quae omnes supplices exaudite dignata est supplicatione Regis Polonie non accepta iterùm in regem Polonie exercitum suum mittere Creatoris omnipotentis auxilio regnum eius subuertere constituerat Verum Legato Serenitatis vestre in porta beata fulgida Caesareae celsitudinis residente sese interponente Et quòd Serenitati vestre ex partibus Poloniae fruges puluis arbores nauiuÌ„ tormenta alia necessaria suppeditarentur significante pacem pro regno rege Poloniae petente neuâ— regnum Poloniae ex parte Caesareae celsitudinis turbaretur vel infestaretur intercedente Serenitatisque vestrae hane singularem esse voluntatem exponente Legati serenitatis vestrae significatio intercessio cùm Caesaree celsitudini â—ignificata fuisset In â—auorem serenitatis vestrae cui omnis honos gratia debetur iuxta modum predictum vt Cosacifacinorosi exquirantur poena perfecta puniantur aut ratione muneris aliquantuli eorum delicta coÌ„donentur hac inquam conditione literae Cesareae celsitudinis ad Regem Poloniae sunt datae Si autem ex parte Serenitatis vestre foedus pax sollicitata non fuisset nulla ratione Caesarea celsitudo foedus cum regno Polonie inijsset In fauorem autem Serenitatis vestrae regno Regi Poloniae singularem gratiam Caesarea celsitudo exhibuit Quod tà m Serenitas vestra quà m etiam Rex regnum Polonie sibi certò persuadere debent Serenitatem vestram benè foelicissiméque valere cupimus Datum Constantinopoli in fine mensis Sabaum nuncupati Anno prophetae nostri sacrati Maâ—umedi nongentesimo nonagesimo octauo IESV vero Anno millesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo die duodecimo mensis Iunij The same in English MOst glorious and the most resplendent of women most select Princesse most gratious Elizabeth Queene of the valiant followers of Iesus in the famous kingdom of England most wise gouernesse of all the affaires and businesses of the people and family of the Nazarens most sweet fountaine of brightnesse and glory most acceptable cloud of raine inheritresse Ladie of the blessednesse and glory of the renowmed kingdome of England to whom in humble wise all men offer their petitions wishing of the almightie Creator most happie increase and prosperous successe vnto all your Maiesties affaires and actions and offering vp mutuall perpetuall vowes worthy of our familiarity with eternall prayses In most friendly manner we signifie vnto your princely Highnesse that certaine yeeres past the most mightie Cesarlike maiestie of the Grand Signor waged vnspeakeable warres with Casul-bas the Prince of the Persians in regarde of which warres he would not goe in battell against any other places and for that cause certaine theeues in the partes of Polonia called Cosacks and other notorious persons liuing in the same partes ceased not to trouble and molest the subiects of our most mightie Emperour But now hauing finished and brought to some good issue his affaires in Persia determining to punish the saide malefactors of Poland and for that purpose committing an army vnto the Beglerbeg of Grecia and the yeere last past sending his imperiall commaundement vnto the Prince of the Tartars he hath forraged molested and layed waste some part of the kingdome of Poland and the Cosacks and other notorious offenders haue receiued condigue punishment Which the king of Poland perceiuing sent two Embassadours to his imperiall Highnesse signifying that he would hunt out the said malefactors and inflict most seuere punishments vpon them and also that he would better his gift which he hath for many yeeres heretofore ordinarily sent vnto the porch of his imperiall Highnesse Howbeit his imperiall maiestie vpon whom the almightie creator hath bestowed so great power and who vouchsafeth to giue eare vnto all humble suppliants reiecting the supplication of the King of Poland determined againe to send his armie against the said king and by the helpe of the Almightie creator vtterly to subuert and ouerthrowe his kingdome But your Maiesties Embassadour resident in the blessed and glorious porch of his imperiall Highnesse interposing himselfe as a mediatour signifying that from the partes of Poland you were furnished with corne gun-powder mastes of ships guns and other necessaries and crauing peace on the behalfe of the kingdome and king of Poland and making intercession that the said king might not be molested nor troubled by the meanes of the Grand Signor declaring that this was your Maiesties most earnest desire so soone as the report and intercession of your Maiesties Embassadour was signified vnto the Grand Signor for your sake vnto whom all honour and fauourable regard is due vpon the condition aforesaid namely that the wicked Cosacks might be sought out and grieuously punished or that their offences might be remitted for the value of some small gift vpon this condition I say the letters of his imperiall Highnesse were sent vnto the king of Poland Howbeit had not this conclusion of league and amitie beene sollicited on the behalfe of your Maiestie his imperiall Highnesse would neuer haue vouchsafed the same vnto the kingdome of Poland But for your Maiesties sake his imperiall Highnesse hath exhibited this so singular a fauour vnto the said king and kingdome of Poland And hereof your Maiestie and the king of Poland ought certainely to be perswaded We wish your Maiestie most happily and well to fare Giuen at Constantinople in the ende of the moneth called SabauÌ„ in the yeare of our sacred prophet Mahomet 998 and in the yeere of Iesus 1590 the 12 of Iune The second letters Patents graunted by the Queenes Maiestie to the Right worshipfull companie of the English Marchants for the Leuant the seuenth of Ianuarie 1592. ELizabeth by the grace of God Queene of England France and Irelande defender of the faith c. To all our Officers ministers and subiects and to all other people aswell within this our Realme of England as else where vnder our obeysance and iurisdiction or otherwise vnto whom these our letters shal be seene shewed or read greeting Where our welbeloued subiects Edward Osborne knight Alderman of our citie of London William Hareborne Esquire and Richard Staper of our saide citie Marchant haue by great aduenture and industrie with their great cost and charges by the space of sundry late yeeres trauelled and caused trauell to be taken aswell by secrete and good meanes as by daungerous wayes and passages both by lande and sea to finde out and set open a trade of marchandize and traffike into the landes Ilandes Dominions and territories of the great Turke commonly called the Grand Signor not before that time in the memorie of any man now liuing knowen to be commonly vsed and frequented by way of marchandize by any the marâ—hantes or other subiectes of vs or our progenitors And also haue by their like good meanes and industrie and great charges procured of the sayde Grand Signor in our name amitie safetie and freedome for trade and traffike of
foure sonnes by her namely Dulgallus Raignaldus Engus and Olauus In the yeere 1134. Olauus gaue vnto Yuo the Abbat of Furnes a portion of his owne ground in Man to build an Abbey in the place which is called Russâ—n Also hee inriched with reuenues and indued with priuiledges al places of religion within his Islands In the yere 1142. Godredus y e son of Olauus sailed vnto the K. of Norway called Hinge and doing his homage vnto him he remained with him was by him honorably enterteined The same yere the 3. sonnes of Harald brother vnto Olauus who were brought vp at the citie of Dublin gathering together a great multitude of people and all the fugitiues and vagabonds of the kingdome resorted vnto Man and demaunded of the said king the one halfe of al the kingdome of the Islands Which thing when the king heard being desirous to pacifie them he anâ—wered that he would consult about that matter And a day and place being appointed where the consultation should bee kept in the meane time those miscreants coÌ„spired together about the murthering of the King And when the day appointed was come both companies assembled themselues vnto the hauen towne called Ramsa and they sate in order the king with his nobilitie on the one side and they with their confederates on the other side Howbeit Regnaldus who had an intention to slay the king stoode a-side in the midst of the house talking with one of the Princes of the lande And being called to come vnto the king he turned himselfe about as if hee would haue saluted him and lifting vp his glittering axe he chopt the kings head quite off at a blow Nowe hauing committed this outragious vilanie within a short space they diuided the Island betweene themselues and gathering an armie together sailed vnto Galway intending to subdue that also howbeit the people of Galway assembled themselues and with great furie encountred with them Then they immediately turning their backs with great confusion fled vnto Man And as touching all the Galwedians which inhabited in the said Island some of them they slue and the residue they vanished In the yeere 1143. Godredus sonne of Olauus returning out of Norway was created king of Man who in reuenge of his fathers death put out the eyes of two of Haralds sonnes and slue the thirde In the yeere 1144. Godredus began his reigne and hee reigned thirtie yeeres In the thirde yeere of his reigne the citizens of Dublin sent for him and treated him king of Dublin against whom Murecaâ—dos king of Irland made warre and encamping himselfe at the citie called Coridelis he sent his brother Osibel with 3000. horsemen vnto Dublin who was slaine by Godred and the Dubliners the rest of his company being put to flight These things being thus finished Godredus returned vnto Man and began to exercise tyrannie disinheriting certaine of his nobles of whom one called Thorfinus the sonne of Oter being mightier then the rest went vnto Sumerledus and named Dubgal the sonne of Sumerledus king of the Islands and subdued many of the said Islands on his behalfe Whereof when Godred had intelligence by one Paulus prouiding a Nauie hee went to meete Sumerledus comming against him with 80. ships and in the yeere 1156. vpon the night of the feast of Epiphanie there was a Sea-battell fought and many being slaine on both parts the day folowing they were pacified and diuided the kingdome of the Islands among themselues and it continued two kingdomes from that day vnto this present time And this was the cause of the ruine of the monarchie of the Islands from which time the sonnes of Sumerled inioyed the one halfe thereof In the yeere 1158. Sumerled came vnto Man with 53. ships putting Godred to flight and wasting the Island and Godred sailed vnto Norway to seeke for aide against Sumerled In the yere 1164. Sumerled gathered a fleete of 160. ships together and arriued at Rhinfrin intending to subdue all Scotland vnto himselfe howbeit by Gods iust iudgement being ouercome by a few together with his sonne and an innumerable multitude of people he was slaine The very same yere there was a battel fought aâ— Ramsa betweene Reginald the brother of Godred and the inhabitants of Man but by the stratageme of a certaine Earle the Mannians were put to flight Then began Reginald to vsurpe the kingly authoritie Howbeit his brother Godred within foure dayes after comming out of Norway with a great power of armed men apprehended his brother Reginald gelt him and put out his eyes The same yeere deceased Malcolme the king of Scots and his brother William succeeded in the kingdome In the yeere 1166. two Comets appeared in the moneth of August before the rising of the Sunne one to the South and another to the North. In the yeere 1171. Richard earle of Penbroke sailed into Irland and subdued Dublin with a great part of Irland In the yere 1176. Iohn Curcy conquered Vlster vnto himselfe And at the same time also Viuianus legate froÌ„ the sea of Rome came into Man caused king Godred to bee lawfully wedded vnto his wife Phingola daughter of Maclotlen son of Murkartac king of IrlaÌ„d mother of Olauus who was then 3. yeeres old Siluanus the abbat married them vnto whom the very same day king Godred gaue a portion of ground in Mirescoge where he built a Monastery howbeit in processe of time the said land with the monkes was granted vnto the abbey of Russin In the yere 1172. Reginaldus the son of Eacmarcat a man descended of the blood royal comming into Man with a great multitude of people in the absence of the king at the first conflict hee put to flight certaine watchmen which kept the shoare slue about 30. persons Whereupon the very same day the Mannians arranging themselues put him almost al his folowers to the sword In the yere 1183. O. Fogolt was vicount of Man In the yere 1185. the Sunne was ecclipsed vpon the feast of S. Philip and Iacob In the yere 1187. deceased Godred king of the Islands vpoÌ„ the 4. of the Ides of Nouember and the next sommer his body was translated vnto the island of Hy. He left 3. sonnes behinde him Reginaldus Olauus and Yuarus In his life time he ordeined his sonne Olauus to be his heire apparant because he onely was borne legitimate But the Mannians when Olauus was scarce ten yeeres olde sent vnto the islands for Reginald and created him king In the yeere 1187. began Reginald the sonne of Godred to reigne ouer the islands and Murchardus a man of great power throughout all the kingdome of the islands was put to death In the yere 1192. there was a battel fought betweene Reginald and Engus the two sonnes of Sumerled but Engus obtained the victory The same yere was the abbey of Russin remooued vnto Dufglus howbeit within foure yeeres after the monkes returned vnto Russin In the yere 1203. Michael bishop of the islands deceased
Olauus and appointed him to be their king In the yeere 1226. Olauus recouered his inheritance that is to say the kingdome of Man and of the Islands which Reginald his brother had gouerned for the space of 38. yeeres and he reigned two yeeres in safetie In the yeere 1228. Olauus with all his nobles of Man and the stronger part of his people sailed vnto the Islands A short space after Alanus lord of Galway Thomas earle of Athol king Reginald came vnto Man with a mightie army and wasted all the South part of Man spoiled the Churches and slue all the men whom they coulde take insomuch that the Southpart of the saide Island was brought almost into desolation And then Alanus returned with his army into his owne land leauing behind him bailiffes and substitutes in Man which should gather vp and render vnto him the tribute of the countrey Howbeit king Olauus came suddenly vpon them chaced them away and recouered his kingdome And the Mannians which of late were dispersed and scattered abroad began to vnite themselues and to inhabite without feare The same yeere in the time of Winter vpon the sudden and in the very dead of the night came king Reginald out of Galway with fiue ships and burnt all the ships of his brother Olauus and of the nobles of Man at the Isle of S. Patric concluding a peace with his brother remained at the port of Ragnolwath 40. dayes in the meane while hee allured vnto himselfe all the Islanders vpon the South part of Man who sware that they would aduenture their liues vntill hee had gotten the one halfe of his kingdome contrarywise Olauus ioyned vnto himselfe them of the North part vpon the 14. of February in the place called Tingualla a field was fought betweene the two brothers wherein Olauus got the victory and Reginald the king was by certaine souldiers slaine without the knowledge of his brother Also certaine pirates comming to the south part of Man wasted spoiled it The monkes of Russin conueyed the body of K. Reginald vnto the abbey of S. Mary of Fournes there he was interred in the place which his owne selfe had chosen for the purpose After these things Olauus traueiled vnto the king of Norway but before he was arriued there Haco king of Norway appointed a certaine noble man named Husbac the son of Owmund to be king of the Islands of the Hebrides called his name Haco Then came the said Haco with Olauus Godred Don the son of Reginald and a multitude of Noruegians vnto the islands and while they were giuing an assault vnto a castle in the island of Both Haco being hit with a stone died and was buried in Iona. In the yere 1230. came Olauus with Godredus Don certeine Noruegians vnto Man and they parted the kingdome among themselues Olauus stil receiuing Man Godred as he was going vnto the islands was slaine in the isle of Lewis Olauus inioyed the kingdome of the islands also In the yere 1237. vpon the 12. of the Kalends of Iune Olauus sonne of Godred king of Man deceased in the isle of S. Patric and was interred in the abbey of Russin He reigned 11. yeres two while his brother was aliue and nine after his death Haraldus his sonne being of the age of 14. yeres succeeded and he reigned 12. yeeres The first yere of his reigne taking his iourney vnto the islands he appointed one Loglen his kinsman to be his deputie in Man The Autumne folowing Haraldus sent the three sonnes of Nel namely Dufgaldus Torquellus Molmore and his friend Ioseph vnto Man that they might enter into coÌ„sultation together Wherfore the 25. day they assembled themselues at Tingualla and malice growing betweene the sonnes of Nel and Loglen they fel to blowes and skirmished sore on both parts Molmore Dufgald and the foresaid Ioseph being all slaine in the fray The Spring folowing king Harald came into the isle of Man and Loglen fleeing into Wales was himselfe together with Godred the sonne of Olauus his pupil and 40. others drowned by shipwracke In the yere 1238. Gospatricius and Gillescrist sonne of Mac-Kerthac came from the king of Norway vnto Man expelling Harald out of the said island and taking tribute on the behalfe of the Noruegian king because the said Harald refused to come vnto his Court. In the yere 1240. Gospaâ—ricius deceased and was buried in the abbey of Russin In the yere 1239. Haraldus went vnto the king of Norway who within two yeres conâ—irmed vnto him his heires and successors vnder seale all the islands which his predecessors enioyed In the yeere 1242. Haraldus returned out of Norway vnto Man and being honourably receiued by the inhabitants he liued in peace with the kings of England and Scotland In the yeere 1247. Haraldus like as his father also before him was knighted by the king of England and so being rewarded with many gifts he returned home The same yere he was sent for by the king of Norway and he maried his daughter And in the yere 1249. as he was returning home with his wife with Laurence the elect of Man and with many other nobles neere vnto the confines of Radland he was drowned in a tempest In the yere 1249. Reginald the sonne of Olauus and brother vnto Harald began to reigne the day next before the Nones of May and vpon the 30 day of the same moneth he was slaine by Yuarus a souldier and other of his complices in the South part of a certaine medow neere vnto the Church of the holy Trinitie and he was buried at the Church of S. Marie at Russin The same yere Alexander king of Scots prouided a great nauie of ships that he might conquere the islands vnto himselfe howbeit falling into an ague at the isle of Kerwary he deceâ—sed Then Haraldus the sonne of Godred Don vsurped the name of a king ouer the islands hee banished also all the princes of Harald the sonne of Olauus and ordeined his fugitiues to bee princes and nobles in their stead In the yere 1250. Haraldus the son of Godred Don being summoned by letters went vnto the king of Norway who deteined him in prison because he had vniustly possessed the kingdome The same yeere Magnus the sonne of Olauus and Iohn the sonne of Dugalt arriued at Roghalwaht which Iohn named himselfe king but the Mannians taking it grieuously that Magnus was not nominated draue them from their shoare and many of the company perished by shipwracke In the yeere 1252. came Magnus the sonne of Olauus vnto Man and was ordeined king The yere folowing he tooke his iourney vnto the king of Norway there he remained one whole yere In the yeere 1254. Haco king of Norway ordeined Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of the Islands confirming them to him and to his heires and by name vnto Harald his brother In the yere 1256. Magnus tooke his iourney into England and was by the king of England
hauing sent certaine of their factors and seruants with three shippes into your dominions there to exercise traffique and the sayd ships being laden in the hauen of your towne of Tonnesbergh with Herrings and other commodities to a great value and also the said mariners men and seruants of the foresayd shippes being licenced by vertue of the safe conduct which you had granted them freely to returne from your kingdome vnto the parts of England with their ships and goods aforesayd but afterward not being able to depart out of your hauen by reason of contrary windes certaine of your bayliffes vpon occasion of the slaughter of a knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia committed by malefactors and Pirates vpon the sea whilest the sayd shippes remained in the hauen aforesayd did at your commandement as they say arrest and for along season also deâ—eiâ—ed vnder that arrest the foresaid ships with all the men and goods that were in them namely vntill such time as the men and mariners aforesaide beeing driuen perforce and constrained thereunto should lay in sufficient securitie for the payment of fortie pounds sterling vpon a certain day appointed vnto your vse for euery of the foresaide ships and also vntill they had moreouer deliuered three pledges for the bringing of the saide ships and men backe againe into the foresaid hauen before the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn the Baptist next ensuing then and there to stand vnto your fauour and curtesie as touching the said persons and those ships of theirs which dealing the parties themselues take very grieuously yea and all others that heare thereof thinke it to be a strange and vnwonted course And because it is most vndoubtedly contrary to all reason equitie iustice and lawe that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort be punished in such persons or in their goods as neither haue bene accessory nor partakers in the crime nor haue had any society with the saide offenders we doe heartily intreat and request your Highnes that weighing and pondering the matter in the balance of iustice you would of your loue and friendship command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie and the said securitie vtterly to bee released and acquited And know you this for a certaintie that if the foresaide malefactors who as it is reported slewe your Knight aforesaide shall any where within our realme and dominions be found we wil cause iustice and iudgement to bee executed vpon them according to the Lawe and custome of our sayde Realme For we cannot in these times conueniently and well indure that the ships aforesaide or any other ships of our kingdome which ought alwayes to be in a readinesse for our seruice should without speciall licence depart out of our saide kingdome vnto forreine dominions Nowe what you shall think good at this our request to performe in the premisses may it please you by the bearer of these presents to returne an answere vnto vs. Geuen at Windsore the 16. of April Another Letter of Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Dom. Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostroâ—um Thomae de Swyn de Waynfleâ—te Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus continentem Quod cùm ipsi nuper quosdam seruientes suos infrà regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis mercimonijs transmisissent Thesaurarius vester bona mercimonia praedictorum Thomae Simonis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum quae seruientes praedicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt die Sancti Michaelis vltimò praeterita fecit absque causa rationabili arestari ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniustè in ipsorum Thomae Simonis damnum non modicum depauperationem manifestam Et quia eisdem mercatoribus nostris subuenire volumus quatenus suadente iustitia poterimus in hac parte vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu quatenus audita querela praedictorum Thomae Simonis vel ipsorum atturnatorum super restitutione bonorum mercimoniorum praedictorum impendere velitis eisdem celeris iustitiae complementum Iâ—a quod pro defectu exhibitions iustitiae super arestatione praedicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris praedictis de alio remedio prouidere Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostram instantiam duxeritis faciendum rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem Datae vt suprà The same in English TO the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus by the grace of God the famous King of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England Lorde of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue Wee receiued the complaint of our welâ—elo-Merchants Thomas de Swyn of Waynfleet and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne the contents whereof are that whereas of late the saide parties sent certaine of their seruants to traffike in your kingdome your Treasurer vpon the feast of S. Michael last past without any iust or reasonable occasion caused the goods and merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and Simon to the value of fortie pound which their said seruants had vnder their custodie at the towne of Northberne to be arrested and as yet also iniuriously deteineth the same vnder the same arrest to the great damage and impouerishing of the sayd Thomas and Simon And for asmuch as our desire is to succour these our marchants so far foorth as we can Iustice requiring no lesse in this behalfe wee doe right earnestly request you that hauing hearde the complaint and supplication of the foresayde Thomas and Simon or of their Atturneyes you woulde of your loue and friendship vouchsafe them speedie administration of Iustice about the restitution of their goods and merchandise aforesaide least that for want of the exhibiting of Iustice about the foresaid arrest we be constrained to prouide some other remedie for our marchants aforesaid Our request is that you would by the bearer of these presents returne an answere vnto vs what you are determined to doe at this our instant motion Giuen as aboue A third letter of King Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Pro mercatoribus nostris Lennae partium vicinarum quos Balliuus Officiarij vestri ciuitatis vestrae Bergen dudum ceperunt stricto carceri manciparunt quorum multi vt iam intelleximus propter alimentorum subtractionem duritiam ac asperitatem carceris perierunt vt ipsorum bonorum
Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398 and vpon the 22. day of February Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia and the Hans-townes IN primis that in the moueth of Iuly and in the yeare of our Lord 1403 and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is there came into England the ambassadours of the mighty lord Fr Conradus de lungingen being then Master general of Prussia with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master generall written in 20. articles which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe c. Item that the third day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lord aboue written and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king between the reuerend father in God Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party it was according to their petition amongst other things ordayned namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia and from thence with their goods marchandises to returne vnto their own home and also that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue licence and liberty to doe the like Prouided alwayes that after the time aboue limitted neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia nor the Prussian marchaÌ„ts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general Item immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall for to haue mutuall conuersation and intercourse of dealing to continue some certain space betweene the marchants of England and of Prussia promising in the same letters that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid which letters the foresayd Master for diuers causes refused to yeelde vnto as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth Item that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid which are next aboue mentioned our sayd king according to his promise sent William Esturmy knight M. Iohn Kington câ—erke and William Brampton citizen of London from his court of parliament holden at Couentrie very slightly informed as his ambassadours into Prussia Item before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia all intercourse of traffique betweene the English and the Prussians in the realme of England and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods out of that porte vnto any other place of the land of Prussia either by water or by lande vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same but was enioyned to sell them in the very same porte vnto the Prussians onely and to none other to the great preiudice of our English marchants Item that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia it was ordayned that from the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our lord 1405 all English marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia and to make sale of them in the said land as hath heretofore from auncient times bene accustomed Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia demanded of the â—aid Master generall a reformation and amends for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king written in fifteene articles which losses amounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles Item the said Master generall besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king as it is aboue mentioned deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine iniuries offered as he â—ayth vniustly by English men vnto his subiects which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles Item it was afterward concluded that vpon the first of May next then insuing namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuenâ—ent iust and reasonable satisfaction for all molestatious vniustly ofâ—â—red on both partes as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king as of the foresayd Master general Which satisfaction not being performed the Prussians with their goods marchandises within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following were without molestation or impediment enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods and the English men likewise out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general both of them without any further admonition to abstaine separate themselues from both the countreis aforesayd For the performance of which premisses the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed were appointed to meete the first day of May at the towne of Dordract in Holland Item that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them that there were sent messengers and agents in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants vnto the towne of Dordract to conferre with the ambassadors of England about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts where diuers agreements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors and messengers as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract vpon the first of May was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing and afterward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following and there was another day of prorogation also Item that after the prorogations aforesayd
the said Simon to saile for England and spoiled the said craier and also tooke and caried away with them the goods and marchandises of the said Simon being in the foresaid ship to the value of 66. pounds Item in the yeere of our Lord 1397. certaine malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with certaine others of the Hans tooke a crayer of one Peter Cole of Zeland called the Bussship which Alan Barret the seruant and factor of the foresaid Simon Durham had laden with mastes sparres and other marchandize for the behalfe of the said Simon and vniustly tooke from thence the goods of the said Simon to the value of 24. pounds and caried the same away Item in the yeere of our Lord 1394. certaine malefactors of Wismer and others of the Hans vniustly tooke vpon the sea and caried away with them a packe of woollen cloth of the foresaid Simon worth 42. pounds out of a certain crayer of one Thomas Fowler of Lenne being laden and bound for Dantzik in Prussia Item pitifully complaining the marchants of Lenne doe auouch verifie affirme that about the feast of S. George the martyr in the yeere of our Lord 1394. sundry malefactors and robbers of Wismer Rostok and others of the Hans with a great multitude of ships arriued at the towne of Norbern in Norway and tooke the said town by strong assault and also wickedly and vniustly took al the marchants of Lenne there residing with their goods cattels and burnt their houses and mansions in the same place and put their persons vnto great ransoms euen as by the letters of safeconduct deliuered vnto the said marchants it may more euidently appeare to the great damage and impouerishment of the marchants of Lenne namely Imprimis they burnt there 21. houses belonging vnto the said marchants to the value of 440. nobles Item they tooke from Edmund Belyetere Thomas Hunt Iohn Brandon and from other marchants of Lenne to the value of 1815. pounds Concerning this surprise Albertus Krantzius in the sixt book of his history of Norway and the 8. Chapter writeth in maner following IN the meane while Norway enioyed peace vnder the gouernment of a woman vntil Albertus king of Suecia who had now seuen yeeres continued in captiuity vnder Queen Margaret was to be set at liberty Which when the common souldiers of Rostok Wismer called the Vitalians perceiued who whilest their king was holden captiue in the right of the forenamed cities for the behalfe of their lord the king being prince of Mekleburg by birth vndertooke and waged warre al the time of his captiuitie banding their forces together they resolued at their own costs charges but in the right of the said cities to saile into the 3. kingdoms and to take such spoiles as they could lay hold on These common souldiers therfore sâ—eing an end of their tyrannical and violent dealing to approch sassed into Norway vnto the towne of Norbern being a mart town for al the marchants of Germanie who transporting fishes from thence doe bring thither marchandises of all kinds especially corne vnto the scarcitie wherof vnlesse it be brought out of other countreys that kingdome as we haue said is very much subiect Departing out of their ships and going on shore they set vpon the towne and by fire and sword they easily compelled the inhabitants dwelling in weake wodden houses to giue place Thus these Vitalians entring and surprising the towne conueyed such spoiles vnto their ships as them pleased and hauing laden their ships with those booties they returned home frolike vnto the ports of their own cities Without all respect they robbed and rifled the goods aswel of the Germanes as of the Noâ—uagians and like lewde companions wasting and making hauock of all things prooued themselues neuer the wealthier For it is not the guise of such good fellowes to store vp or to preserue ought The citizens at the first seemed to be inriched howbeit afterward no man misdoubting any such calamitie goods ill gotten were worse spent Thus farre Kranâ—zius Item pitifully complaining the foresaide marchants auouch verifie and affirme that vpon the 14. day after the feast of S. George in the yeere of our Lord next aboue written as 4. ships of Lenne laden with cloth wine and other marchandises were sailing vpon the maine sea with all the goods and wares conteined in them for Prussia sundry malefactors of Wismer and Rostok with others of the Hans being in diuers ships came vpon them and by â—orce of armes and strong hand tooke the said ships with the goods and marchandises contained in them and some of the people which were in the saide foure ships they slew some they spoyled and others they put vnto extreame ransomes And carying away with them those foure ships with the commodities and marchandise therin they parted stakes thâ—rwith as them listed to the great impâ—uerishment losse of the said marchants of Lenne namely in cloth of William Silesden Tho. Waterden Ioh. Brandon Ioh. WesenhaÌ„ other marchants of Lenne to the value of 3623 li.5.s.11 d. Item pitifully complaining the foresaid marchants doe affirme that one Henry Lambolt and other his adherents in the yeere of our Lord 1396. looke vpon the maine sea betweene Norway and Sâ—aw one crayer laden with osmunds and with diuers other marchandises perteining vnto Iohn Brandon of Lenne to the summe and value of 443 li.4.s.2.d Moreouer they tooke from Iohn Lakingay 4. lasts and an halfe of osmunds to the value of 220 lib.10.s Item the foresaid marchants complaine that certain malefactors of Wismer with other their compliâ—es of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1396. tooke from Thomas Ploker of Lenne out of a certaine ship sailing vpon the maine sea towaâ—ds Sconâ—land whereof Iames Snycop was master cloth and other marchandise to the summe and value of 13 lib.13.s.4.d Item the aboue-named marchants complaine saying that certaine malefactors of Wismer with others of the Hans society in the yere of our Lord 1397. wickedly and vniustly took out of a certaine ship of Dantzik whereof Laurence van Russe was master from Ralph Bedingam of Lenne one fardel of cloth worth 52 li.7.s.6.d Also for the ransome of his seruant 8 li.6.s.8.d Itemâ— they tooke from Thomas Earle diuers goods to the value of 24. pounds Item the foresaid marchants complainâ—â— that certaine malefactors of Wismer Rostok with others of the Hans in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly vniustly tooke one crayer pertayning vnto Iohn Lakingliâ—h of Lenne laden with diuers goods and marchandise pertaining vnto sundry marchants of Lenne namely from the forenamed Iohn one fardel of cloth and one chest full of harneis and other things to the value of 90 lib Item they took out of the foresaid ship from Roger Hood one fardel of cloth and one chest with diuers goods to the value of 58 lib Item from Iohn Pikeron one fardell of cloth and one chest with
thankfull mind accept and by the tenour of the said letters of yours totally approue the concord of a certaine satisfaction to be performed with the payment of certaine summes of money howsoeuer due vnto your subiects as well of Prussia as of Liuonia expressed in our former letters within the termes prefixed by our consent and limited in our said letters aud also of other summes which within one whole yeare immediatly following the feast of Easter last past by sufficient proofes on their part to bee made before our chauncelour at our citie of London shall be found due vnto them conditionally that without inconuenience of delay and impediments the premisses be performed as they ought to be And that your selfe also will without fayle vpon the termes appoynted for the said payments procure satisfaction â—o be made accordingly vnto our endamaged subiects with the summes due vnto them by reason of their losses whereof they haue sufficient information Wherefore in regard of those your friendly letters and your courteous auswere returned by them vnto vs as is aforesaid wee doe yeelde vnto you right vnfained thanks But because it will vndoubtedly be most acceptable and pleasing both vnto vs and vnto our people and vnto you and your subiects that the zeale and ferueâ—cie of loue which hath from auncient times growen and increased betweene our progenitours for them and their subiects and your predecessors and their subiects and which by the insolencie of of certayne lewde persons without any consent of the principall lords hath often bene violated betweene vs and you and mutually betweene the subiects of vs both may be put in perpetuall vre and obtaine full strength in time to come sithens hereupon by Gods assistance it is to be hoped that vnspeakeable commodity and quiet will redound vnto both parts may it seeme good vnto your discretion as it seemeth expedient vnto vs that some messengers of yours sufficiently authorised to parle agree and conclude with our deputy about the mutuall contraction of a perpetuall league and confirmation of friendship may with all conuenient speede be sent vnto our presence At whose arriuall not onely in this busines so profitable and behoouefull but also in certaine other affaires concerning the former treaties and conclusions they may yea and of necessitie must greatly auayle Wherefore our entirely beloued friend euen as vpon confidence of the premisses we haue thought good to grant vnto the marchants and subiects of our realme full authority to resort vnto your dominions so we doe in like maner graunt vnto your marchants and subiects free licence and liberty with their marchandises and goods securely to come into our realmes and dominions there to stay and at their pleasures thence to returne home Moreouer if Arnold Dassel who last of all presented your foresayd letters vnto vs shal thinke good in the meane season to make his abode here in our dominions as in very deede it is expedient he may both by serious consideration and deliberate consulting with our commissioners more conueniently and prosperously finde out wayes and meanes for the more speedy expedition of all the premisses Fare ye well in Christ. Giuen vnder our priuie seale at our palace of Westminster the seuenth of March in the yere of our lord 1408 according to the computation of the Church of England and in the tenth yere of our reigne A new concord concluded between king Henry the 4. and Vlricus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia in the yeare of our Lord 1409. BY this indenture or letters indented be it euidently knowen for the perpetual memory of the matter vnto all faithfull Christians that the noble honourable personages Richard Merlowe Maior and citizen of London Master Iohn Kington clerke and William Askham citizen and Alderman of the same citie the commissioners of the most soueraigne prince and lord L. Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and Tidericus de Longenthorpe knight Lefardus de Hereford burgomaster of Elbing and Iohn Crolowe citizen of the citie of Dantzik the procurators commissioners deputies and messengers of the right noble and religious personage Fr. Vlricus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital of Ierusalem hauing in the names of the sayd king and Master by vertue of the power on both parts committed vnto them sufficient authority haue appointed and with one consent agreed vpon all and singular the things vnder written Imprimis for the conseruation of mutuall loue and wonted amiâ—ie and for the tranquilitie of sweete amiable peace it is decreed and ordained that all and singular the liege people subiects of the Realme of England and the Marchants of the territories dominions of the said Realme and all other persons of what state or condition soeuer shall and may safely and securely as well by land as by water enter into the parts of Prussia and there mutually conuerse and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique aswell with the Prussians as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer there also make their abode and thence vnto their owne homes and dwelling places returne and depart vnto any place whither and so often as they shall thinke good as well by land as by water with their goods marchandize and wares whatsoeuer faithfully paying in the meane time all rights customes due in regard of their said wares and marchandize Reserued alwaies vnto the said Master and his successours all right and remedie ordained granted and vouchsafed in certaine obligations by our Lord the king whereof mention shall be made in the articles following Item it is ordained that all and singular the subiects of the said Master generall and of his order of what state and condition soeuer shall and may as well by water as by land enter into the kingdome of England and into the territories and dominions thereof and there mutually conuerse and freely after the maner of Marchants exercise traffique as well with all English people as with others of what nation or qualitie soeuer and there also make their abode and thence returne vnto their owne habitations and dwelling places and to depart whither they will and as oft as they shall thinke good as well by land as by water with their goods marchandize and wares whatsoeuer truely paying in the meane time all rights and customes due in regard of their said wares and Marchandize Reserued alwayes vnto the said soueraigne king his heires and successours all rights and remedies ordained and graunted vnto them in certaine obligations by the commissioners and procurators of the said Master generall aboue-named and in the name of the said Master generall Item it is with one consent agreed vpon promised and graunted that for all and singular damages grieuances and robberies howsoeuer done and committed before the date of these presents against the foresaid soueraigne Prince and his subiects whatsoeuer and all others which at the time
Russia to Boghar in Bactria Anno 1558. 324. 24 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson through Russia and ouer the Caspian sea into Persia Anno 1561. 343. 25 The voyage of Thomas Alcock George Wrenne and Richard Cheyney seruants vnto the Company of Moscouy Merchants in London into Persia Anno 1563. 353. 26 The voyage of Richard Iohnson Alexander Kitchin and Arthur Edwards seruants to the foresaid company into Persia Anno 1565. 354. 27 The voyage of Thomas Southam and Iohn Sparke by land and riuer from Colmogro to Nouogrod in Russia Anno 1566. 365. 28 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the third time Anno 1566. 372. 29 The voyage of Arthur Edwards Agent for the Moscouy company Iohn Sparke Laurence Chapman Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle seruants into Persia An. 1568. 389. 30 The voyage of Thomas Banister and Geffrey Ducket Agents for the Moscouy Company into Persia the fift time Anno 1569. 394. 31 The voyage of William Burrough Captaine of 13. English ships to the Narue in Liefland Anno 1570. 401. 32 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia the fourth time Anno 1571. 402. 33 The voyage of Christopher Burrough into Persia the sixt time Anno 1579. 419. 34 The voyage of Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman sent to discouer the Northeast seas beyond the Iland of Vaigats Anno 1580. 445. 35 The voyage of Master Ierome Horsey ouer land from Mosco in Russia to England Anno 1584. 469,470 36 A voyage to the Northeast performed by certaine Russes and translated out of Sigismundus ab Herberstein 492. 37 A voyage to Sibier and the Riuer of Ob by land declared in a letter written to Gerardus Mercator 510,511 512. 38 The vanquishing of the Spanish Armada Anno 1588. 591. 39 The honourable voyage to Cadiz Anno 1596. 607. ¶ The Ambassages Treatises Priuiledges Letters and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages of this first Volume 1 TWo testimonies of Galfridus Monumetensis in his history of the Kings of Brittaine concerning the conquests of King Arthur pagina 1. 2 A testimony of M. Lambard in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 touching the right and appendances of the Crowne of the kingdome of Britaine pag. 2. 3 A Chronicle of the Kings of Man taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie 10. 4 The ancient state of the shipping of the Cinque Ports 17. 5 Libellus historicus Iohannis de Plano Carpini 21. 6 Part of the great Charter graunted by King Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque Ports 117. 7 The rolle of the huge Fleete of Edward the thirde before Caleis 118. 8 The summe of expences layde out in the siege of Caleis 121. 9 A note of Thomas Walsingham touching King Edward the thirde his huge Fleete of 1100. ships wherewith he passed ouer vnto Caleis Anno 1359. 121. 10 Certaine verses of Geffrey Chaucer concerning the long Voyages and valiant exploits of the English knights in his dayes 124. 11 A testimonie out of Cornelius Tacitus prouing London to haue bene a famous Mart-towne in the raigne of Nero the Emperour 124. 12 A testimony out of venerable Beda proouing London to haue bene a Citie of great traffique in his time 125. 13 The league betweene Carolus Magnus and Offa King of Mercia concerning the safe trade of English Merchants 125. 14 An ancient testimony translated out of the olde Saxon Lawes conteyning the aduancement of Merchants for their thrice crossing the wide seas 120. 15 A testimony of certaine Priuileges obteined for the English and Danish Merchants by Canutus the King of England 126. 16 The flourâ—shing state of Merchandise in the City of London in the dayes of Wilhelmus Malmesburiensis 227. 17 A testimony of the said Wil. of Malmesbury concerning traffique to Bristow in his time 127. 18 The league betweene Henry the second and Frederick Barbarossa Emperour of Germany partly touching trade of Merchandise 128. 19 A generall safe conduct granted by King Iohn to all forreine Merchants 129. 20 The letters of King Henry the thirdâ— vnto Haquinus king of Norwey 129,130 21 A mandate for the king of Norway his ship called The Cog. 130. 22 A Charter granted for the behalfe of the Merchants of Colen in the 20. yeere of Henry the thirde 131. 23 The Charter of Lubeck granted for seuen yeeres in the time of Henry the third 131,132 24 A Charter of the Merchants of Almaine or the Stilyard-merchants 132. 25 A mandate of King Edward the first concerning outlandish Merchants 133. 26 King Edw. the first his great Charter granted to forreine Merchants Anno Dom. 1303. 133. 27 The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus King of Norway concerning certain English Merchants arrested in Norway 138. 28 Another letter of Edw. the second vnto the said Haquinus for the merchants aforesaid 139. 29 A third letter of King Edward the second to the said Haquinus in the behalfe of our English merchants 140. 30 An Ordinance for the Staple to be holden at one certaine place 142,143 31 A Catalogue of the great Masters of Prussia 144. 32 The Oration or speach of the Ambassadours sent from Conradus de Zolner Master generall of the land of Prussia vnto Richard the second king of England 148. 33 An agreement made by the Ambassadours of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second 150. 34 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia vnto Rich. the second 153. 35 A briefe relation of William Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their Ambassages into Prussia and to the Hans-townes 154. 36 Certaine Articles of complaint exhibited by the Liuonians 156. 37 Other complaints exhibited by the Cities of the Hans 156. 38 Compositions and Ordinances concluded betweene the Ambassadours of Prussia and the Chanceller and Treasurer of England Anno 1403. 157. 39 The letters of the Chanceller and Treasurer of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 158. 40 The letters of king Henry the fourth vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master generall of Prussia for entercourse of traffique 159. 41 The letters of Conradus de Iungingen vnto king Henry the fourth 160. 42 An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen 161. 43 An agreement betweene king Henry the fourth and the Hans-townes 164. 44 A testimonie out of Albertus Krantzius concerning the surprise of Bergen in Norway wherein 21. houses of the English merchants were burnt 169. 45 The grieuances and offences whereat the merchants of the Hans found themselues agrieued 171. 46 A letter of Henry the fourth king of England vnto Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of Prussia 175. 47 A letter of Werneherus de Tettingen commander in Elbing vnto sir William Sturmy Ambassadour vnto king Henry the fourth Together with an other letter of king Henry the fourth vnto Vlricus de Iungingen master of Prussia 176. 48 The letters of Vlricus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia signifying vnto king Henry the 4. that he was contented
the Whale 413. 113 The deposition of William Burrough to certeine Interrogatories mooued vnto him concerning the Narue and Kegor 414. 114 The reasons of M. William Burrough to disswade the vse of a trade to the Narue by the way through Sweden 416. 115 A remembrance of aduise giuen to the Moscouie merchants touching a voyage for Cola abouesaid 416. 116 An Epistle dedicatorie vnto the Queenes most excellent Maiestie written by M. William Burrough 417. 117 The Queenes Maiesties letters to Shaugh Thamas the great Sophy of Persia. 418. 118 The Latitudes and Meridian Altitudes of diuers places in Russia from the North to the South 431. 119 Directions giuen by M. Richard Hakluyt Esquire to Morgan Hubblethorne Dier sent into Persia. 432. 120 A Commission giuen by sir Rowland Heyward knight and George Barne Aldermen and gouernours of the Moscouie Companyâ— to Arthur Pet and Charles Iackman for the discouery by Sea towards Cathay 433. 121 Rules and orders giuen to be obserued by them in that Discouery 435. 122 Briefe aduises giuen by M. Iohn Dee to that purpose 437. 123 Instructions giuen them by Richard Hakluyt Esquire to that purpose also 437,438 124 The letter of Gerard. Mercator to Richard Hakluyt of Oxford touching that discouery 443. 125 Instructions giuen by the Moscouie Company vnto Richard Gibbs William Biggat Iohn Backhouseâ— c. Masters of their ships 453. 126 The opinion of M. William Burrough sent to a friend requiring his iudgement for the fittest time of the departure of our ships toward S. Nicolas in Russia 455. 127 The Queenes Maiesties Commission giuen to sir Ierome Bowes authorizing him her highnesse Ambassadour with the Emperour of Moscouie 455. 128 The Queenes Maiesties letters written to the Emperour by sir Ierome Bowes in his commendation 457. 129 The discourse of the Ambassage of sir Ierome Bowes to the aforesaid Emperour 458. 130 The maner of preferring suites in Russia 463. 131 A letter of M. Henry Lane to M. William Sanderson merchant of London conteyning a briefe discourse of all things passed in our Northren discoueries for the space of 33. yeeres 464. 132 The most solemne and magnificent Coronation of Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia set downe by M. Ierome Horsey 466. 133 The Priuileges graunted by the newe Emperour to the English merchants and obteined by the foresaid Ierom Horsey 470. 134 The Ambassage of M. Giles Fletcher Doctor of the Ciuil lawe from her Maiestie to the Emperour of Russia 473. 135 A notable description of Ruâ—â—ia 475 c. 136 A speciall note gathered by the excellent Venetian Cosmographer M. Iohn Baptista Ramusius concerning the Northeast passage 495. 137 The Lord Boris Pheodorowich his letter to the right honourable William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England 498. 138 The Queenes Maiesties letter to Pheodor Iuanowich Emperour of Russia 499. 139 The Queenes Maiesties letters to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 501. 140 The L. Treasurer sir William Cecil his letter to the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 502. 141 A letter of Pheodor Iuanowich to the Queenes Maiestie 502. 142 An other letter to the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich 503. 143 A second letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the L. William Burghley 504. 144 A most gracious letter of Priuileges giuen to the English merchants by Pheodor Iuanowich 505. 145 The contents of M. Garlands Commission vnto Thomas Simkinson for the bringing of M. Iohn Dee to the Emperour of Russia his Court. 508. 146 A letter to the right worsh. M. Iohn Dee Esquier conteyning the summe and effect of M. Garland his message 508. 147 A branch of a letter from Iohn Merick touching the death of Pheodor Iuanowich 509. 148 A learned Epistle written vnto the famous Cosmographer M. Gerardus Mercator concerning the Countreys Riuers and Seas towards the Northeast 510. 149 The honourable testimonies of diuers strangers touching the notable discoueries of the English made in the North-east parts 513. 150 A briefe Commentarie of the true state of Island 515. 550. 151 A letter written by the graue and learned Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Holen in Island concerning the ancient state of Island and Gronland 590. THE FIRST VOLVME OF THE principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and Discoueries of the English nation made to the North and Northeast quarters of the World with the directions letters priuiledges discourses and obseruations incident to the same Certeine testimonies concerning K. Arthur and his conquests of the North regions taken out of the historie of the Kings of Britaine written by Galfridus Monumetensis and newly printed at Heidelberge Anno 1587. Lib. 9. cap. 10. ANno Christi 517. Arthurus secundo regni sui anno subiugatis totius Hyberniae partibus claslem suam direxit in Islandiam eámque debellato populo subiugauit Exin diuulgato per caeteras insulas rumore quod eâ— nulla Prouincia resistere poterat Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunfacius râ—x Orcadum vltrò venerunt promissoque vectigali subiectionem feceiunt Emensa deinde hyeme reuersus est in Britanniam statúmque regni in firmam pacem renouans moram duodecim annis ibidem fecit The same in English IN the yere of Christ 517. king Arthur in the second yeere of his reigne hauing subdued all parts of Ireland sailed with his fleet into Island and brought it and the people thereof vnder his subiection The rumour afterwards being spread thorowout all the other Islands that no countrey was able to withstand him Doldauius the king of Gotland and Gunfacius the king of Orkney came voluntarily vnto him and yeelded him their obedience promising to pay him tribute The Winter being spent he returned into Britaine and establishing his kingdome in perfect peace he continued there for the space of twelue yeres Lib. 9 cap. 12. MIssis deinde in diuersa regna Legatis inuitantur tam ex Gallijs quà m ex collatetalibus Insulis Oceani qui ad curiam venire deberent c. Et paulò post Ex collateralibus autem Insulis Guillaumurius rex Hyberniae Maluasius rex Islandiae Doldauius rex Gotlandiae Gunnasius rex Orchadum Lot rex Noruegiae Aschilius rex Danorum The same in English AFter that king Arthur sending his messengers into diuers kingdomes he summoned such as were to come to his Court aswell out of France as out of the adiacent Islands of the sea c. and a little after From those adiacent Islands came Guillaumurius king of Ireland Maluasius king of Island Doldauius king of Gotland Gunnasius king of Orkney Lot the king of Norway and Aschilius the king of Denmarke Lib. 9 cap. 19. AT reges caeterarum Insularum quoniam non duxerant in morem equites habere pedites quot quisque debebat promittunt ita vt ex sex Insulis videlicet Hyberniae Islandiae Gotlandiae Orcadum Noruegiae atque Daciae sexies viginti millia essent annumerata The same in English BUt the kings of the other Islands because it was not their custome
to breed vp horses promised the king as many footmen as euery man was bound to send so that out of the six Islands namely of Ireland Island Gotland Orkney Norway and Denmarke the king had sixe score thousand souldiers sâ—nt him A testimonie of the right and appendances of the crowne of the kingdome of Britaine taken out of M. Lambard his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fol. 137. pag. 2. ARthurus qui fuit quondam inclytissimus Rex Britonum vir magnus suit animosus miles illustris Parum fuit ei regnum istud non fuit animus eius contentus regno Britanniae Subiugauit igitur sibi strenuè Scantiam totam quae modo Norweia vocatur omnes insulas vltra Scantiam sâ—z Islandiam Grenlandiam quae sunt de appendicijs Norweiae Suechordam Hyberniam â—uâ—landiam Daciam Semelandiam Winlandiam Curlandiam Roe Femelandiam Wirelandiam Flandriam Cherelam Lappam omnes alias terras insulas Orientalis Oceani vsque Russiam in Lappa scilicet posuit Orientalem metam regni Britanniae multas insulas vltra Scantiam vsque dum â—ub Septentrione quae sunt de appendicibus Scantiae quae modo Norweia vocatur Fuerunt autem ibi Christiani occultè Arthurus autem Christianus optimus fuit fecit eos baptizari vnum Deum per totam Norweiam venerari vnam fidem Chriâ—ti semper inuiolatam custodire suscipere Ceperunt vniuersi proceres Norweiae vxores suas de nobili gente Britonum tempore illo vnde Norwegienses dicunt se exijsse de gente sanguine regni huius Impetrauit enim temporibus illis Arthurus rex à domino Papa à Curia Romana quod confirmata sit Norweia in perpetuum coronae Britanniae in augmentum regni huius vocauÃtque illam dictus Arthurus Cameram Britannie Hac verò de causa dicunt Norwegienses se debere in regno isto cohabitare dicunt se esse de corpore regni huius scilicet de corona Britannie Maluerunt enim manere in regno isto quà m in terra eorum propria Terra enim eorum arida est montuosa sterilis non sunt ibi segetes nisi per loca Ista verò opulenta est fertilis crescunt hic segetes caetera vniuersa Qua ex causa saepius per vices gesta sunt bella atrocissima inter Anglos Norwegienses interfecti sunt innumerâ—biles Occupauerunt verò Norwegienses terras multas insulas regni huius quas adhuc detinent occupatas nec potuerunt vnquam postea penitus euelli Tandem modò confederati sunt nobis fide sacramento per vxores suas quas postea ceperunt de sanguine nostro per affinitates coniugia Ita demum constituit eis concessic bonus rex Edouardus propinquus noster qui fuit optimus filius pacis per commune confilium totius regni Qua de causa possent debent predicti de caetero nobiscum cohabitare remanere in regno sicut coniurati fratres nostri The same in English ARthur which was sometimes the most renowmed king of the Britains was a mightie and valiant man and a famous warriour This kingdome was too litle for him his minde was not conteated with it He therefore valiantly subdued all Scantia which is now called Norway and all the Islands beyond Norway to wit Island and Greenland which are apperteining vnto Norway Sweueland Ireland Gotland Denmarke Semeland Windland Curland Roe Femeland Wireland Flanders Cherilland Lapland and all the other lands Islands of the East sea euen vnto Russia in which Lapland he placed the Easterly bounds of his Brittish Empire and many other Islands beyond Norway euen vnder the North pole which are appendances of Scantia now called Norway These people were wild and sauage and had not in them the loue of God nor of their neighbors because all euill commeth from the North yet there were among them certeine Christians liuing in secret But king Arthur was an exceeding good Christian and caused them to be baptized and thorowout all Norway to worship one God and to receiue and keepe inuiolably for euer faith in Christ onely At that time all the noble men of Norway tooke wiues of the noble nation of the Britaines whereupon the Norses say that they are descended of the race and blood of this kingdome The aforesayd king Arthur obteined also in those dayes of the Pope court of Rome that Norway should be for euer annexed to the crowne of Britaine for the inlargement of this kingdome and he called it the chamber of Britaine For this cause the Norses say that they ought to dwell with vs in this kingdome to wit that they belong to the crowne of Britaine for they had rather dwell here then in their owne natiue countrey which is drie and full of mountaines and barren and no graine growing there but in certeine places But this countrey of Britaine is fruitfull wherein corne and all other good things do grow and increase for which cause many cruell battels haue bene oftentimes fought betwixt the Englishmen and the people of Norway and infinite numbers of people haue bene slaine the Norses haue possessed many lands and Islands of this Empire which vnto this day they doe possesse neither could they euer afterwards be fully expelled But now at length they are incorporated with vs by the receiuing of our religion and sacraments and by taking wiues of our nation and by affinitie and mariages For so the good king Edward who was a notable mainteiner of peace ordeined and granted vnto them by the generall consent of the whole kingdome so that the people may and ought from hencefoorth dwell and remaine in this kingdome with vs as our louing sworne brethren A testimonie out of the foresayd Galfridus Monumetensis concerning the conquests of Malgo king of England Lib. 11. cap. 7. VOrtiporio successit Malgo omnium ferè Britanniae pulcherrimus multorum tyrannorum depulsor robustus armis largior caeteris vltra modum probitate praeclarus Hic etiam totam Insulam obtinuit sex conprouinciales Oceani Iusulas Hyberniam videlicet atque Islandiam Gotlandiam Orcades Noruegiam Daciam adiecit dirissimis praelijs potestati suae The same in English MAlgo succeeded Vortiporius which was the goodliest man in person of all Britaine a prince that expulsed many tyrants He was strong and valiant in warre taller then most men that then liued and exceeding famous for his vertues This king also obteined the gouernment of the whole Island of Britaine and by most sharpe battailes he recouered to his Empire the sixe Islands of the Ocean sea which before had bene made tributaries by king Arthur namely Ireland Island Gotland Orkney Norway and Denmarke The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland written in the second Booke and fift Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall historie
of the English nation EDuinus Nordanhumbrorum gentis id est eius quae ad borealem Humbri fluminis plagam inhabitat maiore potentia cunctis qui Britanniam incolunt Anglorum pariter Britonum populis praefuit praeter Cantuarios tantùm necnòn Menauias Britonum insulas quae inter Hiberniam Britanniam sitae sunt Anglorum subiecit potestati The same in English EDwin king of the people of Northumberland that is to say of them which inhabit to the North of the riuer Humber being of greater authoritie then any other potentate in the whole Isle of Britaine bare rule aswell ouer the English as the British nation except onely the people of Kent who also brought in subiection vnder the English the Isles of Man and Anglesey and the other Northwesterne Isles of the Britons which are situate betweene Britaine and Ireland Another testimonie alledged by Beda to the same purpose Lib. 2. cap. 9. ANno ab incarnatione Domini sexcente simo vicesimo quarto gens Nordanhumbrorum hoc est ea natio Anglorum quae ad aquilonarem Humbri fluminis plagam habitat cum rege suo Eduino verbum fidei praedicante Paulino cuius supra meminimus suscepit cui videlicèt regi in auspicium suscipiendae fidei regni coelestis potestas terreni creuerat imperij ita vt quod nemo Anglorum ante eum fecit omnes Britanniae fines qua velipsorum vel Britonum Prouinciae habitabantur sub ditione acceperit Quin Menauias insulas sicut supra docuimus imperio subiugauit Anglorum Quarum prior quae ad austrum est situ amplior frugum prouentu atque vbertate foelicior nongentarum sexaginta familiarum mensuram iuxta aestimationem Anglorum secunda trecentarum vltrà spatium tenet The same in English IN the yeere from the incarnation of our Lord sixe hundreth twentie and foure the people of Northumberland to wit those English people which inhabit on the North side of the riuer of Humber together with their king Edwin at the Christian preaching and perswasion of Paulinus aboue mentioned embraced the Gospel Under which king after he had once accepted of the Christian faith the power both of the heauenly of his earthly kingdome was inlarged insomuch that he which no English king had done before him brought vnder his subiection all the prouinces of Britaine which were inhabited either by the English men themselues or by the Britons Moreouer he subdued vnto the crowne of England as we haue aboue signified the Hebrides commonly called the Westerne Islands The principall wherof being more commodiously and pleasantly seated towards the South and more abounding with corne then the rest conteineth according to the estimation of the English roome enough for 960. families and â—he second for 300. and aboue The voyage of Bertus generall of an armie sent into Ireland by Ecfridus king of Northumberland in the yere of our Lord 684 out of the 4. Booke and 26. Chapter of Beda his Ecclesiasticall Hystorie ANno Dominicae incarnationis sexcentesimo octogesimo quarto Ecfridus rex Nordanhumbrorum misso Hiberniam cum excercitu duce Berto vastauit miserè gentem innoxiam nationi Anglorum semper amicissimam ita vt nec ecclesijs quidem aut monasterijs manus parceret hostilis At insulani quantum valuere armis arma repellebant inuocantes diuinae auxilium pietatis coelitus â—e vindicari continuis diù imprecationibus postulabant Et quamuis maledici regnum Dei possidere non possint creditum tamen est quòd hi qui merito impietatis suae maledicebantur ocyùs Domino vindice poenas sui reatus luerent The same in English IN the yeere of our Lord 684 Ecfrid the king of Northumberland sent captaine Bert into Ireland with an armie which Bert miserably wasted that innocent nation being alwayes most friendly vnto the people of England insomuch that the fury of the enemy spared neither churches nor monasteries Howbeit the Islanders to their power repelled armes with armes and crauing Gods aid from heauen with continuall imprecations and curses they pleaded for reuenge And albeit cursed speakers can by no meanes inherit the kingdome of God it was thought notwithstanding that they which were accursed for their impiety did not long escape the vengeance of God imminent for their offences The voyage of Octher made to the Northeast parts beyond Norway reported by himselfe vnto Alfred the famous king of England about the yere 890. OCther said that the countrey wherein he dwelt was called Helgoland Octher tolde his lord king Alfred that he dwelt furthest North of any other Norman He sayd that he dwelt towards the North part of the land toward the West coast and affirmed that the land notwithstanding it stretcheth marueilous farre towards the North yet it is all desert and not inhabited vnlesse it be very few places here and there where certeine Finnes dwell vpon the coast who liue by hunting all the Winter and by fishing in Summer He said that vpon a certeine time he fell into a fantasie and desire to prooue and know how farâ—e that land stretched Northward and whether there were any habitation of men North beyond the desert Whereupon he tooke his voyage directly North along the coast hauing vpon his sâ—eereboord alwayes the desert land and vpon the leereboord the maine Ocean and continued his course for the space of 3. dayes In which space he was come as far towards the North as commonly the whale hunters vse to trauell Whence he proceeded in his course still towards the North so farre as he was able to saile in other 3. dayes At the end whereof he perceiued that the coast turned towards the East or els the sea opened with a maine gulfe into the land he knew not how farre Well he wist and remembred that he was faine to stay till he had a Westerne winde and somewhat Northerly and thence he sailed plaine East along the coast still so far as he was able in the space of 4. dayes At the end of which time he was compelled againe to stay till he had a full Northerly winde â—orsomuch as the coast bowed thence directly towards the South or at least wise the sea opened into the land he could not tell how farre so that he sailed thence along the coast continually full South so farre as he could trauaile in 5. dayes and at the fifth dayes end he discouered a mightie riuer which opened very farre into the land At the entrie of which riuer he stayed his course and in conclusion turneâ— backe againe for he durst not enter thereinto for feare of the inhabitants of the land perceiuing that on the other side of the riuer the countrey was thorowly inhabited which was the first peopled land that he had found since his departure from his owne dwelling whereas continually thorowout all his voyage he had euermore on his steereboord a wildernesse and desert countrey except
So that Ilsing comming out of Eastland and Wixel out of Wenedland fall both together into Eastmeere and there Wixel depriueth Ilsing of his name and runneth thence West North into the sea whereof the place is called Wixelmouth Eastland is a very large land and there be many cities and townes within it and in euery one of them is a king whereby there is continually among them great strife and contention There is great plentie of hony and fish The wealthiest men drinke commonly Mares milke and the poore people and slaues meade There is no ale brewed among the Easterlings but of mead there is plentie The nauigation of King Edgar taken out of Florentius Wigorniensis Houeden and M. Dee his discourse of the Brittish Monarchie pag. 54,55 c. I Haue often times sayd he and many wayes looked into the state of earthly kingdomes generally the whole world ouer as farre as it may be yet knowen to Christian men commonly being a studie of no great difficultie but rather a purpose somewhat answerable to a perfect Cosmographer to finde himselfe Cosmopoliâ—es a citizen and member of the whole and onely one mysticall citie vniuersall and so consequently to meditate of the Cosmopoliticall gouernment thereof vnder the King almightie passing on very swiftly toward the most dreadfull and most comfortable terme prefixed And I finde sayd he that if this Brittish Monarchie would heretofore haue followed the aduantages which they haue had onward they might very well yer this haue surpassed by iustice and godly sort any particular Monarchie els that euer was on earth since mans creation and that to all such purposes as to God are most acceptable and to all perfect common wealths most honorable profitable and comfortable But yet sayd he there is a little locke of Lady Occasion flickering in the aire by our hands to catch hold on wherby we may yet once more before all be vtterly past and for euer discreetly and valiantly recouer and enioy if not all our ancient due appurtenances to this Imperiall Brittish monarchie yet at the least some such notable portion thereof as al circumstances duely and iustly appertaining to peace amitie with â—orrein princes being offred vsed this may become the most peaceable most rich most puissant most florishing monarchie of al els this day in christendome Peaceable I say euen with the most part of the selfe same respects that good king Edgar had being but a Saxon and by sundry such meanes as he chiefly in this Empire did put in proofe and vre triumphantly whereupon his sirname was Pacificus most aptly and iustly This peaceable king Edgar had in his minde about six hundred yeeres past the representation of a great part of the selfe same Idaea which from aboue onely by no mans deuise hath streamed downe into my imagination being as it becommeth a subiect carefull for the godly prosperitie of this British Empire vnder our most peaceable Queene Elizabeth For AEdgarus pacificus Regni sui prospiciens vtâ—litâ—ti pariter quieti quatuor millia octingentas sibi robustas coÌ„gregauit naues è quibus mille ducentas in plaga Angliae Orientali mille ducentas in Occidentali mille ducentas in Australi mille ducentas in Septentrionali pelago coÌ„stituit vt ad defensionem regni sui contra exteras nationes belloruÌ„ discrimina sustinerent O wisedome imperiall most diligently to be imitated videlicet prospicere to foresee O charitable kingly parent that was touched with ardeâ—t zeale for procuring the publike profite of his kingdome yea and also the peaceable enioying therof O of an incredible masse of treasure a kingly portion yet in his coffers remayning if then he had or late before any warresâ— seeing no notable taxe or contribution publike is historically mentioned to haue bene for the charges leuied if in peace he himselfe flourished so wealthily O marueilous politicall princely prudenâ—ie in time of peace to foresee and preuent aâ—d that most puissantly and inuincibly all possible malice fraude force and mischiefe forrain O most discreet liberalitie to such excellent vses powring out his treasure so abundantly O faithfull English people then and worthy subiects of such an Imperiall and godly Gouernour O your true and willing hearts and blessed ready hands then so to impart such abundance of victuals for those huge Nauies maintenance so I say as neither dearth of famine seemed fondly to be feared of you for any intolerable want likely to ensue thereby nor prices of victuals complained of to be vnreasonable enhaunsed by you finding for their great sales so good and rare opportunitie This peaceable king Edgar was one of the perfect Imperiall Monarches of this British Empire and therefore thus his fame remaineth for euer recorded Anglici orbis Basileus flos Decus AEdgarus non minus memorabilis Anglis quà m Cyrus Persis Romulus Romanis Alexander Macedonibus Arsaces Parthis Carolus Francis Anno vitae 37. Regni sui cum fratre post 21. Idibus Iulij obijt apud Glascon sepelitur O Glastonbury Glastonbury the treasurie of the carcases of so famous and so many persons Quae olim mater sanctorum dicta es ab alijs tumulus sanctorum quam ab ipsis discipulis Domini aedificatam fuisse venerabilis habet Antiquorum authoritas how lamentable is thy case nowe howe hath hypocrisie and pride wrought thy desolation though I omit here the names of very many other both excellent holy men and mighty princes whose carcases are committed to thy custody yet that Apostolike Ioseph that triumphant British Arthur and nowe this peaceable and prouident Saxon king Edgar doe force me with a certaine sorowful reuerence here to celebrate thy memorie This peaceable king Edgar as by ancient Recordes may appeare his Sommer progresses and yerely chiefe pastimes were the sailing round about this whole Isle of Albion garded with his grand nauie of 4000. saile at the least parted into 4. equall parts of petie Nauies eche one being of 1000. ships for so it is anciently recorded Idem quoque AEdgarus 4000. naues congregauit ex quibus omni anno post festum Paschale 1000. naues ad quamlibet Angliae partem statuit sic aestate Insulam circumnauigauit hyeme verò iudicia in Prouincia exercuit haec omnia ad sui exercitium ad hostium fecit terrorem COuld and would that peaceable wise king Edgar before need as being in peace and quiet with all nations about him and notwithstanding mistrusting his possible enemies make his pastimes so roially politically and triumphantly with so many thousand ships and at the least with ten times so many men as ships and that yerely and shall we being not assured of such neighbors friendship as may become to vs as cruel and tyrannicall enemies as neuer king Edgar needed to dread the like and they as many and mighty princes as neuer king Edgar coped with the like shall we said he
wit or industrie can be contriued to al purposes sufficient but only by our seaforces preuailing and so by our inuincible enioying al within the sea limites of our British royaltie contained To which incredible political mysterie attaining no easier readier or perfecter plat and introduction is as yet come to my imagination then is the present and continuall seruice of threescore good and tall warlike ships with twentie smaller barkes and those 80. ships great and smal with 6660. apt men furnished and all singularly well appointed for seruice both on sea and land faithfully and diligently to be done in such circumspect and discreet order as partly I haue in other places declared and further vpon good occasion offered may declare This grand nauie of peaceable king Edgar of so many thousand ships and they furnished with an hundred thousand men at the least with all the finall intents of those sea forces so inuincible continually mainteined the order of the execution of their seruice the godly and Imperial successe thereof are in a maner kingly lessons and prophetical incouragements to vs left euen now to bee as prouident for publique securitie as he was to be as skilful of our sea right and royal limits and wisely to finde our selues as able to recouer and enioy the same as he was who could not chuse but with the passing and yeerely sayling about this Brittish Albion with all the lesser Isles next adiacent round about it he could not chuse I say but by such ful and peaceable possession find himselfe according to right and his hearts desire the true and soueraigne Monarch of all the British Ocean enuironing any way his empire of Albion and Ireland with the lesser Islands next adiacent with memorial whereof as with one very precious iewel Imperial hee adorned the title and crowne of his regalitie as with the testimonie annexed of the states and nobles of his Empire to commit to perpetuall memorie the stile of his chiefe worldly dignitie in this very tenor of words before also remembred Ego AEdgarus Anglorum Basileus omniúmque Regum Insularum Oceanique Britanniam circumiacentis cunctarúmque nationum quae infra eam includuntur Imperator Domiâ—us The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes of King Edmund Ironside into Hungarie Anno D. 1017. Recorded by Florentius Wigâ—rniensis pag. 391. DEdit consilium Edricus Canuto regi vt clitunculos Eadwardum Eadmundum regis Eadmundifilios necaret Sed quia magnum dedecus sibi videbatur vtin Anglia perimerentur paruo elapso tempore ad regem Suauorum occidendos misit Qui licèt foedus esset inter cos precibus illius nullatenùs voluit acquiescere sedillos ad regem Hungarorum Salomonem nomine misit nutriendos vitae que reseruandos Quorum vnus scilicet Eadmundus processu temporis ibidem vitam finiuit Eadwardus verò Agatham filiam Germani Imperatoris Henriciin matrimonium accepit ex qua Margaretam Scotorum reginam Christinam Sanctimonialem Clitonem Eadgarum suscepit The same in English EDric counselled king Kanutus to murther the yong princes Edward and Edmund the sonnes of King Edmund But because it seemed a thing very dishonourable vnto him to haue them put to death in England hee sent them after a short space vnto the king of Sweden to be slaine Who albeit there was a league betweene them would in no case condescend vnto Canutus his bloody request but sent them vnto Salomon the king of Hungarie to be nourished and preserued aliue The one whereof namely Edmund in processe of time there deceased But Edward receiued to wife Agatha daughter vnto the Germane Emperour Henry of whom he begot Margaret the Queene of the Scots and Christina a Nunne and Clito Edgar A Chronicle of the Kings of Man taken out of M. Camdens Chorographie IN the yeere of our Lord 1066. Edward King of England of famous memory deceased whom Harald sonne of Godwin succeeded in his kingdome against which Harald the king of Norwaie called Harald Harfager fought a battel at Stainford bridge where the English winning the fielde put all the Noruegians to flight out of which flight one Godredus sirnamed Crouan the sonne of Harald the blacke who had before time fled out of Island repaired vnto Godred sonne of Syrric who then reigned in Man and was right friendly and honourably enterteined by him In the very same yeere William the Conquerour subdued England and Godred the sonne of Syrric king of Man deceased after whom succeeded his sonne Fingal In the yeere 1066. Godredus Crouan gathered a fleete of ships and sailed vnto Man and giuing battell vnto the people of the countrey was vanquished and put to flight The second time also hauing gathered his armie and ships together hee came vnto Man fought with the inhabitants lost the victorie and was chaced away Yea the third time he assembled a great multitude and comming by night vnto the port which is called Ramsa hid 300. of his men in a wood standing vpon the side of the hill called Scacasel The Sunne was no sooner vp but the Mannians arranged themselues and with great furie set vpon Godred And in the midst of the skirmish the foresaid 300. men rising out of their ambush and comming vpon the backes of the Mannians molested them so sore that they were enforced to flie But when they saw y t they were ouercome and had no place of refuge to retire vnto for the tide of the sea had filled the chanel of the riuer of Ramsa and seeing the enemie so fiercely pursuing them on the other side they which remained with lamentable outcries beseeched Godred to spare their liues Then hee being mooued with compassion and pitying their extreme calamitie because hee had bene of late sustained and nourished among them sounded a retreat and forâ—ad his souldiers to make any longer pursuit The day following Godred put his souldiers to their choice whether they would diuide Man among themselues and inhabite it or whether they would take the wealth of the countrey and so returne vnto their owne home Howbeit it pleased them better to waste the whole Island and to enrich themselues with the commodities thereof and so to returne from whence they came Nowe Godred himselfe with a fewe Islanders which had remained with him tooke possession of the South part of the Island and vnto the remnant of the Manâ—ians he granted the North part thereof vpon condition that none of them should at any time afterward dare once to chalenge any parcell of the said ground by title of inheritance Whereupon it commeth to passe that vnto this day the whole Island is the kings owne Fee-simple and that all the reuenues thereof pertaine vnto him Also Godredus subdued Dublin vnto himselfe a great part of Lainestir And he so tamed the Scots that none of them durst build a ship or a boate with aboue three yron nailes in it Hee reigned 16. yeeres and died in the Island called
