according to a fundamentall Law made by Charles the fift ratified by the Court of Parliament That the Kings of France having attained the full age of thirteene years and entring into the fourteenth they should take upon them the Soveraigne Government of the Estate Whereupon the Queen Mother in the Parliament resignes the Regency and reignes of the Empire into his hands After which the three Estates assembling abolished the sale of all offices of judicature and others which tend to the oppression and ruine of the People suppresse Duels the Commons and Deputies of the three Estates present a Petition of all their grievances to the King consisting of severall natures and pray redresse And for the securing of the Kings Crowne and person against the Popes usurpations and attempts they desired that it should be declared by the said Estates and set down as a fundamentall Law That the King did not hold his Realme of any but God and his sword and that he is not subject to any superiour power upon earth for his temporall estates and that no Book should be printed containing any Doctrine against the person of Kings touching the question too much debated by presumptuous men whether it be lawfull to kill Kings The Clergy of France except against this Article as a point of doctrine and conscience not of State policie as the Commons pretended fit onely for the Clergies determination not the Commons or three Estates as a means to ingender a schisme and offend the Pope and after much debate prevail and suppresse it In fine after many debates the three Estates brake up without any great redresse of their grievances or full answer to their Petitions which was defaced hereupon the Parliament at Paris the seven and twentieth day of March 1615. decreed under the Kings good pleasure That the Princes Dukes Peers and Officers of the Crowne having place and deliberate voyce therein being then in the Citie should be invited to come into the Court there with the Chancellour and all the Chambers assembled to advise upon the propositions which should be made for the kings service the ease of his subjects and good of his estate and to draw up a Remonstrance to this affect Some Court Parasites presently acquaint the King and Queen Mother with this Decree as if it were an apparent enterprize against the Kings Authoritie and did touch the Queens Regency which they would controll and objections are made against it in Councell whereupon the Parliament are sent for to the Court severall times and ordered to revoke this Decree they excuse and justifie it then draw up a Remonstrance to the king consisting of many Heads wherein among others they affirme That the Parliament of Paris was borne with the State of France and holds place in Councell with Princes and Barons which in all ages was near to the Kings person That it had alwayes dealt in publike affairs that some Kings which had not liked of the Remonstrances of the Parliament at Paris did afterwards witnesse their griefe That Popes Emperours Kings and Princes had voluntarily submitted their controversies to the judgement of the Parliament of Paris c. To which I shall adde some passages out of Andrew Favine in his Theater of Honour touching the dignitie power and honour of the Parliaments of France In the Register of the Acts of Parliament beginning 1368. there is one dated the twenty seventh of Iune 1369. for matter of murder and assassinate committed on the person of Master Emery Doll Councellor of the said Parliament whereby it was approved That it was a crime of High Treason to kill a Councellor of Parliament And in Anno 1475. on the eleventh day of November Mounseir the Chancellor came to advertise the Court for going to hear the confession of the Constable of Saint Paul to whom for his rebellions and disobediences king Lewes the eleventh directed his Processe And the said Parliament declared That there was not a Lord in the Kingdome so great except the King and Mounsiour le Daulphine but ought to come and appear at the said Parliament in person when it was ordained for him And this is witnessed by a Lyon abasing his tail between his Legs exalted over the gate and entrance of the great Chamber by the Parquet des Huisiers thereof So that by this illustrious and Soveraigne Parliament are ordered and determined the principall affairs of the kingdom And in Anno 1482. the second day of Aprill king Lewes the eleventh sent unto the Parliament the Oath which he took at his sacring exhorting the said Parliament to performe good justice according as the King had promised to doe by his said Oath which he purposed to keep and the Oath is there Registred downe The Parliaments of France are Oaks with exalted Heads under whose Branches the people are covered from the very strongest violencies which constraineth them to yeeld obedience to their Prince But when Princes by bad councell misprize the authoritie of them whereof they ought to be zealous defenders as being exalted to the Royall dignity to rule and governe their Subjects by justice they cut off the right hand from the left If they refuse the holy Remonstrances of their Parliaments under color that they are not to meddle with affairs of State but onely with the Act of justice and lend a deaf ear when they are advertised of evill Government it is an assured Pronostick forewarning of the entire decadence of the Kingdome Strange and forraigne Princes have sought and submitted themselves to the judgement of their Parliament even in their affairs of greatest importance The Chronicle of Laureshime under the year 803. followed by the Monk Aimonius in the fourth Book of his History of France reporteth that king Lewes the Debonnaire holding his Parliament in May there came thither from strange Provinces two Brethren kings ofVvilses who with frank and free good will submitted themselves to the judgement of the said Parliament to which of them the Kingdom should belong Now albeit the custom of the said kingdom adjudged the Crown to the eldest according to the right of Prerogative allowed and practised by the Law of Nature and of late memory in the person of the last dead king Liubus father commune to these two contendants yet notwithstanding in regard of the subjects universall consent of the Kingdom who for the cowardise and want of government in the Elder had given the Crowne to the Younger for valliancie and discreet carriage by sentence the Kingdom was adjudged to him and the Eldest did him homage with Oath of allegiance in the said Parliament Under the third Ligne in the reign of Philip Augustus Pope Innocent the third and the Emperour Otho the fourth being in variance for the forme and tearms of the Oath of fidelity with the said Emperour should make to the Pope they referred it to the judgement of king Philip in his Parliament furnished with Peers Otho made some exception concerning the forme
THE FOVRTH PART OF THE SOVERAIGNE POWER OF PARLIAMENTS and KINGDOMES Wherein the Parliaments Right and Interest in ordering the Militia Forts Ships Magazins and great Offices of the Realme is manifested by some fresh Records in way of Supplement The two Houses Imposition of moderate Taxes and Contributions on the People in cases of extremity without the Kings assent when wilfully denyed for the necessary defence and preservation of the Kingdome and their imprisoning confining of Malignant dangerous persons in times of publicke danger for the common saâ—ety are vindicated from all Calumnies and proved just Together with an APPENDIX Manifesting by sundry Histories and Foraine Authorities that in the ancient Kingdome of Rome the Roman Greeke German Empires the old the present Graecian Indian Aegyptian French Spanish Gothish Italian Hungarian Polonian Behemian Danish Swedish Scottish with other Foraine Kingdomes yea in the Kingdomes of Judah Israel and other Gentile Royalties mentioned in Scripture the Supreame Soveraigne Power resided not in the Emperours or Kings themselves but in the whole Kingdome Senate Parliament State People who had not onely Authority to restraine resist yea call their Emperours and Kings to an account but likewise when they saw just cause to censure suspend deprive them for their Tyranny vices mis-government and sometimes capitally to proceed against them With a briefe Answer to the contrary Objections and tenne materiall Observations confirming all the Premises By WILLIAM PRYNNE Utter-Barrester of Lincolnes Inne Olaus Magnus l. 8. c. 32. De Iniquis Consiliariis c. 33. Iniqui Consiliarii aiunt Regem nihil injuste facere posse quippe omnia omniunt ejus esse ac homines etiam ipsos-Tantum vero cuique esse proprium quantum Regis Benignitas ei non ademerit c. Vtcunque sit multi Principes his similibus consiliis consiliariis facti sunt enules miseri infames inhabiles in se posteritate sua amplius gubernandi Principis itaque Officium est ut non secus curet subditos quam fidelis Pastor oves ut dirigat foveat conservet It is this tenth day of July Ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons concerning Printing that this Booke Intituled The fourth Part of the Soveraign power of Parliaments and Kingdoms c. be Printed by Michael Sparke senior John White Printed at London for Michael Sparke Senior 1643. To the READER Courteous Reader I Here present thee with the last Part of The Soveraigne Power of Parliaments and Kingdomes and An Appendix in pursuance of it abundantly manifesting from the very fundamentall Constitutions Lawes Customes Resolutions Remonstrances Oathes Inaugurations Elections Ceremonies Histories publique Transactions Treaties Agreements Wars of Forain Empires Emperors Realmes Kings States Senates Diets Parliaments in all Ages and the most judicious foraine Authours of all sorts That whole Kingdomes Parliaments Senates States Nations collectively considered have ever constantly enjoyed in all Ages Nations the most Soveraigne Jurisdiction and Authority and beene Paramount their Kings and Emperours who were and are subordinate accountable for their actions to them and copiously refuting the fond erroneous fancies of all illiterate flattering Court-Doctors Theologasters Lawyers Statists who without any shadow of Truth or Reason audaciously averre the contrary not so much to flatter or seduce their Princes as to advance themselves against whom the contrary constant practice and resolutions of most lawfull Kingdomes that either are or have beene in the world from Adams dayes till now shall unanimously rise in judgement and passe a most Catholike irreversible sentence on them for their notorious flatteries and Impostures For mine owne particular as I have alwayes beene and ever shall be an honourer a defender of Kings and Monarchy the best of Government whiles it keepes within the bounds which Law and Conscience have prescribed So I shall never degenerate so farre beneath the duty of a Man a Lawyer a Scholar a Christian as to mis-informe or flatter either nor yet out of any popular vain-glory court either Parliaments or People to the prejudice of Kings just Royalties but carry such an equall hand betweene them as shall doe right to both injury to neither and preserve support their just Legall severall Soveraignties Jurisdictions Rights within their proper limits without tyrannicall invasions or seditious encroachments upon one another to their mutuall and the Republickes prejudice It fares with Regall and Popular Powers usually as with Seas and mighty Rivers if they violently breake downe or swellingly overflow their fixed bankes they presently cause an Inundation and in stead of watering surround and drowne the Countries round about them for a season sometimes for sundry yeares ere they can be perfectly drained and their bankers repaired to confine them to their ancient proper Channels of which we have present sad experience written in Capitall red Bloody Letters throughout the Realme To redresse prevent which overflowing mischiefe for the future I have without feare or flattery of any humane Power or party whatsoever by Publicke Authority divulged this last and the three preceding Parts of this Discourse together with the Appendix all hastily collected and more confusedly compacted through want of time and sundry interrupting Avocations then I desired wherein I have impartially according to my judgement conscience defended nought but ancient undoubted universall Truthes of reall State-Policy and true Theologie almost forgotten in the world yea cryed Preached Printed down for erronious seditious Paradoxes if not Treasons by Sycophants and Malignants in these later ages out of a cordiall affection as much as in me lyeth to restore and settle the weale tranquillity and safety of my bleeding dying Country now miserably distracted wasted consumed every where through the long foreâ—plotted conspiracies of Romish Priests and Jesuites to subvert the Protestant Religion and our Realmes upon a pretended quarrell unhappily raised by them betweene the two much mistaken Grand Soveraigne Jurisdictions of King and Parliament Crowne and Kingdome now miserably clashing one against the other through ignorance and mistakes and trying their Titles in the open field BY BATTAILE in stead of Law by the Sword of the Souldier not of the Spirit the onely proper peaceable Judges in these Quarrels by which alone they can and must be finally resolved settled else neither King nor kingdome can be ever quiet or secure from dangers and Commotions I dare not presume to arrogate to my selfe a Spirit of in-errability in the grand Controversies here debated wherein I have travelled in no beaten common road No doubt Generall Nationall Councells Parliaments Popes Kings Counsellors Statesmen Lawyers Divines all sorts of men both may and usually doe erre from Truth especially in Questions which concerne their owne Jurisdictions Honours Profits and so may I. But this I darewith safe conscience protest to all the world that I have not willingly erred in any particular and if I have casually failed in any thing out of humane frailty I shall upon better information acknowledge and retract it
Talleage or Custome shall be set granted taken or leavied but by common consent and grant of the Prelates Earles Barons Knights Burgesses and other free men of the Realme in Parliament or without the assent of the Parliament so that their grant and assent in Parliament not the Kings is the onely thing that makes them legall and binding to the subject Now both Houses have granted ordered and assented to this Assessement exceeding not the twentieth part of mens estates and given order for the leavying of it and that for the Parliaments Kingdomes religions necessary defence and preservation Therefore it is obligatory and legall though the King himselfe consent not or disassent thereto especially as the present condition of things stands even by the very letter of these acts Secondly this is apparent by the letter of all our publique Acts for the granting of Subsidies Ayds Tenths Fifteenes Taxes Customes Tonnage Poundage or any such like impositions in and by Parliament either by the Temporalty or Clergy which Acts runne usually in this manner The Commons of this Realme HAVE GRANTED FOR DEFENCE OF THE SAID REALME and especially for the safegard and custody of the Sea a Subsidy a Subsidie called Tonnage c. The Prelates Earles Barons and all the Commons of the Realme willingly and with one assent HAVE GRANTED the ninth Lambe ninth sheafe and ninth fleece c. And of Cities and Burroughs the ninth part of all their goods and chattels c. in aide of the good keeping the Realme as well by Land as by Sea c. We your poore Commons desire your excellent Majesty willingly to accept and receive these OUR POORE GRANTS hereafter following as GRANTED of free hearts and good wils as the first-fruits of our good wils and hearts c. by the advice and Assent of the Lords spirituall and temporall GIVE GRANT for the defence of your realm and the keeping and safegard of the seas c. one Subsidy called Tonnage c. The Prelates and Clergy c. as a speciall and significant testimony of their loyall affection c. with one affection and uniforme consent HAVE GIVEN GRANTED foure whole and intire Subsidies We your Commons assembled in your high Court of Parliament humbly present your Majesty with the FREE CHEERFULL GIFT of two intire Subsidies c. All Subsidies and Taxes then being the free gift of the Commons Clergy and Peeres in Parliament and that onely for the defence of the Kingdome by sea and land it is infallible that they do may and can oblige themselves and those they represent to pay such publike Taxes to this end without the Kings concurrence Thirdly this is cleare by considering that the Commons and Lords in Parliament have alwaies had 1. An absolute right and power to grant or deny Taxes Subsidies aydes and assistance as they saw occasion 2. To proportion the aydes and Subsidies granted 3. To limit the certaine manner waies and times of paying and levying them and the persons who shall either pay assesse collect receive or disburse them 4. The ends and uses to which they should be imployed when leavied debarring the King oft times when they saw cause of any power at all to receive or dispose of them appointing Collectors and Treasurers of their owne to receive and issue them out againe by the advice and directions of these as themselves prescribed for which I shall give you some few instances of note in lieu of many more that might be remembred Anno 1237. being the 21 yeere of Henry the third The Parliament after many contestations with the King for his fraud oppressions favouring of Aliens c. to the Kingdomes detriment the King by Oath promising amendment granted unto him the thirtieth part of all their moveables excepting ready Money Horse and Armour to be imployed for the Common wealth and benefit of the Realme with this condition often annexed that the King should leave the Counsell of Aliens and onely use that of his naturall Subjects And for more security it was ordained that foure Knights of every Shiere and one Clerke of the Kings in every severall Shiere shall upon their oathes collect receive and deliver the said Subsidy either into some Abbey or Castle to be safely reserved there and disposed of for the benefit of the King and Kingdome by the view and counsell of the Earle Warren or others when there should be need Or otherwise if the King failed in performance of His promises and grants it ought to be faithfully restored and distributed to the Country whence it was collected In the 11. yeere of King Edward the 2. Anno 1318. The Parliament not daring to trust this prodigall mis-counselled King with moneys instead of Subsides granted him an aide of armed men against the Scots London set forth 200. Canturbury 40. Saint Albanes 10. and so all other Burroughs and Cities according to their proportion whereby a great Army was leavied The Parliaments of 14 E. 3. c. 20. 21. Stat. 1. Stat. 2. c. 1. 18 E. 3. Parliament 2 3. forecited at large part 2. p. 8. 9. 31 H. 6. Num. 41. 21 Jac. c. 33. particularly direct how the Subsidies granted shall be disposed of by certaine Nobles and others whom they nominate and appoint Treasurers to receive and issue them to the ends for which they granted them prescribing them an oath to issue none of them to other purposes or in any other maner then they prescribed Yea the Acts of former Parliaments and this present concerning Tonnage Poundage Polemoney and Subsidies frequently do the like Therefore the granting and disposing of those Taxes Aydes Subsidies rests wholly in the Commons and Lords and no waies on the King who commonly desires the Parliament to grant them Fourthly this is further evidenced by the Kings usuall answer and assent unto such Bills as these Le Roy remercy ses Loaulx Subjects accept LOUR BENEVOLENCE auxy le veult taking it wholly as a free grant from them which assent in this case is rather formall then substantiall it being the Commons and Lords owne consent only to Bils of this nature not the Kings that make the Taxes and Impositions binding as the forecited Statutes the Petition of Right 3 Caroli Fortescue and our Lawbookes resolve and I have elsewhere manifested more at large Therefore the want of the Kings assent or disassent to the Parliaments present assessement for the Kingdomes necessary defence in the present extremity when the King not onely wilfully absents himselfe from but hath raised Armes against the Parliament is not materiall nor simply necessary in point of Law though usually requisite and necessary for formality sake at other seasons to compleat such Acts since Sepenumero Necessitas vincit legem quod necessarium est licitum est as this assessement now is though all formalities be not punctually observed as is resolved in Dormers case Cooke l. 5. f. 40.
