have by these Arts ingrossed to themselves the Education of the Youth in all Popish Countries The Lutheran Priests who have an entire Dependance on their Kings and Princes are entrusted with the like in those Countries which observe the Confession of Ausburg They also send abroad some of their hopefullest young Students several of which may be met with at Oxford Cambridge and Paris The use they make of Travel being not only to improve their Knowledge in Sciences but to learn fit Methods to please their Sovereigns at the Expence of the Peoples Liberties c. And a little further But the same Travel will afford the best Antidote against this Poyson and teach a Gentleman who makes right use of it by what Sâ—eps slavery has within these last 200 Years crept upon Europe most of the Protestant as well as Popish Countries having in a manner quite lost the precious Jewel Liberty This cannot be attributed to any more probable Cause than the enslaving the Spirits of the People as a Preparative to that of their Bodies For since
of all his worm-eaten Antiquities whether Greeks or Romans a Family by a continual Succession of time so abounding with Champions for their Country as his Majesty's or any one of the Ancient Hero's surpassing his Majesty in Valour Prudence and Justice It is therefore to be admired why among so many Romans eminent for their Vertues he could not pick out any others to put as Examples besides Cato and Brutus Cato was always censured by all understanding Politicians for having more surliness in him than was useful to the State And Brutus committed the blackest Villany against his Friend and murthered him to whom he ow'd more than to his Parents Neither is the matter much mended by excusing his Villany with the pretence of publick Liberty for not to mention that he and Cassius took upon themselves the same Title of Imperator as Caesar had done it is evident enough to all sensible Men that they intended to play the same Game if not a worse since they were far behind him in every respect And if a pretence of Liberty is sufficient to warrant the blackest Crimes I see no reason why Ravaillac and others of that stamp should not claim the same Priviledge since questionless the pretence of their Principles of Religion are as specious as those of Liberty Methinks our Author shews in this point especially a little too much inclination to such as rail with great violence against the Jesuits yet have not laid aside their Doctrine of Sacrificing either King Friend Relations or Kindred when ever they are possessed with the Frensical humour that any thing is done in prejudice of their pretended Rights which they know how to deduce with as many florid Speeches as ever the whimsical Greeks and some of the Romans did when they intended to impose upon the People under the pretext of publick Liberty And here I should say something concerning our Author's new broach'd Rules of Policy as also the Digression he makes upon the most Antient Constitutions of Government in Europe but because these Remarks are grown almost as monstrous in bigness as the Preface it self and we shall be obliged to treat of these Points hereafter when he in the Treatise represents the form of Government in Denmark and other Countries we will supersede it here as also what he says according to his Romantick way That in Spain Italy and France Slavery is not so conspicuous but in the Northern parts it appears in its true shape since something of that will be said in the Conclusion of the Treatise where he speaks to the same purpose But what he says That it is now or never seasonable to assert both the Peoples Right and his Majesty's Title is like all the rest of his Vanity since God knows he has not said one word farther of it and it would have been but common Wisdom not to have inserted things of that high moment in a transitory way among his fantastical Conceits especially at a time when the People enjoy their legal Liberties under the Reign of a Wise Just and Brave King whose Title is so generally approved by the Practice of all and especially our Age and more particularly by the general approbation of all Europe and all good Men in these Kingdoms I conclude with the great Roman Politician and Philosopher Nihil est temeritate turpius nec quidquam tam indignum sapientis gravitate constantia quam aut falsum sentire aut quod non satis exploratè perceptum aut cognitum sit sine ulla dubitatione defendere ic lib. 1. de natur Deor. REMARKS UPON THE TREATISE CALLED An ACCOUNT OF DENMARK THE first Chapter of the Treatise it self having nothing material in it besides a general Geographical Description of the Territories belonging to the King of Denmark does not require any further Observations and if the Author in some other matters had as he has done in this rather follow'd the foot-steps of Authentick Writers than his Sensible and Grave Men as he calls them in this Chapter who have misled him for the most part into a Conceit of his own Knowledge and an ill-grounded Experience instead of Truth we might have superseded to extend these Remarks so far as we are obliged now to do We will therefore go on to the Second