Yle He left behinde him three sonnes Lagman Harald and Olauus Lagman being the eldest chalenged the kingdome and reigned seuen yeeres Howbeit Harald his brother rebelled against him a long time but being at length taken by Lagman hee was gelt and had his eyes put out Afterward Lagman repenting him that he had put out the eyes of his brother did of his owne accord relinquish his kingdome and taking vpon him the badge of the crosse he went on pilgrimage to Ierusalem in which iourney also he died In the yeere 1075. all the principall men of the Islands hauing intelligence of the death of Lagman sent messengers vnto Murecardus O-Brien King of Irland requesting him that hee would send some wel-disposed person of his owne kinred and blood royall vntill Olauus sonne of Godred were come to full age The king most willingly condescended vnto their request and sent vnto them one Dopnald the sonne of Tade charging and commaunding him that with all meekenesse and modestie hee should gouerne that kingdome which of right belonged not vnto him Howbeit he after he had once attained vnto the kingdome neglecting the commaundement of his lord vsurped the gouernment with great tyrannie committing many heinous crimes and so he reigned very disorderly for the space of three yeeres Then all the princes of the Islands making a generall conspiracie banded themselues against him and expelled him out of their dominions And he flying into Irland returned no more vnto them In the yeere 1077. one Ingemundus was sent from the king of Norway to take possession of the kingdome of the Islands And being come vnto the Island of Leodus hee sent messengers vnto all the princes of the Islands to come vnto him commaunding them to assemble themselues and to appoint him to be their King In the meane season he and his companions spent their time in robbing and rioting rauished women and virgines and addicted themselues to filthy pleasures and to the lustes of the flesh And when these things were reported vnto the princes of the Islands who had assembled themselues to chuse him king being mightely incensed thereat they made haste towards him and comming vpon him in the night they burnt the house wherein hee was and slue both him and the rest of his company partly with sword and partly with fire In the yeere 1098. the abbey of S. Maries at Cistertium was founded In the same yeere also Antiochia was taken by the Christians and a Comet appeared Moreouer the same yeere there was a battel fought betweene the inhabitants of Manâ— at Santwat and they of the North obtained the victory In which battell were slaine Earle Othor and Mac-Maras chieftaines of both parts The same yeere Magnus king of Norway sonne of Olauus sonne of Harald Harfagre being desirous to view the corps of S. Olauus king and Martyr gaue commaundement that his monument should be opened But the Bishop and the Clergie withstanding this his attempt the king went very boldly and by his kingly authoritie caused the cophin to be opened And when hee had seene with his eyes and handled with his hands the incorrupt body of the foresaid King and Martyr a sudden feare came vpon him and he departed with great haste The night following Olauus king and Martyr appeared vnto him in a vision saying Chuse I say vnto your selfe one of these two either within 30. dayes to lose your life with your kingdome or else to depart from Norway and neuer to see it againe The King so soone as he was awaked out of sleepe called his Princes and Senatours and expounded the foresaide vision vnto them And they also being astonished thereat gaue him this counsell that with all speed he should depart out of Norway Then he without any further delay caused a Nauie of 160. ships to be prouided and so sailed vnto the Islands of Orkney which hee presently subdued and passing along through all the Islands and conquering them at length he came vnto the Isle of Man where he was no sooner arriued but hee went vnto the Isle of S. Patric to see the place of battell where the inhabitants of Man had of late fought because many of the dead bodies were as yet vnburied And seeing that it was a most beautifull Island it pleased him exceeding well and therefore hee made choice to inhabite therein his owne selfe and built forts there which are at this day called by his owne name He had the people of Galway in such awe that he constrained them to cut downe their owne timber and to bring it vnto his shore for the building of his fortes Hee sailed on further vnto the Isle of Anglesey neere vnto Wales and finding two Earles therein either of them being called by the name of Hugo he slue the one and the other hee put to flight and so subdued the Island But the Welshmen presented many gifts vnto him and so bidding them farewell he returned vnto Man Unto Murecard king of Irland he sent his shooes commaunding him that he should cary them on his shoulders vpon the birth-day of our Lord through the midst of his Palace in the sight of his Embassadours that thereby it might appeare vnto them that he was subiect vnto king Magnus Which when the Irishmen heard they tooke it grieuously and disdeined much thereat But the King being better aduised I had rather said he not only beare his shooes but eate his shooes then that king Magnus should destroy any one prouince in Irland Wherefore he fulfilled his commaundement and honourably enterteined his Embassadours Many gifts also he sent vnto king Magnus by them and concluded a league But the messengers returning vnto their lord tolde him of the situation of Irland of the beautie thereof of the fruitfulnesse of the soile and of the holesonmesse of the aire Magnus hearing these things was fully resolued to conquer all Irland vnto himselfe And for the same purpose he commaunded that a Fleet should be made ready But he taking his voyage with sixteene ships being desirous to view the land when he had vndiscreetly departed from his Nauie he was suddenly inuironed by the Irish and was himselfe slaine together with all that were with him almost Hee was interred neere vnto the Church of S. Patric in Armagh Hee reigned sixe yeeres After his death the Princes of the Islands sent for Olauus the sonne of Godredus Crouan who liued in the Court of Henry King of England son vnto William the Conquerour In the yeere 1102. Olauus sonne of Godredus Crouan beganne his reigne and reigned fourtie yeeres he was a peaceable man being in league with all the Kings of Scotland and Irland in his time He tooke to wife Affrica the daughter of Fergusius of Galway of whom he begat Godredus Of his concubines he begat Regnaldus Lagmannus and Haraldus and many daughters whereof one married vnto Sumerledus king of Herergaidel which afterward occasioned the ouerthrow of the whole kingdome of the Islands He begat
at Fontanas and Nichoâ—as succeeded in his roome In the yere 1204. Hugo de Lacy inuaded Vlster with an armie and encountered with Iohn de Curcy tooke him prisoner subdued Vlster vnto himselfe Afterward he permitted the said Iohn to goe at libertie who comming vnto king Reginald was honourably enterteined by him because he was his sonne in lawe for Iohn de Curcy had taken to wife Affrica the daughter of Godredus which founded the abbey of S. Mary de iugo domini and was there buried In the yeere 1205. Iohn de Curcy Reginald king of the islands inuading Vlster with a hundreth ships at the port which is called Stranfeord did negligently besiege the castle of Rath but Walter de Lacy coÌ„ming vpoÌ„ them with his armie put them to flight from that time Curcy neuer recouered his land In the yere 1210. Eâ—gus the son of Sumerled his 3. sonnes were slaine At the same time Iohn king of England conducted a fleet of 500. ships into Irland and subdued it vnto himselfe and sending a certaine earle named Fulco vnto the isle of Man his souldiers almost vtterly wasted it in the space of 15. dayes and hauing taken pledges they returned home into their owne countrey King Reginald and his nobles were at this time absent from Man In the yere 1217. deceased Nicolas bishop of the islands and was buried in Vlster in the house of Benchor whom Reginald succeeded I thinke it not amisse to report somewhat more concerning the two foresaid brethren Reginaldus and Olauus REginald gaue vnto his brother Olauus the island called Lodhus or Lewes which is saide to be larger then the rest of the islands but almost destitute of inhabitants because it is so ful of mountaines quarreis being almost no where fit for tillage Howbeit the inhabitants thereof do liue for the most part vpon hunting and fishing Olauus therefore went to take possession of this Island and dwelt therein leading a poore life and when he saw that it would by no meanes suffice for the sustentation of himselfe his folowers hee went boldly vnto his brother Reginald who as then remained in the islands spake on this wise vnto him My brother said he and my lord and king you know that the kingdom of the islands pertained vnto me by right of inheritance howbeit because the Lord had chosen you to beare the scepter I doe not enuie that honour vnto you neither doeth it any whit grieue mee that you are exalted vnto this royall dignitie Nowe therefore I beseech you to prouide mee some portion of land in the islands whereby I may honestly liue For the Island of Lewis which you gaue me is not sufficient for my maintenance Which his brother Reginald hearing said that he would consult about the premisses And on the morow when Olauus was sent for to parle Reginald coÌ„manded him to be attached and to be caried vnto William king of Scotland and with him to remaine prisoner and Olauus remained in prison almost for the space of 7. yeres But at the 7. yeres end William king of Scots deceased and Alexander his sonne reigned in his stead The foresaid William before his death commanded that all prisoners should be set at libertie Olauus therefore being at libertie came vnto Man and immediatly with a great company of nobles tooke his iourney vnto S. Iames and his brother Reginald caused the said Olauus to take vnto wife the daughter of a certaine noble man of Kentyre cousine german vnto his owne wife by name being called Lauon and he granted vnto him the possession of Lewis After a few dayes Reginald the bishop of the Islands hauing gathered a Synod separated Olauus and Godred his sonne and Lauon his wife namely because shee was cousin german vnto his former wife Afterward Olauus maried Scristina daughter vnto Ferkarus earle of Rosse Hereupon the wife of Reginald Queene of the Islands being incensed sent letters vnto the Island of Sky in K. Reginald his name to her sonne Godred willing him to take Olauus Which coÌ„mandement Godred putting in practise entring the isle of Lewis for y e same purpose Olauus fled in a litle skiffe vnto his father in law the earle of Rosse in the meane time Godred wasted the isle of Lewis At the very same time Pol the son of Boke vicount of Sky being a man of power in al the Islands because he would not consent vnto Godred fled dwelt together with Olauus in the dominions of the earle of Rosse making a league with Olauus they went both in a ship vnto Sky To be short sending certaine spies they were informed that Godred remained secure with a smal company in a certaine Isle called y e isle of S. Columba And vniting vnto themselues their friends and acquaintance others that would goe voluntarily with them in the dead of the night hauing lanched 5. ships from the next sea-shore which was distant about the space of 2. furlongs from the foresaid Island they enuironed the said Island on all sides Now Godred and his company rising early in the morning and seeing themselues beset with their enemies on all sides they were vtterly astonied Howbeit arming themselues they began stoutly to make resistance but altogether in vaine For about 9. of the clocke in the morning Olauus and the foresaid vicount Pol with al their souldiers entred the Island and hauing slaine all whom they found without the precincts of the Church they apprehended Godred gelding him and putting out his eyes Unto which action Olauus gaue not his coÌ„sent neither could he withstand it by reason of the forenamed vicount the son of Boke This was done in the yere of Christ 1223. The next sommer folowing Olauus hauing receiued pledges from all the chiefe men of the Islands with a fleet of 32. ships sailed vnto Man and arriued at Rognolfwaht At the same time Reginald and Olauus diuided the kingdome of the Islands betweene themselues Man being granted vnto Reginald besides his portion the name of a king also Olauus hauing receiued certaine victuals of the people of Man returned together with his company vnto his owne portion of Islands The yeere folowing Reginald taking vnto him Alanus lord of Galway together with his subiects of Man sailed vnto the Islands that hee might take away that portion of ground from his brother Olauus which he had granted vnto him and subdue it vnto himselfe Howbeit by reason that the people of Man had no list to fight against Olauus or the Islanders because they bare good will towards them Reginald and Alanus lord of Galway being defeated of their purpose returned home vnto their owne Within a short space after Reginald vnder pretense of going vnto the Court of his lord the king of England receiued an 100. markes of the people of Man and tooke his iourney vnto Alanus lord of Galway Which the people of Man hearing tooke great indignation thereat insomuch that they sent for
created knight In y e yere 1257. the Church of S. Maries of Russin was dedicated by Richard bishop of Soder In the yeere 1260. Haco king of Norway came into the parts of Scotland and without atchieuing ought turning his course towards the Orcades he there deceased at Kirwas and was buried at Bergen In the yeere 1265. Magnus the sonne of Olauus king of Man and of the Islands died at the castle of Russin and was buried at the Church of S. Mary at Russin In the yere 1266. the kingdome of the Islands was translated vnto Alexander king of Scots That which followeth was written in a new character or letter and of a diuers kinde from the former IN the yeere 1270. vpon the seuenth day of October the Fleete of Alexander king of Scots arriued at Roghalwath and the next day before the Sunne rising there was a battell fought betweene the Mannians and the Scots in the which conflict there were slaine 535. Mannians whereupon a certaine versifier writeth to this effect Fiue hundreth fourtie men are slaine against ill haps Yee Mannians arme your selues for feare of afterclaps In the yeere 1313. Robert king of Scots besieged the castle of Russin which Dingawy Dowil held against him howbeit at the last the king tooke the castle In the yeere 1316. vpon the feast of Ascension Richard le Mandeuile and his brethren with diuers great personages of Irland arriued at Ramaldwath demaunding to haue victuals and money ministred vnto them because they had bene spoyled by their enemies which made continuall warre vpon them But when the whole company of the Mannians answered that they would giue nothing they proceeded against them in warlike maner with two bands till they were come vnder the side of the hill called Warthsel in the fielde where Iohn Mandeuile remained and there hauing fought a battell the Irish ouercame the people of Man and spoiled the Island and the Abbey of Russin also and when they had reueled a whole moneth in the Island lading their ships they returned home The mariage of the daughter of Harald slaine by VVilliam the Conquerour vnto Ieruslaus duke of Russia taken out of the 9. Booke of the Danish historie written by Saxo Grammaticus An. D. 1067. HAraldo caefo filij eius duo confestim in Daniam cum sorore migrarunt Quos Sweno paterni illorum meriti oblitus consanguineae pietatis more accepit puellamque Ruthenorum regi Waldemaro qui ipse Iarislaus a suis est appellatus nuptum dedit Eidem postmodùm nostri temporis dux v◠sanguinis ita nominis haeres ex filia nepos obuenit Itaque hinc Britannicus indè Eous sanguis in salutarem nostri principis ortum confluens communem stirpem duarum gentium ornamentum effecit The same in English HArald being slaine his two sonnes with their sister sped themselues immediatly into Denmarke Whom Sweno forgetting their fathers deserts receiued in most kinde and friendly maner and bestowed the yong damosell in mariag◠vpon Waldemarus king of Russia who was also called by his subiects Iarislaus Afterward the said Waldemarus had by his daughter a nephew being duke at this present who succeeded his predecessour both in line al descent and in name also Wherefore the English blood on the one side and the Russian on the other side concurring to the ioyfull birth of our prince caused that mutual kinred to be an ornament vnto both nations The state of the shipping of the Cinque ports from Edward the Confessour and William the Conquerour and so downe to Edward the first faithfully gathered by the learned Gentleman M. William Lambert in his Perambulation of Kent out of the most ancient Records of England I Finde in the booke of the generall suruey of the Realme which William the Conquerour caused to bee made in the fourth yeere of his reigne and to be called Domesday because as Matthew Parise saith it spared no man but iudged all men indifferently as the Lord in that great day wil do that Douer Sandwich and Rumney were in the time of K. Edward the Confessour discharged almost of all maner of impositions and burdens which other townes did beare in consideration of such seruice to bee done by them vpon the Sea as in their special titles shall hereafter appeare Whereupon although I might ground reasonable coniecture that the immunitie of the hauen Townes which we nowe call by a certaine number the Cinque Ports might take their beginning from the same Edward yet for as much as I read in the Chartre of K. Edward the first after the conquest which is reported in our booke of Entries A recitall of the graunts of sundry kings to the Fiue Ports the same reaching no higher then to William the Conquerour I will leaue my coniecture and leane to his Chartre contenting my selfe to yeelde to the Conquerour the thankes of other mens benefits seeing those which were benefited were wisely contented as the case then stood to like better of his confirmation or second gift then of K. Edwards first graunt and endowment And to the ende that I may proceed in some maner of array I will first shewe which Townes were at the beginning taken for the Fiue Ports and what others be now reputed in the same number secondly what seruice they ought and did in times passed and lastly what priuiledges they haue therefore and by what persons they haue bene gouerned If I should iudge by the common and rude verse Douer Sandwicus Ry Rum Frigmare ventus I must say that Douer Sandwich Rie Rumney and Winchelsey for that is Frigmare ventus be the Fiue Ports Againe if I should be ruled by the Rolle which reciteth the Ports that send Barons to the Parliament I must then adde to these Hastings and Hyde for they also haue their Barons as well as the other and so should I not onely not shew which were the first Fiue but also by addition of two others increase both the number and doubtfulnesse Leauing the verse therefore for ignorance of the authour and suspition of his authoritie and forsaking the Rolle as not assured of the antiquitie I will flee to Henry Bracton a man both ancient learned and credible which liued vnder K. Henry the thirde and wrote aboue three hundreth yeeres since learnedly of the lawes of this Realme He I say in the third booke of his worke and treatise of the Crowne taking in hand to shewe the articles inquirable before the Iustice in Eire or Itinerent as we called them because they vsed to ride from place to place throughout the Realme for administration of iustice setteth forth a special fourme of writs to be directed seuerally to the Bailifes of Hastings Hithe Rumney Douer and Sandwich commanding them that they should cause twentie foure of their Barons for so their Burgesses or townesmen and the citizens of London likewise were wont to be termed to appeare before the Kings Iustices at Shipwey in
with the king of Hungarie menacing and plainely foretelling those mischiefes which afterward happened vnlesse he would submit himselfe and his kingdome vnto the Tartars yoke Well being allured by our Princes to confesse the trueth he made such oathes and protestations as I thinke the deuill himselfe would haue beene trusted for First therefore he reported of himselfe that presently after the time oâ— his banishment namely about the 30. yere of his age hauing lost all that he had in the citie of Acon at dice euen in the midst of Winter being compelled by ignominious huâ—ger wearing nothing about him but a shirt of sacke a paire of shooes and a haire cappe onely being shauen like a foole and vttering an vncoâ—h noise as if he had bene dumbe he tooke his iourney and so traueiling many countreyes and finding in diuers places friendly enterteinment he prolonged his life in this maner for a season albeit â—uery day by rashnesse of speech and inconstancie of heart he endangered himselfe to the deuil At length by reason of extreame trauaile and continuall change of aire and of meaâ—s in Caldea he fell into a grieuous sickenesse insomuch that he was wearie of his life Not being able therefore to go forward or backeward and staying there a while to refresh himselfe he began being somewhat learned to commend to writing those wordes which hee heard spoken and within a short space so aptly to pronounce and to vtter them himselfe that he was â—eputed for a natiue member of that countrey and by the same dexteritie he attained to manie languages This man the Tartars hauing intelligence of by their spies drew him perforce into their societie and being admonished by an oracle or vision to challenge dominion ouer the whole earth thâ—y allured him â—y many rewards to their faithâ—ull seruice by râ—ason that they wanted Interpreters But concerning their maners and superstitions of the disposition and stature of their bodies of their countrey and maner of fighâ—ing c he protested the particulars following to be true namely that they were aboue all men couetous hasty deceitfull and mercilesse notwithstanding by reason of the rigour and extremitie of punishments to be inflicted vpon them by their superiours they are restreined from brawlings and from mutuall strife and contention The ancient founders and fathers of their tribes they call by the name of gods and at certaine set times they doe celebrate solemne feasts vnto them many of them being particular but foure onely generall They thinke that all things are created for themselues alone They esteeme it none offence to exercise cruelty against rebels They be hardie and strong in the breast leane and pale-fated rough and huf-shouldred hauing flatte and short noses long and sharpe chinnes their vpper iawes are low and declining their teeth long and thinne their eye-browes extending from their fore-heads downe to their noses their eies inconstant and blacke their countenances writhen and terrible their exâ—reame ioynts strong with bones and sinewes hauing thicke and great thighes and short legsâ— and yet being equall vnto vs in stature for that length which is wanting in their legs is supplied in the vpper parts of their bodies Their countrey in olde time was a land vtterly desert and waste situated faâ— beyond Chaldea from whence they haue expelled Lions Beares such like vnâ—amed beasts with their bowes and oâ—her engines Of the hides of beasts being tanned they vse to shape for themselues light but yet impenetrable armour They ride fast bound vnto their horses which are not very great in stature but exceedingly strong and mainteined with little prouender They vse to fight constantly and valiantly with iauelins maces battle-axes and swords But specially they are excellent archers and cunning warriâ—rs with their bowes Their backs are slightly armed that they may not flee They withdraw not themselues from the combate till they see the chiefe Standerd of their Generall giue backe Vanquâ—shed they aske no fauour and vanquishing they shew no compassion They all persist in their purpose of subduing the whole world vnder their owne subiection as if they were but one man and yet they are moe then millions in number They haue 60000. Courriers who being sent before vpon light horses to prepare a place for the armie to incampe in will in the space of one night gallop three dayes iourney And suddenly diffusing themselues ouer an whole prouince and surprising all the people thereof vnarmed vnprouided dispersed â—hey make such horrible slaughters that the king or prince of the land inuaded cannot finde people sufficient to wage battell against them and to withstand them They delude all people and princes of regions in time of peace pretending that for a causeâ— which indeed is no cause Sometimes they say that they will make a voyage to Colen to fetch home the three wise kings into their owne countrey sometimes to punish the auarice and pride of the Romans who oppressed them in times past sometimes to conquere barbarous and Northren nations sometimes to moderate the furie of the Germans with their owne meeke mildnesse sometimes to learne warlike feats and stratagems of the French sometimes â—or the finding out of fertile ground to suffice their huge multitudes sometimes againe in derision they say that they intend to goe on pilgrimage to S. Iames of Galâ—cia In regard of which sleights and collusions certaine vndiscreet gouernors concluding a league with them haue granted them fâ—ee passage thorow their territories which leagues notwithstanding being violated were an occasion of ruine and destruction vnto the foresayd gouernours c. Libellus historicus Ioannis de Plano Carpini qui missus est Legatus ad Tartaros anno Domini 1246. ab Innocentio quarto Pontifice maximo Incipit Prologus in librum Tartarorum OMnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos praesens scriptum peruenerit frater Ioannes de Plano Carpini ordinis fraâ—â—um minorum Apostolicae â—edis Legatus nuncius ad Tartaros nationes alias Orientis Dâ—i gratiam in praesenti gloriam in futuro de inimicis suis gloriam triumphalem Cum ex mandato sedis Apostolice iremus ad Tartaros nationes alias Orientis sciâ—emus Domini Papae venerabilium Cardinalium voluntatem elegimus priâ—s ad Tartaros proficisci Timebamus enim ne per cos in proximo ecclesiae Dei periculum imminerer Et quamuis a Tartaris alijs nationibus timeremus occidi vel perpetuo captiuari vel fame siti algore aestu contumelia laboribus niâ—ijs quasi vltra vires afflâ—gâ— quae omnia multo pluâ—quam prius credidimus excepta morte vel captiuitate perpetua nobis mulâ—ipliciter euenerunt non tamen pepercimus nobis ipsis vt voluntatem Dei sâ—cundum Domini papae mandatum adimplere possemus vt proficeremus in aliquo Christianis vt saltem scita veraciter voluntate intentione ipsorum possemus illam patefacere Christianis ne forte subito irruentes inuenirent eos
nor other beasts Their Emperors Dukes other of their nobles doe abound with silk gold siluer and precious stones Their victuals are al things that may be eaten for we saw some of them eat lice They drinke milke in great quantitie but especially mares milke if they haue it They seeth Mill also in water making it so thinne that they may drinke thereof Euery one of them drinkes off a cupfull or two in a morning and sometime they eate nought else all the day long But in the euening each man hath a little flesh giuen him to eate and they drinke the broath thereof Howbeit in summer time when they haue mares milke enough they seldome eate flesh vnles perhaps it be giuen them or they take some beast or bird in hunting Of their manners both good and bad Chap. 5. THeir manners are partly prayse-worthie and partly detestable For they are more obedient vnto their lords and masters then any other either clergie or laie-people in the whole world For they doe highly reuerence them and will deceiue them neither in wordes nor deedes They seldome or neuer fall out among themselues and as for fightings or brawlings wounds or manslaughters they neuer happen among them There are neither theeues nor robbers of great riches to be found and therefore the tabernacles and cartes of them that haue any treasures are not strengthened with lockes or barres If any beast goe astray the finder thereof either lets it goe or driueth it to them that are put in office for the same purpose at whose handes the owner of the said beast demaundeth it and without any difficultie receiueth it againe One of them honoureth another exceedingly and bestoweth banquets very familiarly and liberallly notwithstanding that good victuals are daintie and scarce among them They are also very hardie and when they haue fasted a day or two without any maner of sustenance they sing and are merry as if they had eaten their bellies full In riding they endure much cold and and extreme heat There be in a maner no contentions among them and although they vse commonly to be drunken yet doe they not quarell in their drunkennes Noe one of them despiseth another but helpeth and furthereth him as much as conueniently he can Their women are chaste neither is there so much as a word vttered concerning their dishonestie Some of them will notwithstanding speake filthy and immodest words But towards other people the said Tartars be most insolent and they scorne and set nought by all other noble and and ignoble persons whatsoeuer For we saw in the Emperours court the great duke of Russia the kings sonne of Georgia and many great Soldanes receiuing no due honour and estimation among them So that euen the very Tartars assigned to giue attendance vnto them were they neuer so base would alwaies goe before them and take the vpper hand of them yea and sometimes would constraine them to sit behinde their backes Moreouer they are angrie and of a disdainefull nature vnto other people and beyond all measure deceitfull and treacherous towards them They speake fayre in the beginning but in conclusion they sting like scorpions For craftie they are and full of falshood circumuenting all men whom they are able by their sleights Whatsoeuer mischiefe they entend to practise against a man they keepe it wonderfully secrete so that he may by no meanes prouide for himselfe nor find a remedie against their conspiracies They are vnmanerly also and vncleanly in taking their meat and their drinke and in other actions Drunkennes is honourable among them and when any of them hath taken more drinke then his stomacke can well beare hee casteth it vp and falles to drinking againe They are most intollerable exacters most couetous possessours and most nigardly giuers The slaughter of other people is accompted a matter of nothing with them Of their lawes and customes Chap 6. MOreouer they haue this law or custome that whatsoeuer man or woman be manifestly taken in adultery they are punished with death A virgine likewise that hath committed fornication they stay together with her mate Whosoeuer be taken in robberie or theft is put to death without all pitie Also if any man disclose their secrets especially in time of warre he receiueth an hundreth blowes on the backe with a bastinado layd on by a tall fellow In like sort when any inferiours offend inought they finde no fauour at their superiours handes but are punished with grieuous stripes They are ioyned in matrimony to all in generall yea euen to their neare kinsfolkes except their mother daughter and sister by the mothers side For they vse to marrie their sister by the fathers side onely and also the wife of their father after his decease The yonger brother also or some other of his kindred is bound to marry the wife of his elder brother deceased For at the time of our aboad in the countrey a certaine duke of Russia named Andreas was accused before duke Baty for conueying the Tartars horses out of the land and for selling them to others and although it could not be prooued yet was he put to death His yonger brother and the wife of the party deceased hearing this came made their supplication vnto the forenamed duke that the dukedome of Russia might not be taken from them But he commanded the youth to marrie his deceased brothers wife and the woman also to take him vnto her husband according to the custome of the Tartars She answered that she had rather die then so haynously transgresse the law Howbeit hee deliuered her vnto him although they both refused as much as they could Wherefore carying them to bed they constrained the youth lamenting and weeping to lie downe and commit incest with his brothers wife To be short after the death of their husbands the Tartars wiues vse very seldome to marrie the second time vnlesse perhaps some man takes his brothers wife or his stepmother in mariage They make no difference betweene the sonne of their wife and of their concubine but the father giues what he pleaseth vnto each one For of late the king of Georgia hauing two sonnes one lawfully begotten called Melich but the other Dauid borne in adulterie at his death left part of his lande vnto his base sonne Hereupon Melich vnto whome the kingdome fell by right of his mother because it was gouerned before time by women went vnto the Emperour of the Tartars Dauid also hauing taken his iourney vnto him Nowe both of them comming to the court and proffering large giftes the sonne of the harlot made suite that he might haue iustice according to the custome of the Tartars Well sentence passed against Melich that Dauid being his elder brother should haue superioritie ouer him and should quietly and peaceably possesse the portion of land granted vnto him by his father Whensoeuer a Tartar hath many wiues each
Kingdome and buy and sell in the Citie of London Wherefore we will and firmely command for vs and our heires that the forenamed Marchants of Colen may enioy the liberties and free priuiledges aboue-mentioned throughout our whole kingdome of England as is aforesaid Witnesses the reuerend father Walter Bishop of Carlil William de Ferarijs Gilbert Basset Walter de Beau-champ Hugh Disspenser Walter Marescal Geofrie Disspensser Bartholomew Peach Bartholomew de Saukeuill and others Giuen by the hand of the reuerend father Ralph Bishop of Chichester and our Chauncellour at Dauintre the eight day of Nouember in the twentieth yeere of our reigne Carta Lubecensibus ad septennium concessa Anno 41. Henrici 3. HEnricus dei gracia Rex Angliae dominus Hiberniae dux Normanniae Aquitaniae Comes Andegauiae omnibus Balliuis suis salutem Sciatis nos ad instantiam dilecti fidelis fratris nostri Ricardi Comitis Cornubiae in Regem Romanorum electi suscepisse in protectionem defensionem nostram saluum securum conductum nostrum Burgenses de Lubek in Alemania cum omnibus rebus mercandisis quas in Regnum nostrum deferent vel facient deferri Et eis concessimus quod de omnibus rebus mercandisis suis nihil capiatur ad opus nostrum vel alterius contra voluntatem corundem sed libere vendant negocientur inde in Regno praedicto prout sibi viderint expedite Et ideo vobis mandamus quod dictis Burgensibus vel eorum nuncijs in veniendo in terram nostram cum rebus mercandisis suis ibidem morando inde recedendo nullum inseratis aut ab alijs inferri permittatis impedimentum aut grauamen Nec eos contra quietantiam praedictam vexetis aut ab alijs vexari permittatis In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes per septennium durantes Dum tamen ijdem Burgenses interim bene fideliter se habuerint erga praefatum electum fratrem nostrum Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium vndecimo die Maij Anno Regni nostri quadragesimo primo Haec litera duplicata est pro Burgensibus mercatoribus Dacis Brunswig Lubek The same in English The charter of Lubek granted for seuen yeeres obtained in the one and fortieth yeere of Henry the third HEnry by the grace of God King of England Lord of Ireland Duke of Normandie and Aquitaine and Earle of Anjou to all his Bailifs sendeth greeting Know ye that at the instant request of our welbeloued and trusty brother Richard Earle of Cornewal being of late elected king of the Romanes we haue receiued vnder our protection and defence and vnder our safe and secure conduct the citizens of Lubek in Alemain with all their goods and wares which they shall bring or cause to be brought into our kingdome We haue also granted vnto them that of all their goods and merchandize nothing shal be seized vnto the vse of our selues or of any other without their owne consent but that they may freely sell and exercise traffike therewith according as they shall thinke expedient And therefore we straightly command you that neither your selues do offer nor that you permit any other to offer any impediment or molestation vnto the said Burgers or vnto their messengers either at their comming into our land with their goods and marchandize in the time of their abode there or at their departure from thence and that yee neither molest them your selues nor yet suffer them by others to be molested contrary to the aforesaid Charter In testimonie whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made Patents during the space of seuen yeeres next following Prouided that the sayd Burghers doe in the meane time behaue themselues well and faithfully towards our foresaid elected brother Witnesse our selues at Westminster the eleuenth day of March in the one and fortieth yeere of our reigne This Letter was doubled namely for the Burghers and the Marchants of Denmarke of Brunswig and of Lubecke Carta pro Mercatoribus Alemanniae qui habent domum in London quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur Anno 44. Henriciterty Anno primo 29. Edwardi primi renouata confirmata AD instantiam Serenissimi principis Richardi Romanorum Regis charissimi fratris nostri concedimus mercatoribus Alemanniae illis videlicet qui habent domum in Ciuitate nostra London quae Gildhalla Teutonicorum vulgariter nuncupatur quod eos vniuersos manutenebimus per totum RegnuÌ„ nostrum in omnibus ijsdem libertatibus liberis consuetudinibus quibus ipsi nostris progenitorum nostrorum temporibus vsi sunt gauisi Ipsosque extra huiâ—sinodi libertates liberas consuetudines non trahemus nec trahi aliquatenus permittemus In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes The same in English A charter for the Marchants of Almaine who haue an house at London commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch graunted in the 44. yeere of Henry the third renued and confirmed in the 1. 29. yeere of Edward the first AT the instant request of the most gracious Prince Richard king of the Romanes our most deare brother wee doe graunt vnto the Marchants of Alemain namely vnto those that haue an house in our citie of London commonly called the Guildhall of the Dutch Merchants that we will throughout our whole Realme maintaine all and euery of them in all those liberties and free customes which both in our times and in the times of our progenitors they haue vsed and enioyed Neither will we inforce them beyond these liberties and free customes nor in any wife permit them to be inforced In witnesse whereof wee haue caused these our letters to be made patents Mandatum regis Edwardi primi de mercatoribus alienigenis MErcatores extranei vendant mercimonia sua in ciuitate London c. infra quadraginta dies post ingressum suum anno 3. Edwardi primi The same in English A mandate of king Edward the first concerning outlandish marchants VVE will and command that outlandish marchants doe sel their wares in the citie of London c. within forty dayes of their arriuall The great Charter granted vnto forreine marchants by king Edward the first in the 31 yeare of his reigne commonly called Carta mercatoria Anno Domini 1303. EDwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hiberniae dux Aquitaniae Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus Iustitiarijs Vicecomitibus praepositis ministris omnibus balliuis fidelibus suis salutem Circa bonum statum omnium mercatorum subscriptorum regnorum terrarum prouinciatum videlicet Alemanniae Franciae Hispaniae Protugalliae Nauarrae Lombardiae Thusciae Prouincie Cataloniae ducatus nostri Aquitaniae Tholosanie Caturluni Flandriae Brabantie omnium aliarum terrarum locorum extraneorum quocunque nomine censeantur venientium in regnum nostrum Anglie ibidem
quod adducent vel adduci facient infra regnum potestatem nostram vnde marinarijs fretum soluere tenebuntur soluent nobis haeredibus nostris nomine Custumae duos solidos vltra antiquas custumas debitas in denarijs solui consuetas nobis aut alias infra quadraginta dies postquam extra naues ad terram posita fuerint dicta vina Item de quolibet sacco lanarum quem dicti mercatores aut alij nomine ipsorum ement è regno educeÌ„t aut emi educi facient soluent quadraginta denarios de incremeÌ„to vltra custumam antiquam dimidie marce quae prius fuerat persoluta Et pro lasta coriorum extra regnum potestatem nostram vehendorum dimidiam marcam supra id quod ex antiqua custuma ante soluebatur Et similiter de trecentis pellibus lanitis extra regnum potestatem nostram ducendis quadraginta denarios vltra certum illud quod de antiqua custuma â—uerat prius datum Item duos â—olidos de quolâ—bet scarlato panno tincto in grano Item decem octo denarios de quolibet panno in quo pars grani fuerit intermixta Item duodecem denaâ—ios de quolibet panno alâ—o sine grano Item doudecem denarios de qualibet aeris quintalla Cumque de praefatis mercatoribus nonnulli eorum alias exercere soleant mercandisas vt de Auerio ponderis de alijs rebus subtilibus sicut de pannis Tarsensibus de setico cindallis de sera alijs diuersis mercibus de equis etiam alijs animalibus blado alijs rebus mercandisis multimodis que ad certam custumam facile poni non poterunt ijdem mercatores concesserunt dare nobis heredibus nostris de qualiber libra argenti estimationis seu valoris rerum mercandisarum huiusmodi quocunque nomine censeantor â—â—es denarios de libra in introitu rerum mercandisarum ipsarum in regnum potestatem nostram praedictâ—m infra viginti dies postquam huiusmodi res mercandisae in regnum potestatem nostram adductae etiam ibidem exoneratae seu venditae fuerint Et similiter tres denarios de qualibet libra argenti in eductione quarum cunque reâ—um mercandisarum huiusmodi emptarum in regno potestate nostris praedictis vltra custumas nobis aut alijs ante datas Et super valore estimatione rerum mercandisarum huiusmodi de quibus tres denarij de qualibet libra argenti sicut praedicitur sunt soluendi credatur eis per literas quas de Dominis aut socijs suis ostendere poterunt Et si literas non habeant stetur in hac parte praedictorum mercatorum si presentes fuerint vel valetorum suorum in corundem mercantorum absentia iuramentis Liceat insuper socijs de societate predictorum mercatorum infra regnum potestatem nostram praedictas lanas vendere alijs suis socijs similiter emere ab ijsdem absque cusâ—uma soluenda Ita tamen quod dictae lane ad tales manus non deueniant quod de custuma nobis debita defraudemur Et praeterea est sciendum quod postquam supra dicti mercatores semel in vnoloco infra regnum potestatem nostram custumam nobis concessam â—uperius pro mercandisis suis in forma soluerint supradicta suum habeant inâ—e warantum siue huiusmodimercandisae infra regâ—um potestarem nostram remaneant siue exterius deferantur exceptis vinis quae de regno potestate nostris praedictis sine voluntaâ—e licentia nostra sicut praedictuÌ„ est nullatenus educantur Volumus ac pro nobis ac haere dibus nostris concedimus quod nulla exactio prisa vel praestatio aut aliquod onus super personas mercatoruÌ„ predictorum mercandisas seu bona eorundem aliquatenus imponatur contra formam expressam superius concessam His testibus veracibus principalibus Roberto Contuariensi Archiepiscopo totius Angliae primate Waltero Couentriae Lichfildie episcopo Henrico de Lacy Lincolniense Humfredo de Bohum comite Herfordiense Essexie Constabulo magno Anglie Adomaro de Valentia Galfrido de Gaymal Hugone de Lespensor Waltero de Bello campo senescallo hospitij nostri Roberto de Burijs alijs Datum per manum nostraÌ„ apud Windesore primo die Februarij anno regni nostri xxxj The aforesaid generall Charter in English EDward by the grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Aquitaine to Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earles Barons Iustices Uicounts gouernours officers and all bayliffes and his faithfull people sendeth greeting Wee haue speciall care for the good estate of all marchants of the kingdomes lands and countreis following to wit of Almaine France Spaine Portugal Nauarre Lombardie Florence Prouence Catalonia of our duchie of Aquitaine Tholosa Caturlune Flanders Brabant and of all other forreine countreis and places by what name soeuer they be called which come into our kingdome of Englandâ— and there remayne that the sayd marchants may liue in quiet and full securitie vnder our dominion in time to come Wherefore that their hearts desires may bee more readily inclined to our seruice and the seruice of our kingdome wee fauourably agreeing to their petitions for the fuller asring of their estate haue thought good to graunt to the sayd marchants for vs and our heires for euer these priuiledges vnder written ordaining in forme as followeth First that all marchants of the sayd kingdomes and countreys may come into our kingdome of England and any where else into our dominion with their marchandises whatsoeuer safely and securely vnder our defence and protection without paying wharfage pontage or pannage And that in Cities Boroughs and market townes of the sayd kingdome and dominion they may traffique onely by the great as well with the naturall subiects and inhabitantes of our aforesayde kingdome and dominion as with forreiners straungers or priuate persons Yet so that marchandises which are commonly called mercerie wares and spices may be sold by the small as heretofore hath bin accustomed And that all the aforesaid marchants may cary or cause to be caried whither they will as well within our realme or dominion as out of the same sauing vnto the countreis of the manifest and knowne enemies of our kingdome those marchandises which they shall bring into our foresayd realme and dominion or buy or otherwise purchase in our sayd realme and dominion paying such customes as they ought to doe except onely wines which it shall not be any wayes lawfull for them to cary out of our sayd realme and dominion without our speciall fauour and licence after they be once brought into our realme and dominion Item that the aforesayd marchants may at their pleásure lodge remaine with their goods in the cities boroughs and townes aforesaid with the good liking of those which are owners of their lodgings
the knights and Polonia and a league concluded certaine summes of money also were paide vnto the Polonian Prussia was restored vnto the knights neither was the saide order disturbed in the possession of their lands vntill the time of Friderick The 24. Master was Henrie Earle of Plaen This man being deposed by the Chapter was 7. yeres holden prisoner at Dantzik The 25. Master was Michael Kuchenmeister that is master of the Cookes of Sternberg The 26. was Paulus a Russdorff The 27. Conradus ab Ellerichshausen This man after diuers and sundry conflicts betweene the Dutch knights and the king of Polonia concluded a perpetuall league with the saide king Howbeit the citizens of Dantzig secretely going about to obteyne their freedome that the foresaide Order might haue no dominion ouer them made sute vnto the Polonian king to be their Protector This Conradus died in the yeere 1450. The 28. was Lewis ab Ellerichshausen Under this man there arose a dangerous sedition in Prussia betweene the chiefe cities and the knights of the Order The citizens demanded libertie complaining that they were oppressed with diuers molestations Whereupon they priuily made suâ—e vnto Casimir then king of Polonia The Master of the Order seeing what would come to passe began to expostulate with the king that he kept not the peace which had bene concluded betweene them to last for euer Also Frederick the Emperour commaunded the Prussians to returne vnto the obedience of the knights who by the dint of their swordes had released that prouince out of the hands of Infidels and had bought it with the shedding of much blood Notwithstanding the popular sort persisting â—tâ—l in their stubborne determination proceeded at length to open warre The cities aâ—hearing vnto the king vsurped diuers Castles belonging to the Master tooke certain Commanders and knights yea and some they slewe also Fiftie and fiue townes conspired together in that rebellion but thinking their estate and strength not sure enough against their own gouernors without forrein aide they chose king Casimir to be their lord Heereupon the Polonian king marched into Prussia with a great armie taking possession of such cities as yeelded themselues vnto him and proceeding forward against Marieburg besieged the castle and the towne In the meane season the Master hauing hired an armie of Germane souldiers suddenly surprised the king at vnawares in his tents and slewe about 300. Polonians tooke prisoners 136. noblemen spoiled their tents tooke away their horses victuals and armour insomuch that the king himselfe hardly escaped vpon one horse These things came to passe in the yeere 1455. The Master hauing thus obtained the victorie sent his armie into the countrey and recouered the castles and cities which he had lost to the nuÌ„ber of 80. putting many of his enemies also vnto the sword Moreouer he recouered Kunigsberg being one of the foure principall cities which are by name Thorne Elburg Kunigsberg and Gdanum that is to say Dantzig And when the warre was longer protracted then the Master could well beare and a whole yeres wages was vnpaid vnto his captains those captaines which were in the garison of Marieburg conspired against the Master and for a great summe of money betrayed the castle of Marieburg vnto the king Which practice beeing knowen the Master fled to Kunigsberg and newe warre was begunne and great spoile and desolation was wrought on both sides vntill at length after composition made the king retayned Pomerella and all the castles and townes therein together with Marieburg and Elburg and the master inioyed Samaâ—tia Kunigsberg c. This composition was concluded in the yeere 1466. The 29. Master was Henrie Reuss first being deputie and afterwarde Master of Prussia The 30â— was Henrie a Richtenberg who deceased in the yeere 1477. The 31. called Martine Truchses died in the yeere 1489. The 32. Iohn a Tieflen died in the yeere 1500. The 33. being Duke of Saxonie and marques of Misn deceased in the yeere 1510. This man began to call in question whether the foresaid composition concluded betweene the king of Polonia and the Order were to bee obserued or no especially sithence it conteined certaine articles against equitie and reason Whereupon he appealed vnto the Bishop of Rome vnto the Emperor vnto the princes and electors of Germany and preuailed with them so farre forth that there was a day of hearing appointed at Posna in Polonia And the Legates of both parts meeting heard complaints and excuses dispatched no other businesse In the meane time Prince Frederick deceased in the tenth yeere of his gouernment The 34. Master was Albertus marques of Brandenburg whom the King of Polonia did so grieuously molest with war and oppressed all Prussia with such extreme rigour that the Prince of the countrey was constrained to make a league of foure yeeres with him and to yeeld vnto such conditions as turned to the vtter ouerthrowe of the whole Order And amongst other conditions are these which follow Sithence that the originall of all discorde betweene Polonia and the order doeth from hence arise for that hitherto in Prussia no lawfull heyre and successor hath borne rule and authority but diuers and sundry haue had the gouernment therof by whose meanes the nations haue bene prouoked one against another much Christian blood hath bin shed the lands and inhabitants grieuously spoiled and many widowes and Orphans made the Popes Emperors and Princes being often sollicited for the establishing of that perpetual league which Casimir hath heretofore concluded c. Sithence also that the truce which hath bene agreed vpon of both parties is in short time to be expired and that it is to bee feared that bloody warres will then be renewed and that all things will proue worse and worse vnlesse some lawfull composition be made and some good and wholesome deuise be put in practise as well for the benefit of the King and of his posteritie as for the commoditie of the whole common weale of Prussia especially considering that Albertus the Marques refuseth not to submitte himselfe to the Councell of the King c. The Oration or speech of the Ambassadours sent from Conradus de Zolner Master generall of the land of Prussia vnto Richard the second King of England and France c. The messengers which are sent from the Master generall of the land of Prussia doe propound and declare the affaires and negotiations vnderwritten WHereas it is apparant that diuers and sundrie times heeretofore your famous progenitours and predecessours the kings of England haue alwaies bene gracious promoters and speciall friends vnto the generall Masters of the land of Prussia and of the whole order whereas also they haue vouchsafed by their Barons Knights and other their nobles of the kingdome of England vnto the Masters and order aforesaide sundry and manifolde fauourable assistances in the conquest of the Infidels in whose steppes your excellent Maiestie insisting haue in these your dayes shewed your selfe in like sort right
right honorable William lord de Roos high treasurer of England both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party and the right worshipfull Iohn Godeke and Henrie Moneke sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party it was at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers appoynted and mutually agreed vpon that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd there to remaine and thence with their ships marchandises other their goods whatsoeuer to returne vnto their owne home which on the other side all the subiects of the sayd Master general may within the terme prefixed likewise doe in the foresaid realme of England Prouided alwaies that after the time aboue limited neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia nor the marchants of that land in the realme of England exercise any traffique at al vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition betweene the foresaid king of England the said Master general in the meane time concluded In witnesse wherof one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London the day and yere aboue written The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 1403. RIght reuerend and mighty lord your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke and Henry Moneke the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauourable countenance they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie with that reuerence which be seemed them expounding vnto his highnes sundry piracies molestations offered of late vpon the sea by his liege people subiects vnto yours contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie which hitherto by Gods grace haue bene maintained and continued on both parts In consideration of which piracies and molestations your messengers demanded full restitution and recompeâ—se to be made either vnto the damnified parties or vnto their procurators We therefore at that time especially being in the presence of our soueraigne who with his puissant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his dominion to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne contrary to their allegeance right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him especially your subiects and that with all fauour whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party and betweene you and yours on the other party great abundance and perfection of mutuall amity may increase And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made firmely inioyning them vnder grieuous penalties that without delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified or vnto their procuratours all ships marchandises wares and goods by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire we haue commaunded certaine ships marchandises wares and goods found in certaine hauens to be deliuered vnto them Howbeit as touching other goods which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited may it please your honor to vnderstand that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king being as yet farre distant from vs wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time Notwithstanding at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne we are determined to commune with him about this matter Of whose answere so soone as we be certified we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters Sithens also right reuerend and mighty lord your sayd messengers are contented for the present to accept of our offer aforesayde as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content especially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purposes to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer we will by Gods helpe endeuour to the vtmost of our ability may it be your will and pleasure that as in the kingdome of England your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts either in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion may there in like manner friendly bee vsed and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate and to haue intercourse of traffique inioying the commodities of the ancient league By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past And thus right reuerend and mighty lord wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity wee take our leaues Written at London the fift of October in the yeare of our lord 1403 By the chancelor the treasurer and other lords of the hono counsell of the king of England and France being personally present at London The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master general of Prussia for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia for a certaine terme of time HEnry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare and welbeloued friend greeting and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique as it were circular wise too fro both our dominions we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages which as well our as your marchants who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peaceably to vse mutual conuersation together
our selues or of any appertayning vnto vs but that our inclinations and desires in this regarde are all one and the same neither would we lightly transgresse the limits of your perswasions without some iust weighty reasonable cause forasmuch as the matters perswaded are in very deede most happy preseruatiues of a common weale yea of nature it selfe Moreouer whereas your highnes hath farther requested vs that the prohibition of your subiects accesse vnto our dominions might vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing be released we answere vnder correction of your maiesties more deliberate counsell that it is farre more expedient for both parts to haue the sayd prohibition continued then released vntil such time as satisfaction be performed on both sides vnto the parties endamaged not in words only but actually really in deeds or by some course of law or friendly composition For there is no equall nor indifferent kinde of consort or trade between the impouerished party and him that is inriched betweene the partie which hath obtayned iustice and him that hath obtayned none between the offender and the party offended because they are not mooued with like affections For the remeÌ„brance of iniuries easily stirreth vp inconsiderate motions of anger Also such a kind of temperature or permixtion as it were by way of contrariety breedeth more bitternes then sweetnes more hate then loue whereupon more grieuous complaints aswel vnto your highnes as vnto our selues might be occasioned The lord knoweth that euen now we are too much wearied and disquieted with the importunate and instant complaints of our subiects insomuch that wee cannot at this present by any conuenient meanes release or dissolue the sayd prohibition before wee be sufficiently informed by your maiesties ambassadors of the satisfaction of our endamaged subiects Furthermore whereas your maiesties request concerning your subiects that shal come vnto the parts of Sconia is that we would defend them vnder our protection be it knowen vnto your highnes that for diuers considerations vs reasonably mouing being prouoked by the queene of Denmarke and her people being also vrged thereunto full sore against our wils for the repelling and auoiding of iniuries we haue sent forth our armie against them Howbeit for a certaine time a â—ruce is concluded on both parts so that our people are actually returned home Farre be it from vs also that our subiects being occupied in warres should in any sort willingly molest or reproch any strangers of what landes or nations soeuer not being our professed enemies For this should be to oppresse the innocent in stead of the guilty to condemne the iust for the vniust then which nothing can be more cruel nor a reuenge of greater impietie In very deede most gracious prince and lorde we are mouâ—d with right hearty sympathy and compassion for any inconuenience which might happen in your regiment wishing from the bottome of our hearts that all affayres may right prosperously and happily succeede about the royall person and regiment of your most excellent Maiestie and that continually The like whereof wee hope from you most humbly commending our selues and our whole Order vnto your highnes Giuen at our castle of Marienburgh the 16. day the moneth of Iuly in the yere of our Lord 1404. An agreement made betweene king Henry the fourth and Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the land of Prussia THis Indentnre made between Sir William Esturmy knight Iohn Kington clerke and William Brampton citizen of London the ambassadors commissioners messengers of the most mighty prince and lord our souereigne lord Henrie by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland for the repayring reformaâ—ion and amâ—nds of whatsoeuer damages grieuances excesses violences and iniuries in any sort vniustly attempted done or offered by our sayd soueraigne lord the king and his liege people and subiects vnto the great and mighty lord Conradus de Iungingen Master general of the order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospitall of Ierusalem or his subiects and for the requiring demanding and receiuing of such like reparations reformations amends by the foresayd lord the Master generall for the behalfe of himselfe or any of his subiects whatsoeuer from in the name of our soueraign lord the king his subiects vnto the sayd Master general into his land of Prussia by our souereigne lord the king appointed as ambassadors on the one party And betweene the hono Lords and religious personages Conradus de Lichtenstein great commander Warnherus de Tetâ—ingen chiefe hospitalary commaÌ„der in Elbing Arnold de Hacken treasurer the procurators commissioners of the great mighty lord the Master general being in like equal sort and in all respects as the ambassadours of England are authorized on the contrary side by the authoritie and power of the sayd Master general on the other part witnesseth That diuers treaties conferences being holden between the said ambassadors messengers procurators or coÌ„missioners of concerning the reparations reformations amends of certaine damages grieuances excesses violences iniuries offered and attempted aswel by the Prussians against the English as by the English against the Prussians and of other actes vniustly committed on both parts in conclusion after the sayd treatise the foresayd ambassadours procurators and commissioners by vertue of the authority committed vnto them appoynted and with one consent agreed vnto the articles vnder written Inprimis that for the consideration of mutuall loue and woonted friendship and of peace and tranquillity hereafter to be continued and maintained and also that the articles vnderwritten may more prosperously be brought vnto a wished effect between our said soueraign lord the king his liege people subiects the subiects people inhabitants of the territories and dominions of the foresayd lord the Master generall it is agreed and concluded that all liege marchants of England whatsoeuer shall haue free licence and libertie to arriue with their shippes goods and marchandises whatsoeuer at any Porte of the land of Prussia and also the sayd goods and marchandises farther vnto any place of the sayd land of Prussia to transport and there with any person or persons freely to contract and bargaine euen as heretofore and from auncient times it hath bene accustomed Which liberty in all respects is granted vnto the Prussians in England Item it is farther agreed betweene the sayd ambassadours procurators and commissioners that whereas of late namely in the yeare of our lord 1403 the sayd Master general by his discreet subiects Iohn Godek of Dantzik and Henry Monek of Elbing his ambassadors messengers for this purpose hath caused certain articles namely 20 in number containing in them matters of damages molestations violences and iniuries committed and offered against the said Master generall his subiects by our sayd soueraigne lord the king his subiects liege people to be exhibited giuen vp and deliuered vnto our lord the king
diuers goods to the value of 440 lib Item from Andrew Purser one farnell of cloth and one chest with diuers commodities therein to the value of ten pounds Item the aboue-named marchants complaine saying that certaine malefactors of Wismer Rostok and others of the Hans namely Godekin Mighel Henrie van Hall de Stertebeker with other of their confederates in the yeere of our Lord 1399. wickedly and vniustly took from Iohn Priour of Lenne out of the ship of Michael van Buâ—gh namely â—60 nests of maseâ—s worth 100 lib.13.s.4.d Item 30. furres rigges of Kaleber woorth 13 s.4.d a piâ—ce the summe totall amounting to 20 li Item 20. furres wombys of Kalebre worth c. Item one girdle of siluer and one dagger adorned with siluer worth 30 s Item two coates and one long iacket and other goods to the value of 30 s Item he paide for his ransome 4 lib.13.s.4.d Unto all and singular the articles aboue-written the ambassadors of England aforesaid do further adde that the doers and authors of the damages iniuries and robberies set down in the articles aboue written of whom some are named in particular and others in general performed and committed all those outrages being hired thereunto at the expenses and charges of the common societies of the cities aforesaid And that the inhabitants of euery houshold in the foresaide cities ech man according to his ability wittingly purposely set foorth one two or more menâ— for the very same expedition wherein all and singular the foresaid trespasses were committed The foresaid English ambassadors doe exhibite the articles aboue written vnto the procurators of the cities of Wismer and Rostok aforesaid leaue and libertie being alwayes reserued vnto the said ambassadors to enlarge or to diminish or to expound all or euery or any of the said Articles whatsoeuer so often as it shall â—eeme expedient vnto them These be the grieuances and offences whereat the marchants of the Hans of Almaine comming vnto and residing in the Realme of England doe finde themselues aggrieued contrarie to the Articles and priuileges of the Charter graunted vnto them by the worthy Progenitors of the king of England that now is and also by the saide soueraigne Lord the King ratified and confirmed IMprimis whereas the foresaide marchants haue a priuilege graunted vnto them by Charter that they may in cities boroughs and in other towns and villages throughout the whole realme of England exercise traffique in grosse as wel with the natural inhabitants of the kingdome â—s with strangers and priuate personâ— of late those that are free deâ—izens in the cities boroughs and villages within the foresaid kingdome do hinder and restrain all others that be strangers foreners and aliens that they neither câ—n nor dare buy and sel with the marchants of the Hans aforesaid to their great hinderance and losse Item the foresaid marchants by vertue of their charter were wont to haue and to hold Innes and mansions for the reposing of themselues and of their goods wheresoeuer they pleased in any cities boroughs or villages throughout the whole kingdome howbeit of late the foresaide marchants are not suffered to take vp their mansions contrary to the tenoâ—r of their charter Item the foresaid marchants are priuileged not to vndergoe any other burthens or impositions but onely to pay certaine customs as it doeth by their charter manifestly appeare Notwithstanding at y e same time when Simon de Moreden was maior of London the foresaid marchants were constrained in the ward of Doue-gate at London to pay fifteenths tallages and other subsidies contrary to the liberties of their charter Whereupon the saide marchants prosecuâ—ed the matter before the Councel of our soueraign lord the king insomuch that they were released from paying afterward any such tallages fifteenths and subsidies Which marchants a while after of their owne accord and free will gaue vnto the gild-hall of London an hundreth markes sterling conditionally that they of the citie aforesaide should not at any time after exact or demaund of the said marchants or of their successors any tallages fifteenths or subsidies contrary to the tâ—nor of their charter as by records in the foresaid gild-hall it doth more plainly appeare Howbeit of late the officers of our lord the king in the foresaid ward of Doue-gate constrained the marchants aforesaid to pay tallages fifteenths other subsidies And because the saide marchants murmured and refused to pay any such contributions alleaging their priuileges the foresaid officers arrested the goods of those said marchants which are as yet detained vpon the arâ—est notwithstanding that they were released before the councel of our soueraigne lord the king also that they gaue vnto the said gild-hall one hundreth marks to be released as it is aforesaid And also the foresaid marchants were constrained to pay 12.d in the pound and of late 6.d and other subsidies more then their ancient customes to the great damage of those marchants Item the foresaid marchants are priuileged as touching customs of wols by theÌ„ bought within the realm of England y t they are not bound to pay ouer besides their ancient cusâ—oms but onely xl.d. more then the homeborn marchants of England were wont to pay But now y e foresaid marchants are compelled to pay for euery sack of wool besides y e ancient custom the 40.d aforesaid a certain impositioÌ„ called Pence for the town of Cales namely for euery sack of wool 19.d more then the marchants of England doe pay to their great losse against the liberty of their charter Item the foresaid marchants are priuileged by their charter that concerning the quantity of their marchandize brought into the realme of England in regard whereof they are bound to pay 3.d for the worth of euery pound of siluer credit is to be giuen vnto them for the letters of their masters and of their companies if they were able to shew them And if so be they had no letters in this behalfe to shew that then credite should bee giuen vnto themselues and that their othe or the othe of their atturney should be taken without any other proof as touching the value of their marchandize so brought in that thereupon they should be bound to pay customs namely the customes of 3.d iustly for that cause to be paid But nowe the customers of our soueraigne lorde the king put their goods to an higher rate then they ought or were woont to be and heereupon they compell them to pay custome for their goods at their pleasure scanning about their fraight and expenses particularly disbursed in regard of the said goods and marchandize to the great hinderance of the said marchants and against the teâ—or of their charter Item the foresaid marchants by way of pitiful complaint do alleage that whereas the worthy progenitors of our Lord the king that now is by vertue of the saide great charter gâ—aunted libertie vnto them to pay the customes of certain
or impeachment to him and his during our pleasure And also we will that the sayd William Obray ouer and aboue that which is sayd shall take gather and receiue of our sayd subiects from henceforth yearely during our pleasure all such and like wages and profits as he had and receiued of our sayd subiects in the yeare 1458 when hee held and exercised the said office of gouernour without diminishing or rebating any thing thereof notwithstanding this present augmentation made increased and done vnto him of our grace and fauour and that hee shall gather take and receiue the same in such forme and manner as the other money aboue mentioned is to be gathered And to the ende that the sayd William Obray may haue and take possession season and enterance of the said office of gouernour in our name we haue and doe place him by the deliuery of these presents in possession season and entrance of the said office and of the rights profits stipends wages and moneis aforesayd to begin to exercise the sayd office of gouernour in our name the first day of May next ensuing after the date of these presents for the sayd William Obray to hold and exercise practise and vse the same during our pleasure with the sayd wages moneys rights and profites aboue mentioned without any contradiction or impeachment And all and singular our subiects the common marchants and mariners which shall be contrary rebellious and disobedient to the said gouernour so ordayned by vs to his said lieutenants to the sayd iusticers so chosen or to any of them or to any of the statutes lawes decrees sentences ordinances and customes offices gifts and grants abouesayd let them grieuously be punished by the sayd gouernour or his lieutenants in this behalfe according to the quantity of their offences and the exigencie of the cases We doe sommon commaund straitly and expresly enioine by these presents all and euery our saide subiects that vnto the sayd gouernour so by vs ordained to his lieutenants attorneis or deputies and also to the said iusticers officers and ministers in all and euerie the things aforesaid and others any waie concerning in this behalfe our said ordinances their gouernmeÌ„t and rule the circumstances and dependances theron that they giue their attendance counsayle comfort oâ—edience and aide diligently without fault or difficulty surely safely fully and peaceably without doing inferring or inflicting or suffering to be done inferred or inflicted to them or any of them in body or goods any disturbance or impeachment in any maner whatsoeuer but rather if any thing bee done vnto them contrary and to the preiudice of these presents they shall remoue and cause the same to be remooued and that which shall be hindered they shall set at free deliuerance vpon payne to fall into and to incurre our high displeasure For such is our pleasure and so will wee haue it notwithstanding anie letters falsely crept in obtayned or to be obtayned contrary hereunto And you our subiects the common marchants and mariners so behaue your selues that you may receiue commendation of vs for your good obedience knowing that such as shall be found doing or to haue done the contrary we will see them so punished without redemption that they shall bee an example to all rebellious persons We pray and most instantly require in the ayde of equitie all others our friends allies and well-willers aswell princes and potentates as their iusticers officers lieutenants deputies commissaries and subiects and euery of them in regard of equitie that they would vouchsafe and that it would please them to giue doe and lend comfort ayde assistance and prisons if neede require to our sayd gouernour his lieutenants commissaries deputies iusticers others our officers and ministers aforesayd and herein wee pray them on our behalfe and in our owne name And it may please them herein to doe so much that we may haue occasion to thanke them and to accompt our selues beholding for the same and as they would that we should do for them in the like matter or in a greater which we will willingly doe if we be required thereunto by them In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our letters to bee made patents Witnes our selues at Westminster the sixteenth of April in the second yere our reigne A declaration of the Indies and lands discouered and subdued vnto the Emperour and the king of Portingal And also of other partes of the Indies and rich countries to be discouered which the worshipfull M. Robert Thorne merchant of London who dwelt long in the citie of Siuil in Spaine exhorted king Henrie the eight to take in hand MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE EXperience prooueth that naturally all princes bee destrous to extend and enlarge their dominions and kingdomes Wherefore it is not to be marueileâ— to see them euery day procure the same not regarding any cost perill and labour that may thereby chance but rather it is to be maruelled if there be any prince content to liue quiet with his owne dominions For surely the people would thinke he lacketh the noble courage and spirit of all other The world knoweth that the desires of Princes haue bene so feruent to obtaine their purpose that they haue aduentured and prooued things to mans coniecture impossible the which they haue made possible and also things difficult haue made facill and thus to obtaine their purpose haue in maner tnrned vp and downe the whole world so many times that the people inhabiting in the farthest region of the Occident haue pursued with great distresse labours and perils to penetrate and enter into the farthest regions of the Orient and in likewise those people of the said parts of the Orient haue had no lesse labour and desire to enter and penetrate into the farthest land of the Occident and so following their purchase haue not ceased vntill they could passe no farther by reason of the great seas This naturall inclination is cause that scarsely it may be said there is any kingdome stable nor king quiet but that his owne imagination or other princes his neighbours doe trouble him God and nature hath prouided to your Grace and to your gracious progenitors this Realme of England and set it in so fruitfull a place and within such limites that it should seeme to be a place quiet and aparted from all the foresayd desire One speciall cause is for that it is compassed with the Sea by reason therof it seemes this notwithstanding their desires and noble courages haue beene most commonly like vnto others and with marueilous great labours costes and perils they haue traueiled and passed the Seas making warre not onely with Kings and dominions nigh neighbours but also with them of farre countries and so haue woonne and conquered many rich and fayre dominions and amplified this your Graces Realme with great victory and glory And also now of late your Grace hauing like courage and desire and not without iust cause to enlarge this your kingdome and