Empire in the Greek and German Empires derived out of it in the old Graecian Indian Aegytian Realmes in the Kingdomes of France Spaine Italy Hungary Bohemia Denmarke Poland Sweden Scotland yea of Judah Israel and others mentioned in the Scripture the Supreame Soveraignty and Power resided not in the Emperours and Kings themselves but in their Kingdomes Senates Parliaments People who had not only a power to restrain but censure and remove their Emperours and Princes for their Tyranny and misgovernment With an Answer to the Principal Arguments to prove Kings above their whole Kingdomes and Parliaments and not questionable nor accountable to them nor censurable by them for any exorbitant Actions HAving finished the preceding Treatise which asserts The Supreame Authority and Soveraigne Power in the Realme of England legally and really to reside in the whole Kingdome and Parliament which represents it not in the Kings Person who is inferiour to the Parliament A Doctrine quite contrary to what Court Prelates and Chaplaines have for sundry yeeres inculcated into our Kings and People who preach little else but Tyranny to the one and Slavery to the other to support their owne Lordly Prelacy and hinder an exact Church Reformation and directly opposite to the resolutions of many malignant Courtiers Lawyers and Counsellours about His Majesty who have either out of ignorance or malice created him a new Utopian absolute Royall Prerogative unknowne to our Ancestors not bottomed on the Lawes of God or the Realm for maintenance of each Punctilio whereof against the Parliaments pretended Encroachments the whole Kingdome must be engaged in a destructive civill Warre now like to ruine it I could not but conjecture how in all probability these Clergy men Courtiers and Lawyers out of their unskilfulnesse in true Divinity History Law and Policy would upon the first tydings of this strange Doctrine passe a sentence of Excommunication and death against it as guilty not onely of Heresie but High Treason and judge it such a monstrous Antimonarchicall Paradox as was never heard of in much lesse claimed or practised by any Kingdome Realm or Monarchy whatsoever To anticipate which rash censures and undeceive both Kings and Subjects whom these grosse Parasites have over-long seduced in this point to their prejudices convince the consciences of all gainsaying Malignants irradiate this long obscured verity whose seasonable discovery may through Gods blessing conduce very much to period the present Differences between King and Parliament touching matters of Prerogatives and Priviledges claimed by either I conceived it not only expedient but necessary to back theforecited presidents of our own Kingdom with paralelled examples in most forraign Realmes and Monarchies in which it is not mannerly to be overbusie without just cause which I have faithfully though sudenly collected out of the best approved Authors and Historians whereby I shall infallibly prove that in the Roman State and Empire at the first in the Greek Empire since in the German Empire heretofore and now in the ancient Kingdomes of Greece Egypt India and elsewhere in the Kingdomes of France Spaine Hungary Bohemia Denmarke Sweden Poland Scotland and most other Kingdomes in the world yea in the Kingdomes of Judah and Israel and others mentioned in Scripture the Highest Soveraigne Authority both to elect continue limit correct depose their Emperours and Kings to bound their royall power and prerogatives to enact Lawes create new Offices and formes of Government resided alwayes in these or Princes persons I shall begin with whole Kingdomes Senates Dyets Parliaments People not in the Emperors Kings the Roman State as having much affinity with curs which was long under their command heretofore After the building of Rome by Romulus and Remus Romulus being elected King divided the people into two Rankes those of the highest quality he stiled Senators making them a Court of Counsell and Justice much like our House of Peeres the other he termed The People being the body of the State and representing our House of Commons In this distinction made by the Peoples consent the Soveraigne Authority to elect Succeeding Kings to enact binding Lawes to make warre or peace and the like rested not in the Kings person but in the Senate and people joyntly if they accorded yet principally in the people in case either of assent or dissent between them their very Kings and Lawes having their greatest power and efficacy chiefly from the peoples election and assent To begin first with their Kings Election and Authority when Romulus their first King deceased there arose a great controversie in Rome about the Election of a new King for though they all agreed to have a King yet who should chuse him and out of what Nation he should be elected was then controverted In the Interim to avoid confusion the Senators being 150. divided the Regall power between them so as every one in his turne in Royall Robes should doe Sacrifice to the Gods and execute Justice six houres in the night time and six houres in the day which tended to preserve an equality among the Senators and to diminish the envie of the people when in the space of one night and day they should see one and the same man both a King and a private person But the people disliking this Interregnum as tending to put off the Election of a King that the Senators might keep the principallity and divide it among themselves cried out that their bondage was multiplyed having an hundred Lords made instead of one neither would they suffer it any longer unlesse they would admit a King created by themselves Hereupon the Senate thinking it best to offer the people that which they were like to lose to gaine their favour Summa potestate populo permissa permitted to the people the chiefe power of Electing a King but yet that they might not give away more right then they deteined they decreed That when the people had commanded and elected a King it should be ratified if the Senators should approve it or be reputed the authors of it Then the Interex assembling the people spake thus unto them O Romans REGEM ELIGITE chuse yea King so the Senators thinke fit and if he be one worthy to succeed Romulus they will approve him This was so gratefull to the people that lest they should be overcome with the benefit they commanded that the Senate should decree who should reigne at Rome At last Numa Pompilius was named and none of the people or Senate daring to preferre any before him all of them joyntly decreed that the Kingdome should be conferred upon him Whence Canubius the Tribune of the people in his Speech against the Consuls long after used these words Numa Pompilius POPULI JUSSU Patres autoribus Romae Regnavit Reges exacti JUSSU POPULI which manifests the chiefe power to be in the people Numa departing Tullus Hostilius by the people command consent and approbation was made King which Livy thus expresseth Tullum
Hostilium REGEM POPULUS JUSSIT patres auctores facti After him the people created Ancus Martius King Regem POPULUS CREAVIT patres fuêre auctores After him ingenti consensu Populus Romanus Tarquinium REGNARE JUSSIT The People of Rome with great consent commanded Tarquin to reigne But hedying Servins having a strong Guard to defend him primus injussupopuli voluntate Patrum Regnavit was the first that reigned without the command of the people by the Senates consent yet doubting his title for want of the peoples votes and young Tarquin his Competitour giving out speeches se injussupopuli regnare that he reigned without the peoples command he thereupon so courted the Commons by dividing the Lands he had taken from the enemies among them that at last he appealed to the people Vellent nolerintve se regnare whether they would or would not have him reigne tantoque consensu quanto hand quisquam alius ante rex est declaratus But Tarquin the Proud affecting the Kingdome slew Servius and Non Commitiis habitis non per suffragium populi non auctoribus Patribus without the Election of the people or Senate usurped the Crowne neque enim ad jus regni quicquam praeter vim habebat ut qui neque populi jussu neque Patribus auctoribus regnaret writes Livy Whereupon reposing no hope in the love of the people he endeavoured to defend his usurped Soveraignty by force to which purpose he of himselfe without the Senate or Counsell tooke upon him the conusance of Capitall offences and by colour hereof not onely to slay banish and plunder those whom bee suspected or hated but even those from whom hee could expect nothing but prey Then he lesseneth the number of the Senate to diminish their esteeme and power and at last to subvert it Hee was the first of Kings who dissolved the Custome used by all his Predecessours De omnibus Senatum consulendi of consulting with the Senate about all affaires and administred the Common-wealth by his domesticke Counsels making Warre Peace Truces Leagues with whom he would injussu populi Senatus without the peoples and Senates command which Tyrannicall Usurpations of his with his ravishing of Lucretia caused Brutus and the incensed Romanes to rise up in Armes against him deprive him of His Crowne banish him his Wife and Children utterly to abolish the Kingly Government by a Decree and to take a solemne Oath lest afterward they might bee overcome by Royall intreaties or Gifts That they would never suffer any King to Reigne in Rome Which act of Brutus and the People is highly magnified by Livie and Tully This done the people created two annuall Consuls who had the Power but not the name and continuance of Kings Annuum imperium consulare factum est Brutus the first Consull was slaine whilest hee was Consull and Valerius his Companion being suspected by the People to affect the Kingdome because hee demanded no new Companion Valerius heereupon calls the people together layes downe his Fasces the badges of his Soveraignty before them which was a gratefull spectacle to the people confessionemque factam Populi quam Consulis Majestatem vimque majorem esse and a confession made that the People had greater Soveraignty and Power then the Consul who yet had regall Jurisdiction And then there were Lawes enacted of appealing from the Consul or Magistrate to the people and that hee should lose both his head and goods who should but consult to usurp the Kingdome In briefe it is clearly agreed by Dionysius Halicarnasseus Polibius Livy Alexander ab Alexandro Bodin and most who have written of the Roman Republike that the Soveraigne Authority among the Romans during their Kings Consuls Dictators and other Magistrates was originally vested not in the Kings Senate Consuls or other Magistrates but in the whole body of the Senate and People the People had the chiefe Soveraigne Power of enacting and confirming Lawes the Senates Decrees and Lawes being of no validity unlesse the People ratified them of creating and electing Kings Dictators Tribunes and all other great publike Officers of denouncing warre and making Peace these Tribunes and Dictators might restrain curb imprison censure depose the Roman Consuls who had Regall Power yea the Roman Kings Senators and highest Officers and to them the last appeale from King Senate or other Magistrate might be made as to the highest Tribunall they having power likewise to change or annull the very frame of their publike Government which they oft times did as these Authors prove at large to whom for brevity I referre the Reader Yea after the Roman Empire the greatest largest Soveraignty in the world was erected the Supream Power still rested in the Senate and People not in the Emperors themselves which Bodin grants and proves This is clearly evident by these ensuing particulars First the Senate and People had sole right and lawfull power both to elect and confirme their Emperors and to decree them new Honours Titles Triumphs which power of election though some Emperors in a sort usurped by adopting their Successors and the Roman Souldiers too by presuming sometimes to elect Emperours without the Senate yet these adoptions and elections were not held valid unlesse the Senate approved and confirmed them who usually elected all their Emperors as of right according to that of the Panegyrist Imperaturum omnibus ex omnibus elegi debere Plinius Panegyr Trajano dictus and Jacobus Valdesius c. 18. This appeares by the election and confirmation of most Emperors from Octavius to Leo the first and more particularly by the Senates and Peoples election and confirmation of Nerva Pertinax Severus Gordianus Maximus Pupienus Clodius Balbinus Philip Decius Trebonianus Galienus Claudius the second Taâ—itus Probus Iovinianus Aurelius and others This right of the Senate was so cleare that after the death of Aurelianus the Army sent word to the Senate that as reason was they should chuse and name an Emperor and that they would obey him After six months space during which time the Empire was governed by the Senate the Senate made choice of Tacitus who earnestly refused the same at first but in the end accepted thereof to the great joy of the Senate and Roman people After whose decease Prebus being chosen Emperor by the Legions and Army he presently wrote a letter to the Senate excusing himselfe for having accepted the Empire without their knowledge and confirmation whereupon the Senate confirmed his election with many blessings gave him the name of Augustus Father of the Countrey made him High Priest and gave him Tribunall Power and Authority Secondly This is manifest by the confessions and Actions of the best Roman Emperours Volateranus writes of Trajan the best heathen Emperor that Rome enjoyed that he used to call the Senate Father but himselfe their Minister or Servant of their labour And that standing he
to the Barbarians and others taking this occasion and opportunity and grieving that the Empire of the world which with their blood they had gotten and established by their vertues should be governed and ruined by Irene a lewd woman Constantines mother who swayed all at her pleasure did thereupon elect and proclaime Charles for their Emperour and commanded Pope Leo to crowne him Platina Blondus Nauclerus Sabellicus Aventinus Sigebert â—risingensis and Aeneas Sylvius all record that this was done not by the Popes authority alone as some late Romanists pretend for he poore man had no such power but by THE DECREE DETERMINATION ASSENT AND REQUEST OF THE SENATE AND PEOPLE OF ROME who tacito SENATUS CONSULTO PLEBIS CITOQUE DECERNUNT to transferre the Empire JURE SUO By their owne right from the Greekes to the Germans and from Constantine to Charles the Great ever since which time it hath continued thus divided in the blood of Clarles and other French and German Princes A most cleare demonstration that the most absolute Soveraigne power and disposall of the Empire resided not in the Emperours themselves but in the Senâ—â—e and people even from the very first Emperours till this partition of the Empire more then 800 yeares space and that their Emperours neglect to protect to ayde them against their enemies when they needed and craved help was a iust ground for them to reject his Soveraignty yea to create a new Empire and Emperour of another race as Pope Leo with all the Roman Clergy Senate and people then resolved not only in point of State policy but of Conscience too upon which very ground not only the Spaniards fell off from the Roman Empire electing them Kings and erecting Kingdomes of their own but likewise our Iland of Brittain the fairest plume of the Roman Diadem rejected the Roman yoake and Government to which it had been subject almost 500 yeares craving ayd against the Scots and Picts from the Saxons who therereupon became their Soveraigne Lords at last and disposessed them of the Kingdome Now that these revolts and changes of the Empire in this case were lawfull even in point of Conscience we have the resolution of Bishop Bilson himselfe in his Booke dedicated to Queen Elizabeth wherein he professedly defends the Soveraignty of Kings in these very words The Roman State and Commonwealth had as good right to dispose the Roman Empire as all other Christian and Heathen Kingdomes and Countries had to settle the sword and scepter that Reigned over them And since all other Nations once members of the Roman Empire were suffered to plant those severall formes of regiment which they best liked and when the Right Heires failed to elect their owne Governours I SEE NO CAVSE why the Romans might not provide for themselves as well as other Realmes had done before them especially if the reports of your stories be true that they were neglected by the Grecians when they were beseiged by the Lombards and the scepter at Constantinople went not by descent or succession but by violent and wicked invasion and usurpation So he with whom Cassanaeus in his Catalogus Gloriae mundi pars 5 consid 30. p. 248. accords and iacobus Valdesius de Dignitate Regum Hisp c 18. n 20 21. Sixthly After this division and translation of the Empire unto Charles the Great the Roman Empire for a time by permission and connivence of the French German States went by succession till Charles the Grosse after him wholly by Election the power of electing the Emperour residing in all the French German Princes till at last it was by consent about the yeare 1001. translated to the 6 or rather 7. Princes Electors Yet during all this time the Soveraigne Power and Iurisdiction of the Empire resided only in the German Princes States and Diets not the Emperours themselves who had power not only freely to elect what Emperours they pleased but also to censure and depose their Emperours upon just grounds and to set limits to their Imperiall Iurisdictions Not to trouble you with the Histories of Ludovicus Pius Otho the great Henry the 1 2 3 4 5 6 7. Lotharius Fredericke Barbarossa Phillip Otho the fourth fifth Fredericke the 2 7. Albert the 1 Ludovicus Bavarus Sigismond and other Emperours who were much affronted persecuted warred against and some of them unjustly deposed and murthered by their Subjects Sons and the Princes electors through the Popes procurement I shall pitch only upon such presidents as are pertinent to my purpose Charles the third surnamed the fat though he came to the Empire by discent yet the Princes Dukes and Governers of the Provinces of Germany and France seeing his great insufficiency and unaptnesse to governe he being growne a very foole and having lost his understanding did thereupon deprive him of his Empire and other Kingdomes and elected and crowned Arnolph Emperour in his stead He being thus degraded both of Realme Empire and forsaken of all the world not having so much as an house wherein to shroud himselfe retired into a poore village of Suabe where he lived some few dayes in excream misery and penury and soone after dyed not lamented nor pitied of any man Which deposition of his I have formerly proved lawfull though his subsequent ill usage was no doubt dishonourable and unjust So the Emperour Wenceslaus was deposed by the Princes Electors of the Empire for his insufficiency to governe and the little care he tooke to suppresse and pacifie the civill warres and dissentions in the Empire giving himselfe over to vaine pleasures and delights which made his government dangerous and unprofitable for the Empire and Christian common wealth and Rupert made Emperour by them in his room After this about the end of Rodulph the second his imperiall raigne the Electors called a Dyet at Nurenberg from whence they sent ambassadors to the Emperour to acquaint him with the State of the Empire who told him that the Electors required above all things a reformation of justice That he should make choice of more faithfull officers and Councellors then formerly he had done That a generall Dyet might be called the spring following That the reason of the bad government of the common weale was for that his Majesty did not impart the important affaires of the Empire unto them as his Predecessours had done c. Whereupon he appointed a generall Dyet to redresse these disorders but dying before the day according to the golden Bull made in the yeare 1356 the Elector Palatine and he of Saxon were appointed Vicars Governours and Administrators of the Empire untill there were a King of Romans chosen to be Emperour After which they Elected Mathias who as Emperour and King of the Romans had not any City or Towne within the Empire the whole Territory of Germany belonging to the Electors Bishops Abbots Princes Earles Noblemen and free
Agis and Pausanias Agis the last of the Lacedemonean kings as Plutarch records being apprehended and condemned by the Ephori without an Indictment and then hanged in a halter Finally Aristotle himself and Xenophon informe us that the Kingdom of the Lacedemonians flourished very long yea longer then any other forme of Government because their Kings power was but small and their Kings never desired greater things then the Lawes would beare by which they had received their Kingdome in the beginning for in the beginning that Kingdome was divided between two joynt Kings After which Theopompus left it more moderated to his successours and constituted the Magistracie of the Ephori who had power even to depose and execute their kings if they offended and rose not up out of their seates unto them to retain that moderation By which meanes he verily weakned the power of the Kingdome but yet certainely setled it more lasting and stable whence Theopompus gave this answer to his complaining and upbraiding wife whether he was not ashamed to leave the Kingdoms lesse to his Children then he had received it from his Father No truly saith he for by this means I leave it more stable and lasting A Speech well worthy the consideration of the very greatest hereditary kings These Lacedemonian kings whose honours writes Xenophon were not much better then those of private men Etenim neque Regibus animos 〈◊〉 Tyrannicos voluit Lycurgus neque civibus eorum potestatem invisam reddere tooke an Oath every month to governe the Kingdome according to the Lawes enacted I finde that the Cumaeans had a Magistrate whom they called Phylactus whose office was to come into the full Senate and hold the Kings hands who stood in judgement before them untill by the Senators decree their reward or punishment was appointed By which it is apparent that the Cumaean Senate was above their kings and did usually arraigne and punish them iudicially if they saw cause as they rose up in Armes against Aristodomus their king who tyrannized over them by Zenocrita her instigation slew him and so recovered their Liberties The ancient Carthaginians had two kings whom they stiled Suffites who were but annuall removed every yeares Yea the Ibersans and Parthians had two joynt kings in ancient times the one to judge the other to governe the people In Meroe where they elected their kings by their beauty stregth or wealth their Priests had the chiefe power who had so great authority that sometimes like the Pope and his Nuncioes they would send a Messenger and command the king to be put to death and make another in his steed Which custome was after abolished by one of the kings who violently assaulted and slew all the Priests and in Meroe if the king offended after the Priests power was abolished they inflicted no corporall punishment on him but all withdrew themselves from him and avoided his company till he was killed with griefe and consumption The Indians will not permit their king to sleep in the day time and if he be drunken at any time if any woman of whom he hath a guard kill him whiles he is drunke she is so farre from being guilty of Treason that for a reward she shall be married to his Successour much like the ancient publike institution of the Selavonians recorded by Saxo Grammaticus that the assassinate of evill Kings should succeed them in their kingdomes a thing frequently practised in many kingdomes and Empires though very ill enacted in any The Sabaeans confined their Kings to their Palaces and used to stone them if they went forth of their bounds The Mosseriaes whose kings were elective used to punish them when they offended by keeping them fasting a whole dayes space Among some of the Indians if the king dyes having male children of his owne or cosen-germans or brothers children they shall not succeed him in the kingdome but his sister sonne if there be any if not then his next alliance and that ex gentis instituto by the institution of the Nation the reason is because their Priests used to defloure the Queene whose issue is held to be illegitimate In Thraciae the people elect a king who is well qualified mercifull grave for his age and one who hath no children For no Father though never so well qualified is admitted to raigne and if he fortune to have issue while he reignes he is deprived and so kept lest the kingdome should become hereditary Yea though the king be never so just yet they will not that he should have the whole power but appoint him 40. Governours lest hee alone should judge in capitall causes And if he be convicted of any offence be is punished with death yet not by laying violent hands on him but by publike consent all food is kept from him so as at last he perisheth with famine The Taprobani had this custome that no man who had any children should be chosen king lest he should claime the kingdome as hereditary and make it so The Athenians Ionians Milesians Marchomanni Quadi Persians Sicilians Corinthians Parthians Meroes Gordii Medes Paphii Cathians Aetheopians Sydonians Germans Swedes Danes and other Nations had severall Customes Lawes Rules over-tedious to recite by which they elected and inaugurated their kings of which you may read in Alexander ab Alexandro Strabo Boemus Peter Martyr Purchas and others and different degrees of power and government derived from their kingdomes and people the soveraigne Authority still residing in them to prescribe both Laws and limits to their kings and call them to publike account for their grosse offences and misgovernment The ancient Aethiopiant elected the most fanatique Priest for their king whom though they adored and honoured for a God yet Vitam agere STATVTAM LEGIBVS DEBET iuxta patrios mores he ought to live such a life as the Laws appointed him according to the manners of the Countey neither ought he to reward or punish any man himselfe though chiefe parts of Royalty The old German kings had no free nor infinite but a restrained and bounded power by the Lawes Diodorus Siculus writes that the first Egyptian Kings lived not like other Monarchs to rule all things according to their wills Nullis obnoxii censuris as ob noxious to no censures but all things not only their publike actions but even the regiment of their daily life were conformed to the rule of the Lawes as he there manifests in sundry particulars both in respect of their attendants dispatches devotions recreations moderate spare dyet and the like neither was it lawfull for them to judge nor doe any thing nor punish any man out of petulancy or anger or any other unjust cause contrary to what the established Lawes required concerning every of them Whiles they observed these things customarily it was so farre that they tooke it ill
great Councell of Parliament at Paris where among many Acts made for the weale of the Realme he with the assent of the Lords and Commons there assembled enacted for a Law after that day to be continued That all Heires of the Crowne of France their fathert being dead may be crownned as Kings of France so soone as they attained to the age of fourteene years And in the fifteenth yeare of his reigne the Duke of Flanders granted to those of Gaunt such Articles of agreement for the confirmation of their liberties the repealing of illegall taxes the electing of their owne Officers the Dukes Councellours and the like which you may read in Fabian as plainly manifest this whole Dukedome and people to be of greater jurisdiction then himselfe though invested with regall authoritie and that he had no power to impose any taxes on them without their grant and consent the contrary whereof caused many bloudy warres among them Charles the seventh after Fabians account but sixt after the French History a Childe of thirteene yeares by reason of the difference between the Lords who should be Vicegerent was by the advice of the major part of the Lords for the common good of the Realme Crowned at Raynes within the age of fourteen yeares contrary to a Law made in the eleventh yeare of his Father In the fourth yeare of his reigne the Citizens of Paris murmuring and grudging for divers impositions and taxes unduely leavied upon them suddenly arose in great multitudes intending to have distressed some of the kings Houshold Whereupon soone after the Kings Councell considering the weaknesse of the Treasure and his great charges and needs and assembling a Parliament of the Rulers of Paris Roan and other good Townes exhorted them to grant the King in way of Subsidy twelve pence in the pound of all such Wares at that day currant for the defence of the Realme and subjects To the which request after consultation taken it was answered That the people were so charged in times past that they might not beare any more charges till their necessity were otherwise relived and so the King and his Councell at this time were disappointed In his seventh yeare by the Duke of Angeau his procuring a tax was laid upon the Commons of France without the three Estates Which to bring to effect many friends and promoters were made as well of Citizens as others Whereupon the Commons of Paris and Roan became wilde assembled in great companies chose them Captains and kept watch day and night as if enemies had been about the Citie utterly refusing to pay that Tax This Charles being none of the wisest Prince ruled by his houshold servants and beleeving every light Tale brought unto him marching against the Duke of Brittaine as he came neare a wood was suddenly met of a man like a Beggar which said unto him Whither goest thou Sir King beware thou goe no further for thou art betrayed and into the hands of thine enemies thine owne Army shall deliver thee With this monition the King was astonied and stood still and began to muse In which study one of his followers that bare his Speare sleeping on Horsback let his Spear fall on his fellowes Helmet with which stroke the King was suddenly feared thinking his enemy had come unawares upon him wherefore in anger he drew his sword slew foure of his owne Kinghts ere he refrained and took therewith such a deadly fear as he fell forthwith distracted and so continued a long season being near at the point of death VVhereupon his brother Lewes of Orleans being but young the States of France thought it not convenient to lay so heavy a burthen upon so weake shoulders wherefore his two Vncles the Dukes of Berry and Burgaine BY AVTHORITY OF THE STATES OF THE LAND specially assembled in Parliament upon this occasion tooke upon them to rule the Realme for that season it being ordered by a speciall Law that they should abstain from the name of Regent unfit in this sudden accident the King being alive and of years And because the Duke of Berry had but an ill name to be covetous and violent and was therefore ill beloved of the French his younger brother Philip Duke of Burgoyn had the chiefe charge imposed on him and though the Title was common to both yet the effect of the author tie was proper to him alone who changed divers Officers After which the Duke of Orleance was made Regent being the Kings younger brother who pressing the people with quotidian taxes and tallages and the spirituall men with dismes and other exactions he was at length discharged of that dignitie and the Duke of Burgoyne put in that authoritie After this our King Henry the fift gaining a great part of France and pretending a good title to the Crowne recited at large by Hall and Iohn Speed the Frenchmen to settle a peace made this agreement with King Henry That he should marry Katharine the French Kings daughter and be admitted Regent of France and have the whole government and rule of the Realme during Charles his life who should be King of France and take the profits of the Crowne whilest he lived and that after the death of Charles the Crowne of France with all rights belonging to the same should remaine to King Henry and to his Heires Kings That the Lords spirituall and temporall and the Heads and Rulers of Cities Castles and Townes should make Oath to King Henry to be obedient to his lawfull commands concerning the said Regency and after the death of Charles to become his true subjects and liegemen That Charles should in all his writing name King Henry his most dearest sonne Henry King of England and inheritour of the Crowne of France That no imposition or tax should be put upon the Commons of France but to the necessary defence and weale of the Realme and that by the advice of both Councels of the Realmes of England and France such stablished Ordinances might be devised that when the said Realme of France should fall to the said Henry or his Heires that it might with such unity joyne with the Realme of England that one King might rule both Kingdomes as one Monarch reserved alwayes to either Realme all Rights Liberties Franchises and Lawes so that neither Realme should be subject unto other c. VVhich Articles were ratified and agreed with the consent of the more part of the Lords spirituall and temporall of France But Charles dying his sonne Charles the eight was by some part of France and many Lords reputed and knowledged King but not crowned whiles the Duke or Bedford lived and remained Regent our Henry the sixth both in Paris and many other cities being allowed for king of France After his death his sonne Lewes the eleventh 〈◊〉 Fabian accounts by strength of friends was crowned king of France who refused the counsell and company of his Lords and drew unto him as