Chapter where he speaks thus concerning the Island of Zealand It is almost of a circular Figure and contains about 180 English Miles in circumference I cannot commend its Fertility there being no Bread Corn growing in any part of it except Rye which indeed is in good quantity and whereof most of their Bread is made c. It has no Rivers nor above half a score Brooks that are able to turn a Mill c. About one fourth part of it is Forrest lying open for the King 's Hunting and his Game such as Stags Wild Boars Roe Buck c. These are such Sacred things that no body dares touch them tho' they find them in whole Herds destroying their Corn to the infinite yearly damage of the poor Peasants c. For Sea-Ports that most excellent one belonging to Copenhagen must make amends for the want of them not only in this but many other of the Islands there being few others that I know of capable of harboring a Vessel of 200 Tuns c. Neither is this a sensible want because there are no Commodities in this Island for Exportation I have been told that forty years ago ten or twelve Dutch Fly-Boats found yearly their Lading at Kiog a pretty flourishing Town at that time within twenty English Miles of Copenhagen but of late they seem to be well satisfied if the Product of the Isle maintains in this sort of Grain the Inhabitants of it Not that the Numbers of these are increased but Husbandry is not so much encouraged now as when the Taxes of the poor Country People were less frequent and grievous c. The feeding of the Commonalty generally throughout all Denmark is very mean the Burgers or Citizens sustaining themselves with Rye Bread Sale Flesh Stock Fish Bacon and very bad Cheese insomuch that the Inspecters of our Markets in England who use to destory or send to the Prisons all such Victuals as are not judged wholesom would if they found them no better provided than at Copenhagen go near to empty the Markets and leave little so either Buyer or Seller the Peasants live on Roots white Meats and Rye Bread feldom tasting fresh Fish and scarce ever Flesh unless on some extraordinary Festivals as on St. Martin's Eve when each Family in Denmark without fail makes merry with a roasted Goose at Supper Here and in all Denmark are but two Seasons of the year Winter and Summer those two other more agreeable ones of Spring and Autumn not being commonly known the Spring never and the Autumn seldom c. The principal things of this Island and indeed of all Denmark are the City of Copenhagen and the Passage
of the Sound I will begin with the City the rather because when I have done with that I have little more to say of any other in the King of Denmark's Dominions there being no other belonging to him much better than our Town of St. Albans Thus far our Author This Island of Zealand containing the chief City of all Denmark and being the place of Residence of its Kings and consequently more frequented by Strangers than most of the other parts of this Kingdom we might have justly expected a more exact Account thereof than of the rest which how it has been performed will be worth our taking notice of The circumference of Zealand he makes to be â—80 English Miles when I am surre I could never meet with any body whether Daâ—e or other Foreigner that knew this Island but all confirmed what I had observed as near as I could before that the length of this Island were about 20 Danish Leagues and if you do reckon but a Danish League to consist of four English Miles as certainly they do at least the circumference which this Gentleman himself is pleased to make almost circular must by computation amount to 240 English Miles which is 60 more than is mentioned in the Author's Description And according to this Calculation you must give grains of allowance for all the rest he cannot says he recommend its Fertility there being no Bread Corn growing there in any part except Rye but he had forgot that there also grows Wheat in some parts and Barley almost every where in abundance as also a great quantity of Oats He says That there are few Ports in this and many other of these Islands capable of harbouring a Vessel of 200 Tuns neither that this is a sensible want because there are no Commodities in this Island for Exportation I must confess he has been a little more modest in this Assertion than in any other before having added the words that I know of yet it is a wonder that his Grave and Sensible Men could not instruct him better They must for all their Gravity have been either very ignorant or else very negligent in not telling him that in this very Island of Zealand were other Cities and Ports not to speak in this place of those in the other Islands which shall he mentioned in their proper places which could and did harbour Ships of above 200 Tuns and that it would be a considerable want if these places were not in that Island since from Corsoer a place well Fortified with a Castle and lying on the West side of this Island on the great Belt over against Nyburgh in Funen a considerable quantity of Barley is yearly Exported to Holland as is done likewise from Holbeck but more especially from Calenburgh which being a well built place