such good and profitable things as are found in their Countries to remote regions and kingdomes and againe to bring from the same such things as they find there commodious for their owne Countries both aswell that the people to whom they goe may not be destitute of such commodities as their Countries bring not foorth to them as that also they may be partakers of such things whereof they abound For the God of heauen and earth greatly prouiding for mankinde would not that all things should be found in one region to the ende that one should haue neede of another that by this meanes friendship might be established among all men and euery one seeke to gratifie all For the establishing and furtherance of which vniuersall amitie certaine men of our Realme mooued heereunto by the said desire haue instituted and taken vpon them a voyage by sea into farre Countreis to the intent that betweene our people and them a way may bee opened to bring in and cary ouâ— marchandizes desiring vs to further their enterprise Who assenting to their petition haue licensed the right valiant and worthy Sir Hugh Willoughby knight and other our trusty and faithfull seruants which are with him according to their desire to goe to countreis to them heeretofore vnknowen aswell to seeke such things as we lacke as also to cary vnto them from our regions such things as they lacke So that hereby not onely commoditie may ensue both to them and vs but also an indissoluble and perpetuall league of friendship be established betweene vs both while they permit vs to take of their things such whereof they haue abundance in their regions and we againe grant them such things of ours whereof they are destitute We therfore desire you kings princes and al other to whom there is any power on the earth to permit vnto these our seruants free passage by your regions and dominions for they shall not touch any thing of yours vnwilling vnto you Consider you that they also are men If therefore they shall stand in neede of any thing we desire you of all humanitie and for the nobilitie which is in you to ayde and helpe them with such things as they lacke receiuing againe of them such things as they shall bee able to giue you in râ—compense Shew your selues so towards them as you would that we and our subiects should shewe our selues towards your seruants if at any time they shall passe by our regions Thus doing we promise you by the God of all things that are contained in heauen earth and the Sea and by the life and tranquillitie of our kingdomes that we will with like humanitie accept your seruants if at any time they shall come to our kingdomes where they shall as friendly and gently bee entertained as if they were borne in our Dominions that wee may hereby recompence the fauour and benignitie which you haue shewed to our men Thus after we haue desired you Kings and princes c. with all humanity and fauour to entertaine our welbeloued seruants we will pray our Almighty God to graunt you long life and peace which neuer shall haue ende Written in London which is the chiefe Citie of our kingdome in the yeere from the creatâ—on of the world 5515. in the moneth of Iiar the foureteenth day of the moneth and seuenth yeere of our reigne This letter was written also in Greeke and diuers other languages The true copie of a note found written in one of the two ships to wit the Speranza which wintred in Lappia where sir Hugh Willoughby and all his companie died being frozen to death Anno 1553. THe voiage intended for the discouerie of Cathay and diuers other regions dominioâ—s Islands and places vnknowen set forth by the right worshipful master Sebastian Cabota Esquire and Gouernour of the mysterie and company of the Marchants Aduenturers of the citie of London which fleete being furnished did set forth the tenth day of May 1553. and in the seuenth yeere of our most dread Soueraigne Lord and King Edward the sixt The names of the shippes of the fleete and of their burden together with the names of the Captaines and Counsellors Pilot Maior Masters of the ships Marchants with other officers and Mariners as hereafter followeth The Bona Esperanza Admirall of the fleete of 120. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Sir Hugh Willoughby knight Captaine generall of the fleete William Gefferson Master of the shippe Roger Wilson his Mate William Gittons Charles Barret Gabriel Willoughby Iohn Andrews Alexander Woodfoord Ralph Chatterton Marchants Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Iohn Brooke Master Gunner Nicholas Anthony Boateswaine Iohn Web his Mate Christopher Banbrucke Thomas Dauison Robert Rosse Thomas Simpson quarter Masters William White Iames Smith Thomas Painter Iohn Smith their Mates Richard Gwinne George Goiswine Carpenters Robert Gwinne Purser Laurence Edwards his Mate and Couper Richard Morgan Cooke Thomas Nashe his Mate William Light Iohn Brande Cutbert Chelfie George Blage Thomas Walker Thomas Allen Edward Smith Edward Hunt Iohn Fawkner Rowland Brooke Alexander Gardiner Richard Molton Surgeons which two were taken in at Harwich Discharged at Harwich by reason of sicknes George Blake Nicholas Anthony For pickerie ducked at the yards arme and so discharged Thomas Nash. The Edward Bonauenture of 160. tunnes with her a pinnesse and a boate Richard Chancelor Captaine and Pilot maior of the fleete Stephen Borowgh Master of the ship Iohn Buckland his Mate George Burton Arthur Edwards Marchants Iohn Stafford Minister Iames Dallaber Nicholas Newborrow Iohn Segswike Thomas Francis Iohn Hasse Richard Iohnson William Kempe Mariners and officers according to the custome and vse of the Seas Robert Stanton Master Gunner Iohn Walker his Mate Iames Long Iohn Cocks Gunners Thomas Walter Surgeon Peter Palmer Boateswaine Richard Strowde his Mate Iohn Robinson Iohn Carowe Thomas Stone Roger Lishbie quarter Masters Iohn Austen Steward Patricke Steuens his Mate Austen Iacks Cooke William Euery Cowper Griffin Wagham Carpenter Thomas Stelston Thomas Townes Iohn Robinson Iohn White William Laurence Miles Butter Iohn Browne William Morren William Watson Thomas Handcocks Edward Pacie Thomas Browne Arthur Pet George Phibarie Edward Patterson William Beare Iohn Potter Nicholas Lawrence William Burrough Roger Welford Iohn Williams The Bona Confidentia of 90. tunnes hauing with her a pinnesse and a boate Cornelius Durfoorth Master of the shippe Richard Ingram his Mate Thomas Langlie Edward Keuer Henrie Dorset Marchants Mariners and officers according to the vse and custome of the Sea Henrie Tailer Master Gunner George Thurland his Mate Wiliam Hamane Boateswaine Iohn Edwards his Mate Thomas Kirbie Henrie Dickenson Iohn Haye William Shepwash quarter Masters Iohn Reyne Steward Thomas Hante Cooke William Lassie his Mate Nicholas Knight Carpenter Peter Lewike Nicholas Wiggleworth Iohn Moore William Chapman Brian Chester William Barrie Richard Wood Clement Gibson Iohn Clarocke Erasmus Bently Iohn Duriforth The
happen to disperse and scatter them euery shippe should indeuour his best to goe to Wardhouse a hauen or castell of some name in the kingdome of Norway and that they that arriued there first in safetie should stay and expect the comming of the rest The very same day in the afternoone about foure of the clocke so great a tempest suddenly arose and the Seas were so outragious that the ships could not keepe their intended course but some were perforce driuen one way and some another way to their great perill and hazard The generall with his lowdest voyce cried out to Richard Chanceler and earnestly requested him not to goe farre from him but hâ—e neither would nor could keepe companie with him if he sailed still so fast for the Admirall was of better saile then his shippe But the said Admirall I knowe not by what meanes bearing all his sailes was caried away with so great force and swiftnesse that not long after hee was quite out of sight and the third ship also with the same storme and like rage was dispersed and lost vs. The shippe boate of the Admirall striking against the shippe was ouerwhelmed in the fight and viewe of the Mariners of the Bonauenture and as for them that are already returned and arriued they know nothing of the rest of the ships what was become of them But if it be so that any miserable mishap haue ouertaken them If the rage and furie of the Sea haue deuoured those good men or if as yet they liue and wander vp and downe in strange Countreys I must needs say they were men worthy of better fortune and if they beliuing let vs wish them safetie and a good returne but if the crueltie of death hath taken holde of them God send them a Christian graue and Sepulchre Nowe Richard Chanceler with his shippe and company being thus left alone and become very pensiue heauie and sorowfull by this dispersion of the Fleete hee according to the order before taken shapeth his course for Wardhouse in Norway there to expect and abide the arriuall of the rest of the shippes And being come thither and hauing stayed there the space of 7. dayes and looked in vaine for their comming hee determined at length to proceede alone in the purposed voyage And as hee was preparing himselfe to depart it happened that hee fell in company and speech with certaine Scottishmen who hauing vnderstanding of his intention and wishing well to his actions beganne earnestly to disswade him from the further prosecution of the discouerie by amplifying the dangers which hee was to fall into and omitted no reason that might serue to that purpose But hee holding nothing so ignominious and reprochfull as inconstancie and leuitie of minde and perswading himselfe that a man of valour coulde not commit a more dishonourable part then for feare of danger to auoyde and shunne great attempts was nothing at all changed or discouraged with the speeches and words of the Scots remaining stedfast and immutable in his first resolution determining either to bring that to passe which was intended or els to die the death And as for them which were with Master Chanceler in his shippe although they had great cause of discomfort by the losse of their companie whom the foresaid tempest had separated from them and were not a little troubled with cogitations and perturbations of minde in respect of their doubtfull course yet notwithstanding they were of such consent and agreement of minde with Master Chanceler that they were resolute and prepared vnder his direction and gouernment to make proofe and triall of all aduentures without all feare or mistrust of fuâ—ure dangers Which constancie of minde in all the companie did exceedingly increase their Captaines carefulnesse for hee being swallowed vp with like good will and loue towards them feared lest through any errour of his the safetie of the companie should bee indangered To conclude when they sawe their desire and hope of the arriuall of the rest of the shippes to be euery day more and more frustrated they prouided to sea againe and Master Chanceler held on his course towards that vnknowen part of the world and sailed so farre that hee came at last to the place where hee found no night at all but a continuall light and brightnesse of the Sunne shining clearely vpon the huge and mightie Sea And hauing the benefite of this perpetuall light for certaine dayes at the length it pleased God to bring them into a certaine great Bay which was of one hundreth miles or thereabout ouer Whereinto they entred and somewhat farre within it cast ancre and looking euery way about them it happened that they espied a farre off a certaine fisher boate which Master Chanceler accompanied with a fewe of his men went towards to common with the fishermen that were in it and to knowe of them what Countrey it was and what people and of what maner of liuing they were but they being amazed with the strange greatnesse of his shippe for in those partes before that time they had neuer seene the like beganne presently to auoyde and to flee but hee still following them at last ouertooke them and being come to them they being in great feare as men halfe dead prostrated themselues before him offering to kisse his feete but hee according to his great and singular courtesie looked pleasantly vpon them comforting them by signes and gestures refusing those dueties and reuerences of theirs and taking them vp in all louing sort from the ground And it is strange to consider howe much fauour afterwards in that place this humanitie of his did purchase to himselfe For they being dismissed spread by and by a report abroad of the arriuall of a strange nation of a singular gentlenesse and courtesie whereupon the common people came together offering to these newe-come ghests victuals freely and not refusing to traffique with them except they had bene bound by a certaine religious vse and custome not to buy any forreine commodities without the knowledge and consent of the king By this time our men had learned that this Countrey was called Russia or Moscouie and that Iuan Vasiliwich which was at that time their Kings name ruled and gouerned farre and wide in those places And the barbarous Russes asked likewise of our men whence they were and what they came for whereunto answere was made that they were Englishmen sent into those coastes from the most excellent King Edward the sixt hauing from him in commâ—ndement certaine things to deliuer to their King and seeking nothing els but his amitie and friendship and traffique with his people whereby they doubted not but that great commoditie and profit would grow to the subiects of both kingdomes The Barbarians heard these things very gladly and promised their aide and furtherance to acquaint their king out of hand with so honest and a reasonable request In the meane time Master Chanceler intreated victuals for his money
twise a weeke yet leaue they a tuft of haire vpon their heads about 2. foote long I haue enquired why they leaue the tuft of haire vpon their heads They answer that thereby they may easâ—â—er be caried vp into heauen when they are dead For their religion they haue certaine priests who are apparelled like vnto other men They vse euery morning and afternoone to go vp to the tops of their churches and tell there a great tale of Mahumet and Mortus Ali and other preaching haue they none Their Lent is after Christmas not in abstinence from flesh onely but from all meats and drinks vntill the day be off the skie but then they eate somtimes the whole night And although it be against their religion to drinke wine yet at night they will take great excesse thereof and be drunken Their Lent beginneth at the new Moone and they do not enter into it vntill they haue seene the same neither yet doeth their Lent end vntill they haue seen the next new Moone although the same through close weather should not be seen in long time They haue among them certaine holy men whom they call Setes counted holy for that they or any of their ancestors haue bene on pilgrimage at Mecha in Arabia for whosoeuer goeth thither on pilgrimage to visite the sepulchre of Mahumet both he and all his posteritie are euer after called Setes and counted for holy men and haue no lesse opinion of themselues And if a man contrary one of these he will say that he is a Saint and therefore ought to be beleeued and that hee cannot lie although he lie neuer so shamefully Thus a man may be too holy and no pride is greater then spirituall pride of a mind puffed vp with his owne opinion of holinesse These Setes do vse to shaue their heads all ouer sauing on the sides a litle aboue the temples the which they leaue vnshauen and vse to braid the same as women do their haire and to weare it as long as it will grow Euery morning they vse to worship God Mahumet and Mortus Ali in praying turne themselues toward the South because Mecha lieth that way from them When they be in trauell on the way many of them will as soone as the Sunne riseth light from their horses turning themselues to the South and will lay their gownes before them with their swords and beads and so standing vpright worship to the South and many times in their prayers kneele downe and kisse their beads or somwhat els that lieth before them The men or women doe neuer goe to make water but they vse to take with them a pot with a spout and after they haue made water they flash some water vpon their priuy parts and thus doe the women as well as the men and this is a matter of great religion among them and in making of water the men do cowre downe as well as the women When they earnestly affirme a matter they will sweare by God Mahumet or Mortus Ali and sometimes by all at ones as thus in their owne language saying Olla Mahumet Ali. But if he will sweare by the Shaughs head in saying Shaugham basshe you may then beleeue him if you will The Shaugh keepeth a great magnificence in his court and although sometimes in a moneth or six weekes none of his nobilitie or counsaile can see him yet goe they daily to the court and tary there a certaine time vntill they haue knowen his pleasure whether hee will commaund them any thing or not Hee is watched euery night with a thousand of his men which are called his Curshes whâ— are they that hee vseth to send into the Countreis about his greatest affaires When he sendeth any of them if it be to the greatest of any of his nobilitie he will obey them although the messenger should beat any of them to death The Shaugh occupieth himselfe alwayes two dayes in the weeke in his Bathstoâ—e and when he is disposed to goe thither he taketh with him fiue or sixe of his concubines more or lesse and one day they consume in washing rubbing and bathing him and the other day in paring his nailes and other matters The greatest part of his life hee spendeth amongst his wiues and concubines Hee hath now reigned about fiftie and foure yeeres and is therefore counted a very holy man as they euer esteeme their kings if they haue reigned fiftie yeeres or more for they measure the fauour of God by a mans prosperitie or his displeasure by a mans misfortune or aduersitie The great Turke hath this Shaugh in great reuerence because he hath reigned king so long time I haue sayd before that hee hath foure wiues and as many concubines as him listeth and if he chance to haue any children by any of his concubines and be minded that any of those children shall inherite after him then when one of his wiues dieth the concubine whom hee so fauoureth hee maketh one of his wiues and the childe whom he so loueth best he ordaineth to bee king after him What I heard of the maner of their mariages for offending of honest consciences and chaste eares I may not commit to writing their fasting I haue declared before They vse circumcision vnto children of seuen yeeres of age as do the Turkes Their houses as I haue said are for the most part made of bricke not burned but only dried in the Sunne In their houses they haue but litle furniture of houshold stuffe except it be their carpets and some copper worke for all their kettles dishes wherein they eate are of copper They eate on the ground sitting on carpets crosse legged as do Tailors There is no man so simple but he sitteth on a carpet better or worse and the whole house or roume wherein he sitteth is wholy couered with carpets Their houses are all with flat roofes couered with earth and in the Sommer time they lie vpon them all night They haue many bond seruaunts both men and women Bondmen and bondwomen is one of the best kind of merchandise that any man may bring When they buy any maydes or yong women they vse to feele them in all partes as with vs men doe horses when one hath bought a yong woman if he like her he will keepe her for his owne vse as long as him listeth and then selleth her to an other who doeth the like with her So that one woman is sometimes sold in the space of foure or fiue yeeres twelue or twentie times If a man keepe a bondwoman for his owne vse and if hee find her to be false to him and giue her body to any other he may kill her if he will When a merchant or traueller commeth to any towne where he entendeth to tary any time he hireth a woman or somtimes 2. or 3. during his abode there And when he commeth to an
like againe But hauing left the natiues all within their owne countrey without abating their number or strength the towne and castle not long after was betraied and surrendred againe to the king of Sweden On the Southeast side they haue got the kingdomes of Cazan and Astracan These were wonne from the Tartar by the late Emperour Iuan Vasiliwich the one about thirtie fiue the other about thirtie and three yeares agoe Northward out of the countrey of Siberia he hath layed vnto his realme a great breadth and length of ground from Wichida to the riuer of Obba about a 1000 miles space so that he is bolde to write himselfe now The great Commander of Siberia The countries likewise of Permia and Pechora are a diuers people and language from the Russe ouercome not long since and that rather by threatning and shaking of the sword then by any actuall force as being a weake and naked people without meanes to resist That which the Russe hath in his present possession he keepeth on this sort In his foure chief border townes of Vobsko Smolensko Astracan and Cazan he hath certaine of his counsel not of greatest nobility but of greatest trust which haue more authoritie within their precincts for the countenancing and strengthening of their gouernment there then the other Dukes that are set to gouerne in other places as was noted before in the maner of ordering their prouinces These he changeth sometime euery yere sometime euery second or third yere but exceedeth not that time except vpon very speciall trust and good liking of the party and his seruice least by enlarging of their time they might grow into some femiliaritie with the enemie as some haue done being so farre out of sight The townes besides are very strongly fenced with trenches castles store of munition and haue garisons within them to the number of two or three thousand a piece They are stored with victual if any siege should come vpon them for the space of two or three yeres before hand The foure castles of Smolensko Vobsko Cazan and Astracan he hath made very strong to beare out any siege so that it is thought that those townes are impregnable As for the countries of Pechora and Permia and that part of Siberia which he hath now vnder him they are kept by as easie meanes as they were first got vz. rather by shewing then by vsing of armes First he hath stored the countrie with as many Russes as there are natiues hath there some few souldiers in garison inough to keepe them vnder SecoÌ„dly his officers Magistrates there are of his own Russe people and he changeth them very often vz. euery yere twise or thrise notwithstanding there be no great feare of any innouation Thirdly he deuideth their into many smal gouernments like a staffe broke in many small pieces so y t they haue no strength being seuered which was but litle neither when they were al in one Fourthly he prouideth that the people of the countrie haue neither armor nor money being taxed pilled so often as he thinketh good without any meanes to shake off that yoke or to relieue themselues In Siberia where he goeth on in pursuing his conquest he hath diuers castles garisons to the number of 6000 souldiers of Russes Polonians sendeth many new supplies thither to plant and to inhabite as he winneth ground At this time besides he hath gotten the kings brother of Siberia allured by certaine of his captaines to leaue his own country by offers of great entertainment and plesanter life with the Russe Emperor then he had in Siberia He was brought in this last yere and is now with the Emperor at Mosco well entertained Of the Tartars and other borderers to the country of Russia with whom they haue most to doe in warre and peace THeir neighbors with whom they haue greatest dealings intercourse both in peace war are first the Tartar Secondly the Polonian whom the Russe calâ—eth Laches noting the first author or founder of the nation who was called Laches or Leches wherunto is added Po which signifieth People and so is made Polaches that is the People or posterity of Laches which the Latins after their maner of writing cal Polonos The third are the Swedens The Polonians Swedâ—ns are better knowen to these parts of Europe then are the Tartars that are farther off from vs as being of Asia and diuided into many tribes different in name and gouernment one from another The greatest and mightiest of them is the Chrim Tartar whom some call the Great Can that lieth South Southeastward from Russia and doth most annoy the country by often inuasions commonly once euery yere sometimes entring very farre within the inland parts In the yere 1571 he came as farre as the citie of Mosco with an armie of 200000 men without any battel or resistance at al for that the Russe Emperor then Iuan Vasiliwich leading forth his armie to encounter with him marched a wrong way The citie he tooke not but fired the suburbs which by reason of the buildings which are all of wood without any stone brick or lime saue certeine out roomes kindled so quickly and went on with such rage as that it consumed the greatest part of the citie almost within the space of foure houres being of 30 miles or more of compasse Then might you haue seene a lamentable spectacle besides the huge mighty flame of the citie all on light fire the people burning in their houses and streetes but most of all of such as laboured to passe out of the gates farthest from the enemie where meeting together in a mighty throng so pressing euery man to preuent another wedged themselues so fast within the gate and streetes neere vnto it as that three rankes walked one vpon the others head the vppermost treading downe those that were lower so that there perished at that time as was said by the fire the presse the number of 800000 people or more The principall cause of this continual quarell betwixt the Russe the Chrim is for the right of certaine border partes claimed by the Tartar but possessed by the Russe The Tartar alleageth that besides Astracan and Cazan that are the ancient possession of the East Tartar the whole countrey from his bounds North and Westward so farre as the citie of Mosko and Mosko it selfe perteineth to his right Which seemeth to haue bene true by the report of the Russes them selues that tell of a certaine homage that was done by the Russe Emperour euery yeere to the great Chrim or Can the Russe Emperour standing on foot and feeding the Chrims horse himselfe sitting on his backe with oates out of his owne cappe in stead of a bowle or manger and that within the castle of Mosko And this homage they say was done till the time of Basileus grandfather to this man Who
haue his springs in this lake is more then three moneths iourney From this lake come many blacke men lacking the vse of common speech They bring with them diuers wares and especially pearles and precious stones which they sell to the people called Grustintzi and Serponowtzi These haue their name of the Castle Serponow situate in the mountaines of Lucomoria beyond the riuer Obi. They say that to the men of Lucomoria chaunceth a marueilous thing and incredible For they affirme that they die yeerely at the xxvii day of Nouember being the feast of S. George among the Moscouites and that at the next spring about the xxiii day of Aprill they reuiue againe as doe Frogges With these also the people of Grustintzi and Serponowtzi exercise a new and strange kinde of trade For when the accustomed time of their dying or rather of sleeping approcheth they leaue their wares in certaine places appointed which the Grustintzi and Serponowtzi carry away leauing other wares of equall value in their places which if the dead men at the time of their reuiuing perceiue to be of vnequall price they require their owne againe by reason whereof much strife and fighting is betweene them From the riuer of Obi descending toward the left hand are the people called Calami which came thither from Obiowa and Pogosa Beneath Obi about Aurea Anus that is the golden old wife are the riuers Sossa Berezuua and Danadim all which spring out of the mountaines Camen Bolschega Poiassa and the rockes ioyning to the same All the nations that inhabite from these riuers to Aurea Anus are subiect to the prince of Moscouia Aurea Anus called in the Moscouites tongue Slara Baba is an idol at the mouthe of Obi in the prouince of Obdora standing on the furthest banke toward the sea Along by the bankes of Obi the riuers neare there about are here and there many castles and fortresses all the lordes whereof are subiect to the prince of Moscouia as they say They say also or rather fable that the idol called Aurea Anus is an image like vnto an old wife hauing a child in her lay and that there is now seene another infant which they say to be her nephew Also that there are certaine instruments that make a continuall sound like the noyse of Trumpets the which if it so be I thinke it to be by reason of the winde blowing continually into the holow places of those instruments The riuer Cossin falleth out of the mountaines of Lucomoria In the mouth of this is a castle whither from the springs of the great riuer Cossin is two monethes viage Furthermore from the springs of the same riuer the riuer Cassima hath his originall which running through Lucomoria falleth into the great riuer Tachnin beyond the which as is said dwell men of prodigious shape of whom some are ouergrowen with haire like wilde beastes other haue heads like dogges and their faces in their breasts without neckes and with long hands also and without feete There is likewise in the riuer Tachnin a certaine fish with head eyes nose mouth hands feete and other members vtterly of humane shape and yet without any voyce and pleasant to be eaten as are other fishes All that I haue hitherto rehearsed I haue translated out of the saide iourney which was deliuered me in the Moscouites tongue In the which perhaps some things may seeme fabulous and in maner incredible as of the dombe men and the dead reuiuing the Aurea Anus also and the monstrous shapes of men with the fish of humane fourme whereof although I haue made diligent inquisition yet could I knowe nothing certaine of any that had seene the same with their eyes neuerthelesse to giue further occasion to other to search the trueth of these things I haue thought good to make mencion hereof Noss in the Moscouites tongue signifieth a nose and therefore they call all capes or points that reach into the sea by the same name The mountaines about the riuer of Petzora are called Semnoi Poyas or Cingulus mundi that is the girdle of the world or of the earth Kithai is a lake of which the great Can of Cathay whom the Moscouians cal Czar Kithaiski hath his name For Can in the Tartars language signifieth A King The places of Lucomoria neare vnto the sea are saluage full of woods and inhabited without any houses And albeit that the author of this iourney said that many nations of Lucomoria are subiect to the prince of Moscouia yet for as much as the kingdome of Tumen is neare thereunto whose prince is a Tartar and named in their tongue Tumenski Czar that is a king in Tumen and hath of late done great domage to the prince of Moscouia it is most like that these nations should rather be subiect vnto him Neare vnto the riuer Petzora whereof mention is made in this iourney is the citie and castle of Papin or Papinowgorod whose inhabitants are named Papini and haue a priuate language differing from the Moscouites Beyond this riuer are exceeding high mountaines reaching euen vnto the bankes whose ridges or tops by reason of continuall windes are in maner vtterly barren without grasse or fruits And although in diuers places they haue diuers names yet are they commonly called Cingulus mundi that is the girdle of the world In these mountaines doe Ierfalcons breede whereof I haue spoken before There growe also Cedar trees among the which are found the best and blackest kinde of Sables and onely these mountaines are seene in all the dominions of the prince of Moscouia which perhaps are the same that the old writers call Rhipheos or Hyperboreos so named of the Greeke word Hyper that is Aboue and Boreas that is the North for by reason they are couered with continuall snow and frost they can not without great difficultie be trauayled and reach so farre into the North that they make the vnknowen land of Engronland The Duke of Moscouia Basilius the sonne of Iohn sent on a time two of his Captaines named Simeon Pheodorowich Kurbski Knes Peter Vschatoi to search the places beyond these mountaines and to subdue the nations thereabout Kurbski was yet aliue at my being in Moscouia declared vnto me that he spent xvii daies in ascending the mountaine yet could not come to the top therof which in their tongue is called Stolp that is a piller This mountaine is extended into the Ocean vnto the mouthes of the riuers of Dwina and Petzora But now hauing spoken thus much of the said iourney I will returne to the dominions of Moscouia with other regions lying Eastward South from the same toward the mighty Empire of Cathay But I will first speake somewhat briefly of the prouince of Rezan and the famous riuer of â—anais The prouince of Rezan situate
the Queenes most excellent Maiestie from the Lord Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua BY the grace of God great Lord and great Duke Theodore Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsko and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Ieroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. Most resplendent Queene Elizabeth of England France and Ireland c. his princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house and President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorouich Godonoua vnto your most excellent Maiesty great Ladie Queene Elizabeth send my humble commendations It hath pleased your Maiestie to write vnto me your gracious and princely letter by your seruant Thomas Lind which letter I receiued with all humblenesse During the time of the abode of your Messenger Thomas Lind here in the Mosco it pleased God of his mercifulnesse and our Lady the mother of God and holy Saints by the prayers of our lord and king his Maiestie Theodore Iuanouich ouer all Russia gouernour the right beleeuer and louer of Christ to send our Queene and gracious Lady Irene a yoong Princesse to the great ioy and comfort of our kingdome named Pheodocine Wherefore we giue all honour and glory to the almightie God vnspeakeable whose giftes had beene manifolde with mercie vnto vs for which all wee Christians laud and praise God After all this your seruant was occasioned to stay vntill the comming of your merchants from the sea port Touching the letters which you haue receiued from your louing brother our Lord and Master by your ambassadour therein you perceiue sufficiently my good meaning in trauailing for the continuance of amitie and friendship betwixt you mighty great princes in the which I will continue mine endeuour Also your merchants I haue taken into my protection for to defend them for the loue I beare to your Maiestie As heeretofore I haue done it willingly and with great care of their good so I meane to continue so farre as God will giue me leaue to the end that brotherly loue be holden betweene you Princes without disturbance As I haue beene to your merchants in times past so now by the permission and commandement of our Lord and Master I will be their defendour in all causes and will cause all our authorised people to fauour them and to defend them and to giue them free liberty to buy and sell at their pleasure The merchants doe not certifie your princely Maiestie of all our friendship and fauour shewed vnto them from time to time And whereas your Maiestie hath now written to our Lord and Master for the debts which your merchants ought to haue of William Turnebull lately disceased I hauing perused your Maiesties letter whereby I am requested to be a meane for the recouerie and obtaining of their sayd debts I haue moued it to our Lord and King his Maiestie that order may be giuen therein and that his kinseman Rainold Kitchin with three persons more may be sent ouer together with the sayd Turnebulles stuffe and other things as billes books and writings All which shall be deliuered to your merchants Agent and his fellowes and in money 600 rubbles of the sayd Turnebulles And touching your merchants I will haue a great care ouer them and protect them whereby they shall suffer no damages in their trade and all kinde of trafficke in merchandise shall be at their libertie Written in our Lord and Kings Maiestie royall citie of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuarie A letter from the Lord Boris Pheodorowich to the right honourable Lord William Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England BY the grace of God great Lord King and great Duke Theodor Iuanouich gouernour of Russia Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghory Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke of all Nouogrod in the low countreys of Chernigo of Liffeland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Sibery and commaunder of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grosinsky and of the countreys of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many Countreys more c. His princely Maiesties seruant Lord and Master of his horses and high Steward of his house President of the territories of Cazan and Astracan Boris Pheodorowich Godonoua to the most honourable Counseller of the most resplendent mightie great Lady Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland William Burghley Lord and Knight of the Garter high Treasurour of England sendeth greeting I perceiue by your letter that your merchants last shippes came home in sastie and that you haue receiued the letters sent by them by the hands of Francis Cherie one from our Lord and great King of all Russia his Maiesty vnto your Queenes most excellent Maiesty and one from me to her Highnesse and one from my selfe to you and the contents thereof you haue caused to be read and well vnderstood at large And whatsoeuer is therein written concerning Ierome Horsey you haue sought out the ground thereof and that he is in great displeasure And her Highnesse hath written in her letter concerning her Maiesties merchants that whereas I haue taken them into protection she taketh it very louingly and kindely that for her sake they haue receiued so great kindnesse And touching the damages and hinderances which your merchaunts haue sustained by meanes of the Emperours authorised people and officers and that they were not permitted to trafficke at libertie at the Sea port in the yeere 1589 for the space of three weekes it hath beene against the Emperours Maiesties will and pleasure as also against mine Where you desire and wish that betweene our Emperours Maiestie and your Queenes Maiestie their loue and amitie may not bee seperated at any time but to continue and you request mee that I should be good vnto the English merchants and to defend them from all such damages hereafter your honours louing letter I haue therein throughly considered and as I haue bene heretofore so I will still continue to be a meane betwixt our Lorde and kings Maiestie and your great Lady the Queene her highnesse for the mainteyning of brotherly loue and amitie most ioyfully and willingly as God knoweth aswel hereafter as I haue bene heretofore praying you to doe the like also Mine onely desire is for your most excellent Princesse sake to do all that lyeth in mâ—e
for the ayding helping and protecting of her Maiesties merchants by the order and commaundement of our Lord and king his Maiestie And to that ende I haue giuen order to all our authorised people to bee carefull ouerthem and to defende them in all causes and to giue them free libertie to trafficke at their owne willes and pleasures It may bee that your merchants doe not certifie you the trueth of all things nor make knowen vnto your honour my readinesse to protect them And howe my Letters and Commissions are sent to all authorised people for them that they shoulde ayde and assist them according to the tenour of my Letters to all others that bee in authoritie vnder the said Officers or otherwise Also your honour writeth of the debarring of your merchants at the Sea port from their accustomed libertie of enterchangeable trafficke and bartar Touching which complaint search and inquisition hath bene made and commaundement giuen that your Queenes Maiesties merchants at the Seaside and in all places where the trade is doe not sustaine any domage or hinderance hereafter but that they shal be at libertie without any hindering or letting either in the Mosco the Treasurehouse or else where by any of our authorised people but absolutely to bee at free libertie at their owne will and pleasure And also I will continue to be their protectour and defendour in all causes by our Lorde and kings Maiesties order and commaundement as it shal be knowen and certified you by your people resident here in the Mosco Written in our Kings Maiesties royall citie of Mosco from the beginning of the world 7101â— yeere in the moneth of Ianuary A most gracious Letter giuen to the English Merchants Sir Iohn Hart and his company by Theodore Iuanowich the King Lord and great duke of all Russia the onely vpholder thereof THe onely God omnipotent before all eternitie his will be done without ende the Father Sonne and holy Ghost we glorifie in Trinitie Our onely God the maker of all things and worker of all in all euery where with plentifull increase for which cause he hath giuen life to man to loue him and to trust in him Our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his holy children with his word to discerne good through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times establish vs to keepe the right sâ—epter and suffer vs to reigne of our selues to the good profit of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the mainteinance of vertue We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanouich of all Russia the onely vpholder of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Casan and king of Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great duke of Smolensko of Otuer Vghorie Permia Viatski Bulgari and other regions great duke also of Nouogrod in the lowe Countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotski Rostoue Yaruslaue Bealozero and of Liefland of Vdorski Obdorski Condenski and commaunâ—er of all the Countrey of Siberi and of the North parts and Lord ouer the Countrey of Iuerski Grusinski and King ouer the Countrey of Igorski and ruler ouer many other kingdomes and Lordships more Our princely Maiestie at the request of our brother in lawe Boâ—is Feodorowich Godenoua our seruant and Master of our horses generall Comptroller of our house and gouernour of the Lordships and kingdomes of Casan and Astracan vnto the English merchants Sir Iohn Hart knight sir William Webbe knight Richard Salkenstow Alderman Nicholas Moseley alderman Robert Doue Wilâ— Garrowe Iohn Harbey Robert Chamberlaine Henry Anderson Iohn Woodworth FraÌ„cis Cherry Iohn Merrick Christopher Holmes hath graciously giuen leaue to come go with their ships into our kingdome territories of Duina with all kind of commodities at their pleasures to trafficke froÌ„ the seaside to our roial city of Mosco in al other cities townes countries and territories of our whole kingdom of Mosco vpon the humble petition and sute of the saide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company wee haue giuen them leaue to passe and trafficke into all parts of our dominions and territories of Mosco and to our inheritance of Nouogrod and Plesco with their wares and commodities without paying any custome or dueties We the great Lord king and great duke Theodore Iuanowich of all Russia haue firmely giuen and graunted vnto the aforesaide English merchants sir Iohn Hart and his company for the loue we beare to our deare sister Queene Elizabeth we I say of our gracious goodnes haue giuen leaue to trauel and passe to our royal seat of Mosco and to all the parts of our kingdome with all kinde of commodities and to trafficke with all kinde of wares at their owne pleasure without paying any custome of their said wares To you our Customers we wil and command not to take any maner of custome of the said merchants and their company neither for entering weying nor passing by or through any place of our territories nor for custome of iudgement by Lawe or for their person or persons nor any duties ouer bridges or for certificats or processes or for conducting ouer any streames or waters or for any other customes or dueties that may be named we wil and straitly commaund you not to take any of them in any wise Prouided alwayes that the saide merchants shall not colour any strangers wares nor bring them into our countrey nor fauour them colourably nor sel for any stranger To you our subiects also we coÌ„mand not to meddle or deale with any wares of strangers colourably nor to haue them by you in keeping nor to offer to sel their coÌ„modities but themselues to sel their owne coÌ„modities in change or otherwise as they may or can And in al townes cities countreys or any part of our dominions and territories it shal be lawful for the foresaid merchants and their company to sell or barter away their owne commodities in change or otherwise for or at their pleasure as they will And whensoeuer the said merchants or any of them come into our territories of great Nouogrod or Plesco or to any other parts of our kingdome with their wares by vertue of these our Maiesties letters we straitly charge and command you our Captaines generals and all other that be authorised or in office to suffer the aforesaid merchants to passe and repasse and to take no kinde of custome or dutie of them or any of their goods howsoeuer it may haue name nor in no place else where they shal come in all our kingdome Likewise if they sell not nor buy no wares you shall take no custome but suffer them quietly to passe where they will with their goods Of our gratious goodnes and meere goodwill we haue giuen the said merchants leaue to trafficke throughout all our kingdomes and in all townes and cities with all maner of wares and commodities without paying any custome or dutie Wheresoeuer they shal
receiue or deliuer vnto others opinions grounded vpon no plaine and manifest places of Scripture for certainties and trueths Deut. 4. and 12. Esay 8. Matth. 27. 2. Tim. 3. Further also that commendation wherewith Munster and Krantzius doe grace the Islanders is meerly contrary to Christian religion namely that they make al one reckoning of their whelps and of their children But more of this matter anone in the 7. section So therefore Munster disagreeth with himselfe whereas those whom he affirmeth to be Christians afterward he maketh to be master-builders of hell Also Krantzius and Munster both together when as those whom they affirme to be engraffed by faith into Christ they exempt from all sense of pietie and honesty in that they write that their sonnes are not dearer vnto them then their whelpes But to returne to the matter In very deed we haue no great thing to say concerning our religion what or of what sort it was when Gentilisme was first put to flight No more I thinke haue other Northern nations neere vnto vs to say concerning y e beginning of their faith For alas we must needs confesse bewaile with deepe sighes that vntill that day which shined vnto vs like the beginning of immortalitie brought vnto vs the pure doctrine of the gospel our countrymen as likewise other churches of the North were ouer-spred with more then Cimmerian darkenesse But we may iustly and religiously thinke thus much that among vs and our neighbors of Norway for I wil not range out of my bounds nor affirme any thing of vnknowen people after heathenish idolatry was rooted out Christian faith religion did florish far more sincere and simple as being lesse infected with the poison of poperie at that time then afterward when as the pestiferous leauen of the see of Rome being augmented the contagious mischiefe growing ripe the poison thereof was dispersed through y e whole world for as it shal afterward appeare Island embraced Christ many yeeres before the new idolatry of the papists began to preuaile and did sound foorth nothing but faith in God the Father the Sonne the holy Ghost like vnto those two most renoumed kings of Norway who as they had one common name so had they one common care and profession to aduance the gospel of Christ. I meane Olaus the sonne of Thryggo who was borne in the yeere of Christ 968. attaining to the kingdom of Norway in the 27. yeere of his age and was the first as we haue heard that offred Christ vnto the Norwegians ouer whom hee reigned fiue yeeres and another of that name called Olaus Sanctus the sonne of Harald who in the yeere of Christ 1013. or thereabout gouerned with more seueritie for the space of 17. yeeres did boldly deliuer the doctrine of Christ. In the yere of Christ 1030. being vniustly slaine by wicked murtherers he shed his blood for y e name of Christ in a town of Norway called Sticfla Stodum Our countrey also had among many other one man of excellent pietie whose name was Nialus who about the yeere of Christ 1000. liued in the village of Berthorsbuol situate in the parish of Island called Landehum who also for his experience in humane affaires for his great wisedome and sage counsell was accompted famous For whereas in his time Island was turmoiled with many fierce mutinies the inhabitants being in subiection to no superiour magistrate he intermedled not in any quarels sauing that by his discreet vertue diligence hee set through and brought to composition a great number hee neuer did nor suffered violence but onely vpon the last day of his life So carefully auoyded he al seditions and strifes and gaue good assistance to others who were desirous also to auoyd and escape them neither did any man euer put in practise his counsel but it turned to his especiall good nor euer any did swerue therefrom but with the danger of his life and possessions The wordes or rather the oracles that came from him were so certaine that it was wonderful from whence any man should haue so great and so sure forecast and counsell of things to come as was found to be in him Whereupon his discreet and prouident wisedome ioyned with counsell became a prouerbe amongst vs Nials byta raden That is to say the counsel of Nialus or the thing is done or succeedeth by Nialus his counsel when any busines was atchieued prudently and with admirable discretion This man when for a slaughter committed by his sonne without his knowledge he was in his owne house beset with a 100. men who had conspired his death and when his enemies began on all sides to set his house on fire seeing his ende approch at length he brake into these words Doubtlesse these things happen by fate that is by the will of God Howbeit I put my hope and confidence in Christ that we meaning his wife and himselfe although this our fraile body shal vndergoe the corruption of death in the fire of our enemies yet that it shal be deliuered from eternal flames And so in the midst of these voyces and in the fury of the flames he with his wife and the manslayer his sonne in the yere of Christ 1010. ended his life A voyce vndoubtedly full well beseeming the sonnes of God arguing the notable comfort of his soule amidst the very pangs of death I therefore added those things to shew by what reason I was moued to thinke that in the very beginning of Christianitie receiued amongst vs mens minds were not so beguiled and ouerwhelmed in the darkenes of errors as of late a little before these our times they haue bene But after the Lord God by Luther and Luthers fellow-labourers in the vineyard of the Lord and by his godly successours did make the doctrine of saluation more manifest and shaking off the heauie slothe and thicke miste of our minds by the finger of his right hand that is by his holy Spirit Matth. 12. v. 28. did plucke the eares of our hearts and opened our eyes that we might behold his sauing health We all and euery of vs do beleeue and confesse that God is a spirit Iohn 4. v. 24. eternal Esay 40. v. 28. infinite Iere. 23. v. 24. Psal. 139. v. 7.8.9 most good Matth. 19. v. 17. almighty Gen. 17. 1. Reuel 1.8 one in being and nature one in prouidence one in the making and gouerning of all things Deut. 6.5 Ephe. 4.5 But distinguished by the persons of the Godhead and their properties the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Matth. 28. 19. 3.17 God the Father the first person of the Godhead creator of heauen and earth and all other things Gen. 1. v. 1. and in those that folow the vpholder gouernor of all Psa. 115.3 Heb. 1.3 Father of our Lord Iesus Christ Psal. 2,7 and verses following and our Father through him Rom. 8. 15. keeper of our soules and bodies Luke 12.12 And that
that an vniuersall peace with our Christian neighbours will cut off the emploiment of the couragious increasing youth of this realme he is much deceiued For there are other most conuenient emploiments for all the superfluitie of euery profession in this realme For not to meddle with the state of Ireland nor that of Guiana there is vnder our noses the great ample countrey of Virginia the In-land whereof is found of late to bee so sweete and holesome a climate so rich and abundant in siluer mines so apt and capable of all commodities which Italy Spaine and France can affoord that the Spaniards themselues in their owne writings printed in Madrid 1586 and within few moneths afterward reprinted by me in Paris and in a secret mappe of those partes made in Mexico the yeere before for the king of Spaine which originall with many others is in the custodie of the excellent Mathematician M. Thomas Hariot as also in their intercepted letters come vnto my hand bearing date 1595. they acknowledge the In-land to be a better and richer countrey then Mexico and Nueua Spania it selfe And on the other side their chiefest writers as Peter Martyr ab Angleria and Francis Lopez de Gomara the most learned Venetian Iohn Baptista Ramusius and the French Geographers as namely Popiliniere and the rest acknowledge with one consent that all that mightie tract of land from 67. degrees Northward to the latitude almost of Florida was first discouered out of England by the commaundement of king Henry the seuenth and the South part thereof before any other Christian people of late hath bene planted with diuers English Colonies by the royal consent of her sacred Maiestie vnder the broad seale of England whereof one as yet remaineth for ought we know aliue in the countrey Which action if vpon a good godly peace obtained it shal please the Almighty to stirre vp her Maiesties heart to continue with her fauourable countenance as vpon the ceasing of the warres of Granada hee stirred vp the spirite of Isabella Queene of Castile to aduaunce the enterprise of Columbus with transporting of one or two thousand of her people and such others as vpon mine owne knowledge will most willingly at their owne charges become Aduenturers in good numbers with their bodies and goods she shall by Gods assistance in short space worke many great and vnlooked for effects increase her dominions enrich her cofers and reduce many Pagans to the faith of Christ. The neglecting hitherto of which last point our aduersaries daily in many of their bookes full bitterly lay vnto the charge of the professors of the Gospell No sooner should we set footing in that pleasant and good land and erect one or two conuenient Fortes in the Continent or in some Iland neere the maine but euery step we tread would yeeld vs new occasion of action which I wish the Gentrie of our nation rather to regard then to follow those soft vnprofitable pleasures wherein they now too much consume their time and patrimonie and hereafter will doe much more when as our neighbour warres being appeased they are like to haue lesse emploiment then nowe they haue vnlesse they bee occupied in this or some other the like expedition And to this ende and purpose giue me leaue I beseech you to impart this occurrent to your honourable and prouident cōsideration that in the yere one thousand fiue hundred eighty and seuen when I had caused the foure voyages of Ribault Laudonniere and Gourges to Florida at mine owne charges to bee printed in Paris which by the malice of some too much affectioned to the Spanish faction had bene aboue twentie yeeres suppressed assoone as that booke came to the view of that reuerend and prudent Counseller Monsieur Harlac the lord chiefe Iustice of France and certaine other of the wisest Iudges in great choler they asked who had done such intollerable wrong to their whole kingdome as to haue concealed that woorthie worke so long Protesting further that if their Kings and the Estate had throughly followed that action France had bene freed of their long ciuill warres and the variable humours of all sortes of people might haue had very ample and manifold occasions of good and honest emploiment abroad in that large and fruitfull Continent of the West Indies The application of which sentence vnto our selues I here omit hastening vnto the summarie recapitulation of other matters contained in this worke It may please your Honour therefore to vnderstand that the second part of this first Treatise containeth our auncient trade and traffique with English shipping to the Ilands of Sicilie Candie and Sio which by good warrant herein alleaged I find to haue bene begun in the yeere 1511. and to haue continued vntill the yeere 1552. and somewhat longer But shortly after as it seemeth it was intermitted or rather giuen ouer as is noted in master Gaspar Campions discreet letters to master Michael Lock and master William Winter inserted in this booke first by occasiō of the Turkes expelling of the foure and twentie Mauneses or gouernours of the Genouois out of the I le of Sio and by taking of the sayd Iland wholie into his owne hand in Aprill 1566. sending thither Piali Basha with fourescore gallies for that purpose and afterward by his growing ouer mightie and troublesome in those Seas by the cruell inuasion of Nicosia and Famagusta and the whole I le of Cyprus by his lieutenant Generall Mustapha Basha Which lamentable Tragedie I haue here againe reuiued that the posteritie may neuer forget what trust may bee giuen to the oath of a Mahumetan when hee hath aduauntage and is in his choler Lastly I haue here put downe at large the happie renuing and much increasing of our interrupted trade in all the Leuant accomplished by the great charges and speciall industrie of the worshipfull and worthy Citizens Sir Edward Osborne Knight M. Richard Staper and M. William Hareborne together with the league for traffike onely betweene her Maiestie and the Grand Signior with the great priuileges immunities and fauours obteyned of his imperiall Highnesse in that behalfe the admissions and residencies of our Ambassadours in his stately Porch and the great good and Christian offices which her Sacred Maiestie by her extraordinary fauour in that Court hath done for the king and kingdome of Poland and other Christian Princes the traffike of our Nation in all the chiefe Hauens of Africa and Egypt the searching and haunting the very bottome of the Mediterran Sea to the ports of Tripoli and Alexandretta of the Archipelagus by the Turkes now called The white sea euen to the walles of Constantinople the voyages ouer land and by riuer through Aleppo Birrha Babylon and Balsara and downe the Persian gulfe to Ormuz and thence by the Ocean sea to Goa and againe ouer-land to Bisnagar Cambaia Orixa Bengala Aracan Pegu Malacca Siam the Iangomes Quicheu and euen to the Frontiers of the Empire of China the former performed
Archbishop of Tyre lib. 3. cap. 17. hist. belli sacri The same author in the 10. booke first chapter of the same historie concerning the same English Lady writeth further as followeth Baldwine hauing folowed the warres for a time gaue his minde to marriage so that being in England he fell in loue with a very honourable and noble Lady named Gutuere whom he married and caried with him in that first happy expedition wherin he accompanied his brethren the Lords duke Godfrey and Eustace persons very commendable in all vertues and of immortall memorie But he had hard fortune in his iourney because his foresaid wife being wearied with a long sicknes finished her life with a happie end neere the citie of Marasia before the Christian armie came vnto Antioch where she was honourably buried as we haue declarâ—d before ¶ Chronicon Hierosolymitanum in lib. 3. cap. 27. maketh also mention of this English Lady which he calleth Godwera in this maner HAc in regione Maresch vxor Baldewini nobilissima quam de regno Angele eduxit diutina corporis molestia aggrauata duci Godefrido commendata vitam exâ—alauit sepulta Catholicis obsequijs cuius nomen erat Godwera The same in English IN this prouince of Maresch the most noble wife of Baldwine which he caried with him out of England being visited with dayly sicknesses and infirmities of body and commended to the custody of duke Godfrey departed out of this life and was buried after the Christian maner Her name was Godwera ¶ The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund surnamed Ironside brother vnto K. Edward the confessor being accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwin vnto Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1102. Recorded by William of Malmesburie lib. 3. histo fol. 58. SVbsequenti tempore cum Roberto filio Godwini milite audacissimo Edgarus Hierosolymam pertendit Illud fuit tempus quo Turci Baldwinum regem apud Ramas obsederunt qui cum obsidionis iniuriam ferre nequiret per medias hostium acies effugit solius Roberti opera liberatus praeeuntis euaginato gladio dexâ—ra leuaque Turcos caedentis Sed cum successu ipso truculentior alacritate nimia procutreret ensis manu excidit Ad quem recolligendum cum se inclinasset omnium incursu oppressus vinculis palmas dedit Inde Babyloniam vt aiunt ductus cum Christum abnegare nollet in medio foro ad signum positus sagittis terebratus martyrium consecrauit Edgarus amisso milite regressus multaque beneficia ab Imperatoribus Graecorum Alemannorum adeptus quippè qui etiam cum retinere pro generis amplitudine tentassent omnia pro natalis soli desiderio spreuit Quosdam enim profectò fallie amor patriae vt nihil eis videatur iucundum nisi consuetum hauserint coelum Vndè Edgarus fatua cupidine illusus Angliam redijt vbi vt superius dixi diuerso fortunae ludicro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suos in agro consumit The same in English AFterward Edgar being sonne vnto the nephewe of Edward the confessour traueiled with Robert the sonne of Godwin a most valiant knight vnto Ierusalem And it was at the same time when the Turkes besieged king Baldwin at Rama who not being able to endure the straight siege was by the helpe of Robert especially going before him and with his drawen sword making a lane and slaying the Turkes on his right hande and on his left deliuered out of that danger and escaped through the midst of his enemies campe But vpon his happie successe being more eager and fierce as hee went forward somewhat too hastily his sworde fell out of his hand Which as he stouped to take vp being oppressed with the whole multitude hee was there taken and bound From whence as some say being carried vnto Babylon or Alcair in Egypt when he would not renounce Christ he was tyed vnto a stake in the midst of the market place and being shot through with arrowes died a martyr Edgar hauing lost his knight returned and being honoured with many rewards both by the Greekish and by the Germaine Emperour who both of them would right gladly haue entertained him stil for his great nobilitie contemned all things in respect of his natiue soile For in very deede some are so inueagled with the loue of their countrey that nothing can seeme pleasant vnto them vnlesse they breath in the same aire where they were bred Wherefore Edgar being misledde with a fond affection returned into England and afterward being subiect vnto diuers changes of fortune as we haue aboue signified he spendeth now his extreeme olde age in an obscure and priuate place of the countrey ¶ Mention made of one Godericus a valiant Englishman who was with his ships in the voyage vnto the Holy land in the second yeere of Baldwine King of Ierusalem in the third yere of Henry the first of England CHronicon Hierosolymitanum lib. 9. cap. 9. Verùm dehinc septem diebus euolutis rex ab Assur exiens nauem quae dicitur Buza ascendit cum eo Godericus pirata de regno Angliae ac vexillo hastae praefixo elato in aëre ad radios solis vsque Iaphet cum paucis nauigauit vt hoc eius signo ciues Christiani recognito fiduciam vitae regis haberent non facile hostiuÌ„ minis pauefacti turpiter diffugium facerent aut vrbem reddere cogerentur Sciebat enim eos multum de vita salute eius desperare Saraceni auteÌ„ viso eius signo recognito ea parte que vrbem nauigio cingebat illi in galeis viginti Carinis tredecim quas vulgo appellant Câ—zh occurrerunt volentes Buzam regis coronare Sed Dei auxilio vndis maris illis exaduerso tumescentibus ac reluctantibus Buza autem regis facili agili cursu inter procellas labente ac volitante in portu Ioppae delusis hostibus subitò affuit sex ex Saracenis in arcu suo in nauicula percussis ac vulneratis Intrans itaque ciuitatem dum incolumis omnium pateret oculis reuixit spiritus cunctorum gementium de eius morte hactenus dolentium eo quòd caput rex Christianorum princeps Hierusalem adhuc viuus incolumis receptus sit The same in English BUt seuen dayes afterward the King comming out of the towne of Assur entred into a shippe called a Busse and one Godericke a pirate of the kingdome of England with him and fastening his banner on the toppe of a speare and holding it vp aloft in the aire against the beames of the Sunne sailed vnto Iâ—phet with a small company That the Christian Citizens there seeing this his banner might conceiue hope that the King was yet liuing and being not easâ—ily terrified with the threates of the enemies might shamefully runne away or be constrained to yeeld vp the citie For hee knew that they were very much out
of hope of his life and safetie The Saracens seeing and knowing this his banner that part of them which enuironed the Citie by water made towards him with twentie Gallies and thirteene shippes which they commonly cal Cazh seeking to inclose the Kings shippe But by Gods helpe the billowes of the Sea swelling and raging against them and the Kings shippe gliding and passing through the waues with an easie and nimble course arriued suddenly in the hatten of Ioppa the enemies frustrated of their purpose and sixe of the Saracens were hurt and wounded by shot out of the Kings shippe So that the King entering into the Citie and nowe appearing in safetie in all their sightes the spirits of all them that mourned for him and vntil then lamented as though hee had bene dead reuiued because that the head and King of the Christians and prince of Ierusalem was yet aliue and come againe vnto them in perfect health ¶ Mention made of one Hardine of England one of the chiefest personages and a leader among other of two hundred saile of ships of Christians that landed at Ioppa in the yeere of our Lord God 1102. CHronicon Hierosolymitanum libro 9. cap. 11. Interea dum haec obsidio ageretur 200. naues Christianorum nauigio Ioppen appulsae sunt vt adorarent in Hierusalem Horum Bernardus Witrazh de terra Galatiae Hardinus de Anglia Otho de Roges Hadewerck vnus de praepotentibus Wesifalorum primi ductores fuisse referuntur c. Erat autem tertia feria Iulij mensis quando hae Christianorum copiae Deo protegente huc nauigio angustiatis obsessis ad opem collatae sunt Sarracenorum autem turmae videntes quia Christianorum virtus audacter facie ad faciem vicino sibi hospitio proximè iungebatur media nocte oâ—biincumbente amotis tentorijs amplius milliari subtractae consederunt dum luce exorta consilium inirent vtrum Ascalonem redirent aut ciues Iaphet crebris assultibus vexarent The same in English VVHile the Sarazens continued their siege against Ioppa two hundred saile of Christian ships arriued at Ioppa that they might performe their deuotions at Hierusalem The chiefe men and leaders of these Christians are reported to haue bene Bernard Witrazh of the land of Galatia Hardine of England Otho of Roges Haderwerck one of the chiefe noble men of Westphalia c. This Christian power through Gods speciall prouision arriued here for the succour and reliefe of the distressed besieged Christians in Ioppa the third day of Iuly 1102. and in the second yeere of Baldwine king of Ierusalem Whereupon the multitude of the Sarazens seeing that the Christian power ioyned themselues boldly close by them euen face to face in a lodging hard by them the very next night at midnight remooued their tents and pitched them more then a mile off that they might the next morning bee aduised whether they should returne to Ascalon or by often assaults vexe the citizens of Iaphet Chronicon Hierosolymitanum eodem libro 9. cap. 12. continueth this historie of these two hundreth saile of ships and sheweth how by their prowesse chiefly the multitude of the Sarazens were in short space vanquished and ouerthrowen The words are these Ab ipso verò die terriae feriae dum sic in superbia elatione suae multitudinis immobiles Saraceni persisterent multis armorum terroribus Christianum populum vexarent sexta feria appropinquance Rex Baldwinus in tubis cornibus a Iaphet egrediens in manu robusta equitum peditum virtutem illorum crudeli bello est aggressus magnis hinc hinc clamoribus intonantes Christiani quoque qui nauigio appulsi sunt horribili pariter clamore cum Rege Baldwino graui strepitu vociferantes Babylonios vehementi pugna sunt aggressi saeuissimis atque mortiferis plagis eos affligentes donec bello fatigati vltra vim non sustinentes fugam versus Ascalonem inierunt Alij verò ab insecutoribus eripi existimantes marâ— se credentes intolerabili procellarum fluctuatione absorpti sunt Et sic ciuitas Ioppe cum habitatoribus suis liberata est Ceciderunt hac die tria millia Sarracenorum Christianorum verò pauci perijsse inuenti sunt The same in English YEt notwithstanding after the said third day of Iuly the Sarazens persisted high minded and insolent by reason of their great multitude and much annoied the Christian people with their many forceable and terrible weapons whereupon on the sixt day of Iuly early in the morning king Baldwine issued out of Iaphet his trumpets and cornets yeelding a great and lowd sound and with a very strong armie as well of horsemen as footemen who on euery side making great shoutes and outcries with fierce and sharpe battell set on the maine power of their enemies The Christians also who arriued in the nauie rearing great clamours and noyses with loud voices and shoutings in horrible wise together with king Baldwine assaulted likewise with strong battell the Babylonians and afflicted them with most sore and deadly wounds vntill the Sarazens being wearied with fighting nor able longer to endure and hold out against the valure of the Christians fled towards Ascalon And other of them hoping to escape from them that pursued them lept into the sea and were swalowed vp in the waues thereof And so the citie of Ioppa with the inhabitants thereof were freed of their enemies There were slaine this day three thousand Sarazens and but a few of the Christians perished ¶ A Fleete of Englishmen Danes and Flemmings arriued at Ioppa in the Holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Hierusalem Written in the beginning of the tenth booke of the Chronicle of Hierusalem in the 8. yeere of Henry the first of England Cap. 1. AT the same time also in the seuenth yeere of the raigne of Baldwine the Catholike king of Hierusalem a very great warrelike Fleete of the Catholike nation of England to the number of about seueÌ„ thousand hauing with them more men of warre of the kingdom of Denmarke of Flanders and of Antwerpe arriued with ships which they call Busses at the hauen of the citie of Iaphet determining there to make their abode vntill they hauing obtained the kings licence and safe conduct might safely worship at Hierusalem Of which nauie the chiefest and best spoken repairing to the king spake to him in this maner Christ preserue the Kings life and prosper his kingdome from day to day Wee being men and souldiours of Christian profession haue through the helpe of God sayled hither through mightie and large seas from the farre countreys of England Flanders and Denmarke to worship at Ierusalem and to visit the sepulchre of our Lord. And therefore we are assembled to intreat your clemency touching the matter that by your fauour and safe conduct we may peaceably goe vp to Ierusalem and worship there and so returne Chap. 2. THe king fauourably hearing their whole
making great mone for the ships of his sister and Berengaria his wife that should be not knowing where they were become after the tempest was ouerblowen sent forth his gallies diligently to seeke the rest of his Nauie dispersed but especially the shippe wherein his sister was and the maiden whom he should marry who at length were found safe and merry at the port of Lymszem in the I le of Cyprus notwithstanding the two other ships which were in their company before in the same hauen were drowned with diuers of the kings seruants and men of worship among whom was M. Roger called Malus Caâ—ulus the kings Uicechancellour who was found with the kings seale hanging about his necke The king of Cyprus was then Isakius called also the Emperour of the Gryffons who tooke and imprisoned all Engliâ—h men which by shipwracke were cast vpon his land also inuegled into his hands the goods and prises of them which were found drowned about his coastes neither would suffer the ships wherein the two ladies were to enter within the port The tidings of this being brought to king Richard he in great wrath gathering his gallies and ships together boordeth the land of Cyprus where he first in gentle wise signifieth to king Isakius how he with his English men comming as strangers to the supportatiâ—n of the holy land were by distresse of weather driuen vpon his bounds and therefore with all humble petition besought him in Gods behalfe and for reuerence of the holy crosse to let go such prisoners of his as he had in captiuitie and to restore againe the goods of them that were drowned which he deteined in his hands to be employed for the behoofe of their soules And this the king once twise and thrise desired of the Emperour but he proudly answering againe sent the king word that he neither would let the captiues go nor tender the goods of them which were drowned When king Richard heard this how light the Emperour Isakius made of his so humble and hoâ—est petition how that nothing could be gotten without violent force eftsoones giueth commandement thorowout all his hoste to put themselues in armour and follow him to reuenge the iniuries receiued of that proud and cruell king of Cyprus willing them to put their trust in God and not to misdoubt but that the Lord would stand with them and giue them the victory The Emperour in the meane time with his people stood warding the Sea coasts where the English men should arriue with swords billes and lances and such other weapons as they had setting boordes stooles and chestes before them as a wall few of them were harnessed and for the most part all vnexpert and vnskilfull in the feates of warre Then king Richard with his souldiers issuing out of their ships first set his bowemen before who with their shot made a way for others to followe The Englishmen thus winning the land vpon them so fiercely pressed vpon the Gryffons that after long fighting and many blowes at last the Emperour was put to flight whom king Richard valiantly pursued and slue many and diuers he tooke aliue and had gone neere also to take the Emperour had not the night come on and parted the battell And thus king Richard with much spoyle and great victory returning to the port Towne of Lymszem which the Townesmen had left for feare found there great abundance of corne wine oyle and victuals The day after the victory gotten Ioanna the Kings sister and Berengaria the mayden entred the Porte and Towne of Lymszem with 50. great ships and 14. galliots so that all the whole Nauie there meeting together were 254. tall shippes and aboue threescore galliots Then Isakius the Emperour seeing no way for him to escape by Sea the same night pitched his tentes fiue miles off from the English army swearing that the third day after he would surely giue battell to king Richard but he preuenting him before suddenly the same morning before the day of battell should be setteth vpon the tentes of the Gryffons early in the morning they being vnawares and a sleepe and made of them a great slaughter insomuch that the Emperour was fame to runne away naked leauing his tents and pauilions to the Englishmen full of horses and rich treasure also with the Imperial standerd the lower part whereof with a costly streamer was couered and wrought all with golde King Richard returning with victorie and triumph to his sister and Berengaria shortly after in the moneth of May next following and the 12. day of the said moneth married the said Berengaria daughter of Zanctius king of Nauarre in the yle of Cyprus at Lymszem The king of Cyprus seeing himselfe ouermatched was driuen at length to yeelde himselfe with conditions to giue king Richard 20000. markes in golde for amends of such spoyles as he had gotten of them that were drowned also to restore all the captiues againe to the king and furthermore he in his owne person to attend vpon the king to the lande of Ierusalem in Gods seruice and his with 400. horsemen and 500. footemen in pledge whereof he would giue to his hands his castles and his onely daughter and would hold his kingdome of him This done and the Emperour swearing fidelitie to king Richard before Guido king of Ierusalem and the prince of Antioche who were come thither to king Richard a little before peace was taken and Isakius committed to the warde of certaine keepers Notwithstanding shortly after he breaking from his keepers was againe at defiance with the King whereupon king Richard besetting the Iland of Cyprus round about with shippes and gallies did in such sort preuaile that the subiects of the land were constrained to yeelde themselues to the King and at last the daughter of the Emperour and the Emperour himselfe whom king Richard caused to be kept in fetters of gold and siluer and to be sent to the citie of Tripolis These things thus done and all set in order touching the possession of the I le of Cyprus the keeping whereof he committed to Radulphe sonne of Godfrey Lord Chamberlaine being then the first day of Iune vpon the fift of the saide moneth king Richard departed from the I le of Cyprus with his shippes and gallies toward the siege of Achon and on the next morrowe came to Tyrus where by procurement of the French king he was restrained by the Citizens to enter The next day after which was the first day of Iune crossing the seas he met with a great carak fraught with souldiers and men of warre to the number of a thousand and fiue hundred which pretending to be Frenchmen and setting foorth their flagge with the French armes were indeede Saracens secretly sent with wilde fire and certaine barrels of vnknowen serpents to the defence of the towne of Achon which king Richard at length perceiuing eftsoones set vpon them and so vanquished them of whom the most were drowned and some taken
aliue which being once knowen in the citie of Achon as it was a great discomfort to them so it was a great helpe to the Christians for winning the citie The next day aster which was the seuenth of Iune king Richard came to Achon which at that time had bene long besieged by the Christians After whose comming it was not long but the Pagans within the citie seeing their wals to be vndermined and towers ouerthrowen were driuen by composition to escape with life and limme to surrender the citie to the two kings Another great helpe to the Christians in winning the citie was this In the said city of Achon there was a secret Christian among the Saracens who in time of the siege thereof vsed at sundry times to cast ouer the wals into the campe of the Christians certaine bils written in Hebrue Greeke and Latine wherein he disclosed to the Christians from time to time the doings and counsels of the enemies aduertising them how and what way they should worke and what to beware and alwayes his letters began thus In nomine Patris Filij Spiritus sancti Amen By reason whereof the Christians were much aduantaged in their proceedings but this was a great heauines vnto them that neither he would vtter his name nor when the citie was got did they euer vnderstand who he was To make of a long siege a short narration Upon the twelfth day of Iuly the yeere aforesaid the Princes and Captaines of the Pagans vpon agreement resorted to the tent of the Templaries to commune with the two kings touching peace and giuing vp of their citie the forme of which peace was thus 1 That the Kings should haue the citie of Achon freely and fully deliuered vnto them with all which was therein 2 That 500. captiues of the Christians should be restored to them which were in Achon 3 That the holy crosse should be to them rendred and a thousand Christian captiues with two hundreth horsemen whosoeuer they themselues would chose out of all them which were in the power of the Saladine 4 That they would giue vnto the Kings two hundreth thousand Bysants so that they themselues should remaine as pledges in the Kings hands for the performance hereof that if in fortie daies the aforesayd couenauts were not accomplished they should abide the Kings mercie touching life and limme These couenants being agreed vpon the Kings sent their souldiers and seruants into the citie to take a hundreth of the richest best of the city to close them vp in towers vnder strong keeping the residue they committed to be kept in houses and in streetes ministring vnto them according to their necessities to whom notwithstanding this they premitted that so many of them as would be baptized and receiue the faith of Christ should be free to goe whither they would wherupon many there were of the Pagans which for feare of death pretended to be baptized but afterward so soone as they could reuolted againe to the Saladine for the which it was afterward commauded by the Kings that none of them should be baptized against their wils The thirteenth day of the said moneth of Iuly King Philip of France and king Richard after they had obteined the possession of Achon deuided betweene them all things therein conteined as well the people as golde and siluer with all other furniture whatsoeuer was remaining in the citie who in deuiding the spoyle were so good caruers to themselues that the Knights and Barons had but litle to their share whereupon they began to shâ—w themselues somewhat discontented which being knowen of the kings they sent them answere that their wils should be satisfied The twentieth day of Iuly king Richard speaking with the French King desired him that they two with their armies would binde themselues by othe to remaine there stil in the land of Ierusalem the space of 3. yeeres for the winning and recouering againe of those countreys but he sayd he would sweare no such othe and so the next day after king Richard with his wife and sister entred into the citie of Achon and there placed himselfe in the kings pallace The French king remayning in the houses of the Templaries where he continued till the end of that moneth About the beginning of the moneth of August Philip the French king after that he and King Richard had made agreement betweene Guido Conradus the Marques about the kingdome of Ierusalem went from Achon to Tyrus notwithstanding king Richard all the Princes of the Christian armie with great intreatie desired him to tary shewing what a shame it were for him to come so farre and now to leaue vndone that for which he came and on the 3. day of August departed from Tyrus leauing the halfe part of the Citie of Achon in the hands of the aforesayd Conradus Marques After his departure the Pagans refused to keepe their couenants made who neither would restore the holy Crosse nor the money nor their captiues sending word to king Richard that if he beheaded the pledges left with him at Achon they would choppe off the heads of such captiues of the Christians as were in their hands Shortly after this the Saladine sending great gifts to king Richard requested the time limited for beheading of the captiues to be proroged but the king refused to take his gifts and to graunt his request whereupon the Saladine caused all the Christian captiues within his possession forthwith to be beheaded which was the 28. of August which albeit king Richard vnderstood yet would not he preuent the time before limitted for the execution of his prisoners being the 20. day of August vpon which day he caused the prisoners of the Saracens openly in the sight of the Saladines armie to loose their heads the number of whom came to two thousand and fiue hundreth saue onely that certaine of the principal of them he reserued for purposes and considerations especially to make exchange for the holy Crosse and certaine other of the Christian captiues After this king Richard purposed to besâ—â—ge the Citie of Ioppe where by the way betwene Achon and Ioppe neere to a towne called Assur Saladine with a great multitude of his Saracens came fiercely against the kings rereward but through Gods mercifull grace in the same battell the kings warriers acquited themselues so well that the Saladine was put to flight whom the Christians pursued the space of 3. miles he lost that same day many of his Nobles Captaines in such sort as it was thought that the Saladine was not put to such confusion 40. yeres before and but one Christian Captaine called Iames Auernus in that conâ—lict was ouerthrowen From thence king Richard proceeding further went to Ioppe and then to Ascalon where he found first the citie of Ioppe forsaken of the Saracens who durst not abide the kings comming Ascalon the Saladine threw downe to the ground likewise forsooke the whole land