by a Decree of the eight and twentieth day of Iuly declare all Treaties made or to be made to that end void and of no validitie as being made to the prejudice of the Salique Law and othe fundamentall lawes of State The king to quiet these differences and gain peaceable possession of the Crown most unworthily deserts his Religion reconciles himselfe to the Church and Pope of Rome yet one Peter Barriere seduced and perswaded by a Capuchin of Lyons Aubry a priest of Paris and father Varide a lesuite was apprehended at Melua and executed for attempting to murther the King with a sharpe two-edged Knife which fact he confessed After this the Townes subject to the League returne by degrees to the obedience of the Crown the king is solemnly Crowned at Chartres Rhemes shutting the gates against him This done he surprizes Paris and notwithstanding their former rebellions grants them all free pardon upon their submissions The Parliament at Paris disanuls all the Decrees of the League and pretended assembly of Estates as void and done by private persons without due election grants Processe against the Iesuites as chiefe pillars of the League disgracing the new Kings Majesty and the memory of the deceased King in their Sermons and perswading the execrable attempt of Peter Barriere to stabbe him the Cardinall of Burbon the Duke of Nevers with others protect and 〈◊〉 for them who soone after suborne Iohn Chastle one of their Novices of the age of eighteen years to stabbe the king who creeping into the kings chamber at the Kouure in Paris among the presse December 27. 1594. and thinking to stabbe the king in the belly as he resolved struck him on the upper Lip and brake a Tooth as he stooped to takeup some Gentleman who saluted him for which fact he was condemned by the Parliament as guilty of High Treason his body adjudged to be torne in peeces by four horses then burnt to ashes and cast into the winde and all his Goods confiscate to the king All the Iesuites with their schollers were hereupon banished the Realme as corrupters of youth troublers of the publike quiet enemies of the Kings State and none of them to remaine above fifteen dayes nor any to harbour them within the Realme under paine of High Treason I have heard from a Gentleman of credite which served this king that when he was thus stabbed in the mouth by Chastle one of the Religion gave him this Christian admonition Sir you have denied God already with your mouth in renouncing the protestant faith which you once professed now God in his justice hath permitted this Iesuite of that Religion you revolted to thus to stabbe you in the mouth O take heed you deny him not in your heart lest the next stroke they give you be to the heart Which fell out accordingly for after four or five more severall attemps of the Iesuites and Papists to murther him which were discovered and prevented he was stabbed to death with a Knife by one Francis Ravillac a Papist at the Iesuites instigation as he was riding in his Caroch neare to Innocents church in Paris for suffering two religions in the Kingdome as the Traitor professed This Villaine stabbed him first in the left Pap and next between the fift and sixt Ribbe cutting asunder the veine leading to the heart and entring into the Cava vena and being dead the Iesuites of his royall Colledge at la Fletche whom he restored and favoured exceedingly notwithstanding their former Treasons and banishments of them out of France causing the Pyramis erected by sentence of Parliament as a monument of their Treasons to be rased and yet were found to have a chiefe hand in this his death begged and procured his heart to be there interred O the admirable passages of Divine Iustice that those two Henries who most advanced the Popish Religion and abandoned the Protestant faith to humour the Iesuites and Papists thereby to secure their Crownes and lives as they beleeved should thus fatally perish by those of that Religion and their unlawfull revolts thus used to preserve their lives whereas our noble Queen Elizabeth continuing constant in her Religion notwithstanding all allurements menaces and attempts upon her person to withdraw her from the truth was miraculously preserved from all the bloody assaults of this infernall generation of Romish Vipers and went to her grave in peace But to return to this kings actions Anno 1596. king Henry calls a generall assembly at Roan in forme of a Parliament where he speaking to the assembly told them That at his coming to the Crowne he had found France not onely ruined but almost all lost for the French but by the grace of Almighty God the prayers and good counsell of his subjects the sword of his Princes and brave generous Nobilitie and his owne pains and labour he had saved it from losse let us save it now from ruine participate with me my dear subjects in this second glory as you have done in the first I have not called you as my Predecessors did to make you approve my will I have caused you to assemble TO HAVE YOVR COVNSELS TO BELEEVE THEM AND TO FOLLOW THEM finally TO PVT MY SELFE INTO YOVR HANDS A desire which seldome commands Kings that have white hairs and are Conquerours But the love I beare unto my subjects and the desire I have to adde these twoo goodly Titles to that of king makes me to finde all easie and honourable After this the King and Parliament set forth divers Edicts against the transportation of Gold and Silver the wearing of Gold Silver excessiveusurie Advocates extortions Duels Bankrupts and the like This Martiall King being murthered by Ravillac as aforesaid the Crowne descended to Lewes his Sonne not then ten years old The Court of Parliament at Paris having notice of his death made this Decree in Parliament May 14. Anno 1610. Whereas the Kings Attorney Generall hath informed the Court of Parliament and all the Chambers thereof assembled that the King being now murthered by a most cruell inhumane and detestable Paricide committed upon his most sacred Person it were very necessary to provide for the affairs of the present King and for his Estate and hath required that there be present order given concerning the service and good of his Estate which cannot be well governed by the Queen during the minoritie of the King her sonne and that it would please the said Court to declare her Regent that the affairs of the Kingdome may be governed by her Whereupon having consulted THE COVRT HATH DECLARED AND DOTH DECLARE THE QVEEN mother to the King REGENT OF FRANCE for the governing of the State during the minoritie of her sonne with all power and authoritie The next day the King himself sitting in the Seat of Iustice in Parliament by the advice of the Princes of his blood Prelates Dukes Peers and Officers of the Crown according to the Decree
be supprest by such a conspiracie Vpon this the king and Q. Mother through advise of these ill Counsellors raise an Army declare these Princes and Nobles Rebels and Traitors if they submit not by a day whereupon they Arm raise Forces in their own the publikes defence and being at Noyon concluded That as their Armes were levyed for the maintenance of the Crown so they should be maintained by it to the which end they seized on the kings Rents and Revenues in sundry places Mean while the Protestants being assembled in a generall Synod at Grenoble Marsh Desdiguires makes an Oration to them to disswade them from opposing the mariage with Spain wherein he hath this memorable passage to justifie the lawfulnesse of a necessary defensive war for the preservation of Religion and Liberties We have leisure to see the storme come and to prepare for our own preservation Finally having continued constant in our Duties if they seek to deprive us of our Religion and to take that from us wherein our libertie and safetie depends purchased by the blood of our Fathers and our own and granted unto us by that great King Henry the fourth the restorer of France we shall enter into this comerce full of justice and true zeale finde againe in our breasts the courage and vertue of our Ancestors We shall be supported IN OVR JVST DEFENCE by all good Frenchmen assisted by all Princes and Estates which love the true Religion or the good of this State and in a word we shall be favoured of the blessings of God whereof we have hitherto had good experience in our Arms and which will be to the glory of his Name and the spirituall advancement of our Churches After which the Duke of Rhoan and Protestants in defence of their Religion and Liberties joyn with the Princes and Nobles At last both sides came to Articles of agreement made at Luudun Anno 1616. whereof these were a parcell That the grievances of the generall State should be speedily answered That Soveraign Courts should be preserved in their authority and the Remonstrances of the Parliament and Peers considered of That such as had been put from their Offices should be restored That all moneys they had taken out of the kings Revenues should be discharged All Edicts of pacification granted to them of the Reformed Religion observed The prince of Conde and all those of either Religion who had assisted him in this war held for the Kings good and loyall subjects all illegall Imposts removed and all prisoners taken on either side set at liberty Anno 1617. the King and Queene Mother seizing upon the Prince of Conde his person and sending him to the Bastile upon false pretences of disloyaltie and treason caused new insurrections warres and tumults and the Princes hereupon meeting at Soyssons resolved to make open war to seize on the Kings Revenues and to fortifie those Towns and Castles which they held in their Government which they executed and withall set forth a Remonstrance of their grievances unto the king complaining especially against the Marshall of Ancre and his Wife with their adheronts who were the causes of all their miseries who having drawn unto himselfe the whole administration of the Realme made himselfe master of the Kings Councels Armies and Forts thereby supprest the lawfull libertie and Remonstrances of the Parliament caused the chief Officers to be imprisoned and was the cause of the violence done to the Prince of â—onde first Prince of the Blood To the end therefore that they might not be reproached to have been so little affected to his Majestie so ungratefull to their Countrey and so unfaithfull to themselves and their posterity as to hold their peace seeing the prodigious favour and power of this stranger they beseech his Majestie to provide by convenient means for the disorders of the Estate and to cause the Treaty of Loudun to be observed and to call unto his Councels the Princes of the Blood with other Princes Dukes Peers ancient Officers of the Crowne and Councellors of State whom the deceased King had imployed during his reigne Withall they publish a solemne Declaration and Protestation for the restoring of the Kings authority and preservation of the Realme against the conspiracie and tyrannie of the Marshall of Ancre and his adherents Who finding no safetie in the settling of justice resolved to make triall of his power by violating the publike faith thereby to plunge the Realme into new combustions conspiring to destroy the princes of the blood of Peers and chiefe Officers of the Crowne and to oppresse them altogether with the State who might be an obstacle to his ambitious designes To which end he raised false accusations against them as if they meant to attempt the Kings and Queen Mothers persons and caused the King to go in person to his Court of Parliament to publish a Declaration whereby they were declared guilty of Treason though at last being better informed he declared them to be his good Subjects and caused De Ancre to be suddenly slain in the Louure and his Wife to be legally condemned and executed Vpon which the new Councellors and Officers advanced by him were removed the old restored the Princes reconciled to the King and by him declared for his good and loyall subjects Vpon which followed a generall assembly of the Estates wherein divers grievances were propounded and some redressed the King therein craving their advice for the setling and ordering of his Privie Councell Anno 1620. there happen differences between the King and Queen Mother who fortified Towns and raised an Army against the king at last they came to an agreement and were reconciled The two following years were spent in bloody civill warres betweene the King and those of the Religion who avowed their defensive warres lawfull which at last concluded in peace that lasted not long but brake out into new flames of war by reason of the great Cardinall Richelieu who of late years proved the greatest Tyrant and Oppressour that France ever bred reducing both Nobles Gentlemen and Peasants into absolute slavery and vassallage to make the King an absolute Monarch of France and himselfe both Pope and Monarch of the world But he lately dying by the of Divine Iustice of filthy Vicers and Diseases and the King since being some say poysoned by the Iesuites who murthered his two immediate Predecessors wise men conjecture the French will now at last revive and regain their ancient just hereditary freedom rights Liberties and cast of that insupportable yoke of bondage under which they have been oppressed for sundry years and almost brought to utter desolation I have the longer insisted on these Histories of the Kings and Kingdom of Frances which clearly demonstrate the Realm Parliament and three Estates of France to be the Soveraigne Power in that Kingdom in some sort paramount their kings them selves who are no absolute Monarchs nor exempted from the Laws jurisdiction restraints censures
Justice of thy Fathers He answeres I will and by Gods Assistance promise that I will doe and performe it by all meanâ—s After this kneeling on his knees the Arch-bishop holding the New Testament open and the Burgrave reading the words first the king takes this Oath in the Bohemian tongue We sweare to God the mother of God and all Saints upon this holy Gospell that we will and ought to keepe immovably to the Barons Knights and Nobles also to those of Prague and the other Cities and to all the Commonalty of the Realme of Bohemia the Institutions Lawes Priviledges Exemptions Liberties and Rights and also the ancient good and laudable customes of the Realme and not to alienate or morgage any thing from the same Kingdome of Bohemia but rather to our power to augment and enlarge it and to doe all things which may be good and honourable to that Kingdome So helpe me God touching the booke with two of the fingers of his right hand and all Saints The Kings of Navarre take the like Oath How this Realme hath beene altered from a Principality to a Dukedome and from it againe to a Kingdome having sometimes Kings sometimes Dukes both elected by the free choyse of the Estates to whom they were inferiour in Soveraigne power accountable for their mis-government and removeable from their Throne you may read in the marginall Authors Not to mention the Bohemians deposition of Libussa a Noble Virago who governed them for a season reputing it a dishonour to the Nation to be ruled by a woman and electing Przemysâ—â—s for their Prince their deposition and banishment of Prince Borzinegius because he became a Christian and renounced their Pagan Religion though they afterwards twice restored him Of Boleslaus Rufus of Borzinogius the 2. thrice deposed banished by the Nobles and people or Sobeâ—slaus and other Princes Wladislaus first King of Bohemia in his old age by the assent of the Estates associated his sonne Frederick Anno 1173 with him in the Regality Henry King of Bohemia using the Councell of the Germans rather then the Bohemians and looking more after his owne private gaine then the Kingdomes was deposed in a generall Assembly of the Estates Anno 1310. and the sonne of the Emperour Henry the 7 th chosen King upon this condition if he would marry the youngest daughter of King Winceslaus King Wenceslaus the drunken for his drunkennesse negligence and cruelty was twice imprisoned and severely handled by his Nobles and upon promise of amendment restored to his liberty and dignity in his and Sigismond his successors raigns Zizca and the Taborites in defence of their Religion against the Popish party who most unjustly against their promise and safe conduct caused John Hus and Jerome of Prague to be put to death waged great warres and obtained many victories against the King and Emperour and gained free liberty of professing their religion publickely much against the Popes good will which liberty they have ever since maintained by the sword both against the Popish Emperours and Kings by meanes of which civill wars the kingdome suffered some Interregnums During the Minority of king â—c Ladislaus Anno 1439. this kingdome was governed by two Presidents appointed by the Estates Anno 1611. the Emperour Rodulph being willing to settle the kingdome of Bohemia on his Brother Matthias in an assembly of the States of Bohemia called for that purpose the Estates thereupon drew many Articles which Matthias was to sweare to before his Coronation with 49. Articles of complaints and grievances for which they craved redresse and the inhabitants of Prague required the confirmation of 8. Articles which concerned the private Government of their City All which the Emperour and Matthias were constrained to Grant and sweare to before they would admit Matthias to be their King who had nothing in a manner but the Title some of the flowers of the liberty of the Crowne being parted with by his assenting to these Articles Anno 1617. Matthias resigning the Crowne of Bohemia and renouncing his right thereunto recommended Ferdinand Arch. Duke of Austria to them or his successour The States would not admit him king but upon Conditions the which if he should infringe The States should not be bound to yeeld him Obedience Moreover it was added That he should confirm to the States before his Coronation to maintaine all the Priviledges Charters Immunities Municipall Rights Constitutions and Customes of the Realme and people as the Emperour and his predecessors had done by his Oath and Charter in Writing All which assented to he was proclaimed and crowned king Soone after the Arch-bishop of Prague causing some of the Protestant Churches to be ruined and those who complained of it to be put in prison and plotting the extirpation of the Protestant Religion through the Iesuites instigation contrary to their Liberties and the Provinciall constitution hereupon the Protestant States of Bohemia assembled at Prague fortified the Towne binding the three Townes of Prague to them by an Oath entred into a solemne League promising to fight against the Common enemies of God the King and Religion and in that cause to live and dye to which end they levyed a great Army banishing the Jesuites out of Bohemia as the Authors of all the miseries which had hapned in that Realme and many other Realmes and States of Christendome and inciting murderers to kill Kings who would not live after their manner and medling with affaires of State and who had drawne the whole Country into the hands of certaine perfidious Catholickes by whose practises the Country was in danger of ruine For which causes they banished them for ever out of the Realme of Bohemia enjoyning them to depart within 8 dayes never to returne After this the Protestants hearing that the Emperour and Popish party raised Forces against them possessed themselves of many Townes and places within the Realme and raised two Armies All the Protestant Princes and States of Germany Morauia and Silesia except the Elector of Saxony assisted them with men money or Councell publishing a Declaration to justifie their action being for the Common cause of Religion theâ— endangered The Prince of Orange and States of the united Provinces promised them assistance of men and money other Protestant Princes and the Protestant States of Lower Austria did the like The Protestant Armies after this had many victorious incounters with the Imperialists and Popish Forces and took many Towns King Ferdinand in the meane time being newly chosen Emperour the States of Bohemia being assembled together at Prague which the Deputies of the incorporated Provinces Anno. 1619. Concluded and protested by Oath never to acknowledge Ferdinard for their King who had violated his first Covenants resolving to proceede to a new Election and on the 26. of August Elected Fredericke the Prince Electer Palatine of Reine to be their King who accepted the dignity was afterward Crowned king accordingly After which the States of Bohemia
WHICH YE SHALL HAVE CHOSEN you Hence Saul their first King though nominated and designed by God and Samuel was yet approved confirmed and made King by the People Who shouted and said God save the King when Samuel presented him to them 1 Sam. 10. 24. But the children of Belial despising and bringing him no presents Verse 27. after Saul had conquered the Ammonites who besieged Iabesh Gilead The people said unto Samuel who is he that said Shall Saul Reign over us bring the men that we may put them to death Then Saul said There shall not a man be put to death this day for this day the Lord hath wrought salvation in Israel Then said Samuel to the people Come let us go to Gilgal and renew the Kingdom there And ALL THE PEOPLE went to Gilgal and there THEY MADE SAVL KING before the Lord in Gilgal Where Samuel useth this speech to the people concerning Saul Now therefore behold THE KING WHOM YE HAVE CHOSEN and whom Ye have desired the Lord hath set a King over you So that the choice and election of him was as well theirs as Gods And Verse 25. he calls him Your King because chosen and made by as well as for the people Saul being slain by his owne hands the Crown descended not to his sonne by way of descent but David succeeded him by Gods designation and the Peoples election too by whose authority he was made and crowned king being formerly annointed by Samuel to succeed Saul This is irreâ—ragable by the 2 Sam. 2. 4. Where David going up to Hebron by Gods direction the men of Iudah came and there They Annointed David King over the House of Iudah After which 2 Samuel 5. 1. 105. ALL THE TRIBES OF ISRAEL came to David to Hebron and spake saying Behold we are thy bone and thy flesh Also in time past when Saul was King over us thou wast he that leddest out and broughtest in Israel And the Lord said to thee Thou shalt feed my people Israel and thou shalt be a Captain over Israel So AL THE ELDERS of Israel came to the King at Hebron and King David made a League or Covenant with them before the Lord and THEY ANNOINTED DAVID KING OVER ISRAEL And in the 1 Chron. 12. 23. to 40. Wee have a particular recitall of the numbers of the bands that were ready armed to the Warre and came to David to Hebron to TVRN the Kingdome of Saul TO HIM and came with a perfect heart to Hebron TO MAKE DAVID KING OVER ALL ISRAEL and ALL THE REST also of Israel were OF ONE HEART TO MAKE DAVID KING Whose title to the Crown being afterward shaken by his sonne Absalom who cunningly usurped it and that by the election of the people too as is evident by Hushai his speech unto him 2 Sam. 16. 18. Nay but whom the Lord and THIS PEOPLE AND ALL THE MEN OF ISRAEL CHOOSE his will I be and with him I will abide compared with 2. Sam. 29. 9 10. And all THE PEOPLE were at strife thorow all the Tribes of Israel saying Absalom whom WE ANOINTED OVER VS is dead c. A cleare evidence the kingdome was then held elective and that the people had the Soveraign power of electing and creating their kings all the people throughout all the Tribes of Israel and the men of Iudah to re-establish David in his Throne being fled out of the Land sent this Message to him Returne thou and all thy servants Whereupon the King returned and all the Tribes went as farre as Iordan to meet and bring him back again to Gilgal David growing old his son Adonijah against his consent accompanied with some great Officers and Courtiers of his party usurped the Crown and was by them saluted King but David hearing of it by Gods election and choise commanded Solomon though not his eldest sonne to be annointed and proclaimed King and to sit upon his Throne in his life time As soon as he was anointed and the Trumpet blew ALL THE PEOPLE said God save king Solomon And ALL THE PEOPLE came up after him and piped with fluits and rejoyced with great joy so that the earth rent with the sound of them So that all Adonijah his company forthwith deserted him and he and Ioab were glad to flee to the hornes of the Altar for shelter After which David assembled all the Princes of Israel the Princes of the Tribes the Captaines of Companies thousands and hundreds the Stewards Officers and mighty men with all the valiant men of his kingdome to Ierusalem then he declared to all the Congregation that God had chosen Solomon to sit upon the Throne of the kingdome of the Lord over Israel and to build him an house c. exhorting them to contribute liberally towards this building which they did and when they had blessed the Lord and offered Sacrifices to him ALL THE CONGREGATION MADE Solomon the sonne of David KING THE SECOND TIME AND ANOINTED HIM unto the Lord TO BE THE CHIEFE GOVERNOVR his first Coronation being but private without the presence and consent of the whole Realme but of those only then present in Ierusalem Then Solomon sate on the Throne of the Lord as king instead of David his Father and ALL ISRAEL OBEYED HIM and all the Princes and mighty men and likewise all the sonnes of David submitted themselves to him as thâ—â—r king after he was thus generally elected and crowned king the 2. time by all the Congregation And after Davids death he was established and strengthened in his kingdome by the peoples voluntary admission and free submission to him From which History of Solomon it is cleare 1. That though David caused Solomon to be first crowned King privately to prevent Adonijah his usurpation yet hee thought that title not sufficient without a second Election admission and Coronation of him by all the People and generall Congregation 2. That till this his second inauguration by all the people he was not generally acknowledged nor obeyed by all as their lawfull king 3. That Gods and Davids designation of Solomon to the Crown did not take away the peoples liberty right and power freely to nominate make and choose their kings their preuious designation being thus accompanied with this tacit condition that the people likewise should freely elect constitute and crown him for their king else what need of this their subsequent concurrent acceptance and second coronation of him for their king by all the congregation if their consents and suffrages were not necessary or how could he have raigned over them as their lawfull king had not the people generally chosen accepted admitted him for their Soveraigne Solomon deceasing Rehoboam his eldest sonne went up to Sechem what to doe not to claime the crown by discent from his Father but by election from the people as the following History manifests FOR ALL ISRAEL were come to Sechem TO MAKE HIM KING if to make him