exceeding St. Albans in every respect and having a very good Port capable of harbouring Ships of a much greater burden than 200 Tuns stands about fifteen or sixteen English Miles North of Corsoer In the South part of this Island is also a place called Nestwed situated on a Navigable River which extends it self much higher into the Country tho' our Author has been pleased to allow none at all here from whence there is a considerable Trade to Lubeck And if from Kiog an inconsiderable place in comparison of these places we have now mentioned but particularly remembered by this Gentleman when he forgot the rest there used formerly to go a few Fly-Boats to Holland there go more now from thence to Norwegen with Malt. I will not insist now upon some of less Note as Schelsoer and Warburg tho' the last of these has been famous in our Age because Charles King of Sweden in his first Expedition against Denmark Anno 1657. did set first footing there as he did afterwards in his second Anno 1658. at Cursoer When I consider with my self that this Gentleman has not as much as made the least mention of these before-mentioned places and how much this contradicts his Norions he has set down of this Island of Zealand as also that not so much as any places have been named by him lying beyond Elsinore Cronenburgh King the most remote of which is within 20 English Miles of Copenhagen it seems to be very obvious that both his own Knowledge and that of his Grave and Sensible Teachers did not reach much farther And what may confirm any body in this opinion is that he tells us a most dismal Story of whole Herds of Stags Wild Boars and Roâ— Bucks whom he calls Sacred things destroying the poor Peasants Corn when it is sufficiently known that there is scarce any Kingdom to be found where there is not Provision made for preserving the Royal Game against the rapaciousness of the Peasants and other Vagabonds And tho' there is a considerable quantity of Forests Royal and Wild Beasts in this Island yet is an effectual care taken that they may not be destructive to the Country since not only every Nobleman who possess almost all the Lands not belonging to the King here have the Priviledge of Hunting and Shooting in their own Lordships or Territories but also the Court by frequent Hunting kill a great number of them and the King keeps in every part a certain number of Huntsmen whose Duty it is to preserve the Country from receiving damage by these wild Beasts But leaving the wild Beasts we must also see what he says concerning the Inhabitants of Denmark whose feeding if this Gentleman is to be believed is very mean and the Burgers and Citizens sustain themselves with Rye Bread Salt Flesh Stock Fish Bacon and very bad Cheese Here you see the Fare of the Danes and that of those who live in the Cities for the poor Peasants fare worse I am apt to think that this Gentleman happened to light into some Black-Smiths or other their like Mechanicks House in Copenhagen who according to the Custom of these Northern Countries being obliged to find their Journey-Men with Victuals at their Houses where they work make use of such Dishes as our Author has been pleased to mention here But if he had been acquainted in Burgers or Citizens Houses of an higher Degree he would have met also with another sort of Victuals It is so generally objected as a fault to the Northern Nations that they are too Liberal and Hospitable in their Houses and that they mind Eating and Drinking more than any thing else that I wonder how this Gentleman could think upon it except he takes a particular Pride to be singular and to tâ—ll us Miracles which were never seen or heard of before his Arrival in Denmark I may say it without Vanity that the Northern parts are very well known to me and perhaps as well as to this Gentleman and this I can affirm for a truh which may easily be confirmed by hundreds in this Town that the abovesaid Objection of the Author is utterly contrary to the Experience of all
prepossessed with the conceit of a Gothick and tumultuous sort of Goverment will assert And here if we should enquire into the Originals of Princes and Kings which our Author pretends to have done in a few Lines at several Times and Places we should be obliged to go much beyond the design of these Remarks since to understanding Men it is apparent enough that if the Author 's whole Book had been employed upon that Point only it would not have been sufficient so much as to touch the chief Heads of so ample a Subject I will only say that I cannot sufficiently admire why this Gentleman is so mightily taken with these Times when Spain and England were divided the first into thirteen and the latter into seven or more peculiar Governments considering that they were perhaps the worst of Times ever these Countries saw neither could any lasting Peace be setled till instead of the same one Head had the Management of the whole Body But before we leave this Subject we must say something concerning Germany and Sweden For every one ought to know says he how great the Rights of the People were very lately in the Elective Kingdoms of Sweden and Denmark If every one ought