of Syria through all which land the king had free passage without resistance neither durst the Saracenâ— Prince encounter after that with K. Richard Of all which his atchâ—uances the sayd K. Richard sent his letters of certificate as well into England as also to the Abbot of Clara valle in France well hoping y t he God willing should be able to make his repaire againe to them by Easter next Many other famous acts were done in this voyage by these two Kings and moe should haue bene had not they falling into discorde disseuered themselues by reason whereof Philip the French king returned home againe within short space who being returned againe eftsoones inuaded the countrey of Normandy exciting also Iohn the brother of king Richard to take on him the kingdome of Englande in his brothers absence who then made league vpon the same with the French king and did homage vnto him which was about the fourth yeere of king Richard Who then being in Syria and hearing thereof made peace with the Turkes for three yeeres and not long after king Richard the next spring following returned also who in his returne driuen by distresse of weather about the parts of Histria in a towne called Synaca was there taken by Lympold Duke of the same countrey and so solde to the Emperour for sixtie thousand Markes who for no small ioy thereof writeth to Philip the French king these letters here following The letter of the Emperour to Philip the French king concerning the taking of King Richard HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum Imperator semper Augustus Dilecto speciali amico suo Philippo illustri Francorum Regi salutem sincerae dilectionis affectum Quoniam Imperatoria Celsitudo non dubitat Regalem Magnificentiam tuam latiorem effici de vniuersis quibus omnipotentia creatoris nostri nos ipsos Romanum Imperâ—um honorauerit exaltauerit nobilitati tuae tenore praesentium declarare duximus quod inimicus Imperij nostri â—urbator Regni tui Rex Angliae quam esset in transeundo mare ad partes suas reuer surus accidit vt ventus rupta naui sua in qua ipse erat induceret eum in partes Histriae ad locum qui est inter Aquileiam Venetias Vbi Rex Dei permissione passus naufragium cum paucis euasit Quidam itaque fidelis noster Comes Maynardus de Grooxâ—e populas regionis illius audito quod in terra erat considerato diligentiùs qualem nominatus Rex in terra promissionis proditionem traditionem perditionis suae cumulum exercuerat insecuti sunt intendentes eum captiuare Ipso autem Rege in fugam conuerso ceperunt de suis octo milites Postmodum processit Rex ad Burgum in Archiepâ—scopatu Salseburgensi qui vocatur Frisorum vbi Fridericus de Betesow Rege cum tribus tantum versus Austriam properante noctu sex milites de suis coepit Dilectus autem Consanguineus noster Lympoldus Dux Austriae obseruata strata saepè dictum Regemiuxta Denam in villa viciniori in domo despecta captiuaâ—â—t Cumitaque in nostra nunc habeatur Potestate ipse semper tua molestauit turbationis operam praestiterit ea quae praemisimus nobilitati tuae insmuare curaâ—imus scientes ea dilectioni tuae beneplacita existere animo tuo vberrimam importare laetitiam Datum apud Ritheountum 5. Kalendas Ianua King Richard being thus traiterously taken and solde to the Emperour by the Duke of Austridge for 60000. markes was there kept in custodie a yeere and 3. moneths In some stories it is affirmed that King Richard returning out of Asia came to Italy with prosperous winde where he desired of the Pope to be absolued of an othe made against this will and could not obteine it and so setting out from thence towards England passing by the Countrey of Conradus the Marques whose death he being slaine a litle before was falsâ—y imputed by the French king to the king of England there traiterously was taken as is aforesayde by Limpoldus duke of Austridge Albeit in another storie I finde the matter more credibly set forth which saith thus That king Richard slewe the brother of this Limpoldus playing with him at Chesse in the French Kings Court and Limpoldus taking his vantage was more cruel against him and deliuered him as is sayde to the Emperour In whose custodie he was deteined during the time aboue mentioned a yeere 3. moneths During which time of the kings endurance the French king in the meane season stirred warre in Normandie and Earle Iohn the Kings brother made stirre and inuaded England but the Barons and Bishops of the land mightily withstood him At length it was so agreed and concluded with the Emperour that king Richard should be released for a hundreth and foure thousand pound of which money part should remaine to the Duke of Austridge the rest should be the Emperours The summe of which money was here gathered and made in England of chalices crosses shrines candlestickes and other Church plate also with publike contribution of Friers Abbots and other subiects of the Realme whereof part was presently paid and for the residue remaining hostages and pledges were taken which was about the fift yeere of his reigne and then it was obteined of the Pope that Priestes might celebrate with Chalices of latten and tinne At what time this aforesaide money was payde and the hostages giuen for the ransome of the King I haue an olde historie which saith that the aforesaid Duke of Austridge was shortly after plagued by God with 5. sundry plagues First with the burning of his chiefe Townes 2 With drowning of tenne thousand of his men in a flood happening no man can tell how 3 By turning all the eares of his corne fieldes into wormes 4. By taking away almost all the Nobles of his land by death 5. By breaking his owne leg falling from his horse which leg he was compelled to cut off with his owne hands and afterwards died of the same who then at his death is reported to forgiue K. Richard 50000. marks and sent home the hostages that were with him And further a certaine booke intituled Eulogium declareth that the sayd Limpoldus duke of Austrich fell in displeasure with the bishop of Rome and died excommunicate the next yeere after Anno 1196. But thus as you haue heard Richard the King was ransomed deliuered from the couetous captiuitie of the Emperor and returning home made an ende of his voyage for Asia which was both honourable to himselfe and to all Christian states but to the Saracens the enemies of Christianitie terrible and dishonourable This historie of King Richards voiage to Ierusalem is very excellently and largely written in Latine by Guilielmus Neobrigensis and Roger Houeden Epitaphium Richardi primi regis Anglorum apud fontem Ebraldi SCribitur hoc auro rex auree laus tua tota aurea materiae conueniente nota
Laus tua prima fuit Siculi Cyprus altera Dromo tertia Caruanna quarta suprema Iope Retrusi Siculi Cyprus pessundata Dromo mersus Caruanna capta retenta Iope Epitaphium eiusdem vbi viscera eius requiescunt VIscera Kareolum corpus fons seruat Ebraldi cor Rothomagus magne Richarde tuum The life and trauailes of Baldwinus Deuonius sometime Archbishop of Canterbury BAldwinus Deuonius tenui loco Excestriae natus vir ore facundus exactus Philosophus ad omne studiorum genus per illos dies aptissimus inuenie batur Scholarum rector primùm erat tum postea Archidiac onus eruditione ac sapientia in omni negotio celebris fuit praeterâ—à Cisterciensis Monachus Abbas Fordensis Coenobij magnus suorum aestimatione ac vniuersae eorum societati quasi Antesignanus fuit deinde Wigoâ—niensis praesul fuit mortuo demùm Richardo Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus ac totius Angliae Primas Cui muneri Baldwinus sollicitè inuigilans egregium se pastorem exhibuit dominicum semen quantum patiebatur eius temporis iniquitas vnique locorum spargens Richardus Anglorum rex acceptis tunc regui insignijs summo studio classem ac omnia ad Hierosolymitanum bellum gerendum necessaria parauit Secutus est illicò regem in Syriam Palestinam vsque Baldwinus vt esset in tam Sancto vt ipse putabat iâ—inere laborum dolorum ac periculorum particeps Prefuit Cantuariensi Ecclesie ferè 6. annis Richardum regem in Syriam secutus anno Salutis nostrae 1190. Tyri vitam finiâ—it vbi sepultus est The same in English BAldwine a Deuonshire man borne in Exceter of mean parentage was a very eloquent man an exact Philosopher and in those dayes very excellent in all kind of studies He was first of all a Schoolemaster afterwards he became an Archdeacon very famous for his learning wisdom in all his doings He was also a Cistercian Monke and Abbot of Foord Monasterie and the chiefe of all those that were of his order he grew after this to be bishop of Worâ—ester and at last after the death of Archb. Richard he was promoted made Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England In the discharge of which place he being very vigilant shewed himselfe a worthy Pastor sowing the feed of Gods word in euery place as farre foorth as the iniquitie of that time permitted In his time king Richard with all indeuour prepared a Fleet and all things necessary for waging of warre against the Infidels at Ierusalem taking with him the standerd and ensignes of the kingdome This Baldwine â—ftsoones folowed the king into Syria and Palestina as one desirous to be partaker of his trauailes paines and perils in so holy a voyage Hee was Archbishop of Canterburie almost sixe yeres but hauing followed the king into Syria in the yeere 1190â— he died at Tyrâ— where he was also buried ¶ An annotation concerning the trauailes of the sayd Baldwine taken out of Giraldus Cambrensis in his Itinerarium Cambriae lib. â— Cap. 14. Fol. 229. INter primos Thomae Becketi successor hic secundus audita saluatoris salutiâ—â—rae Crucis iniuria nostris proh dolor diebus per Saladinum irrogata cruce â—ignatus in eiusdem obsequâ—js tam remotis finibus quà m propinquis praedicationis officium virilâ—ter assumpsit Et post-modùm iter accipiens nauigiâ—que fungens apud Marsiham transcurso tandem pelagi profundo in portu Tyrensâ—incolumis applicuit inde ad exercitum nostrum obsidentem pariter obsessum Aconem transiuit vbi multos ex nostris inueniens ferè cunctos principum defectu in summa desolatione iam positos desperatione alios quidem longa expectatione fatigatos alios fame inopia grauiter afflictos quosdam verò aëris inclementia distemperatos diem foelicitèr in terra sacra clausurus extremum singulos pro posse vinculo charitat is amplectens sumptibus impensis verbis vitae meritis confirmauit The same in English THis Baldwine being the second successor vnto Thomas Becket after he had heard y e wrong which was done to our Sauiour and the signe of the Crosse by Saladine the Sultan of Egypt taking vpon him the Lords Character he couragiously perfourmed his office of preaching in the obedience thereof as well in farre distant Countreis as at home And afterwards taking his iourney and imbarking himselfe at Marseils hauing at length passed y e Leuant sea he arriued safely in the Hauen of Tyrus and from thence went ouer to Achon vnto our armie besieging the Towne and yet as it were besieged it selfe where finding many of our Countreymen and almost all men remaining in wonderfull pensiuenesse and despaire through the withdrawing of the Princes some of them tyred with long expectation others grieuously afflicted with hunger and pouertie and others distempered with the heate of the weather being ready happily to ende his dayes in the Holy land embracing euery one according to his abilitie in the bond of loue he ayded them at his costes and charges and strengthened them with his wordes and good examples of life ¶ A note drawen out of a very ancient booke remaining in the hands of the right worshipfull M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Frederike Tilney his ancestor knighted at Acon in the Holy land for his valour by K. Richard the first as foloweth PErtinult iste liber prâ—ùs Frederico Tilney de Boston in comitatu Lincolniae militi facto apud Acon in terra Iudae ae anno regis Richardi primi tertio Vir erat iste magnae staturae potens in corpore qui cum patribus suis dormit apud Titrington iuxta villam sui nominis Tilney in Mershland Cuius altitudo in salua custodia permanet ibidem vsque in hunc diem Et post eius obitum sexdecem militibus eius nominis Tilney haereditas illa successiuè obuenit quorum vnus post alium semper habitabat apud Boston praedictum dum fratris senioris haereditas haeredi generali deuoluta est quae nupta est Iohanni duci Norfolciae Eorum miles vltimus â—uit Philippus Tilney nuper de Shelleigh in Comitatu Suffolciae pater genitor Thomae Tilney de Hadleigh in Comltatu praedicto Armigeri cui modò artineâ— iste liber Anno aetatis suae 64. Anno Domini 1556. ¶ The same in English THis booke pertained in times past vnto Sir Frederick Tilney of Boston in the Countie of Lincolne who was knighted at Acon in the land of Iurie in the third yeere of the reigne of king Richard the first This knight was of a tall stature and strong of body who resteth interred with his fore fathers at Tirrington neere vnto a towne in Marshland called by his owne name Tilney The iust height of this knight is there kept in safe custody vntill this very day Also after this mans decease the inheritance of his landes fell successiuely vnto sixteene sundry knights called all
lost of the Venetians the 15 of August last past 1571 the chiefe gouernors captaines of theÌ„ being hewen in sunder by the coÌ„mandement of that tyrant Mustafa Basha but all the whole Iland also to be conquered by those cruell Turks ancient professed enemies to all Christian religion In the which euill successe comming to vs as I take it for our offences as I lament the generall losse so I am surely pensiue to vnderstand by this too true a report of the vile death of two particular noble gentlemen of Venice Sig. M. Lorenzo Tiepolo and Sig. M. Giouanni Antonio Querint of both the which I in my trauaile was very courteously vsed the former of them being then as now also he was in this ouerthrow gouernour of Baffo in Cyprus the other captaine of one of the castels at Corcyra in Greece now called Corfu But things past are past amendment and they could neuer die more honourably then in the defence of their countrey Besides that the late blowes which the Turks haue receiued since this their fury in token of Gods wrath against them do much comfort euery Christian heart Moreouer this vniforme preparation which is certainly concluded and forthwith looked for by very many Christian Princes would God by all generally against these barbarous Mahometists whose cruelty and beastly behauiour I partly know and am able to iudge of hauing bene in Turky amongst them more then eight moneths together Whose vnfaithfulnesse also and breach of promise as the Venetians manly courage in defence of themselues and their fortresse your honour may easily reade in this short treatise and small handfull of leaues I hauing set downe also a short description of the Iland of Cyprus for the better vnderstanding of the whole matter The which I not onely most humbly beseech your honour now fauourably to accept as an earnest peny of more to come and of my present good will but with your accustomed goodnesse towards me to defend the same against such persons whose tongues too readily roule sometime against other mens painfull trauels perswading themselues to purchase the sooner some credit of learning with the ruder sort by controlling and ouerdaintie sifting of other mens laboured tasks For I know in all ages to be found as well Basilisks as Elephants Thus nothing doubting of your ready ayd heerein as I assuredly trust of your honours fauourable acceptation of this my poore present wishing long life with the increase of Gods holy spirit to your lordship and to all your most honourable familie vnto whom I haue wholly dedicated my selfe by mine owne choise and election for euer I crauing pardon for my former boldnesse most humbly thus take my leaue From Lambhith the 23 of March Ann. 1572. Your honours most humble and faithfull seruant for euer William Malim A briefe description of the Iland of Cyprus by the which not onely the Venetians title why they haue so long enioyed it but also the Turks whereby now he claimeth it may plainly appeare THe Iland of Cyprus is inuironed with diuers seas for Westward it is washed with the sea called Pamphilium Southward with the sea AEgyptium on the East part with the sea Syrium and Northward with the sea called Cilicium The which Iland in time past had diuers names called once Acamantis as Sabellicus witnesseth Philonides maketh mention that it was called sometime Cerasis Xenogoras writeth that is was named Aspelia Amathusa Macaria There were in times past fifteene cities or famous townes in it but now very few amongst the which Famagusta is the chiefest strongest situated by the sea side There is also Nicosia which was woont by the traffike of Marchants to be very wealthy besides the city of Baffo Arnica Saline Limisso Melipotamo Episcopia Timosthenes affirmeth that this Iland is in compasse 429 miles and Arthemidorus writeth the length of the same to be 162 miles measuring of it from the East to the West betwixt two promontories named Dinaretta and Acamanta This Iland is thought to be very rich abundant of Wine Oile Graine Pitch Rozin Allum Salt and of diuers precious stones pleasant profitable and necessary for mans vse and much frequented of Marchants of Syria vnto the which it lieth very nere It hath bene as Plinie writeth ioyned sometime with Syria as Sicilia hath beene also with Italy It was a long time subiect vnto the Romans after to the Persians and to the Soldan of AEgypt The selfesame Iland was sometime also English being conquered by king Richard the first in his voyage to Hierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1192. Who as Polydore writeth in his fourteenth booke of our English historie being prohibited by the Cypriottes from arriuall there inuaded and conquered the same soone after by force and hauing left behinde him sufficient garrisons to keepe the same departed from thence to Ptolemayda who afterward exchanged the same with Guy of Lusignan that was the last christened king of Hierusalem for the same kingdome For the which cause the kings of England were long time after called kings of Hierusalem And last of all the Venetians haue enioyed it of late a long time in this order following In the yeere of our Lord 1470 Iohn king of the sayd Iland â—onne to Ianus of Lusignan had by Helen his wife which was of the Emperiall house of Paleologus one daughter only called Charlotta and a bastard called Iames the which Iames was afterward consecrated Bishop of Nicosia This Charlotta was married first to the king of Portingall of whom he had no issue so that he being dead Lewes Duke of Sauoy to whom shee was the second time married sonne to Lewes the second of that name vnto whom the said Iland by the right of this his wife Charlotta did appertaine had the possession of the same Iames the bastard assoone as his father was dead of a Bishop became a souldiour and with an army wanne the Iland making it his owne by force This Duke of Sauoy hearing these newes with a number of well appointed souldiers arriued shortly after in Cyprus and recouering againe the Iland compelled the bastard to flie foorthwith ouer to the Soldan of AEgypt Who making himselfe his subiect in time so wrought and tempered the matter that the Soldan in person at his request passed ouer into Cyprus besieged Duke Lewes in the castle of Nicosia and at length compelled him to depart leauing his kingdome So that this Bishop became againe King of this Iland who shortly after cleauing to the Venetians hauing made a league of friendship with them married by their consent one Catherina the daughter of Marco Cornaro which Catherin the Senate of Venice adopted vnto them soone after as their daughter This Bishop not long after sickened and died leauing this his wife with child who liued not long after his fathers death By the which meanes the Venetians making themselues the next heires to Catherina by the law of adoption tooke vnto them the possession of
the office of a Gunner and haue ordained that he goe to our said Realme there to serue in the said office in the Gallies which by our commandement are lately made And we doe commaund that you cause to be payed to him eight ducats pay a moneth for the time that he shall serue in the saide Gallies as a Gunner or till we can otherwise prouide for him the saide eight duckats monethly of the money which is already of our prouision present and to come and to haue regarde of those which come with him From Escuriall the tenth of August 1577. I the King Iuan del Gado And vnder that a confirmation of the Councell The renuing and increasing of an ancient and commodious trade vnto diuerse places in the Leuant seas and to the chiefest partes of all the great Turks dominions by the meanes of the Right worsh citizens Sir Edward Osburne Alderman and M. Richard Staper marchant of London THis trade into the Leuant as is before mentioned page 96 of this present volume whereunto I referre the Reader was very vsuall and much frequented from the yeere of our Lord 1511 till the yeere 1534 and afterward also though not so commonly vntill the yeere 1550 when as the barke Aucher vnder the conduct of M. Roger Bodenham made a prosperous voyage vnto Sicilia Candia Sio and other places within the Leuant Since which time the foresaid trade notwithstanding the Grand Sigâ—iors ample priuilege granted to M. Anthony Ienkenson 1553 and the strong and weighty reasons of Gaspar Campion for that purpose was vtterly discontinued and in maner quite forgotten as if it had neuer bene for the space of 20 yeares and more Howbeit the discreete and worthy citizens Sir Edward Osborne and M. Richard Staper seriously considering what benefite might grow to the common wealth by renuing of the foresaid discontinued trade to the inlarging of her Maiesties customes the furthering of nauigation the venting of diuerse generall commodities of this Realme and the inriching of the citie of London determined to vse some effectuall meanes for the reestablishing and augmenting thereof Wherefore about the yeere 1575. the foresaid R. W. marchants at their charges and expenses sent Iohn Wight and Ioseph Clements by the way of Poland to Constantinople where the said Ioseph remained 18 monethes to procure a safe conduct from the grand Signior for M. William Harborne then factor for Sir Edward Osborne to haue free accesse into his Highnes dominions and obtained the same Which businesse after two yeres chargeable trauell and suit being accomplished the sayd M. Harborne the first of Iuly 1578 departed from London by the sea to Hamburgh and thence accompanied with Ioseph Clements his guide and a seruant he trauailed to Leopolis in Poland and then apparelling himselfe his guide and his seruant after the Turkish fashion hauing first obteyned the king of Poland his safe conduct to passe at Camienijecz the frontier towne of his dominions next vnto Turky by good means he obteined fauour of one Acmet Chaus the Turks ambassadour then in Poland and readie to returne to Constantinople to bee receiued into his companie and carouan And so the fourth of September 1578 he departed with the said Acmet from Leopolis in Poland and trauelling through Moldauia Valachia Bulgaria and Romania gratifying the Voiauodes with certaine courtesies he arriued at Constantinople the 28 of October next insuing Where he behaued himselfe so wisely and discreetely that within few moneths after he obtained not onely the great Turkes large and ample priuiledge for himselfe and the two worshipfull persons aforesaid but also procured his honourable and friendly letters vnto her Maiestie in maner following The letters sent from the Imperiall Musulmanlike highnesse of Zuldan Murad Can to the sacred regall Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England the fifteenth of March 1579 conteyning the grant of the first priuileges IN greatnes and glory most renowmed Elizabeth most sacred Queene and noble prince of the most mightie worshippers of Iesus most wise gouernor of the causes and affaires of the people and family of Nazareth cloud of most pleasant raine and sweetest fountaine of noblenesse and vertue ladie heire of the perpetuall happinesse glory of the noble Realme of England whom all sorts seeke vnto and submit themselues we wish most prosperous successe and happie ends to all your actions and do offer vnto you such pleasures and curtesies as are worthy of our mutuall and eternall familiaritie thus ending as best beseemeth vs our former salutations In most friendly maner we giue you to vnderstand that a certaine man hath come vnto vs in the name of your most excellent Regall Maiestie câ—mmending vnto vs from you all kindnesse curtesie and friendly offices on your part and did humbly require that our Imperiall highnesse would vouchsafe to giue leaue and libertie to him and vnto two other merchants of your kingdome to resort hither and returne againe and that by way of traffike they might be suffered to trade hither with their goods and merchandizes to our Imperiall dominions and in like sort to make their returne Our stately Court and Countrey hath beene euer open for the accesse both of our enemies and friends But because we are informed that your most excellent Regall Maiesty doth abound with good will humanitie all kind of louing affection towards vs so much the rather shall the same our Countrey be alwayes open to such of your subiects as by way of merchandize shall trade hither and we will neuer faile to aide succor any of them that are or shal be willing to esteeme of our friendship fauour assistance but will reckon it some part of our dutie to gratifie them by all good meanes And forasmuch as our Imperiall highnesse is giuen to vnderstand that your most excellent Regall Maiestie doth excell in bountie curtesie we therfore haue sent out our Imperiall commandement to all our kings iudges and trauellers by sea to all our Captaines and voluntarie seafaring men all condemned persons and officers of Ports and customes straightly charging and commanding them that such foresaid persons as shall resort hither by sea from the Realme of England either with great or small vessels to trade by way of marchandize may lawfully come to our imperiall Dominions and freely returne home againe and that no man shall dare to molest or trouble them And if in like sort they shall come into our dominions by land either on foote or on horsebacke no man shall at any time withstand or hinder them but as our familiars and confederates the French Venetians Polonians and the king of Germany with diuers other our neighbours about vs haue libertie to come hither to returne againe into their owne countreys in like sort the marchants of your most excellent Regall Maiesties kingdome shall haue safe conduct and leaue to repayre hither to our Imperiall dominions and so to returne againe into their own Country straightly
Iland called Carichij fro wheÌ„ce we sailed to Ormus in sight of the Persian shore on the left side and on the right side towards Arabia we discouered infinite Ilands Ormus ORmus is an Iland in circuit fiue and twenty or thirty miles and it is the barrenest and most drie Iland in all the world because that in it there is nothing to be had but salt water and wood all other things necessary for mans life are brought out of Persia twelue miles off and out of other Ilands neere thereunto adioyning in such abundance and quantity that the city is alwayes replenished with all maner of store there is standing neere vnto the waters side a very faire castell in the which the captaine of the king of Portugall is alwayes resident with a good band of Portugalles and before this castell is a very faire prospect in the city dwell the maried men souldiers and marchants of euery nation amongst whom there are Moores and Gentiles In this city there is very great trade for all sorts of spices drugges silke cloth of silke brocardo and diuers other sorts of marchandise come out of Persia and amongst all other trades of merchandise the trade of Horses is very great there which they carry from thence into the Indies This Iland hath a Moore king of the race of the Persians who is created and made king by the Captaine of the castle in the name of the king of Portugall At the creation of this king I was there and saw the ceremonies that they vse in it which are as followeth The olde King being dead the Captaine of the Portugals chuseth another of the blood royall and maketh this election in the castle with great ceremonies and when hee is elected the Captaine sweareth him to be true and faithfull to the King of Portugall as his Lord and Gouernour and then he giueth him the Scepter regall After this with great feasting pompe and with great company he is brought into the royall palace in the city This King keepeth a good traine and hath sufficient reuenues to maintaine himselfe without troubling of any because the Captaine of the castle doeth mainteine and defend his right and when that the Captaine and he ride together he is honoured as a king yet he cannot ride abroad with his traine without the consent of the Captaine first had it behooueth them to doe this and it is necessary because of the great trade that is in the city their proper language is the Persian tongue There I shipped my selfe to goe for Goa a city in the Indies in a shippe that had fourescore horses in her This is to aduertise those Marchants that go from Ormus to Goa to shippe themselues in those shippes that carry horses because euery shippe that carrieth twenty horses or vpwards is priuileged that all the marchandise whatsoeuer they carry shall pay no custome whereas the shippes that carry no horses are bound to pay right per cento of all the goods they bring Goa Diu and Cambaia GOa is the principall city that the Portugals haue in the Indies where is resident the Uiceroy with his Court and ministers of the King of Portugall From Ormus to Goa is nine hundred foure score and ten miles distance in which passage the first city that you come to in the Indies is called Diu and is situate in a little Iland in the kingdome of Cambaia which is the greatest strength that the Portugals haue in all the Indies yet a small city but of great trade because there they lade very many great ships for the straights of Mecca and Ormus with marchandise and these shippes belong to the Moores and Christians but the Moores can not trade neither saile into those seas without the licence of the Uiceroy of the king of Portugall otherwise they are taken and made good prises The marchandise that they lade these ships withall commeth froÌ„ Cambaietta a port in the kingdome of Cambaia which they bring from thence in small barks because there can no great shippes come thither by reason of the sholdnâ—sse of the water thereabouts and these sholds are an hundred or fourescore miles about in a straight or gulfe which they call Macareo which is as much to say as a race of a tide because the waters there run out of that place without measure so that there is no place like to it vnlesse it be in the kingdome of Pegu where there is another Macareo where the waters run out with moreforce then these doe The principall city in Cambaia is called Amadauar it is a dayes iourney and an halfe from Cambaietta it is a very great city and very populous and for a city of the Gentiles it is very well made and builded with faire houses and large streets with a faire place in it with many shippes and in shew like to Cairo but not so great also Cambaietta is situate on the seas side and is a very faire city The time that I was there the city was in great calamity scarsenesse so that I haue seene the men of the countrey that were Gentiles take their children their sonnes and their daughters and haue desired the Portugals to buy them and I haue seene them solde for eight or ten larines a piece which may be of our money x.s. or xiii s. iiii d. For all this if I had not seene it I could not haue beleeued that there should be such a trade at Cambaietta as there is For in the time of euery new Moone and euery full Moone the small barks innumerable come in and out for at those times of the Moone the tides and waters are higher then at other times they be These barkes be laden with all sorts of spices with silke of China with Sandols with Elephants teeth Ueluets of Vercini great quantity of Pannina which commeth from Mecca Chickinos which be pieces of golde woorth seuen shillings a piece sterling with money and with diuers sorts of other marchandize Also these barks lade out as it were an infinite quantity of cloth made of Bumbast of all sorts as white stamped and painted with great quantity of Indico dried ginger conserued Myrabolans drie and condiâ—e Boraso in paste great store of sugar great quantity of Cotton abundance of Opium Assa Feâ—ida Puchio with many other sorts of drugges turbants made in Dui great stones like to Corneolaes Granats Agats Diaspry Calcidonij Hematists and some kinde of naturall Diamonds There is in the city of Cambaietta an order but no man is bound to keepe it but they that will but all the Portugall marchants keepe it the which is this There are in this city certaine Brokers which are Gentiles and of great authority and haue euery one of them fifteene or twenty seruants and the Marchants that vse that countrey haue their Brokers with which they be serued and they that haue not bene there are informed by their friends of the order and
of what broker they shall be serued Now euery fifteene dayes as abouesayd that the fleet of small shippes entreth into the port the Brokers come to the water side and these Marchants assoone as they are come on land do giue the cargason of all their goods to that Broker that they will haue to do their businesse for them with the marks of all the fardles and packs they haue and the marchant hauing taken on land all his furniture for his house because it is needfull that the Marchants that trade to the Indies cary prouision of housholde with them because that in euery place where they they come they must haue a new house the Broker that hath receiued his cargason commandeth his seruants to carry the Marchants furniture for his house home and load it on some cart and carry it into the city where the Brokers haue diuers empty houses meet for the lodging of Marchants furnished onely with bedsteds tables chaires and empty iarres for water then the Broker sayth to the Marchant Goe and repose your selfe and take your rest in the city The Broker carrieth at the water side with the cargason and causeth all his goods to be discharged out of the ship and payeth the custome and causeth it to be brought into the house where the marchant lieth the Marchant not knowing any thing thereof neither custome nor charges These goods being brought to this passe into the house of the Marchant the Broker demandeth of the Marchant if he haue any desire to sell his goods or marchandise at the prises that such wares are worth at that present time And if he hath a desire to sell his goods presently then at that instant the Broker selleth them away After this the Broker sayth to the Marchant you haue so much of euery sort of marchandise neat and cleare of euery charge and so much ready money And if the Marchant will imploy his money in other commodities then the Broker telleth him that such and such commodities will cost so much put aboord without any maner of charges The Marchant vnderstanding the effect maketh his account and if he thinke to buy or sell at the prises currant he giueth order to make his marchandise away and if he hath commodity for 20000 duckets all shal be bartred or solde away in fifteene dayes without any care or trouble and when as the Marchant thinketh that he cannot sell his goods at the prise currant he may tary as long as he will but they cannot be solde by any man but by that Broker that hath taken them on land and payed the custome and perchance tarying sometimes for sale of their commodity they make good profit and sometimes losse but those marchandise that come not ordinarily euery fifteene dayes in tarying for the sale of them there is great profit The barks that lade in Cambaietta go for Diu to lade the ships that go from thence for the streights of Mecca and Ormus and some go to Chaul and Goa and these ships be very wel appointed or els are guarded with the Armada of the Portugals for that there are many Corsaries or Pyrats which goe coursing alongst that coast robbing and spoâ—ling and for feare of these theeues there is no safe sailing in those seas but with ships very well appointed and armed or els with the fleet of the Portugals as is aforesayd In fine the kingdome of Cambaia is a place of great trade and hath much doings and traffique with all men although hitherto it hath bene in the hands of tyrants because that at 75 yeeres of age the true king being at the assault of Diu was there slaine whose name Sultan Badu At that time foure or fiue captaines of the army diuided the kingdome amongst themselues and euery one of them shewed in his countrey what tyranny he could but twelue yeeres ago the great Mogol a Moore king of Agra and Delly forty dayes iourny within the land of Amadauar became the gouernour of all the kingdome of Cambaia without any resistance because he being of great power and force deuising which way to enter the land with his people there was not any man that would make him any resistance although they were tyrants and a beastly people they were soone brought vnder obedience During the time I dwelt in Cambaietta I saw very maruellous things there were an infinite number of artificers that made bracelets called Mannij or bracelets of elephants teeth of diuers colours for the women of the Gentiles which haue their armes full decked with them And in this occupation there are spent euery yeere many thousands of crownes the reason whereof is this that when there dieth any whatsoeuer of their kindred then in signe and token of mourning and sorrow they breake all their bracelets from their armes and presently they go and buy new againe because that they had rather be without their meat then without their bracelets Daman Basan Tana HAuing passed Diu I came to the second city that the Portugals haue called Daman situate in the territory of Cambaia distant from Diu an hundred and twenty miles it is no towne of merchandise saue Rice and corne and hath many villages vnder it where in time of peace the Portugals take their pleasure but in time of warre the enemies haue the spoile of them in such wise that the Portugals haue little benefit by them Next vnto Daman you shall haue Basan which is a filthy place in respect of Daman in this place is Rice Corne and Timber to make shippes and gallies And a small distance beyond Basan is a little Iland called Tana a place very populous with Portugals Moores and Gentiles these haue nothing but Rice there are many makers of Armesine and weauers of girdles of wooll and bumbast blacke and redde like to Moocharies Of the cities of Chaul and of the Palmer tree BEyond this Iland you shall finde Chaul in the firme land and they are two cities one of the Portugals and the other of the Moores that city which the Portugals haue is situate lower then the other and gouerneth the mouth of the harbour and is very strongly walled and as it were a mile and an halfe distant from this is the city of Moores gouerned by their king Zamalluco In the time of warres there cannot any great ships come to the city of the Moores because the Portugals with their ordinance will sincke them for that they must perforce passe by the castles of the Portugals both the cities are ports of the sea and are great cities and haue vnto them great traffique and trade of merchandise of all sorts of spices drugges silke cloth of silke Sandols Marsine Versine Porcelane of China Ueluets and Scarlets that come from Portugall and from Meca with many other sortes of merchandise There come euery yeere from Cochin and from Cananor tenne or fifteene great shippes laden with great Nuts cured and with Sugar made of the selfe same Nuts
or fourescore thousand men These two captaines being of one religion with the foure kings which were Moores wrought meanes with them to betray their owne king into their hands The king of Bezeneger esteemed not the force of the foure kings his enemies but went out of his city to wage battell with them in the fieldes and when the armies were ioyned the battell lasted but a while not the space of foure houres because the two traitourous captaines in the chiefest of the fight with their compaines turned their faces against their king and made such disorder in his army that as astonied they set themselues to flight Thirty yeeres was this kingdome gouerned by three brethren which were tyrants the which keeping the rightfull king in prison it was their vse euery yeere once to shew him to the people and they at their pleasures ruled as they listed These brethren were three captaines belonging to the father of the king they kept in prison which when he died left his sonne very yong and then they tooke the gouernment to themselues The chiefest of these three was called Ramaragio and sate in the royall throne and was called the king the second was called Temiragio and he tooke the gouernment on him the third was called Bengatre and he was captaine generall of the army These three brethren were in this battell in the which the chiefest and the last were neuer heard of quicke nor dead Onely Temiragio fled in the battel hauing lost one of his eyes when the newes came to the city of the ouerthrow in the battell the wiues and children of these three tyrants with their lawfull king kept prisoner fâ—ed away spoiled as they were the foure kings of the Moores entred the city Bezeneger with great triumph there they remained sixe moneths searching vnder houses in all places for money other things that were hidden and then they departed to their owne kingdomes because they were not able to maintaine such a kingdome as that was so farre distant from their owne countrey When the kings were departed from Bezeneger this Temiragio returned to the city and then beganne for to repopulate it and sent word to Goa to the Merchants if they had any horses to bring them to him and he would pay well for them and for this cause the aforesayd two Merchants that I went in company withall carried those horses that they had to Bezeneger Also this Tyrant made an order or lawe that if any Merchant had any of the horses that were taken in the aforesayd battell or warres although they were of his owne marke that he would giue as much for them as they would and beside he gaue generall safe conduct to all that should bring them When by this meanes he saw that there were great store of horses brought thither vnto him hee gaue the Merchants faire wordes vntill such time as he saw they could bring no more Then he licenced the Merchants to depart without giuing them any thing for their horses which when the poore men saw they were desperate and as it were mad with sorrow and griefe I rested in Bezeneger seuen moneths although in one moneth I might haue discharged all my businesse for it was necessary to rest there vntill the wayes were cleere of theeues which at that time ranged vp and downe And in the time I rested there I saw many strange and beastly dâ—eds done by the Gentiles First when there is any Noble man or woman dead they burne their bodies and if a married man die his wife must burne herselfe aliue for the loue of her husband and with the body of her husband so that when any man dieth his wife will take a moneths leaue two or three or as shee will to burne her selfe in and that day being come wherein shee ought to be burnt that morning shee goeth out of her house very earely either on horsebacke or on an eliphant or else is borne by eight men on a smal stage in one of these orders she goeth being apparelled like to a Bride carried round about the City with her haire downe about her shoulders garnished with iewels and flowers according to the estate of the party and they goe with as great ioy as Brides doe in Venice to their nuptials shee carrieth in her left hand a looking glasse and in her right hand an arrow and singeth thorow the City as she passeth and sayth that she goeth to sleepe with her deere spowse and husband She is accompanied with her kindred and friends vntill it be one or two of the clocke in the afternoone then they goe out of the City and going along the riuers side called Nigondin which runneth vnder the walles of the City vntill they come vnto a place where they vse to make this burning of women being widdowes there is prepared in this place a great square caue with a little pinnacle hard by it foure or fiue steppes vp the foresayd caue is full of dried wood The woman being come thither accompanied with a great number of people which come to see the thing then they make ready a great banquet and she that shall be burned eateth with as great ioy and gladnesse as though it were her wedding day and the feast being ended then they goe to dancing and singing a certeine time according as she will After this the woman of her owne accord commandeth them to make the fire in the square caue where the drie wood is and when it is kindled they come and certifie her thereof then presently she leaueth the feast and taketh the neerest kinseman of her husband by the hand and they both goe together to the banke of the foresayd riuer where shee putteth off all her iewels and all her clothes and giueth them to her parents or kinsefolke and couering herselfe with a cloth because she will not be seene of the people being naked she throweth herselfe into the riuer saying O wretches wash away your â—innes Comming out of the water she rowleth herselfe into a yellow cloth of foureteene braces long and againe she taketh her husbands kinseman by the hand and they go both together vp to the pinnacle of the square caue wherein the fire is made When she is on the pinnacle shee talketh and reasoneth with the people recommending vnto them her children and kindred Before the pinnacle they vse to set a mat because they shall not see the fiercenesse of the fire yet there are many that will haue them plucked away shewing therein an heart not fearefull and that they are not affrayd of that sight When this silly woman hath reasoned with the people a good while to her content there is another woman that taketh a pot with oile and sprinckleth it ouer her head and with the same she anoynteth all her body and afterwards throweth the pot into the fornace and both the woman and the pot goe together into the fire and presently the people that are
round about the fornace throw after her into the caue great pieces of wood so by this meanes with the fire and with the blowes that she hath with the wood throwen after her she is quickly dead and after this there groweth such sorrow and such lamentation among the people that all their mirth is turned into howling and weeping in such wise that a man could scarse beare the hearing of it I haue seene many burnt in this maner because my house was neere to the gate where they goe out to the place of burning and when there dieth any great man his wife with all his slaues with whom hee hath had carnall copulation burne themselues together with him Also in this kingdome I haue seene amongst the base sort of people this vse and order that the man being dead hee is carried to the place where they will make his sepulchre and setting him as it were vpright then commeth his wife before him on her knees casting her armes about his necke with imbracing and clasping him vntill such time as the Masons haue made a wall round about them and when the wall is as high as their neckes there commeth a man behinde the woman and strangleth her then when she is dead the workemen finish the wall ouer their heads and so they lie buried both together Besides these there are an infinite number of beastly qualities amongst them of which I haue no desire to write I was desirous to know the cause why these women would so wilfully burne themselues against nature and law and it was tolde mee that this law was of an ancient time to make prouision against the slaughters which women made of their husbands For in those dayes before this law was made the women for euery little displeasure that their husbands had done vnto them would presently poison their husbands and take other men and now by reason of this law thâ—y are more faithfull vnto their husbands and count their liues as deare as their owne because that after his death her owne followeth presently In the yeere of our Lord God 1567 for the ill successe that the people of Bezeneger had in that their City was sacked by the foure kings the king with his Court went to dwell in a castle eight dayes iourney vp in the land from Bezeneger called Penegonde Also sixe dayes iourney from Bezeneger is the place where they get Diamants I was not there but it was tolde me that it is a grâ—at place compassed with a wall and that they sâ—ll the earth within the wall for so much a squadron and the limits are set how deepe or how low they shall digge Those Diamants that are of a certeine sise and bigger then that sise are all for the king it is many yeeres agone since they got any there for the troubles that haue beene in that kingdome The first cause of this trouble was because the sonne of this Temeragio had put to death the lawfull king which he had in prison for which cause the Barons and Noblemen in that kingdome would not acknowledge him to be their King and by this meanes there are many kings and great diuision in that kingdome and the city of Bezeneger is not altogether destroyed yet the houses stand still but empty and there is dwelling in them nothing as is reported but Tygers and other wilde beasts The circuit of this city is foure twentie miles about and within the walles are certeine mountaines The houses stand walled with earth and plaine all sauing the three palaces of the three tyrant brethren and the Pagodes which are idole houses these are made with lime and fine marble I haue seene many kings Courts and yet haue I seene none in greatnesse like to this of Bezeneger I say for the order of his palace for it hath nine gates or ports First when you goe into the place where the king did lodge there are fiue great ports or gates these are kept with Captaines and souldiers then within these there are foure lesser gates which are kept with Porters Without the first gate there is a little porch where there is a Captaine with fiue and twenty souldiers that keepeth watch and ward night and day and within that another with the like guard where thorow they come to a very faire Court and at the end of that Court there is another porch as the first with the like guard and within that another Court And in this wise are the first fiue gates guarded and kept with those Captaines and then the lesser gates within are kept with a guard of Porters which gates stand open the greatest part of the night because the custome of the Gentiles is to doe their businesse and make their feasts in the night rather then by day The city is very safe from theeues for the Portugall merchants sleepe in the streets or vnder porches for the great heat which is there and yet they neuer had any harme in the night At the end of two moneths I determined to go for Goa in the company of two other Portugall Marchants which were making ready to depart with two palanchines or little litters which are very commodious for the way with eight Falchines which are men hired to cary the palanchines eight for a palanchine foure at a time they carry them as we vse to carry barrowes And I bought me two bullocks one of them to ride on and the other to carry my victuals and prouision for in that countrey they ride on bullocks with pannels as we terme them girts and bridles and they haue a very good commodious pace From Bezeneger to Goa in Summer it is eight dayes iourney but we went in the midst of Winter in the moneth of Iuly and were fifteene dayes comming to Ancola on the sea coast so in eight dayes I had lost my two bullocks for he that carried my victuals was weake and could not goe the other when I came vnto a riuer where was a little bridge to passe ouer I put my bullocke to swimming and in the middest of the riuer there was a little Iland vnto the which my bullocke went and finding pasture there he remained still and in no wise we could come to him and so perforce I was forced to leaue him and at that time there was much raine and I was forced to go seuen dayes a foot with great paines and by great chance I met with Falchines by the way whom I hired to carry my clothes and victuals We had great trouble in our iourney for that euery day wee were taken prisoners by reason of the great dissension in that kingdome and euery morning at our departure we must pay rescat foure or fiue pagies a man And another trouble wee had as bad as this that when as wee came into a new gouernours countrey as euery day we did although they were al tributary to the king of Bezeneger yet euery one of them stamped a seueral
coine of Copper so that the money that we tooke this day would not serue the next at length by the helpe of God we came safe to Ancola which is a country of the queene of Gargopam tributary to the king of Bezeneger The marchandise that went euery yere from Goa to Bezeneger were Arabian Horses Ueluets Damasks and Sattens Armesine of Portugall and pieces of China Saffron and Skarlets and from Bezeneger they had in Turky for their commodities iewels aâ—d Pagodies which be ducats of golde the apparâ—ll that they vse in Bezeneger is Ueluet Satten Damaske Scarlet or white Bumbast cloth according to the estate of the person with long hats on their heads called Colae made of Ueluet Satten Damaske or Scarlet girding themselues in stead of girdles with some fine white bombast cloth they haue breeches after the order of the Turks they weare on their feet plaine high things called of them Aspergh and at their eares they haue hanging great plenty of golde Returning to my voyage when we were together in Ancola one of my companions that had nothing to lose tooke a guide and went to Goa whither they goe in foure dayes the other Portugall not being disposed to go taried in Ancola for that Winter The Winter in those parts of the Indies beginneth the fifteenth of May and lasteth vnto the end of October and as we were in Ancola there came another Marchant of horses in a palanchine and two Portugall souldiers which came from Zeilan and two cariers of leâ—ters which were Christians borne in the Indies all these consorted to goe to Goa together and I determined to goe with them and caused a pallanchine to be made for me very poorely of Canes and in one of them Canes I hid priuily all the iewâ—ls I had and according to the order I tooke eight Falchines to cary me and one day about elâ—uen of the clocke wee set forwards on our iourney and about two of the clocke in the afternoone as we passed a mountaine which diuideth the territory of Ancola and Dialcan I being a little behinde my company was assaulted by eight theeues foure of them had swordes and targets and the other foure had bowes and arrowes When the Falchines that carried me vnderstood the noise of the assault they let the pallanchine and me fall to the ground and ranne away and left me alone with my clothes wrapped about me presently the theeues were on my necke and rifeling me they stripped me starke naked and I fained my selfe sicke because I would not leaue the pallanchine and I had made me a little bedde of my clothes the theeues sought it very narrowly and subtilly and found two pursses that I had well bound vp together wherein I had put my Copper money which I had changed for foure pagodies in Ancola The theeues thinking it had beene so many duckats of golde searched no further then they threw all my clothes in a bush and hied them away and as God would haue it at their departure there fell from them an handkercher and when I saw it I rose from my pallanchine or couch and tooke it vp and wrapped it together within my pallanchine Then these my Falchines were of so good condition that they returned to seeke mee whereas I thought I should not haue found so much goodnesse in them because they were payed their mony aforehand as is the vse I had thought to haue seene them no more Before their comming I was determined to plucke the Cane wherein my iewels were hidden out of my coutch and to haue made me a walking staffe to carry in my hand to Goa thinking that I should haue gone thither on foot but by the faithfulnes of my Falchines I was rid of that trouble and so in foure dayes they carried me to Goa in which time I made hard fare for the theeues left me neither money golde nor siluer and that which I did eat was giuen me of my men for Gods sake and after at my comming to Goa I payed them for euery thing royally that I had of them From Goa I departed for Cochin which is a voyage of three hundred miles and betweene these two cities are many holdes of the Portugals as Onor Mangalor Barzelor and Cananor The Holde or Fort that you shall haue from Goa to Cochin that belongeth to the Portugals is called Onor which is in the kingdome of the queene of Battacella which is tributary to the king of Bezenegar there is no trade there but onely a charge with the Captaine and company he keepeth there And passing this place you shall come to another small castle of the Portugals called Mangalor and there is very small trade but onely for a little Rice and from thence you goe to a little fort called Barzelor there they haue good store of Rice which is carried to Goa and from thence you shall goe to a city called Cananor which is a harquebush shot distant from the chiefest city that y e king of Cananor hath in his kingdome being a king of the Gentiles and he his are very naughty malicious people alwayes hauing delight to be in warres with the Portugales and when they are in peace it is for their interâ—st to let their merchandize passe there goeth out of this kingdom of Cananor all the CardamomuÌ„ great store of Pepper Ginger Honie ships laden with great Nuts great quantitie of Archa which is a fruit of the bignesse of Nutmegs which fruite thâ—y eate in all those partes of the Indies and beyond the Indies with the leafe of an Herbe which they call Bettell the which is like vnto our Iuie leafe but a litle lesser and thinner they eate it made in plaisters with the lime made of Oistershels and thorow the Indies they spend great quantitie of money in this composition and it is vsed daily which thing I would not haue beleeued if I had not seene it The customers get great profite by these Herbes for that they haue custome for them When this people eate and chawe this in their mouthes it maketh their spittle to bee red like vnto blood and they say that it maketh a man to haue a very good stomacke and a sweete breath but sure in my iudgement they eate it rather to fulfill their filthie lustes and of a knauerie for this Herbe is moyst and hote maketh a very strong expulsion FroÌ„ Cananor you go to Cranganor which is another smal Fort of the Portugales in the land of â—he king of Cranganor which is another king of the Gentiles and a countrey of small importance and of an hundreth and twentie miles full of thieues being vnder the king of Calicut a king also of the Gentiles and a great enemie to the Portugales which when hee is alwayes in warres hee and his countrey is the nest and resting for stranger theeues and those bee called Moores of Carposa because they weare on their heads long red hats and
these thieues part the spoyles that they take on the Sea with the king of Calicut for hee giueth leaue vnto all that will goe a rouing liberally to goe in such wise that all along that coast there is such a number of thieues that there is no saillng in those Seas but with great ships and very well armed or els they must go in company with the army of the Portugals From Cranganor to Cochin is 15. miles Cochin COchin is next vnto Goa the chiefest place that the Portugales haue in the Indies and there is great trade of Spices brugges and all other sortes of merchandize for the kingdome of Portugale and there within the land is the kingdome of Pepper which Pepper the Portugales lade in their shippes by bulke and not in sackes the Pepper that goeth for Portugale is not so good as that which goeth for Mecca because that in times past the officers of the king of Portugale made a contract with the king of Cochin in the name of the king of Portugale for the prizes of Pepper and by reason of that agreâ—ment betweene them at that time made the price can neither rise nor fall which is a very lowe and base price and for this cause the villaines bring it to the Portugales greene and full of filthe The Moores of Mecca that giue a better price haue it cleane and drie and better conditioned All the Spices and drugs that are brought to Mecca are stollen from thence as Contrabanda Cochin is two cities one of the Portugales and another of the king of Cochin that of the Portugales is situate neerest vnto the Sea and that of the king of Cochin is a mile and a halfe vp higher in the land but they are both set on the bankes of one riuer which is very great and of a good depth of water which riuer commeth out of the mountaines of the king of the Pepper which is a king of the Gentiles in whose kingdome are many Christians of saint Thomas order the king of Cochin is also a king of the Gentiles and a great faithfull friend to the king of Portugale and to those Portugales which are married and are Citizens in the Citie Cochin of the Portugales And by this name of Portugales throughout all the Indies they call all the Christians that come out of the West whether they bee Italians Frenchmen or Almaines and all they that marrie in Cochin do get an office according to the trade he is of this they haue by the great priuileges which the Citizens haue of that city because there are two principal commodities that they deale withal in that place which are these The great store of Silke that commeth from China and the great store of Sugar which commeth from Bengala the married Citizens pay not any custome for these two commodities for all other commodities they pay 4. per cento custome to the king of Cochin rating their goods at their owne pleasure Those which are not married and strangers pay in Cochin to the king of Portugale eight per cento of all maner of merchandise I was in Cochin when the Uiceroy of the king of Portugale wrought what hee coulde to breake the priuilege of the Citizens and to make them to pay custome as other did at which time the Citizens were glad to waigh their Pepper in the night that they laded the ships withall that went to Portugale and stole the custome in the night The king of Cochin hauing vnderstanding of this would not suffer any more Pepper to bee weighed Then presently after this the marchants were licensed to doe as they did before and there was no more speach of this matter nor any wrong done This king of Cochin is of a small power in respect of the other kings of the Indies for hee can make but seuentie thousand men of armes in his campe hee hath a great number of Gentlemen which hee calleth Amochi and some are called Nairi these two sorts of men esteeme not their liues any thing so that it may be for the honour of their king they will thrust themselues forward in euery danger although they know they shall die These men goe naked from the girdle vpwardes with a clothe rolled about their thighs going barefooted and hauing their haire very long and rolled vp together on the toppe of their heads and alwayes they carrie their Bucklers or Targets with them and their swordes naked these Nairi haue their wiues common amongst themselues and when any of them goe into the house of any of these women hee leaueth his sworde and target at the doore and the time that hee is there there dare not any bee so hardie as to come into that house The kings children shall not inherite the kingdome after their father because they hold this opinion that perchance they were not begotten of the king their father but of some other man therefore they accept for their king one of the sonnes of the kings sisters or of some other woman of the blood roial for that they be sure they are of the blood roiall The Nairi and their wiues vse for a brauerie to make great holes in their eares and so bigge and wide that it is incredible holding this opinion that the greater the holes bee the more noble they esteeme themselues I had leaue of one of them to measure the circumference of one of them with a threed and within that circumference I put my arme vp to the shoulder clothed as it was so that in effect they are monstrous great Thus they doe make them when they be litle for then they open the eare hang a piece of gold or lead thereat within the opening in the hole they put a certaine leafe that they haue for that purpose which maketh the hole so great They lade ships in Cochin for Portugale and for Ormus but they that goe for Ormus carrie no Pepper but by Contrabanda as for Sinamome they easilie get leaue to carrie that away for all other Spices and drugs they may liberally carie them to Ormus or Cambaia and so all other merchandize which come from other places but out of the kingdom of Cochin properly they cary away with them into Portugale great abundance of Pepper great quantitie of Ginger dried and conserued wild Sinamom good quantitie of Arecca great store of Cordage of Cairo made of the barke of the tree of the great Nut and better then that of Hempe of which they carrie great store into Portugale The shippes euery yeere depart from Cochin to goe for Portugall on the fift day of December or the fift day of Ianuary Nowe to follow my voyage for the Indies from Cochin I went to Coulam distant from Cochin seuentie and two miles which Coulam is a small Fort of the king of Portugales situate in the kingdom of Coulam which is a king of the Gentiles and of small trade at that place they lade onely halfe a ship
almost there is not any passage From Cao Comori to the Iland of Zeilan is 120. miles ouerthwart Zeilan ZEilan is an Iland in my iudgement a great deale bigger then Cyprus on that side towards the Indies lying Westward is the citie called Columba which is a hold of the Portugales but without walles or enimies It hath towards the Sea a free port the lawfull king of that Iland is in Columbo and is turned Christian and maintained by the king of Portugall being depriued of his kingdome The king of the Gentiles to whom this kingdome did belong was called Madoni which had two sonnes the first named Barbinas the prince and the second Ragine This king by the pollicie of his yoonger sonne was depriued of his kingdome who because hee had entised and done that which pleased the armie and souldiours in despight of his father and brother being prince vsurped the kingdome and became a great warriour First this Iland had three kings the king of Cotta with his conquered prisoners the king of Candia which is a part of that Iland and is so called by the name of Candia which had a reasonable power ◠and was a great friend to the Portugals which sayd that hee liued secretly a Christian the third was the king of Gianifampatan In thirteene yeeres that this Ragine gouerned this Iland he became a great tyrant In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom great store of Pepper great store of Nuttes and Arochoe there they make great store of Cairo to make Cordage it bringeth foorth great store of Christall Cats eyes or Ochi de Gati and they say that they finde there some Rubies but I haue sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from Pegu. I was desirous to see how they gather the Sinamom or take it from the tree that it groweth on and so much the rather because the time that I was there was the season which they gather it in which was in the moneth of Aprill at which time the Portugals were in armes and in the field with the king of the countrey yet I to satisfie my desire although in great danger tooke a guide with mee and went into a wood three miles from the Citie in which wood was great store of Sinamome trees growing together among other wilde trees and this Sinamome tree is a small tree and not very high and hath leaues like to our Baie tree In the moneth of March or Aprill when the sappe goeth vp to the toppe of the tree then they take the Sinamom from that tree in this wise They cut the barke of the tree round about in length from knot to knot or from ioint to ioint aboue and belowe and then easilie with their handes they take it away laying it in the Sunne to drie and in this wise it is gathered and yet for all this the tree dieth not but agaynst the next yeere it will haue a new barke and that which is gathered euery yeere is the best Sinamome for that which groweth two or three yeeres is great and not so good as the other is and in these woods groweth much Pepper Negapatan FRom the Iland of Zeilan men vse to goe with small shippes to Negapatan within the firme land and seuentie two miles off is a very great Citie and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the countrey and part Gentiles it is a countrey of small trade neither haue they any trade there saue a good quantitie of Rice and cloth of Bumbast which they carie into diuers partes it was a very plentifull countrey of victuals but now it hath a great deale lesse and that abundance of victuals caused many Portugales to goe thither and build houses and dwell there with small charge This Citie belongeth to a noble man of the kingdome of Bezeneger being a Gentile neuerthelesse the Portugales and other Christians are well intreated there and haue their Churches there with a monasterie of Saint Francis order with great deuotion and very well accommodated with houses round about yet for all this they are amongst tyrants which alwayes at their pleasure may doe them some harme as it happened in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and fiue for I remember very well how that the Nayer that is to say the lord of the citie sent to the citizens to demaund of them certaine Arabian horses and they hauing denied them vnto him and gainesayd his demaund it came to passe that this lord had a desire to see the Sea which when the poore citizens vnderstood they doubted some euill to heare a thing which was not woont to bee they thought that this man would come to sacke the Citie and presently they embarked themselues the best they could with their mooueables marchandize iewels money and all that they had and caused the shippes to put from the shore When this was done as their euill chance would haue it the next night following there came such a great storme that it put all the shippes on land perforce and brake them to pieces and all the goods that came on land and were saued were taken from them by the souldiours and armie of this lord which came downe with him to see the Sea and were attendant at the Sea side not thinking that any such thing would haue happened Saint Thomas or San Tome FRom Negapatan following my voyage towards the East an hundred and fiftie miles I found the house of blessed Saint Thomas which is a Church of great deuotion and greatly regarded of the Gentiles for the great miracles they haue heard to haue bene done by that blessed Apostle neere vnto this Church the Portugals haue builded them a Citie in the countrey subiect to the king of Bezeneger which citie although it bee not very great yet in my iudgement it is the fairest in all that part of the Indies and it hath very faire houses and faire gardens in vacant places very well accommodated it hath streete◠large and streight with many Churches of great deuotion their houses be set close one vn 〈◊〉 other with little doores euery house hath his defence so that by that meanes it is of force sufficient to defend y e Portugals against the people of that countrey The Portugals there haue no other possession but their gardens and houses that are within the citie the customes belong to the king of Bezeneger which are very small and easie for that it is a countrey of great riches and great trade there come euery yeere two or three great ships very rich besides many other small ships one of the two great ships goeth for Pegu and the other for Malacca laden with fine Bumbast cloth of euery sort painted which is a rare thing because those kinde of clothes shew as they were gilded with diuers colours and the more they be washed the liuelier the colours will shew Also there is other cloth of Bumbast which is wouen with
diuers colours and is of great value also they make in Sant Tome great store of red Yarne which they die with a roote called Saia and this colour will neuer waste but the more it is washed the more redder it will shew they lade this yarne the greatest part of it for Pegu because that there they worke and weaue it to make cloth according to their owne fashion and with lesser charges It is a maruelous thing to them which haue not seene the lading and vulading of men and merchandize in S. Tome as they do it is a place so dangerous that a man cannot bee serued with small barkes neither can they doe their businesse with the boates of the shippes because they would be beaten in a thousand pieces but they make certaine barkes of purpose high which they call Masadie they be made of litle boards one board being sowed to another with small cordes and in this order are they made And when they are thus made and the owners will embarke any thing in them either men or goods they lade them on land and when they are laden the Barke-men thrust the boate with her lading into the streame and with great speed they make haste all that they are able to rowe out against the huge waues of the sea that are on that shore vntill that they carie them to the ships and in like maner they lade these Masadies at the shippes with merchandise and men When they come neere the shore the Barke-men leap out of the Barke into the Sea to keepe the Barke right that she cast not thwart the shore and being kept right the Suffe of the Sea setteth her lading dry on land without any hurt or danger and sometimes there are some of them that are ouerthrowen but there can be no great losse because they lade but a litle at a time All the marchandize they lade outwards they emball it well with Ore hides so that if it take wet it can haue no great harme In my voyage returning in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and sixe I went from Goa vnto Malacca in a shippe or Gallion of the king of Portugal which went vnto Banda for to lade Nutmegs Maces from Goa to Malacca are one thousand eight hundred miles we passed without the Iland Zeilan and went through the chanell of Nicubar or els through the chanell of Sombrero which is by the middle of the Iland of Sumatra called in olde time Taprobana and from Nicubar to Pegu is as it were a rowe or chaine of an infinite number of Ilands of which many are inhabited with wilde people and they call those Ilands the Ilands of Andemaon and they call their people sauage or wilde because they eate one another also these Ilands haue warre one with another for they haue small Barkes and with them they take one another and so eate one another and if by euil chance any ship be lost on those Ilands as many haue bene there is not one man of those ships lost there that escapeth vneaten or vnslaine These people haue not any acquaintance with any other people neither haue they trade with any but liue onely of such fruites as those Ilands yeeld and if any ship come neere vnto that place or coast as they passe that way as in my voyage it happened as I came from Malacca through the chanell of Sombrero there came two of their Barkes neere vnto our ship laden with fruite as with Mouces which wee call Adams apples with fresh Nuts and with a fruite called Inani which fruite is like to our Turneps but is very sweete and good to eate they would not come into the shippe for any thing that wee could doe neither would they take any money for their fruite but they would trucke for olde shirtes or pieces of olde linnen breeches these ragges they let downe with a rope into their Barke vnto them and looke what they thought those things to bee woorth so much fruite they would make fast to the rope and let vs hale it in and it was told me that at sometimes a man shall haue for an old shirt a good piece of Amber Sumatra THis Iland of Sumatra is a great Iland and deuided and gouerned by many kings and deuided into many chanels where through there is passage vpon the headland towardes the West is the kingdom of Assi gouerned by a Moore king this king is of great force and strength as he that beside his great kingdom hath many Foists and Gallies In his kingdom groweth great store of Pepper Ginger Beniamin he is an vtter enemy to the Portugals and hath diuers times bene at Malacca to fight against it and hath done great harme to the boroughts thereof but the citie alway withstood him valiantly and with their ordinance did great spoile to his campe At length I came to the citie of Malacca The Citie Malacca MAlacca is a Citie of marueilous great trade of all kind of marchandize which come from diuers partes because that all the shippes that saile in these seas both great and small are bound to touch at Malacca to paie their custome there although they vnlade nothing at all as we doe at Elsinor and if by night they escape away and pay not their custome then they fall into a greater danger after for if they come into the Indies and haue not the seale of Malacca they pay double custome I haue not passed further then Malacca towards the East but that which I wil speake of here is by good information of them that haue bene there The sailing from Malacca towards the East is not common for all men as to China and Iapan and so forwards to go who will but onely for the king of Portugall and his nobles with leaue granted vnto them of the king to make such voiages or to the iurisdiction of the captaine of Malacca where he expecteth to know what voiages they make from Malacca thither these are the kings voiages that euery yere there departeth frō Malacca 2. gallions of the kings one of thē goeth to y e Moluccos to lade Cloues and the other goeth to Banda to lade Nutmegs and Maces These two gallions are laden for the king neither doe they carie any particular mans goods sauing the portage of the Mariners and souldiers and for this cause they are not voiages for marchants because that going thither they shal not haue where to lade their goods of returne and besides this the captaine will not cary any marchant for either of these two places There goe small shippes of the Moores thither which come from the coast of Iaua and change or guild their commodities in the kingdom of Assa and these be the Maces Cloues and Nutmegs which go for the streights of Mecca The voiages that the king of Portugall granteth to his nobles are these of China and Iapan from China to Iapan and from Iapan to