Zuinglius Stephanus Iunius Brutus the author of the Treatise De Iure Magistratus in Subditos with others prove at large and Master Calvin yea Bishop Bilson himself assents to Such a Soveraign power had the whole State and Congregation of Israel and Iudah over their kings themselves whose estates in their Crownes and Kingdoms by Gods own institution was not absolute but onely conditionall and subject unto forfeiture upon breach of these Covenants and Conditions by which they did injoy them Fourthly The Kings of Iudah and Israel were no absolute Soveraign Princes paramount their whole Kingdoms the generall Congregation of the people Senate or Sanhedrin but inferiour to them in power and not onely counselled but over-ruled usually by them in matters of publike concernment This is evident not onely by Iosh 22. 11. to 34. and Iudges 20. and 21. where the whole Congregation of Israel as the Soveraign power in the dayes of Ioshua and the Iudges assembled about the great causes of the Reubenites Gadites and halfe the Tribe of Manasseh concerning their Alter and of the Gibeonites and Benjamites concluding both matters of publike war and peace But likewise by the peoples rescuing Ionathan out of the hands and power of King Saul his father that he died not though Saul had twice vowed that he should be put to death 1 Sam. 14. 38. to 36. And the people said unto Saul Shall Ionathan die who hath wrought this great salvation in Israel God forbid as the Lord liveth there shall not one hair of his head fall to the ground for he hath wrought with God this day So the people rescued Ionathan that he died not By the 1 Chron. 13. 1. to 7. where thus we reade And David consulted with the Captains of thousands and hundreds and with every Leader and David said unto all the Congregation of Israel If it seeme good unto you and that it be of the Lord our God let us send abroad unto our brethren every where that are left in all the land of Israel and with them also to the Priests and Levites which are in their Cities and Suburbs that they may gather themselves unto us and let us bring again the Ark of our God to us for we enquired not at it in the dayes of Saul And all the Congregation said that they would do so For the thing was right in the eyes of all the people And David went up and all Israel to Baalah to bring up thence the Arke of God the Lord. Compared with the 1 Samuel 18. 2 3 4. where when David sent out the people to battell against Absalon under three Commaunders the King said unto the people I will surely goe forth with you my selfe also But the people answered Thou shalt not go forth for if we flee away they will not care for us neither if halfe of us die will they care for us but now thou art worth ten thousand of us therefore now is better that thou succour us out of the Citie And the king said unto them Whatsoever seemeth you good that I will doe and thereupon stayed behinde in the City as they advised him So he likewise followed Ioabs advice to go forth and sit in the gate and speak comfortably to the People after his mourning for Absalons death else not one of the People would have tarried with him that night 2 Samuel 19. 1. to 20. and by this means All the people came before him though they had formerly fled every man to his tent and he so engaged them to him That all the people were at strife thorowout all the Tribes of Israel to bring the King back again to Gilgal whence Absalon had chased him Adde to this the 1 Kings 12. 1. to 25. and 2 Chron. c. 10. and 11. where we finde that after Solomons death All Israel came to Sechem to make Rehoboam King and all the Congregation of Israel spake unto Rehoboam saying Thy father made our yoak grievous now therefore make thou the grievous service of thy Father and his heavy yoak which he put upon us lighter and we will serve thee And he said unto them Depart ye for three dayes and then come again and the people departed In the mean time he consulted first with the old men after that with the young men about him what answer he should return who giving contrary advice Ieroboam and all the people coming to him again the third day the King answered the people roughly after the counsell of the young men saying My Father made your yoke heavy and I will adde to your yoke My Father chastised you with whips but I will chastise you with scorpions So when all the people saw that the King hearkned not to them the people answered the King saying What portion have we in David neither have we inheritance in the son of Iesse to your tents ô Israel now see to thine own house David So Israel departed to their Tents and fell away from the house of David unto this day And all Israel called Ieroboam unto the Congregation and made him King over all Israel And the Text expresly addes this memorable observation Wherefore the King hearkned not unto the people for the cause was from the Lord that he might perform his saying which the Lord spake by Abijah the Shilonite to Ieroboam the son of Nebat Where we see the Kings not hearkning to the people and congregation of Israel in their just request and giving them an harsh answer was a sufficient ground and occasion for them to cast off his government and elect another King to reign over them and that with Divine approbation from God himself Such was the whole peoples and congregations Soveraigne power over their Kings We reade in the 1 Kings 20. 1. to 10. that when Benhadad king of Syria gathered a great Host and sent to Ahab king Israel to resign up all his silver gold Wives Children and pleasant things into the hand of his servants Then the king of Israel called all the Elders of the Land and said Heark I pray you and see how this man seeketh mischief for he sent unto me for my Wives and for my Children for my silver and for my gold and I denyed him not And all the Elders and all the people said unto him Hearken not unto him nor consent Wherefore he said unto the messengers of Benhadad tell my Lord the King all that thou didst send for to thy servant at first I will do but this thing I may not do Where the Elders and people both advise and over-rule the King in this matter of great importance both to the Kingdom and King who returned no answer to this publike case without the congregations publike advise So Hezekiah king of Iudah sent to all Israel and Iudah and wrote Letters also to Ephraim and Manasseh that they should come to the house of the Lord at Ierusalem to keep the Passeover unto the Lord God
own wisdome And to doe nothing without the advice of the High-Priest and Senate and that if he multiplyed horses and mony more then was fitting They might resâ—st him lest he became more potent then was expedient for their affaires Hence Petrus Cunaeus de Repub. Hebr. l. 1. c. 12. p. 101. 102. writes thus of the Sanhedrin or Parliament among the Iewes Thus the Prophets who grievously offended were no where else punishable but in this Assembly which Quod summae potestatis est as it is an Argument of The Supremest power did both constitute the King ac de Bello gerendo deque hostibus profligandis de proferendo Imperio delâ—berabaâ—t Sed quoniam haec ejusmodi erant in quibus salus omnium summae Reipublicae vertebatur Consultatum de his plerumque cum populo est indictae enim Comitiae sunt in quibus solis populus partem aliquam caperet regendae reipublicae c. De Rege igiâ—ur deque Bello ut dixi decreta facta interdum Populi auctore sunt Caetera omnia Senatores Sanhedrin Per se expedivere So that the Sanhedrin and Congregation of the people were the highest Soveraigne power and principall determiners of publike matters concerning warre and peace by Cunaeus his resolution Who debating this weighty controversie What the Scepter of Iudah was prophesied of Gen. 49. 10. and what and whose the Majesty of the Empire was determines thus I suppose the Scepter to be nothing else but the Majesty of the Empire or Government to wit that Quae ipsi Reipublicae assidet which belongs to the Republike it selfe Wherefore whos 's the Republike is the Scepter ought to be said theirs Now the Hebrew Republike from Moses his time till the Kingdome of Rehoboam was not of the Iewes or tribe of Iudah but of the twelve Tribes from whence it followes that even the Scepter for all those times was of all the Israelites Now of this Scepter which was long common to all the twelve Tribes the divine Patriarke spake not in that most famous Oracle for he looked at latter yeares and future ages when as the Tribe of Iudah the people being divided into contrary parts began to have its Republike apart from the Israelites which God approved and loved and would have to be called Iewish from the Tribe of Iudah alone untill hee to wit Christ should be given to the assemblies of men to whom not onely the Empire of the Iewes but Gentiles also was destinated And verily this Majesty of the Scepter from the time it once began to be of the Iewes we say continued to be theirs although the state of the Commonweale was sometimes changed and the soveraignty of the Empire was sometimes in the Elders and High Priests sometimes in the Kings and Princes They doe too foolishly who here dance in a narrow compasse and suppose that the honour of this name appertaines not but to Kings For what people soever useth its owne Republike and its Lawes Is recte Gloriari de Imperio deque sceptro potest it may rightly boast of Its Empire and Scepter It is recorded that at Ierusalem even at that time when not the Princes but the Elders governed the people in the midst of the great Councell which they called the Sanhedrin there hung a Scepter which thing verily was a certain Ensign of its Majesty which Marcus Tullius in a particular Oration saith Esse magnitudinem quandam Populi in ejus potestate ac jure retinendo quae vertitur in imperio atque omnis populi dignitate Not Kings not Princes but Consuls and the Senate managed the Roman Common-wealth whence this Law of Truce was given to the Aetolians which Livy reports That they should conserve The Majesty of the People of Rome without mal-engin And the very same thing was commanded all free People who by any league but not equall would come into the friendship of the Romanes as Proculus the Lawyer witnesseth in l. 7. F. de Captiu Post reversis Neither think we it materiall to our purpose of what Nation or Tribe they were who moderated and ruled the Iewish affaires for although the Hasmonaean Lâ—vites held their Kingdome for many yeeres yet the Republike was of the Iewish people That most wise Master Seneca said to Nero Caesar That the Republike was not the Princes or of the Prince But the Prince the Republikes Neither verily was the opinion of Vlpian the Lawyer otherwise for he at last â—aith that That is Treason which is committed against the Roman People or against their safety l. 1. s 1. F. ad Legem Iul. Majest Now Vlpian lived in those times when the people had neither command nor suffrages left them but the Emperours held the Empire and Principality and yet he who is wont most accurately to define all things saith That Majesty is of the People From all which it is apparant that not onely in the Roman Empire and other Kingdomes but even among the Iewes themselves the Majesty and Soveraign Power and Scepter resided not in the Kings but in the whole State and People Hence Will. Schickardus in his Ius Regium Hebraeorum Argent 1625. p. 7. determinesthus The state of the Iewish Kingdome was not Monarchicall as our Court Doctors falsely dream but mixt with an Aristocrcie for the King without the assent of the Sanhedrin Could determine nothing in great causes They constituted not a King but in it c. attributing the Soveraignest power to the Congregation and Sanhedrin who had power to create elect and in some cases to resist and depose their Kings Hence Huldericus Zuinglius writes expresly That the Kings of the Iewes and others when they dealt perfidiously contrary to the Law of God and the rule of Christ might be lawfully deposed by the People This the example of Saul manifestly teacheth whom God rejected notwithstanding he had first elected him King Yea whiles wicked Princes and Kings were not removed all the people were punished of God as is evident by Ier. 15. 1. to 6. where they were punished with four judgements and plagues for Manassehs sinnes In summe if the Iewes had not permitted their King to be so wicked without punishment they â—ad not beene so grievously punished by God By what means he is to be removed from his Office is easily to conjecture thou maist not slay him nor raise any war or tumult to do it but the thing is to be attempted by other means because God hath called us in peace 1 Cor. 7. If the King be created by common suffrages he may again be deprived by common Votes unlesse they will be punished with him but if he be chosen by the election and consent of a few Princes the people may signifie to them the flagitious life of the King and may tell them that it is by no means to be endured that so they may remove him who have inaugurated him Here now is the difficulty for those that do this the Tyrant
Lord will not hear you in that day Verse 17 18. Certainly the people neither would nor ought to crie to god against the proceedings of a just upright King but onely of a Tyrant and Oppressour therefore this Text must needs be meant of such a one who should be a scourge and punishment to them as Tyrants are not a blessing as good Kings alwayes be Fifthly consult we with all Polititians whatsoever this description suites onely with a Tyrant not with any lawfull King and that it is meant of such a one we have the testimony of Iosephus the generall concurring suffrage of all Commentators and Expositors one the place see Lyra Hugo de Sancto Victore Carthusian Angelomus Lexoviensis Calvin Brentius Bugenhagius Beda Bertorius Martin Borrhaeus Peter Martyr Zanchius Piscator Serrarius Strigelius Doctor Willet Deodate the English Bibles notes with others and of sundry who descant on this Text in other writings by name of M. Iohn Calvin Instit l. 4. c. 20. sect 26. Bishop Ponet his Politicall Government p. 44. Iunius Brutus Vindiciae contra Tyrannos qu. 3. p. 121. 122. 134. 135. 153. 154. 155. 159. De Iure Magistratus in Subditos p 270. 271. Bucholceri Chronichon p. 208. Petrus Cunaeus de Repub. Hebraeor l. 1. c. 14. Bertrami Politia Iudâ—ic p. 53. Shickardus jus Regium Iudae p. 64. Albericus Gentilis de jure Belli l. 3. c. 15. p. 613. Hugo Grotius de jure Belli Pacis l. 1. c. 3. Adnotata p. 72. Governado Christiano p. 87. Georgius Bucanus de jure Regni apud Scotos p. 44. Dole-man p. 68 70. Haenon disp polit p 432. Weemse 2 Vol 2. Part. p. 14. Hotomani Franco Gallia c. 10. Amesius de Casibus Conscienciae p. 306. and to name no more in so plain a case of Doctor Ferne himself in his Resolving of Conscience sect 2. p. 10. where hee writes That Samuel here tels the people how they should be oppressed under Kings yet all that violence and injustice done unto them is no cause of resistance c. This Text then being cleerly meant of their Kings Oppression violence injustice against Law right and a clear description of a Tyrant not a King I may safely conclude from all the premises that even among the Israelites and Iews themselves their Kings were subject to the Lawes and that the whole Congregation Kingdom Senate Sanhedrin not their Kings were the Supreme Soveraign power and Paramount their Kings themselves whom they did thus freely elect constitute and might in some cases justly censure resist depose if not put to death by common consent for notorious grosse Idolatries and publike multiplied crimes as the forecited authors averre All which considered eternally refutes subverts confounds the erronious false Positions and Paradoxes which Doctor Ferne Griffith Williams Bishop of Ossery the Authour of The necessitie of Subjection with other late ignorant Pamphletters have broached to the contrary without either ground or presidents to warrant what they affirm touching the absolute Soveraignty Monarchy irresistibilitie incorrigibility of the Kings of Iudah and Israel by their whole States Congregations Kingdoms generall assents and utterly takes away those sandy fabulous foundations upon which their impertinent Pamphlets against the Soveraign Power of Parliaments Kingdoms and the illegality of Subjects taking up defensive Arms against Tyrannicall Princes bent to subvert Religion Laws Liberties the Republike are founded which must now needs vanish into nothing before this Catholike irrefragable clear-shining verity abundantly ratifyed by innumerable presidents in all eminent Kingdoms States Nations that either have been in any former ages or are yet extant in the world which must and will infinitely over-sway swallow up the inconsiderable contrary opinions of some few privadoes who either out of flattery hopes of getting or keeping undemerited preferments fear of displeasing greatnesse or inconsiderates following of other reputed learned mens mistakes without due examination of their erronious Tenents have engaged themselves in a Polemicall blinde Combate against these infragable transparent Verities whose defence I have here made good against all their misprisions and bootlesse assaults Having now Historically ran over the most eminent Empires Kingdoms of ancient and present times in a kinde of confused method their copious vastnesse and varietie being so boundlesse and my time to collect them so small that I could hardly marshall them into any comely distinct Regiments or reduce them to the particular Heads debated in the premises I shall therefore for a conclusion deduce these distinct Conclusions from them to which the substance of all the recited Histories may be aptly reduced and are in truth abundantly confirmed by them beyond all contradiction annexing some new punctuall Authorities of note to ratifie and confirme them First it is undeniably evident from all the premises That all Monarchies Empires Kingdoms Emperours Kings Princes in the world were originally created instituted ordained continued limited and received all their jurisdiction power Authoritie both from by and for the people whose Creatures Ministers Servants they are and ought to be If we survey all the severall Lawfull Monarchies Empires Principalities Emperours and Kings that either have been or yet are extant in the world we finde all sacred and prophane Histories concurre in this that they had their originall erections creations from by and for the People Yea we read the very times when the most Monarchies of note were instituted the Names of those on whom the first Monarchies were conferred by the peoples free election onely yet extant on record in most Histories and withall expresse relations of many different kinds of Kingdoms Kings in respect of succession continuance Power jurisdiction scarce any two kingdoms or their Kings being alike in all things in regard of Prerogatives jurisdictions all Histories Polititians concurring resolving with Peter that Kings are humane Creatures or Ordinances instituted diversified thus by men and the people alone out of Gods generall or speciall providence not one of them all being immediately or directly ordained by God as the onely efficient cause without the free concurrence consent and institution of the people This truth is not onely ratified by Lex Regia whereby the Roman Emperours were created yea invested with all their power registred by Iustus Eccardus de Lege Regia Marius Salamonius de Principatu l. 6. formerly transcribed by Plato Aristotle Xenophon Berosus Polybius Cicero Livy Iustin Plinie Strabo Plutarch Dionysius Hallicarnassaeus Diodorus Siculus Pausanias Solinus Alexander ab Alexandro Hermannus Schedell Herodotus Boëmus Pomponius Mela forecited and generally by all Historians Chronologers Antiquaries Lawyers Politians whatsoever but directly averred and proved by Franciscus Hotomanus a famous Lawyer in his Franco-Gallia c. 1. 6. 10 13. the Author of De Iure Magistratus insubditos Quaest 5. p. 239. 240 c. Thomas Garzonius Emporij Emporiorum Pars 1. Discursus 1. de Dom. p. 13. Vasquius Controvers Illustrium 12. n. 133. 59. n. 8. 61. n.
Charles the bald Nephew by Lewis the godly and Iudith professeth himselfe An elected King in Aimoinius the Historiographer In summe all kings whatsoever from the beginning were Elective and those who at this day strive to come to the kingdome by succession must of necessity be First ordained by the people Finally albeit the people by reason of certain egregious merits hath in certain Realmes used to chuse kings out of the same stock yet they chuse the stock it self nor the branch neither do they so chuse it but if it degenerates They may elect another But even those who are neerest of that stock are not so much born as made kings are not so much accounted kings as the Attendants of kings which Franciscus Hotomanus in his Franco-Gallia cap. 6. 7. 10. prosecures more at large and manifests by sundry pertinent Presidents and Authorities Secondly that it is apparant by all the premised Histories That in all Empires Monarchies the whole Empire State Kingdome with the Parliaments Senates States Diets publike Officers and generall Assemblies which represent them are the Supreamest Soveraign power superiour to the Emperours Kings and Princes themselves who are subordinate Ministers and servants to them elected created by them for their common good and not absolute Soveraign Lords or Proprietors to rule domineer over them at their pleasure Which conclusion you shall find abundantly ratified and professedly maintained by Marins Salamonius de Principatu in six severall Books by Iohn Mariana de Rege Regis Instit l. 1. c. 8. Stephanus Iunius Brutus his Vindiciae contra Tyrannos throughout especially p. 91. to 110. the Treatise De Iure Magistratus in Subditos throughout Iustus Eccardus de Lege Regia Henricus Ranzovius Commentarii Bellici lib. 1. c. 3. and elsewhere Georgius Obrechtus an eminent Civill Lawyer Disputationes Iuridicae de Principiis Belli sect 115. to 200. where he thus resolves The inferiour Magistrates as in Germany the Electors Princes Earles Imperiall Cities in France the Peers of France in Poland the Vayuodes or Palatines and in other Kingdomes the Nobles Senators and Delegates of the Estates as they are severally inferiour to the Emperour or King Ita Vniverst Superiores existunt so collectively They are superiour to them as a Generall Councell is above the Pope the Chapter above the Bishop the Vniversity above the Chancellor The Prince saith Pliny the second even the greatest is obliged to the Commonwealth by an Oath as its servant ac ipsa Republica seu Regno Minor est and is lesse then the Republike or Kingdome it selfe by Franciscus Hotomanus a learned French Lawyer in his Franco-Gallia c. 6 7. 10 11. 14 15 16 18 20. Aquinas de Regimine Principum c. 6. by Hemingius Arnisaeus De Auctoritate Principum in populum c. and De Iure Majestatis Sebastianus Foxius De Regni Regisque Institutione Vasquius Controvers Illustrium passim Cavarnuius Contr. Illustr T. 2. 505. n. 1. 399. n. 6. Haenon Disp Polit. p. 179. c. Alhusius Polit c. 4. p. 146. to 154. with Iohn Calvin Instit l. 4. c. 20. sect 31. and divers others forecited Heare Iunius Brutus instead of all the rest to this particular being a Frenchman by birth and writing his mind herein both freely accutely and ingeniously in these words Now verily since Kings are constituted by the people it seems necessarily to follow populum universum Rege potiorem esse That all the people are better and greater then the King For such is the force of the word that whoever is constituted by another is reputed lesse then him he who receiveth authority from another is inferiour to his Author Potipher the Aegyptian appointed Ioseph over his family Nebuchadonozer set Daniel over the Province of babylon Darius set an hundred and twenty Princes over the Kingdome Verily Masters are said to appoint servants Kings Ministers so likewise the people appoints the King as the Minister of the Commonweale which title good Kings have not contemned and ill Kings have affected so that for some ages none of the Roman Emperours but an apparant Tyrant such as Nero Domitian Caligula would be called LORD Moreover it appeares that Kings were instituted for the peoples sake neither wilt thou say that for an hundred Homuncices more or lesse for the most part far worse then the rest all inferiours whatsoever were created rather then they for them Now reason requires that he for whose sake another exists is to be accounted lesser then he Thus the Governour of a Ship is instituted by the owner for the Shippes sake who sits at the Helme lest the Ship should be broken on the Rocks or ill hold her course And verily whiles he intends this businesse the other Mariners serve him and the owner himselfe obeyes him and yet he is a servant of the Ship as well as any mariner neither differs he from a mariner in gender but in kind In the Republike which is usually compared to a Ship the King is in place of a Master the people of an Owner Threfore to him seeking the publike safety the people obey and submit when notwithstanding he is and ought no lesse to be accounted a servant to the Republike as well as any Judge or Captain neither differs he from those in any thing but that he is bound to beare greater burthens and undergoe more dangers Wherefore verily what things soever the King acquires in warre or when he gaineth adjoyning Coasts by right of warre or by sentence of Law as those things which are brought into the Eschequer he acquires to the Kingdom not to himselfe to the people I say which constitute the kingdome no otherwise then as a servant purchaseth to his Lord neither can any obligation be contracted with him but by their authority Furthermore innumerable people live without a king but thou canst not conceive a King without a people so much as in thy mind Neither have some attained a Royall Dignity because they differed in kind from other men and ought to rule over others by a certain excellency of nature as shepheards doe over their Flocks but rather the people created out of the same Masse have advanced them to that degree that so if they enjoyed any authority any power they should acknowledge it received from them and possesse it as during their pleasure which the ancient custome of the French aptly sheweth who lifting their King up on a Buckler proclaimed him King For why I pray are Kings said to have innumerable eyes many eares long hands most swift feet what because they are like to Argus Gerion Midas or to those whom fables have feined verily no but indeed because all the people whom it concerns lend all their eies their ears their hands feet and faculties to the king for the use of the Republike Let the people recede from the King he who even now seemed eyed eared strong and flourishing will suddenly wax blind
made this wholesome sanction admonishing all the Iudges of his whole Republike that they should suffer no Rescript no pragmaticall sanction no sacred adnotation which should seem repugnant to the generall all Law or the publike profit to be produced in the pleading of any suite or controversie enough eternally to shame and silence those flattering Courtiers Lawyers Divines who dare impudently yea impiously suggest the contrary into Princes Ears to excite them to Tyrannize and oppresse their subjects against their expresse Oathes inviolably to observe and keep the Laws their Duties the very Lawes of God and man of which more in the seventh and eigth Observation Fourthly That Kings and Emperours can neither anull nor change the Laws of their Realms nor yet impose any new Laws Taxes or Impositions on them without the consent of their People and Parliaments This I have largely manifested in the first Part of this Discourse and the premised Histories with the Authors here quoted in the three precedent Observations attest and prove it fully for if the whole Kingdom Parliament and Laws themselves be above the King or Emperour and they receive their Soveraign Authority from the People as their publike servants It thence infallibly follows that they cannot alter the old Laws which are above them nor impose new Lawes or Taxes to binde the whole Kingdom people without their assents they being the Soveraigne Power This point being so clear in it self so plentifully proved in the premises I shall onely adde this passage out of Iunius Brutus to ratifie it If Kings cannot by Law change or extenuate Laws once approved without the consent of the Republike much lesse can they make and create new Laws therefore in the German Empire if the Emperour think any Law necessary he first desires it in the generall assemblies if it be approved the Princes Barons and Deputies of Cities subsigne it and then it is wont to be a firme Law Yea he swears that he will keep the Laws Enacted and that he will make no news Laws but by common consent In the Kingdom of Poland there is a Law renewed An. 1454 and 1538. That no new Laws or Constitutions shall be made but onely by publike consent or in any place but in Parliament In the Realm of France where yet commonly the authority of Kings is thought most ample Laws were heretofore enacted in the Assembly of the three Estates or in the Kings ambulatory Councell but since there hath been a standing Parliament all the Kings Edicts are void unlesse the Senate approve them when as yet the Arrests of that Senate or Parliament if the law be wanting even obtain the force of a Law So in the Kingdoms of England Spain Hungarie and the rest there is and of old hath been the same Law For if Kingdoms depend upon the conservation of their Laws and the Laws themselves should depend upon the lust of one Homuncio would it not be certain that the Estate of no Kingdom should ever be stable Would not the Kingdom necessarily stumble and fall to ruine presently or in a short space But if as we have shewed the Lawes be better and greater than Kings if Kings be bound to obey the Laws as servants are to obey their Lords who would not obey the Law rather then the King who would obey the King violating the Law who will or can refuse to give ayd to the Law thus infringed Fiftly that all publike great Officers Judges Magistrates and Ministers of all Realms are more the Officers and Ministers of the Kingdom than the Kings and anciently were and now ought to be of right elected onely by the Kingdom Parliament people and not removable but by them which is largely proved by Iunius Brutus Vindiciae contr Tyrannos qu. 1 2 â— De Jure Magistratus in Subditos qu. 5 6 7 8 9. with others the Histories forecited and Hotomani Francogallia c. 6 11 12 13 14. 6. That Kings and Emperors have no absolute power over the lives liberties goods estates of their subjects to dispose of them murther imprison or strip them of their possessions at their pleasure but ought to proceed against them in case of Delinquency according to the known Lawes and Statutes of their Realmes This truth is abundantly evidenced by all the premises by Magna Charta c. 29. and all Statutes Law-Books in affirmance of it by resolution of the Judges in Henry 8. his reigne Brook Corone 29. That it is Felony to slay a man in justing and the like notwithstanding it be done By command of the King for the command is against the Law and of Judge Fortescue 19. H. 6. 63. That if the King grant to me that if I kill such a man I shall not be impeached for it this grant is void and against Law By Junius Brutus Vindiciae contra Tyrannos Quast 3. p. 136 to 137. and the Treatise De Jure Magistratus in subditos in sundry places where this undeniable verity is largely proved confirmed and by others forecited Seventhly That Emperours Kings Princes are not the true Proprietory Lords or Owners of the Lands Revenues Forts Castles Shipps Iewels Ammunition Treasure of their Empires Kingdoms to alienate or dispose of them at their pleasures But onely the Guardians Trustees Stewards or Supervisors of them for their Kingdoms use and benefit from whom they cannot alien them nor may without their consents or privities lawfully dispose of them or any of them to the publike prjudice which if they doe their grants are void and revocable This proposition formerly ratified by many reasons authorities sundry Historicall Passages in this Appendix is not only evident by the Metropolitans usuall speech to all elected Kings prescribed by the Roman Pontificall ratified by the Bull of Pope Clement the eight where the Metropolitan when any King is presented to him to be Crowned first demands of the Bishops who present him Do you know him to be worthy of and profitable to this dignitie to which they answer We know and beleeve him to be worthy and profitable to the Church of God and for the Government of this Realme After which the Metropolitan among other things useth this Speech unto him Thou shalt undeniably administer Iustice without which no society can continue towards all men by rendring rewards to the good punishment to the evill c. and shalt so carry thy self that thou maist be seen to reign not to thine own but to all she peoples profit and to expect a reward of thy good deeds not in earth but in heaven which he immediately professeth with a solemn Oath to perform to the uttermost of his power and knowledge but likewise professedly maintained by Iustus Eccardus de Lege Regia Marius Salamonius de Principatu Hugo Grotius de Iure Belli Pacis l. 1. c. 4 sect 10. Lib 2. c. 13. 14. Hotomani Franco-Gallia c. 6. 10. 14. Ruibingius l. 2. Class 11. c. 8. n.