to know he might have said a little more of it since else few will know it for him What clear a Notion this Gentleman has concerning Elective Kingdoms will better appear hereafter when we shall have occasion to treat upon the Question Whither the Kingdom of Denmark has been Hereditary or Elective But as for the Rights of the People in Sweden why they should so much vary from the same that they were lately he would have done well to have explained a little I am not ignorant that the Wings of the Nobility that composed formerly the Senate there have been considerably clipt and that about fifteen or sixteen Years ago when that Kingdom during the Minority of this present King was partly through Mismanagement partly through the War with the Empire and Denmark miserably exhausted the Estates then finding themselves not in a Capacity to restore matters without extraordinary Subsidies which could not easily be levied upon the Subjects did then advise the King to oblige such of his Subjects as had by the Profuseness of some of his Predecessors or other means acquired to themselves vast Estates and other Advantages belonging to the Crown to restore the same which was executed accordingly some of the chiefest profering the same voluntarily the rest being obliged to follow their Example As by these means the King was enabled to restore the decayed State of the Militia and Army so it is not to be denied but that his Revenues were greatly encreased as well as his Power yet is from hence not necessarily to be concluded that the Rights of the People are lost since the four Estates of the Nobility Clergy Citizens and Peasants have thereby not surrendred any thing of their Native Rights tho perhaps some particular Persons have felt the smart of it Germany was freer than any other part of Europe says our Author but he ought to have remembred that this was in those days when every body being his own Master there they liv'd more like the Tartars do now than like any of the rest of the Europeans And if they had continued in that so much admired State of Liberty I am apt to believe Germany would not have come into that flourishing Condition it has been in since If it was for my purpose here to enlarge me self upon this matter I could shew easie enough that these whom our Author calls Captains Princes Electors Bishops c. were the first Restorers of the Liberty of Germany that they were the Founders of its Greatness and Upholders of the same after this Country was Conquered by Charles the Great I could shew him that there were the Bishops in Germany before the times of Charles the Great and that those instituted by him for all their double Sword of Flesh and Spirit have not been armed sufficiently so to subdue the Germans but that in the most parts the ancient Liberty has been preserv'd under their Jurisdiction and some have been able to find ways to free themselves quite from it And thus much I will only say in the Vindication of Charles the Great As he has laid the Foundation of what Germany is now whom our Author makes bold to call bigotted that as able Headpieces as this Gentleman and these some what better versed in the German Constitutions than he can pretend to have so greatly approved of the Methods that that Great Emperor took in uniting so vast a Country both in Laws and Religion that his vain and confident Assertions will prove ridiculous to all who have had any true insight into the Affairs of Germany I must add something more concerning Poland which he says is the only Kingdom besides this Island and Ireland where Parliaments are not lost to shew what sort of Parliament is to be found there that so every body may be able to judge how far the Polish Parliaments do differ from the English both in their Proceedings and fundamental Constitutions It is therefore to be known that there are but two sorts of People besides the King in Poland that can justly be said to have a Share in the Government viz. the Clergy and Nobility The Citizens and Peasants being totally excluded from the same and being for the most part subjected either to the Clergy or the Nobility the fewest to the King And though the Cities in the Regal Prussia enjoy a greater share of Freedom as having their own Constitutions and sending their Deputies to the Dyet yet is their Number so inconsiderable in comparison of the rest that it scarce comes into Consideration The King 's chief Advantage is That he has a considerable Revenue allow'd him and has the choosing of all the Officers both Civil and Military but the Great Officers especially those who by their Places are Members of the Senate of the Kingdom as also all the Senators have their Offices granted them ad Vitam so that when once put in Possession of the same they have not any Dependance further from the King The two Archbishops and other Bishops as they owe their Promotion chiefly to the Pope though they are nominated by the King and are exempted from the King's Jurisdiction so they having vast Possessions which depend only from them have therefore a great if not the greatest Sway in the Senate of the Kingdom But both the Spiritual Lords as also the rest of the Nobles who compose the Senate having the Places of the best Profit in their Possession and maintaining in their Palaces a great many of the poorer sort of Nobility become thereby so powerful that it may justly be said that these are the chief Governours of the Realm since the King cannot do any Publick Matter of Moment without them as being by their Constitution his constant Advisers and Directors the