Zerzerline neere vnto the kingdome of Orisa and so wee came to Orisa with many sicke and more that were dead for want of water and they that were sicke in foure dayes dyed and I for the space of a yeere after had my throat so sore and hoarse that I could neuer satisfie my thirst in drinking of water I iudge the reason of my hoarsenesse to bee with soppes that I wet in vineger and oyle wherewith I susteyned my selfe many dayes There was not any want of bread nor of wine but the wines of that countrey are so hot that being drunke without water they will kill a man neither are they able to drinke them when we beganne to want water I sawe certaine Moores that were officers in the ship that solde a small dish full for a duckat after this I sawe one that would haue giuen a barre of Pepper which is two quintalles and a halfe for a litle measure of water and he could not haue it Truely I beleeue that I had died with my slaue whom then I had to serue mee which cost mee verie deare but to prouide for the daunger at hand I solde my slaue for halfe that he was worth because that I would saue his drinke that he drunke to serue my owne purpose and to saue my life Of the kingdome of Orisa and the riuer Ganges ORisa was a faire kingdome and trustie through the which a man might haue gone with golde in his hande without any daunger at all as long as the lawefull King reigned which was a Gentile who continued in the citie called Catecha which was within the land sixe dayes iourney This king loued strangers marueilous well especially marchants which has traffique in and out of his kingdome in such wise that hee would take no custome of them neither any other grieuous thing Onely the shippe that came thither payde a small thing according to her portage and euery yeere in the port of Orisa were laden fiue and twentie or thirtie ships great and small with ryce and diuers sortes of fine white bumbaste cloth oyle of Zerzeline which they make of a seed and it is very good to eate and to fry fish withal great store of butter Lacca long pepper Ginger Mirabolans dry and condite great store of cloth of herbes which is a kinde of silke which groweth amongst the woods without any labour of man and when the bole thereof is growen round as bigge as an Orenge then they take care onely to gather them About sixteene yeeres past this king with his kingdome were destroyed by the king of Patane which was also king of the greatest part of Bengala and when he had got the kingdome he set custome there twenty pro cento as Marchants paide in his kingdome but this tyrant enioyed his kingdome but a small time but was conquered by another tyrant which was the great Mogol king of Agra Delly and of all Cambaia without any resistance I departed from Orisa to Bengala to the harbour Piqueno which is distant from Orisa towardes the East a hundred and seuentie miles They goe as it were rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles and then we enter into the riuer Ganges from the mouth of this riuer to a citie called Satagan where the marchants gather themselues together with their trade are a hundred miles which they rowe in eighteene houres with the increase of the water in which riuer it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis and when the ebbing water is come they are not able to rowe against it by reason of the swiftnesse of the water yet their barkes be light and armed with oares like to Foistes yet they cannot preuaile against that streame but for refuge must make them fast to the banke of the riuer vntill the next flowing water and they call these barkes Bazaras and Patuas they rowe as well as a Galliot or as well as euer I haue seene any A good tides rowing before you come to Satagan you shall haue a place which is called Buttor and from thence vpwards the ships doe not goe because that vpwardes the riuer is very shallowe and litle water Euery yeere at Buttor they make and vnmake a Uillage with houses and shoppes made of strawe and with all things necessarie to their vses and this village standeth as long as the ships ride there and till they depart for the Indies and when they are departed euery man goeth to his plot of houses and there setteth fire on them which thing made me to maruaile For as I passed vp to Satagan I sawe this village standing with a great number of people with an infinite number of ships and Bazars and at my returne comming downe with my Captaine of the last ship for whom I carried I was al amazed to see such a place so soone razed and burnt nothing left but the signe of the burnt houses The small ships go to Satagan and there they lade Of the citie of Satagan IN the port of Satagan euery yeere lade thirtie or fiue and thirtie ships great and small with rice cloth of Bombast of diuerse sortes Lacca great abundance of sugar Mirabolans dried and preserued long pepper oyle of Zerzeline and many other sorts of marchandise The citie of Satagan is a reasonable faire citie for a citie of the Moores abounding with all things and was gouerned by the king of Patane and now is subiect to the great Mogol I was in this kingdome foure moneths whereas many marchants did buy or fraight boates for their benefites and with these barkes they goe vp and downe the riuer of Ganges to faires buying their commoditie with a great aduantage because that eueryday in the weeke they haue a 〈◊〉 now in one place and now in another and I also hired a barke and went vp and downe the riuer and did my businesse and so in the night I saw many strange things The kingdome of Bengala in times past hath bene as it were in the power of Moores neuerthelesse there is great store of Gentiles among them alwayes whereas I haue spoken of Gentiles is to be vnderstood Idolaters and wheras I speak of Moores I meane Mahomets sect Those people especially that be within the land doe greatly worship the riuer of Ganges for when any is sicke he is brought out of the countrey to the banke of the riuer and there they make him a small cottage of strawe and euery day they wet him with that water whereof there are many that die and when they are dead they make a heape of stickes and boughes and lay the dead bodie thereon and putting fire thereunto they let the bodie aâ—ne vntill it be halfe rosted and then they take it off from the fire and make an emptie iarre fast about his necke and so throw him into the riuer These things euery night as I passed vp and downe the riuer I saw for the space of two moneths as I passed to
falchines of the king of Pegu which chaunced about a moneth after the king of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere the kingdome of Sion They haue for custome in this Countrey and kingdome the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his kingdome that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of Falchines with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or other delicates of refreshings and with cleane clothes it chaunced that this Carouan passing by Martauan and resting themselues there a night there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight and from wordes to blowes and because it was thought that the Portugales had the worse the night following when the Falchines were a sleepe with their companie the Portugales went and cut off fiue of their heads Now there is a lawe in Pegu that whosoeuer killeth a man he shall buy the shed blood with his money according to the estate of the person that is slaine but these Falchines being the seruants of the king the Retors durst not doe any thing in the matter without the consent of the king because it was necessarie that the king should knowe of such a matter When the king had knowledge thereof he gaue commaundement that the male factors should be kept vntill his comming home and then he would duely minister iustice but the Captaine of the Portugales would not deliuer those men but rather set himselfe with all the rest in armes and went euery day through the Citie marching with his Drumme and ensignes displayd For at that time the Citie was emptie of men by reason they were gone all to the warres and in businesse of the king in the middest of this rumour wee came thither and I thought it a strange thing to see the Portugales vse such insolencie in another mans Citie And I stoode in doubt of that which came to passe and would not vnlade my goods because that they were more sure in the shippe then on the land the greatest part of the lading was the owners of the shippe who was in Malacca yet there were diuerse marchants there but their goods were of small importance all those marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there vnlesse I would vnlade first yet after they left my counsell and followed their owne and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit The Rector with the customer sent for mee and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande and payed my custome as other men did To whom I answered that I was a marchant that was newly come thither and seeing such disorder amongst the Portugales I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare with the sweate of my face and for this cause I was determined not to put my goods on lande vntill such time as his honour would assure me in the name of the king that I should haue no losse and although there came harme to thē Portugales that neither I nor my goods should haue any hurt because I had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult my reason sounded well in the Retors eares and so presently he sent for the Bargits which are as Counsellers of the Citie and there they promised mee on the kings head or in the behalfe of the king that neither I nor my goods should haue any harme but that we should be safe and sure of which promise there were made publike notes And then I sent for my goods and had them on land and payde my custome which is in that countrey ten in the hundreth of the same goods and for my more securitie I tooke a house right against the Retors house The Captaine of the Portugales and all the Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie and I with twentie and two poore men which were officers in the shippe had my dwelling in the Citie After this the Gentiles deuised to be reuenged of the Portugales but they would not put it in execution vntill such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods and then the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some Elephants of warre and before that they made any tumult in the citie the Retor sent and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the Citie when they heard any rumour or noyse that for any thing they should not goe out of their houses as they tendered their owne health Then foure houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre with Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the Portugales and their houses of wood and strawe in the which tumult there were some Portugales wounded and one of them slaine and others without making proofe of their manhoode which the day before did so bragge at that time put themselues to flight most shamefully and saued themselues a boord of litle shippes that were at an anker in the harbour and some that were in their beds fled away naked and that night they caried away all the Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie and those Portugales that had their goods in the suburbes also After this the Portugales that were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues tooke a newe courage to themselues and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes which houses being made of boorde and strawe and the winde blowing fresh in small time were burnt and consumed with which fire halfe the Citie had like to haue beene burnt when the Portugales had done this they were without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe which goods might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats which if they had not set fire to the towne they might haue had againe withont any losse at all Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the consent of the king but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie ware very ill content knowing that they had made a great fault yet the next morning following the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their ordinance against the Citie which batterie of theirs continued foure dayes but all was in vaine for the shotte neuer hit the Citie but lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it so that the citie had no harme When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against the Citie hee tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the Citie and sent them foure miles into the Countrey there to tarry vntill such time as the other Portugales were departed that made the batterie who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any harme done vnto them I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard appointed me by the Retor that no man should doe me iniurie nor harme me nor my goods in such wise that hee perfourmed all
that he had promised me in the name of the king but he would not let me depart before the comming of the king which was greatly to my hinderance because I was twenty and one moneths sequestred that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of marchandize Those commodities that I brought thither were peper sandols and Porcellan of China so when the king was come home I made my supplication vnto him and I was licenced to depart when I would From Martauan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie in the kingdome of Pegu which is also called after the name of the kingdome which voyage is made by sea in three or foure daies they may goe also by lande but it is better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea and lesser charge And in this voyage you shall haue a Macareo which is one of the most marueilous things in the world that nature hath wrought and I neuer saw any thing so hard to be beleeued as this to wit the great increasing diminishng of the water there at one push or instant and the horrible earthquake and great noyse that the said Macareo maketh where it commeth We departed from Martauan in barkes which are like to our Pylot boates with the increase of the water and they goe as swift as an arrowe out of a bow so long as the tide runneth with them and when the water is at the highest then they drawe themselues out of the Chanell towardes some banke and there they come to anker and when the water is diminished then they rest on dry land and when the barkes rest dry they are as high from the bottome of the Chanell as any house top is high from the ground They let their barkes lie so high for this respect that if there should any shippe rest or ride in the Chanell with such force commeth in the water that it would ouerthrowe shippe or barke yet for all this that the barkes be so farre out of the Channell and though the water hath lost her greatest strength and furie before it come so high yet they make fast their prowe to the streme and oftentimes it maketh them very fearefull and if the anker did not holde her prow vp by strength shee would be ouerthrowen and lost with men and goods When the water beginneth to increase it maketh such a noyse and so great that you would thinke it an earthquake and presently at the first it maketh three waues So that the first washeth ouer the barke from stemme to sterne the second is not so furious as the first and the thirde rayseth the Anker and then for the space of sixe houres while the water encreaseth they rowe with such swiftnesse that you would thinke they did fly in these tydes there must be lost no iot of time for if you arriue not at the stagious before the tyde be spent you must turne backe from whence you came For there is no staying at any place but at these stagions and there is more daunger at one of these places then at another as they be higher and lower one then another When as you returne from Pegu to Martauan they goe but halfe the tide at a time because they will lay their barkes vp aloft on the bankes for the reason aforesayd I could neuer gather any reason of the noyse that this water maketh in the increase of the tide and in deminishing of the water There is another Macareo in Cambaya but that is nothing in comparison of this By the helpe of God we came safe to Pegu which are two cities the olde and the newe in the olde citie are the Marchant strangers and marchantes of the Countrey for there are the greatest doings and the greatest trade This citie is not very great but it hath very great suburbes Their houses be made with canes and couered with leaues or with strawe but the marchants haue all one house or Magason which house they call Godon which is made of brickes and there they put all their goods of any valure to saue them from the often mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuffe In the new citie is the pallace of the king and his abiding place with all his barons and nobles and other gentlemen and in the time that I was there they finished the building of the new citie it is a great citie very plaine and flat and foure square walled round about and with ditches that compasse the wals about with water in which diches are many crocodils it hath no drawe bridges yet it hath twentie gates fiue for euery square on the walles there are many places made for centinels to watch made of wood and couered or guilt with gold the streetes thereof are the fayrest that I haue seene they are as streight as a line from one gate to another and standing at the one gate you may discouer to the other and they are as broad as 10 or 12 men may ride a breast in them and those streetes that be thwart are faire and large these streetes both on the one side and on the other are planted at the doores of the houses with nut trees of India which make a very commodious shadowe the houses be made of wood and couered with a kind of tiles in forme of cups very necessary for their vse the kings palace is in the middle of the citie made in forme of a walled castle with ditches full of water round aboue it the lodgings within are made of wood all ouer gilded with fine pinacles and very costly worke couered with plates of golde Truely it may be a kings house within the gate there is a faire large court from the one side to the other wherein there are made places for the strongest and stoutest Eliphants appointed for the seruice of the kings person and amongst all other Eliphants he hath foure that be white a thing so rare that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any such and if this king knowe any other that hath white Eliphantes he sendeth for them as for a gift The time that I was there there were two brought out of a farre Countrey and that cost me something the sigth of them for that they commaund the marchants to goe to see them and then they must giue somewhat to the men that bring them the brokers of the marchants giue for euery man halfe a duckat which they call a Tansa which amounteth to a great summe for the number of merchants that are in that citie and when they haue payde the aforesayde Tansa they may chuse whether they will see them at that time or no because that when they are in the kings stall euery man may see them that will but at that time they must goe and see them for it is the kings pleasure it should be so This King amongst all other his titles is called the King of the white
Eliphants and it is reported that if this king knewe any other king that had any of these white Eliphantes and would not send them vnto him that he would hazard his whole kingdome to conquer them he esteemeth these white Eliphants very deerely and they are had in great regard and kept with very meete seruice euery one of them is in a house all guilded ouer and they haue their meate giuen them in vessels of siluer and golde there is one blacke Eliphant the greatest that hath bene seene and he is kept according to his bignesse he is nine cubiâ—es high which is a marueilous thing It is reported that this king hath foure thousand Elephants of warre and all haue their â—eeth and they vse to put on their two vppermost teeth sharpe pikes of yron and make them fast with rings because these beastes fight and make battell with their teeth hee hath also very many yong Eliphants that haue not their teeth sprowted foorth also this king hath a braue deuise in hunting to take these Eliphants when hee will two miles from the Citie He hath builded a faire pallace all guilded and within it a faire Court and within it and â—ounde about there are made an infinite number of places for men to stande to see this hunting neere vnto this Pallace is a mighâ—y great wood through the which the hunâ—s-men of the king ride continually oâ— the backs of the feminine Eliphants teaching them in this businesse Euery hunter carieth out with him fiue or siâ—e of these feminines and they say that they anoynt the secret place with a certaine composition that they haue that when the wilde Eliphant doeth smell thereâ—nto they followe the fâ—miniâ—es and cannot leaue them when the hunts-men haue made prouision the Eliphant is so entangled thâ—y guide the feminines towards the Pallace which is called Tambell and this Pallace hath a doore which doth open and shut with engines before which doore there is a long streight way with trees on both the sides which couereth the way in such wise as it is like darkenesse in a corner the wilde Eliphant when he commeth to this way thinketh that he is in the wooâ—s At the end of this darke way there is a great field when the hunters haue gotten this praye when they first come to this field they send presently to giue knowledge thereof to the Citie and with all speed there go out fiftie or sixtie men on horsebacke and doe beset the fielde rounde about in the great fielde then the females which are taught in this businesse goe directly to the mouth of the darke way and when as the wilde Eliphant is entred in there the huntâ—rs shoute and make a great noyse asmuch as is possible to make the wilde Eliphant enter in at the gate of that Pallace which is then open and assoone as hee is in the gate is shut without any noyse and so the hunters with the female Eliphantsâ— and the wilde one are all in the Court together and then within a small time the females withdraw themselues away one by one out of the Court leauing the wilde Eliphant alone and when he perceiueth that he is left alone he is so madde that for two or three houres to see him it is the greatest pleasure in the world he weepeth hee flingeth hee runneth he iustleth hee thrusteth vnder the places where the people stand to see him thinking to kil some of them but the posts and timber is so strong and great that hee cannot hurt any body yet hee oftentimes breaketh his teeth in the grates At length when hee is weary and hath laboured his body that hee is all wet with sweat then he plucketh in his truncke into his mouth and then hee throweth out so much water out of his belly that he sprinckleth it ouer the heades of the lookers on to the vttermost of them although it bee very high and then when they see him very weary there goe certaine officers into the Court with long sharpe canes in their haâ—ds and prick him that they make him to goe into oâ—e of the houses that is made alongst the Court for the same purpose as there are many which are made long and narrow that when the Eliphant is in he cannot turne himself to go backe againe And it is requisite that these men should be very wary and swift for although their canes be long yet the Eliphant would kill them if they were not swift to saue themselues at length when they haue gotten him into one of those houses they stand ouer him in a loft and get ropes vnder his belly and about his necke and about his legges and binde him fast and so let him stand foure or fiue dayes and giue him neither meate nor drinke At the ende of these foure or fiue dayes they vnloose him and put one of the females vnto him and giue them meate and drinke and in eight dayes he is become tame In my iudgment there is not a beast so intellectiue as are these Eliphants nor of more vnderstanding in al the world for he wil do all things that his keeper saith so that he lacketh nothing but humaine speech It is reported that the greatest strength that the king of Pegu hath is in these Eliphants for when they goe to battell they let on their backes a Castle of wood bound thereto with hands vnder their bellies and in euery Castle foure men very commodiously set to fight with hargubushes with bowes and arrowes with darts and pikes and other launcing weapons and they say that the skinne of this Eliphant is so hard that an harquebusse will not pierce it vnlesse it bee in the eye temples or some other tender place of his body And besides this they are of great strength and haue a very eâ—cellent order in their battel as I haue seene at their feastes which they make in the yeere in which feastes the king maketh triumphes which is a rare thing and worthy memorie that in so barbarous a people there should be such goodly orders as they haue in their aâ—â—ies which be distinct in squares of Eliphants of horsemen of harquebushers and pikemen that â—â—uly the number of them are infinite but their armour and weapons are very nought and weake as well the one as the other they haue very had pikes their swords are worse made like long kniues without points his harquebushes are most excellent and alway in his warres he hath eightie thousand harquebushes and the number of them encreaseth dayly Because the king will haue them shoote euery day at the Plancke and so by continuall exercise they become most excellent shot also hee hath great Ordinance made of very good mettall to conclude there is not a King on the earth that hath more power or strength then this king of Pegu because hee hath twentie and sixe crowned kings at his commaunde He can make in his Campe a million
the streits of Mecca for Ormus and other places and these be shippes of the Moores and of Christians But the Moores cannot passe except they haue a passeport from the Portugales Cambaietta is the chiefe citie of that prouince which is great and very populous and fairely builded for a towne of the Gentiles but if there happen any famine the people will sell their children for very little The last king of Cambaia was Sultan Badu which was killed at the siege of Diu and shortly after his citie was taken by the great Mogor which is the king of Agra and of Delli which are fortie dayes iourney from the country of Cambaia Here the women weare vpon their armes infinite numbers of rings made of Elepsants teeth wherein they take so much delight that they had rather be without their meate then without their bracelets Going from Diu we come to Daman the second towne of the Portugales in the countrey of Cambaia which is distant from Diu fortie leagues Here is no â—rade but of corne and rice They haue many villages vnder them which they quietly possesse in time of peace but in time of warre the enemie is maister of them From thence we passed by Basaim and from Basaim to Tana at both which places is small trade but only of corne and rice The tenth of Nouember we arriued at Chaul which standeth in the firme land There be two townes the one belonging to the Portugales and the other to the Moores That of the Portugales is neerest to the sea and commaundeth the bay and is walled round about A little aboue that is the towne of the Moores which is gouerned by a Moore king called Xa-Maluco Here is great traffike for all sortes of spices and drugges silke and cloth of silke sandales Elephants teeth and much China worke and much sugar which is made of the nutte called Gagara the tree is called the palmer which is the profitablest tree in the worlde it doth alwayes beare fruit and doth yeeld wine oyle sugar vineger cordes coles of the leaues are made thatch for the houses sayles for shippes mats to sit or lie on of the branches they make their houses and broomes to sweepe of the tree wood for shippes The wine doeth issue out of the toppe of the tree They cut a branch of a bowe and binde it hard and hange an earthen pot vpon it which they emptie euery morning and euery euening and still it and put in certaine dried raysins and it becommeth very strong wine in short time Hither many shippes come from all partes of India Ormus and many from Mecca heere be manie Moores and Gentiles They haue a very strange order among them they worshippe a cowe and esteeme much of the cowes doung to paint the walles of their houses They will kill nothing not so much as a louse for they holde it a sinne to kill any thing They eate no flesh but liue by rootes and ryce and milke And when the husbande dieth his wife is burned with him if shee be aliue if shee will not her head is shauen and then is neuer any account made of her after They say if they should be buried it were a great sinne for oâ— their bodies there would come many wormes and other vermine and when their bodies were consumed those wormes would lacke sustenance which were a sinne therefore they will be burned In Cambaia they will kill nothing nor haue any thing killed in the towne they haue hospitals to keepe lame dogs and cats and for birds They will giue meat to the Ants. Goa is the most principal citie which the Portugals haue in India wherin the Uiceroy remaineth with his court It standeth in an Iland which may be 25. or 30. miles about It is a fâ—â—e citie and for an Indian towne very faire The Iland is very faire full of orchards and gardens and many palmer trees and hath some villages Here bee many marchants of all nations And the Fleete which commeth euery yeere from Portugal which be foure fiue or sixe great shippes commeth first hither And they come for the most part in September and remaine there fortie or fiftie dayes and then goe to Cochin where they lade their Pepper for Portugall Oftentimes they lade one in Goa the rest goe to Cochin which is from Goa an hundred leagues southward Goa standeth in the countrey of Hidalcan who lieth in the countrey sixe or seuen dayes iourney His chiefe citie is called Bisapor At our comming we were cast into the prison and examined before the Iustice and demanded for letters and were charged to be spies but they could prooue nothing by vs. We continued in prison vntill the two and twentie of December and then we were set at libertie putting in sureties for two thousand duckats not to depart the towne which sureties father Steuens an English Iesuite which we found there another religious maÌ„ a friend of his procured for vs. Our sureties name was Andreas Taborer to whom we paid 2150. duckats and still he demaunded more whereupon we made sute to the Uiceroy and Iustice to haue our money againe considering that they had had it in their hands neere fiue moneths and could prooue nothing against vs. The Uiceroy made vs a very sharpe answere and sayd wee should be better sifted before it were long and that they had further matter against vs. Whereupon we presently determined rather to seeke our liberties then to bee in danger for euer to be slaues in the country for it was told vs we should haue y e strapado Wherupon presently the fift day of April 1585. in the morning we ranne from thence And being set ouer the riuer we went two dayes on foote not without feare not knowing the way nor hauing any guide for we durst trust none Oue of the first townes which we came vnto is called Bellergan where there is a great market kept of Diamants Rubies Saphires and many other soft stones From Bellergan we went to Bisapor which is a very great towne where the king doeth keepe his court Hee hath many Gentiles in his court and they bee great idolaters And they haue their idols standing in the Woods which they call Pagodes Some bee like a Cowe some like a Monkie some like Buffles some like peacockes and some like the deuill Here be very many elephants which they goe to warre withall Here they haue good store of gold and siluer their houses are of stone very faire and high From hence wee went for Gulconda the king whereof is called Cuâ—up de lashach Here and in the kingdome of Hidalcan and in the countrey of the king of Decan bee the Diamants found of the olde water It is a very faire towne pleasant with faire houses of bricke and timber it aboundeth with great store of fruites and fresh water Here the men and the women do go with a cloth bound about their middles without any more apparell
right way was full of thieues where we passed the countrey of Gouren where we found but few villages but almost all wildernes saw many buffes swine deere grasse longer then a mā and very many Tigers Not far from Porto Piqueno southwestward standeth an hauen which is called Angeli in the countrey of Orixa It was a kingdom of it selfe the king was a great friend to strangers Afterwards it was taken by the king of Patan which was their neighbour but he did not enioy it long but was taken by Zelabdim Echebar which is king of Agra Delli Cambaia Orixa standeth 6. daies iourney from Satagan southwestward In this place is very much Rice and cloth made of cotton great store of cloth which is made of grasse which they call Yerua it is like a silke They make good cloth of it which they send for India diuers other places To this hauen of Angeli come euery yere many ships out of India Negapatan Sumatra Malacca and diuers other places lade from thence great store of Rice much cloth of cotton wooll much sugar long pepper great store of butter other victuals for India Satagam is a faire citie for a citie of the Moores and very plentifull of all things Here in Bengala they haue euery day in one place or other a great market which they call Chandeau and they haue many great boats which they cal pericose wherewithall they go from place to place and buy Rice and many other things these boates haue 24. or 26. oares to rowe them they be great of burthen but haue no couerture Here the Gentiles haue the water of Ganges in great estimation for hauing good water neere them yet they will fetch the water of Ganges a great way off and if they haue not sufficient to drinke they will sprinkle a litle on them and then they thinke themselues well From Satagam I trauelled by the countrey of the king of Tippara or porto Grande with whom the Mogores or Mogen haue almost continuall warres The Mogen which be of the kingdom of Recon and Rame be stronger then the king of Tippara so that Chatigan or porto Grande is oftentimes vnder the king of Recon There is a country 4. daies iournie from Couche or Quicheu before mentioned which is called Bottanter and the citie Bottia the king is called Dermain the people whereof are very tall and strong and there are marchants which come out of China they say out of Muscouia or Tartarie And they come to buy muske cambals agats silke pepper and saffron like the saffron of Persia The countrey is very great 3. moneths iourney There are very high mountains in this countrey one of them so steep that when a man is 6. daies iourney off it he may see it perfectly Upon these mountains are people which haue eares of a spanne long if their eares be not long they call them apes They say that when they be vpon the mountaines they see ships in the Sea sayling to and fro but they know not from whence they come nor whether they go There are marchants which come out of the East they say from vnder the sunne which is from China which haue no beards and they say there it is something warme But those which come from the other side of the mountains which is from the North say there it is very cold These Northren merchants are apparelled with woollen cloth and hats white hosen close and bootes which be of Moscouia or Tartarie They report that in their countrey they haue very good horses but they be litle some men haue foure fiue or sixe hundred horses and kine they liue with milke and fleshe They cut the tailes of their kine and sell them very deere for they bee in great request and much esteemed in those partes The haire of them is a yard long the rumpe is aboue a spanne long they vse to hang them for brauerie vpon the heades of their Elephants they bee much vsed in Pegu and China they buie and sell by scores vpon the ground The people be very swift on foote From Chatigan in Bengala I came to Bacola the king whereof is a Gentile a man very well disposed and delighteth much to shoot in a gun His countrey is very great and fruitful and hath store of Rice much cotton cloth and cloth of silke The houses be very faire and high builded the streetes large the people naked except a litle cloth about their waste The women weare great store of siluer hoopes about their neckes and armes and their legs are ringed with siluer and copper and rings made of elephants teeth From Bacola I went to Serrepore which standeth vpon the riuer of Ganges the king is called Chondery They be all hereabout rebels against their king Zebaldim Echebar for here are are so many riuers Ilands that they flee from one to another whereby his horsemen cannot preuaile against them Great store of cotton cloth is made here Sinnergan is a towne sixe leagues from Serrepore where there is the best and finest cloth made of cotton that is in all India The chiefe king of all these countries is called Isacan and he is chiefe of all the other kings and is a great friend to all Christians The houses here as they be in the most part of India are very litle and couered with strawe and haue a fewe mats round about the wals and the doore to keepe out the Tygers and the Foxes Many of the people are very rich Here they will eate no flesh nor kill no beast they liue of Rice milke and fruits They goe with a litle cloth before them and all the rest of their bodies is naked Great store of Cotton cloth goeth from hence and much Rice wherewith they serue all India Ceilon Pegu Malacca Sumatra and many other places I went from Serrepore the 28. of Nouember 1586. for Pegu in a small ship or foist of one Albert Carauallos and so passing downe Ganges and passing by the Island of Sundiua porto Grande or the countrie of Tippera the kingdom of Recon and Mogen leauing them on our left side with a faire wind at Northwest our course was South by East which brought vs to the barre of Negrais in Pegu if any contrary wind had come we had throwen many of our things ouer-boord for we were so pestered with people goods that there was scant place to lie in From Bengala to Peguis 90. leagues We entred the barre of Negrais which is a braue barre hath 4. fadomes water where it hath least Three dayes after we came to Cosmin which is a very pretie towne and standeth very pleasantly very well furnished with all things The people be very tall well disposed the women white round faced with litle eies the houses are high built set vpon great high postes
they go vp to them with long ladders for feare of the Tygers which be very many The countrey is very fruitful of all things Here are very great Figs Orenges Cocoes and other fruits The land is very high that we fall withall but after we be entred the barre it is very lowe and full of riuers for they goe all too and fro in boates which they call paroes and keepe their houses with wife and children in them From the barre of Nigrais to the citie of Pegu is ten dayes iourney by the riuers Wee went from Cosmin to Pegu in Paroes or boates and passing vp the riuers wee came to Medon which is a prety towne where there be a wonderfull number of Paroes for they keepe their houses and their markets in them all vpon the water They rowe too and fro and haue all their marchandizes in their boates with a great Sombrero or shadow ouer their heads to keepe the sunne from them which is as broad as a great cart wheele made of the leaues of the Coco trees and fig trees and is very light From Medon we went to Dela which is a very faire towne and hath a faire port into the sea from whence go many ships to Malacca Mecca and many other places Here are 18. or 20. very great and long houses where they tame and keep many elephants of the kings for there about in the wildernesse they catch the wilde elephants It is a very fruitfull countrey From Dela we went to Cirion which is a good towne and hath a faire porte into the sea whither come many ships from Mecca Malacca Sumatra and from diuers other places And there the ships staie and discharge send vp their goods in Paroes to Pegu. From Cirion we went to Macao which is a pretie towne where we left our boats or Paroes in the morning taking Delingeges which are a kind of Coches made of cords cloth quilted caried vpon a stang betweene 3. or 4. men we came to Pegu the same day Pegu is a citie very great strong and very faire with walles of stone and great ditches round about it There are two townes the old towne and the newe In the olde towne are all the marchants strangers and very many marchants of the countrey All the goods are sold in the olde towne which is very great and hath many suburbes round about it and all the houses are made of Canes which they call Bambos and bee couered with strawe In your house you haue a Warehouse which they call Godon which is made of bricke to put your goods in for oftentimes they take fire and burne in an houre foure or fiue hundred houses so that if the Godon were not you should bee in danger to haue all burned if any winde should rise at a trice In the newe towne is the king and all his Nobilitie and Gentrie It is a citie very great and populous and is made square and with very faire walles and a great ditch round about it full of water with many crocodiles in it it hath twenty gates and they bee made of stone for euery square fiue gates There are also many Turrets for Centinels to watch made of wood and gilded with golde very faire The streets are the fairest that euer I saw as straight as a line from one gate to the other and so broad that tenne or twelue men may ride a front thorow them On both sides of them at euery mans doore is set a palmer tree which is the nut tree which make a very faire shew and a very commodious shadow so that a man may walke in the shade all day The houses be made of wood and couered with tiles The kings house is in the middle of the city and is walled and ditched round about and the buildings within are made of wood very sumptuously gilded and great workemanship is vpon the forefront which is likewise very costly gilded And the house wherein his Pagode or idole standeth is couered with tiles of siluer and all the walles are gilded with golde Within the first gate of the kings house is a great large roome on both sides whereof are houses made for the kings elephants which be maruellous great and faire and are brought vp to warres and in seruice of the king And among the rest he hath foure white elephants which are very strange and rare for there is none other king which hath them but he if any other king hath one hee will send vnto him for it When any of these white elephants is brought vnto the king all the merchants in the city are commanded to see them and to giue him a present of halfe a ducat which doth come to a great summe for that there are many merchants in the city After that you haue giuen your present you may come and see them at your pleasure although they stand in the kings house This king in his title is called the king of the white elephants If any other king haue one and will not send it him he will make warre with him for it for he had rather lose a great part of his kingdome then not to conquere him They do very great seruice vnto these white elephants euery one of them standeth in an house gilded with golde and they doe feede in vessels of siluer and gilt One of them when he doth go to the riuer to be washed as euery day they do goeth vnder a canopy of cloth of golde or of silke carried ouer him by sixe or eight men and eight or ten men goe before him playing on drummes shawmes or other instruments and when he is washed and commeth out of the riuer there is a gentleman which doth wash his feet in a siluer basin which is his office giuen him by the king There is no such account made of any blacke elephant be he neuer so great And surely there be woonderfull faire and great and some be nine cubites in height And they do report that the king hath aboue fiue thousand elephants of warre besides many other which be not taught to fight This king hath a very large place wherein he taketh the wilde elephants It standeth about a mile from Pegu builded with a faire court within and is in a great groue or wood and there be many huntsmen which go into the wildernesse with she elephants for without the she they are not to be taken And they be taught for that purpose and euery hunter hath fiue or sixe of them and they say that they anoint the she elephants with a certaine ointment which when the wild elephant doth smell he will not leaue her When they haue brought the wilde elephant neere vnto the place they send word vnto the towne and many horsemen and footmen come out and cause the she elephant to enter into a strait way which doeth goe to the palace and the she and he do runne in for it is
no Englishmen there but then my guide brought mee aboord a ship of Alderman Martins called the Tyger of London where I was well receiued of the Master of the said ship whose name was Thomas Rickman and of all the company The said Master hauing made me good cheere and made me also to drinke of the water of Nilus hauing the keyes of the English house went thither with me himselfe appointed mee a faire chamber and left a man with me to prouide me all things that I needed and euery day came himselfe to me and caried me into the City and shewed me the monuments thereof which be these He brought mee first to Pompey his pillar which is a mighty thing of gray marble and all of one stone in height by estimation aboue 52. yards and the compasse about sixe fadome The City hath three gates one called the gate of Barbaria the other of Merina and the thirde of Rossetto He brought me to a stone in the streete of the Citie whereupon S. Marke was beheaded to the place where S. Katherine died hauing there hid herselfe because she would not marry also to the Bath of S. Katherine I saw there also Pharaos needle which is a thing in height almost equall with Pompeys pillar and is in compasse fiue fadome and a halfe and all of one stone I was brought also to a most braue and daintie Bath where we washed our selues the Bath being of marble and of very curious workemanship The Citie standeth vpon great arches or vawtes like vnto Churches with mightie pillars of marble to holde vp the foundation which arches are built to receiue the water of the riuer of Nilus which is for the vse of the Citie It hath three Castles and a hundred Churches but the part that is destroyed of it is siâ—e times more then that part which standeth The last day of Iuly I departed from Alexandria towards Cayro in a passage boate wherein first I went to Rossetto standing by the riuer side hauing 13. or 14. great churches in it their building there is of stone and bricke but as for lodging there is litle except we bring it with vs. From Rossetto wee passed along the riuer of Nilus which is so famous in the world twise as broad as the Thames at London on both sides grow date trees in great abundance The people be rude insomuch that a man cannot traueile without a Ianizary to conduct him The time that I stayed in AEgypt was the Turkes and Moores Lent in all which time they burne lamps in their churches as many as may hang in them their Lent endureth 40. dayes and they haue three Lents in the yere during which time they neither eate nor drink in the day time but all the night they do nothing else Betwixt Rossetto and Cayro there are along the water side three hundred cities and townes and the length of the way is not aboue three hundred miles To this famous Citie of Cayro I came the fift day of August where I found M. William Alday and William Caesar who intertained me in very good sort M. Caesar brought me to see the Pyramides which are three in number one whereof king Pharao made for his owne tombe the tombe it selfe is almost in the top of it the monuments bee high and in forme 4. square and euery of the squares is as long as a man may shoote a rouing arrowe and as high as a Church I sawe also the ruines of the Citie of Memphis hard by those Pyramides The house of Ioseph is yet standing in Cayro which is a sumptuous thing hauing a place to walke in of 56. mighty pillars all gilt with gold but I saw it not being then lame The 11. day of August the lande was cut at Cayro to let in the water of the riuer of Nilus which was done with great ioy and triumph The 12. of August I set from Cayro towards Alexandria againe and came thither the 14. of August The 26. day there was kept a great feast of the Turkes and Moores which lasted two dayes and for a day they neuer ceased shooting off of great Ordinance From Alexandria I sailed to Argier where I lay with M. Typton Consull of the English nation who vsed me most kindly and at his owne charge Hee brought mee to the kings Court and into the presence of the King to see him and the maners of the Court the King doeth onely beare the name of a King but the greatest gouernment is in the hands of the souldiers The king of Potanca is prisoner in Argier who comming to Constantinople to acknowledge a duety to the great Turke was betrayed by his owne nephew who wrote to the Turke that hee went onely as a spy by that meanes to get his kingdome I heard at Argier of seuen Gallies that were at that time cast away at a towne called Formentera three of them were of Argier the other foure were the Christians We found here also 13. Englishmen which were by force of weather put into the bay of Tunis where they were very ill vsed by the Moores who forced them to leaue their barke whereupon they went to the Councell of Argier to require a redresse and remedy for the iniurie They were all belonging to the shippe called the Golden Noble of London whereof Master Birde is owner The Master was Stephen Haselwood and the Captaine Edmond Bence The thirde day of December the pinnesse called the Mooneshine of London came to Argier with a prize which they tooke vpon the coast of Spaine laden with sugar hides and ginger the pinnesse also belonging to the Golden Noble and at Argier they made sale both of shippe and goods where wee left them at our comming away which was the seuenth day of Ianuarie and the first day of February I landed at Dartmouth and the seuenth day came to London with humble thankes to Almightie God for my safe arriuall A true report of a worthy fight performed in the voyage from Turkie by fiue Ships of London against 11. Gallies and two Frigats of the King of Spaines at Pantalarea within the Streights Anno 1586. Written by Philip Iones THe Marchants of London being of the incorporation of the Turky trade hauing receiued intelligences and aduertisements from time to time that the King of Spaine grudging at the prosperitie of this kingdome had not onely of late arrested al English ships bodies and goods in Spaine but also maligning the quiet trafique which they vsed to and in the dominions and prouinces vnder the obedience of the Great Turke had giuen order to the Captaines of his gallies in the Leuant to hinder the passage of all English ships and to endeuour by their best meanes to intercept take and spoile them their persons and goods they hereupon thought it their best course to set out their fleete for Turkie in such strength and abilitie for their defence that the purpose of their Spanish enemie might
lands The Lord Chancellor is called Nissangi Bassa who sealeth with a certaine proper character such licences safe conducts passeports especiall graunts c. as proceed from the Grand Signior not withstanding all letters to forreine princes so firmed be after inclosed in a bagge and sealed by the Grand Signior with a signet which he ordinarily weareth about his necke credited of them to haue bene of ancient appertayning to king Salomon the wise The Admirall giueth his voyce in the election of all Begs Captaines of Islandes to whom hee giueth their charge as also appointeth the Subbassas Bayliffes or Constables ouer Cities and Townes vpon the Sea coastes about Constantinople and in the Archipelago whereof hee reapeth great profit The Subbassi of Pera payeth him yeerely fifteene thousande ducats and so likewise either of the others according as they are placed The Ressistop serueth in office to the Uiceroy and Chancellor as Secretary and so likewise doeth the Cogie Master of the Rolls before which two passe all writings presented to or granted by the said Uiceroy and Chancellor offices of especiall credite and like profite moreouer rewarded with annuities of lands There are also two chiefe Iudges named Cadi Lesker the one ouer Europe and the other ouer Asia and Africa which in Court doe sit on the Bench at the left hand of the Bassas These sell all offices to the vnder Iudges of the land called Cadies whereof is one in euery Citie or towne before whom all matters in controuersie are by iudgement decided as also penalties and corrections for crimes ordained to be executed vpon the offenders by the Subbassi The number of Souldiers continually attending vpon the Beglerbegs the gouernours of Prouinces and Saniacks and their petie Captaines mainteined of these Prouinces The Beglerbegs Of persons GRaecia fourtie thousand Buda fifteene thousand Sclauonia fifteene thousand Natolia fifteene thousand Caramania fifteene thousand Armonia eighteene thousand Persia twentie thousand Vsdrum fifteene thousand Chirusta fifteene thousand Caraemiti thirtie thousand Giersul two and thirtie thousand The Beglerbegs Of persons BAgdat fiue and twentie thousand Balsara two and twenty thousand Lassaija seuenteene thousand Alepo fiue and twentie thousand Damasco seuenteene thousand Cayro twelue thousand Abes twelue thousand Mecca eight thousand Cyprus eighteene thousand Tunis in Barbary eight thousand Tripolis in Syria eight thousand Alger fourtie thousand Whose Sangiacks and petie Captaines be three hundred sixtie eight euery of which retaining continually in pay from fiue hundreth to two hundreth Souldiers may be one with another at the least three hundreth thousand persons Chiefe officers in his Seraglio about his person Be these CApiaga High porter Alnader Bassi Treasurer Oda Balsi Chamberlaine Killergi Bassi Steward Saraiaga Comptroller Peskerolen Groome of the chamber Edostoglan Gentleman of the Ewer Sehetaraga Armour bearer Choataraga he that carieth his riding cloake Ebietaraga Groome of the stoole There be many other maner Officers which I esteeme superfluous to write The Turkes yeerely reuenue THe Grand Signiors annual reuenue is said to be foureteene Millions and an halfe of golden ducats which is sterling fiue millions eight score thousand pounds The tribute payd by the Christians his Subiects is one gold ducat yeerely for the redemption of euery head which may amount vnto not so litle as one Million of golden ducats which is sterling three hundred threescore thousand pounds Moreouer in time of warre he exacteth manifolde summes for maintenance of his Armie and Nauie of the said Christians The Emperour payeth him yeerely tribute for Hungary threescore thousand dollers which is sterling thirteene thousand pound besides presents to the Uiceroy and Bassas which are said to surmount to twentie thousand dollers Ambassadors allowances THe Ambassadour of the Emperor is allowed one thousand Aspers the day The Ambassadour of the French king heretofore enioyed the like but of late yeeres by meanes of displeasure conceiued by Mahumet then Viceroy it was reduced to sixe crownes the day beside the prouision of his Esquier of his stable The Ambassadours of Poland and for the state of Venice are not Ligiers as these two abouesaid The said Polack is allowed 12. French crownes the day during his abode which may be for a moneth Uery seldome do the state of Venice send any Ambassador otherwise then enforced of vrgent necessity but in stead thereof keepe there their Agent president ouer other Marchants of them termed a bailife who hath none allowance of the Grand Signior although his port state is in maner as magnifical as the other aforesaid ambassadors The Spanish Ambassador was equall with others in Ianizaries but for so much as he would not according to custome folow the list of other ambassadors in making presents to y e Grand Signior he had none alowance His abode there was 3. yeres at the end wherof hauing coÌ„cluded a truce for 6. yeres taking place froÌ„ his first comming in Nouember last past 1580. he was not admitted to the presence of the Grand Signior The letters of Sinan Bassa chiefe counsellour to Sultan Murad Can the Grand Signior to the sacred Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England shewing that vpon her request and for her sake especially hee graunted peace vnto the King and kingdome of Poland GLoriosissima splendore fulgidissima foeminarum selectissima Princeps magnanimorum â—ESVM sectantium regni inclyti Angliae Regina Serenissima Elizabetha moderatrix rerum negotiorum omnium plebis familiae Nazarenorum sapientissima Origo splendoris gloriae dulcissima nubes pluuiarum gratissima heres domina beatitudinis gloriae regni inclyti Anglie ad quam omnes supplices confugiunt incrementum omnium rerum actionum Serenitatis vestrae beatissimum exitusque foelicissimos à Creatore omnipotente optantes mutuáeque perpetua familiaritate nostra digna vota laudes sempiterâ—as offerentes Significamus Ser. vestrae amicisimè Quia sunt anni aliquot à quibus annis potentissima Cesarea celsitudo bella ineffabilia cuÌ„ Casul-bas Principe nempe Persarum gessit ratione quorum bellorum in partes alias belluÌ„ mouere noluit ob eamque causam in partibus Polonie latâ—ones quidam Cosaci nuncupati alij facinorosi in partibus illis existentes subditos Cesaris potentissimi turbare infestare non desierunt Nunc autem partibus Persicis compositis absolutis in partibus Polonie alijs partibus exurgentes facinoâ—osos punire constiruens Beglerbego Greciae exercitu aliquo adiuncto Principi Tartarorum mandato Cesaris misso anno proximè preterito pars aliqua Regni Poloniae infestata turbata deuastaâ—a fuit Cosaci alijque facinorosi iuxtra merita sua puniti fuerunt Quo rex Polonie viso duos legatos ad CesareaÌ„ celsitudineÌ„ mittens quòd facinorosos exquirere poena perfecta punire ab annis multis ad portam Cesaree celsitudinis missum munus augere vellet significauiâ— Cesarea autem celsitudo cui Creator omnipotens tantam suppeditauit potentiam
sword and he tooke their city which was very mighty seated vpon the sea which is called Ceuta in their language Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris 1482 anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito de que el Rey muyto confiaua é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas é Fernam de Pina por secretario E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada que pera laa faziam per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento é foy delle com muyta honra recebida é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido De que elles trouxeran autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias é com tudo muyto ben acabado é ha vontade del rey se vieram The Ambassage which king Iohn the second king of Portugall sent to Edward the fourth king of England which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea 1481 taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second king of Portugall Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England Ruy de Sonsa a principall person and a man of great wisedome and estimation and in whom the king reposed great trust with doctor Iohn d'Eluas and Ferdinand de Pina as secretarie And they made their voyage by sea very honourably being very well accompanied These men were sent on the behalfe of their king to confirme the ancient leagues with England wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee and also to request him that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men were making by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased and they were receiued of him with very great honour and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed with publication thereof by the heralds and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary And hauing dispatched all things well and with the kings good will they returned home into their countrey A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 and by all circumstances and probabilities long before certaine English marchants and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours some arouas of packthreed sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Tenerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks in those dayes much vsed to die withall some quantity of sugar and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz and to remaine there as factours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne And here also I thought good to signifie that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd A description of the fortunate Ilands otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria with their strange fruits and commodities composed by Thomas Nicols English man who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands which are seuen in number wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more because I finde such variety in sundry writers and especially great vntruths in a booke called The New found world Antarctike set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet the which
write that the king of Portugall sendeth him yeerely eight ships laden with marchandize His kingdom confineth with the red Sea and reacheth far into Afrike toward Aegypt and Barbarie Southward it confineth with the Sea toward the Cape de Bona Speranza and on the other side with the sea of sand called Mare de Sabione a very dangerous sea lying between y e great citie of Alcair or Cairo in Aegypt and the country of Aethiopia In the which way are many vnhabitable deserts continuing for the space of fiue dayes iourney And they affirme that if the sayd Christian Emperor were not hindered by those deserts in the which is great lacke of victuals especially of water he would or now haue inuaded the kingdom of Egypt and the citie of Alcair The chiefe city of Ethiopia where this great emperor is resident is called Amacaiz being a faire citie whose inhabitants are of the colour of an Oliue There are also many other cities as the city of Saua vpon the riuer of Nilus where the Emperour is accustomed to remaine in the Sommer season There is likewise a great city named Barbaregaf and Ascon from whence it is said that the Queene of Saba came to Hierusalem to heare the wisedom of Salomon This citie is but litle yet very faire and one of the chiefe cities in Ethiope In this prouince are many exceeding high mountains vpon the which is said to be the earthly paradise and some say that there are the trees of the Sunne and Moone whereof the antiquitie maketh mention yet that none can passe thither by reason of great deserts of an hundred daies iourney Also beyond these mountains is the Cape of Bona Speranza And to haue said thus much of Afrike it may suffice The first voiage to Guinea and Benin IN the yeere of our Lord 1553. the twelfth day of August sailed from Portsmouth two goodly ships the Primerose and the Lion with a pinnas called the Moone being all well furnished aswell with men of the lustiest sort to the number of seuen score as also with ordinance and victuals requisite to such a voiage hauing also two captaines the one a stranger called Anthonie Anes Pinteado a Portugall borne in a towne named The Port of Portugall a wise discreet and sober man who for his running in sailing being as well an expert Pilot as a politike captaine was sometime in great fauour with the king of Portugall and to whom the coasts of Brasile and Guinea were committed to be kept from the Frenchmen to whom he was a terrour on the Sea in those parts and was furthermore a gentleman of the king his masters house But as fortune in maner neuer fauoureth but flattereth neuer promiseth but deceiueth neuer raiseth but casteth downe againe and as great wealth fauour haue alwaies companions emulation and enuie he was after many aduersities quarels made against him inforced to come into England where in this golden voyage he was euil matched with an vnequal companion and vnlike match of most sundry qualities conditions with vertues few or none adorned Thus departed these noble ships vnder saile on their voyage But first captaine Windam putting forth of his ship at Portsmouth a kinsman of one of the head marchants and shewing herein a muster of the tragicall partes hee had conceiued in his braine and with such small beginnings nourished so monstrous a birth that more happy yea and blessed was that yong man being left behind then if he had bene taken with them as some do wish he had done the like by theirs Thus sailed they on their voyage vntill they came to the Iland of Madera where they tooke in certaine wines for the store of their ships and paid for them as they agreed of the price At these Ilands they met with a great Galion of the king of Portugall full of men and ordinance yet such as could not haue preuailed if it had attempted to withstand or resist our ships for the which cause it was set foorth not onely to let and interrupt these our shippes of their purposed voiage but al other that should attempt the like yet chiefly to frustrate our voiage For the king of Portugall was smisterly informed that our ships were armed to his castle of Mina in those parties whereas nothing lesse was ment After that our ships departed from the Iland of Madera forward on their voiage began this worthy captaine Pinteados sorow as a man tormented with the cōpany of a terrible Hydra who hitherto flattred with him made him a faire countenance and shew of loue Then did he take vpō him to command all alone setting nought both by captain Pinteado and the rest of the marchants factors sometimes with opprobrious words and somtimes with threatnings most shamfully abusing them taking from Pinteado the seruice of the boies and certain mariners that were assigned him by the order and direction of the worshipful merchants and leauing him as a commō mariner which is the greatest despite and grief that can be to a Portugale or Spaniard to be diminished of their honor which they esteem aboue all riches Thus sailing forward on their voiage they came to the Ilands of Canarie continuing their course frō thence vntil they arriued at the Iland of S. Nicholas where they victualled thēselues with fresh meat of the flesh of wild goats whereof of is great plenty in that Iland in maner of nothing els From hence folowing on their course and tarying here there at the desert Ilands in the way because they would not come too timely to the countrey of Guinea for the heat and tarying somwhat too long for what can be well ministred in a commō wealth where inequalitie with tyrannie wil rule alone they came at the length to the first land of the country of Guinea where they fel with the great riuer of Sesto where they might for their marchandizes haue laden their ships with the graines of that countrey which is a very hote fruit and much like vnto a fig as it groweth on the tree For as the figs are full of small seeds so is the said fruit full of graines which are loose within the cod hauing in the mids thereof a hole on euery side This kind of spice is much vsed in cold countries may there be sold for great aduantage for exchange of other wares But our men by the perswasion or rather inforcement of this tragicall captaine not regarding and setting light by that commoditie in comparison of y e fine gold they thirsted sailed an hundred leagues further vntil they came to the golden land where not attempting to come neere the castle pertaining to the king of Portugall which was within the riuer of Mina they made sale of their ware only on this side beyond it for the gold of that coūtry to the quantitie of an hundred and fiftie pounds weight
VEnerant autem ad regem etiam sexcenti Itali quos Papa subministrarat Comiti Irlandiae qui cum Vlissiponem tribus instructis nauibus appulisset Regi operam suam condixit eumque in bellum sequi promisit Cap. 7. Totum exercitum diuisit in quatuor acies quadratas In dextro latere primum agmen erat Velitum militum Tingitanorum eosqùe ducebat Aluarus Peresius de Tauara sinistram aciem seu mediam tenebant Germani Itali quibus imperabat Marchio Irlandiae c. Cap. 11. Inter nobiles qui in hoc prelio ceciderunt fuerunt preter regem Sebastianum dux de Auero Episcopi Conimbricensis Portuensis Commissarius generalis à Papa missus Marchio Irlandiae Christophorus de Tauora plures alij Cap. 13. The same in English THere came also to Don Sebastian the King of Portugal 600. Italians whom the Pope sent vnder the conduct of the Marques of Irland who being arriued at Lisbone with three tall ships proffered his seruice to the king and promised to attend vpon him in the warres c. He diuided the whole Armie into 4. squadrons vpon the right wing stood the first squadron consisting of men lightly armed or skirmishers and of the souldiers of Tangier Generall of whom was Don Aluaro Perez de Tauara the left or midle squadron consisted of Germanes and Italians vnder the command of the Marques of Irland c. cap. 7. Of Noblemen were slaine in this battell besides Don Sebastian the king the duke de Auero the two bishops of Coimbra of Porto the Marques of Irland sent by the Pope as his Commissary generall Christopher de Tauara and many others cap. 13. IT is further also to be remembred that diuers other English gentlemen were in this battell whereof the most part were slaine and among others M. Christopher Lyster was taken captiue and was there long detained in miserable seruitude Which gentleman although at length he happily escaped the cruel hands of the Moores yet returning home into England and for his manifold good parts being in the yeere 1586. employed by the honourable the Earle of Cumberland in a voyage intended by the Streights of Magellan for the South sea as Uiceadmirall wherein he shewed singular resolution and courage and appointed afterward in diuers places of speciall command and credite was last of all miserably drowned in a great and rich Spanish prâ—ze vpon the coast of Cornwall Certaine reports of the prouince of China learned through the Portugals there imprisoned and chiefly by the relation of Galeotto Perera a Geâ—tâ—eman of good credit that lay prisoner in that Countrey many yeeres Done out of Italian into English by Richard Willes THis land of China is parted into 13. Shires the which sometimes were ech one a kingdome by it selfe but these many yeeres they haue bene all subiect vnto one King Fuquien is made by the Portugals the first Shire because there their troubles began they had occasion thereby to know the rest In this shire be 8. cities but one principally more famous then others called Fuquico the other seuen are reasonably great the best knowen whereof vnto the Portugals is Cinceo in respect of a certaine hauen ioyning thereunto whither in time past they were wont for marchandise to resort Cantan is the second shire not so great in quantitie as well accompted of both by the king thereof and also by the Portugals for that it lieth neerer vnto Malacca then any other part of China and was first discried by the Portugals before any other shire in that prouince this shire hath in it seuen Cities Chequeam is the third shire the chiefest Citie therein is Donchion therein also standeth Liampo with other 13. or 14. boroughes countrey townes therin are too too many to be spoken of The fourth shire is called Xutiamfu the principall Citie thereof is great Pachin where the King is alwayes resident In it are fifteene other very great Cities of other townes therein and boroughes well walled and trenched about I wil say nothing The fift shire hath name Chelim the great Citie Nanquin chiefe of other fifteene cities was herein of ancient time the royall seat of the Chinish kings From this shire from the aforesaid Chequeam forward bare rule the other kings vntil the whole region became one kingdome The 6. shire beareth the name Quianci as also the principal City thereof wherein the fine clay to make vessâ—ls is wrought The Portugals being ignorant of this Countrey and findâ—ng great abundance of that fine clay to be solde at Liampo and that very good cheape thought at the first that it had bene made there howbeit in fine they perceiued that the standing of Quinzi more neere vnto Liampo then to Cinceo or Cantan was the cause of so much fine clay at Liampo within the compasse of Quinci shire be other 12. cities The 7. shire is Quicin the 8. Quansi the 9. Confu the 10. Vrnan the 11. Sichiua In the first hereof there be 16. Cities in the next 15 how many Townes the other 3. haue wee are ignorant as yet as also of the proper names of the 12. and 13. shires and the townes therein This finally may be generally said hereof that the greater shires in China prouince may bee compared with mightie kingdomes In eche one of these shires bee set Ponchiassini and Anchiassini before whom are handled the matters of other Cities There is also placed in ech one a Turan as you would say a gouernour and a Chian that is a visiter as it were whose office is to goe in circuit and to see iustice exactly done By these meanes so vprightly things are ordered there that it may be worthily accompted one of the best gouerned prouinces in all the world The king maketh alwayes his abode in the great city Pachin as much to say in our language as by the name thereof I am aduertised the towne of the kingdome This kingdome is so large that vnder fiue monethes you are not able to trauaile from the Townes by the Sea side to the Court and backe againe no not vnder three monethes in poste at your vrgent businesse The post-horses in this Countrey are litle of body but swift of foote Many doe traueile the greater part of this iourney by water in certaine light barkes for the multitude of Riuers commodious for passage from one Citie to another The King notwithstanding the hugenesse of his kingdome hath such a care thereof that euery Moone for by the Moones they reckon their monethes he is aduertised fully of whatsoeuer thing happeneth therein by these meanes following The whole prouince being diuided into shires and ech shire hauing in it one chiefe and principall Citie whereunto the matters of all the other Cities Townes and boroughes are brought there are drawen in euery chiefe Citie aforesaid intelligences of such things as doe monethly fall out and be sent in writing to the
for warres although he be but meane may notwithstanding haue yealow hats The Tutans and Chians when they goe abroad haue besides all this before them ledde three or foure horses with their guard in armour Furthermore the Louteas yea and all the people of China are wont to eate their meâ—â—e sitting on stooles at high tables as we doe and that very cleanely although they vse neither table-clothes nor napkins Whatsoeuer is set downe vpon the boord is first carued before that it be brought in they feede with two sticks refraining from touching their meate with their hands euen as we do with forkes for the which respect they lesse do neede any table clothes Ne is the nation only ciuill at meate but also in conuersation and in courtesie they seeme to exceede all other Likewise in their dealings after their maner they are so ready that they farre passe all other Gentiles and Moores the greater states are so vaine that they line their clothes with the best silke that may be found The Louteas are an idle generation without all maner of exercises and pastimes except it be eating and drinking Sometimes they walke abroad in the fields to make the souldiers shoot at pricks with their bowes but their eating passeth they will stand eating euen when the other do draw to shoot The pricke is a great blanket spread on certaine long poles he that striketh it hath of the best man there standing a piece of crimson Taffata the which is knit about his head in this sort the winners be honoured and the Louteas with their bellies full returne home againe The inhabitants of China be very great Idolaters all generally doe worship the heauens and as wee are wont to say God knoweth it so say they at euery word Tien Tautee that is to say The heauens doe know it Some doe worship the Sonne and some the Moone as they thinke good for none are bound more to one then to another In their temples the which they do call Meani they haue a great altar in the same place as we haue true it is that one may goe round about it There set they vp the image of a certaine Loutea of that countrey whom they haue in great reuerence for certaine notable things he did At the right hand standeth the diuel much more vgly painted then we doe vse to set him out whereunto great homage is done by such as come into the temple to aske counsell or to draw lottes this opinion they haue of him that he is malicious and able to do euil If you aske them what they do thinke of the soules departed they will answere that they be immortall and that as soone as any one departeth out of this life he becommeth a diuel if hee haue liued well in this world if otherwise that the same diuel changeth him into a bufle oxe or dogge Wherefore to this diuel they doe much honour to him doe they sacrifice praying him that he will make them like vnto himselfe and not like other beastes They haue moreouer another sort of temples wherein both vpon the altars and also on the walls do stand many idols well proportioned but bareheaded these beare name Omithofon accompted of them spirits but such as in heauen do neither good nor euill thought to be such men and women as haue chastly liued in this world in abstinence from fish and flesh fed onely with rise and salates Of that diuel they make some accompt for these spirits they care litle or nothing at all Againe they holde opinion that if a man do well in this life the heauens will giue him many temporall blessings but if he doe euil then shall he haue infirmities diseases troubles and penurie and all this without any knowledge of God Finally this people knoweth no other thing then to liue and die yet because they be reasonable creatures all seemed good vnto them we speake in our language though it were not very sufficient our maner of praying especially pleased them and truely they are well ynough disposed to receiue the knowledge of the trueth Our Lord grant for his mercy all things so to be disposed that it may sometime be brought to passe that so great a nation as this is perish not for want of helpe Our maner of praying so well liked them that in prison importunately they besought vs to write for them somewhat as coÌ„cerning heauen the which we did to their contentation w t such reasons as we knew howbeit not very cunningly As they do their idolatry they laugh at themselues If at any time this countrey might be ioyned in league with the kingdome of Portugale in such wise that free accesse were had to deale with the people there they might all be soone conuerted The greatest fault we do finde in them is Sodomie a vice very common in the meaner sort and nothing strange amongst the best This sinne were it left of them in all other things so well disposed they be that a good interpreter in a short space might do there great good If as I said the countrey were ioyned in league with vs. Furthermore the Louteas with all the people of China are wont to solemnize the dayes of the new and full Moones in visiting one an other and making great banquets for to that end as I earst said do tend all their pastimes and spending their dayes in pleasure They are wont also to solemnize ech one his birth day whereunto their kindred and friends do resort of custome with presents of iewels or money receiuing againe for their reward good cheare They keepe in like maner a generall feast with great banquets that day their king was borne But their most principall and greatest feast of all and best cheare is the first day of their new yeere namely the first day of the new Moone of February so that their first moneth is March and they reckon the times accordingly respect being had vnto the reigne of their princes as when any deed is written they date it thâ—s Made such a day of such a moone and such a yeere of the reigne of such a king And their ancient writings beare date of the yeeres of this or that king Now will I speake of the maner which the Chineans doe obserue in doing of iusticeâ— that it may be knowen how farre these Gentiles do herein exceed many Christians that be more bounden then they to deale iustly and in trueth Because the Chinish king maketh his abode continually in the City Pachin his kingdome so great the shires so many as to fore it hath bene said in it therefore the gouernours and rulers much like vnto our Shiriffes be appointed so suddenly and speedily discharged againe that they haue no time to grow naught Furthermore to keepe the state in more securitie the Louteas that gouerne one shire are chosen out of some other shire distant farre off where they must leaue their wiues children and goods carying nothing
were brought abroad into the City somewhat wil I say of such things as I did see therein being a gallant City and chiefe in one of the 13. shires aforesaid The City Fuquieo is very great mightily walled with square stone both within and without and as it may seeme by the breadth therof filled vp in the middle with earth layd ouer with brick couered with tyle after the maner of porches or galleries that one might dwel therein The staires they vse are so easily made that one may go them vp and downe a hors-backe as eftsoones they do the streets are paued as already it hath bin said there be a great number of Marchants euery one hath written in a great table at his doore such things as he hath to sel. In like maner euery artisane painteth out his craft the market places be large great abundance of al things there be to be sold. The city standeth vpoÌ„ water many streames run through it the banks pitched so broad that they serue for streets to the cities vse Ouer the streams are sundry bridges both of timber stone which being made leuel with the streets hinder not the passage of the barges too and fro the chanels are so deepe Where the streames come in and go out of the city be certaine arches in the wal there go in and out their Parai that is a kind of barges they haue that in the day time only at night these arches are closed vp with gates so do they shut vp al the gates of the City These streames and barges do ennoblish very much the City and make it as it were to seeme another Venice The buildings are euen wel made high not lofted except it be some wherein marchandize is laid It is a world to see how great these cities are and the cause is for that the houses are built euen as I haue said do take a great deale of roome One thing we saw in this city that made vs al to wonder and is worthy to be noted namely ouer a porch at the comming in to one of the aforesaid 4. houses which the king hath in euery shire for his gouernors as I haue erst saidâ— standeth a tower built vpon 40. pillers ech one whereof is but one stone ech one 40. handfuls or spans long in bredth or compasse 12 as many of vs did measure them Besides thisâ— their greatnesse is such in one piece that it might seeme impossible to worke them they be moreouer cornered and in colour length and breadth so like that the one nothing differeth from the other This thing made vs all to wonder very much We are wont to cal this country China and the people Chineans but as long as we were prisoners not hearing amongst them at any time that name I determined to learne how they were called and asked sometimes by them thereof for that they vnderstood vs not when we called them Chineans I answered them that al the inhabitants of India named them Chineans wherefore I praied them that they would tel me for what occasioÌ„ they are so called whether peraduenture any city of theirs bare that name Hereunto they alwayes answered me y t they haue no such name nor euer had Then did I aske them what name the whole Country beareth what they would answere being asked of other nations what countrymen they were It was told me that of ancient time in this country had bin many kings though presently it were al vnder one ech kingdom neuertheles enioyed that name it first had these kingdomes are the prouinces I spake of before In conclusion they said that the whole country is called Tamen the inhabitants Tamegines so that this name China or Chineans is not heard of in y t country I thinke that the neernesse of another prouince therabout called Cochinchina the inhabitants therof Cochinesses first discouered before China was lying not far from Malacca did giue occasion to ech of the nations of that name Chineans as also the whole country to be named China But their proper name is that aforesaid I haue heard moreouer that in the City of Nanquim reâ—aineth a table of gold and in it written a kings name as a memory of that residence the kings were wont to keepe there This table standeth in a great pallace couered alwayes except it be on some of their festiuall dayes at what time they are wont to let it be seene couered neuerthelesse as it is all the nobilitie of the City going of duetie to doe it euery day reuerence The like is done in the head Cities of all the other shires in the pallaces of the Ponchiassini wherein these aforesaid tables doe stand with the kings name written in them although no reuerence be done thereunto but in solemne feastes I haue likewise vnderstood that the City Pachin where the king maketh his abode is so great that to go from one side to the other besides the Suburbs the which are greater then the City it selfe it requireth one whole day a horseback going hackney pase In the suburbs be many wealthy marchants of all sorts They told me furthermore that it was moted about and in the motes great store of fish whereof the king maketh great gaines It was also told me that the king of China had no king to wage battel withall besides the Tartars with whom he had concluded a peace more then 80. yeres ago Neuerthelesse their friendship was not so great that the one nation might marry with the other And demanding with whom they married they said that in olde time the Chinish kings when they would marry their daughters accustomed to make a solemne feast whereunto came all sorts of men The daughter that was to be married stood in a place where she might see them all and looke whom she liked best him did she chuse to husband and if happely he were of a base condition hee became by and by a gentleman but this custome hath bene left long since Now a dayes the king marrieth his daughters at his owne pleasure with great men of the kingdome the like order he obserueth in the marriage of his sonnes They haue moreouer one thing very good and that which made vs all to marueile at them being Gentiles namely that there be hospitals in all their Cities alwayes full of people we neuer saw any poore body begge We therefore asked the cause of this answered it was that in euery City there is a great circuit wherein be many houses for poore people for blinde lame old folke not able to trauaile for age nor hauing any other meanes to liue These folke haue in the aforesaid houses euer plentie of rice during their liues but nothing else Such as be receiued into these houses come in after this maner When one is sicke blinde or lame he maketh a supplication to the Ponchiassi and prouing that to be true he writeth he remaineth in the