he had suffered the Royall Rights especially the Dukedome of Millain to be taken from him In the Polish kingdom there is an ancient Law of not alienating the Lands of the Kingdom of Poland renewed An. M.CCCLXV by king Lewes There is the same Law in the Realm of Hungary where we reade that Andrew king of Poland about the year M. CCXXI was accused before Pope Honorius the third that neglecting his Oath he had alienated the Crown Lands The like in England in the Law of K. Edward An. M.CCXCVIII Likewise in Spain by the Constitution made under Alphonso renewed again MDLX in the Assembly at Toledo which Lawes verily were enacted when as custome for a long time before had obtained the force of a Law But verily in the kingdome of France wherein as in the pattern of the rest I shall longer insist this Law was ever sacrosanct It is the most ancientest Law of the Realme I say the Law born with the Kingdom it self Of not alienating the Crown or demesne Lands renewed in the year M D 66. although it be ill observed Two cases onely are excepted Panage or Apennage aliments to be exhibited to his children or brethren yet so as the clintelary right be alwayes retained again if warlike necessitie require it yet with a pact of reddition Yet in the interim both of them were heretofore reputed void unlesse the Assembly of the three Estates had commanded it but at this day since a standing Parliament was erected it is likewise void unlesse the Parliament of Paris which is the Senate of Peers and the Chamber of publike accounts shall approve it and the Presidents of the Eschequer also by the Edict of Charles the 6 and 9. And this is so farre forth true that if the ancient Kings of France would endow any Church although that cause then seemed most favourable they were bound to obtain the consent of the Nobles as king Childebert may be for an example who without the consent of the French and Normans durst not endow the Monastery of S. Vincents in Paris as neither Clodoveus the second and the rest Moreover they cannot release the Royalties or the right of nominating Prelates to any Church but if any have done it as Lewes the eleventh in favour of the Church of Sennes and Philip the fourth of Augiers Philip Augustus of Naverne the Parliament hath pronounced it void The king of France when he is to be Crowned at Rheimes sweares to this law which if he shall violate it avails as much as if he contracted concerning the Turkish or Persian Empire Hence the Constitutions or as they callit the Statutes of Philip the sixt John the 2 d Charles the fift sixt eight of resuming those things which were alienated by their Ancestors of which resumptions there are many instances cited by Hugo Grotius de Jure Belli Pacis l. 2. c. 14. n. 12. 13. Adnotata Ibid. Hence in the Assembly of the three Estates at Towres An. 1323. 1360. 1374. 1401. 1483. in which Charles the eight was present many Towns of the alienation of Lewes the eleventh his Father which he had by his own Authoritie given to Tancred Castellan who demerited well of him were taken from his Heirs which even in the last assembly of the three Estates held at Orange was again decreed Thus concerning publike Lands But that it may the more evidently appeare that the kingdome is preferred before the king that he cannot by his private Authoritie diminish the Majestie which he hath received from the people nor exempt any one from his Empire nor grant the right of the Soveraign Dominion in any part of the Realm Charles the great once endeavoured to subject the Realm of France to the German Empire but the French vehemently withstood it a certain Vascon Prince making the Oration The matter had proceeded to Arms if Charles had proceeded further Likewise when some part of the Realm of France was delivered to the English the supreme right was almost perpetually excepted but if Force extorted it at any time as in the Brittish League wherein king Iohn released his Soveraign Right in Gascoigne and Poytiers the king neither kept his Contract neither could or ought he more to keep it then a Captain Tutor or Guardian as then he was who that he might redeem himselfe would oblige the goods of his Pupils By the same Law the Parliament of Paris rescinded the agreement of the Flusheners wherein Charles of Burgundy extorted Ambian and the neighbour Cities from the king and in our time the agreement of of Madrit between Francis the first a Captive and Charles the fift the Emperour concerning the Dukedome of Burgundy was held void and the Donation of Charles the sixt of the kingdom of France by reason of death conferred on Henry king of England may be one apt argument of his extreme madnesse if others be wanting But that I may omit other things which might be said to this purpose by what right at last can a king give or sell his kingdom or any part thereof seeing they consist in the people not in the walls now there is no sale of free men when as Land-Lords cannot so much as constrain their free Tenants that they should settle their Houshold in any other place then where they please especially seeing they are not servants but Brethren neither onely are all kings Brethren but even all within the Royall Dominion ought to be so called But whether if the king be not the proprietorie of the Realme may he not at least be called the usufructuary or receiver of the profits of the Crown Lands Truely not so much as an usufructuary A usufructuary can Pawn his lands but we have proved that kings cānot morgage the Patrimony of the Crown A fructuary can dispose or give the profits at his pleasure contrarily the great gifts of the king are judged void His unnecessary expences are rescinded his superfluous cut off what ever he shall convert into any other but the Publike use he is thought to have violently usurped Neither verily is he lesse obliged by the Cincian Law then any private Citizen among the Romanes especially in France where no gifts are of force without the consent of the Auditors of the Accounts Hence the ordinary Annotations of the Chamber under prodigall kings This Donation is too great and therefore let it be revoked Now this Chamber solemnly swears that whatsoever rescript they shall at any time receive from the king that they will admit nothing which may be hurtfull to the kingdom and Commonweale Finally the Law cares not how a Fructuary useth and enjoyeth his profits contrarily the Law prescribes the king in what manner and unto what use he ought to put them Therefore the ancient kings of France were bound to divide the Rents into four parts one part was spent in sustaining the Ministers of the Church and the poor another upon
In the meane time I trust I have here sufficiently discovered refuted many common impostures and erroneous grosse mistakes in Law Policy Divinity Antiquity which have in later ages beene generally received as indubitable verities by most men yea professedly defended by sundry injudicious Lawyers and ignorant Divines though perchance reputed learned solid in their own and others opinions who never tooke the paines to dive into the true originall fundamentall creations institutions publicke Lawes Reasons Policies Jurisdictions compositions Rights Customes Histories of Kings Kingdomes Parliaments States Magistrates People the ignorance whereof hath made them confidently vent many grand absurdities and untruthes to the prejudice imbroyling and almost utter ruine of divers Kings and States which now I hope they will ingenuously acknowledge and recant with reall griefe and shame that they have so grossely cheated seduced Kings Kingdomes People and oft times stirred up civill warres to maintaine their idle lies crazy fictions as just Royall Rights and indubitable Prerogatives when as they are nothing lesse I shall not begge any mans beliefe of any Truth here newly discovered further than his own judgement conscience upon serious consideration shall convince him of it and himselfe discerne it fully ratified by substantial precedents and Authorities in the body and close of the Treatise Appendix Only this I shall request of every Reader to peruse over all the Parts of this Discourse with a cordiall Love of Truth and Peace and when he is convinced what is Truth then to live and dye in Pauls resolution 2 Cor. 13. 8. We can doe nothing against the Truth but for the Truth It was our Saviours owne reply to Pilate John 18. 37. For this end was I borne and for this cause came I into the world THAT I SHOULD BEARE WITNESSE UNTO THE TRUTH O then let it now be every ones end and practice too since it is the Truth and nothing else that shall make and keepe us free Free from Errors Troubles Tumults Warres Slavery Tyranny Treachery Popery dangers feares Wherefore love the Truth and Peace and then through Gods mercy we shall speedily regaine retaine them both Farewell THE Fourth Part of the Soveraign POWER of PARLIAMENTS and KINGDOMES The Parliaments Interest in the Militia Forts Navy Officers of the Kingdom IN the preceding Parts of this Discourse I have with as much perspicuity and sincerity as I could waded through those deepe and weighty differences of greatest importance which have lately to our great unhappinesse I know not by what evill spirits solicitation unexpectedly risen up by insensible degrees betweene the Kings Majestie and the present Parliament whose primitive sweet agreement made us not so happy as their subsequent Divisions in place affection opinion have rendred the whole three Kingdomes miserable in point of Royall Prerogatives onely which I have dispatched I should now proceed to other Controversies betweene them principally concerning the Subjects Liberties But before I passe to those particulars I shall present you with some few Records of speciall note casually omitted in their proper place through over-much haste and want of time which will very much cleare the Parliaments just right and ancient Jurisdiction In ordering the Militia of the Realme by Sea and Land in disposing the Ships the Forts of the Realme for the publicke safety in times of danger in concluding matters of Warre and Peace in placing and displacing the great Officers the Privy Counsellors of the Kingdome yea regulating the Kings owne houshold and meniall servants oft times when there was occasion which may serve as a supplement to the second part It it the determination of Henricus Rauzovius a Noble Dane a great Statesman and Souldier in his Commentarius Bellicus Dedicated to Christierne the fourth King of Denmarke Anno 1565. lib. 1. c. 3. That All Kings and Princes in most Republickes rightly and lawfully constituted are obliged by their paction entred into before their Inauguration Not to begin or move any Warre without the consent of all the Estates and Nobles Thus in my hearing Philip King of Spaine when he demanded and tooke an Oath from his Subjects in the Netherlands promised by a mutuall Oath to the Estates That he would make no warrs in those parts without their privity The same also most Noble King is received and observed not only in your Kingdomes and Dominions but likewise is in use almost in all Europe Therefore Frederick your Father of most famous memory knowing himselfe to be bound hereunto by compact before he would be involved in the Swedish Warre communicating the whole businesse faithfully to his people as well to the Senators of the Realme as to the Nobles of the Dukedomes maturely advised with them about the manner of waging it Wherefore lest the Warre which is undertaken bee accused as unjust by the States because it was undertaken without their advice contrary to custome and agreements all ought to be assumed into the Counsell and care of Warre For thus it will come to passe besides that things very well thought on and deliberated by many have for the most part better successes than those things which are rashly begun by some one that the Subjects who not unwillingly bring their estates and lives into danger will lesse feare the losse of both will fight more valiantly and will put forth all thier strength in prosecuting and ending the combate of warre even for this reason that themselves have beene the advisers of the warre Upon this reason not onely the Kings of the Jewes Arragon France Navarre and others as I have manifested in the Appendix but even of this our Realme have usually undertaken all their warres and ordered all their Military affaires both by Sea and Land by the advice and direction of their Parliaments as the Grand Councell of Warre both for King and Kingdome This I have plentifully manifested in the premises by sundry examples and shall here onely briefly ratifie with some few new Precedents In the first Parliament of 13 Ed. 3. after Proclamation made Num. 2. That none should come armed with weapons to the Parliament Num. 3. The causes of summoning the Parliament were shewed to the Lords and Commons to have their counsell and advice therein what was best to be done and expressed to be three First that every one great and small should consider in what manner the peace might most surely be preserved within the Realme Secondly how the Marches of Scotland and the Northerne parts might be best defended and kept against the enemies of Scotland Thirdly how the Sea should be guarded against the enemies that they should doe no dammage nor enter the Realme for to destroy it After this Num. 4. The Bishops and Letters from the King then in France relate to the Houses the Estate of the Kings Army warres and proceedings in France and the great debts the King stood ingaged in for the maintenance of his Army for discharge whereof and the Kings
and to such forraign examples of this nature cited in the Appendix will abundantly cleare the Parliaments right and Kingdoms interest in nominating placing and displacing the great Officers of the Kingdom and in regulating the Kings own meniall servants in some cases when they either corrupt or mis-counsell him And thus much touching the unhappy differences between the King and Parliament concerning matters of his own royall Prerogative The Parliaments Right and Iurisdiction to impose Taxes and Contributions on the Subjects for the necessary defence of the Realm Laws Liberties without the King in case of the Kings wilfull absence from and taking up Arms against the Parliament and Kingdom briefly vindicated from the calumnies against it THe severall grand Objections of consequence made by the King and others against the Parliaments pretended usurpations upon the just Rights and Prerogatives of the Crowne being fully examined and refuted in the Premises so far I hope as to satisfie all ingenuous men in point of Divinity Policy Law Reason Conscience I shall next proceed to the remaining materiall Accusations which concerne the Subjects onely in regard of Property and Liberty wherein I will contract my Discourse into a narrow compasse partly because the debate of the fore-going Differences between the Kings Prerogative and the Parliaments Soveraigne Jurisdiction hath in some sort over-ruled the Controversies betwixt the Subjects and both Houses representing them party because these accusations are not so universally insisted on as the former which concerne the King the justnesse of them being generally acknowledged willingly submitted to by most except such who calumniate and traduce them either out of covetousnesse onely to save their Purses or from a groundlesse Malignity against the Parliament or out of a consciousnesse of their owne Delinquencies subjecting them to the Parliaments impartiall Justice or out of some particular interests which concern them in their gains honours preferments or such who by their restraints for not paying Parliamentary Assessements hope to save their purses for the present or to gaine favour and preferment by it for the future If these private sinister ends were once laid by this second sort of accusations would speedily vanish especially with men of publike spirits who prefer the Common-weale before their owne particular interests The first of these Cavillatory Objections against the Parliaments proceedings is That both Houses without the Kings Royall Assent have contrary to Magna Charta the Petition of Right the Statues De Tallagio non concedendo and other Acts by their Ordinances onely imposed late Taxes on the Subjects amounting to the twentieth part of their estates and since that monethly or weekly Assessements to maintaine a war against the King a grand incroachment on the peoples Properties contrary to all Law and justice This Objection seems very plausible and cordiall to covetous Earth-worms being politikely contrived to Court the close-handed niggardly party by those who are guiltiest in themselves of that they thus object against others But it will easily receive an answer as to the Parliament and recoyle with infinite disadvantage on those that make it First then I answer That the Parliament is the absolute Soveraigne power within the Realme not subject to or obliged by the letter or intendment of any Laws being in truth the sole Law-maker and having an absolute Soveraignty over the Laws themselves yea over Magna Charta and all other objected Acts to repeale alter determine and suspend them when there is cause as is undeniable by its altering the very common Law in many cases by repealing changing many old Statute Lawes and enacting new ones every Sessions as there is occasion for the publike safety and defence This the practice of all Parliaments in all ages yea the constant course of all Parliaments and Assemblies of the Estates in all forraigne Kingdoms too abundantly manifests The Parliament therefore never intended by all or any of these objected Acts to binde its owne hands but onely the Kings and his Ministers with inferiour Courts of Justice neither is the Parliament within the letter words or meaning of them therefore not obliged by them 2. The King with his Officers Judges and inferiour Courts of Justice only are included and the Parliament is directly excluded out of the very letter and meaning of all these Acts as is apparent First in generall from the occasion of enacting all these Laws which was not any complaints made to the King of any illegall taxes imprisonments or proceedings of our Parliaments to the oppression of the people but onely the great complaints of the people and Parliament against the illegall taxes impositions imprisonments and oppressions of the Subject by the King his Officers Judges and inferiour Courts of Justice as all our Histories with the Prefaces and words of the Acts themselves attest to redresse which grievances alone these Lawes were made by the Parliaments and peoples earnest solicitations much against the Kings good will The Parliament then who would never solicit the making of a Law against or to restrain it selfe being cleare out of the originall ground and mischiefe of enacting these Lawes and the King with his Ministers and inferiour Courts only within them they can no way extend to the Parliament but to them alone 3. The Parliament ever since the making of these Acts hath alwayes constantly enjoyed an absolute right and power without the least dispute of granting and imposing on the Subjects whatsoever Taxes Subsidies Aids Confiscations of Goods or restraint of Liberty by temporall or perpetuall imprisonment it thought meet and necessary for the publike defence safety and tranquility of the Realm as the severall Taxes Subsidies and Poll-monies granted by them in all ages the many Statutes enjoyning confiscation of Lands Goods corporall punishments banishments temporary or perpetuall imprisonments for divers things not punishable nor criminall by the Common Law or when Magna Charta and the ancient Statutes in pursuance of it were first enacted abundantly evidence past all contradiction none of all which the King himselfe his Officers Judges or inferiour Courts of Justice can doe being restrained by the objected Acts. Therefore it is altogether irrefragable that the Parliament and Houses are neither within the words or intentions of these Acts nor any wayes limited or restrained by them but left as free in these particulars in order to the publike good and safety as if those Acts had never beene made though the King with all other Courts Officers Subjects remaine obliged by them 4. This is evident by examination of the particular Statutes objected The first and principall of all the rest is Magna Charta cap. 29. But the very words of this Law Nor We shall not passe upon him nor condemne him but by the lawfull judgement of his Peeres or by the Law of the Land We shall deny nor deferre to no man either Justice or Right compared with the Preface to and first Chapter of it Henry c. know ye
b. Fiftly it is undeniable that the Knights Citizens Burgesses and Commons in Parliament elected by the suffrages of the severall Counties Cities and Burroughs of England do really and legally represent all the Commons and the Lords and they the whole Realm and all the people of England so that what ever Tax is imposed and assented to by them or by both Houses onely without the King who represents no man but Himselfe alone is in point of Law imposed and assented to by all the Commons and whole Realm of England as the recitals in all our Statutes and Law-bookes resolve though the King assent not to it If therefore as our Law-books clearely resolve without dispute and the experience of all Corporations Parishes and Mannors evidenceth past contradiction all Ordinances and Bylaws made for the common good of Corporations Parishioners Tenants of a Mannor and the like by all or the greater part of the Corporations Parishioners Tenants and Taxes imposed by them for the Common good as repairing of Churches High-waies Bridges reliefe of the poore and the like shall binde the rest even in point of Law without the Kings assent Then by the same or better reason the impositions and Taxes now laid upon the subjects by the assent and Ordinances of both Houses of Parliament representing the whole Commons and Realme of England who actually assent likewise to these Taxes and Assessements in and by them must and ought in point of Law to oblige all the Subjects in this case of necessity at least as long as the Parliament continues sitting and this their representation of them remains entire especially being for the necessary defence of the Parliament Kingdome Religion all our lives estates liberties lawes against an invading Army of Papists and Malignants in a case of extraordinary extremity This I shall further cleare by some ancient and late judgements in point Mich. 14 Ed. 2. rot 60. in the Kings Bench William Heyborne brought an Action of Trespasse against William Keylow for entering his house and breaking his chests and taking away 70 pounds in money the Defendant pleading Nor guilty the Jury found a speciall Verdict that the Scots having entred the Bishopricke of Durham with an Army and making great burning and spoyles thereupon the Commonalty of Durham whereof the Plantiffe was one met together at Durham and agreed to send some to compound with them for a certaine summe of money to depart the Country and were all sworne to performe what compositions should be made and to performe what Ordinance they should make in that behalfe and that thereupon they compounded with the Scots for 1600 Markes But because that was to be paid immediately they all consented that William Keylow the Defendant and others should goe into every mans house to search what ready money was there and to take it for the raising of that summe and that it should be suddenly repaid by the Communalty of Durham And that thereupon the Defendant did enter into the Plaintiffs house and broke open the chest and tooke the seventy pounds which was paid accordingly towards that composition And upon a Writ of Error in the Kings Bench it was adjudged for the Defendant against the Plaintiffe that the action did not lie because he himselfe had agreed to this Ordinance and was sworne to performe it and that the Defendant did nothing but what he assented to by Oath and therefore is accounted to doe nothing but by his consent as a servant to him and the Commonalty of Durham therefore he was no trespasser Which case was agreed for good Law by all the Judges in the late Case of Ship-money argued in the Exchequor Chamber though neither King nor Parliament consented to this Taxe or Composition This is the Parliaments present case in effect The King having raised an Army of Papists Delinquents Forraigners Irish Rebels disaffected Persons and actually invading the Kingdom and Parliament with it Hereupon the Parliament were inforced to raise an Army to defend themselves and the Realm against these Invasions For maintenance whereof they at first made use onely of voluntary contributions and supplies proceeding onely from the liberality of some private persons best affected to the publike service Which being xehausted The Lords and Commons considering what a solâ—mne Covenant and Protestation themselves had made and taken and the Subjects likewise throwout the Realm to maintain and defend as farre as lawfully they might WITH THEIR LIVES POWER AND ESTATES The true Reformed Protestant Religion c. As also THE POWER AND PRIVILEDGES OF PARLIAMENT THE LAWFULL RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF THE SUBJECT And every person that maketh this Protestation in whatsoever he shall do in the lawfull pursuance of the samâ— c. as in the Protestation made by both Houses consents when fullest And considering that the whole Commons and Kingdoms assents were legally and actually included in what they assented in Parliament for the necessary defence of the Realm the Subjects Parliaments Priviledges Rights and the Reformed Religion all actually invaded endangered by an Ordinance of both Houses without the Kings consent then absent from and in open hostilitie against them impose a generall Assessement upon all the Subjects NOT EXCEEDING THE TWENTIETH PART OF THEIR ESTATES And for non-payment prescribe a distresse c. Why this Assessement in this case of necessitie being thus made by assent of both Houses and so of all the Kingdom in them in pursuance of this Protestation should not as legally yea more justly oâ—lige every particular subject though the King assented not thereto as well as that agreement of the men of Durham did oblige them even in point of Law Justice Conscience transcends my capacitie to apprehend and if the first Case be Law as all the Judges then and of late affirmed the latter questionlesse must be much more Legall and without exceptions M. 32. and 33. Eliz. in the Kings Bench in the Chamberlain of Londons case it was adjudged That an Ordinance made by the Common Councell of London only that all Clothes should be brought to Blackwell-hall to be there veiwed searcheâ— and measured before they were sold and that a penny should be paid for every Cloth for the Officer that did the same and that six shillings eight pence should be forfeited for every Cloth not brought thither and searched was good to binde all within the Citie and that an Action of Debt would lye at the Common Law both for the duty and forfeiture because it was for the publike benefit of the City and Common-Wealth M. 38. Eliz. in the Common-Pleas it was adjudged in Clerks Case That an Ordinance made by assert of the Burgesses of Saint Albanes whereof the Plaintiffe was one for assessing of a certain summe of Money upon every Inhabitant for the erecting of Courts there the Term being then adjourned thither from London by reason of the Plague with a pâ—nalty to beâ—lâ—â—yed by distresse for non-payment of this Tax