Deputies of the Provinces who are chosen by the Nobility being only called together when Matters of the highest Moment are to be consulted or concluded These were in former Times never to meet but in case of agreeing to a new Tax resolved before-hand in the Senate but within these Hundred Years or thereabouts their Power is so much increased that they claim a Right to be consulted with in all Publick Matters of great Moment The Senate of the Kingdom which is the constant Council of the King the Members whereof as I have said are constituted by the King ad Vitam consists first of the two Archbishops of the Kingdom of whom the Archbishop of Guiesen is Primate of Poland having the Power of Administring the Kingdom in Absence or in case of the Death of the King After these are the Bishops and some Abbots Thirty Four Governours of Provinces called Palatines Eighty Three Governours of Castles or Deputy-Lieutenants of the Palatines called Castellans and Ten of the Great Officers of State who are in all computed to amount to near an Hundred and Fifty in Number And are always chosen out of the Nobility The Clergy among these though the least in Number yet having more Possessions than both the King and Nobility and in no ways depending on them has the greatest Sway and the two Chancellors and Vicechancellors also a great Power of Signing and Dispatching Things without the King's consent and refusing also his Orders if they do not think convenient to obey them Three of these Four being generally Ecclesiasticks When with their Advice the King has resolved to call together the Dyet he orders a Convention of all the Nobility to be had in every particular Diocese or Government at a certain Time and customary Place where being convened the Palatine Castellans and other Senators having explained to them the Reasons why the King intended to call a Dyet and what Time the same was to be held the Nobility of each Diocese after Prayers finish'd choose their Deputies to whom they give Instructions concerning the Propositions made to them by the Senators though sometimes they also allow them a larger Authority which however expires with one and the same Dyet which is not to last above Six Weeks and seldom continued much longer These particular Conventions being over there are two more Conventions to be held which they call General Conventions one whereof is always in Great Poland the other in Little Poland in which two Places all the Deputies and such of the Nobility as are pleased to come being again Convened at a certain Time they there confer together concerning the Propositions made by the King and what Instructions they have received thereupon from their several Provinces Thus prepared they come to the Dyet where the Senate being seated in a Theatre the Deputies and Clerks standing by the Chancellor or Vice-Chancellor proposes in the Name of the King such Matters as they are to consult upon This done the Archbishops and Bishops and so all the rest of the Senate having given their Votes the Deputies ask Leave from the King to withdraw and to consult concerning the Propositions made to them Their Consultation being over they repair again to the Senate and having given their Opinion concerning the Business in Agitation they also propose such Matters as they think fit to be consulted about Which Matters being agreed unto by common Consent of the Senate and Deputies the King gives his Consent last of all which done it has the Force of a Decree of the Dyet But if one of the Deputies makes his Protestation against any Thing as done in Prejudice of the Liberties and Prerogatives of the Nobility or the Constitutions of the Kingdom the whole Proceeding becomes thereby void and of no Force From hence may be collected what Difference there is betwixt the Dyets in Poland and our Meeting of Parliaments as well in their Fundamental Constitutions as Manner of Proceedings And if we consider how all the Cities and Commons in Poland except the City of Cracaw and a few more in Prussia are excluded not only from the Dyet but also all Places of Note nay that even in the most of them the Magistracy and whole Corporations are depending on either the Clergy or Nobility and what prodigious Prerogatives◠they have acquired to themselves as by Example That a Noble-man Killing a Commoner shall pay but a small Fine but if a Commoner Kills a Noble-man it shall be Capital That a Malefactor being a Noble-man and taken in the Fact shall not be judged by the Magistrates of that City or Corporation where he is taken That the Bishops as well as other Noble-men have their Strong Castles Garrison'd by themselves and a great many the like of dangerous Consequence These I say duely considered by an English-man will I am apt to