meat is rice and salets and neere the sea side fish They feast one another many times wherein they vse great diligence especially in drinking one to another insomuch that the better sort least they might rudely commit some fault therein doe vse to reade certaine bookes written of duties and ceremonies apperteyning vnto banquets To be delicate and fine they put their meate into their mouthes with litle forkes accounting it great rudenesse to touch it with their fingers winter sommer they drinke water as hot as they may possibly abide it Their houses are in danger of fire but finely made and cleane layde all ouer with strawe-pallets whereupon they doe both sit in stead of stooles and lie in their clothes with billets vnder their heads For feare of defiling these pallets they goe either barefoote within doores or weare strawe pantofles on their buskins when they come abroad the which they lay aside at their returne home againe Gentlemen for the most part do passe the night in banketting musicke vaine discourses they sleepe the day time In Meaco and Sacaio there is good store of beds but they be very litle and may be compared vnto our pues In bringing vp their children they vse words only to rebuke them admonishing as diligently and aduisedly boyes of sixe or seuen yeeres of age as though they were olde men They are giuen very much to intertaine strangers of whom most curiously they loue to aske euen in trifles what for raine nations doe and their fashions Such arguments and reasons as be manifest and are made plaine with examples doe greatly perswade them They detest all kinde of theft whosoeuer is taken in that fault may be slaine freely of any bodie No publike prisons no common gayles no ordinary Iusticers priuately each householder hath the hearing of matters at home in his owne house and the punishing of greater crimes that deserue death without delay Thus vsually the people is kept in awe and feare About foure hundred yeeres past as in their olde recordes we finde all Iapan was subiect vnto one Emperour whose royall seat was Meaco in the Iaponish language called Cubucama But the nobilitie rebelling against him by litle and litle haue taken away the greatest part of his dominion howbeit his title continually remayneth and the residue in some respect dor make great account of him still acknowledging him for their superior Thus the Empyre of Iapan in times past but one alone is now diuided into sixtie sixe kingdomes the onely cause of ciuill warres continually in that Iland to no small hinderance of the Gospell whilest the kings that dwell neare together inuade one another each oue coueting to make his kingdome greater Furthermore in the citie Meaco is the pallace of the high Priest whom that nation honoureth as a God he hath in his house 366 Idoles one whereof by course is euery night set by his side for a watchman He is thought of the common people so holy that it may not be lawfull for him to goe vpon the earth if happily he doe set one foote to the ground he looseth his office He is not serued very sumptuously he is maintained by almes The heads and beards of his ministers are shauen they haue name Cangues and their authoritie is great throughout all Iapan The Cubucama vseth them for Embassadors to decide controuersies betwixt princes and to end their waâ—tes whereof they were wont to make very great gaine It is now two yeres since or there about that one of them came to Bungo to intreate of peace betwixt the king thereof and the king of Amanguzzo This Agent fauouring the king of Bungo his cause more then the other brought to passe that the foresayd king of Bungo should keepe two kingdomes the which he had taken in warres from the king of Amanguzzo Wherefore he had for his reward of the king of Bungo aboue 30000 ducats And thus farre hereof I come now to other superstitions and ceremonies that you may see deare brethren that which I said in the beginning how subtilly the deuill hath deceiued the Iaponish nation and how diligent and readie they be to obey worship him And first al remembrance and knowledge not onely of Christ our Redeemer but also of that one God the maker of all things is cleane extinguished and vtterly abolished out of the Iapans hearts Moreouer their superstitious sects are many whereas it is lawfull for each one to follow that which liketh him best but the principall sects are two namely the Amidans and Xacaians Wherefore in this countrey shall you see many monasteries not onely of Bonzii men but also of Bonziae women diuersly attired for some doe we are white vnder and blacke vpper garments other goe apparelled in ash colour and their Idole hath to name Denichi from these the Amidanes differ very much Againe the men Bonzii for the most part dwell in sumptuous houses and haue great reuenues These fellowes are chaste by commaundement marry they may not vpon paine of death In the midst of their Temple is erected an altar whereon standeth a woodden Idole of Amida naked from the girdle vpward with holes in his eares after the manner of Italian gentlewomen sitting on a woodden rose goodly to behold They haue great libraries and halles for them all to dine and sup together and bels wherwith they are at certaine houres called to prayers In the euening the Superintendent giueth each one a theame for meditation After midnight before the altar in their Temple they do say Mattens as it were out of Xaca his last booke one quier one verse the other quier an other Early in the morning each one giueth himselfe to meditation one houre they shaue their heads and beards Their cloysters be very large and within the precinct therof Chappels of the Fotoquiens for by that name some of the Iapanish Saints are called their holy daies yeerely be very many Most of these Bonzii be gentlemen for that the Iapanish nobility charged with many children vse to make most of them Bonzii not being able to leaue for each one a partrimony good enough The Bonzii most couetousâ—y bent know all the wayes how to come by money They sell vnto the people many scrolles of paper by the helpe whereof the common people thinketh it selfe warranted from all power of the deuils They borrow likewise money to be repayed with great vsury in an other worlde giuing by obligation vnto the lender an assurance thereof the which departing out of this life he may carry with him to hell There is another great company of such as are called Inambuxu with curled and staring haire They make profession to finde out againe things either lost or stolen after this sort They set before them a child whom the deuill inuadeth called vp thither by charmes of that child then doe they aske that which they are desirous to know These mens prayers both good and bad are thought greatly to preuaile insomuch
forme of a bruâ—e beast offring themselues vp to him Santianum is an I le neere vnto the hauen Cantan in the confines likewise of China famous for the death of that woorthy traueiler and godly professour and painfull doctor of the Indian nation in matters concerning religion Francis Xauier who after great labours many iniuries and calamities infinite suffred with much patience singular ioy and gladnesse of mind deparâ—ed in a cabben made of bowes and rushes vpon a desert mountaine no lesse voyd of all worldly commodities then endued with all spirituall blessings out of this life the 2 day of December the yeere of our Lord 1552. after that many thousand of these Easterlings were brought by him to the knowledge of Christ. Of this holy man his particular vertues and specially trauell and wonderfull works in that region of other many litle Iles yet not so litle but they may right wel be written of at laisure all the latter histories of the Indian regions are full An excellent treatise of the kingdome of China and of the estate and gouernment thereof Printed in Latine at Macao a citie of the Portugals in China An. Dom. 1590. and written Dialogue-wise The speakers are Linus Leo and Michael Linus COncerning the kingdome of China Michael which is our next neighbour we haue heard and â—aâ—ly do heare so many reports that we are to request at your hands rather a true then a large discourse and narration thereof And if there be ought in your knowledge besides that which by continual rumours is waxen staâ—e among vs we will right gladly giue diligent eare vnto it Michael Because the report of this most famous kingdome is growen so common among vs reducing diuers and maniâ—olo particulars into order I will especially aime at the trueth of things receiued from the fathers of the societie which euen now at this present are conuersant in China First of all therefore it is not vnknowen that of all parts of the maine continent this kingdom of China is situate most Easterly albeit certaine Ilands as our natiue Iapon the I le of Manilia stand more Easterly then China it selfe As touching the limites bounds of this kingdom we may appoint the first towards y e West to be a certaine I le commonly called Hainan which standeth in 19 degrees of Northerly latitude For the continent next adioining vnto this I le trendeth towardes the East and that especially where the promontorie of the citie called Nimpo or Liampo doeth extend it selfe Howbeit from that place declâ—ning Northward it stretcheth foorth an huge length insomuch that the farthest Chinian inhabitants that way doe behold the North pole eleuated at least 50 degrees and perhaps more also whereupon a man may easilie coniecture that I may speake like an Astronomer how large the latitude of this kingdom is when as it containeth about more then 540 leagues in direct extension towards the North. But as concerning the longitude which is accounted from East to West it is not so exactly found out that it may be distinguished into degrees Howbeit certaine it is that according to the Map wherein the people of China describe the forme of their kingdom the latitude thereof doeth not much exceed y e longitude This kingdom therfore is without all peraduenture of all earthly kingdoms the most large and spacious for albeit diuers other kings vnder their iurisdiction containing in dimensions more length breadth then all China do possesse very many kingdoms far distant asunder yet none of theÌ„ all enioieth any one kingdom so large and so ample as the most puissant king of China doeth Now if we shall make enquirie into his reuenues and tributes true it is that this king of all others is endued with the greatest and the richest both in regard of the fertilitie greatnes of his dominions also by reason of the seuere collection and exaction of his duties yea tributes are imposed vpon his subiects not onely for lands houses and impost of marchandise but also for euery person in each family It is likewise to be vnderstood that almost no lord or potentate in China hath authoritie to leuie vnto himselfe any peculiar reuenues or to collect any rents within the precincts of his seigniories al such power belonging onely vnto the king whereas in Europe the contrary is most commonly seen as we haue before signified In this most large kingdom are conteined 15 prouinces euery one of which were in it selfe sufficient to be made one great kingdom Six of these prouinces do border vpon the sea namely y t I may vse the names of the Chinians theÌ„selues Coantum Foquien Chequiam Nanquin Xantum Paquin the other 9 be in-land prouinces namely Quiansi Huquam Honan Xiensi Xansi Suchuon Queieheu Iâ—nan Coansi Amongst all the foresayd prouinces two are allotted for the kings court and seat roial that is to say Paquin for his court in the North and Nanquin for his court in the South For the kings of China were woont to be resident altogether at the South court but afterward by reason of the manifold and cruell warres mooued by the Tartars they were constrained to defixe their princely seate and habitation in that exâ—reme prouince of the North. Whereupon it commeth to passe that those Northren confines of the kingdom doe abound with many moe fortresses martiall engines and garrisons of souldiers Leo. I haue heard amongst those munitions a certaine strange and admirable wall reported of wherewith the people of China doe represse and driue backe the Tartars attempting to inuade their territories Michael Certes that wall which you haue heard tell of is most woorthie of admiration for it runneth alongst the borders of three Northerlie prouinces Xiensi Xansi and Paquin and is sayd to containe almost three hundred leagues in length and in such sort to bee built that it hindereth not the courses and streames of any riuers their chanels being ouer-thwarted and fortified with wonderfull bridges and other defences Yet is it not vnlikely that the sayd wall is built in such sort that onely lowe and easie passages bee therewith stopped and enuironed but the mountaines running betweene those lowe passages are by their owne naturall strength and inaccessible heigth a sufficient fortification agaynst the enemie Linus Tell vs Michael whether the kingdome of China be so frequented with inhabitants as wee haue often bene informed or no Michael It is Linus in very deed a most populous kingdom as I haue bene certified from the fathers of the societie who hauing seene sundry prouinces of Europe renoumed for the multitude of their inhabitants doe notwithstanding greatly admiâ—e the infinite swarmes of people in China Howbeit these multitudes are not pel-mel and confusiuely dispersed ouer the land but most conueniently and orderly distributed in their townes and famous cities of which assemblies there are diuers kindes among the Chinians For they haue certaine principal cities called
They all of them do weare long haire vpon their heads and after the maner of women do curiously keame their dainty locks hanging downe to the ground and hauing twined and bound them vp they couer them with calles wearing sundry caps thereupon according to their age and condition It seemeth that in olde time one language was common to all the prouinces notwithstanding by reason of variety of pronunciation it is very much altered and is diuided into sundry idiomes or proprieties of speech according to the diuers prouinces howbeit among the magistrates and in publike assemblies of iudgement there is one and the very same kinde of language vsed thorowout the whole realme from the which as I haue sayd the speech of ech prouince differeth not a little Moreouer this people is most loyall and obedient vnto the king and his magistrates which is the principall cause of their tranquillity peace For whereas the common sort doe apply themselues vnto the discretion and becke of inferiour magistrates and the inferiour magistrates of the superiour and the superiour magistrates of the king himselfe framing and composing all their actions and affaires vnto that leuell a world it is to see in what equability and indifferency of iustice all of them do leade their liues and how orderly the publike lawes are administred Which thing not withstanding shall be handled more at large when we come to intreat of the gouernment Linus Tell vs now Michael of the industry of that people whereof we haue heard great reports Michael Their industry is especially to be discerned in manuary artes and occupations and therein the Chinians do surpasse most of these Easterly nations For there are such a number of artificers ingeniously and cunningly framing sundry deuices out of golde siluer and other mettals as like wise of stone wood and other matters conuenient for mans vse that the streets of cities being replenished with their shops and fine workemanship are very wonderfull to beholde Besides whom also there are very many Painters vsing either the pensill or the needle of which the last sort are called Embrotherers and others also that curiously worke golde-twine vpon cloth either of linnen or of cotton whose operations of all kinds are diligently conueyed by the Portugals into India Their industry doth no lesse appeare in founding of gunnes and in making of gun-powder whereof are made many rare and artificiall fire-works To these may be added the arte of Printing albeit their letters be in maner infinite and most difficult the portraitures whereof they cut in wood or in brasse and with maruellous facilitie they dayly publish huge multitudes of books Unto these mechanicall illiberall crafts you may adde two more that is to say nauigation and discipline of warre both of which haue bene in ancient times most diligently practised by the inhabitants of China for as we haue before signified in the third dialogue the Chinians sailing euen as farre as India subdued some part therof vnto their owne dominion howbeit afterward least they should diminish the forces of their realme by dispersing them into many prouinces altering their counsell they determined to containe themselues within their owne limits within which limits as I haue sayd there were in olde time vehement and cruell warres both betweene the people of China themselues and also against the Tartarian king who inuaded their kingdome and by himselfe and his successours for a long season vsurped the gouernment thereof Howbeit the kings of the Tartarian race being worne out and their stocke and family being vtterly abolished the Chinians began to lift vp their heads and to aduance themselues inioying for these 200 yeeres last past exceeding peace and tranquillity and at this day the posterity of the same king that expelled the Tartars with great dignity weareth the crowne and wieldeth the royall scepter Albeit therefore the people of China especially they that inhabit Southerly from the prouince of Paquin are for the most part by reason of continuall ease and quiet growen effeminate and their courage is abated notwithstanding they would prooue notable and braue souldiers if they ioyned vse and exercise vnto their naturall fortitude As a man may easily obserue in them that maintaine continuall warres against the most barbarous and cruel Tartars Howbeit in this kingdome of China there is so great regard of military discipline that no city nor towne there is destitute of a garison the captaines and gouernours keeping ech man his order which all of them in euery prouince are subiect vnto the kings lieutenant generall for the warres whom they call Chumpin and yet he himselfe is subiect vnto the Tuâ—an or viceroy Let vs now come vnto that arte which the Chinians do most of all professe and which we may not vnfitly call literature or learning For although it be commonly reported that many liberall sciences and especially naturall and morall phylosophy are studied in China and that they haue Uniuersities there wherein such ingenuous artes are deliuered and caught yet for the most part this opinion is to be esteemed more popular then true but I will declare vpon what occasion this conceit first grew The people of China doe aboue all things professe the arte of literature and learning it most diligently they imploy themselues a long time and the better part of their age therein For this cause in all cities and townes yea and in pety villages also there are certaine schole-masters hired for stipends to instruct children and their literature being as ours in Iapon is also in maner infinite their children are put to schole euen from their infancy and tender yeeres from whence notwithstanding such are taken away as are iudged to be vnfit for the same purpose and are trained vp to marchandise or to manuary sciences but the residue do so dedicate themselues to the study of learning that a strange thing it is to consider being conuersant in the principall books they will easily tel you if they be asked the question how many letters be conteined in euery page and where ech letter is placed Now for the greater progresse and increase of learning they as the maner is in Europe do appoint three degrees to the attaining of noble sciences that is to say the lowest the middle degree and the highest Graduates of the first degree are called Siusai of the second Quiugin and of the the third Chinzu And in ech city or walled towne there is a publique house called the Schoole and vnto that all they doe resort from all priuate and peâ—y-schooles that are minded to obtaine the first degree where they do amplifie a sentence or theame propounded vnto them by some magistrate and they whose stile is more elegant and refined are in ech city graced with the first degree Of such as aspire vnto the second degree triall is made onely in the metropolitan or principall city of the prouince whereunto they
a certaine kinde of reede wherewith malefactours are punished in their hands and two there are that carry inclosed in a case the Kings seale peculiar for ech office and many others also that shew sundry spectacles vnto the people whereunto may be added the horrible out-cries and showtes which betweene whiles they vtter to strike a terrour into the hearts of all men and at length come the Magistrates themselues being carried in a throne vpon the backs of foure men sixe men or eight men according to the dignity of their office Now as concerning their houses they are very large and stately being built and furnished with all necessary stuffe at the Kings owne cost in the which so long as their magistracy lasteth they leade a braue and an honourable life The sayd houses are without variety of stories one aboue another which in the kingdome of China and in our Iles of Iapon also are not ordinarily vsed for habitation but either to keepe watch and ward or els for solace and recreations sake for the which purposes eight most lofty â—urrets of nine stories high are built or els for the defence of Cities Howbeit in other regardes these buildings doe shew foorth no small magnificence for they haue their cisternes for the receit of raine-water which are adorned with beautifull trees set in order round about them and they haue also their places designed for the administration of iustice and diuers other conuenient roomes to bestow their wiues and families in Within the doores of the foresayd habitations a certaine number of Sergeants and officers hauing cabbins or little houses allotted them on both sides doe alwayes giue their attendance and so long as matters of iudgement are in deciding they be alwayes ready at hand that at the direction of the Magistrates they may either beat malefactours or by torments constraine them to tell the trueth The sayd Magistrates also haue their peculiar barges wherein to take the water being in breadth and length not much vnlike to the galleys of Europe but for swiftnesse and multitude of oares farre inferiour vnto them The rowers sitting vpon galleries without the hatches or compasse of the barge doe mooue it on forward with their oares whereupon it commeth to passe that the middle part of the barge affoordeth sufficient roome for the Magistrates themselues to abide in containing chambers therein almost as conuenient and handsome as in any of their foresayd publique houses together with butteries and kitchins and such other places necessary for the prouision and stowage of victuals Leo. All these things agree right well with the reports which we haue heard of the stately and renowmed kingdome of China I would now right gladly know somewhat concerning the order which is obserued in the obtaining of magistracies Michael You haue enquired of a matter most woorthy to be knowen which I had almost omitted to entreat of The Chinians therefore doe vse a kinde of gradation in aduancing men vnto sundry places of authority which for the most part is performed by the Senatours of Paquin For first they are made Iudges of Townes then of Cities afterward they are elected to be of that order which decreeth punishments in cases criminall without further appeale or of their order that are the kings fosterers And in both of these Orders which are very honourable there are many places and degrees so that from the inferiour place they must ascend vnto the superiour vntill they haue attained vnto the highest dignity of all and immediatly after that they come to be Uice-royes Howbeit this gradation is not alwayes accomplished in one and the same prouince but in changing their offices they change places and prouinces also Moreouer next after the office of Uice-roy they are capable to be chosen Senatours of Nanquin and last of all to be elected into the Senate of Paquin Now there is such an order and methode obserued in the ascending vnto these dignities that all men may easily coniecture what office any one is to vndertake And there is so great diligence and celerity vsed for the substitution of one into the roome of another that for the same purpose messengers are dispatched by land vpon swift post-horses vnto diuers prouinces almost twenty dayes iourney from the Kings Court And to be short there is such district seuerity in degrading those that vniustly or negligently demeane themselues from an honourable vnto an inferiour and base office or altogether in depriuing them of the kings authority that all Magistrates doe stand in feare of nothing in the world more then of that The same order almost is obserued among the Captaines and Lieu-tenants generall for the warres except onely in them that their birth and ofspring is respected for many there be who descending by parentage from such men as haue in times past atchieued braue exploits in warfare so soone as they come to sufficient yeeres are created Centurions Colonels and Gouernours vntill at lasâ— they attaine to be Lieu-tenants generall and Protectours of some whole prouince who notwithstanding as I haue sayd are in all things subiect vnto the Uice-roy All the foresayd Magistrates both of warre and of peace haue a set number of attendants allotted vnto them enioying a stipend and carying certaine ensignes and peculiar badges of their office and besides the ordinary watch which souldiers appointed for the same purpose doe in the night season after the City gates be shut keepe in their forts wheresoeuer any Magistrate is either at his house or in his barge the sayd attendants striking vpon a cymball of brasse at certaine appointed times do keepe most circumspect and continuall watch and ward about his person Linus You haue Michael sufficiently discoursed of the Magistrates informe vs now of the king himselfe whose name is so renowmed and spread abroad Michael Concerning this matter I will say so much onely as by certaine rumours hath come to my knowledge for of matters appertaining vnto the kings Court we haue no eye-witnesses sithens the fathers of the society haue not as yet proceeded vnto Paquin who so soone as by Gods assistance they shall there be arriued will by their letters more fully aduertise vs. The king of China therefore is honoured with woonderfull reuerence and submission thorowout his whole Realme and whensoeuer any of his chiefe Magistrates speaketh vnto him he calleth him VAN-SVI signifying thereby that he wisheth tenne thousands of yeeres vnto him The succession of the kingdome dependeth vpon the bloud royall for the eldest sonne borne of the kings first and lawfull wife obtaineth the kingdome after his fathers decease neither doe they depriue themselues of the kinglyâ—authority in their life time as the maner is in our Ilands of Iapon but the custome of Europe is there obserued Now that the safety and life of the king may stand in more security his yoonger brethren and the rest borne of concubines are not permitted to liue in
himselfe taken and beheaded by a souldier of his owne nation and his land giuen by a Parliament to her Maiestie and possessed by the English His other cosen Sir Iohn of Desmond taken by Master Iohn Zouch and his body hanged ouer the gates of his natiue Citie to be deuoured by rauens the thirde brother Sir Iames hanged drawne and quartered in the same place If hee had withall vaunted of his successe of his owne house no doubt the argument would haue mooued much and wrought great effect which because hee for that present forgot I thought it good to remember in his behalfe For matter of Religion it would require a particuler volume if I should set downe how irreligiously they couer their greedy and ambicious pretenses with that veile of pietie But sure I am that there is no kingdome or common-wealth in all Europe but if they be reformed they then inuade it for religion sake if it bee as they terme Catholique they pretend title as if the Kings of Castile were the naturall heires of all the world and so betweene both no kingdome is vnsought Where they dare not with their owne forces to inuade they basely entertaine the traitours and vacabonds of all Nations seeking by those and by their runnagate Iesuits to winne parts and haue by that meane ruined many Noble houses and others in this lande and haue extinguished both their liues and families What good honour or fortune euer man yet by them atchieued is yet vnheard of or vnwritten And if our English Papists doe but looke into Portugall against which they haue no pretence of Religion how the Nobilitie are put to death imprisoned their rich men made a praye and all sorts of people captiued they shall finde that the obedience euen of the Turke is easie and a libertie in respect of the slauerie and tyrannie of Spaine What haue they done in Sicill in Naples Millaine and in the Low countreis who hath there bene spared for Religion at all And it commeth to my remembrance of a certaine Burger of Antwerpe whose house being entred by a company of Spanish souldiers when they first sacked the Citie hee besought them to spare him and his goods being a good Catholique and one of their owne partie and faction The Spaniards answered that they knew him to be of a good conscience for himselfe but his money plate iewels and goods were all hereticall and therefore good prize So they abused and tormented the foolish Fleming who hoped that an Agnus Dei had bene a sufficient target against all force of that holy and charitable nation Neither haue they at any time as they protest inuaded the kingdomes of the Indies and Peru and elsewhere but onely led thereunto rather to reduce the people to Christianitie then for either gold or Emperie When as in one onely Island called Hispaniola they haue wasted thirtie hundred thousand of the naturall people besides many millions else in other places of the Indies a poore and harmelesse people created of God and might haue bene wonne to his knowledge as many of them were and almost as many as euer were perswaded thereunto The storie whereof is at large written by a Bishop of their owne nation called Bartholomew de las Casas and translated into English and many other languages intituled The Spanish cruelties Who would therefore repose trust in such a nation of rauenous strangers and especially in those Spaniards which more greedily thirst after English blood then after the liues of any other people of Europe for the many ouerthrowes and dishonours they haue receiued at our hands whose weakenesse wee haue discouered to the world and whose forces at home abroad in Europe in India by sea and land wee haue euen with handfulles of men and shippes ouerthrowen and dishonoured Let not therefore any English man of what religion soeuer haue other opnion of the Spaniards but that those whom hee seeketh to winne of our Nation he esteemeth base and trayterous vnworthy persons or vnconstant fooles and that he vseth his pretence of religion for no other purpose but to bewitch vs from the obedience of our naturall Prince thereby hoping in time to bring vs to slauery and subiection and then none shall be vnto them so odious and disdayned as the traitours themselues who haue solde their Countrey to a stranger and forsaken their faith and obediâ—nce contrarie to nature religion and contrarie to that humane and generall honour not onely of Christians but of heathen and irreligious nations who haue alwayes sustayned what labour soeuer and embraced euen death it selfe for their countrey Prince or common-wealth To conclude it hath euer to this day pleased God to prosper and defend her Maiestie to breake the purposes of malicious enemies of forsworne traytors and of iniust practises and inuasions She hath euer beene honoured of the worthiest kings serued by faithfull subiects and shall by the fauour of God resist repell and confound all whatsoeuer attempts against her sacred person or kingdome In the meane time let the Spaniard and traytour vaunt of their successe and wee her true and obedient vassals guided by the shining light of her vertues shall alwayes loue her serue her and obey her to the end of our liues A particular note of the Indian fleet expected to haue come into Spaine this present yeere of 1591. with the number of shippes that are perished of the same according to the examination of certaine Spaniards lately taken and brought into England by the ships of London THe fleete of Noua Hispania at their first gathering together and setting foorth were two and fiftie sailes The Admirall was of sixe hundred tunnes and the Uice Admirall of the same burthen Foure or fiue of the shippes were of nine hundred and 1000 tunnes a peece some fiue hundred and some foure hundred and the least of two hundred tuns Of this fleet 19 were cast away and in them 2600 men by estimation which was done along the coast of Noua Hispania so that of the same fleet there came to the Hauana but 33 sailes The fleete of Terra Firma were at their first departure from Spaine fiftie sailes which were bound for Nombre de Dios where they did discharge their lading and thence returned to Cartagena for their healths sake vntill the time the treasure was readie they should take in at the said Nombre de Dios. But before this fleete departed some were gone by one or two at a time so that onely 23 sayles of this fleete arriued in the Hauana At the Hauana there met 33 sailes of Noua Hispania 23 sailes of Terra Firma 12 sailes of San Domingo 9 sailes of the Hunduras The whole 77 shippes ioyned and set sailes all together at the Hauana the 17 of Iuly according to our account and kept together vntill they came into the height of thirtie fiue degrees which was about the tenth of August where they found the winde at Southwest chaunged suddenly to the North so that
townes and cities are very great and fairely built being inhabited by rich Moores and abounding with all kinde of cattell Barley and Oates And here is such plenty of golde found vpon the sands by the riuers side that the sayd Moores vsually carry the same Northward to Marocco and Southward to the city of Tombuto in the land of Negros which city standeth about 300 leagues from the kingdome of Darha and this kingdome is but 60 leagues from this Iland and Castle of Arguin Wherefore I beseech your worship to put his maiesty in remembrance hereof for the sayd cities and townes are but ten dayes iourney from hence I heartily wish that his maiesty would send two or three marchants to see the state of the Countrey who might trauell to the aforesayd cities to vnderstand of their rich trade For any man may go safe and come safe from those places And thus without troubling of your worship any further I humbly take my leaue From the Iland and Castle of Arguin the 20 of Ianuary 1591 Your worships seruant Melchior Petoney The voyage of Richard Rainolds and Thomas Dassel to the riuers of Senega and Gambra adioyning vpon Guinea 1591 with a discourse of the treasons of certain of Don Antonio his seruants and followers BY vertue of her Maiesties most gracious charter giuen in the yeere 1588 and in the thirtieth yeere of her Highnesse reigne certaine English marchants are granted to trade in and from the riuer of Senega to and in the riuer of Gambra on the Westerne coast of Africa The chiefest places of â—raffique on that coast betweene these riuers are these 1 Senega riuer The commodities be hides gumme elephants teeth a few graines ostrich feathers amber-griece and some golde 2 Beseguiache a towne by Capo Verde leagues from Senega riuer The commodities be small hides and a few teeth 3 Refisca Vieio a towne 4 leagues from Beseguiache The commodities be small hides and a few teeth now and then 4 Palmerin a towne 2 leagues from Refisca The commodities be small hides and a few elephants teeth now and then 5 Porto d'Ally a towne 5 leagues from Palmerin The commodities be small hides teeth amber-griece and a little golde and many Portugals are there 6 Candimal a towne halfe a league from Porto d' Ally The commodities be small hides and a few teeth now and then 7 Palmerin a towne 3 leagues from Candimal The commodities be small hides and a few teeth now and then 8 Ioala a towne 6 leagues from Palmerin The commodities be hides ware elephants teeth rice and some golde and many Spaniards and Portugals are there 9 Gambra riuer The commodities are rice waxe hides elephants teeth and golde The Frenchmen of Diepe and New-hauen haue traded thither aboue thirty yeres and commonly with foure or fiue ships a yere whereof two small barks go into the riuer of Senega The other were woont vntill within these foure yeres that our ships came thither to ride with their ships in the road of Porto d' Ally and so sent their small shaloups of sixe or eight tunnes to some of these places on the Sea coast before repeated Where in all places generally they were well beloued and as courteously entertained of the Negros as if they had bene naturally borne in the countrey And very often the Negros come into France and returne againe which is a further increasing of mutuall loue and amity Since our comming to that coast the Frenchmen ride with their shippes at Refisca Vieio and suffer vs to ancre with our shippes at Porto d' Ally The Frenchmen neuer vse to go into the riuer of Gambra which is a riuer of secret trade and riches concealed by the Portugals For long since one Frenchman entred the riuer with a small barke which was betrayed surprised and taken by two gallies of the Portugals In our second voyage and second yeere there were by vile trecherous meanes of the Portugals and the king of the Negros consent in Porto d'Ally and Ioala about forty Englishmen cruelly slaine and captiued and most or all of their goods confiscated whereof there returned onely two which were the marchants And also by procurement of Pedro Gonsalues one of Don Antonio the kings seruants Thomas Dassel and others had bene betrayed if it had not pleased almighty God to reueale the same whereby it was preuented From the South side of Senega riuer on the Sea coast vnto about Palmerin is all one kingdome of Negros The kings name is Melick Zamba who dwelleth two dayes iourney within the land from Refisca The 12 of Nouember 1591 I Richard Rainolds Thomas Dassel factors in a ship called the Nightingale of London of 125 tunnes and a pinnesse called the Messenger of 40 tunnes arriued neere vnto Capo Verde at a litle Iland called The Iland of liberty At this Iland we set vp a small pinnesse with which we cary our marchandise on land when wee traffique And in the meane time Thomas Dassel went with the great pinnesse to traffike with Spaniards or Portugals in Porro d'Ally or Ioala Ouer against the sayd Iland on the maine is an habitation of the Negros called Besegueache The alcaide or gouernor thereof with a great traine came aboord in their canoas to receiue the kings dueties for ankerage and permitting the quiet setting vp of our pinnesse who liked passing well that no Portugall came in the shippe saying we should be better thought of by the king and people if we neuer did bring Portugall but come of our selues as the Frenchmen euer did and doe And to purchase the more loue I Richard Rainolds gaue him and all his company courteous entertainment Also vpon his intreaty hauing sufficient pledge aboord I and others went on land with him At this instant there was great warre betweene this alcaide and another gouernor of the next prouince Neuerthelesse vpon our arriuall truce was taken for a space and I with our company conducted among both enemies to the gouernors house in Besegueache and were gently and friendly feasted after their maner and with some presents returned safe aboord againe The next day the alcaide came aboord againe to wil me to send some yron and other commodities in the boat to traffike with the Negros and also requested me that I would go to Refisca with the ship which I did And one thing I noted that a number of Negros attended the alcaides landing in warlike maner with bowes and poisoned arrowes darts poisoned and swords because that the enemies by reason of the truce taken were there also to view the ship who for the most part approched to him kneeling downe and kissed the backe of his hand The 17 of Nouember we weyed anker and by reason no French ship was yet come I went to the road of Refisca where I sent for the alcaides interpretors who came thither aboord and receiued of me the kings duties for to haue free traffike with the Negros
with whom dayly I exchanged my yron other wares for hides and some elephants teeth finding the people very friendly and tractable And the next day after our arriuall I went vp into the land about three miles to the towne of Refisca where I was friendly vsed and well entertained of the alcaide and especially of a yoong nobleman called Conde Amar Pattay who presented me with an oxe for my company goats and some yoong kids assuring me that the king would be glad to heare of the arriuall of a Christians ship whom they called Blancos that is white men especially of an English ship And so dayly the yong Conde came with a small company of horsemen to the sea side feasting me very kindly and courteously And the fift of December he with his traine came aboord to see the ship which to them seemed woonderfull as people that seldome had seene the like who tolde me that his messenger from the king was returned and the king reioyced much to heare that English men were come with a ship to trade in his ports and being the first Englishman that euer came with a ship I was the better welcome promising that I or any Englishman hereafter should be wel intreated find good dealing at their hands And further the Conde on the kings behalfe and his owne earnestly requested that before my departure off the coast I would returne againe to his road to conferre with him for the better continuance and confirming of amity betweene them and Englishmen which I agreed vnto And so shewing him and his company the best friendship and courtesie I could he went on shore and should haue had the honor of our ordinance but that he desired the contrary being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of the gunnes which they did greatly admire The 13 of December at night we weighed anker and arriued the 14 day at the road of Porto d' Ally which is another kingdome the king thereof is called Amar Meleck sonne to Meleck Zamba the other king and dwelleth a dayes iourney and an halfe from Porto d' Ally When we had ankered the kings kinsmen being gouernors with all the officers of that towne came aboord to receiue all duties for the ship licence to traffike due to the king who there generally seemed to be very glad that no Portugall was come in our ship out of England saying it was the kings pleasure we should bring none hereafter for that the king did esteeme them as people of no truth and complained of one Francisco de Costa seruant to Don Antonio how he had often and the last yere also abused and deluded their king Amar Meleck in promising to bring him certaine things out of England which he neuer performed and deemed that to be the cause of his staying behinde this voyage and that neither Spaniard nor Portugall could abide vs but reported very badly and gaue out hard speeches tending to the defamation great dishonor of England and also affirmed that at the arriuall of an English ship called The Command of Richard Kelley of Dartmouth one Pedro Gonsalues a Portugall that came in the sayd ship from Don Antonio reported vnto them that we were fled out of England and come away vpon intent to rob and do great spoile vpon this coast to the Negros and Portugals and that Thomas Dasâ—el had murdered Francisco de Acosta since our comming from England who was comming to their king in our ship with great presents from Don Antonio and desired that at our arriuall stay might be made of our goods and our selues in secret maner which they denied not giuing credit to his report hauing bene often abused by such friuolous and slanderous speeches by that nation telling me their king was sory for the former murder and captiuity of our nation and would neuer yeeld to the like hauing the Portugals and Spaniards in generall hatred euer since and conceiueth much better of our countrey and vs then these our enemies report of For which I yeelded them hearty thanks assuring them they should finde great difference betweene the loyalty of the one and disloyalty of the other and so payed their dueties and for that it was the chiefe place of trade I shewed them how I was resolued to goe to their king with certaine presents which we had brought out of England which we determined for the more honor and credit of our countrey and augmenting of their better affection toward vs. All this while Thomas Dassel was with our great pinnesse at the towne of Ioala being in the kingdome of king Iocoel Lamiockeric traffiking with the Spaniards Portugals there And the forenamed Pedro Gonsalues which came out of England was there also with other English marchants about the busines of Rich. Kelley and as it should seeme for that he could not obtaine his mischieuous pretended purpose against Thomas Dassel and others at the towne of Porto d' Ally where I Richard Rainolds remained he attempted with consent of other Portugals which were made priuy to his intent to betray the sayd Thomas Dassel at this towne had with bribes seduced the chiefe commanders and Negros to effect his wicked most villanous practise which as God would was reuealed to the sayd Thomas Dassel by Rich. Cape an Englishman and seruant to the forenamed Rich. Kelley to whom this sayd Pedro Gonsalues had disclosed his secret treachery willing him with all expedition to stand vpon his guard Whereupon Thomas Dassel went aboord a small English barke called The Cherubin of Lime and there one Iohn Payua a Portugall and seruant of Don Antonio declared that if he one Garcia a Portugall of the sayd towne would haue consented with Pedro Gonsalues the sayd Thomas Dassel had bene betrayed long before And vpon this warning Thomas Dassel the next day hauing gotten three Portugals aboord aduised for our better securities to send two on land detained one with him called Villa noua telling them that if the next day by eight of the clocke they would bring Pedro Gonsalues aboord â—o him he would release the sayd Villa noua which they did not And Thomas Dassel hauing intelligence that certaine Negros and Portugals were ridden post ouer-land Porto d' Ally with intent to haue Richard Rainolds and his company stayd on land being doubtfull what friendship soeuer the vnconstant Negros professed by reason they be often wauering being ouercome with drinking wine how they would deale to preuent the dangerous wiles that might be effected in the road by Portugals and for better strength the 24 of December he came with his pinnesse Portugall to ride in the road of Porto d' Ally where our great shippe the Nightingall was who was no sooner arriued but he had newes also from the shore from Iohn Baily Anthony Dassels seruant who was there with our goods detained by the Portugals means that aboue 20 Portugals and Spaniards
alluding thereunto he contradicteth the same and saith Nâ—c sit terris vltima Thule Yea Tertullian one of our most ancient and learned diuines in the beginning of his treatise de Pallio alludeth vnto Plato his Westerne Atlantis which there by another name he calleth Acon saying Aeon in Atlantico nunc quaeritur And in his 40. chapter de Apologetico he reporteâ—h the same to be bigger then all Africa and Asia Of this Newworld and euery speciall part thereof in this my third volume I haue brought to light the best most perfect relations of such as were chiefe actours in the particular discoueries and serches of the same giuing vnto euery man his right and leauing euery one to mainteine his owne credit The order obserued in this worke is farre more exact then heretofore I could attaine vnto for whereas in my two former volumes I was enforced foâ— lacke of sufficient store in diuers places to vse the methode of time onely which many worthy authors on the like occasion are enforced vnto being now more plentifully â—urnished with matter I alwayes follow the double order of time and place Wherefore proposing vnto my selfe the right situation of this New world I begin at the extreme Northerne limite and put downe successiuely in one ranke or classis according to the order aforesaide all such voyages as haue bene made to the said part which comming all together and following orderly one vpon another doe much more lighten the readers vnderstanding and confirme his iudgement then if they had bene scattered in sundry corners of the worke Which methode I obserue from the highest North to the lowest South Now where any country hath bene but seldome hanted or any extraordinary and chiefe action occurreth if I finde one voyage well written by two seuerall persons sometimes I make no difficultie to set downe both those iournals as finding diuers things of good moment obserued in the one which are quite omitted in the other For commonly a souldier obserueth one thing and a mariner another and as your honour knoweth Plus vident oculi quà m oculus But this course I take very seldome and sparingly And albeit my worke do carry the title of The English voyages aswell in regard that the greatest part are theirs and that my trauaile was chiefly vndertaken for preseruation of their memorable actions yet where our owne mens experience is defectiue there I haue bene careful to supply the same with the best and chiefest relations of strangers As in the discouery of the Grand Bay of the mighty riuer of S. Laurence of the countries of Canada Hochelaga and Saguenay of Florida and the Inland of Cibola Tiguex Cicuic and Quiuira of The gulfe of California the Northwesterne sea-coast to Cabo Mendoçino and Sierra Neuada as also of the late rich discouery of 15. prouinces on the backside of Florida and Virginia the chiefest wherof is called the kingdome of New Mexico for the wealth ciuil gouernment and populousnesse of the same Moreouer because since our warres with Spaine by the taking of their ships and sacking of their townes and cities most of all their secrets of the West Indies and euery part thereof are fallen into our peoples hands which in former time were for the most part vnknowen vnto vs I haue vsed the vttermost of my best endeuour to get and hauing gotten to translate out of Spanish and here in this present volume to publish such secrets of theirs as may any way auaile vs or annoy them if they driue and vrge vs by their sullen insolencies to coÌ„tinue our courses of hostilitie against them and shall cease to seeke a good and Christian peace vpon indifferent and equal conditions What these things be and of how great importance your honour in part maâ— vnderstand if it please you to vouchsafe to reade the Catalogues coÌ„teyning the 14. principal heads of this worke Whereby your honor may farther perceiue that there is no chiefe riuer no port no towne no citie no prouince of any reckoning in the West Indies that hath not here some good description thereof aswell for the inland as the seast-coast And for the knowledge of the true breadth of the Sea betweene Noua Albion on the Northwest part of America and the yle of Iapan lying ouer against the kingdomes of Coray and China which vntil these foure yeeres was neuer reueiled vnto vs being a point of exceeding great consequence I haue here inserted the voyage of one Francis Gualle a Spaniard made from Acapulco an hauen on the South sea on the coast of New Spaine first to the Philippinas and then to the citie of Macao in China and homeward from Macao by the yles of Iapan and thence to the back of the West Indies in the Northerly latitude of 37. degrees ½ In which course betweene the said ylands and the maine he found a wide and spacious open Ocean of 900. leagues broad which a little more to the Northward hath bene set out as a Streight and called in most mappes The Streight of Anian In which relation to the viceroy hee constantly affirmeth three seuerall times that there is a passage that way vnto the North parts of Asia Moreouer because I perceiue by a letter directed by her Maiestie to the Emperour of China and sent in the last Fleet intended for those parts by The South Sea vnder the charge of Beniamin Wood chiefly set out at the charges of sir Robert Duddeley a gentleman of excellent parts that she vseth her princely mediation for obtaining of freedome of traffique for her marchants in his dominions for the better instruction of our people in the state of those countries I haue brought to light certaine new aduertisements of the late alteration of the mightie monarchie of the confronting yle of Iapan and of the new conquest of the kingdome of Coray not long since tributarie to the king of China by Quabacondono the monarch of all the yles and princedomes of Iapan as also of the Tartars called Iezi adioyning on the East Northeast parts of Coray where I thinke the best vtterance of our natural and chiefe commoditie of cloth is like to be if it please God hereafter to reueile vnto vs the passage thither by the Northwest The most exact and true information of the North parts of China I finde in an history of Tamerlan which I haue in French set out within these sixe yeres by the abbat of Mortimer dedicated to the French king that now reigneth who confesseth that it was long since written in the Arabian tongue by one Alhacen a wise and valiant Captaine employed by the said mighty prince in all his conquests of the foresaid kingdome Which history I would not haue failed to haue translated into English if I had not found it learnedly done vnto my hand And for an appendix vnto the ende of my worke I haue thought it not impertinent to exhibite to the graue and discreet iudgements of those which haue
impayred neither doe we passe the frozen seas which yeelde sundry extreme dangers but haue a temperate climate at all times of the yeere to serue our turnes And lastly there neede no delayes by the way for taking in of fresh water and fewell a thing vsually done in long iournies because as I sayd aboue the voyage is not long and the fresh waters taken in there our men here in England at their returne home haue found so wholsome and sweete that they haue made choise to drinke it before our beere and ale Behold heere good countreymen the manifold benefits commodities and pleasures heretofore vnknowen by Gods especiall blessing not onely reueiled vnto vs but also as it were infused into our bosomes who though hitherto like dormice haue stumbered in ignorance thereof being like the cats that are loth for their prey to wet their feet yet if now therefore at the last we would awake and with willing mindes setting friuolous imaginations aside become industrious instruments to our selues questionlesse we should not only hereby set forth the glory of our heauenly father but also easily attaine to the end of all good purposes that may be wished or desired And may it not much encourage vs to hope for good successe in the countrey of these Sauages being a naked kinde of people voyde of the knowledge of the discipline of warre seeing that a noble man being but a subiect in this realme in the time of our king Henry the second by name Strangbow then earle of Chepstow in South Wales by himselfe and his allies and assistants at their owne proper charges passed ouer into Ireland and there made conquest of the now countrey and then kingdome of Lynester at which time it was very populous and strong which History our owne chronicles do witnesse And why should we be dismayed more then were the Spanyards who haue bene able within these few yeeres to conquer possesse and enioy so large a trace of the earth in the West Indies as is betweene the two tropikes of Cancer and Capricorne not onely in the maine firme land of America which is 47. degrees in latitude from South to North and doth containe 2820. English miles at the least that the king of Spaine hath there in actuall possession besides many goodly and rich Islands as Hispaniola now called S. Domingo Cuba Iamaica and diuers other which are both beautifull and full of treasure not speaking any whit at all how large the said land is from East to West which in some places is accounted to be 1500. English miles at the least from East to West betweene the one Sea and the other Or why should our noble nation be dismaid more then was Vasques Nunnes de Valboa a priuate gentleman of Spaine who with the number of 70. Spaniards at Tichiri gaue an ouerthrow vnto that mighty king Chemacchus hauing an armie of an hundred Canoas and 5000. men and the said Vasques Nunnes not long after with his small number did put to flight king Chiapes his whole armie Likewise Hernando Cortes being also but a priuate gentleman of Spaine after his departure from the Islands of Cuba and Acuzâ—â—il and entring into the firme of America had many most victorious triumphant conquests as that at Cyntla where being accompanied with lesse then 500. Spanish footmen thirteene horsemen and sixe pieces of Ordinance only he ouerthrew 40000. Indians The same Cortes with his sayd number of Spanyards tooke prisoner that mighty Emperour Mutezâ—ma in his most chiefe and famous citie of Mexico which at that instant had in it aboue the number of 50000. Indians at the least and in short time after obteined not onely the quiet possession of the said citie but also of his whole Empire And in like maner in the Countrey of Peru which the king of Spaine hath now in actuall possession Francisco Pysarro with the onely ayd of Diego de Almagro and Hernando Luche being all three but priuate gentlemen was the principall person that first attempted discouerie and conquest of the large and rich countrey of Peru which through the ayd of the almighty he brought to passe and atchieued in the Tambo of Caxamalca which is a large place of ground enclosed with walles in which place he tooke the great and mightie prince Atabalipa prisoner amidst the number of 60000. Indians his subiects which were euer before that day accounted to bee a warlike kind of people which his great victorie it pleased God to grant vnto him in the yeere of our Lord God 1533. he not hauing in his company aboue the number of 210. Spanyards wherof there were not past threescore horsemen in all after the taking of which prince Atabalipa he offered vnto Pyzarro for his ransome to fill a great large hall full of gold and siluer and such golde and siluer vessels as they then vsed euen as high as a man might reach with his arme And the sayd prince caused the same hall to be marked round about at the sayd height which ransome Pyzarro granted to accept And after when as this mighty prince had sent to his vassals subiects to bring in gold and siluer for the filling of the hall as aforesaid as namely to the cities or townes of Quito Paciacama and Cusco as also to the Calao of Lima in which towne as their owne writers doe affirme they found a large and faire house all slated and couered with gold and when as the said hall was not yet a quarter ful a mutinie arose amongst the Spanyards in which it was commonly giuen out that the said prince had politikely offered this great ransome vnder pretence to raise a much more mightie power whereby the Spanyards should be taken slaine and ouerthrowen whereupon they grew to this resolution to put the sayd prince to death and to make partition of the golde and siluer already brought in which they presently put in execution And comming to make perfect Inueutorie of the same as wel for the Emperour then king of Spaine his fift part as otherwise there was found to be already brought in into the sayd hall the number of 132425. pound weight of siluer and in golde the number of 1828125. pezos which was a riches neuer before that nor since seene of any man together of which there did appertaine to the Emperour for his fift part of golde 365625. pezos and for his fift part of siluer 26485. pound waight and to euery horseman eight thousand pezos of gold and 67. pound waight of siluer Euery souldiour had 4550. pezos of gold and 280. pound waight of siluer Euery Captaine had some 30000. some 20000. pezos of gold and siluer proportionally answerable to their degrees and calling according to the rate agreed vpon amongst them Francis Pizarro as their generall according to his decree and calling proportionally had more then any of the rest ouer and besides the massie table of gold which Atabalipa had in his Litter which waighed 25000.
lesse to the glorie of God then that action of the Spanyardes For as you may read in the very last wordes of the relation of Newe Mezico extant nowe in English the maine land where your last Colonie meane to seate themselues is replenished with many thousands of Indians Which are of better wittes then those of Mexico and Peru as hath bene found by those that haue had some triall of them whereby it may bee gathered that they will easily embrace the Gospell forsaking their idolatrie wherein as this present for the most part they are wrapped and intangled A wise Philosopher noting the sundry desires of diuers men writeth that if an oxe bee put into a medowe hee will seeke to fill his bellie with grasse if a Storke bee cast in shee will seeke for Snakes if you turne in a Hound he will seeke to start an Hare So sundry men entring into these discoueries propose vnto themselues seuerall endes Some seeke authoritie and places of commandement others experience by seeing of the worlde the most part worldly and transitorie gaine and that often times by dishonest and vnlawfull meanes the fewest number the glorie of God and the sauing of the soules of the poore and blinded infidels Yet because diuers honest and well disposed persons are entred already into this your businesse and that I know you meane hereafter to sende some such good Churchmen thither as may truely say with the Apostle to the Sauages Wee seeke not yours but you I conceiue great comfort of the successe of this your action hoping that the Lorde whose power is wont to bee perfected in weakenesse will blesse the feeble foundations of your building Onely bee you of a valiant courage and faint not as the Lorde sayd vnto Iosue exhorting him to proceede on forward in the conquest of the land of promise and remember that priuate men haue happily wielded and waded through as great enterprises as this with lesser meanes then those which God in his mercie hath bountifully bestowed vpon you to the singuler good as I assure my selfe of this our Common wealth wherein you liue Hereof we haue examples domesticall and forreine Remember I pray you what you find in the beginning of the Chronicle of the conquest of Ireland newly dedicated vnto your selfe Read you not that Richard Strangbow the decayed earle of Chepstow in Monmuthshire being in no great fauour of his soueraigne passed ouer into that Island in the yere 1171. and accompanied only with certain of his priuate friends had in short space such prosperous successe that he opened the way for king Henry the second to the speedy subiection of all that warlike nation to this crowne of England The like conquest of Brasilia and annexing the same to the kingdome of Portugall was first begun by meane and priuate men as Don Antonio de Castillio Ambassadour here for that realme and by office keeper of all the records and monuments of their discoueries assured me in this city in the yere 1581. Now if the greatnes of the maine of Virginia and the large extension therof especially to the West should make you thinke that the subduing of it were a matter of more difficulty then the conquest of Ireland first I answere that as the late experience of that skilfull pilote and Captaine M. Iohn Dauis to the Northwest toward which his discouery your selfe haue thrise contributed with the forwardest hath shewed a great part to be maine sea where before was thought to be maine land so for my part I am fully perswaded by Ortelius late reformation of Culuacan and the gulfe of California that the land on the backe part of Virginia extendeth nothing so far westward as is put downe in the Maps of those parts Moreouer it is not to be denied but that one hundred men will do more now among the naked and vnarmed people in Virginia then one thousand were able then to do in Ireland against that armed and warlike nation in those daies I say further that these two yeres last experience hath plainly shewed that we may spare 10000. able men without any misse And these are as many as the kingdome of Portugal had euer in all their garrisons of the Açores Madera Arguin Cape verde Guinea Brasill Mozambique Melinde Zocotora Ormus Diu Goa Malaca the Malucos and Macao vpon the coast of China Yea this I say by the cōfession of singuler expert men of their own nation whose names I suppresse for certain causes which haue bene personally in the East Indies haue assured me that their kings had neuer aboue ten thousand natural borne Portugals their slaues excepted out of their kingdome remaining in all the aforesaid territories Which also this present yeere I saw confirmed in a secrete extract of the particular estate of that kingdome and of euery gouernement and office subiect to the same with the seueral pensions thereunto belonging Seeing therefore we are so farre from want of people that retyring daily home out of the Lowe Countreys they go idle vp and down in swarms for lack of honest intertainment I see no fitter place to employ some part of the better sort of them trained vp thus long in seruice then in the inward partes of the firme of Virginia against such stubborne Sauages as shal refuse obedience to her Maiestie And doubtlesse many of our men will bee glad and faine to accept this condition when as by the reading of this present treatie they shal vnderstand the fertilitie and riches of the regions confining so neere vpon yours the great commodities and goodnesse wherof you haue bin contented to suffer to come to light In the meane season I humbly commend my selfe and this my translation vnto you and your selfe and all those which vnder you haue taken this enterprise in hand to the grace and good blessing of the Almighty which is able to build farther and to finish the good worke which in these our dayes he hath begun by your most Christian and charitable endeuour From London the 1. of May 1587. Your L. humble at commandement R. HAKLVYT The Preface of M. Rene Laudonniere THere are two things which according to mine opinion haue bene the principall causes in consideration whereof aswell they of ancient times as those of our age haue bene induced to trauell into farre and remote regions The first hath beene the naturall desire which wee haue to search out the commodities to liue happily plentifully and at ease be it whither one abandon his naturall Countrey altogether to dwell in a better or bee it that men make voyages thither there to search out and bring from thence such things as are there to be found and are in greatest estistimation and in most request in our Countreys The second cause hath bene the multitude of people too fruitefull in generation which being no longer able to dwell in their natiue soyles haue entred vpon their neighbours limites and oftentimes passing further
Wherupon our souldiers vtterly impatient were oftentimes ready to cut them in pieces and to make them pay the price of their foolish arrogancie Notwithstanding considering the importance hereof I tooke paines to appease the impatient souldier for I would not by any meanes enter into question with the Sauages it suffâ—sed me to delay the time Wherefore I deuised to send vnto Vtina to pray him to deale so farre foorth with his subiects as to succour me with mast and maiz which he did very sparingly sending me 12 or 15 baskets of mast and two of pinocks which are a kind of little greene fruits which grow among the weedes in the riuer and are as big as cheries yea this was not but by giuing of them in exchange twise as much marchandise and apparell as they were worth For the subiectes of Vtina perceiued euidently the necessitie wherein we were began to vse the like speech vnto vs as the others did as it is commonly seene that neede altereth mens affections While these things were in doing a certain breathing space presented it selfe for Vtina gaue me to vnderstand that there was a king his subiect whose name was Astina which he determined to take prisoner and to chastise him for his disobedience that for this cause if I would giue him aide with a certaine number of my souldiers he would bring them to the village of Astina where there was meanes to recouer mast and maiz In the meane season he excused himselfe vnto me because he had sent me no more maiz and sent me word that the little store that he had left was scarsely sufficient for his seede-corne Now being somewhat relieued as I thought by the hope which I had of this offer I would not faile to send him the men which he desired of me which neuerthelesse were very euill intreated for he deceiued them and in stead of leading them against Astina he caused them to march against his other enemies My Lieutenant which had the charge of this enterprise with Captaine Vasseur and my Sergeant was determined to be reuenged of Vtina and to cut him in pieces his people and had it not bene that they feared to do any thing against my wil without all doubt they would haue put their enterprise in execution Therfore they would not passe any further without aduertising me thereof Wherefore being come backe againe vnto the Fort angry pricked deepely to the quicke for being so mocked they made their coÌ„plaints vnto me declaring vnto me that they were almost dead for hunger They told the whole matter to the rest of the souldiers which were very glad that they had not entred into that action resolued assembling themselues againe together to let me vnderstand that they did persist in their first deliberation which was to punish the boldnesse and maliciousnes of the Sauages which they could no longer endure were determined to take one of their kings prisoner which thing I was enforced to grant vnto them to y e end to auoid a greater mischiefe and the sedition which I foresaw would ensue if I had made refusall thereof For sayd they what occasion haue you to deny vs considering the necessitie wherein we are and the small account that they make of vs. Shall it not be lawfull for vs to punish them for the wrongs which they doe vnto vs besides that we know apparantly how little they respect vs Is not this sufficient although there were no necessitie at all since they thus delude vs and haue broken promise with vs After I had therefore resolued with them to seaze on the person of Vtina which besides that he had giuen vs occasion hereof was also most able to help vs to recouer victuals I departed with fiftie of my best souldiers all embarked in two Barkes we arriued in the dominions of Vtina distant from our Fort about 40 or 50 leagues then going on shore we drew towards his village situated 6 great leagues from the riuer where we tooke him prisoner howbeit not without great cries and alarmes and led him away in our barkes hauing first signified vnto his Father in law and his chiefe subiects that in that I had taken him it was not for any desire that I had to doe him any harme but onely to relieue my necessitie and want of victuals which oppressed me and that in case they would helpe me to some I would find meanes to set him againe at libertie that in the meane space I would retire my selfe into my Barkes for I feared least they would there assemble themselues together and that some mischiefe might thereof insue where I would stay for him two dayes to receiue his answere notwithstanding that my meaning was not to haue any thing without exchange of marchandise This they promised they would doe And in very deede the very same euening his wife accompanied with all the women of the village came vnto the Riuers brinke and cryed vnto me to enter into the barke to see her husband and her sonne which I held both prisoners I discouered the next day fiue or siâ—e hundred Indian archers which drew neere vnto the riuer side and came to me to signifie vnto me how that during the absence of their king their enemie Potanou bâ—ing thereof aduertised was entred into their village and had set all on fire They prayed me that I would succour them neuerthelesse in the meane while they had one part of their troope in ambush with intent to set vpon me if I had come on land which was easie for mee to discerne For seeing that I refused so to doe they greatly doubted that they were discouered and sought by all meanes to remooue out of my minde that euill opinion which I had conceiued of them They brought mee therefore fish in their little boates and of their meale of Mast they made also of their drinke which they call cassine which they sent to Vtina and me Now albeit I had gotten this point of them that I held their king prisoner yet neuerthelesse I could not get any great quantitie of victuals for the present the reason was because they thought that after I had drawen victuals from them I would put their king to death For they measured my will according to their custome whereby they put to death all the men prisoners that they take in warre And thus being out of all hope of his libertie they assembled themselues in the great house and hauing called all the people together they proposed the election of a new King at which time the Father in lawe of Vtina set one of the kings young sonnes vpon the Royall throne and tooke such paynes that euery man did him homage by the maior part of the voyces This election had like to haue bene the cause of great troubles among them For there was a kinsman of the kings neere adioyning which pretended a Title to the kingdome and in
may not vtterly perish of whose good capacitie wherein they exceed those of Mexico and Peru as we be giuen to vnderstand by those that haue delt with them we may boldly presume that they will easily embrace the Gospel and abandon such idolatrie as now the most of them doe liue in which Almightie God graunt for his honour and glory and for the increase of the holy Catholique faith A letter of Bartholomew Cano from Mexico the 30. of May 1590. to Francis Hernandes of Siuil concerning the speedy building of two strong Forts in S. Iohns de Vllua and in Vera Cruz as also touching a notable new and rich discouery of Cibola or New Mexico 400â— leagues Northwest of Mexico IT may please you Sir to be aduertised that I haue receiued your letters whereby I understand that our ship with the treasure is safely ariued God be praised therefore The frigate arriued here in safetie which brought the letters of Aduise from the King to the Uiceroy She arriued in S. Iohn de Vllua the 29. of May deparâ—ed from S. Lucar in Spaine the 6. of April By which his Maiestie writeth vnto the Uiceroy what time the Fleete shall depart from hence and what course they shall take not as they had wont for to do by reason that there are great store of men of war abroad at the sea which meane to encounter with the Fleete I pray God sende them well to Spaine for here wee were troubled very sore with men of warre on this coast His Maiestie hath sent expresse coÌ„mandement vnto the Marques of Villa Manrique his cosen Uiecroy of Noua Hispania that immediatly vpon sight of his letters he that coÌ„mand to be builded in S. Iohn de Vllua in Vera Cruz two strong Forts for the defence of these countries of his Maiesties charges And that there shal be garisons in both the Forts for the defence of the ships which ride there and for the strength of the countrey There are departed out of Mexico and other townes hereabout by the commaundement of the Uiceroy 500. souldiers Spaniards vnder the coÌ„duct of Rodorigo del Rio the gouernour of Nueua Biscaia which are gone to win a great City called Cibola which is 400. leagues beyond Mexico to the Northwest and standeth vp in the maine land It is by report a very great citie as bigge as Mexico and a very rich countrey both of golde Mines and siluer Mines and the King of the countrey is a mighty King and he will not become subiect to his Maiestie There were certaine Spaniards sent to that king from the Uiceroy in an ambassage It is thought that they are slaine for we can here no newes of them The other newes that I can certifie you of at this instant is that there is a Iudge of the city of Guadalajara called don Nunno de villa Inscensia lately maried Also the kings Atturney of Guadalajara maried his daughter of 8. yeres old with a boy of 12 yeres old But the Uiceroy saith that he hath a warrant from his Maiestie that if any Iudge whatsoeuer dwelling in that kingdome of Guadalajara should mary any some in that iurisdiction that then the said Uiceroy is to depriue him of his office And therfore he went about to depriue the Iudge the kings Attourney of their offices Whereupon the people of that prouince would not thereunto consent nor suffer them to be dismissed of their offices nor to be arrested nor caried prisoners to Mexico When the viceroy had intelligence thereof that the Countrey did resist his commandement and would not suffer them to be apprehended he sent certaine Captaines with souldiers to goe and apprehend the Iudge the kings Attourney and as many as did take their parts So the citizens of Guadalajara withstood the viceroies forces put themselues in defence and are vp in armes against the viceroy yet they do not rebel against the king but say God saue king Philip and wil submit themselues to his Maiestie but not to the viceroy So that all the kingdome of Guadalajara is vp in armes and are all in a mutinie against vs of Mexico I beseech Almighty God to remedy it and that it may be qualified in time or else all Noua Spania wil be vtterly spoiled I write this thing because it is publiquely knowen in all places And thus I rest from Mexico the 30. of May 1590. Bartholomew Cano. THE FIRST AND SECOND DISCOuery of the gulfe of California and of the Sea-coast on the Northwest or backside of America lying to the West of New Mexico Cibola and Quiâ—ira together with Sir Francis Drakes landing and taking possession vpon Noua Albion in the behalfe of the Crowne of England and the notable voyage of Francis Gaule Wherein amongst many other memorable matters is set downe the huge bredth of the Ocean sea from China and Iapan to the Northwest parts of America in the 38. and 40. degrees A relation of the discouery which in the Name of God the Fleete of the right noble Fernando Cortez Marques of the Vally made with three ships The one called Santa Agueda of 120. tunnes the other the Trinitie of 35. tunnes and the thirde S. Thomas of the burthen of 20. tunnes Of which Fleete was Captaine the right worshipfull knight Francis de Vlloa borne in the Citie of Merida Taken out of the third volume of the voyages gathered by M. Iohn Baptista Ramusio Chap. 1. Francis Vlloa a captaine of Cortez departeth with a Fleet from the port of Acapulco and goeth to discouer vnknowen lands he passeth by the coast of Sacatula and Motin and by tempest runneth to the riuer of Guajanal froÌ„ whence he crosseth ouer to the hauen of Santa Cruz along the coast whereof he discouereth 3. smal Ilands and within two dayes and an halfe returning to the maine land he discouereth the riuer called Rio de San Pedro y San Pablo and not far distant from thence two other riuers as big or greater then that of Guadalquiuir which runneth by Siuil together with their head-springs WE imbarked our selues in the hauen of Acapulco on the 8. of Iuly in the yeere of our Lord 1539 calling vpon almighty God to guide vs with his holy hand vnto such places where he might be serued and his holy faith aduanced And we sailed from the said port by the coast of Sacatula and Motin which is sweete and pleasant through the abundance of trees that grow thereon and riuers which passe through those countreis for the which wee often thanked God the creatour of them So sailing along we came to the hauen of S. Iago in the prouince of Colima but before we arriued there the maine mast of our ship called Santa Agueda was broken by a storme of winde that tooke vs so as the ship was forced to saile without her mast vntil we arriued in the laid hauen From the port of Acapulco to this hauen of Colima wee were sayling the