was good to binde all the Inhabitants there because it was for the publike good Mich. 31. and 32. Eliz. in the Kings Bench William Jefferies Case and Pasch 41. Eliz. Pagets Case it was resolved That the Church-Wardens with the greater part of the Parishioners assents may lay a Taxe upon all the Parishioners according to the quantitie of their Lands and Estates or the number of Acres of Land they hold the Taxe there was four pence an Acre for Marsh-Land and two pence for Earable for the necessary reparation of the Church and that this shall binde all the Inhabitants so as they may be Libelled against in the Spirituall Court for non-payment thereof and no prohibition lieth The like hath been resolved in sundry other Cases And by the Common-Law of England where by the breach of Sea-Walls the Country is or may be surrounded every one who hath Lands within the levell or danger which may have benefit or losse by the inundation may and shall be enforced to contribute towards the repair and making up of the Sea-walls and a reasonable Tax assessed by a Jury or the Major-part shall binde all the rest because it is both for their own private and the common good If the Law be thus unquestionably adjudged in all these Cases without the Kings assent then much more must this Assessement imposed by both Houses be obligatory in point of Law and Justice though the King consented not thereto since the Houses and whole Kingdom consented to it for their own defence and preservation Sixthly This is a dutie inseparably incident by the Fundamentall Law and originall compact of every Kingdom Citie Corporation Company or Fraternitie of men in the World that every Member of them should contribute proportionably upon all occasions especially in Cases of imminent danger toward the necessary charges defence and preservation of that Kingdom Citie Corporation Company or Fraternitie of which he is a Member without which contribution they could be neither a Kingdom Citie Corporation Company Fraternitie or have any continuance or subsistence at all Which Contributions are assessed by Parliaments in Kingdoms by the Aldermen or Common-Councell in Cities by the Master and Assistants in Fraternities and what the Major part concludes still bindes the Residue and the dissent of some though the Major or Master of the Company be one shall be no obstacle to the rest This all our Acts concerning Subsidies Aydes Tonnage and Poundage the daily practice and constant experience of every Kingdom Citie Corporation Company Fraternitie in the World manifests past all contradictions which being an indubitable veritie I think no reasonable man can produce the least shadow of Law or Reason why the Parliament representing the whole Body of the Kingdom and being the supream Power Counsell in the Realm bound both in Dutie and Conscience to provide for its securitie may not in this Case of extremitie legally impose this necessary Tax for their own the Kingdoms Subjects Laws Religions preservations of which they are the proper Judges Gardians and should not rather be credited herein then a private Cabinet Court-Counsell of persons disaffected to the Republike who impose now farre greater Taxes on the Subjects and plunder spoyl destroy them every where directly against the Law of purpose to ruine both Parliament Kingdom Religion Laws Liberties and Posteritie Seventhly It is confessed by all That if the King be an Infant Non-Compos absent in Forraign remote parts or detained prisoner by an Enemy that the Kingdom or Parliament in all such Cases may without the Kings actuall personall assent create a Protector or Regent of their own Election and not onely make Laws but grant Subsidies impose Taxes and raise Forces for the Kingdoms necessary defence as sundry domestick and forraign Presidents in the preceding Parts and Appendix evidence And Hugo Grotius Junius Brutus with other Lawyers acknowledge as a thing beyond all dispute Nay if the King be of full age and within the Realm if a forraign enemy come to invade it and the King neglect or refuse to set out a Navy or raise any Forces to resist them The Lords and Commons in such a Case of extremitie may and are bound in Law and Conscience so to do for their own and the Kingdoms preservation not onely in and by Parliament but without any Parliament at all if it cannot be conveniently summoned lawfully raise forces by Sea and Land to encounter the Enemies and impose Taxes and Contributions to this purpose on all the Subjects by common consent with clauses of distresse and imprisonment in case of refusall as I have elsewhere proved And if in Case of invasion even by the Common-Law of the Realm any Captains or Souldiers may lawfully enter into another mans ground and there encamp muster or build Forts to resist the Enemy or pull down the Suburbs of a Citie to preserve the Citie it self when in danger to be fired or assaulted by an Enemy without the speciall consent of King Parliament or the Owners of the Lands or Houses without Trespasse or offence because it is for the publike safetie as our Law Books resolve Then much more may both Houses of Parliament when the King hath through the advice of ill Councellors wilfully deserted them refused to return to them and raised an Army of Papists and Malignants against them and the Realm now miserably sacked and wasted by them as bad as by any forraign Enemies both take up Arms raise an Army and impose Assessements and Contributions by Ordinances unanimously voted by them against which no Lover of his Country or Religion no nor yet the greatest Royallist or Malignant can with the least shadow of Law or Reason justly except Eightly If they shall now demand what Presidents there are for this I Answer First That the Parliament being the Soveraign Power and Counsell in the Realm is not tyed to any Presidents but hath power to make new Presidents as well as new Laws in new Cases and mischiefs where there are no old Presidents or vary from them though there be ancient ones if better and fitter Presidents may be made as every Court of Justice likewise hath Power to give new Judgements and make new Presidents in new Cases and may sometimes swerve from old Presidents where there were no ancient Presidents to guide them even as Physitians invent new Medicines Chyrurgions new Emplaisters for new Diseases Ulcers or where old Medicines and Balsomes are inconvenient or not so proper as new ones And as men and women daily invent and use new Fashions at their pleasure Tradesmen new Manifactures without licence of King or Parliament because they deem them better or more comely then the old Secondly I might demand of them by what old domestick lawfull Presidents His Majesties departure from the Parliament His Levying Warre against it His proclaiming many Members of it Traytors and now all of them Traytors and no Parliament His unvoting of their Votes
in Parliament out of Parliament His imposing of Taxes and Contributions in all Countries where His Forces are beyond mens estates and annuall revenues His burning sacking pillaging murdering ruining of His own Kingdom Subjects both by Sea and Land and putting them out of His regall Protection His raising of an Army of English Irish Scottish French and Germane Papists to maintain and settle the Protestant Religion among us which they have plotted totally to extirpatâ— as appears by their proceedings in Ireland England and the late plot discovered among the Archbishops Papers and the like are warranted which questions I doubt would put them to a non-plus and silence them for eternitie yet to satisfie their importunitie and stop their clamorous mouthes I shall furnish them in brief with some Presidents in point in all States and Kingdoms of note in former in latter times and in our own Realm too In all the civill warres between Kings and Subjects in the Romane and Germane Empires France Spain Aragon Castile Hungary Bohemia Poland Denmark Scotland and other Kingdoms mentioned in the Appendix They shall finde that the generall Assemblies of these States Lords Commons without their Emperors or Kings assents did both raise Forces impose Taxes yea and seise on the Imperiall and Royall Revenues of the Crown to support their wars against their Tyrannicall oppressing Princes In Flaunders heretofore and the Low-Countries of late yeers thâ—y have constantly done the like as their Excises long since imposed and yet on foot by common consent without the King of Spains good liking to preserve their Liberties Religion Estates from the Spanish Tyranny witnesse which every one willingly at the very first imposition and ever since hath readâ—ly submitted to being for the publike preservation The like hath been done in former ages and within these five yeers in the Realm of Scotland the same is now practised even without a Parliament by the Popish Rebels both in Ireland and England who have laid Taxes upon all Ireland and all the Romanists in England for the maintenance of this present Rebellion and yet neither King nor his Counsell nor Royallists nor Malignants for ought I can read or hear have ever so much as once written or spoken one syllable against it when as many large Declaration Proclamations Inhibitions in His Majesties Name and at least fortie severall Pamphlets have been published by Malignants against this Assessement of the Parliament and the Levying or paying thereof strictly prohibited under pain of high Treason such a grand difference is there now put by the Royall Court-partie to the amazement of all intelligent men between the Irish Rebels now the Kings best Subjects as it seems who may do what they please without censure or restraint and the English now un-Parliamented Parliament though perpetuated by an Act of Parliament who may do nothing for their own or the Kingdoms safety but it must be high Treason at the least O temporâ ô mores Quis 〈◊〉 fando temp ret a lachrymis Adde to this That the Lords Justices and Councell in Ireland the twenty nine of June 1643. have without authoritie of Parliament or King for their present necessary defence against the Popish Rebels there imposed an Excise upon most commodities in that Realm here lately Printed which no man can deem Illegall in this case of absolute necessitie But to come close home unto our selves who is there that knows ought in historie and policie but must needs acknowledge That the Brittains and Saxons warres of this Realm against their oppressing Kings Archigallo Emerian Vortigerne Sigebâ—rt Osred Ethelred Beornard Leowulfe Edwine whom they deposed for their Tyranny and mis-Government That our Barons long-lasting bloody warres against King John Henry the third Edward the second Richard the second and others fore-mentioned were maintained by publike Assessements and Contributions made by common consent even without a Parliament and with the Revenues and Rents of the very Crown which they seised on as well as the Castles and Forts This being a true rule in Law Qui sentit commodum sentire debet onus All the Kingdom had the benefit of regaining preserving establishing their Fundamentall Charters Laws Liberties by those warres therefore they deemed it just that all should bear a share in the charge and burthen by voluntary Assessements without King or Parliament During the absence of King Edward the third in France The Lords and Commons in Parliament for the defence of the Realm by Sea and Land against forraign Enemies granted an ayde of the ninth Sheaf Lamb and Fleece besides many thousand Sacks of Wooll and the ninth part of other mens Estates in Towns and Corporations and disposed both of the Money and Militia of the Realm for its defence as you heard before The like did they during the Minorities of King Henry the third King Richard the second and King Henry the sixth as the premises evidence without those Kings personall assents Anno Dom. 1259. Richard King of Romans coming with a great Navy and Army of Germans and forraigners to ayd his Brother King Henry the third against the Barons thereupon the Barons sent out a fleet to encounter them by Sea and prepared a strong Army of Horse and Foot by Land that if they prevailed against them at Sea which they feared not yet they might valiantly and constantly entertain and repulse them on the shore and dry Land which the King of Romans being informed off disbanded his forces and came over privately with three Knights onely attending him This was done without the Kings assent and yet at publike charge When King Richard the first was takâ—n particular by the Emperour in his return from the holy Land by Authority of the Kings Mother and the Kings Justices alone without a Parliament it was decreed that the fourth part of all that yeers Rents and of all the moveables as well of the Clergy as of the Laity and all the Woolles of the Abbots of the Order of the Cistersians and of Semphringham and all the Gold and Silver Chalices and Treasure of all Churches should be paid in toward the freeing and ransome of the King which was done accordingly If such a taxe might be imposed by the Queen Mother and Justices onely without a Parliament for ransoming the King alone from imprisonment may not a taxe of the twentieth part onely of mens estates be much more justly imposed on the Subjects by an Ordinance of both Houses in Parliament without the King for the defence and perservation both of the Parliament and Kingdom to when hostily invaded by the King In few words the King and his Councell yea his very Commanders without his speciall Commission or advice have in many Countries imposed large monethly weekly Contributions and Assessements on the People beyond their abilities and estates yea upon the very Speaker and Members of the Commons and Lords House notwithstanding their Priviledges of Parliament which they say
they will maintain to the utter impoverishing and ruining of the Country yea they have burned sacked plundered many whole Towns Cities Counties and spoiled thousands of all they have contrary to their very Promises Articles Agreements which they never faithfully observe to any in the least degree and all this to ruine the Kingdom People Parliament and Religion yet they justifie these their actions and the Parliament People must not controule nor deem them Traytors to their Country for it And may not the Parliament then more justly impose a moderate in-destructive necessary taxe without the King for the Kingdoms Religions and Peoples defence and preservations against their barbarous Taxes Plunderings and Devastations then the King or his Commanders Souldiers play such Rex and use such barbarous oppressions without yea against the Parliaments Votes and consents Let them therefore first cease their own most detestable unnaturall inhumane practises and extortions of this nature and condemn themselves or else for ever clear the Parliament from this unjust Aspersion The last Objection against the Parliament is That they have Illegally imprisoned restrained plundered some Malignants and removed them from their habitations against Magna Charta the Fundamentall Laws forenamed and the Liberty of the Subject contrary to all Presidents in former Ages To which I answer First That the Objectors and Kings party are farre more guilty of this crime then the Parliament or their Partisans and therefore have no reason to object it unlesse themselves were more innocent then they are Secondly For the Parliaments imprisoning of men pretended to be against Magna Charta I answer first That the Parliament is not with in that or any other Law against imprisonments as I have formerly cleered Therefore is not obliged by it nor can offend against it Secondly That it hath power to imprison restrain the greatest Members of their own Houses though priviledged men exmept from all other arrests and publike persons representing those that sent them thither Therefore much more may they imprison or restrain any other private persons notwithstanding Magna Charta And the Parliament being the supreamest Judicaturo paramount all other Courts their commitments can not be Legally questioned determined nor their prisoners released by Habcas Corpus in or by any other inferior Court or Judicature whatsoever 3. The Parliament hath power to make new Laws for the temporall and perpetuall imprisonment of men in mischievous cases where they could not be imprisoned by the Common Law or any other Act before or since Magna Charta and so against the seeming letter of that Law w ch extends not to the Parliament and what persons they may restrain imprison by a new enacted Law though not restrainable before by Magna Charta or the Common Law without breach of either they may whiles they sit in case of publike danger restrain imprison by their own Authoritie without or before a new Law enacted In how many new Cases by new Statutes made since Magna Charta the Subjects may be lawfully imprisoned both by Judges Justices Majors Constable and Inferiour Courts or Officers whereas they could not be imprisoned by them by the Common Law before these Acts without breach of Magna Charta and violating the Subjects Liberties you may read in the Table of Rastals Abridgements of Statutes and in Ashes Tables Title Imprisonment and False-Imprisonment Yea by the Statutes of 23. H. 8. cap. 1. 31. H. 8. cap. 13. 33. H. 8. cap. 12. 5. Eliz. cap. 14. 1. and 2. Phil. Mary cap. 3. 5. and 6. E. 6. cap. 1. 1. Eliz. cap. 2. with other Acts perpetuall imprisonment during life is inflicted in some cases for which no imprisonment at all could be prescribed before these Acts and for crimes for which the parties were not formerly punishable yet for the publike weale peace safety and prevention of private mischiefs even against the Letter as it were of the great Charter the Parliament hath quite taken away all liberty the benefit of the Common Law and of Magna Charta it self from parties convicted of such offences during their naturall lives and if they bring an Habeas Corpus in such cases pretending their perpetuall imprisonment and these latter Laws to be against Magna Charta they shall notwithstanding be remanded and remain prisoners all their dayes because the Parliament is above all Laws Statutes yea Magna Charta and may deprive any Delinquents of the benefit of them yea alter or repeal them for the common good so farre as they see just cause Though neither the King nor his Counsell nor Judges nor any Inferiour Officers or Courts of Justice have any such transcendent power but the Parliament alone to which all men are parties really present and allowing all they do and what all assent to decree for the common good and safetie must be submitted to by all particular persons though never so mischievous to them this being a Fundamentall Rule even in Law it self That the Law will rather suffer a private mischief then a generall inconvenience Seeing then the Parliament to prevent publike uproars sedition treachery in or against the Kingdom Cities Houses or Counties where factious persons live hath thought meet to restrain the most seditious Malignants especially these about London and Westminster where they sit and to commit them to safe custody till they receive some good assurance of their peaceable behaviour they must patiently suffer their private restraints for the common safety tranquility till the danger be past or themselves reformed who if they reform not their own malignity not the Parliaments cautelous severity themselves must be blamed since they detain themselves prisoners only by not conforming when as the Parliament desires rather to release then restrain them if they would be regular and so they must blame themselves alone not clamour against the Houses All Leprous persons by the Leviticall and Common Law were to be sequestred and shut up from others least they should infect them and so all persons visited with the Plague by late Statute Laws may be shut up without breach of Magna Charta Why then not Malignant seditious ill affected persons who infect others in these times of Commotion and Civill Warres as well as Leapers and Plague sick persons removed into Pest-houses for fear of spreading the Infection upon the self-same grounds by the Houses Authority The Parliament by an Ordinance Act or Sentence hath Power to banish men out of the Kingdom in some cases which no other Court nor the King himself can lawfully dâ— as was expresly reâ—olved in Parliament upon the making of the Sâ—atute of 35. Eliz. cap. 1. as is evident by the case of Thomas of Weyland An. 19. E. 1 Of Pâ—irce Gavaston and the two Spencers in King Haward the second his raign Of the Lord Maltravâ—rs in Edward the third his raign Of Bâ—lknap and divers over Judges in the 10 and 11 yâ—ers of Richard 2. his
reign by the Statutes of 33. El. c. 1. Sâ—paratist◠〈…〉 39. El. c. 5. Râ—gues are to be banished and in Calice heretofore a woman might be justly banished the Town for adultâ—ry and a scould at this day after three convictions is to be banished out of Westminster and rowed ovâ—r the Thames from thence thorough the water at the tayl of a Boat for the quiet of the City Then much more may any private seditious turbulent Malignants â—e justly restrained to some safe places where they may do no harme till the warres and troubles be ended or themselves reâ—laimed Fifthly By the Common and Statute Law of the Realm yea by Magna Charta it self cap. 30. the Lands Rents Goods and Persons of Priors and other aliens Merchants or others residing in England may be and have been usually seized or and sâ—cured or else their persons banished the Realm and borders of England during the warres with others of that Nation lâ—ast they should assist them in the warres with their Estates persons or intelligences or betray the Kingdom or plâ—ces where they resided to the Enemy And upon this ground by the expresse Statutes of 2. H. 4. cap. 12. 20. 1. H. 4. cap. 7 8. 3. H. 5. cap. 3. 4. H. 5. cap. 6. 1. H. 6. cap. 3. the Irish Brittains Welshmen and Scots because we had frequent warre with them were not permitted to purchase either Houses or Lands or to remain in any Fort Town or City neer the Borders of Scotland or Wâ—lâ—s but banished thence and their Goods and persons seised on in times of warre to prevent treachery intelligence and assistance of the Enemy A thing generally practised and warranted in all States and Kingdoms as well as in England by the very Law of Nations as just and necessaâ—y in times of warres as Martinus Laudensis de Râ—praesaliis de Bello Henricus Ranzovius his Commentarius Bellicuâ— Geâ—rgius Obbrectus Disput Juridca de Bellâ— Henriâ—us Bocâ—rus de Jure Prâ—gnae Hungâ— Grotius Albericus Gentilis in their Books de Jure Belli and all Historians evidence Therefore lawfull for the Parliament to practise at this present as well as the King or any others Sixthly In times of Forraign Invasions the Parliament hath enjoyned all Inhabitants neer the Sea-coasts or Marches of Scotland and Wales to repair to their Houses and Lands there with all their Families for the defence and safâ—tie of the Realm under pain of imprisonment and confiscation of their Goods and Revenues there and elsewhere as is evident by 13. E. 3. nu 21. Parl. 1. and Parl. 2. n. 20. 23. Eliz. â—4 the Statutes confining Papists to their Houses and sundry other Presidents Theâ—efore by like reason they may confine Malignants in times of warre for the publike peace and safetie and disarme them to for a time a Constables may by the Law disarme and imprison peace-breakers fray-makers riotors and others to prevent bloodshed quarrels and preserve the publike peace Thirdly For the plundering of Malignants and sequestring their Estates I answer that I think the Parliament never yet approved the plundering or in plain English robbing of any man by any of their forces they having plundered no places taken by assault for ought I hear though the Kings forces on the contrary have miserably plundered all the Kingdom almost except the Papists who are most exempted from this rapine and some few chief Malignants yea those very Persons Souldiers Cities Towns which by their very Articles of surrender were not to be plundered witnesse Taunton Bridgewater Bristol Gainsborow where many have been pillaged to their naked skins notwithstanding their Ariticles of agreement solemnely sworn to depart quietly with bag and baggage without interruption and the Towns to be free from plunder contraty to the very Law of warre and Arms which may instruct all others not to trust them henceforth If any of the Parliaments forces have misbehaved themselves in plundering any Malignants or disaffected persons more then by seifing of their Arms distraining their Goods for imposed Assessements or sequestring their Plate Moneyes Estates for the publike service upon promise of repayment and restitution I know the Houses have publikely by expresse Ordinances inhibited disavowed the fact and exposed the disorderly Delinquents to condigne punishments even to the losse of their lives if any please to prosecute them by way of inditement or Martiall Law For my part I abhorre all violence plunder rapine and disorders in Souldiers as contrary to the Law of God Obadiah 10. to 16. Luke 3. 14. and leave those who are guiltie of them to the severest publike justice as offenders against the Law of Nature of Nations of the Land yea of Warre it self But God forbid the Parliament should be unjustly charged with all the misdemeanours of their Souldiers which they prohibit detest censure more then the King with all the barbarous rapes murthers cruelties rapines and monstrous insolencies which his Cavaliers every where perpetrate without punishment or restraint especially the blood-thirsty Irish Popish Rebels among them who having shed so much English Protestants blood in Ireland ere they came over hither of which they vaunt is such an high dishonour to God and the English Nation if their own blood be not shed for it by the hand of vengeance here that I wonder with what face or spirit His Majestie or any English Protestant can patiently suffer these Irish Rebels to shed any more Protestant English bloud breath in English ayre who have cut the throats of so many thousand innocent English both here and elsewhere and are like to cut all our throats ere long as they have designed unlesse their throats be first cut by us But yet for the plundering of such Malignants goods and houses who are opposite to the whole Kingdom and Parliament and will not joyn with them in the common cause which concerns us all as it hath sundry patterns in the Barons Warres against the Poictovines and their faction in Henry the third his raign and afterwards against the Spensers in Edward the second dayes formerly touched so it hath one observeable generall resolution of the whole body of the Lords and Commons warranting it in King Johns raign even then when they all took up Armes to enforce him to confirm the great Charter it self which our Opposites cry out to be violated by the Parliaments moderate seisures onely by way of distresse or sequestration For the Barons Knights and Commons with their whole Army being mâ—t tâ—gether in London which joyned with them to gain this Charter from the King sent from thence Letters to all the Earls Barons and Knights throughout England who seemed though but fainedly to adhere to the King exhorting them with this Commination That as they loved the indemnitie of their Goods and possessions thâ—y should dâ—sert a perjured King and adhearing faithfully to them should with them inviolâ—bly stand and effectually contend for the Liberties and Peace of the
Kingdom which if they contemned to do thy would with force of Arms and Banners disslayed MARCH AGAINST THEM AS PUBLIKE ENEMIES SUBVERT THEIR CASTLES BURN THEIR HOUSES AND EDIFICES AND NOT CEASE TO DESTROY THEIR PONDS PARKES AND ORCHARDS Whereupon all the Lords Knights and People dâ—serting the King who had scarce seven Knights in all left with him confederated themselves to the Barons in the Common Cause wherein to be a Neuter was to be an enemy and no member of the politicke body in which all were equally engaged Whereupon the King thus deserted by all condescended speedily to their demands and confirmed the great Charter much against his will A very apt President for these times which would make the people more unanimous faithfull and couragious for the Common Cause if but imitated in the commination onely though never put into actuall execution he being unworthy once to enjoy any priviledge of a free-born Subject in the Kingdom who will not joyn with the Parliament and Kingdom to defend his Libertie and the Kingdoms priviledges in which he hath as great a common share as those who stand pay and fight most for them It is a good Cause of disfranchising any man out of any Citie Corporation or Company and to deprive him of the Priviledges of them if he refuse to contribute towards the common support defence or maintenance of them or joyn in open hostilitie contributions or suites against them There is the same and greater reason of the generall Citie and Corporation of the whole Realm to which we are all most engaged and therefore those who refuse to contribute towards the defence and preservation of it if able or by their persons purses intelligence or counsell give any assistance to the common enemy against it deserve to be disfranchised out of it to have no priviledge or protection by it and to be proceeded against as utter enemies to it Christs rule being here most true He that is not with me is against me and he that gathereth not with me scattereth abroad The Common-wealth of which we are members hath by way of originall contract for mutuall assistance and defence seconded by the late Protestation and Covenant a greater interest in our Persons and Estates then we our selves or the King and if we refuse to ayd the republike of which we are members in times of common danger with our Persons Abilities Goods or assist the common enemy with either of them we thereby betray our trust and fidelitie violate our Covenants to the Republike and expose our bodies to restraint our estates to consiscation for this most unnaturall treachery and sordid nigguardlinesse as well as for Treason Fellony or other more petty injuries against the State or humane societie made capitall by the Laws most justly for the publike service of the State which hath a generall Soveraign Interest in them in all times of need paramount our private Rights which must alwayes submit to the publike and lose all our formerly enjoyed Priviledges either of Laws Liberties or free-born Subjects if we refuse to defend or endeavour to betray them as the Laws and common practise of all Nations evidence In the Barons warres against King John Henry the third and Edward the second in defence of their Liberties and Laws they seised upon the Castles Forts and Revenues of the Crown and upon the Moneyes and Goods of the Priors aliens and malignant Poictovines which they imployed in the Kingdoms service Eodem tempore Castellanus de Dovera Richardus de Gray vir fidelis strenuus qui ex parte Baronum ibidem constituebatur omnes transeuntes transituros diligenter considerabat cuncta prudâ—nter perscrutando invenit NON MODICUM THESAURUM paratum dictis Pictaviensibus clanculo deferendum qui TOTUS CAPTUS EST IN CASTRO RESERUANDUS Similiter Londini apud novum Templum THESAURUS MAXIMUS de cujus quantitate audientes mirabantur quem reposureunt Pictavienses memorati licet contradicentes reniterenter Hospitelarii CAPTUS est AD ARBITRIUM REGIS ET BARONUM IN UTILES REGNI USUS UTILITER EXPONENDUS writes Rishanger the continuer of Matthew Paris a good President for the present times After which the Barons banished all the Poictovine Malignants who miscounselled and adhered to the King out of England Anno 1260 who Anno 1261. were all baâ—ished out of London and other Cities and Forts An. 1234. The Earl Marshall having routed John of Monmouth his forces which assisted King Henry the third against the Barons in Wales he wasted all the said Johns Villages and Edifices and all things that were his with sword and fire and so of a rich man made him poor and indigent In the very Christmas holy-dayes there was a grievous warre kindled against the King and his evill Counsellors For Richard Suard conjoyning other Exiles to him entred the Lands of Richard Earl of Cornwall the Kings brother lying not farre from Behull and burned them together with the Houses and the Corne the Oxen in the Ox-stalls the Horses in the Stables the Sheep in the Sheep-cots they likewise burned Segrave the native soyl of Stephen Justiciar of England with very sumptuous Houses Oxen and Corne and likewise brought away many horses of great price returning thence with spoils and other things They likewise burned down a certain village of the Bishop of Winchesters not farre from thence and took away the spoils with other things there found But the foresaid Warriers had constituted this laudable generall rule among themselves that they would do no harme to any one nor hurt any one BUT THE WICKED COUNSELLERS OF THE KING by whom they were banished and those things that were theirs they burnt with fire extirpating their Woods Orchards and such like by the very Roots This they did then de facto de Jure I dare not approve it though in Cases of Attaint and Felony the very Common Law to terrifie others gives sentence against perjured Juries Traytors and Felons in some Cases that their houses shall be raced to the ground their Woods Parkes Orchards Ponds cut down and destroyed their Meadowes and Pastures plowed up and defaced though not so great Enemies to the State as evill Counsellors Anno 1264. the forty eight yeers of Henry the third his raign The King keeping his Christmas with the Queen Richard King of Romans and many others at London Simon Montford the Captain of the Barons at the same time preyed upon the Goods of these who adheared to the King and especially those of the Queens retinue brought by her into England whom they called Aliens Among others some of the Barons forces took Peter a Burgundian Bishop of Hereford in his Cathedrall Church and led him prisoner to the Castle of Ordeley and divided his treasure between themselves and took divers others of the Kings partie prisoners Who thereupon fearing least he should be besieged in the Tower by the Barons army by