believe put him very much out of Conceit of Polish Parliaments and both the King as also the Cities Corporations and Commons of England will have but little Reason to thank this Gentleman for his comparing the same with ours especially since he might have found out other Countries and that nearer at hand where the Meeting of the Estates come a great deal nearer to our Parliaments But leaving to our Author the Advantages of his Ancient Gothick and New Polish Parliaments we must go on to see what he says in this same Chapter concerning the Form of Government in Denmark in particular These are his Words Denmark therefore was till within these Thirty Two Years govern'd by a King chosen by the People of all sorts even the Boors had their Voices which King Waldemar the Third acknowledged in that memorable Answer of his to the Pope's Nuncio who pretended to a great Power over him Naturam habemus à Deo regnum à subditis Divitias à parentibus Religionem à Romana Ecclesia quam si nobis invides renuntiamus per praesentes The Estates of the Realm being convened to that Intent were to Elect for their Prince such a Person as to them appeared Personable Valiant Just Merciful Affable a Maintainer of the Laws a Lover of the People Prudent and adorn'd with all other Vertues fit for Government and requisite for the great Trust reposed in him yet with due Regard had to the Family of the preceding Kings If within that Line they found a Person thus qualified or esteem'd to be so they thought it but a piece of just Gratitude to prefer him before any other to this high Dignity and were pleased when they had reason to choose the Eldest Son of their former King rather than any of the Younger as well because they had regard to Priority of Birth when all other Vertues were equal as because the Greatness of his Paternal Estate might put him above the Reach of Temptations to be Covetous or Dishonest and enable him in some degree to support the Dignity of his Office But after such a Choice if they found themselves mistaken
the Reign of Woldemar I. and consider with what severity he did punish those who had laid hands on Canute his Predecessor How afterwards Eric VII in his Minority with consent of the Estates of Denmark pursued the Murtherers of his Father and their Adherents and when fled into Norway waged War with that King partly upon that Score With how much reluctancy the Estates received Abel for their King who had caused his Brother to be murthered and I say let but any Body consider the Succession of these Kings and what severities have been used in that Kingdom against such as did attempt the like he will questionless be convinced how little their Histories do agree with what our Author has been pleased to tell us of the Ancient Form of Government of the Danes viz. That if they found themselves mistaken in their choice they used sometimes to destroy him meaning their King either formally or if he was grown too powerful by dispatching him without any more Ceremony the best way they could And to elect presently a better Man in his room sometimes the next of Kin to him sometimes the valiant Man that had undertaken the killing of the Tyrant at other times a private Person who least dreamt of it c. If these were not his own Inventions he would have much obliged the Publick in only naming his Authors out of whom he had his secret History of Denmark since the same has been never known before to the World What he says That all Affairs belonging to Peace or War Alliances Disposals of great Offices Contracts of Marriages c. were debated in the Meeting of the Estates I will not absolutely deny but that the like instances may be given in the Danish History but I could also easily shew That the most of these have been frequently debated without them as also that the ancient Form of Government was very much altered before the whole Face of Affairs as he says was changed about 32 Years ago But that the first would be too long for these Animadversions and of the second we shall be obliged to say something hereafter upon the Chapter How the Kingdom of Denmark became Hereditary and Absolute In the mean time we must not let quite pass by in silence what he tells of the Consequence of this Change and their Effects viz. frequent and arbitrary Taxes and commonly very excessive ones even in times of Peace little regard being had to the occasion of them The falâ—ng of the value of Estates Poverty in the Gentry extremity of Misery in the Peasants c. That the Taxes are now more frequent in Denmark than they used to be formerly in times of Peace is what scarce any body of Sense will deny but that the same should be the Consequences of the late Change in Denmark is not so easie to guess for a considering Person as this Gentleman fancies and I am apt to think that those who are thoroughly acquainted with the State of Denmark will rather say That the Author has laid the Saddle upon the wrong Horse as the Saying is since these Taxes are the Consequences and Effects of that so unprosperous War betwixt Denmarkâ— and Sweden which did end in the Year 1660. The chief Calamities of which were partly occasioned by the