wrought aâ—tificially with feathers of diuers colours the chaines were made of a bony substance and few be the persons among them that are admitted to weare them and of that number also the persons are stinted as some ten some twelue c. Next vnto him which bare the scepter was the king himselfe with his Guarde about his person clad with Come skinnesâ— and other skinnes after them followed the naked common sort of people euery one hauing his face painted some with white some with blacke and other colours and hauing in their hands one thing or other for a present not so much as their children but they also brought their presents In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together and marched within his fenced place making against their approching a very warlike shewe They being trooped together in their order and a general salutation being made there was presently a generall silence Then he that bare the scepter before the king being informed by another whome they assigned to that office with a manly and loftie voice proclaimed that which the other spake to him in secret continuing halfe an houre which ended and a generall Amen as it were giuen the king with the whole number of men and women the childreâ— excepted came downe without any weapon who descending to the foote of the hill set themselues in order In comming towards our bulwarks and tents the scepter bearer began a song obseruing his measures in a dance and that with a stately countenance whom the king with his Garde and euery degree of persons following did in like maner sing and dance sauing onely the women which daunced and kept silence The General permitted them to enter within our bulwark where they continued their song and daunce a reasonable time When they had satisfied themselues they mad signes to our Generall to sit downe to whom the king and diuers others made seueral orations or rather supplicationâ— that he would take their prouince and kingdom into his hand and become their king making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole land and become his subiects In which to perswade vs the better the king and the rest with one consent and with great reuerence ioyfully singing a song did set the crowne vpon his head inriched his necke with all their chaines and offered vnto him many other things honouring him by the name of Hioh adding thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumph which thing our Generall thought not meete to reiect because hee knewe not what honour and profite it might bee to our countrey Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her Maiestieâ— he tooke the scepter crowne and dignitie of the said Countrey in his hands wishing that the riches treasure there of might so conueniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdome at home as it aboundeth in the â—ame The common sort of the people leauing the king and his Guarde with our Generall scattered themselues together with their sacrifices among our people taking a diligent viewe of euery person and such as pleased their fancie which were the yongest they inclosing them about offred their sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping scratching and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nayles whereof issued abundance of blood But wee vsed signes to them oâ— disliking this and stayed their hands from force and directed them vpwardes to the liuing God whome onely they ought to worshippe They shewed vnto vs their wounds and craued helpe of them at our handes whereupon wee gaue them lotions plaisters and emiments agreeing to the state of their griefes beseeching God to cure their deseases Euery thirde day they brought their sacrifices vnto vs vntill they vnderstoode our meaning that we had no pleasure in them yet they could not be long absent from vs but daily frequented our company to the home of our departure which departure seemed so grieuous vnto them that their ioy was turned into sorrow They intreated vs that bâ—ing absent wee would remember them and by stelth prouided a sacrifice which we misliked Our necessarie businesse being ended our Generall with his companie traueiled vp into the Countrey to their villages where we found heardes of Deere by a thousand in a companie being most large and fat of body We found the whole countrey to bee a warren of a strange kinde of Conies their bodyes in bignes as be the Barbary Conies their heads as the heades of ours the feet of a Want and the taile of a Rat being of great length vnder her chinne on either side a bagge into the which shee gathereth her meate when she hath filled her belly abroad The people eate their bodies and make great account of their skinnes for their Kings coate was made of them Our Generall called this countrey Noua Albion and that for two causes the one in respect of the white bankes and cliffes whichly towardes the sea and the other because it might haue some affinitie with our Countrey in name which sometime was so called There is no part of earth here to bee taken vp wherein there is not some speciall likelihood of gold or siluer At our departure hence our Generall set vp a monument of our being there as also of her Maiesties right and title to the same namely a plate nailed vpon a â—aire great posteâ— whereupon was ingrauen her Maiesties name the day and yeere of our arriuall there with the sree giuing vp of the Prouince and people into her Maiesties hands together with her higâ—nes picture and armes in a peice of sixe pence of current English money vnder the plate where vnder was also written the name of our Generall It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had neuer bene in this part of the countrey neither did euer discouer the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place The true and perfect description of a voyage performed and done by Francisco de Gualle a Spanish Captaine and Pilot for the Vice-roy of New Spaine from the Hauen of Acapulco in New Spaine to the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas vnto the Hauen of Manilla from thenâ— to the Hauen of Macao in Chiâ—na and from Macao backe againe to Acapulco accomplished in the yeere of our Lord 1584. Chap. I. THe tenth of March in the yeere of our Lorde 1582 wee set sayle out of the Hauen of Acapulco lying in the countrey of New Spaine directing our course towards the Islands of the Luçones or Philippinas West Southwest running in that maner for the space of twentie fiue leagues till wee came vâ—der sixteene degrees that so wee might shunne the calmes by sayling close by the shoare From thence forward we held our course West for the space of 30 leagues beiâ—g there we ran West and West by South for the space of 1800 leagues to the Island called â—â—la del Enganno which is the furthest Island lying in
Biscay where I solde my merchandise for exchange of siluer for there were there certaine rich mines discouered by the aforesayd Biskaine Going from Mexico I directed my voyage somewhat toward the Southwest to certaine mines called Tamascaltepec and so trauelled forward the space of twenty dayes thorow desert places vnhabited till I came to the valley of S. Bartholomew which ioyneth to the prouince of New Biscay In all these places the Indians for the most part go naked and are wilde people Their common armour is bowes and arrowes they vse to eate vp such Christians as they come by From hence departing I came to another prouince named Xalisco and from thence to the port of Nauidad which is 120 leagues from Mexico in which port arriue alwayes in the moneth of April all the ships that come out of the South sea from China and the Philippinas and there they lay their merchandise ashore The most part whereof is mantles made of Cotton wooll Waxe and fine platters gilded made of earth and much golde The next Summer following being in the yeere 1570 which was the first yeere that the Popes Buls were brought into the Indies I vndertooke another voyage towards the prouince of Sonsonate which is in the kingdome of Guatimala whither I caried diuers merchandize of Spaine all by land on mules backs The way thitherward from Mexico is to the city of the Angels and from thence to another city of Christians 80 leagues off called Guaxaca in which there dwelt about 50 Spanyards and many Indiaâ—s All the Indians of this prouince pay their tribute in mantles of Cotton wooll and Cochinilla whereof there groweth abundance thorowout this countrey Neere to this place there lieth a port in the South sea called Aguatulco in the which there dwell not aboue three or foure Spanyards with certaine Negroes which the king mainteineth there in which place Sir Francis Drake arriued in the yeere 1579 in the moneth of April where I lost with his being there aboue a thousand duckets which he tooke away with much other goods of other merchants of Mexico from one Francisco Gomes Rangifa factour there for all the Spanish merchants that then traded in the South sea for from this port they vse to imbarke all their goods that goe for Peru and to the kingdome of Honduras From Guaxaca I came to a towne named Nixapa which standeth vpon certaine very high hilles in the prouince of Sapotecas wherein inhabit about the number of twenty Spanyards by the King of Spaines commandement to keepe that country in peace for the Indians are very rebellious and for this purpose hee bestoweth on them the townes cities that be within that prouince From hence I went to a city called Tecoantepec which is the farthest towne to the Eastward in all Noua Hispania which sometime did belong to the Marques de Valle and because it is a very fit port standing in the South sea the king of Spaine vpon a rebellion made by the sayd Marques against him tooke it from him and doth now possesse it as his owne Heere in the yeere 1572 I saw a piece of ordinance of brasse called a Demy culuerin which came out of a ship called the Iesus of Lubec which captaine Hawkins left in S. Iohn de Vllua being in fight with the Spanyards in the yeere 1568 which piece they afterwards caried 100 leagues by land ouer mighty mountaines to the sayd city to be embarked there for the Philippinas Leauing Tecoantepec I went still along by the South sea about 150 leagues in the desolate prouince of Soconusco in which prouince there groweth cacao which the Christians cary from thence into Noua Hispania for that it will not grow in any colde countrey The Indians of this countrey pay the king their tribute in cacao giuing him foure hundred cargas and euery carga is 24000 almonds which carga is woorth in Mexico thirty pieces of reals of plate They are men of great riches and withall very proud and in all this prouince thorowout there dwell not twenty Christians I trauelled thorow another prouince called Suchetepec and thence to the prouince of Guasacapan in both which prouinces are very few people the biggest towne therein hauing not aboue two hundred Indians The chiefest merchandise there is cacao Hence I went to the city of Guatimala which is the chiefe city of all this kingdome in this city doe inhabit about 80 Spanyards and here the king hath his gouernors councell to whom all the people of the kingdome repaire for iustice This city standeth from the coast of the South sea 14 leagues within the land and is very rich by reason of the golde that they fetch out of the coast of Veragua From this city to the Eastward 60 leagues lieth the prouince Sonsonate where I solde the merchandize I caried out of Noua Hispania The chiefest city of this prouince is called S. Saluador which lieth 7 leagues from the coast of the South sea and hath a port lying by the sea coast called Acaxutla where the ships arriue with the merchandize they bring from Noua Hispania and from thence lade backe againe the cacao there dwell heere to the number of threescore Spanyards From Sonsonate I trauelled to Nicoia which is in the kingdome of Nicaragua in which port the king buildeth all the shipping that trauell out of the Indies to the Malucos I went forward from thence to Costa rica where the Indians both men and women go all naked and the land lieth betweene Panama and the kingdome of Guatimala and for that the Indians there liue as warriers I durst not passe by land so that here in a towne called S. Saluador I bestowed that which I caried in annile which is a kinde of thing to die blew withall which I caried with me to the port of Cauallos lying in the kingdome of Honduras which port is a mighty huge gulfe and at the comming in on the one side of it there lieth a towne of little force without ordinance or any other strength hauing in it houses of straw at which towne the Spanyards vse yeerely in the moneth of August to vnlade foure ships which come out of Spaine laden with rich merchandise and receiue in heere againe their lading of a kinde of merchandise called Annile and Cochinilla although it be not of such value as that of Noua Hispania and siluer of the mines of Tomaangua and golde of Nicaragua and hides and Salsa perilla the best in all the Indies all which merchandize they returne and depart from thence alwayes in the moneth of April following taking their course by the Island of Iamaica in which Island there dwell on the West side of it certeine Spanyards of no great number From this place they go to the cape of S. Anthony which is the vttermost part of the Westward of the Island of
in such a perplexitie and confusion that we know not what we shall doe I pray God his maiestie take not away our money which wee haue sent to Spaine in the fleete For here are marchants that haue sent some 200000. pezos some 100000. pezos some 60000. some more some lesse to haue it imployed in commodities of that countrey Although the king hath sâ—nt hither his scedule or bill of assignâ—ment signed and sealed by his maiestie which hath bene proclaimed here The contents whereof are That what man soeuer marchant or other will send their money into Spaine in that fleete his maiestie will not take away any part or portion thereof which in so doing will bee a great comfort vnto vs all yet here we were in doubt that hee would take it from vs all Newes from the citie of Lima as yet we haue none But I can certifie your worshippe that all things are very deere here and that we stand in great extremitie for want of victuals and likewise we haue great want of money Also here is order come from the king with certaine priuie seales for to lend his maiestie money for that hee hath great neede thereof This countrey at this instant very poore and there are none that can lend the king at this time any money at all by reason that this lande is left so vnprouided of money But wâ—e are looking for great store of money which is to come from Lima and from The Valles From Panama the 12. of August 1590. STEVEN de TRESIO A letter of the Licenciate Iohn de Labera to the Licenciate Alonso Sapata de Henao in Castile in Calamea de la Sorengo written from S. Fee de Bogota in the new kingdom of Granada the 10. of May 1590. touching the rich siluer mines of Marequita newly found out and the long way thither by the riuer of Magdalena WIth other letters which I dispatched froÌ„ heÌ„ce in August 1589. I wrote vnto your worship by 2. or 3. wayes but I know not whether you haue receiued them or no. Presently after I departed to the gouernment of Popayan which ioyneth with the citie of Quito in the coast of Peru in companie of the gouernors lieutenant Don Diego Ordonez de Lara of Salamanca But I was faine to forsake his companie by reason I fell sicke in the citie of Marequita where they haue discouâ—red the great siluer mines which citie is aboue 200. leagues from Cartagena where I remained a certâ—ine time very sicke And because this countrey is extreme hotte and I â—uery day grewe worse and worse I was faine to trauaile 30. leagues further vp into the maine land to a citie called S. Fee in the new kingdom of Granada bâ—ing on the coast of Peru which is a cold countrey where I am admitted a procurator for that the Roial audience is kept in this citie So I finde my selfe very healthy of bodie by reason this countrey is full of all kind of victuals very good and very plentifull as bread cheese bacon beefe great store of hâ—nnes and great store of comfeitures Onely here is want of golde â—o that this countrey will be vtterly vndone if the mines of Marequita help not to restore the same again whereof there is good hope for here is great store of metall already found and the workmen are in hand to refine the said metal so that we are in good hope that great store of siluer will be found in these mines of great value and profite to his maiestie This riuer is called The great riuer of Magdalena There is a fish in the riuer called Cayman which followeth after the canoas and if it can reach any man in the canoa it will haile him out and deuoure him All night they lie in the sand on shore In this riuer as we are going vp there is at certaine seasons great store of lightning and thunder with such abundance of raine as though the skies would fall downe and so it doth continue from midnight vntil morning so that we are faine to go aboord the canoas with certaine broad leaues which grow in the countrey the mariners make a couering to cast ouer the wares which are laden in the canoas and it doth keepe both the raine sunne from vs which are passengers The canoas are drawen vp this riuer of Magdalena by maine force of the mariners in â—owing and haling them with ropes There are 7. or 8. Indians commonly which guide these canoas besides the Master which keepeth the helme and the passengers We are commonly two moneths in going vp this riuer It is 150. leagues to the landing place And there the marchants vnlade their marchandise which serue for all the cities and townes which are in this newe kingdome of Granada And the marchants lade the canoas backe againe from thence with great store of siluer and golde which is gotten out of the mines for Cartagena and there it is shipped for Spaine And likewise here is great quantitie of treasure laden in thesayd canoas which is for the kings custome and other dueties which are paid But they are but a moneth or three weâ—kes going downe the riuer to Cartagena These are the richest mines in all Peru. And thus I rest From Santa Fee de Bogota in the new kingdome of Granada in Peru the 10. of May 1590. The Licenciate IOHN de LABERA A letter of Hieronymo de Nabares to the licenciat Iohn Alonso dwelling in Valladolid written from Panama to Siuil the 24. day of August 1590. touching the gainefulnes of the trade to the Philippinas and the extreme feare they haue of the Englishmen NOt long agone I wrote to your worship from Panama by the way of Hauana giuing you to vnderstand of my being here of the state of these countreys After I departed from Spaine in 37. dayes wee arriued at Cartagena and from thence I tooke shipping to goe to Nombre de Dios which is 80. leagues from Cartagena and in 4. dayes wee got thither And from thence I went to Panama where I haue remained these 20. dayes till the shippes goe for the Philippinas My meaning is to carie my commodities thither for it is constantly reported that for euery hundred ducats a man shall get 600. ducats cleerely Wee must stay here in Panama from August till it be Christmasse For in August September October and Nouember it is winter here and extreme foule weather vpon this coast of Peru and not nauigable to goe to the Philippinas nor to any place else in the South sea So that at Christmasse the ships begin to set on their voyage for those places and then in these parts the summer beginneth with very faire weather and alwayes we shall haue the windes with vs. For in Iuly vntil October here is terrible thundering and lightening with extreme raines so that it is not possible to go any way in this countrey Here are in Panama 10. great ships of
to haue wrought the same and whosoeuer hath seene with what strength of stone the best gold oare is inuironed hee will not thinke it easie to be had out in heapes and especially by vs who had neither men instruments nor time as it is said before to performe the same There were on this discouery no lesâ—e then 100. persons who can all witnesse that when we past any branch of the riuer to view the land within and staied from our boats but 6. houres wee were driuen to wade to the eyes at our returne and if wee attempted the same the day following it was impossible either to ford it or to swim it both by reason of the swiftnesse and also for that the borders were so pestred with tast woods as neither boat nor man could find place either to land or to imbarke for in Iune Iuly August and September it is impossible to nauigate any of those riuers for such is the fury of the current and there are so many trees and woods ouerflowne as if any boat but touch vpon any tree or stake it is impossible to saue any one person therein and yet we departed the land it ranne with such swiftnes as wee draue downe most commonly against the wind little lesse then 100. miles a day Besides our vessels were no other then whirries one little barge a small cockboat and a bad Galiota which we framed in hast for that purpose at Trinidad and those little boats had 9. or 10. men a piece with all their victuals and armes It is further true that we were about 400. miles from our ships and had bene a moneth from them which alâ—o we left weakly manned in an open road and had promised our returne in 15. dayes Others haue deuised that the same oare was had from Barbary and that we caried it with vs into Guiana surely the singularitie of that deuice I doe not well comprehâ—nd for mine owne part I am not so much in loue with these long voyages as to deuise therby to cozen my selfe to lie hard to fare worse to be subiected to perils to diseases to ill sauors to be parched withered and withall to sustaine the care labour of such an enterprize except the same had more comfort then the ferching of Marcasite in Guiana or buying of gold oare in Barbary But I hope the better sort wil iudge me by themselues that the way of deceit is not the way of honor or good opinion I haue herein consumed much time many crownes I had no other respect or desire then to serue her Maiâ—stie and my country thereby If the Spanish nation had bene of like beliâ—fe to these detracters we should litle haue feared or doubted their attempts wherewith we now are daily threatned But if we now coÌ„sider of the actions both of Charles the 5. who had the maiden head of Peru and the abundant treasures of Atabalipa together with the affaires of the Spanish king now liuing what territories he hath purchased what he hath added to the acts of his predecessors how many kingdoms he hath indangered how many armies garisons nauies he hath and doth mainteine the great losses which he hath repaired as in 88. aboue 100. saile of great ships with their artillery that no yere is lesse vnfortunate but that many vessels treasures and people are deuoured and yet notwithstanding he beginneth againe like a storme to threaten shipwrack to vs all we shall find that these abilities rise not froÌ„ the trades of sacks and Siuil oringes nor fâ—om ought els that either Spaine Portugal or any of his other prouinces produce it is his Indian gold that indangereth and disturbeth all the nations of Europe it puâ—chaseth intelligence creepeth into counsels and setteth bound loyaltie at libertie in the greatest Monarchies of Europe If the Spanish king can keepe vs from forren enterprizes from the impeachment of his trades either by offer of inuasion or by besieging vs in Britaine Ireland or elsewhere hee hath then brought the worke of our peril in great forwardnes Those princes which abound in treasure haue great aduantages ouer the rest if they once constraine them to a defensiue war where they are driuen once a yere or oftner to cast lots for their own garmeÌ„ts and froÌ„ such shal all trades entercourse be taken away to the general losse and impouerishment of the kingdom and common weale so reduced besides when our men are constrained to fight it hath not the like hope as when they are prest incouraged by the desire of spoile riches Farther it is to be douted how those that in time of victory seeme to affect their neighbor nations wil remaine after the first view of misfortunes or il successe to trust also to the doubtfulnes of a battel is but a fearefull vncertaine aduenture seeing therein fortune is as likely to preuaile as vertue It shall not be necessary to alleage all that might bee said and therefore I will thus conclude that whatsoeuer kingdome shal be inforced to defend it selfe may be compared to a body dangerously diseased which for a â—eason may be preserued with vulgar medicines but in a short time and by litle and litle the same must needs fall to the ground be dissolued I haue therefore laboured all my life both according to my smal power perswasion to aduance al those attempts that might either promise return of profit to our selues or at least be a let and impeachment to the quiet course and plentiâ—ull trades of the Spanish nation who in my weake iudgement by such a warre were as easily indangered brought froÌ„ his powerfulnes as any prince of Europe if it be considered from how many kingdomes and nations his reuenues are gathered those so weake in their owne beings and so far seuered from mutual succour But because such a preparation and resolution is not to be hoped for in hast that the time which our enemies embrace cannot be had a gaine to aduaÌ„tage I wil hope that these prouinces and that Empire now by me discouered shal suffice to inable her Maiestie the whole kingdome with no lesse quantities of treasure then the king of Spaine hath in all the Indies East and West which he possesseth which if the same be considered and followed ere the Spaniards enforce the same and if her Maiestie wil vndertake it I wil be contented to lose her highnesse fauour good opinion for euer and my life withall if the same be not found rather to exceed then to equal whatsoeuer is in this discourse promised or declared I wil now referre the Reader to the following discourse with the hope that the perillous and chargeable labours and indeuors of such as thereby seeke the profit and honour of her Maiestie and the English nation shall by men of qualitie and vertue receiue such construction and good acceptance as themselues would looke to be rewarded withall in the like W. R. ¶
if they consider that the Spanish nation hath already conquered the two empires of Mexico and Peru with so many other kingdoms and prouinces wee may very well answere that his power is not infinite and that hee hath done well for the time And yet it is manifest that this very empire hath beene by all those seuerall Spaniardes the catalogue of whose names is by it selfe hereunto annexed at sundry times vndertaken and neuer perfourmed Howbeit the world hath reason to admire their constancie and their great labours and wee may well blush at our owne idle despaiâ—efull and loytering dispositions that can finde abilitie in another barren and sterued nation to possesse so much of the worlde and can doe nothing but frame arguments against our selues as vnfit and powerlesse to possesse one prouince already discouered and of which our nation hath assurance of the peoples loue and that all the Chieftaines and principals haue vowed their obedience to her Maiestie the nauigation being withall so short dangerlesse and free from infectious sickenesse If doubt of perils might moderate the mindes of our men once mooued with steadfast hope that golde shall bee the reward of their trauels it may easily bee perceiued that all those lets and hinderances that can any way bee alleaged or wrested so much as but to touch vs doe deepely and neerely concerne the Spanish king and in a maner violently withold him from that which hee notwithstanding carreith with successe whilest wee out of season do affect the bare stile to be named men stayed and circumspect in our proceedings It is reported that Calanus the Indian threw downe before Alexander the great a drie seare peece of leather then put his foot on one of the endes of it the leather being trode downe at that side â—ose on all parts else By this the wise man did shewe vnto him a figure and similitude of his kingdome which being exceeding large must of necessitie in all other parts excepting the place of the kings residence be alwayâ—s full of stiâ—s tumults and insurrections The end afterwards confirmed that this empire consisting of sundry nations could not keepe it selfe from dissolution No potentate liuing hath or can haue so faithfull and incorrupt counsellers as bee the examples and histories of forepassed times and ages Wee may therefore bee bolde to thinke that the Gouernours of the Spanish affaires â—hould minde it that their kings lustfull desire and ambitious thoughts to establish ouer all Europe one lawe one Lord one religion are built and erected on a dangerous vngrounded reâ—olution Considering that many of the neighbour kingdomes being of equall force in men or greater then hee can make are setled in a long continued estate are entire within themselues and hate to heare the voyce of a stranger It is not vnlikely that they in this case should lay before their king the fatall destinies of many worthies that haue beene constrained for wante of sufficient numbers of their naturall subiects after many yeeres spent in the warres to retire to their owne countreys and haue beene glad peaceably to holde their owne Signiories at home resigning all that vnto others which they haue gotten abroad by hard aduenture and much esâ—usion of blood The King of Spaine cannot but discerne that his spacious empires and kingdomes being so many and so farre diuided one from another are like the members of a monstrous bodie tyed together with cables onely For take away the traffique of vnnecessarie commodities transported â—ut of Spaine those huge countreys of the Indies hauing no common linke of affinitie lawe language or religion and being of themselues able to maintaine themselues without forreine commerce are not so simple as not to knowe thâ—ir owne strength and to finde that they doe rather possesse Spaniardes then that they are possessed by them Hee cannot bee ignorant that Spaine it selfe is on all sides enuironed with many puissant enemies mightie and great princes who knowing it to bee rich without men confident without reason proud and aduenturous without meanes sufficient may happily confederate to chastise him as an insolent intruder and disturber of all quietnesse and going no further then Spaine it selfe may euen there shake the foundation of his long contriued deuises and in one acte redeeme the time controll his aspiring humor and breake the bandes in sunder that import seruitude and subuersion to all the dominions of Christendome Againe his counsell may well informe him that to dispeople and disable himselfe at home in hope to obtaine Guiana being a countrey strong of it selfe and defended with infinite multitudes of Indian enemies being rich and by the inhabitants offered vnto the English his contempt towardes vs would seeme so intollerable and despightfull as might bee sufficient to prouoke vs though otherwise wee had no such inclination if hee vnprouided of able helpes to effect it should rest himselfe on a carelesse presumption that wee cannot wee dare not wee will not stirre in a matter that promiseth vs so great benefite and may so highly offend him Hee may bee perswaded that to leaue no other succour or safetie to his nakednesse but the olde stale practice of spreading rumours and giuing out false intelligences of preparations to inuade England thereby to keepe vs at home or els of hyring and suborning some Machauellian vnder hande by secret conueyance to stop the course of our proceedings or lastly of procuring some wilde outlaw to disquiet our tranquillitie is but a poore weake and vncertaine stay to vpholde his estate by And yet setting such like driftes aside what can bee imagined likely to hinder vs from preuailing in Guiana rather then him whose disaduantage is to bee encombred with the selfe same and manifolde more impediments then can any way bee supposed with â—ood cause to impeach or diuorce vs froÌ„ so profitable an attempt All this nothwithstanding if the Spanish king not being able to dissemble his desire or beare the losse of this one kingdome putting himselfe out of his strength at home and exposing his people to the hazard of all casualties abroad bee resolued whatsoeuer shall happen not to relinquish Guiana but to keepe this one yron more in the fire on no other assurance but a peremptorie disdaine of preuention If hee appeare so eagerly bent for Guiana as if it were enacted for a lawe amongst themselues Vâ—is modis to thrust for it and not to heare conceiue or beleeue any thing that may disswade or deterre from the conquest thereof it then appertaineth vnto vs not to inforce those obiections against our selues which hee with lesse reason reiecteth as friuolous since by howe much the more earnest hee is in following this purpose by so much the lesse cause haue wee to bee diuâ—rted from it To such as shall bee willing further to wade in this argument for breuities sake I doe propose onely this bare assertion that England and Guiana conioyned are stronger and more easily defended then if England alone should repose
person clad with Conie skins other skins after them followed the naked coÌ„mon sort of people euery one hauing his face paâ—nted some with white some with blacke and other colours hauing in their hands one thing or another for a present not so much as their children but they also brought their presents In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together and marched within his fenced place making against their approching a uery warre-like shew They being trooped together in their order and a generall salutation being made there was presently a generall silence Then he that bare the scepter before the King bâ—ing informed by another whom they assigned to that office with a manly and loftie voyce proclaymed that which the other spake to him in secrete continuing halfe an houre which ended and a ganeraâ—l Amen as it were giuen the King with the whole number of men and women the children excepted came downe without any weapon who descending to the foote of the hill set themselues in order In comming towards our bulwarks and tents the scepter-bearer began a song obseruing his measures in a daunce and that with a stately countenance whom the King with his Guarde and euery degree of persons following did in like maner sing and daunce sauing onely the women which daunced kept silence The General permitted them to enter within our bulwarke where they continued their song and daunce a reasonable time When they had satisfied themselues they made signes to our General to sit downe to whom the King and diuers others made seuerall orations or rather supplications that hee would take their prouince and kingdome into his hand and become their King making signes that they would resigne vnto him their right and title of the whole land and become his subiects In which to perswade vs the better the King and the rest with one consent and with great reuerence ioyfully singing a song did set the crowne vpon his head inriched his necke with all their chaines and offred vnto him many other things honouring him by the name of Hioh adding thereunto as it seemed a signe of triumphâ— which thing our Generall thought not meete to reiect because he knew not what honour and profit it might be to our Countrey Wherefore in the name and to the vse of her Maiestieâ— he tooke the scepter crowne and dignitie of the said Countrey into his hands wishing that the riches treasure thereof might so conueniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdom at home as it aboundeth in y e same The common sorte of people leauing the King and his Guarde with our Generall scattered themselues together with their sacrifices among our people taking a diligent viewe of euery person and such as pleased their fancie which were the yongest they inclosing them about offred their sacrifices vnto them with lamentable weeping scratching and tearing the flesh from their faces with their nailes whereof issued abundance of blood But wee vsed signes to them of disâ—iking this and stayed their hands from force and directed them vpwards to the liuing God whom onely they ought to worship They shewed vnto vs their wounds and craued helpe of them at our hands whereupon we gaue them lotions plaisters and oyntments agreeing to the state of their griefes beserching God to cure their diseases Euery third day they brought their sacrifices vnto vs vntill they vnderstood our meaning that we had no pleasure in them yet they could not be long absent from vs but dayly frequented our company to the houre of our departure which departure seemed so greeuous vnto them that their ioy was turned into sorow They intreated vs that being absent we would remember them and by stealth prouided a sacrifice which we misliked Our necessarie businesse being ended our Generall with his company trauailed vp into the Covntrey to their villages where we found herdes of Deere by 1000. in a company being most large and fat of body We found the whole Countrey to bee a warren of a strange kinde of Connies their bodies in bignesse as be the Barbary Connies their heads as the heads of ours the feete of a Want and the taile of a Rat being of great length vnder her chinne is on either side a bag into the which she gathereth her meate when she hath filled her bellie abroad The people eate their bodies and make great accompt of their skinnes for their Kings coate was made of them Our Generall called this Countrey Noua Albion and that for two causes the one in respect of the white bankes and cliffes which lie towards the sea and the other because it might haue some affinitie with our Countrey in name which sometime was so called There is no part of earth heere to bee taken vp wherein there is not some probable shew of gold or siluer At our departure hence our Generall set vp a monument of our being there as also of her Maiesties right and title to the same namely a plate nailed vpon a faire great poste whereupon was ingrauen her Maiesties name the day and yeere of our arriuall there with the free giuing vp of the prouince and people into her Maiesties hands together with her highnesse picture and armes in a peece of sixe pence of current English money vnder the plate whereunder was also written the name of our Generall It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had neuer bene in this part of the Countrey neither did euer discouer the land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place After we had set saile from hence wee continued without sight of land till the 13. day of October following which day in the morning wee fell with certaine Islands 8. degrees to the Northward of the line from which Islands came a great number of Canoas hauing in some of them 4. in some 6. and in some also 14. men bringing with them cocos and other fruites Their Canoas were hollow within and cut with great arte and cunning being very smooth within and without and bearing a glasse as if it were a horne daintily burnished hauing a prowe and a sterne of one sort yeelding inward circle-wise being of a great height and full of certaine white shels for a brauerie and on each side of them lie out two peeces of timber about a yard and a halfe long more or lesse according to the smalnesse or bignesse of the boate This people haue the nether part of their eares cut into a round circle hanging downe very lowe vpon their cheekes whereon they hang things of a reasonable weight The nailes of their hands are an ynche long their teeth are as blacke as pitch and they renew them often by eating of an herbe with a kinde of powder which they alwayes carrie about them in a cane for the same purpose Leauing this Island the night after we fell with it the 18. of October we lighted vpon diuers others some whereof
the moisture of the cloudes vnto it selfe that no raine falleth vpon the vallies of Peru. From these mountaines issue great store of riuers into the South sea with the waters whereof drawen by certaine sâ—uces and chanels they moisten their vineyardes and corne-fields and by this meanes the land is so exceeding fruitfull Betweene these mountaines and the mountaines of Chili that stretch vnto the Streits of Magellan lyeth a plaine of 60 leagues ouer being so cold that it yeeldeth no Wheat but good store of other victuals This countrey of Peru is full of people well apparelled and of ciuill behauiour It hath many mines of gold and more of siluer as also great store of copper and tâ—â—ne-mines with abundance of saltpeter and of brimstone to make gun-pouder There are likewise cattell of all sorts among which there is a beast in shape somewhat resembling a camel but no bigger then a steere of a yeere olde they serue to carry burthens their flesh being good to eate and their wooll apt for many purposes This beast is accounted the most profitable of al others for the vse of man howbeit the Spaniards since their first comming haue replenished this countrey with horses kine sheepe and goates and likewise with plentie of wheat So that in fewe words this land hath abundance of riches and victuals and is the healthfullest place in the world There were in times past kings of this land which were mightie Monarchs whose dominions stretched 1200. leagues and their lawes were very ciuill saue that they were worshippers of the Sunne At what time the Spaniards first entred this land there were two brethren of the blood royall which stroue who should haue the kingdome the one called Guascar and the other Aâ—abalipa Nowe Guascar had possession of all the mountaines and the lands within them and Atabalipa was lord of all the sea coast and of the valleys situate betweene the said mountaines and the sea The Indians seeing the Spaniards at the first arriue vpon their shore called them Vera coche which in their language signifieth The fome of the sea Also Atabalipa the Indian prince sent vnto them to know what they did in his land and what they sought for the Spaniards made answere that they were the messengers of a great lord and that they came to speake with the prince himselfe who sent them word that they should come with a very good will and so Atabalipa stayed for them at a citie called Caxamalca being thirtie leagues distant from the sea side Whither being come they found the Indian prince sitting in a chariot of gold carried vpon mens shoulders and accompanied with aboue 60000 Indians all ready armed for the warres Then the Spaniards tolde them that they were sent from an Emperour vnto whom the Pope had giuen all that land to conuert them vnto the Christian faith Whereunto Aâ—abalipa answered that hee would gladly be friends with the Emperour because he was so great a Monarch but in no â—ase with the Pope because he gaue to another that which was none of his owne Now while they were thus in talke the Spaniards discharging their two field-peeces and their caliuers set vpon the Indians crying Sant Iago The Indians hearing the noise of the ordinance and small shot and seeing the fire thought that flames of fire had bene come downe from heauen vpon them whereupon they fledde and left their prince as a booty for the Spaniards Whom they at the first intreated very gently wishing him not to feare for that their comming was onely to seeke for golde and siluer During the time of Altabalipas imprisonment his Captaines had slaine his brother Guascaâ— and had subdued all the mountaines and plaine couâ—â—reys Upon which newes Atabalipa told the Spaniards that if they would release him hâ—e would gâ—ue them all that they should demaund This communication hauing continued a whole day â—t length a souldier named Soto sayd vnto Atabalipa what wilt thou giue vs to set thee free The prince answered I will giue whatsoeuer you will demand Whereunto the souldier replied thou shalt giue vs this house full of gold and siluer thus high lifting vp his sword and making â— stroke vpon the wall And Atabalipa sayde that if they would grant him respite to send into his kingdome he would fulfill thâ—ir demand Whereat the Spaniards much marueiling gauâ— him three moneths time but he had filled the house in two moneths and an halfe a matter 〈◊〉 credible yet most tâ—â—e for I know aboue twentie men that were there at that time who all affirme that it was aboue tenne millions of gold and siluer Howbeit for all this they let not the prince goe but thought that in killing of him they should become lords of the whole land and so the Spaniards on a night strangled him But God the righteous iudge seeing this villanous act suffered none of those Spaniards to dye by the course of nature but brought them to euill and shamefull ends Upon the newes of these great riches there came store of people out of Spaine and inhabitâ—â— many places in this countrey The king in recompence of the good seruices of the two foresayd partners appoynted Diego de Almagro gouernour of halfe the land and Francisco Piçarro of the other halfe whom also hee made a Marques But these two consorts in parting of a land belonging vnto other men fell at â—ariance and sharpe warre betweene themselues and at length Piçarro hauing slaine Almagro got all the land into his owne hands Howbeit this prosperitie of Piçarro continued not long for a bastard-sonne of Diego de Almagro to bee reuenged of â—is fathers death slew Piçarro for which acte he lost his head In this controuersie betweene these two partners were slaine also two brothers of Piçarro and the third was carried prisoner into Spaine and there dyed in prison but the fourth called Gonsaluo Piçarro rebelled with the whole countrey and became a cruell tyrant vanquishing many of the Emperours Captaines in battell and possessing the countrey in peace for two yeeres howbeit being in the ende ouercome hee lost his head like a traitour And thus dyed they all an euill death that were causes of the death of that innocent king Atabalipa And yet there are mutinies raised oftentimes by the Spaniards but the Indians neuer rebelled after they had once peace granted vnto them The Indian people of this land are parted among the Spaniards some being slaues vnto the gentlemen that conquered their land other some to others and the residue to the king and these Indians pay eche man for his tribute seuen pezos of fine golde which is about tenne ducats and a halfe There are in this countrey aboue fortie cities and townes inhabited by the Spaniards also they haue here erected nine bishopricks and one archbishopricke Now after this countrey was fully conquered and brought in good order certaine Spaniards being desirous to discouer the land on the other side of the snowy
his name in the countrey of Coray that the king thereof hath sent his ambassadors hither to â—eelde vnto him a kind of homage as he required which ambassadors are now in the city of Miacó And by this Peninsula of Coray he may passe with his army by land in fewe dayes iourney vnto the citie of Paqui being the principall citie where the king of China hath his residence And as the Chinians be weake and the people of Iapan so valiant and feared of them if God doth not cut him off in this â—xpedition it may fall out according to his expectation But whatsoeuer become of China it is held for a certaintie that his comming will cause great alterations in these partes of Ximo especially in this kingdom of Figen wherein are the princedomes of Arima and Oâ—uâ—a and all the â—orce of our Christianity and he told Don Protasio when he was with him once before that he would make him a great man in China and that he would remooue these lordesâ— and deliuer thâ—ir gouernments vnto lordes that were Gentiles which would be the ruine of all this Christianitieâ— neither should wâ— haue any place wherein to remaine For as it is the custome of Iapan in the alterations of estates and kingdomes which they call Cuningaia to remooue all the nobilitie and gentry and to leaue onely the base people and labourers committing them to the gouernment of Ethnicks wee shall hereby also leese our houses and the Christians shall be dispersed with their lordsâ— whom sometimes he handleth in such sort that he giueth them nothing to susâ—eine themselues and so they remaine with all their followers as men banished and vtterly ruined The second Testimonie contaiâ—ing the huge leuâ—es and preparations of Quabacondono as also his warres and conqueâ—ts and he sucâ—esse thereof in the kingdome of Coray Together with a description of the same kingdom and of their trafficke and maner of gouernment and also of the shipping of China Iapan and Coray with mention of certaine isles thereunto adjacent and other particulars very memorable Out of the Epistles of the aforesaid Father Fryer Luis Frois dated 1591 and 1592. ABout this time Quabacondono determining to put his warre against China in execution assembled sundry oâ— his nobles and captaines vnto whom he declared his intent who albeit they were all of a quite contrary opinion yet all of them without any pretense of difficulty approued his determination For he had giuen out that he would not abstaine â—rom this warre although his owne some should rise from death to life and request him yea whosoeuer would mooue any impediment or difficulty in that matter hee would put him to death Wherefore for certaine moneths there was nothing in all places to be seene but prouision of ships armour munition and other necessaries for the warres Quabacondono making a catalogue of all the lordes and nobles his subiects willed euery one of them not a man excepted to accompany him in this expedition inioyning and appointing to each one what numbers they should bring In all these kingdomes of Ximo he hath nominated 4 of his especiall fauourites whom to all mens admiration he will haue to be heads ouer all these new kingdomes notwithstanding that here are 4 others farre more mighty then they Of whom by Gods good prouidence two are Christians to wit Augustine Eucunocamindono gouernour of half the kingdom of Fiâ—ga Cainocami the sou of Quambioindono gouernour of the greater part of the kingdome of Bugen The other two are Ethniques namely Toranosuque gouernour of the halfe of the kingdom of Finga and Augustins mortall enemie and Iconocami gouernour of the residue of the kingdome of Bugen and an enemie both to Augustine and Caâ—nocami And Quabacondono hath commanded all the Christian lordes of Tâ—ximo to follow Christian gouernours Whereupon the lord Protasius was there with 2000 souldiers Omurandono the lord of Ceuxima and Augustins sonne in law which lately became a Christian with a thousand Also he appointed that the gouernours of Firando and Goto should follow Augustine who albeit they were Gentiles had many Christians to their subiects Wherefore Augustine was to conduct 15000 souldiers besides mariners slaues and other base people to cary the baggage of the army all which being as great a number as the former so soone as they arriued in the kingdom of Coray were made souldiers and bore armes Unto the said Augustine Quabacondono in token of singular fauour granted the first assault or inuasion of the kingdome of Coray to wit that he onely with his forces might enter the same the other lordes remaining in Ceâ—xima which is 18 leagues distant from Coray till they should bee aduertized from Augustine which thing procured vnto Augustine great enuie and disdaine from them all howbeit as you shall forthwith vnderstand it prooued in the end most honourable vnto him The other Christian gouernour Cainocami being but a yong man of 23 yeeres he commanded the king of Bungo to â—ollow with 6000 souldiers so that with the 4000 which hee had before his number amounted vnto 10000 besides mariners and others which caried burthens This was must ioyful newes to vs and to all the Christians Of the Ethnick lords Quabacondono appointed the gouernoâ—â— of Riosogo together with Foranosuque to march with 8000 and likewise the king of Saçeuma and Iconocami with as many And amongst all he gaue the first and chiefe place vnto Augustine All the other souldiers of Iapan hee caused to accompanie his owne person the number of all together as appeared out of a written catalogue amounting to three hundreth thousand persons of whom two hundred thousand were souldiers The order prescribed in this whole armie was that first they should make their entâ—ance by the kingdome of Coray which is almost an island one ende whereof ioyneth vpon the maine lande of China which though it be a seuerall kingdome of it selfe â— yet is it subiect and tributarie vnto the king of China And because this kingdom of Coray is diuided but by an aâ—me of the sea â—roÌ„ Iapan Quabacondono determined to subdue the same for that it so aboundeth with victuals that from thence he might the easâ—ier inuade China While all things were preparing it was commanded that at the chief port of Ximo called Nangoia being twelue leagues distant from Fiâ—ando there should be erected a mightie great castle where Quabacondono with all his fleet was minded to stay till newes were brought of the successe of the aforesaid 4 gouernours or captaines Hee appointed also another castle to bee built in Fuchinoxima which is another island situate betweene Nangoia and Ceuxima And he built a third castle in Ceuxima that his passage might be the more commodious The charge of building these castles he imposed vpon the 4 aforesaid gouernoursâ— and commanded the other lords of Ximo their associates to assist them all which so applyed that busines that in 6 moneths space it was wholly finished
passed a riuer hee maintained a valiant conflict at a certaine narrow passage against 80000. Corayans 8000. whereof were slaine and a great number drowned in the riuer Heere while Augustine appointed all his troopes to remayne for two dayes to the end they might somewhat refresh their wearie limmes the king of Coray seeing himselfe besieged by his enemie and that many other Iaponian lordes with strong armies inuaded his kingdome on all sides determined to haue his citie strengthened with garisons and to retire himselfe into the in-land of China Which by reason of the abundance of horses that he had he was able right commodiously to performe Whereupon the second or third day after Augustine without any resistance entred the head-city being presented with great store of victuals and gifts by them that remained therein Thus Augustine with other captaines his associates became lord of the principall citie and wonne all the honour of the victory vnto himselfe for albeit by this time the other captaines were come from Ceuxima and many from Nangoia yet they found all things performed to thâ—ir hands Quabacondono being aduertised of this second victory yeelded as much honour vnto Augustine as he could possibly deuise speaking so highly to the commendation both of him and of other Captaines his associates aâ— if but the tenth part of his faire promises come to effect they shall be farre greater then they are and Augustine next vnto himselfe shall be the principall person in all Iapan And now he is become so famous in the Court and throughout the whole kingdome of Iapan that at all their meetings and assemblies there is no talke but onely of the valour and fortitude of Augustine who in twentie dayes space hath subdued so mightie a kingdome to the Crowne of Iapan And all the Nobles account him a most happy man being astonished at the immortall renowme which he hath attained vnto by this exploite yea and Quabacondono sent forthwith vnto him as vnto the conquerour and vanquisher of the Corayans in token of great honour a two-edged sword and a horse which among the Iaponians is a pledge of the most peerelesse honour that can possibly be done to a man and this very gift did Nabunanga in times past send vnto Quabacondono when hee had in any battel woune any kingdome from Morindono And by this great euent the power of the Christians God and his prouidence towards his children is knowen not onely to the Christians but euen to the very Ethnicks themselues for that in the heate of such extreme persecution it hath pleased his diuine Maiestie to lay the honour of all this warre vpon Christian lords Wherefore we doubt not but they wil proue more mighty and famous then euer they were Hence it commeth to passe that the Portugals ship come from China hath wintered in Iapan by which occasion the presence of the father Uisitour hath bene a great comfort not onely to vs but to all the other Christians who in regarde of the departure of so many men with Quabacondono and his captaines to the warres thought they should haue bene left vtterly forsaken and desâ—itute had not the father Uâ—sitour in whom they reposed all their confidence remayned here But the singular prouidence and loue of God towards vs appeared in this that hee would haue the sayd Ship contrary to their vsuall custome to winter in Iapan For when Quabacondono hauing obteined that victorie was determined to returne vnto Ximo they were all shrowded vnder the protection of the foresayd Fatherâ— who hearing that hee was entred into Nangoia caused Frier Iohn Rodorigues and the gouernour of the Portugal ship to salute and welcome him For the Christians of Miacó which succeeded in their roomes that went for Coray aduised him in their letters so to doe And it was very acceptable to Quabacondono to see the Portugals captaine General attended vpon by so many Portugals sumptuously attired and comming with so many shippes in the company of Frier Iohn Rodoriguez and hee asked the Frier how the father Uisitour did And whether the presents to the Uice-roy liked him As also that hee tooke it in very good part that the Father had wintered in Iapan and that the Frier should stay with him Afterward writing an answere to the father he declared therin the great fauour which he bore to the captaine of the ship Whom hauing familiarly entertained him for the space of 2. houres hee dismissed with euident tokens of good will After the Captaines returne Frier Rodoriguez staying behinde aboue a moneth attempted very often to speake with Quabacondono of whom hee was alwayes most kindly vsed Afterward by reason of sicknesse hee returned to Nangasaque whereupon Quabacondono demaunded why he was not cured at the same place where himselfe remained Iacuino answered that beeing a stranger hee was to bee cured with such diet and medicines as were not there to bee had with which answere hee was satisfied Hence it is that by often conferences which were made by reason of the ambassage Quabacondono waxeth euery day more courteous and affable And yet for all this new occasions of troubles and afflictions are not cut off for certaine it is that Quabacondono hath giuen out that if he haue good successe with his warre against China he will make great alterations of estates in assigning the kingdomes of Coray and China to the Christian princes and placing in their roomes Ethnick lordes throughout Iapan which thing might redound to the ruine and destruction of all Christianitie heere neither should the Christians finde in Iapan any place of refuge And albeit Augustine had certainly informed the father Uisitour of the sayde alteration of estates and Iacuine had written vnto Augustine that Quabacoâ—dono had fully determined to alter the states or gouernments of Ximo and so consequently the state of Augustine and of the Christian princes of Arima and Omura yea and that the said two princes had notice thereof yet almightie God with the eyes of his infinitâ— mercy hath vouchsafed to regard the prayers of his faithâ—ull seruants who for this cause were most peâ—pleâ—ed and sorowfull and to prouide this remedie following The Corayans hauing intelligence that their king and the forces which hee caried with him were in safety went the greatest part of them with as much victuals as they could get and hidde themseluâ—s in the mountains and woods remaining there with such hate and indignation against the Iaponians that with promise of safe conduct they could by no meanes be drawen out of their starting holes Wherefore albeit the Iaponians haue all the castles and places of defence in their owne possession yet because they want people to tille the ground and to doe them other necessary seruices they cannot chuse but forgoe all that which they haue woon Moreouer the common high wayes are so pestered with theeues and murtherers that vnlesse the Iaponians march in whole troopes all together they are suddenly oppressed with swarmâ—s of
Corayans issuing foorth of the woods Many of the Corayans also haue retired themselues vnto the neighbour-islands from whence with numbers of great ships to the mighty losse of the Iaponians they assaile their small and weake ones and haue already sunke many of them Wherefore all the Iaponian lords which remaine in Coray haue written vnto Quabacondono that his army must for a certaine time in no wise remooue from the place where it is â—or auoyding of such imminent dangers as in proceeding further it may incurre Upon these aduertisements Quabacondono being ready to take his iourney to Coray to diuide the whole kingdome was hindred from his purpose and sent most friâ—ndly letters to all his nobles willing them to be of good cheere for that he would not deale about altering of their estates till 3. yeres were expired whereupon they were cased of eâ—ceeding great care and griefe For albeit there is no great trust to be giuen to his words yet we hope that this yere he wil not meddle what he wil doe afterward God knoweth In Coray at this present there are aboue 200000â— Iaponian souldiers who at the commandement of Quabacondono are diuided throughout the whole kingdom Augustine lieth vpon the very extreame frontiers of China but because the Chinians are separated from the kingdome of Coray with a mighty riuer of 3. leagues broad and abound with great ships and haue planted innumerable troopes of men vpon the shore the successe of the warre remayneth most doubtfull and vncertaine Neither doe wee know whether the Iaponians will proceede any farther this yeere or no. The third testimony of Coray signifying amongst other notable and politicall obseruations the later successe of the warres of Iapan against Coray and to what end Quabacondono still mainteineth garisons in that kingdome Out of the Epistles of Father Organtino Brixiano bearing date from Iapan Anno 1594. THe whole Empire of Iapan is now in the handes of this king Quabacondono and which hath not bene knowen since the first creation thereof there is not the bredth of one foote throughâ—ut all the whole Island which is not absolutely subiect vnto him And hee reigneth in so great peace and tranquilitie that if his successors follow the same course of gouernment there is no likelihood of future sedition or perturbaâ—ion in any of the kingdoms And doubtles the meanes which he vseth to establish continuall peace and concord among the Iaponians are very great and effectuall One is that after he hath passed his publique promise he neuer putteth any of his aduersaries to death which his predecessour Nabunanga performed not for he hauing subdued any kingdom would put all the lords and gouernours to the sword But this king granteth vnto them not only life but also yerely reuenues whereby to maintaine themsâ—lues in an honest and meane estate in which regarde they all rest contented and willingly submit themselues Anoâ—her is in that he hath brought the husbandmen and pesants by whose assistance wealth all the pety-pety-kingdoms were after a sort sustâ—ined vnto such extreme pouerty that they haue scarce wherewithall to keepe life and soule together as likewise hee hath bereaued them of all kinde of weapons The third is because hee hath most streightly forbidden all contentions seditions frayes and skirmishes For whosoeuer be found culpable of this crime they dye euery mâ—n of them on both parties If any escape by flightâ— their kinsefolks are punished in their stead and for lacke of them their seruants and for defalt of both their next neighbours If many were guilty many are punished and suffer death but hence it commeth to passe that many innocent persons are constrained to die And this seueritie is the cause why there are at this present so seldome frayes and contentions in Iapan The fourth is that in administring of iustice hee is most vpright without all respect either to his owne kinred or to his ancient captaines or the blood royall or any of the Bonzij bee they neuer so famous and being once aduertized of a crime hee pardoneth no man And albeit himselfe is exceedingly addicted to womâ—n yet will he permit none of his subiects to haue any concubines For which cause not many dayes agoe hee banished a Bonzio of great wealth being in alliance and dignitie most neere vnto himselfe And being informed that all the Bonzij of Miacó kept concubines hee would haue put them all to death had not the gouernour of Miacó promised that hee would vndertake to keepe them from offending any more in that kinde Wherefore hee caused all the Bonzij euery moneth to bee sworne that they should liue honestly vpon paine of death as also hee hath sworne the heads or superiors of all their religious houses vnder paine of death â—o giue vp their names whom they most suspect of the foresayd crime Hence it is that all of them if you regard their outward estate liue in exâ—reme feare The fift is for that hee suffereth none of his souldiers nor his great lordes to liue in idlenesse If there be no warrâ—s for their imployment hee occupieth them in building of stately palaces and in raising new forâ—râ—sses or in repairing and strengthening of olde and also in performing other notable workes to the ornament of Iapan and to his owne lasting honour So that at this present neere vnto Miacó there are thirtiâ— thousand men imployed about the building of one castle and in the citie of Bozacca aboue an hundred thousand which imployments afforde them neither place nor time to practise any rebellions The sixt is his altering of gouernments for hee remooueth his gouernours from one extreme part of Iapan to another The seuenth for that vnto his souldiers besides the ordinarie pay continually allotted vnto them for their seruice in time of warre hee alloweth victuals at his owne costes Wherof it commeth to passe that hee effecteth whatsoeuer hee thinkes good by their meanes Neither hath hee hitherto waged any warre wherein his enemie was not vanquished according to his owne desire this late warre of China onely excepted which farre surmounted all his forces Howbeit in the kingdome of Coray hee maintaineth as yet great garisoâ—s as well to keepe his honour as to constraine the Chinians to sue for peace The eighth is in that hee curbeth and restraineth persons of ambitious and aspiring mindes who as hee coniectureth after his death might worke some innouatioâ—s in the common wealth or disturbe the kingdomes The ninth is because hee hath on no side within foure or fiue dayes iourney of Miacó any mightie or industrious captaine or gouernour The tenth and last is for that hee hath brought his yeerely râ—uenues to two millions of gold By these courses and meanes wee are in good hope that firme peace will bee established in all these kingdomes and also that a fit way will be prepared for the conuersion of all the great lordes vnto Christian religion A briefe note concerning an extreme Northerne
wherein the values of all kind of marchandize which are embarqued for the Indies are set downe BY this table a man may know how many Botijas or iarres make a tunne of wine or how many packes or how many quintals or how many barrels or how many chests make a tunne And all marchandize haue their rates set downe to pay the king his customes and the Master his due fraight And therein is set vp in writing that no Master may carry any passenger to the Indies without licence especially no learned men nor any fryer or clergyman nor any body else without licence of the king nor any strangers not borne in the kingdomes of Spaine Moreouer that they may not carry away any marchandize not comprized in the foresaid orders vnder paine of death and that all goods which they carry with them they ought to carry the same regisâ—red vnder paine of death Furthermore that no Master nor Pilot may carry any Chart nor Astrolabe nor Crosse-staffe nor regiment without they bee signed and sealed by the Pilot maior Alonço de Chiauez and the Cosmographer the kings reader Rodrigo Zamorano Moreouer that going in company with the fleete they doe and obey all such things as their Generall shall command them vnder paine of death Written by me Pedro Dias borne in the Isle of Palma one of the Canaries vpon the request and gratification of M. Richard Hakluyt in February 1586. ‖ Lib â— nat hist. cap. 67. ‖ In Tim. 10. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fynnes liâ—e by hunting fishing The place whither the whale hunters â—raueile The riuer of Duina or likelihood A Desert countrey Fynnes Biarmia Terfynnes The Fynnes and Biarmes speake one language Or morsses their teeth coÌ„mended Vse of y e Morsses skinnâ— for cables Sixe hundreth tame Deere The Fynnes tribute Note Cables of Whales and Seales skins A description of Norway The bredth of the mouÌ„taines of Norway Swethland Queeneland Boats caried on meÌ„s backs ‖ Or streight It seemeth to be about Elsenborg The description of the sound of Denmarke Gotland ‖ Vandals Hetha but two dayes sayling from Seland It seemeth to be Wismer or Rostocke ‖ Within the sound of Denmarke Bargenland or Bornholme Wixel is the riuer that falleth into the sea by Dantzig ‖ Or Prussia Fruso ‖ Or Lituania The description of Eastland Mares milke a chiefe drinke Flores Historiâ—rum Charta Regis Henrici secundi Ranulphus Cestrensâ—â— Ex charta fundationis Ecclesiae Cathedralis Wigorniae Fundatio Ecclesiae Cathedralis Elicâ—sisâ— Note the Queenes Maiesties royaltie ouer the British Ocean sea round about the British Empire An. Dom. 1â—1â— Fingal Boats hauing not past three yron nailes in them Lewis ‖ Argile 1143. 1156. King Iohn passed into Irland with 500 sailes The Isle of Man aduaunced to a kingdome 1067. The antiquitie of the Ports 1070. Which be the Fiue Ports 1250. Citizens were called Barons in old time Contention betweene Yarmouth and the Fiue Ports 1250. Antiquitie of Yarmouth fishing 1268. Winchelsey first builded 1277. 1278. The good seruice of the fiue Ports 1217. 1278. 1293. 1406. The priuiledges of the fiue Ports ‖ Neustar Annus 4. menâ—â— amplius Frater Benedictus Polonus comes Ioannis de Plano Carpini ‖ Al. Sâ—langorum Oceanus ab Aquilone Syra orda curiâ— maior imperatoris Maximae niues in aestate in Taâ—taâ—ia Grando maxima Maxâ—ma inundatio ex subiâ—a grandinis resolutione Iter quinque menâ—â—â—m dimidij Vestes Tabernacula Opes in pecoâ—â— Insolentia aâ—ueâ—sus exteros Iracundia Mendacitas Fraudulentia Sordes Temulentia Extortio Crudelitas Cibi Poena adulterij Funi Arcani euulgati 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Foeminae Mere incognitae eodem modo vestiuntur Tartariae populiâ— Tartar fâ—uiuâ— Cyngis ortus res geste Naymani Frartes discordantes oppressi Kara Kitai Occoday can ‖ Vel Chanyl Homines syluestres De mutua victoria Mongalorum Kytaorum Tartarorum Kytaina clades Nouae victoriae litere Vel Saruiur Vel Karanitarumâ— Vel Hudirat Argentum loco lapidum in hostem proiectum Kytai victi Cyngis solutatur Imperator Kythaie pars in mari posiu Kytaorum liters religio Opifiâ—loâ—um laus Thossuch can Cyngis filius Comanos deuicit India minor debellata Presbyter Ioannes eiusdem â—tâ—aâ—agema Victoria de Tartarâ— De monstrosis mulieribus canibus monstrosa narratio Glacies Burutabeth regio Incolarum mores Terra Kergis Orientalis Nota icer duorum 〈◊〉 mensium versus Orientem Troglodytae Videtur hic sonitus sieri fragore glaciei niuium de montibus Cyngis leâ— Interitus Liberi Nepotes Duces Imperatoris Tartarorum seruile in omnes imperium Inhumanitas erga Legatos Occoday secundus Imperator Tartarorum Barthra ciuitas vel Barchin Vel Sarguir Orna super Don fluuium Kiouia ciuitas Morduanorum 〈◊〉 Bulgaria magna Hungaria magna Parossitae Samogedi Oceanus Septentrionalis Similes â—robisheri hominibus Expeditio Cyrpodanis Armeni Hij videntur sagittesse balistiâ— Georgia Terra Soldani Deurum Terra Soldani Halapiae Mos tranandiÌ„ flumina Qualiter muniâ—â—ones obsident Pâ—nica fides Vrsi alb◠‖ Vel illiâ— Dochon Solangi Baschâ— vox Taâ—taâ—ca qua vâ—uritur Tuâ—â—i Samogedi aquilonaâ—es Mangia ‖ Forte mensibuâ— Tarâ—â—â— proponunt inuadeâ—e Liuoniam Prussiam Temperamenâ—um feâ—â—â— Spâ—â—ulatoâ—es Obsidio 12. annorum Asâ—elinu◠¶ Vide MechouiuÌ„ lib. 1. cap. 5. Simon Sanquintinianus Ioannes de Plano Caâ—pini Benedictus Polonus Libellus historialis Ioannis de Plano Caâ—pâ—ni Tarâ—arâ—ae descriptio ‖ Vel Occidentem Syra orda Aâ—riâ— intemperies Orda quid Tartarorum species Tonsura Habitus Vestes retro caudaâ—ae Tabernacula Opes in pecore Victus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Absâ—inentia Comitaâ— Temperanâ—ia Câ—stiâ—as Insolentia adâ—eâ—sus exâ—eâ—oâ— Iracundiâ— Fraudulentia Sordes Temulentia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Poena adulterij Purti Arâ—ani â—uâ—lgaâ— Leges matrimonioâ—um Andreas Duâ— Russie ¶ Vtde Herbersteinium de rebus Moschoui pâ—g â— b. Melich Dauid fratres Georgia◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cultuâ— lunâ— Lustrationis ritus Ignis supeâ—stitiosâ— effiâ—aâ—tas Tartariae populi Chingis ortus â—eâ— geâ—tae Naymaâ—â—â—lâ—â—â—ra cap. 25. Fraâ—â—es discordantes oppressi Occoday Cham. Homines syluestres * Hayâ—â—onâ—â—â—aulo Veâ—eâ—â— sunt Cathay Tartarâ—um Cathayna cladesâ— Nouae victorie Literae Argentum loco lapidum in hostem proâ—ectum Chingis salutatur Imperator Cathaynorum â—lterae religio Opificiorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thossut Can Chingis F. India minor debellaâ—â— Regiâ— maioris Indiae stratagema * Vide scolion in lib. 1. cap. 51. Nâ— Pauli Venâ—i Victoria De monstrosis mulierâ—bus canibus monstroâ—a narraâ—io ¶ Forsan autem videri allegorica allusio possit ad Canibalâ—s de quibuâ— Peâ—â—us Martyr Mediolanâ— de rebus Oceanicis Buâ—ithabeth regâ—o In colarum mores Alia Chingis expeditio ¶ Vide an Hamsem regionem dcaâ— de qua Hayâ—honus cap. 10. Troglodytae Fabulosus Solis orientis sonitus Chingis lâ—â— Interitâ—â— Liberi
dozens died into skarlet LondoÌ„ clothes much talked of in Persia. Much Venice cloth worne in Persia. The second admission to the Shaughs presence the 29. of Iune 1566. at which time he receiued the priuiledge The Shaughs promise to increase the priuiledge Aleppo a citie of great trade Armenians barter with the Venetians The distance from Shamaky to Aleppo Armenians and other desirous to barter silke and spices for karsies The Shaugh desirous to bargaine for our commodities 2000. pieces of karsies to be sent into Persia He departed from Casbin the 15. of Iuly Rich. Iohnsons great negligence Cozomomet was Arthur Edwards friend to the Shaugh Victuals and all things dear at Casbin The Ambassador of y e prince of Gilan Gilan but fiue dayes riding from Casbin Gals Grainâ— Ormus Aleppo M. Anthonie Ienkinsons offer to the Persian M. Anthonie Ienkinson commended The Shaughs letters to the Moscoup companie * By the word Karangies I thinke they meane karsles Fishing for Sturgeon for 3. moneths The Englishmen in making of cables set on worke a 100. men in Russia Sosnoua tree excellent for the 〈◊〉 of the wolfe The description of Rose Island A verst is but 3. quarters of an english mile At this towne Newnox Richard Chanceller in his first voyage with â—is companie a shipboard were relieued August The riuer Owiga The fall of a riuer A lake very ful of Islands The famous lake of Onega S. Clement his Monasterie ‖ Or. Sermaxe The riuer of Volhuski The lake of Ladiskai The Monasterie of Gosnopoli The Citie of Nouogrod Trauel by Sleds 2000. Sleds belongiâ—g to one towne A good caueat for seasonable trauell Nouogrod within 180. miles of the Narue This is meant by Alderman Bond the elder English Merchants for discouery of new trades Triall by lots The riuer of Ob traffikable The vse of furres wholesome delicate graue and comely The trade to S. Nicholas offensiue to diuers princes states Eastward Smolenâ—co won by the Russe Polotzko taken Polotzko recouered by Stephanus Batore 1568 In this voyage went Thomas Bannister Geofrey Ducket for their voyage into Persia. The abbey of S. Nicholas of 20 Monks The English house at S. Nâ—cholas The riuer of Dwina Colmogro An English house with lands at Colmogro The description of the inland of Moscouie â—is arriuall at Mosco A special house at Mosco built for Ambassadours Two Pristaues His admission to the Emperors presence The Queenes present The Emperoâ—s speech to the Ambassadour A second conference with the Emperor Andrew Sauia Ambassadour to the Queene Oâ—â—rhosâ—n sâ—or Cara Recâ— Naramsi Reca Their arriual at Bilbil the 14. of August 1568. Prince Erasbec Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle Warre against the Portingals at Ormuz The gouernour of Grozin his Merchant The generall inconstancie in the merchants and dealers of those parts The trade betweene the Venetians and the Armenians not easily to be broken Babylon 15. dayes iourneâ— from Casbin His voyage to Gilan The malice of the Turkish merchants The price of spices Londro Loâ—don The Venetians traffike in England The English Barke assaulted neere Astracan by the Nagaian Tartars Astraâ—an besâ—eged by 70000. Turks and Tartars The death of Thomas Banister and Laurence Chapman Humfrey Greensell burnt at Ormus The English ship taken by the Cassaks Ice in the beginning of October 1574 Grosin or Georgia How strangers are vsed A goodly and well grounded religion Their opinion of Christ. Their money Their bookes and learning Such was the law of the Macedonians for treason Dissention for religion Their priests and preaching Their Lent Their saints and holy men Pilgrimage Their praier worshipping of God and Mahumet Washing and outward clenlinesse Their swearing The kings magnificence Pursuiuants The kings company with his wiues and concubines The succession of y â— kingdom Circumcision Their houses and maner of eating Bondmen and bondwomen Women bought sold and let to hire Abundance of oile issuing out of the ground Oleum Petroleum Two sorts of kine Foxes in great plenty Fiue ships of Freeboters taken 1571 The citie of Mosco burnt by y â— Crimme Englishmen smothered at the burning of Mosco M. Glouer and M. Rowley preserued Andrew Sauinâ— Ambassadour from the Emperour The causes of the Emperors displeasure He maruelleth the company do not coÌ„ferre with him of Lappia 1574. 5 English men wintered in Lappia Christopher Colt a simple marchant Good trade in winter in Lappia Henry Cocknedge honest but ignorant Roger Leche expert of Lappia If the companie do not enter into the trade of Lappia others wil preuent them The trade of Vedagoba He can say somewhat though not much 1183 barrels of oyle bought by others Colt sold 27 barrels to a Hollander The first Interrogatorie The deponents answeâ— Pechingo abbey The second Interrogatorie The deponents answer Note Hull the best market of England for sale of fish ‖ 1568 pag. 394. Yeraslaue Great store oâ— Licoris Perauolok Astracan Peter Garrard Ice at Astracan for foure moneths Anno 1580. Astracan situate vpon an IslaÌ„d The variation oâ— the compas in Aâ—â—racan was 13. deg 40. minuts May. Vchoog Shoald water Flats Chetera Boâ—gorâ— The Caspiaâ— sea 45. degrees 20. minuts The first obseruâ—tion in the Caspian sea Brackish water farre within the sea 43. degrees 15. minuts 41. degrees 32. minuts 40. degrees 54. minuts Bilbill Bachu port Thomas Hâ—dson oâ— Limehouse maister of the English barke M. Christopher Burrough The receiuing of the English into Derbent The latitude of Bildih 40. deg 25 min. The variation of the compas 10 deg 40. min. Zeâ—e Island The English suffer shipwracke Arthur Edwards dieth at Astâ—acan Septâ—mber The Armenian village The Turke his treasure sent to Derbent Osman Basha Derbent built by Alexander the great The latitude of Derbent 41. deg 52. min. The variation of the Compasse Nezauoo Two Spaniards deliuered by our English men A strange accident of prouision for their reliefe Nouember Ice the 13 of Nouember in the mouth of the riuer of Volga The 16 day Trauaile vpâ— on the yce Chetera Babbas The English ship cut in pieces with yce December Their returne to Astracan The breaking vp of the yce Morgan Hubblethorne dier sent into Persia. May. Borroughs streiâ—s The land of Samoeda The Queenes letters The Queenes letters The Citie of Siberia Willoughbies land How to note downe in his Iornall of the voyage his dead reckoning and other obseruations For noting the shape and view of the land at first discouery c. For obseruing of tides and currants To take the platformes of places witâ—in compasse of view vpon land M. d ee gaue them a Chart of his owne making which here he refers them vnto A good consideration Ingens Sinus post Insulam Vaigats Nouâ—m Zemblam Tabin promontorium ingens Quo propius ad polum acceditur eò directorium Nauticum magis a Septeouiorâ— deuiat Bautisus Oechardus maxima fluâ—ina in hunc Sinum illabuntur Postulata Mercatoris de quibus certior fieri cupit
offers of the king to our English merchants A good prouiso The Emperor of Maroco his priuileges to the English Thomas Stukeley was wrongfully indued with this title Fuquien Cincâ—o Cantan Cheqâ—eâ—m Xutiamfu Chelim Quianciâ— or Quinzi â—achin Their moneths Loutea Châ—an or Chaen Ponchiâ—ssi Anchiassi or Heâ—â—si Tâ—zi Taissuâ— Licentiates Doctors We that is the Italians and Spaniards After the Dutch fashion Pythagorean like The Italians call it the strapadoâ— A pilloâ—y boord Of like the first lenders be the more wealthie Fuquieo Hereâ—â—â—oforeâ— Parai Tamen the pâ—oper name of China Pochâ—n oâ— Pachin Their enemies Mariage of the kiâ—â—s children 〈◊〉 speaketh 〈◊〉 â—re of all 〈◊〉 but o◠〈…〉 s for 〈…〉 places 〈◊〉 beg 〈◊〉 â—s 〈…〉 ready◠〈◊〉 ming 〈◊〉 of trees 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 He speaketh of Fuquien shire Alà s Ceâ—â—bi The Kings reuenuâ—e Parai Fish poudered with peper ☞ Great ships comming from the North. * That is their temples It should seeme by their voyage to be Cardandan in Ortelius ☞ A Northerne Sea It seemeth they came vp the riuer from the Caspian sea At Cacan Riuers ouer-frosen in China Ali Auoins Tartars Mount Vsont Mogores Blewes of great price in China Brames Southward from Chenchi to the sea Auoins Chenchi Goa is a city of the Portugals in the East Indies Odericus writeth of the like Great store of â—ner mynes Petrus Maffeius de rebus Iaponicis But his almes are very good Inambuxu Genguis A warrelike people 300 leagues to the North of Meaco The Iapanish funerals They burnâ— their dead Aâ—â—â— De reb Iabâ—â— 4â— Santianum The situation and liâ—â—tes of China Chinian Cosmographers The rich reuenues of the king of China Fifteene great prouinces in China The seats roiall all of the king of China The warlike munitions of China a marueilous wall Abundance of â—nhabitants 〈◊〉 China Cities and townes The Chinian riuers greatly inhabited Holesome aâ—re plenty peace in China Chinian sâ—orâ—esâ— The city of Coanchesu aliaÌ„s Cantam Great abundance of gold in China Great store of siluer Pearles Great store of silke in China Silke brought into Iapon Spices Camphire muske Cotton-wooll whereof Calicut-cloth is made Three qualities of porcellan Plants Sugar China in a maner destitute of corne wine oile Chinian maps The dispositions maners of the Chinians Their loyaltie vnto their superiours Their laborious industry Painting Gunnes Printing Nauigation The Tartars tyranized ouer China Military discipline The literature of China Three degrees in learning The first degree The second degree The third and highest degree Note the extraordinary honor vouchsaâ—ed by the great King of China vpon his lâ—â—rned graduates Naturall philosophy Excellent astronomers in China The politike gouernment of China Three principall magistrates in ech prouince Two Senates or Counsels coÌ„tinually holden in China The causes of peace in China Learning the only step to honour in China The stately forâ—idable procession of the Chinian magistrates The houses of the Chinian magistrates The magistrates barges The maner of electing magistrates in China Degrees vnto honour Kiding post Martiall dignities The king of China Van-Sui The succession of the crowne The kingâ— yonger brethren Twelue chariots The idolatrous religion of the king The ciuill gouernment of China most agreeable to the instance of nature The fiue vertues principally esteemed among the Chinians â—rbanity The Chinians great piety towards their parents A memorable story The religion of China Three principall sectes among the Chinians Confucius authour of the first sect The summe of Confucius his doctrine Xequiam author of the second sect whose followers ar called Ceâ— or Bonzi Note The third sect The superstition of the Saraceni Christian religion planted in China An ancient custome worthy y e obseruation The Chinians contemne other nations The variation of the compasse Signes about the Cape of Boâ—a Speransa Fishes on the sea coast of Aâ—â—â—ca Note Corall Two wayes beyond y e capâ— of Good hoâ—e They coÌ„monly saile from Lisbon to Goa in 5 moneths Running seas very dangerous Certaine signs of land They arriuâ—d at Goa the 24 of October The coast of India greatly troubled with Moores Abundance of golde siluer pearles precious stones in Pegu. The great gaine of the Portugals in Pegu. Pegu the best richest countrey in all the East India A prophesie of an Indian against Spaine Three occasions of sicknes neere the line Agoada de Saldanha Great store of Penguins and Seales Bullocks oxe and sheepe dog-cheape Cape de Buona Speransa doubled Cape dos Corrientes Here they are seuered from the Penelope Foure men slaine with a clap of thunder The Shoulds of S. Laurence Quitangone neere Mozanbique The I le of Comoro 32 of our men betraied at the I le of Comoâ—o Zanzibar Iland A Portugall Factorie in Zanzibar The treason of the Portugals towards the English An excellent place for refreshing A gallie Frigate Another thunder-clap Heat in the head deadly Letting of blood very necessary A Iunco laden with pepper and brugs The currents set â—o the Northward Zocotora The Iles of Mamale Cape Comori doubled 1592. The Iles of Nicubar The Iles of Gomes Polo Sumatra The Iles of Pulo Pinaou Trees fit for mastes Malacca Three Ships of Pegu laden with pepper Martabam Pera. Pulo Sambilam A ship of Negapatan taken A ship of S. Thome The galeon of Malacca of 700 taken Wares fit to carâ— into the East India The kingdom of Iunsalaom Amber-greese The hornes of Abath The female Unicorne Some small quantitie hereof may be caried to pleasure those kings They arriue at the Iles of Nicubar which are inhabited by Moores They returne homeward They arriue at Zeilan Tanaseri in the kingdom of Siam Commodities of Bengala Commodities of Pegu. Commodities of Tanaseri A great current to the Southward A notable reliefe of fishes taken Baia de Agoa They double the Cape of Buona Speransa S. Helena Iohn Segar an Englishman left 18 moneths alone in the I le of Santa Helena A miraculous effect of extreme feare or extreme ioy The descriptioÌ„ of the commodities of the I le of santa Heleâ—a The gulfe of Paria or Bocca del Dragooâ— passed A good note The I le of Mona The I le of Sauona enuironed with flats Cape de Tiberon The old chanel passed They returne backe to the West Indies Fiue English men leâ—t on the Nueblas The ship lost by driuing away Great famine Two ships of Diepe The French trafike in S. Domingo M. Lancaster returneth to Diepe and so to England The Isle of S. Sebastian Râ—o grande Sue Coxe an old English man buried aliue by the Moores of Rio graÌ„de in Guinea The Coâ—igidoâ— of Bilbao taken and brought to London The same in English A letter of Mully Hamet to the Erle of Leicester ‖ Which is with vs 1587. The Queenes letters to the Emperour Iohn Herman an English rebel The gouernor of S. Michael taken prisoner Pedro Sarmiento the gouernour of the Straights of Magelan taken prisoner A ship laden with fish taken