the mediation of timorous men he made peace with the Barons for a time promising inviolably to observe the Provisions of Oxford that all the Kings Castles thoroughout England should be delivered into the custody of the Barons that all Aliens within a certain time should void the Realm except those who should be thought faithfull thereunto by the unanimous consent of the Kingdom and that faithfull and profitable natives of the Realm should thenceforth dispose of the affairs of the Kingdoms under the King But THE QUEEN instigated with foeminine malice contradicted it all she could which made the people revile and cast dirt and stones at her as she was going to Windsore enforcing her to retire again to the Tower How William Longshamp Bishop of Ely Lord Chancellour of England Earl John and others when they disturbed the peace of the Realm and turned Malignants were apprehended besieged imprisoned excommunicated and their Goods and Castles seised on by the Lords and Commons one of Parliament yea during the time of King Richard the first his absence and captivitie you may read at large in Roger de Hovedon Holinshed Daniel and others Why then the Lords and Commons in Parliament may not now much more do the like for their own and the whole Kingdoms safety I can yet discern no shadow of reason I will not trouble you with Histories shewing what violent unlawfull courses Kings and People have sometimes used to raise moneyes in times of warre by sacriledge rapine and all manner of indirect means I rather wish those Presidents and their occasions buried in eternall silence then reduced into practise and verily perswade my self that every ingenuous true born Englishman who bears a reall naturall affection to his Countrey or a Christian love to his Brethren the Parliament and Religion will according to his bounden duety the Protestation and Covenant which he hath taken rather freely contribute his whole estate if need so require towards the just defence of his Countrey Libertie Religion and the Parliament against the treacherous Conspiracies of the Pope Jesuites forraign Catholikes Irish Rebels English Papists and Malignants who have plotted their subvertions then repine at or neglect to pay any moderate Taxes which the Parliament shall impose or inforce the Houses to any extraordinary wayes of Levying Moneyes for want of ordinary voluntary supplyes to maintain these necessary defensive warres I shall close up all in a few words The Parliament hath much against their wills been inforced to this present defensive warre which they have a most just and lawfull power to wage and manage as I have elsewhere evidenced by the Fundamentall Laws of the Realm yea by the Law of God of Nature of Nations This warre cannot be maintained without Moneyes the sinews of it wherefore when voluntary contributions fail the Houses may by the same Laws which enabled them to raise an Army without the King impose necessary Taxes for the maintaining of it during the warres continuance else their Legall power to raise an Army for the Kingdoms defence would be fruitlesse if they might not Levy Moneyes to recrute and maintain their Army when raised which Taxes if any refuse to pay they may for this contempt be justly imprisoned as in cases of other Sudsidies and if any unnaturally warre against their Countrey or by way of intelligence advise or contribution assist the common Enemy or seduce or withdraw others by factious slanderous speeches against the Power and Proceedings of the Parliament from assisting the Parliament in this kinde they may for such misdemeanours upon conviction be justly censured confined secured and their estates sequestred rather then the Republike Parliament Religion or whole Kingdom should miscarry It is better that one should perish then all the Nation being the voyce of God Nature and resolution of all Laws Nations Republikes whatsoever If any hereticall scismaticall or vitious persons which may poyson others with their pernicious false doctrines or vitious wicked lives appear in the Church they may after admonition if they repent not yea and de facto are or ought to be excommunited the Church and societie of all faithfull Christians so as none may or ought to converse with them till their repentance If this be good Law and Divinitie in the Church the banishing and confining of pestilent Malignants in times of warre and danger must by the self-same reason be good Law and Divinitie in the State I have now by Gods assistance notwithstanding all distracting Interruptions Avocations Remoraes incountring me in this service ran through all Objections of moment which the King or any opposites to this Parliament have hitherto made against their proceedings or jurisdictions and given such full answers to them as shall I trust in the generall abundantly clear the Parliaments Authoritie Invocency Integritie against all their clamarous malignant Calumnies convince their Judgements satisfie their consciences and put them to everlasting silence if they will without prejudice or partialitie seriously ponder all the premises and ensuing Appendix which I have added for their further satisfaction information conviction and the confirmation of all forecited domestick Laws Presidents by forraign examples and authorities of all sorts And if any shall yet continue obstinate and unresolved after so many convincing Reasons Presidents Authorities or still retain an ill opinion of the Parliaments proceedings I shall desire them onely seriously to consider the most execrable conspiracy of the Pope Jesuites and Popish party in all His Majesties three Realms to extirpate the Protestant Religion subvert the Government Parliament and poyson the King himself if he condescend not to their desires or crosse them in their purposes whom they have purposely engaged in these warres still continued by them for this very end to enforce the King to side with them and so gain possession of his person to accomplish this designe of theirs as is cleerly evidenced to all the world by Romes Master-Peece the English Pope the Declaration of the Lords and Commons concerning the Rise and Progresse of the Irish Rebellion and then advisedly to consider in what great present danger the Kingdom King Parliament and Religion are when the Popish Partie and forces now in Arms have gained the Kings Princes and Duke of Yorkâ—s persons into their custodie the Cities of Chester and of late Bristoll the Keyes of England with other Ports to let in all the Irish Rebels upon us to cut our throats in England as they have cut above an hundred and fortie thousand of our Protestant brethrens throats already in Ireland it being one part of their designe now presently to be executed as appears by sundry Examinations in the Irish Remonstrance for which end some thousands of Irish Rebels who have all embrued their hands there in English bloud are already landed here and are in great favour and command about the King To which if they adde the omnipotent over-ruling power of the Queen the Head of that partie with the
King and his Councell in disposing all Officers all places of command and trust under him The Confederacie and Contributions of forraign Popish States to maintain this warre to ruine the Parliament Kingdom Religion and re-establish Popery in its universall extent with the large progresse the Papists have lately made in Ireland Scotland and England to accomplish this their long-agitated Conspiracie and the late strange proceedings in Ireland where the best Protestants are displaced disgraced restrained the Popish Rebels advanced and a truce negotiated if not fully concluded with the Rebels to the end that all their forces may be speedily transported hither to ruine our Religion and cut all our throats enough to awake the most stupid English spirits and rouze them up to a speedy unanimous resolution to unite all their purses and forces to the Parliament against the Popish Conspirators and these bloody Butchers now ready to devoure us and then I douâ—t not if they have any true love to God Religion King Countrey themselves or their Posterities they will soon change their former opinions and practises against the Parliaments just proceedings and joyn hearts hands forces yea their uttermost endeavours with them to prevent and ward off that imminent destruction which now hangs over our heads and will in short time wholly ruine us if God open not our eyes and unite not all our hearts and mindes unto the Parliament with one unanimous resolution to oppose these cursed Confederates who have plotted occasioned all these warres and miseries under which our Kingdomes now groan and languish which long plotted Treacherie in humane probabilitie can no wayes be prevented nor a settled peace and Reformation established but with the totall suppression of the Popish partie now in Arms and by rescuing His Majesties person Children forces out of their Trayterly hands and power whose death they have conspired long agoe if he refuse to grant them an universall open toleration of their Antichristian Religion in all His Kingdoms and then to seise upon the Prince and train him up in their Religion which how easie it is for them to effect now they have the King Prince the Kings Ports his Forces in their power yea potent Armies of their own in the field here and such a force of Irish Rebels now ready to be shipped over to Chester Milford and Bristoll for their assistance and enforcement to over-power the Protestant party in the Kings Armies no understanding man can without fear and trembling coâ—sider O then if ever we will shew our selves faithfull valiant couragious magnanimous bountifull really cordiall and loyall to our King Kingdoms Countrey Parliament Religion Laws Lives Liberties Kinred Families Posterities Let all who professe themselves Protestants lay aside all causelesse jealousies and prejudices against the Parliament or any others and now speedily unite all their Prayers Hearts Hands Purses Forces Counsells and utmost endeavours together to defend secure them all against these forraign and domestice Jesuiticall Romish Confederates and if any prove traiterous fearfull cowardly unfaithfull base or faint-hearted in this publike Cause as too many who deserve to be made spectacles of treachery and cowardise to posteritie and cannot without injustice or dishonour to the Parliament and Kingdom be suffered to scape scot-free without severe exemplary punishment have done to their eternall infamy and betraying of their Countrey the present generations shall abhorre them posteritie curse and declaim against them as most unnaturall Monsters unworthy to breath in English ayre or enjoy the name the priviledges of English men or Protestants There is a double kinde of Treachery in Souldiers both of them adjudged Capitall The first proceeds from a sordid pusillanimous fear unworthy the spirit of a Souldier and this is Câ—pitall both by the Civill and Common Law By the Civill Law The Souldiers who first begin to flye or but fain themselves sick for fear of the Enemy are to be adjudged to death for this their cowardize Yea Lacaena and Dametria two magnanimâ—us Women slew their timorous sonnes who fled basely from the battle with their own bands disclaiming tbem as degenerous Brats and not their sonnes the latter of them inscribing this Epitaph on her sonnes Tombe Hunc timidum Mater Dametriam ipsa peremit Nec dignum Matre nec Lacedaemonium Indeed Charondas and the Thurians enacted That cowards who basely fled or refused to bear Arms for their Countries defence should set three dayes one after another in the open Market-place clad in Womans apparell a punishment farre worse then death it self writes Diodorus Siculus whereas all other Lawyers made it Capitall yea our Common Law adjudgeth it Treason Witnesse the notable Cases of Gemines and Weston 1. R. 2. num 38 39. who were adjudged Traytors in Parliament for surrendering two Castles in France onely out of fear when they were strongly besieged and battered sooner then they needed without any compliency with tbe enemy The Case of Jobn Walsh Esquire accused of bigh Treason in Parliament against the King and Kingdom for yeelding up the Castle of Cherburg in France to the enemy when as he might have defended it And the Case of Henry Earl of Essex in the second yeer of Henry the second accused of high Treason by Robert de Monfort and vanquished by him in a Duell waged thereupon for throwing down the Kings Standard which he bare by inheritance and flying in xpassing a straight among the Mountains when fiercely encountred by the Welsh For which though his life was pardoned yet he was adjudged to be shorne a Monke put into the Abbey of Reading and had his Lands seised into the Kings hands And as for treacherous revolting to or delivering up Castles to the Enemy it is Capitall and high Treason by all Laws and so resolved in Parliament 3. R. 2. in the Case of Thomas Ketrinton Esquire accused of high Treâson by Sir John Annâ—sley Knight for delivering up the Castle of Saint Saviour in the Isle of Constantine to the French for a great summe of Money when as he neither wanted provisions nor means to defend it As for those unnaturall Vipers and Traytors who shall henceforth after this discovery joyn with the Popish Conspirators to ruine their Religion Countrey and the Parliament for private ends as Count Julian the Spaniard joyned with the Mores An. Dom. 713. whom he brought into Spain his native Countrey furiously pursuing his own private injury with the Ruine of the publike I shall onely bestow his Epitaph upon them with which I shall conclude this Treatise Maledictus furor impius Juliani quia pertinax indignatio quia dura vesanus furià ammimosus furore oblitus fidelitatis immâ—â—or religionis contemptor divinitatis crudelis in se homicida in vicinos reus in omnes Memoria ejus in omni ore amarescit nomen ejus in aeternum puâ—â—escet FINIS AN APPENDIX Manifesting by sundry Histories and Authors that in the ancient Roman Kingdome and
Townes What power the Princes Electors and German states had and yet have in electing rejecting deposing restraining their Emperours in calling Diets and making Lawes you may read more largely in Munster and Grimston By all which and other particulars which for brevity I shall omit it is most evident that the Supream Soveraigne Authority of the Roman State both under their ancient Kings and Emperours and of the Greeke and German Empires resided not in the Kings and Emperours themselves but in their Senates Diets People States who prescribed them conditionall Oaths at their Coronations and to whom they were still accountable for their actions and misgovernment This Iohn Bodin a famous learned French Lawyer of great experience in State affaires surpassing all who writ before him of Republikes plainly affirmes in these words The Roman Emperours were at first nothing else but Princes of the Common weale that is to say the cheife and principallmen the SOVERAIGNTY neverthelesse still RESTING IN THE PEOPLE AND SENATE the Emperour having the Soveraigne authority only in fact not in right the State being but a very Principality wherein THE PEOPLE HAD THE SOVERAIGNTY So the German Empire at this day is nothing else but an Aristocraticall Principality wherein the Emperour is head and chiefe the POWER and majesty of the Empire BELONGING VNTO THE STATES THEREOF who thrust out of the Government Adolphus the Emperour in the yeare 1296 and also after him Wenceslaus in the yeare 1400 and that BY WAY OF IVSTICE AS HAVING IVRISDICTION AND POWER OVER THEM And so properly ancient Romans said Imperium in Magistratibus Auctoritatem in Senatu Potestatem in Plebe Maiestatem in Populo Command to be in the Magistrates Authority in the Senate Power in the Maeniall People and Majesty in the People in Generall The Senate in Rome did consult the people command for Livy oft times saith Senatus decrevit populus iussit the Senate hath decreed and the People commanded Which he there more largely prosecutes as you may read at leysure To all which Bishop Bilson himself doth fully assent affirming that Germany is a free state that the Emperour holds the Empire by election and that but on condition which he takes an oath to performe And if he violate their liberties or his oath they may not only lawfully resist him by force of armes but repell and depose him as a tyrant and set another in his place by the right and freedome of their Countrey And Cassanaus holds that the people may take away the very name of the Emperour at this day degrade him and resume his royall power This then being an unquestionable verity disproves that palpable common mistake of Dr. Ferne with other ignorant Court Doctors and Royalists who would make the world and Kings beleeve that the Roman Emperours were of greater power and authority than the Senate people the highest powers upon earth to which all persons yea the Senate and people collectively considered ought to submit and that it was unlawfull either for the Senate or people forcibly to resist Caligula Claudius Nero and other their wickedest and most tyrannicall Emperours much lesse to depose take armes against or call them to a strict just account for their Tyranny Oppression or Misgovernment it being directly contrary to Pauls Doctrine Rom. 13. 1 to 6. Let every soule be subject to the higher powers c. which false groundlesse principle is the sole foundation upon which all their late Sermons Books and rayling Discourses against this Parliaments proceedings and taking up of defensive armes are built when as in truth the Senate people were the highest powers to whoÌ„ the Roman Emperours themselves were to be obedient in all iust requests commands under paine of damnation and subiect to the Senates sword of â—ustice in case of disobedience misgovernment as all the premises evidence yea it likewise manifestly evidenceth that whole States Parliaments are the highest power and above their Kings who are subject to theÌ„ since the Roman and Greek Senates and people heretofore the very German States at this day are the highest power and above their Emperours though ever reputed of greater power Soveraignty and dignity than any Kings and the greatest Monarchs in the world and that therfore Kings even by Pauls Doctrine Rom. 13. ought to be subiect to the higher power and Iurisdiction of their Parliaments the Laws and Statutes of their Realmes and to be accountable to them if not subiect to their censures as some affirme in exorbitant cases of misgovernment which concern the Kingdomes and peoples safety If Kings iniuriously take away the lands goods or imprison the persons of any particular subjects the Law gives every one a particular remedy against them by way of Action or Petition of Right If then every private subiect may have redresse much more the whole Kingdome in and by Parliaments only not in inferiour Courts against their Soveraigns which oppresse them who being subiect unto the Lawes of God and their Realmes which have no respect of persons may as many affirme be questioned and iudged by them in their Parliaments as well as other princes great officers of State and Magistrates who in scripture are called Gods the higher powers and said to be â—rdained to rule judge by and for God as well as Kings and Emperours It is branded as a spice of Antichristian pride in Popes and their Parasites to deem themselves so High above other men that they are accountable to none but God for their wicked actions though many Popes in former and later times have been questioned consured imprisoned and deposed both by Emperours Kings and Councels for their intollerable misdemeanors And is it not the very selfe same crime in Kings in Emperours and their flatterers to hold this Popish erronious opinion that they are in no case responsible to their whole Kingdomes or Parliaments for their grossest exorbitances Our Popish Prelates and Clergy generally heretofore and some of our Protestant Bishops and Divines of late times from St. Ambrose his practise have held that kings for murthers rapes and great crying offences may be Lawfully excommunicated and censured by the spirituall Law and sword as sundry Emperours and Kings have been then why not likewise by the temporall when their Parliaments and whole Kingdoms see just cause the case of hundreds of Emperours and Kings in former times as the Histories of all Nations and ages prove abundantly beyond all contradiction I shall here instance in some few Kings censures subject to the Roman State and Empire with whom I shall conclude this discourse touching the Roman Monarchs Deioratus King of Galatia under the Romans Iurisdiction and one of their allies was accused of Treason and condemned to lose both his head and estate for certaine offences against C. Caesar and the Roman State as appeares by Tullies Oration to Caesar in his behalfe
to procure his pardon which because it was the first president of this kinde made his advocate say tamen it a inusitatum est Regem capitis reum esse ut ante hoc tempus non sit auditum yet long before that Zedechiah King of Iudah rebelling against the King of Babylon was brought prisoner to the King of Babylon to Riblah where hee gave judgement upon him slew both his sonnes and Princes before his eyes and then put out his own eyes bound him with fetters of brasse and carried him prisoner to Babylon where hee died 2 Kings 25. 1. to 8. Ier. 52. 1. to 12. And after Detoratus Antigonus King of the Iewes being taken prisoner by Antonius for moving sedition against the Roman State was beheaded with an axe at Antioch without any legall triall to prevent further seditions which never befell any King before that time writes Alexander ab Alexandro And Agrippa not long after put Bogus King of the Mores to death for siding with Antonius Of later times I read that Ludovicus Pius the Emperour taking Bernard his Nephew King of Italy prisoner for rebelling and denying his superiority over him carried him into France to determine what should be done with him according to Iustice for this his offence where though a King hee was condemned to death and executed as some or at least cast into prison and had his eyes put out as others write So Charles of France taking Conradine King of Sicily prisoner publikely arraigned and condemned him of high Treason and cut off his head Anno 1208. Yea our owne King Iohn being a Feudatary to the King of France was by Philip the French king in a full Parliament there during his absence in England arraigned condemned to death and deposed from his Crown by the sentence of his Peeres for murthering his Nephew Arthur then a Subject of France with his owne hands So Iohn Bailiol king of Scotland renouncing his homage for that Crowne to king Edward the first was for this offence compelled to resigne his Crown with all his right to the kingdome of Scotland to King Edward the first and sent Prisoner to the Tower of London and Mary Queene of Scots within many mens memories after long debate in Parliament was condemned and beheaded at Fothringhom Castle Febr. 8. An. 1587. for laying claime to the Crowne of England and other particulars mentioned in our Historians And thus much for the Roman Grecian German Emperours kings and kingdomes I shall now give you a briefe Survey of what Greeke Authors write concerning Kings and Kingdoms and of the power the kinds of ancient Kings and Kingdomes in Greece and other places That great Father of Learning and policie Aristotle Tutor to the greatest Emperour Alexander the Great whose Authority is irrefragable in our Schooles resolves That true Kingdoms were erected at first and conferred on the worthiest men by the free voluntary joynt consent of the people and founded confirmed by the customes and Lawes of each country which Polibius also affirmes That there are 4 severall sorts of Kings some of greater some of lesser Authority and continuance then others some elective some successive some during life some Annuall all of them receiving their distinct jurisdictions Formes Limitations and different Royalties from the peoples primitive or subsequent institutions and consents For all men being equall by the Law of nature can have no dominion nor Supercrity one over another but by their own voluntary consents That the Lawes not the Kings Princes or Magistrates be they one or more or never so good ought to be the sole Lords or Rulers of the Common-wealth and that Princes and Governours ought to governe by the Lawes who cannot command what the Lawes doe not command That those who command that the Law should rule command that God and the Lawes should rule but he that commands a man to be a Prince he commands that both a man and beast should be Princes for covetousnesse and the lust of the minde is a certaine beast which poverts both Magistrates and the very best men but the Law is a constant and quiet Minde and Reason voyd of all motions of lusts and desires That the power of the greatest things and greatest power ought DE IVRE of right to be in all the people because their wisdomes resolutions and revenues considered altogether are greater and more considerable then those of a few wise or honest men placed in the highest offices of Magistracie who are but a small particle of the State in respect of all the people That the people ought to be of more power then the King or greatest Magistrates to prevent their Tyranny and Oppression and that a King ought to governe by his Lawes and not to doe any thing against them according to his lust wherefore he ought to have so much power and force wherewith he may protect the authority of the Lawes yea he must necessarily have forces and power yet so much onely as thereby he may be able to curbe every particular man or many also yet not so great power but that a populo autem universo idem REX ILLE IPSE COERCERI POTEST the very King himselfe may yet BE CVRBED by all the people such Guards verily the Ancients gave to their Kings when they would set any Tyrant or Governour over the City And when Dionysius required Guards a certaine Syracusan perswaded them to curbe such Guards to which Polybius also suffragates According to these Rules of Aristotle I read in Dionysius Halicarnassaeus and Polybius that in the Lacedemonian Common-wealth the Kings had not the chiefe Dominion so as they might doe what they pleased sed summa totius Reipub. administratio penes Senatum erat but the chiefe Government of the whole Commonweale was in the Senate from whence the Romanes tooke their patterne Alexander ab Alexandro Boemus and Xenophon write That the Lacedemonians sometimes elected a King out of the Family of the Heraclidae or of Agis but more often two joynt Kings of equall Authority out of the stock of Proclus and Aemisthenes who yet had not the chiefe Command as Kings Quia juris omnis publici potestas penes Senatum erat because the power of all publike law or rule was in the Senate the better to keep their Kings from attempting and usurping a Tyranny they being Kings rather in name then Dominion and like the Athaean two Annuall Praetors whence Aristotle makes them the lowest ranke of Kings Iohn Bodin informes us That in the Lacedemonian Aristocracie the Soveraignty remained in the State wherein were two Kings without any Soveraignty at all being indeed nothing else but Captains and Generals for the managing of their Warres and for that cause were by the other Magistrates of the State sometimes for their faults condemned to pay their fine as was Agesilaus and sometimes to death also as was