mismanagement and miscarriages of these Times which preceded this Change For who that is not ignorant in Foreign Affairs but knows how considerable a Loser Denmark was by this War as Swedeland got most prodigiously not only in Denmark but also in Germany It is then to this encrease of the Swedes and other neighbouring Princes whose Territories surround Denmark that these more frequent Taxes are to be attributed since he that will duly consider the antient Contest betwixt the Northern Crowns what great Power and Strength Swedeland has acquired to it self within these Fifty Years and how the Swedish Territories joyn to the King of Denmark's in Norway how they are only parted in Denmark by that narrow Streight called the Sound as the Dukedoms of Bremen and Verden are only separated from Holstein by the River Elbe may easily be convinced That the King of Denmark though his Territories are considerably diminished yet is obliged to keep a much greater Army constantly on Foot than formerly if he will not run the hazard of being suprized and put to the utmost Extremity as his Father was in the War with the Swedes Besides this the House of Lunenburgh being grown more Potent and keeping greater Forces on Foot than they used to do formerly as also the Duke of Holstein Gottorp whose Territories in a great many places are intermingled with those of Denmark having of late Years been in the Interest of Sweden puts the King of Demark to a vast charge of keeping a considerable Force constantly on that side 'T is then from the circumstances of the Affairs of Denmark and their Neighbours that the effects of these Taxes now usual in Denmark do proceed which in a Kingdom less powerful than formerly and yet forced to maintain a much greater Force both by Sea and Land must needs now much exceed those in former Times If the Author had not forgot what he himself had remark'd at the end of his first Chapter concerning the Danish Dominions That they had this Inconveniency that they were disjoyned and separated from each other and therefore exposed to many dangers and requiring a more than ordinary expence to preserve them entire he might from thence alone considering the State of Affairs now in Europe have reasonably concluded That theâ— Taxes levied in the Kingdom of Denmark were rather the Consequences of their Situation now than the Effects of the late Change and that therefore it could with no Justice be asserted what he has told us here That in imposing the same upon the Subjects little regard was commonly had in Denmark now to the occasion of them The Author also ought to have taken into Consideration when he made this malicious Assertion how this would agree with what he has endeavoured to perswade us in several Passages in this Treatise about the Meanness of the Danish Court and the continual want of Money there as also what a great number of Fortresses he gives us an Account of all which being necessarily to be maintained by Garrisons and otherwise he might easily have found out that these things contradict one another since if it be true that the Court has so small a share for its Use in these Taxes that are paid in Denmark it is from thence evident that a necessity of maintaining so considerable Forces and Fortresses but not an Arbitrary Will without having a regard to the Occasion enforces the paying of greater Taxes now in Denmark than formerly As to what he says of the Value of the Land being fallen of the Poverty of the Gentry and Misery of the Peasants every body can easily guess That in this as in all other Matters of that Nature some Grains of
Allowance must be given to this Gentleman 's Romantick Expressions wherewith he has all along endeavoured to ensnare the ignorant sort of People into a belief of his own Suppositions Yet is it not to be wondred at that the value of the Estates should be less now when so considerable Taxes are paid out of them than they were formerly when the Gentry being the sole Possessors of Lands and having the chief Sway in the Kingdom used to be sure to exempt themselves as much as was possible The same Reason may be given why the Gentry or Nobility in Denmark in general do not live up to that Splendor as they did in former times since having in those Days all plaecs of Profit and Trust in their Hands and paying very small Taxes it is evident that at this time when to these Places others are admitted as well as they and are also obliged to bear a proportionable share in all Taxes their Revenues cannot be so great now as they were formerly Of the Peasants we shall be obliged to say something hereafter wherefore we will go to the next Chapter which describes the manner how the Kingdom of Denmark became Hereditary and absolute After the Conclusion of the Peace saysthe Author between the Two Northern Crowns Anno 1660 Some considerable care and time was necessary to redress the Disorders occasioned by so terrible a War Denmark had been most violently shaken and although the Fury of the Tempest was overâ— the Agitation caused by it still continued The Army was not yet disbanded nor could be for want of Money to discharge Arrears This caused frequent Insolencies