and released againe One of the ships taken and sent away with 2. persons The Carauel is taken The prises sent home Two Caracks 10. Gallions 12. small ships The 2. pinasses returne for England The Carack called the Sanct Philip taken A former voyage to Gambra Rio del oro is in 22. degrees and 47. min. Cauo de las Barbas Crosiers Cauo Verde in 14 degr 43. m. Cauo de Monte. Cauo Mensurado Rio de Sestos Cauo dos Baixos Tabanoo A French ship at Ratire Crua A currant to the South-eastward Cape de tres puntas The Castle of Mina Two white watch-housesâ— Monte Redondo Villa longa Rio de Lagoa Very shallow water Rio de Iaya Rio Benin A currant Westward Ten foote water vpon the barre of Rio de Benin Sicknesse among our men The death of the Captaine Pepper Elephants teeth A deceityfull currant Rockweed or Saragasso all along the sea Inamia a kind of bread in Benin Wine of palm trees Abundance of hony Goto in Benin The great citie of Benin A token of a Northerly winde Great currants Two rocks A French ship of Hunfleur Cauo de las Palmas Rio de los Barbos Rio de Boilas Papuas Arda Ianuarie Villa longa Rio de Lagoa The riuer of Iaya The riuer of Benin Goto The Carauell bringeth teeth aboord 298. sacks of pepper Three spouts They returned homeward Braua We departed in company of a prise Coruo It is more temperate vnder the equinoctiall then on the coâ—st of Guinie Benin Paulo Dias Gouernour of Angola The king of Matamba 114 Portugals slain in Angola Amasanguano the Portugalâ— abode in Angolâ— The onely way to reduce a rebellious kingdom vnto obedience An vsuall trick of lewd goueâ—â—nours Answere to thâ— firâ—t Answere to thâ— second Answere to the third Answere to the fourth Answere to the fift Our men land within a mile of the Groine the 20 of April The notable ouerthrow giueÌ„ to the Spaniards at Puente de Burgos Peniche taken Vigo taken Vigo burned Their returne to Plimmouth A worthy question dilated 3 ships forcibly towed out of harbour An escape of 8. Englishmen from Tercera The taking of the towne and platforme of Fayal A description of the towne of Faial Mines in Irelâ—nd Captaine Lister drowned February 1590. A fight of sixe houres long A faint-heaâ—â—ed Fleming The Spanish 53. saile A violent storme A Portugall Prize taken A rich West-India Prize taken Great haâ—ock of Spaniards The wracke of the Reuenge Aboue â—00 Spanish and Portugall ships drowned Commodities fit for Arguin Wedges of golde giuen for small trifles Scarlet fine Purple cloth greatly accepted A good harbor before the Castle of Arguin Concerning this kingdome reade Leo Africanus a little after the beginning of his 6 booâ—e * The names of the chiefâ— places of traffike betweene Senega Gambra Our trade hither beganne 1587. Gambra a riuer of secret rich trade concealed The second voyage Forty EnglishmeÌ„ traiterously slaine and captiued Cape Verde Besegueache Besegueache Refisca Porto Dally The Comand a ship of Richard Kelley The moÌ„strous lies of a Portugall Port Dally the chiefe place of trade Ioala The Cherubin of Lime at Ioala Note San Domingo Rio grande Note this trade A rich trade for golde in Rio grande Commodities for Gago Tombuto taken Gago taken Marke this oâ—â—e The Santa Clara a Biscain ship of 600 tunnes taken Sir Iohn Burrough in great danger of the Spanish fleet The I le of S. Michael Diuers small ships taken Santa Cruz a village in the I le of Flores Newes of the East Indian caraks A carak called The Santa Cruz set on fire An hundred of our men land Angola a new watering place for the caraks The Madre de Dios taken Exceeding humanity shewed to the enemy A briefe catalogue of y e sundry rich commodities of y e Madre de Dios. The capacity and dimensions of the Madre de Dios. Besides these 3 ships there was a pinnas called the Violet of the Why not I. Commodities fit for Angola * Or Villa Villaâ—â—â— Madoc the â—on of Owen Guyneth Humf. Lloyd The second voyage of Madoc the sonne of Owen Guyneth Gomara lib. 2. cap. 16. M. Powels addition Gutyn Owen These verses I receiued of my learned friend M. William Camden The occasion why the West Indies were not discouered for England King Henry the seuenth his acceptation of Columbus offer Ann. Dom. 1495. Bristol thought y e meetest port for Westerne discoueries Freedome froÌ„ custome A record of the rolls touching the voyage of Iohn Caâ—ot and Sebastian his sonne This discourse is taken out of the second volume of y e voyages of Baptistâ— Ramusius Sebaâ—tian Cabota Pilot mayor of Spaine The second voyage of Cabot to the land of Brasil and Rio de plata The office of Pilote maior The great probabilitie of this Northwest passage A current toward the West The people of Island say the Sea and yce setteth also West Ionaâ— Amgrimus Copper found in many places by Cabote Cabots voyage from Bristol wherein he discouered New-found land the Northerne parts of that land and from thence as farre almost as Florida Anno D. 1549. Proclus pag. 24. Iustine Libâ— 4. Plinâ—e A minore ad mâ—iuâ— Strabo lib. 15. Vâ—lerius Anselmus in Catalogo â—nnoâ—um pâ—incipum fol. 6. Gen. 9.10 We ought by reasons â—ight to haue a reâ—erent opinion of worthy men A Nauigation of one Ochther made in king Alfreds time A perfect description of our Moscouia voyage By Sir Hugh Willoughbie knight Chancellor and Borough Experimented by our English fishers Neede makes the old wife to trotte The Sea hath three motions 1 Motum ab oriente in occideâ—tem 2 Motum fluxus refluxus 3 Motum circularem Ad coeli motum elementa omnia excepta â—eâ—â—a mouentur Positâ— cauâ—a poniâ—ur effeâ—â—uâ— Conterenâ—â—â— An obiection answered The sea doth euermore performe this circular motion either in Suprema or concaua superficie aquae The yce set westward euery yeere from Island Auth. Iona Aâ—â—gâ—imo The flowing is occasioned by reason that the heate of the moone boyleth and maketh the water thinne by way of rarefaction An experience to prooue the falling of this current into Mar del Sur. Alcatrarzi be Pellicaâ—es Baros lib. 9. Of his first Decas cap. 1. Written in the discourses of Nauigation Quinqâ—e sensuâ— 1 Viâ—â—s 2 Audiâ—us 3 Olâ—aâ—ius 4 Gustus 5 Tactus Singulaâ—ia sensu vniâ—â—râ—alia veâ—ò mente peâ—cipiuntur Lib. 2. cap. 66. Pag. 590. Auouched by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara in his historie of India lib. 1. cap. 10. This fift reason by later experieÌ„ce is proued vtterly vntrue That the Indians could not be natiues either of Africa or of America Quicquid naturali loco priuatur quam â—â—tissimè corrumpitur Qualis causa talis effectus Similium similis â—st ratio Quicquid corrumpitur à contraâ—io corrumpitur Omne â—imile gignit sui simile True both in ventis obliquè flanâ—ibus as also in ventis
esperanza in 19 degrees Cabo del Enganno in 30 degrees a halfe The hauen of Saint Iago The hauen of Aguaiaual These shoalds are the bottoms of ma◠〈◊〉 or the Bay of California The bottom of the Bay of California Theâ— got vp thee 〈◊〉 of 〈…〉 the 26. of August We carried an interpreter with him A very good course taken to appease vnknowen Sauages Good forâ—cast Indians besmoutched with cole Pipes and bagges of Tobacco Shels and beades A notable policie Swarmes oâ—â—eoplâ— An exceeding great current of the riuer A wisâ— deâ—ise Newes of bearded and white men The Sunne worshipped as God Certaine warlike people behind a mountaine These people are greatly incâ—ined to learne the Christian faith The riuer in diuers places full of shelfes Another olde man Their ancesters told them tâ—at there were bearded and white men in the world Another nation People of 23. languages dwelling along this riuer Acuco as Gomara writteth is on a strong mountaine Great houses of stone Round 〈◊〉 Dancing and singing at mariages of the Sauages They burne their dead Pipes to 〈◊〉 Tabacco with Maiz gourds Miâ—l Grindestones earthen pots good fish This riuer ouerfloweth his banks at certaine seasons Colde and raine Ceuola 40 days iourney from thence by the riuer Turqueses in Ceuola This was the Negro that went with Frier Marco de Niza Quicoma Coama Conies and yucas Cotton A mountaine Ceuola a goodly thing Gold and siluer in a mountainâ— neere Ceuola A mighty riuer This riuer seemeth to vâ—â— Noâ—thward by the colde The Negro that went with Frier Marco de Niâ—a sâ—aine The cause wherefore Stephan Dorantez the Negro was slaine They of Ceuola haue 14. or 15. lords their enemies An olde woâ—â— called Guâ—â—â—â—â—câ— in a lake greaâ—ly woâ—shipped Antonio d'Esâ—eâ—o spraketh of such a great lake 200 limâ—es oâ— people This might be the â—tooke â—aked oâ—â— o◠〈◊〉 The sea side The Sauageâ—â—â—easonâ— to â—e taken heede of Certaine newes of the Spanyardâ— at Ceuola Ceuola tenne dayes diâ—tant â—rom this place A desert of tâ—â—â— dayes iouâ—ney Oxen of Ceuola A desert Cumana He returneth in 2. dayes and an halfe to his ships Maâ—ke â—hat 〈◊〉 â—he Spaniardes caâ—â— with tâ—â—m in newe deâ—â—oueâ—iâ—s Rio de buena Guia. Parrats in these parâ—s Two moones to Ceuola Another booke wâ—itten of the particulars of that countrey Quicama Coama Cumana Treason of the sauages An Inchanter This Riuer ran â—â—ch farther vp than â—e had tâ—aâ—â—lled He sayled 85 leagues vp the Riuer The port of Colima The Portugal Pilote set on land Sir Francis Drake sayled on the backe â—â—de of America to 43 degrees of Northerly latitude 38 degrees A description of the people and Countrey of Noua Albion These are like chaines of â—surnâ—y in Canada and Hochelage The king resignes his crowne and kingdome to Sir Francis Drake Great riches in Noua Albion Great heards of Deere Abundance of strange conies Noua Albion Golde and siluer in the â—arâ—d of Noua Albion The Isle â—â— Masbate The Bay of Manilla in 14. degrees and one quarter Canton 22â— degrees The Iland of Macao Ilha Branca As Ilhas fermosasâ— Lequeosâ— Mines of gold Firando Other Ilands Eastward of Iapon Iapon 900. leagues distant from the coast of America in 37 degrees and an halfe Seuen and thirty deg and an halfe Read Francis Vllaâ— chap. 16. Cabo de San Lucas in 22. deg Hauens lately found out Acapulco English factors in the Grand Canaria Iohn Sweeting Englishman married in Cadiz sendeth a ship of his owne into the West Indies vnder the conduct of his sonne in laws Leonard Chilton Ralph Saâ—re Many of one men died of these wormes at the taking of Puerto rico Cuerpo Santo His arriuall at Vera Cruz. Florida 300. leagues from San Iuan de Vllua Mexico Sant Iuan de Vllua The way and distance from San Iuan de â—llua to Vera Cruz is fiuâ— leagues Venta de Riâ—conado Pueblo de los Angeles Mâ—â—iâ— Don Luis de Velasco This is to be vnderstood of his second comming into Spaine Mexico conquered Anno 1519. and 1520. Cochinilla is not a worme nor a flie but a berry A new trade begun in the city of Fez by Roger Bodenham The place where Cochinilla groweth and the pâ—â—â— thereof 1568. Cadiz San Iuan de Vllua Vera Cruz. Xalapa Sixteene leagues Perota seuen leagues Fuentes de Ozumba nine leagues Pueblo de los Angeles eight leagues Tlaxcalla foure leagues northward from los Angeles Vulcan is a hill that continually burneth with fire Cochinilla Pueblo de los Angeles 20 leagues from Mexico His voyage from Mexico to Nueua Biscaiâ— New Biscay The Siluer mines of Tamaâ—caltepec The valley of S. Bartholomew The hauen where y e shipe of China the Philippinas arriue Guaxaca Aguatulco Nixapa Sapotecas Tecoantepec Soconusco Suchetepec Guasacapan Guatimala Sonsonate San Saluador Acaxutla Nicoia a port where y e ships which goe to the Philippinas are diuided Pueâ—â—o de Câ—uallos a rich place The description of Hauana at large The smal force of Haâ—ana The commodities of Cuba Nombre de Dios. Panama Potossi Cusco Paitâ— Vera Paz. Chiapa 300 leagues from Mexico Ecatepec an hill nine leagues high Tecoaâ—tepecâ— His iourney to Panucâ— Mestitlan Clanchinoltepeâ— Guâ—xutlâ— Guastecâ—n Tancuylabo Salt a principall merchandize Tampice a port towne Panuco â—â—allapa Sant Iago de los â—alles Mighty mules Don Henrico Manriques viceroy of Mexico Rio de laâ— Palmas The mines of Sacatecas The valley of S. Michael Pueblo nueuo Mechuacan Copper mines Campeche Merida Rio de Tabasâ—o Iucatan The greatnesse of the king of Spaines tribute out of the West Indies The quintaâ— The marke of siluer is 64 reals of plate The reuenue of the kings buls and pardons came yerely to three millions Rebellions in Noua Hispania by too great exactions The reasons which mooue the kings of Spaine to forbid forren traffiâ—e in the West Indies Mâ—gueis S. Iohn de Villua Spirits 〈◊〉 Cruâ— Musquitâ— Popiniayâ— Monkeys Wheat twise in a yeere Tlaxcalla a free city Mexico A way to drowne Mexico Crocodiles Nauigation to China from Puerto de Acapulco The Northwest streight The more Northward the richer siluer mines Painting earth Golde mines Mesquiquez Seuen cities by witchcraft not found of the seckers Pedro Morales Nicolas Burgignon write the like of Copalla The strange oxen of Cibola Cibola abandoned A great riuer nere Cibolâ— Water congealed to salt Dogs of India described Cacao a fruit currant as money Fruits Hot springs Hares and conies Sea fish Burning mountaines Manna Wilde hogs lions and tigres Mines discouered not sound againe The authom fiue yeeres in Nueua Espanna Sugar conserues Description of the Indians person and maners The people of Nueua Espanna great cowarde The Indians ignorance froÌ„ whence they came The Sun and Moone honored Score of cotrâ— The wilde Indians Friers in reuerence Copper mines The pompe of owners of mines Things necessary to mines of siluer and golde The plenty of cattell Sheepe Wooll Cloth Woad Alum
cape oâ— Good hopâ— Iune Port 〈◊〉 M. Thomaâ— Doughtie executed August The streighâ— of Mageliâ—â— The bredth of the streights of Magellan Abundance of foule in the streight September 57. Degrees and a terce of Southerly latitude Botero writeth that another hath found this place all Islands M. Winter separated and returned The trending of the coast of Câ—ili The Iâ—le la Mocha in 38. degrees and 30. minutes The port of Valparizo in 33. degrees 40 minutes Wine of Chili The towne oâ— S. Iago taken Wine of Chili Iohn Griego a Pilot taken Gold of Baldiuia Coquimbo in 29. degrees 30 minutes Tarapaâ—a Arica in 18. deg 30. min. Lima in 11. deg 50 minutes The rich ship called â—acaâ—uâ—go taken Cape de San â—â—ancisco in 1. degree to the North. China silks and Porcâ—llan Gâ—aâ—â—â—co The Portugal Pilot set on land The Island of Canno A ship with a gouernour for the Islands of Phâ—lippinâ—s Iune Sir Francis Drake sayled oâ— the backside of America â—â— 43. degrees of Northerly latitude 38. Degrees A description of the pâ—ople and Counâ—â—ey of Noua Albion A long oratioâ— Chaines like those of Canadâ—â— The King reâ—igâ—es his crowne and kingdome to Sir â—â—ancâ—â— Drake The like they did in Hochelâ—ga Great herdes of Deere Abundâ—nce of â—â—range coâ—iâ—s Noua Albion Golde and siluer in the earth of Noua Albion Their departure October Certaine Islands in 3. degrees Strange Canoas like those of â—aua Islandâ— Nouember The Isle of Ternate The king of Ternate offreth himselfe and his kingdome to the seruice of the Queene of England The great and strange Canoas of the King of Ternate The King of Ternate came to visite Sir Francis Drake 〈◊〉 a kindâ— of â—eale A castle in Ternate Romanes and Turkâ—â—igiers in Ternate The maiestie oâ— the King Ternate the chiefest of the Maluco-isles A litle Island to the Southward oâ— Celâ—bes Fiery worms Bats Crauisheâ— Ianuarie in anno 1579. Their danger vpon a rocke Cloues The helpe of â— current in the deliuerie Februarie Barateue Island Linen cloth good marchaÌ„dize Nutmegs and long Peper growing in Barateue Commendation of the Island of Barateue Iaua maior Red greene clothes mâ—â—â— estâ—emed The manners oâ— the people oâ— Iaua A strange fashion of boyling rice The French peâ—ks The Cape of Buena Eâ—peranza not so dangeâ—ous as the Portugals haue giuen oâ—t Sierra Leona Oister-trees 1579. Rio de Plataâ— Bay de las Islasâ— The description of The 〈◊〉 of Magellanâ— This was the Elizabeth M. Iohn Winters ship They were dâ—iuen vnto 57. degrees oâ— southerly latitude The Isle of Mocha in 38. deg 30. min. Sir Francis Drake wounded The hauen of S. Iago in 32. degrees and a halfe Aâ—â—â—â—â— Calao de Lima. Payta A preâ—ie deuies to make their ship â—aâ—â—e morâ— swiâ—tly Nicaragua The Island of Canno The first sight of Nueua Espanna They talâ—e and tâ—imme thâ—ir ship at the I le oâ— Canno cart against Nicaragua Sea charts of the South sea taken They arriâ—â— at Guatulco Aprill 13. Stila nouo Nuno da Silue set on land Then set forward from Plimmouth the 13. of December Cape Cantin Asaphi Mogador an Island on the coast of Baâ—baâ—y Foure loose Piâ—â—isseâ— brought out of England Mogador in 31 degrees and an halfe Cape de Guer in 30 degrees Cape Bojador in 27 degrees 4 min. Cape de las Barbas Cape Blanco in 20 degrees 30. min. The isle of Maio. Ripe grapes in Ianuarie The Cocos tree The isle of Fogo Braua Nonnez de Silua Flying fishes Continuall raine at certaine seasons neere the Equinoctial Land in 31 degrees 30 min. to the South of the Equinoctial Cape Sant Marie at the mouth of the Riuer of Plate Cape of Hope in 47 degrees Ostriches and sea foules The description of câ—rtaine Sauages The port of Sant Iulian. Two of our men slaine bâ— the Patagons The execution of M. Thomas Doughtie The entrance of the streight of Magellan Ordinarie flood and ebbe in the streight Abundance of Sea 〈◊〉 on S. George◠〈◊〉 in the streight of Magellan High hills on both sides of the streight Cape Deseado where they entred into the South sea They were diueÌ„ to 57 degrees Southward They loose M. Drakes company The voyage giuen ouer Then returned out of The streight the 11 of Nouember hauinâ— entred into â—he â—outh sea the 6 oâ— September Sant Vincent iâ— Brasil in 24 degrees A dangerous current Tanay a plaâ—â— in â—â—asil The isle of Sant Sebastianâ— aboue the Tropicke of Caprâ—corne Cape Sant Augustine The isle of Fernando de Loronâ—a The sea of Weedes neere the Tropicke of Cancer Their arriuall at â—â—tooâ—d-câ—mbe in Deuonshire M. Carlile vpon occasion was not in this voyage The gouernour oâ— tâ—â—â— companiâ— They are inâ—ormed to go by the Cape oâ— Buena Esperanza Strange people to be brought home M. Carlile vpon occasion was not in this voyage They arriue in the riuer of Sierra leâ—na Trees hung with oysters Their trafique here with the Portugals Sickenesse by eating some fruite in Guinea The Portugals presents M Euans oâ—â— of our maâ—chants Theâ— sâ—â—rch the countreyâ— They râ—turnâ— to Sierra lâ—oâ—â— againe Trafique wiâ—â— 3 othâ—r Poâ—â—ugals vâ—z 1 〈◊〉 Henriques a 〈…〉 20 〈◊〉 â— â— Mattheâ— Fâ—â—â—â—ndoâ— â—aptâ—â—â—e 3 Pedro 〈…〉 Thâ—â—â—ntâ—r vâ— to 〈◊〉 the couâ—â—â—rey A sword 〈◊〉 killed A strange fisâ— taken 1â— degrees of Southerly latitude Cold euening◠〈◊〉 Iâ—â—lands The latitude of 27 degrees 50 minutes A bay Wels madâ— bâ— our men An exceeding great draught of fish The woods sâ— on fire by ouâ— mâ—â— A saile seeâ—â— and takâ—â— Richard Carâ—â—â— an EnglishmaÌ„ taken in the 〈◊〉 The numâ—â—â— of 21 in th◠〈◊〉 The Spanish barke dismissed Spanish presentâ—â— Things found in the island They leaue the harbour in 27 degrees and 50 min. Richard Câ—rtâ—â— the English man taken iâ— the prize caried along witâ— themâ— They returâ—â— in the latitudâ— of 33. Iohn Drake in y e Francis wenâ— to the riuer of Plate wherein his ship was cast away but the men gat to land and liued 15 moneths among the Sauages Infinitâ—â—â—â—ber of fishâ— A small island which our meÌ„ called Faulcon isle Citron isle Their arriuall at S. Vincent Three canoas of Portugals Indians A castle A canoa with ten Indians and two Christians whereof one was an old Genouois Iohn Whithall an EnglishmaÌ„ which dwelleth at Santos hath married this Ioseph Doâ—ieâ— daughter Santos The Indians presents The chanell of S. Vincent soâ—â—ded Portable ouens to bakâ— in Iohn Whithalâ— Good counselâ— by the foresayâ— Englishman giuen to ouâ— men The Minion oâ— London sometime in Brasiâ— for traffiqâ—â— Three Spâ—nish ships diâ—â—couered The fight betwixt the English Spanish shipe at S. Vincent The Spanish viceadmirall sunke by the English This Greeke tolde the Generall y t there were 600 and odde in the 3 Spanish ships Here the gallion and the Edward â—onauenture were seuered and neuer met afterward M. Walke◠〈◊〉 pâ—eacher dieâ—â— Mariaâ—ton of the comâ—asâ—â— Treason of â—he Indianâ— Iaques Humfâ—â—â— a
members of one towne the Seashore in Seford Peuenshey Hodeney Winchelsey Rie Ihame Bekesbourne Grenge Northie Bulwerheth Romenal 5. ships in euery ship 21. men and a Garcion To it perteine as members thereof Promhell Lede Eastwestone Dengemareys olde Rumney Hethe 5. ships as Romenal before To it perteineth the Westhethe Douer 21. ships as Hasting before To it perteine Folkstane Feuersham and S. Margarets not concerning the land but for the goods and cattels Sandwich 5. ships as Romenal and Hethe To it perteine Fordwich Reculuer Serre and Dele not for the soile but for the goods Summe of ships 57. Summe of the men 1187. and 57. Garcions This seruice the Barons of the Fiue Ports doe acknowledge to owe to the King vpon summons yerely if it happen by the space of 15. dayes together at their owne costs and charges accounting that for the first day of the 15. in which they shall spread their sailes to goe towards those parts that the King intendeth and to serue so long after 15. dayes as the King will at his owne pay and wages Thus much out of these ancient notes whereby your selfe may easily discerne the difference but whether the one or the other or by reason of some latter dispensation neither of these haue place at this day I must referre it to them that be priuie and of counsell with the Ports and so leauing this also vndecided holde on the way wherein I am entred This duetie of attendance therefore being deuised for the honourable transportation and safe conduct of the Kings owne person or his armie ouer the narrow Seas the Ports haue not onely most diligently euer since that time performed but furthermore also valiantly behaued themselues against the enemie from time to time in sundrie exploits by water as occasion hath bene profered or the necessitie of the Realme required And amongst other feats not vnwoorthy perpetuall remembrance after such time as Lewes the eldest sonne of the French King had entred the Realme to aide Stephan Langton the Archbishop and the Nobilitie in the life of King Iohn and had sent into France for new supply of souldiers after his death Hubert of Borough then captaine of Douer following the opinion of Themistocles in the exposition of the oracle of the woodden walles by the aide of the Port townes armed fortie â—all ships and meeting with eightie saile of French men vpon the high seas gaue them a most couragious encounter in which he tooke some sunke others and discomfited the rest King Henrie the third also after that he came to riper age had great benefit by the seruice of the Cinque Ports And king Edward the first in his Chartre maketh their continuall faithfull seruice and especially their good endeuour then lately shewed against the Welshmen the principall cause and motiue of that his liberall grant Furthermore about the midst of the reigne of the same king an hundreth saile of the Nauie of the Ports fought at the Sea with a fleet of 200. French men all which notwithstanding the great oddes of the number they tooke and slew and sunke so many of the Mariners that France was thereby for a long season after in maner destitute both of Seamen and shipping Finally and to conclude this part in the dayes of king Henrie the fourth the nauie of the Fiue Ports vnder the conduct of one Henrie Paye surprised one hundreth and twentie French ships all laden with Salt Iron Oile and no woorse merchandize The priuiledges of these Ports being first granted by Edward the Confessour and William the Conquerour and then confirmed and increased by William Rufus Henrie the second Richard the first Henrie the third and king Edward the first be very great considering either the honour and ease or the freedome and exemption that the inhabitants haue by reason of the same Part of an Epistle written by one Yuo of Narbona vnto the Archbishop of Burdeaux conteining the confession of an Englishman as touching the barbarous demeanour of the Tartars which had liued long among them and was drawen along perforce with them in their expedition against Hungarie Recorded by Mathew Paâ—iâ— in the yere of our Lord 1243. THe Lord therefore being prouoked to indignation by reason of this and other sinnes committed among vs Christians is become as it were a destroying enemie and a dreadfull auenger This I may iustly affirme to be true because an huge nation and a barbarous and inhumane people whose law is lawlesse whose wrath is furious euen the rod of Gods anger ouerrunneth and vtterly wasteth infinite countreyes cruelly abolishing all things where they come with fire and sword And this present Summer the foresayd nation being called Tartars departing out of Hungarie which they had surprised by treason layd siege vnto the very same towne wherein I my selfe abode with many thousands of souldiers neither were there in the sayd towne on our part aboue 50. men of warre whom together with 20. crosbowes the captaine had left in garrison All these out of certeine high places beholding the enemies â—aste armie and abhorring the beastly crueltie of Antichrist his complices signified foorthwith vnto their gouernour the hideous lamentations of his Christian subiects who suddenly being surprised in all the prouince adioyning without any difference or respect of condition fortune lexe or age were by manifolde cruelties all of them destroyed with whose carkeises the Tartarian chieftains and their brutish and sauage followers glutting themselues as with delicious cates left nothing for vultures but the bare bones And a strange thing it is to consider that the greedie and rauenous vultures disdeined to praye vpon any of the reliques which remained Olde and deformed women they gaue as it were for dayly sustenance vnto their Canibals the beautifull deuoured they not but smothered them lamenting and scriâ—ching with forced and vnnaturall rauishments Like barbarous miscreantâ— they quelled virgins vnto death and cutting off their tender paps to present for deinties vnto their magistrates they engorged themselues with their bodies Howbeit their spials in the meane time discrying from the top of an high mountaine the Duke of Austria the King of Bohemia the Patriarch of Aquileia the Duke of Carinthia and as some report the Earle of Baden with a mightie power and in battell aray approching towards them that accursed crew immediatly vanished and all those Tartarian vagabonds retired themselues into the distressed and vanquished land of Hungarie who as they came suddenly so they departed also on the sudden which their celeritie caused all men to stand in horrour and astonishment of them But of the sayd fugitiues the prince of Dalmatia tooke eight one of which number the Duke of Austria knew to be an English man who was perpetually banished out of the Realme of England in regard of certaine notorious crimes by him committed This fellow on the behalfe of the most tyrannicall king of the Tartars had bene twise as a messenger and interpreter
aforesaid in his kingdome of England it is concluded and agreed about the sayd 20. articles by the aforesaid ambassadors commissioners and procurators as in the acts pleas had and made before the sayd ambassadors commissioners and procurators and in the records made and written of and about the examination of such articles it is more at large contayned vnto the which the sayd ambassadors commissioners and messengers doe here in this place referre themselues of the which articles also some are receiued by the commissioners aforesayd and others are proroged vnto a certaine time vnder written euen as in the foresayd registers it is more fully contayned and put downe in writing As touching certaine other articles also exhibited a newe vnto the sayd English ambassadors in the land of Prussia being 16 in number whereof one is admitted the rest are proroged vntil a terme vnderwritten the same course is to be taken and obserued which was before appoynted and agreed vpon about the articles deliuered and exhibited vnto our foresayd souraigne lorde the king as is aforesayd Moreouer as touching the articles exhibited by the English ambassadours in the name and behalfe of their sayd soueraigne lord the king of England vnto the procuratours and commissioners of the foresayd lord the Master generall of the which some are declared already and the declaration of the rest is proroged vntill a certayne terme vndernamed euen as in the registers made of and vpon the examination of the sayd articles it is more manifestly prouided the same course is to be taken which must be obserued about the articles of the sayd lord the Master generall exhibited as well vnto the foresayd soueraigne prince in England as vnto his ambassadors in the land of Prussia euen as about the sayd articles it is before concluded And whereas on the behalfe of the citizens and marchants of the cities of Rij and Dorp and of other townes in the land of Liuonia many and great complaints haue beneâ— by way of articles exhibited and deliuered vnto the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia which for diuers causes could not as then be ended therefore it is concluded and agreed vpon betweene the ambassadours and the commissioners aforesayd that the saide citizens and marchants may in the towne of Dordâ—act in Holland vpon the first day of the moneth of May next ensuing at the which time and place the continuation and prorogation of all other articles not fully declared in the partes of Prussia shall be put in vre by themselues or their lawfull procurators make their appearance for the obtayning of a conuenient iust and reasonable reformation of all iniuries attempted against them then or at some other times within one whole yere next following and not afterward being effectually set downe and limited at the place aforesaid by the consent of the ambassadours and commissioners of either parte all lawfull impediments ceasing Prouided alwayes that the value and price of all wares goods and marchandises whereof the said citizens and marchants of Liuonia in their articles receiued by the sayde English ambassadours as is aforesayd doe make mention shall be iustly esteemed prized and approoued not by any of England or of Prussia or of Liuonia but by some other indifferent marchants of good credite valuing them at the true rate of marchants which such like marchandise would haue amounted vnto if at the time when they were taken they had bene to be solde at the town of Bruges in Flanders Forasmuch also as diuers and sundry Prussians who exhibited manifolde Articles of complaints being receiued by the said English Ambassadours at their abode in Prussia made not their personall appearance before the saide English Ambassadours in the lande of Prussia aforesaide The prorogation aboue-mentioned was made vnto the first day of the moneth of May and also it was agreed vpon vy the saide Ambassadours Procurators and Commissioners that the saide parties which had not appeared before shall haue libertie graunted them lawfully to make their appearance vpon the first of May aforesaide at the towne of Dordract either by themselues or by their Procurators and also to bring with them the letters testimonial and patents sealed with the seale of the saide Lord the Master generall he hauing first of all receiued sound and sufficient information from the cities whereof the parties plaintife are citizens of the damages and grieuances any way vniustly inflicted vpon them or any of them by the English to the end that they may there by articles conueniently declare and proue before the Ambassadours Procurators messengers and Commissioners of both partes the rate and value of their saide goods and that in so doing they may obtaine conuenient iust and reasonable restitution for all acts vniustly attempted against them then or at some other times effectually to bee set downe and limited at the foresaid place by the consent of the Ambassadors and Commissioners of both parts euen as it was aboue promised vnto the marchants of Liuonia But if they of Prussia last aboue-mentioned shall not vpon the first of May and at the place appointed for some cause make their appearance that then it shal be lawfull for them at anytime within one whole yeere next following to repaire vnto the lord Chancelor of England at the citie of London and to insinuate and declare vnto him their complaints before exhibited vnto the saide English Ambassadours in the land of Prussia or which complaints should haue bene deliuered at the foresaid terme and place or els the which were not then and there fully finished and dispatched and also by articles as is aforesaide to declare and proue the true worth and estimation of all damages and grieuances any wayes vniustly offered by the English vnto them or any of them to the ende that they may as it is aboue mentioned effectually receiue and also speedily and easily obtaine conuenient iust and reasonable reformation and satisfaction for al acts vniustly attempted against them which are contained in the complaints not as yet fully declared and finished Moreouer it is appointed and agreed vpon betweene the foresaide Ambassadours and Commissioners that the forenamed souereign Lord the said lord the Master general are to send and set forward their Ambassadours messengers and Commissioners vpon the first of May vnto the place appointed to treate parle agree and conclude about those affaires which shal then and there happen to be treated of and handled among them Furthermore betweene the often mentioned Ambassadours Procurators and Commissioners it is enacted and concluded that vnto all and singular lawfull statutes ordinations and prohibitions framed made and ordained by the saide lorde the Master generall in his land of Prussia or by his Proconsuls and Consuls and his gouernours of cities townes villages and of other places in the land of Prussia vnto the obseruation whereof aswell the subiectes of the said Master general as foreners and strangers are tyed and bound vnto the very same
and an halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies The state of his kingdome and maintenance of his army is a thing incredible to consider the victuals that should maintaine such a number of people in the warres but he that knoweth the nature and qualitie of that people will easily beleeue it I haue seene with mine eyes that those people and souldiers haue eaten of all sorts of wild beasts that are on the earth whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all serueth for their mouthes yea I haue seene them eate Scorpions and Serpents also they feed of all kinde of herbes and grasse So that if such a great armie want not water and salt they wil maintaine themselues a long time in a bush with rootes flowers and leaues of trees they cary rice with them for their voyage that serueth them in stead of comâ—its it is so daintie vnto them This king of Pegu hath not any army or power by sea but in the land for people dominions golde and siluer he farre exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength This king hath diuers Magasons ful of treasure as gold siluer and euery day he encreaseth it more and more and it is neuer diminished Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies Safires Spinels Neere vnto his royal pallace there is an inestimable treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt for that it standeth in such a place that euery one may see it and the place where this treasure is is a great Court walled round about with walls of stone with two gates which stand open euery day And within this place or Courâ— are foure gilded houses couered with lead in euery one of these are certaine heathenish idoles of a very great valure In the first house there is a stature of the image of a man of gold very great on his head a crowne of gold beset with most rare Rubies and Safires and round about him are 4. litle children of gold In the second house there is the stature of a man of siluer that is set as it were sitting on heapes of money whose stature in height as hee sitteth is so high that his highnesse exceedes the height of any one roofe of an house I measured his feete and found that they were as long as all my body was in height with a crowne on his head like to the first And in the thirde house there is a stature of brasse of the same bignesse with a like crowne on his head In the 4. and last house there is a stature of a man as big as the other which is made of Gansa which is the metall they make their money of this metall is made of copper leade mingled together This stature also hath a crowne on his head like the first this treasure being of such a value as it is standeth in an open place that euery man at his pleasure may go see it for the keepers therof neuer forbid any man the sight thereof I say as I haue said before that this king euery yere in his feastes triumpheth because it is worthy of the noting I thinke it meet to write therof which is as foloweth The king rideth on a triumphant cart or wagon all gilded which is drawen by 16. goodly horses and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy ouer it behind the cart goe 20. of his Lords nobles with euery one a rope in his hand made fast to the cart for to hold it vpright that it fal not The king sitteth in the middle of the cart vpon the same cart about the king stande 4. of his nobles most fauored of him and before this cart wherein the king is goeth all his army as aforesaid and in the middle of his army goeth all his nobilitie round about the cart that are in his dominions a marueilous thing it is to see so many people such riches such good order in a people so barbarous as they be This king of Pegu hath one principal wife which is kept in a Seralio he hath 300 concubines of whom it is reported that he hath 90. children This king sitteth euery day in person to heare the suites of his subiects but he nor they neuer speake one to another but by supplications made in this order The king sitteth vp aloft in a great hall on a tribunall seat and lower vnder him sit all his Barons round about then those that demaund audience enter into a great Court before the king and there set them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the kings person and amongst those people there is no difference in matters of audience before the king but all alike and there they sit with their supplications in their hands which are made of long leaues of a tree these leaues are 3. quarters of a yard long two fingers broad which are written with a sharpe iron made for y t purpose in those leaues are their supplications written with their supplications they haue in their hands a present or gift according to the waightines of their matter Then come y e secretaries downe to read these supplications taking them reading them before the king if the king think it good to do to them that fauour or iustice that they demaund then he coÌ„mandeth to take the presents out of their hands but if he thinke their demand be not iust or acding to right he commandeth them away without taking of their gifts or presents In the Indies there is not any marchandise that is good to bring to Pegu vnlesse it bee at some times by chance to bring Opium of Cambaia and if he bring money he shall lose by it Now the commodities that come from S. Tome are the onely marchandize for that place which is the great quantity of cloth made there which they vse in Pegu which cloth is made of bombaâ—â— wouen and paâ—â—ted so that the more that kinde of cloth is washed the more liuelie they shewe their colours which is a rare thing and there is made such accompt of this kinde of cloth which is of so great importance that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand duckets Also from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne of bombast died with a roote which they call Saia as aforesayd which colour will neuer out With which marchandise euery yeere there goeth a great shippe from S. Tome to Pegu of great importance and they vsually depart from S. Tome to Pegu the 11. or 12. of September if she stay vntil the twelfth it is a great hap if she returne not without making of her voiage Their vse was to depart the sixt of September and then they made sure voyages and now because there is a great labour about that kind of cloth to bring it to perfection and that it be well dried as
I Was desired by certaine of my friends to make some mention of this Uoiage that some memorie thereof might remaine to our posteritie if either iniquitie of time consuming all things or ignorance creeping in by barbarousnesse and contempt of knowledge should hereafter bury in obliuioâ— so woorthie attempts so much the greatlier to bee esteemed as before neuer enterprised by Englishmen or at the least so frequented as at this present they are and may bee to the great commoditie of our marchants if the same be not hindered by the ambition of such as for the conquering of fortie or fifâ—ie miles here and there and erecting of certaine fortresses thinke to be Lordes of halfe the world enuying that other should enioy the commodities which they themselues cannot wholy possesse And although such as haue bene at charges in the discouering and conquering of such landes ought by good reason to haue certaine priuileges preheminences and tributes for the same yet to speake vnder correction it may seeme somewhat rigorous and agaynst good reason and conscience or rather agaynst the charitie that ought to be among Christian men that such as inuade the dominions of other should not permit other friendly to vse the trade of marchandise in places neerer or seldome frequented of them whereby their trade is not hindered in such places where they themselues haue at their owne election appointed the Martes of their traffike But forasmuch as at this present it is not my intent to accuse or defend approoue or improoue I will cease to speake any further hereof and proceed to the description of the first voyage as briefly and faithfully as I was aduertised of the same by the information of such credible persons as made diligent inquisition to know the trueth thereof as much as shall be requisite omitting to speake of many particular things not greatly necessarie to be knowen which neuerthelesse with also the exact course of the nauigation shall be more fully declared in the second voiage And if herein fauour or friendship shall perhaps cause some to thinke that some haue bene sharply touched let them lay apart fauour and friendship and giue place to trueth that honest men may receiue prayse for well doing and lewd persons reproch as the iust stipend of their euill desertes whereby other may be deterred to doe the like and vertuous men encouraged to proceed in honest attempts But that these voyages may be more plainly vnderstood of all men I haue thought good for this purpose before I intreat hereof to make a briefe description of Africa being that great part of the world on whose West side beginneth the coast of Guinea at Cabo Verde about twelue degrees in latitude on this side the Equinoctiall line and two degrees in longitude from the measuring line so running from the North to the South and by East in some places within 5 4 and 3 degrees and a halfe vnto the Equinoctiall and so foorth in maner directly East and by North for the space of 36 degrees or thereabout in longitude from the West to the East as shall more plainly appeare in the description of the second voyage A briefe description of Afrike gathered by Richard Eden IN Africa the lesse are these kingdoms the kingdom of Tunis and Constantina which is at this day vnder Tunis and also the region of Bugia Tripoli and Ezzah This part of Afrike is very barren by reason of the great deserts as the deserts of Numidia and Barca The principall ports of the kingdome of Tunis are these Goletta Bizerta Potofarnia Bona and Stora The chiefe cities of Tunis are Constantina and Bona with diuers other Under this kingdom are many Ilands as Zerbi Lampadola Pantalarea Limoso Beit Gamelaro and Malta where at this present is the great master of the Rhodes Under the South of this kingdom are the great deserts of Lybia All the nations in this Africa the lesse are of the sect of Mahomet and a rusticall people liuing scattred in villages The best of this part of Afrike is Barbaria lying on the coast of the sea Mediterraneum Mauritania now called Barbaria is diuided into two parts as Mauritania Tingitana and Caesariensis Mauritania Tingitana is now called the kingdom of Fes and the kingdom of Marocco The principall citie of Fes is called Fessa and the chiefe citie of Marocco is named Marocco Mauritania Caesariensis is at this day called the kingdom of Tremisen with also the citie called Tremisen or Telensin This region is full of deserts and reacheth to the Sea Mediterraneum to the citie of Oram with the port of Mersalquiber The kingdom of Fes reacheth vnto the Ocean Sea from the West to the citie of Argilla and the port of the sayd kingdom is called Sala The kingdom of Marocco is also extended aboue the Ocean Sea vnto the citie of Azamor and Azafi which are vpon the Ocean Sea toward the West of the sayd kingdom Nere Mauritania Tingitana that is to say by the two kingdoms of Fes and Marocco are in the Sea the Ilands of Canarie called in old time The fortunate Ilands Toward the South of this region is the kingdom of Guinea with Senega Ialofo Gambra and many other regions of the Blacke Moores called Aethiopians or Negros all which are watered with the riuer Negro called in old time Niger In the sayd regions are no cities but onely certaine lowe cottages made of boughes of trees plastered with chalke and couered with strawe In these regions are also very great deserts The kingdom of Marocco hath vnder it these seuen kingdoms Hea Sus Guzula the territorie of Marrocco Duccala Hazchora and Tedle The kingdom of Fes hath as many as Fes Temesne Azgar Elabath Errif Garet and Elcair The kingdom of Tremisen hath these regions Tremisen Tenez and Elgazair all which are Machometists But all the regions of Guinea are pure Gentiles and idolatrous without profession of any religion or other knowledge of God then by the law of nature Africa the great is one of the three parts of the world knowen in old time and seuered from Asia on the East by the riuer Nilus on the West from Europe by the pillars of Hercules The hither part is now called Barbarie and the people Moores The inner part is called Lybia and Aethiopia Afrike the lesse is in this wise bounded On the West it hath Numidia On the East Cyrenaica On the North the sea called Mediterraneum In this countrey was the noble city of Carthage In the East side of Afrike beneath the red sea dwelleth the great and mighty Emperour and Christian king Prester Iohn well knowen to the Portugales in their voyages to Calicut His dominions reach very farre on euery side and hath vnder him many other Kings both christian and heathen that pay him tribute This mightie prince is called Dauid the Emperour of Aethiopia Some
altogether vnsauorie season it selfe with some of the leauen of your owne discourâ—e touching this discouerie The particular relation of â—ome câ—rtaine things I haue reserued as properly belonging â—o your selfe who onely as knowing most can make best vse thereof So much in generall is here touched as I hope may serue to â—efresh the memorie of this worthie enterpriâ—e in those whome it may conceâ—ne and testifie your care and expence in following the same that in a second age when in time trueâ—h shall haue credite and men wondering as the riches and sâ—rength of this place which nature it selfe hath maruelously fortified as her chiefe treasure-house shall mourne and sigh to holde idle cicles whilesâ— others reape and gather in this haruest it bee not sayde that Sir Walter Ralegh was of all men liuing in his dayes most industrious in seeking most fortunate in attaining to the fulnesse of an inestimable publique good if knowing that for enuie and priuate respectes his labours were lessened his informaâ—ions mistrusted his proâ—fers not regarded and the duâ— honour of his deserts imparted to othersâ— If I say seeing knowing and bearing all this hee with patience had persisted in so good a way in doing his Princesse and countrey seruice and had but perfected his first discouerie by sending a shippe or two for that purpose for then surely all leâ—s and doubts being remooued and so large a kingdome so exceeding rich so plentiful of all things as this by his discourse appeared to bee being offered no deuises and vaine surmises could haue taken place no illusions could haue preuailed it had bene blindnesse and deafenesse in those that being neeâ—e her Maiestie doe spend their dayes in seruing the common wâ—ale not to see and knowe in so weightie a matter it had beene malicious obstinaâ—ie impotencie of minde and more then treason to the common wealth the matter standing onely vpon acceptance to seeke â—ither to foreslowe so sit an occasion or forsake so generall a blessing This if is nowe cut off through a singular and incomparable temper in ouercomming euill with good This your seconde discouerie hath not onely founde a free and open entrance into Raleana which the Naturals call Orenoque but moreouer yeeldeth choyse of fourtie seuerall great riuers the lesser I do not reckon being for the most part with small vessels nauigable for our marchants others that do now finde little profit in setting forth for reprisall to exercise trade in To such as shall be willing to aduenture in search of them I could proposâ— some hopâ— of gold mines and certaine assurance of peeces of made golde of Spleene-stones Kidney stones and others of better estimate But because our beleefe seemeth to bee mated in these greater matters and a certaintie of smaller profits is the readiest inducement to quicken our weake hopes I not going so farre as mine owne eyes might warrant mee doe onâ—ly promise in the aforesayd riuers Brasil-wood honey cotton Balsamum and drugs to helpe to defray charges and further because without a beginning there can bee no continuance of these benefites vnto our countrâ—y to any thaâ— shall be the first vndertakers hereof I am gladly content to giue such light and knowledge as by conference with the Indians I haue attained vnto My selfe and the remaine of my fewe yeeres I haue bequeathed wholly to Raleana and all my thoughts liue onely in that action The prosecuting whereof is in it selâ—e iust profitable and necessarie Iust because it is intended for the defence of harmelesse people who fâ—aring thralldome and oppression desire to protect themselues and their countrey vnder her Maiesties tuition Profitable as may bee gathered not onely by many Spanish letters intercepted but also by the proofes mentioned in the discourse of the first discouerie and since that by the Indians owne voluntarie relations and lastly by the prouision that the Spaniards doe make to acquire vs thereof Necessarie it is as being the onely helpe to put a bitte in the mouth of the vnbrideled Spaniard the onely way to enter into his treasurie of Nueuo Reyno and Peru the onely meanes to animate the wronged Indians with our assistance to seeke reuenge for the extreme murthers and cruelties which they haue endured and to ruinate his naked cities in all those parts of the Inland whose foundations haue beene layd in the blood of their parents and ancesters The forces that the Spaniaâ—d hath already sent to Trinidad to fortifie there and keepe the passage of this riuer are an euident argument that the king feareth and doubteth the sequele of this discouerie For can it bee a small matter Or hatch hee so waste imployment for his men and shipping that vpon no ground hee would send eight and twentie shippes to keepe vs onely from Tabacco For what els that good is can Trinidad yeelde vs No doubtlesse if the returne of Berreo his Campe-master with tenne of these shippes bee compared with precedent aduertisements concerning him it will appeare more then probable that the Guiana-golde waged these men and shipping and that they are nowe more carefull to obtaine this place then to keepe oâ—hers which they haue already gotten which note except in matters of extraordinarie account is not incident to their policie and proceedings Againe it cannot bee thought that either it was senselesse madnesse in the gouernours of Margarita and the Caracas to bring their states and liues in question by seeking contrarie to their kings order to enter Guiana and kill Berreo with his followers or else the abundance of pearle in Magarita and the golde mines in the Caracas seeming matters of small account Guiana onely was in their iudgement rich plentifull and able of it selfe to redeeme their trespasse and offence howe great soeuer it should bee The sundry attemptes and ouerthrowes of the Spaniardes being men of power and honourable place in labouring threescore and three yeeres and vpwardes to inlarge the kingdome of Spaine with this mightie and great empire doe plainely shewe that they long time sought a path where in one moneth a high way was found that the losse of their liues witnesseth their desires and the worthinesse of the thing where to vs the easinesse of obteining discrediteth the greatnes of the attempt and that if now at the last they doe preuaile they must holde by tyrannie that which they get by the sword where then our returne nothing by the Indians is more wished for nothing expected more earnestly Those obiections which haue beene made by many seeming wise and the impediments likely to arise as they haue supposed are best answered by the vnreprooued witnesse of those mens actions Some haue termed these discoueries fables and fantasies as if there had beene no such land or territorie others allowing both of the place and â—hat such a kingdome or countrey is discouered make conclusion that if it had beene so rich as wee haue supposed that no doubt the king of Spaine would by this time haue possessed it But
her selfe on her owne force and powerfulnesse The reasons that might bee inferred to prooue this neede no rationall discourse they are all intimated in the onely example of Spaine it selfe which without the Indies is but a purse without money or a painted sheath without a dagger In summe it seemeth vnto me that whereas the difficultie of performing this enterprise hath bene produced for a discouragement it were a dull conceite of strange weakenes in our selues to distrust our own power so much or at least our owne hearts and courages as valewing the Spanish nation to be omnipotent or yeelding that the poore Portugal hath that mastering spirit and conquering industrie aboue vs as to bee able to seate himselfe amongst the many mightie princes of the East Indies to frontire China to holde in subiection The Philippinas Zeilan Calecut Goa Ormus Mozambique and the rest the nauigation being so tedious and full of perill to suffer our selues to bee put backe for worthlesse cyphers out of place without account All which Regions being nowe also by the late conquest of Portugall entituled to the Spanish king to whom the Colonies of those parts doe yet generally refuse to sweare fraltie and allegiance and the care depending on him not onely in gouerning them in the East â—o farre off but also of ordering and strengthening of those disunited scattered ill guarded empires and prouinces in the West It might very well bee alleaged to the sayde Spanish king that it were more wisedome for him to assure and fortifie some part of those already gotten then to begin the conquest of Guiana so farre separate srom the rest of his Indies in which hee hath had so many misfortunes and against whom the naturall people are so impetuously bent and opposed were it not that it exceedeth all the rest in abundance of gold and other riches The case then so standing is it not meer â—wretchednesse in vs to spend our time breake our sleepe and waste our braines in contriuing a cauilling false title to defraude a neighbour of halfe an acre of lande whereas here whole shires of fruitfull rich grounds lying now waste for want of people do prostitute themselues vnto vs like a faire and beautifull woman in the pride and flâ—ure of desired yeeres If wee doe but consider howe vnhappily Berreo his affaires with his assistants haue of late yeeres in our owne knowledge succeeded who can say if the hand of the Almighty be not against them and that hee hath a worke in this place in stead of Papistrie to make the sincere light of his Gospell to shine on this people The effecting whereof shall bee a royall crowne of euerlasting remembrance to all other blessings that from the beginning the Lorde hath plentifully powred on our dread Soueraigne in an eminent and supreme degree of all perfection If the Castilians pretending a religions care of planting Christianitie in those partes haue in their doings preached nought els but auarice rapine blood death and destruction to those naked sheeplike creatures of God erecting statues and trophees of victorie vnto themselues in the slaughters of millions of innocents doeth not the crie of the poore succourlesse ascend vnto the heauens Hath God forgotten to bee gracious to the workemanship of his owne hands Or shall not his iudgements in a day of visitation by the ministerie of his chosen seruant come on these blood thirstie butchers like raine into a fleete of wooll Aliquando manifesta aliquando occulta semper iusta sunt Dei indicia To leaue this digression It is fit onely for a prince to begin and ende this worke the maintenance and ordering thereof requireth soueraigne power authoritie and commaundement The riuer of Raleana giueth open and free passage any prouision that the Spaniard can make to the contrary notwithstanding for once yeerely the landes neere the riuer be all drowned to conuey men horse munition and victuall for any power of men that shall be sent thither I doe speake it on my soules health as the best testimonie that I can in any cause yeelde to aâ—erre a trueth that hauing nowe the second time beene in this countrey and with the helpes of time and leisure well aduised my selfe vpon all circumstances to bee thought on I can discerne no suffcient impediment to the contrary but that with a competent number of men her Maiestie may to her and her successours enioy this rich and great empire and hauing once planted there may for euer by the fauour of God holde and keepe it Contra Iudaeos Gentes Subiects I doubt not may through her Maiesties gracious sufferance ioyning their strength together inuade spoyle and ouerrcome it returning with golde and great riches But what good of perpetuitie can followe thereof Or who can hope that they will take any other course then such as tendeth to a priuate and present benefite considering that an Empire once obtained is of congruitie howe and wheresoeuer the charge shall growe to bee annexed vnto the crowne The riches of this place are not fit for any priuate estate no question they will rather prooue sufficient to crosse and couteruaile the Spaniard his proceedings in all partes of Christendome where his money maketh way to his ambition If the necessitie of following this enterprise doth nothing vrge vs because in some cafe better a mischiefe then an inconuenience let the conueniencie thereof somewat mooue vs in respect both of so many Gentlemen souldiers and younger brothers who if for want of employment they doe not die like cloyed cattell in ranke easefulnesse are enforced for maintenance sake â—ometimes to take shamefull and vnlawfull courses and in respect of so many handycraftsmen hauing able bodies that doe liue in cleannesse of teeth and pouertie To sacrifice the children of Beliaâ— vnto the common weale is not to defile the lande with blood because the lowe of God doeth not prohibite it and the execution of iustice requireth it to bee so but yet if the waterboughes that sucke and feede on the iuice and nourishment that the fruitefull branches should liue by are to bee cut downe from the tree and not regarded luckie and prosperous bee that right hande that shall plant and possesse a soyle where â—hey may srucâ—ifie increase and growe to good thrise honourable and blessed bee the memorie of so charitable a deede from one generation to another To conclude your lordship hath payd for the discouerie and search both in your owne person and since by mee You haue framed it and moulded it readie for her Maiestie to set on her seale If either enuie or ignorance or other deuise frustrate the rest the good which shall growe to our enemies and the losse which will come to her Maiestie and this kingdome will after a fewe yeeres shewe it selfe Wee haue more people more shippes and better meanes and yet doe nothing The Spanish king hath had so sweete a taste of the riches thereof as notwithstanding that hee is lorde
of so many empires and kingdomes already notwithstanding his enterprises of France and Flanders notwithstanding that hee attended this yeere a home inuasion yet hee sent twentie eight saile to Trinidad whereof tenne were for that place and Guiana and had some other shippes ready at Cadiz if the same had not beene by my Lordes her Maiesties Generals and your lordship set on fire In one worde The time serueth the like occasion seldome happeneth in many ages the former repeated considerations doe all ioyntly together importune vs nowe or neuer to make our selues rich our posteritie happie our Prince euery way stronger then our enemies and to establish our Countrey in a state flourishing and peaceable O let not then such an indignitie rest on vs as to depraue so notable an enterprise with false rumors and vaine suppositions to sleepe in so serious a matter and renouncing the honour strength wealth and soueraigntie of so famous a conquest to leaue all vnto the Spaniard A Table of the names of the Riuers Nations Townes and Casiques or Captaines that in this second voyage were discouered  Riuers Nations Townes Captains 1 Arowari great Arwaos Pararweas Charibes   2 Iwaripoco very great Mapurwanas Iaos   3 Maipari great Arricarri   4 Caipurogh great Arricurri   5 Arcooa great Marowannas Charibes   6 Wiapoco great Coonoracki Wacacoia Wariseaco   7 Wanari Charibes   8 Capurwacka great Charibes   9 Cawo great Iaos Icoomana Wareo 10 Wia great Maworia Charib Wiaco Ch. Parammona great Mashwipo 1 These are enemies to the Iaos their money is of white and greene stones They speake the Tiuitiuas language so likewise doe the nation of the Aricarri who haue greater store of those moneyes then any others 2 Here it was as it seemeth that Vincent Pinçon the Spaniard had his Emeralds In one of these two riuers certain FrenchmeÌ„ that suffred shipwrack some 2. or 3. yeres since doe liue 3. 4. 5. These with the other two seeme to bee branches of the great riuer of Amazones When wee first fell with land wee were by y Indians report but 1. dayes iourney from the greatest  Riuers Nations Townes Captains 11 Caiane g. Gowateri a great Iland Wiaco Ch. Shebaios Canawi g. Orinikero Parawatteo 12 Macuria Piraos Ch.   13 Cawroora Arawaccos Charib   14 Manmanuri Ipaios Ch.   15 Cureey Shebaios   16 Curassawini Shebaios Musswara great Ocapanio 17 Cunanama Iaosâ— Arwaccas Waritappi great Carinamari Curipotoore 18 Vracco Moruga Arwaccas Arwaccas  Marwabo Eramacoa 19 Mawariâ— Winicinas Arwaccas Iwanama Aranacoa 20 Mawarpari Arwaccas Awaricana Mahahonero 21 Amonna very great Capeleppo g. Charibes Iaremappo very great  22 Marawini g. Paracuttos   23 Owcowi    24 Wiawiami    25 Aramatappo    26 Wiapo    27 Macuruma    28 Carapi    29 Vraca    30 Chaimawinini great Catepini Charib   31 Ecrowto Vpotommas  Caponaiarie 32 Paporo Arwaccas Maripommaâ— Â 33 Shurinama g. Carepini Chari   34 Shurama g. Carepini Cupari  35 NorthuÌ„bria or Cupanama very g. Char. Arwaccas   36 Wioma    37 Cushwini Neekean Tawrooâ—oment Neperwariâ— riuer that is on that coast 6 The first mountaines y t appeare within lande doe lie on the East side of this riuer From the mouth thereof the inhabitants doe passe with their canoas in 20. dayes to the salte lake where Manoa standeth The water hath many Cataracts like Caroli but that they are of greater distance one froÌ„ another where it falles into the sea hils do inclose it on both sides 10 The freshet shoots out into the sea with great force the sea doth here sometimes campe high and breake as if it were full of rocks but in proofe it is nothing els but the pride force of the tydes In this day round about so far aâ— the mountaines do extend there is great store of Brasill wood some of it bearing faire darker colour then other some Here are also many sortes of other good woods 14 These speake the language of the IndiaÌ„s of Dominica They are but few but very cruel to their enemies For they bind and eat them aliue peecemeale This torment is not esparable to the deadly paine that commeth of hurts or woundes made by those arrowes that are inuenomed w t the iuice of yâ— herbe Wapotoâ—o These IndiaÌ„s because they eate them whome they kill vse no poyson The sea coast is nowhere populous for they haue much wasted  Riuers Nations Townes Capt. 38 Inana g. Carepini Owaripoore  39 Curitini g. Arwaccas Parawianni Mawronama  40 Winitwari g.  Maiapoore Carmacku  41 Berbice g. Arwaccas Aneta Manacobeece Eppera Parawiannoi Lupulee Warawaroco 42 Wapari Shebaios Arwaccas Madewini Benmurwagh 43 Maicawini Panapi Arwaccas Iteâ—ee Caporaco great Cap. 44 Mahawaica Arwaccas Maburesa g.  45 Lemerare g. Wacawaios Maburesa g.  46 Deuoritiaâ— or Dessekebe very g. Matorooni Coowini Chipanama Arawanna Itorebeco Arwaccas Iaos Shebaios Arwaccas Charibes Maripai Wocowaios Parawianni Iwarewakeri Calaremappo  47 Pawrooma g. Aripacoro Ecawini Manurawini Iaos Panipi Waroopana Maripa Chipariparo Towâ—wi Sarinbugh Wariwagh Macapowa Shuracoima 48 Moruga g. Piara Chaimeragoro Iaos Arwaccas Cooparoore g. Awiaparl Topoc Manarâ—cowa laâ—wruema 49 Waini g Charibes Tocoopoima g. Parana 50 Barima g. Caitooma Arooca Charibes Arwaccas Pekwa g. Arwakima Anawra Aparwa Arracurri 51 Amacur g.    52 Aratoori g. Cawrooma g. Raleana or Orenoque Maipar Itacaponea Owarecapater Warucanasso Ilands in the mouth of Raleana   themselues in mutuall warres But now in all parts so farre as Orenoque they liue in league and peace 21. Neere the head of this riuer Capeleppo falleth out of the plaines and runneth into the Sea with Curitini Some of the Guianians liue in this riuer 29. This riuer as also most of the rest is not nauigable aboue sixe dayes iourney by reason of rockes It is tenne dayes iourney to the head where the Guianians do dwelâ—hony yarne or cotton silke Balsamum and Brasil-beds are here to bee had in plentie and so all the coast alongst Eastward Some images of golde spleenestones and others may bee gotten on this coast but they doe somewhat extraordinarily esteeme of them because euery where they are current money They get their Moones other pieces of gold by exchange taking for each one of their greater Canoas one piece or image of golde with three heades and after that rate for their lesser Canoas they receiue pieces of golde of lesse value One hatchet is the ordinarie price for a Canoa They haue euery where diuers sorts of drugs gummes and rootes which I doubt not by farther trial will be found medicinable Names of poysoned hearbes Ourari Carassi Apareepo Parapara Hearbes good against poyson Turara Cutarapama
This was Bake of Ratciâ—ste who with the barke called the Roe robbed certaine Gâ—ecians in the Lâ—uant The description of Augusta in Germanie Venice The number of â—â—wes in Vâ—nice The excesse of the women of Venice His embarking at Venice for Ierusalem Cyprus Missagh Ioppa The Basha of Ioppa Rama Troopes of theeuish Arabians â—is arriuall in the sight of Ierusalem The monuments in and about Ierusalem S. Helens chapell His departure from Ierusalem Tripolis in Syria Salina Missagh a town in Cyprus Candie Zante Istria Mustasa interpâ—es M. Wil. Hareborne sent ambassador to the Turke A request for the preferring of Mustafa Beg. Supply of the want of oile Leo Asricamâ—â— lib. 8. Leo Africanus lib 4. This may be learned at Alget Ianuary the fourteenth C. Vincente C. Santa Maria. Tariffa Velez Malaga C. de Gates C. de Palos Denia Formentera Cabrera February the first Mallorca The shippes men goe on land at Porto de Sant Pedro. The Ambassadour betrayed February the sixth The English men are surprised The Spaniards come to the sea side to speake with the captaine The Spaniards come a game to parse The Ambassadour writeth to the Viceroy The ninth of February The ship Susan prepareth to defend herselfe The effect of the Viceroys letter in the Captaine of the Susan The eâ—â—ect of the Ambassadors answere Galata Sardinia Fauagniana Cisimbri Pantalaria Sicilia C. Passaro Poâ—to de Contâ— in Cephalonia Zante Prodeno Sapientia Modon C. Maâ—apan Cerigo C. Malio Menelaus â—ellapola Both Miloâ— Fâ—lcâ—nara Antâ—milâ— Fermeniâ— Zâ—â— Negroponte Andri Psaâ—a Sarafo Sigraâ— port in Metelin Porto Delfin The city of Chio. A By. Ermin or Customer Baberno Tenedo Maure Galâ—poli Marmora Araâ—â—ia Silauria Ponte grande Ponte picola Ponte S. Stephano The arriuall of the Susan at Constantinople The Ambassadour giueth a present to the great Basâ—a A man halfe naked goeth before y e great Basâ—a The Ambassadours entertainment with the Bassas Santa Sophia A discription of their church The ship commeth to the custome house The Ambassador presenteth the Admirall Vchali The Susan goeth from the Custome house The Admirall departeth to the sea The Ambassadoâ—rs repaire to the great Turke court The entertainment at dinner of the Ambassadours men The Turke is presented with a rich present An English ship sunke by two gallies of Alger The money of Alger The custome The waights The measure The surest lodging for a christian This is another officer Other smal customs you pay besides which may be at two in the huÌ„dred and for â—onsullage you pay two in the hundred Cairo three daies iourney from Alexandria by land The Inuentorie of our ships and goods sunke and taken by the gallies of Alger Man doth purpose and God doth dispose A new master chosen The new master died The Iesus arriued in Tripolis Another ship of Bristow came to Tripolis A conspiracie practised by the French Factor to deceiue a Turkish marchant of 450 crowns The beginning of their troubles and occasion of all their miserie The Englishmen araigned Master Dier condemned to be hanged ouer a bulwarke A Frenchman turned Turke in hope of his life and afterward was hanged Euery fiue men allowed but two pence of bread a day The Turkes builded a church The Christians sent 3. times a weeke 30. miles to fetch wood Eighteene captiues run away from Tripolis The iudgement of God vpon blasâ—â—eâ—â—ers The Greene Dragon The Kings sonne had a captiue that was sonne to one of the Queenes Maiesties guard that was forced to turne Turke The first motion for those Englishmens deliuerie The Englishmen released The plagues and punishments that happened to the King and his people The king lost 150. Camels taken by the wilde Moores Two Englishmen shipped to Constantinople with M. Barton The souldiers of Tripolis kil the King Two Gallies of Venice tooke the king of Tripolie his galley and killed the kings sonne and all the Turkes in it and released all the Christians being in number 150. Edoardo Baron Mahumed Beg. Hamburâ— Brunswig Halberstat Eisleben Copper Mines Iena Great wood of firre trees Bamberg Nurenberg Augspurg The borders of Italy Venice Ragusa Seruia Chierâ—isa Or Fochia Nouibazar Or Nissa Sophia Phâ—lippopoli Andrinopoliâ— Siliueri Constantinople Pompeys piller Prouaâ— Vâ—rna Or Moldania Paâ—sin vpon the riuer of Prut Yas Soâ—sâ—hen Nyester a riuer Camyenetâ— Skala Leopolis or Leunpurg Grodecz Vilna Iaroslaw Lanczut Cracouia Leade Minesâ— Bendzâ—n Salt digged out of mountaines in Poland Bitom Oppelen Schurgasse Brigk Breslaw Magdeburg Lunenberg Hamborg Fontecho signifieth an house of trafique aâ— the Sulyard Bichier Rossetto 1566. The descriptâ—on oâ— Cairo Olde Thebes Pieces of dry wood in stead of torches The mountaine of pardons Grida a port neere Mecca The Portugals greatly feared in the Red sea Forty or fifty rich ships arriue yerely at Grida | 〈◊〉 A fathomâ— Caesar Fredericke trauelled eighteene yeeres in the East Indies The authours going froÌ„ Venice to Cyprus and Tripoly The riuer Euphrates Feluchia a small city on Euphrates Mosul The Arabian theeues are in number like to Ants. The olde Babylon hath great trade w t marchants 〈◊〉 A bridge made of boats These bricks be in thicknes six or seuen inches and a foot a halfe square This hole whereour coÌ„meth this pitch is most true and the water pitch runneth into the valley or Iland where the pitch resteth the water runneth into the riuer Euphrates and it maketh all the riuer to be as it were bâ—ackish with the smell of pitch and brimstone Zizarij an ancient people At the castle of Corna the riuer Euphrates and Tygris do meet Ormus is the barrennest Iland in all the world Carichij an Iland in y e gulfe of Persia. Ormus is alwayes replenished with abundance of victuall and yet there is none that groweth in the Iland Great trade of merchandise in Ormus The election of the king of Ormus A priuilege for Marchants Diu. Cambaietta Marchants that trauell to the Indies must cary their prouision of houshold with theÌ„ Great â—â—oâ—e of men of warre and rouers oâ— the coast of Cambaia A maruellous â—oâ—d delight in women Tana an Iland whereoâ— Odoricus writeth pag 41. Great ordinance made in pieces and â—et seruiceable The chiefe place the Portugals haue in the Indies A very good sale for horses A most vnkind wicked treasoÌ„ against their prince this they haue for giuing credit to strangers rather then to their owne natiue people The sacking in the city An excellent good policy to intrap men A discription of the burning place Feasting and dancing when they should mourne Mourning when they should reioyce The cause why the women do so burâ—e themselues Penegonde Men ride on bullocksâ— and trauell with thâ—m on the way The marchandise that come in and out to Bezeneger euery yere The apparell of those people Their Winter is our Summer Foure small fortes of the Portugals Bettell is a very profitable herbe in that countrey Enimies to the king of Portugall
Within Cochin is the kingdom of Peppâ—r The Pepper thâ—t the Portugals bring is not so good as thâ—t which goâ—th for Mecca wâ—ich is bâ—ought 〈◊〉 by y e streights Great priuileges that the citizens of Cochin haue A very strange thing hardly to be beleeued Note the departing of the ships from Cochin The order how they fish for pearles These pearles are prised according to the caracts which they weigh euery caract is 4. grames and these men that prise theÌ„ haue an instrument of copper with holes in it which be made by degrees for to sort perles withall Cairo is a stuffe that they make ropes with the which is the barke of a tree The cutting gathering of Sinamom A car things A foolish feare of Portugals S. Thomas his sepulchre A painted kind of cloth died of diuers colours which those people delight much in and esteeme them of great price In the Iland of Banda they lade Nutmegs for there they grow In the Ilands of Andemaon they eate one another The commodities that grow in the kingdom of Assi The great trade that is at Malacca At the Moluccos they lade the Cloues The kingdome of Assa. The ship of drugs so termed of the Portugals Ilands not discouered China is vnder the gouernment of the great Tartar A yeerely Carouan from Persia to China A market kept aboord of the ships A prince of a marueilous strength and power * Oâ— Achem. The mountaines of Zerzerline The commodities that go out of Orisa This cloth we call Nettle cloth The riuer of Ganges The commodities that are laden in Satagan Moores are of the sect of Mahomet A ceremony of the gentiles when they are dead Marchandise comming from Sion Niper wine good to cure the French disease Great extremitie at sea Tauay vnder the king of Pegu. Martauan a citie vnder the king of Pegu. A custom that these people haue when the king is in the warres A law in Pegu for killing of men Great pride of the Portugales A reuenge on the Portugales A thing most marueilous that at the comming of â— tide the earth should quake This tide is like to the sides in our riuer of Seueine These tides make their iust course as ours doe This Macareo to a tide or a currant Houses made of canes couered with leaues of trees Godon is a place or house for marchants to lay their goods in The forme of the building of the new citie of Pegu. A rich and stately palace Foure white Eliphants This maneâ— called Tansa is halfe a duckat which may be shire shillings foure pence A warlike poliâ—iâ— An â—xcâ—llâ—â—t dâ—â—ise to hâ—â—t â—â—d take wilde Eliphanâ—s An â—xcellâ—â—â— pastime of the Eliphaâ—ts These canes 〈…〉 to them in Spainâ— whiâ—h they call loco de tore A strange thiâ—g â—hat a beaâ—â— so wâ—lde should in so shorâ— time he made tameâ— The gâ—â—â—test strength that the king of Peâ—â— â—ath A goodly order in a barbarous people The oâ—â—er of their weapons and â—umber of his men 26. Crowned kings at his command Fifteene hundreth thousand men in one Campe. Eating of serpents The riches of the king of Pegu. The great pompe of the â—ing The order of Iustice. No difference of persons before the king in controuersies or in iustice The comâ—â—â—dâ—râ— that are ventured in Pegu. Note the departure of the ships from S. Tome to Pegu. Commodities brought into Pegu. The Chikinos are pieces of gold worth sterling 7. shillings Great rigour for the stealing of Customes Description of the fruitfulnesse of that soyle Deling is a small litter caried with men as is aforesaid A lawe for Banckrupts Euery man may stampe what money he wil. How a man may dispose himselfe for the trade in Pegu. Good instructions The Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu. Idol houses couered wiâ—h gold Rubies exceeding cheape in Pegu. An honâ—st care of heathen people Bargainâ—s made with the nipping of fingers vnder a cloth This Toufâ—on is an â—xtraordinary sâ—orme at Sea The Toufon coÌ„meth but euery 10. or 12. yeeres A manifest token of the ebding and flowing in those Countreis This Island is called Sondiua Sondiua is the â—ruit fullest Countrey in al the world Chatigan is a port in Bengala whither the Portugales go with their ships The King of Rachim or Aracam neighbour to Bengala Or Aracam The commodities that goe from Chatigan to the Indies The Portugal ships depart toward Portugall out of the harbor of Cochin Goa was beâ—ieged Opium a good commoditie in Pegu. Peper tree Ginger Cloues Nutmegs and Maces White Sandol Canfora Lignum Aloes Beniamin Long peper This Muske the Iewes doe conâ—â—erâ—eit and take out halfe the good muske and beat the flesh of an asse and put in the roome of it Rubies Saphyres and Spinels The Balassi arowe in Zeilan Spodiom On the coast of Melynde in Ethiopia in the land of Caâ—raâ—ia the great trade that the Portugals haue Buying and selling without wordâ— one to another Golden trades that the Portugals haue An order hold to prouide to goe ouer the Desert from Babylon to Alepo 36. Dayes iourney ouer the wildernes An order how to prouide for the going to Ierusalem The author returneth to Venice 1581. A very good order that they haue in those Countreyâ— for the recouering of the goods of the dead Order of apparel in Peguâ— The order of the womens apparel in Pegu. Abilfada Ismael his Cosmographie March 11. The last of April Currall Amber greese Sope. Broken glasse The best sort of spices at Babylon Balsara Ormus The prices of spices at Babylon Michael Stropene an Italian accused our men to be spies Two causes of our mens imprisonment at Ormus The author of the book of the East Indie◠‖ This is he whose letters to his father from Goa are before put downe and he was sometimes of New colledge iâ— Oxford Iames Storie their painter They arriued at Goa the 20 of Nouember 1583. Diu. Chaul The Italians our great enemies for the trade in the East Birra Felugia Babylon The tower of Babel Boyling pitch continually issuing out of the earth Ormus Diu. Daman Basaim Tana Chaul Goa This was the 20. of Nouember Bellergan â— towne Bisapor Gulconda Masulipatan Seruidore Bellapore Strange mariages Mandoway a very strong town Vgini Agra a great citie The great Mogor The like is reported of the riues of China Wil. Leades serued the king of Cambaia The superstitious ceremonies of the Bramanes Ganges Bannaras A pilgrimage of the Gentiles This tying of new maried folks together by the clothes was vsed by the Mexicans in old time Patenaw Gold found Tanda in Gouren Couche this seemeth to be Quicheu accouÌ„ted by some among the prouinces of China Pure Gentilisme In Mexico they vse likewise for small money the fruit Cacao which are like almonds Hugely Porto Angeli The like cloth may be made of the long grasse in Virginia Satagam Tippara or porto Grande Bottanter a great Northren country Marchants of China Moscouie and Tartarie