in the Soldiers with a further Oppression of the Burghers and poor Country People who had been in a manner already ruined by the Miseries attendingthe War the Nobility and Gentry tho' Lords and Masters were full of Discontents and the Clergy not in the condition they wished c. Here the Author gives us some hints rather than reasons which induced the Estates of Denmark to make so remarkable a Change in the Government But since from hence does depend the understanding of the true nature of this Change he ought I think to have been a little more circumstantial in this Point if he intended to prove to us what he said in the conclusion of the last Chapter That it was astonishing to consider how a free and rich People should be perswaded intirely to part with their Liberties Astonishing indeed But if this Gentleman by the People does understand all the Estates of the Kingdom as he ought to do and has done so in other places when he alledged that famous Law of the Romans Salus populi supremae Lex esto he has not hit the mark right in this assertion since by his own words it may be proved that the Nobility mere Lords and Masters and all the rest depending on them It will not be a very difficult task to find out by what steps the Nobility in Denmark did acquire this Power over all the rest if we consider how the Nobility first clipt the Royal Prerogatives after that Crown was transferred to the Oldenburg Family and more especially after the deposing of Christiern the II. How after the Reformation the Power of the Bishops and Prelates who were chosen commonly out of the Citizens being fall'n together with their Revenues the Nobility made thereby the greatest step that could be towards the advancing their own Power above the Citizens and Peasants not only but also the Clergy who now were no more in a capacity to keep up the ballance as they used to do formerly The King's Prerogatives being thus brought into narrow bounds and the Clergy's Authority and Power quite abolished the Citizens alone were not able to resist long against those who sitting at the Helm had the chief management of all affairs of moment and the Peasants being most of them depending from the Nobility by being partly their Tenants partly their Vassals were not in a condition of making so much as a shew of resistance against the Power of their Lords and Masters Thus the name of the four ancient Estates of Denmark viz. the Nobility Clergy Citizens and Peasants remaining the Power was effectually lodged in the first which from time to time did encrease to that degree that not only the whole Senate of the Kingdom and all the great Offices of the Court were in their possession but also they did claim a right to all the rest of any moment and a priviledge to be consulted withall in the disposing of any Office of moment even to be given to a Nobleman They did claim a Prerogative and actually exercised the same of nominating the Magistrates in the Cities and had so eneroached upon the rest of the Estates that neither Clergyman Citizen or Peasant could purchase any Lands and if by Mortgaging or other wise any Lands happened to fall into their hands they were obliged by a yearly publick Proclamation to proffer the same to sale to the Nobility upon the same condition as they were possessed of it From hence came the dependancy of the Citizens from them and the entire subjection of the Peasants to their Will and by possessing most all the Lands in the Kingdom and thereby having the Rights of Patronages in a great measure in their own hands the Clergy was also for the most part fain to dance after their Pipe It is easie I think to imagine the natural consequence of this to have been That they exempting themselves as much as could be done from Taxes and other burdens the same did fall more heavy upon the rest and these not being able alone to provide sufficiently for the security of the Kingdom this was one main reason why the Kingdom was so surprized by the Swedes and did contribute as much as any thing towards the Miseries which these Countries endured in this War There was another great reason yet which as it contributed greatly to the miseries and misfortunes this Kingdom was fain to undergo in this War so questionless was it partly the Occasion of the great Change afterwards made by the States After the Death of Christiern IV. a certain Party of the Nobility were for excluding Frederick III. second Son of the said King Christiern IV. after the death of Christiern his elder brother and for setting up Wolmar his younger Son by a second Wife whose Sisters were married to several noble Men which though they could not effect yet were before Frederick III. this present King of Denmark's Father was received by them as King the royal prerogatives more streightned than ever and thereby the power of some of the Nobility mightily increased which did give occasion to a great many Dissensions in that Kingdom afterwards And it is very remarkable that when Charles the King of Sweden surprised the Kingdom of Denmark the second time viz. Anno 1658. He used it for a Pretence that he came to compose the Differences arisen betwixt the King