or were offended in minde that on the contrary they thought they lived a most blessed life For other men rashly giuing indulgence to the affections of nature acted many things accompanied with losses and dangers yea some men ofttimes although they foreknew they should sinne did notwithstanding perpetrate evill things being led away with love or hatred or some other perturbation of minde but they imbracing the rule of life approved by the most prudent men resolved not to erre from their duty in the least degree Whiles Kings used this Iustice towards their Subjects they had their Subjects bound unto them in greater benevolence and love then their very kindred For not only the Colledge of Priests but the whole Nation of the Aegyptians and likewise every one of them were not so carefull of their wives and children and private goods as of the safety of their Kings Wherefore they preserved the estate of the Republike intire for a long time under the mentioned kings spending their life in greatest felicity as long as this constitution of Lawes flourished And when these kings dyed all the Aegyptians generally mourned for them in an extraordinary manner divers wayes made solemne Orations in their praise buried them with great pompe and solemnity and erected Pyramides to their eternall honour all which funerall pompous solemnities many ill kings wanted after their deaths ob plebis refragationem because the people gain-sayed it who together with the Priests and Senates who were ever present with the kings to assist counsell and direct them were superiour to their kings since they could thus decree or deny them these funerall honours which made many of their following kings to addict themselves to just actions too for feare of contumelious handling and sempiternall ignominy after their decease So this Author To which I shall adde Xenophons definition of a Kingdome and Tyranny A kingdome is an Empire over men by their free assents according to the Lawes of the City And a Tyranny is an unlawfull Empire over men against their wills which depends upon the will of the Prince And this observation of Polybius That Kings in ancient times did give themselves wholly to doe that which was honest and just and to suppresse the contrary the very beginning of all true kingdomes and the end for which kings were first instituted by the people Whiles they thus demeaned themselves they were subject to no envy because they differed not much from others neither in apparell nor in meat and drinke but observed a conversation of life conformable to other men and lived perpetually like to others But afterwards when those who obtained the principality of succession and the prerogative of their blood had those things already provided which made them able to secure themselves and to support their state following their lusts by reason of their abundance they then thought it belonged to Princes to be better clad then subjects to exceed them in costlinesse and variety of meats and to use venery with whom they pleased Hence envy and offence was begotten and implacable hatred and anger kindled and a kingdome by this meanes changed into a Tyranny Hence men most generous and magnanimous bold spirits unable to beare such affronts and insolences of Princes seditiously conspire against them and the people having got such Captaines to make resistance joyne with them for the foresaid causes that the Princes may be repressed And thus the forme of a Kingdome and Monarchy is utterly taken away by the roots and the beginning of an Aristocracy again laid the people refusing to set any more a King over them yet not daring to commit the Republike to many fearing as yet the iujustice of Superiours and therefore most esteeme equality and liberty So that the Soveraigne power of setling of changing the Kingdome and forme of government resides principally in the people who as hee there largely proves by the Lacedemonian and Roman state ought to enjoy the Supreame authority and to be above their Kings as it seems the Aegyptian did who deposed and expelled Evergetes their King for his cruelty and after him their King Ptolomaeus Auletes setting up Cleopatra his eldest child in his Threne and as the Romane Senate did who had power to dispose of the common Treasury and revenue one of the greatest points of Soveraignty to appoint Lieutenants and Governours of Provinces to grant Triumphes to dispose of Religion for which cause Fertullian saith that never any God was received in Rome without the decree of the Senate and to receive answer and dismisse the Ambassadours of Kings and Nations which none else did but the Senate whose Soveraigne power was such that Tiberius the Emperour in the beginning of his Reigne called the Senators assembled altogether in the Senate Indulgentissimos DOMINOS his most loving LORDS and moved the Senate to divide the Empire not to commit it all to one man as we read in Tacitus though they were his Subjects and inferiours when divided and severally considered And such Soveraigne power had the Panaetolium or generall assembly of Parliament among the Aetolians who received and answered all Embassadours determined all affaires of warre and peace it being provided by the Lawes of the Aetolians that nothing should be intreated of concerning peace or war but in their Panaetolium or Pelaicon Councell as Livy and Bodin record But to leave these ancient and come neerer our present neighbor Kings and Kingdomes of greatest eminencie and power which may parallell our owne The Kings of France to whom Caessanaeus in his Catalogus Gloriae mundi gives precedency before all others and to the Emperour himselfe while but elect before his Coronation have in ancient times been inferiour to their Kingdomes Parliaments and subject to their censures even to deposition if not more though some cry them up for absoluts Monarchs and make them little better then Tyrants now Iohn Bodin a learned French Lawyer and Statesman writes That in ancient times the Kings of the Cities of the Gaules were subject to their States whom Caesar for this cause oftentimes calleth Reguli little Kings being themselves subjects and justifiable to the Nobility who had all the Soveraignty causing them even to be put to death if they had so deserved And that is it for which Amphiorix the Captaine Generall whom they called the King of the Lingeois said Our commands are such as that the people hath no lesse power over us then we over the people Wherein he shewed evidently that he was no soveraigne Prince howbeit that it was not possible for him to have equall power with the people as we have before shewed Wherefore these sort of Princes if they polluted with wickednesse and villany cannot be chastised by the Authority and severity of the Magistrate but shall abuse their wealth and power unto the hurt and destruction of good men IT ALWAYES HATH AND SHALL BE LAWFVLL not for strangers onely but
even for the subjects themselves also to take them out of the way But if the Prince be an absolute Soveraigne as are the true Monarchs of France c. where the Kings themselves have the soveraignty without all doubt or question not divided with their subjects in this case it is not lawfull for any one of their subjects in particular or all of them in generall to attempt any thing either by way of fact or justice against the honour life or dignity of the Soveraigne albeit hee had committed all the wickednesse impiety and cruelty that could be spoken so Bodin By whose words it is cleare that the ancient kings of France were inferiour in Jurisdiction to their whole kingdomes and Parliaments yea censurable by them to deposition or death Yet that their kings of late are growne absolute Monarchs above their kingdomes Nobles Parliaments and so not responsible to nor punishable by them for the grossest misdemeanours But if this their absolute Monarchy be onely an usurpation as many conceive it not of right by their Parliaments and kingdomes free grants and consents they are still in truth of no greater Authority nor no more exempted from iust censures then their predecessours Now it is clear that in ancient times the 3. Estates and great Councell of France assembled in Parliament and their twelve Peeres or kings as Fabian termes them were the highest power and judicature from which there was no appeale that the Kings of France could make no binding Lawes but by their Authority though now of late they doe what they please and that they have judged the differences between the Crownes of England and France as I have formerly proved and exercised the same or as great authority as the Parliament of England hath done which authority it hath lost by certaine degrees To give a few more instances to cleare this truth Pharamond the first King of the Franks that Reigned in France An. 420. was elected King by the unanimous vote and consent of all the people and by their advice and consent in his Raign the Salique Law was made to Regulate the discent of the Crowne that no women should be heires to it or claime it by discent which Law continues of force untill this day as all the French historians generally accord who make frequent mention of it though our English have much oppugned it as you may read in Hall and Speed Childericus the fourth King of France about the yeare 460. giving himselfe to all vice and cruelty in such extreame wise that hee became obible to his subjects perceiving the murmur of the people and fearing his sudden destruction by the counsell of Guynemeus fled out of his kingdome to Beseigne king of Thuringes Whereupon the French-men with one assent chose Gyll a Roman for their King and governour who laying grieveous Taxes upon his Subjects by the fraudulent counsel of Guynemeus a fast friend to Childericus and using sharp execution upon some of the Nobles so farre discontented his subjects that by the helpe of Guynemeus they deposed and chased him into Soysons and sending for Childerious againe restored and made him King after whose death his sonne Clodovius was by the people ordained and authorised for King of France between whose foure sonnes it was afterwards divided After the death of Chilpericus Clotharius being very young Gunthranus king of Orleans his uncle with the assent of the Nobles of the Realme was made his Tutor who comming to age hee offered to referre the differences between Sigebert and himselfe touching Austracy to which both laid claime to an Assembly of the Lords of that Kingdome and condemned Queen Brunicheild by the unanimous consent of the Lords to bee tyed by the haire of her head to a wilde horse taile and so to be drawed while shee was dead for her many murthers and criminous deeds which was accordingly executed King Dagobert exercised such tyranny and iniustice in pillaging his commons by Exactions and Tributes that those who dwelled in the out parts of the Realme neere the Turkes and other strange Nations chose rather to put themselves under their government than under the Rule of their owne naturall prince Poytiers rebelled against him his Lords murmured so much against him that Pipin and Martain two of his great Lords and agents to save his Crown dissuaded him from his ill counsells whence a little before his death calling a great counsell of his Lords Spirituall and Temporall hee made his will and setled his Kingdome by their advice dividing it between his two sonnes Theodoricus king of France giving himself to sloath and idlenesse committed the government of the Realme to Ebroyn Mr. of his Palace who did what he liked and vexed and troubled the Subjects grievously wherefore by assent the Lords assembled them and by authority deprived the King of all Dignity and closed him in a Monastery during the residue of his life when he had borne the name of a King without executing of the art thereunto belonging three yeares the cruell Ebroyn they exiled to Luxenbourgh during life making Childericus brother to Thesdericus King Ann. 669. who oppressing his subjects grievously and using the Lawes of his progenitors after his pleasure and uniustly causing a Noble-man called Belin to bee tyed to a stake and beaten to death without guilt or Treaspasse Hereupon the Lords and Commons fearing like punishment without deserving murmured and conspired against him and slew him and his wife then great with Childe as they were hunting in a wood After which they restored Theodericus whom they had deposed to his former dignity under whom Ebroyn getting into place and favour againe used such Tyrannie towards the Nobles and People that Pipin and Martaine raised a great army against him lest he should destroy the Commom-weale gave him battell and at last Hermefreditus slew him After which Pipin was made Master of the Palace in his place K. Daegobert the second dying without any Issue or knowne Heire at all one Daniel after named Chilpericke a Priest was by the Lords and peoples generall assent chosen King of France Anno 721. for that by their former experience of him they deemed him apt for the rule of the Land After whose death Theodoricus sonne to Dagobert secretly fostered among Nunnes within Nunneries in womans cloathing was espied and admitted for King During most of the forenamed Kings the grand Master of the Palace swayed the Kingdome at his pleasure and executed the Office of the Kings who had nothing but the bare name of Kings and were subject to this grand Officer Whereupon Theodoricus dying Childericus his sonne being a Sott and for his dulnesse unfit to governe Charles Martell Master of the Palace who swayed all things in Theodoricus raigne deceasing his two sons Charlemaine and Pipin by the advice of the Nobles of the Land considering the insufficiency of the King to rule so great a charge
divided the Land of France betweene them so that either of them should under the King Rule and Governe such proportion as then there was to them appointed Charlemayne soone after renounced his Government and turned Monke and Pipin as onely Ruler tooke upon him the charge of the whole Realme Pipin then considering in his minde in what danger and trouble before him his Father and he now had ruled the Land and that the King to whom belonged all the charge kept his Palaces and followed all his delights and pleasures without taking any paine for reformation of the same sent an ambassage to Pope Zachary asking his advice in point of conscience Whether it were more necessary or wealfull for the Realme of France that he should be admitted for King that did nothing but apply his minde to all bodily pleasures without care and charge takeâ— upon him for the guarding of the Land and the People of the same or he that tooke upon him all the charge and paine in defence of the Land and keeping of the people in the due subjection To this the Pope answered and wrote back to Pipin that he was best worthy and most profitable for the Realme to be admitted for King that ruled well the Commonalty by justice and prudence and the enemies thereof defended and subdued by his policie and manhood Aventine relates his answer more largely in these words I finde saith Zachary in the Story of Divine Scripture that the people fell away from their wretchlesse and lascivious king that despised the counsell of the wise men of the Realme and created a sufficient man one of themselves King God himselfe allowing their doings All Power and Rule belongs to God Princes are his Ministers in their Kingdomes And Rulers are therefore chosen for the people that they should follow the will of God the chiefe Ruler in all thing and not do what they list He is a true King that guideth the people committed to his charge according to the Prescript and Line of Gods Law all that he hath as power glory riches favour and dignitie HE RECEIVETH OF THE PEOPLE and the people MAY WHEN THE CAVSE REQVIRETH FORSAKE THEIR KING It is therefore LAVFVLL for the Franks and Germanes refusing this unkindly Monster Childericke to chuse some such as shall be able in warre and peace by his wisdome to protect and keep in safetie their Wives Children Parents Goods and Lives Which answer of the Pope recited and approved in our owne King Edward the Confessors Lawes and Childerickes deposition likewise Chap. 17. being declared to the Lords Barons and Commons of the Realme whom this Pope likewise wholly absolved from their allegiance to Childericke soone after they of one assent and minde proceeded and deposed and put downe their King and Governour Childericke being a Sott a foole a beast and one unfit to governe and closed him in a Monastery after he had reigned ten yeares in the Kings room by name onely which done they unanimously elected and crowned Pipin for their King By meanes whereof the Royall Line of Moroveus after 17 discents ended and the Crown was translated to Pipins blood Which act in point of policie is determined lawfull by Polybius who Writes That the reason why some Kingdomes became hereditary was onely this because their first Kings being vertuous and worthy men they were perswaded their Children would prove like them but if at any time they degenerat and prove otherwise and the posteritie of the first Kings displease the subjects they thenceforth make the Kingdome elective chusing Kings not according to their strength of body and mindes attempting great things but according to the difference of their will and reason manifested by their actions And by Aristotle who informes us That in Kingdomes confirmed in succession of blood this is to be numbred among the causes of their ruine that the Kingdomes descend to many contemptible and slothfull persons who although they obtaine no tyrannicall but Royall dignitie yet they live lustfully and proudly and so the Kingdome easily falls to ground and becomes a tyrannie the people being unwilling that such should rule over them and so either wholly alter the forme of government or make choice of a fitter King for the necessary preservation of the State yea this election in point of Police and Divinity too is justified and proved lawfull by Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotos by Iohn Mariana de Rege Regis Instit l. 1. c. 3 5. by Pope Zachary in his forceited Epistle by King Edward the Confessor in his Laws c. 17. by a generall Councell of all the Peers and Prelates of France Convocato enim Principum et Senatorum Concilio de COMMVNI SENSV ET VOLVNTATE OMNIVN Childericum solo nomine Regem à regni fastigio deponunt c. ac OMNIBVS GAVDENTIBVS ET VOLENTIBVS Pipinum super Francos REGNARE FACIVNT writes Antoninus and in a word our Bishop Bilson himselfe an Anti-Puritane and great Royalist affirmes That if the King be a naturall foole distracted and altogether unable to governe as Childericke was any Realme by publicke consent and advice may choose another to govern them of which more before Pipin deceasing Charlemain and Charles the great his sons reigned joyntly over the Frenchmen by their â—oyous admittance Having now two Kings instead of one Lewes sirnamed the godly sonne of Charles the great a pious yet unfortunate Prince by meanes of his sonne Lothair was first imprisoned and then by a Councell and Parliament held at Compaygne by authority of the spirituall and temporall Lords and of that Parliament discharged of all rule and dominion as well of the Empire as of the Realme of France after that shorne a Monke and thrust into the Monastery of Saint Marke where he was strictly guarded and when some of the Nobles and people afterwards desired Lothair to release and restore him to his former dignity he answered them That the deposing of him was done by the whole Authority of the Land wherefore if he should be againe restored it must be by the same Authority and not by him onely After which by the Lords assents hee was restored Lewes and Charles after Lewes Balbus their fathers death were joynt Kings of France and being very young by a Parliament held at Meaux Lewes the Emperour their Vncle was declared to be more apt to rule the Kingdome of France then these Infants or Barnard their Guardian and these Children held by some illegitimate Whereupon by the greater number of voyces an Ambassadour was sent to the Emperour to come and take upon him the Rule of middle France which he comming to doe his Nephewes friends compounded with him and then caused these Infants to be crowned and proclaimed Kings Charles the simple at his Fathers death Anno 895. being too yong to take upon him the charge of the Realme the Lords of France
put him under good and convenient guiding and of assent they chose Eudo a man of great fame and worth to be King of the Land for the terme of his life and to guide the Land till Charles should come to his lawfull age whom they put under Eudo his tuition making him King in his stead who was crowned of Walter then Archbishop of Senys After which when Eudo knew he should dye he called before him the Lords and Nobles of France charging them by solemne Oath that after his death they should immediately crowne Charles for their King whom he had brought up with diligence in learning and all Princely vertues being then of age to governe Charles comming to the Crowne the Danes miserably walled his Kingdomes Whereupon his Nobles and people assembled themselves in sundry companies and went to the King shewing their misery and blaming his fearfulnesse and negligence that he no more for him resisted the Danes cruelty Whereupon he out of feare belike lest they should chuse another King to protect them compounded with Rollo chiefe Commander of the Danes giving him all Normandy and his owne Daughter in Marriage to purchase peace Charles being afterwards slaine by Hebert Earl of Vermendoyes Algina his wife mistrusting the Frenchmen fled secretly with her young sonne Lewes Heire to the Crowne to Edward the Elder into England Whereupon that the Land might not be without a Ruler the Lords of France assembled at Paris and there tooke Councell to elect a new King where after long debate they named and crowned Raulfe sonne to Richard Duke of Burgundy King as next Heire to the Crown but young Lewes Raulfe dying after he had reigned 12 yeares the Nobles hearing that Lewes was alive in England sent for him into France and crowned him their King Lewes the 6. dying without issue being the last King of Pipens blood who enjoyed the Crowne 10. discents Hugh Capet usurped the Crowne putting by Charles Duke of Loraigne Vncle and next heire to Lewes whom by the Treason of the Bishop of Laon he took prisoner After which the Crowne continued in this Hugh and his Heires Philip the 2. of France by a counsell of his Prelates was excommunicated for refusing to take Ingebert his wife whom he unlawfully put from him and to renounce Mary whom he had married in her stead And calling a Parliament they concluded that King Iohn of England should be summoned to appeare as the French Kings Liege-man at another Parliament to be holden at Paris within 15. dayes after Easter to answer to such questions as there should be proposed to him for the Dutchy of Normandy and the County of Angeou and Poytiers who not appearing at the day Philip hereupon invaded and seized them After which Lewes the 9. and Henry the 3. of England in a parliament at Paris made a finall composition for these Lands Lewes the 10. being under age was thought of many unsufficient to govern the Realm and when he had a mind to goe to the holy Warre as it was then deemed he did not undertake it but by the advice of his great Councell of Spirituall and Temporall Lords and persons who assisted him therein Philip the 4. in the 27. yeare of his Raigne raised a great Taxe throughout France which before that time was never heard nor spoken of by his absolute Prerogative without consent of his Estates in Parliament which had the sole power of imposing Taxes Which Taxe all Normandy Picardy and Champaigne allying themselves together utterly refused to pay which other Countries hearing of tooke the same opinion so that a great rumour and murmur was raised throughout the Realme of France in such wayes that the King for pacifying the people was faine to repeale the said Taxe Lewes 11. of France dying without issue male left his Queen great with child whereupon Philip his Brother reigned as Regent of France till the childe was borne which proved a male named Iohn who dying soone after Philip was crowned King at Paris albeit that the Duke of Burgoyn and others withstood his Coronation and would have preferred the Daughter of King Lewes But other of the Lords and Nobles of France would not agree that a woman should inherit so great a Kingdome it being contrary to the Salique law This Philip by advise of evill counsell set a great Taxe upon his Commons to the Fifth part of their movable goods at which they murmured and grudged wondrous sore and before it was levied hee fell into a Feaâ—â—r Quartan and great Flixe whereof hee dyed which Sickenesse fell upon him by prayer of the Commons for laying on them the said grievous Taxe Charles the fifth of France having a purpose to drive all the English cut of Aquitaine and other parts of his Kingdome and being provided of all things which he thought needfull for the doing of it yet would not undertake the warre without the counsell and good liking of the Nobility and people whose helpe he was to use therein Wherefore he commanded them all to be assembled to a Parliament at Paris to have their advice and by their wisdome to amend what had by himselfe not altogether so wisely been done and considered of And this warre being at last decreed by the Councell prospered in his hand and tooke good successe Whereas when the Subjects see things done either without counsell or contrary to the wills and decrees of the Senate or Councell then they contemne and set them at naught or else fearfully and negligently do the command of their Princes of which contempt of Lawes Magistrates and seditious speeches ensue among the people and so at length most dangerous rebellion or else open conspiracy against the Prince as Bodin observes This Charles dying without Issue Maie leaving his Wife great with Childe Philip Earle ofValoyes his Nephew was by the Barons and Lords made Protector and Regent of the Realme of France untill such time as the Queene was delivered who being brought to bed of a Daughter onely hereupon Philip was crowned King Betweene him and King Edward the third of England and their Councells arose great disputations for the Right and Title to the Crowne of France for it was thought and strongly argued by the Councell of England for so much as King Edward was sonne and sole Heire to his Mother Queene Isabel daughter to King Philip le Beaw that he should rather be King of France then Philip de Valoyes that was but Cousin German to Philip le Beaw Of which disputations the finall resolution of the Lords and Parliament was That for an old Decree and Law by Authority of Parliament long before made which the English much oppugned that no woman should inherite the Crowne of France therefore the Title of Edward by might of the Frenchmen was put by and Philip by an Act of the whole French State by which his right was acknowledged admitted to the Government of the same After
which one Simon Poylet was hanged in Chaines Headed and Quartered at Paris for saying in open audience that the right of the Crowne of France belonged more rightfully unto King Edward then to King Philip who had long warres about these their Titles to the Crowne King Iohn of France in the fifth year of his reigne had by authority of the three estates of his Realme assembled in Parliament to wit of the spirituall Lords and Nobles and Heads of Cities and good Townes of his Kingdome 3000 men waged for a yeare granted to him to defend him and his Realme against Edward the third King of England who the next yeer following took King Iohn prisoner in the field Whereupon Charles Duke of Normandy his eldest sonne and Heire apparent assembled the 3 Estates at Paris in a Parliament there held craving aid of them to redeem their captivated King who promised their uttermost help herein desiring convenient time to consult thereof Which granted the three Estates holding their Councell at the Gray Fryers in Paris appointed fifty persons among them to take view and make search of the grievances and evill guidance of the Realme who after examination appointed six of themselves to acquaint the Duke That the Realme before time had beene misguided by ill Officers and except remedy for it were shortly found it should stand in perill to be lost wherefore they besought him to discharge all such as they would name unto him and over that to forfeit their Goods to the Kings use And first they name Peter Archbishop of Roan Chancellor of France Sir Simond de Bury chiefe Counsellor of the King and Parliament too Sir Robert de Lorize before time Chamberlaine to the King Sir Nicholas Brake Master of the kings Palaces Engueram Burgesse of Paris under Treasurer of France Iohn Pryll Soveraigne of the money King accounts and Iohn Channeon Treasurer of the Kings wars All which Officers they would should be discharged all royall Offices for ever Also they would that the King of Naverne then imprisoned by the King of France should be set free and that Duke Charles himselfe would be contented to be advised and counselled by such as they should appoint unto him namely by foure Prelates twelve Knights and twelve Burgesses which eight and twenty persons should have authoritie to rule and ordaine all things necessary for the Realme to set in and put out all Officers appertaining to the Realme with divers other requests which unto the Duke were nothing agreeable Vpon which requests the Duke gave answere That he would counsult with his Councell and thereupon would shape unto them some reasonable answere But first he desired to know what aide the three Estates would give unto him for delivery of his Father Whereunto was answered that the Clergie had given a disme and a halfe to be paid in a yeare with that that they may have license of the Pope and the Lords as much to be levied of their lands and the Commons the tenth penny of their moveable goods The morrow following the Duke and his Councell met and after many Messages betweene them and the three Estates offers to reforme some part of the Articles But the Estates firmely answered That unlesse he would reforme all the said faults and confirme the said Articles to their minde for the Common-wealth of all the Land they should not aide him with their Goods like as they shewed him The Duke hereupon secretly acquainted King John of these proceedings who wrote to him againe that in no wise he should agree to the said requests and to the end that these matters should not be touched in open Parliament he deferred the debate of them from day to day and at last by advice of his Councell dissolved the Parliament of the three Estates and commanded every man to returne home without any effect of their long counsell Wherewith many of the said persons were grievously miscontent saying among themselves that they perceived well this was done by the Duke to the intent the requests by them devised should not take place but that the old misgovernance might continue like as before times it had done Wherefore divers of them assembled againe at the Gray Fryers and there made out divers Copies of the said requests to bear them into their Countries and shew them unto the good Townes And albeit the Duke after this Councell thus disolved asked ayde of the Citie of Paris and other good Townes to maintaine his wars he was plainly answered That they might not ayde him unlesse the three Estates were againe reassembled and that the grant of the ayde might passe by their authority Whereunto the Duke in no wise would agree In the mean time the 3 Estates of Languedock assembled in their Province by the Earl of Armenake the Kings Lieutenant to make ayde for the Kings deliverance agreed to purvey at their proper costs 500 men at Armes with a furniture to every speare and a 1000 souldiers on horsbacke 1000 Arbalestres and 2000 others called Gunsiers all which to be waged for a whole yeare and farther ordained that no man should weare any furres of great price that women should leave the rich at tire off their heads and weare neither pearle nor gold upon them nor silver in their girdles and that all manner of Minstrelsie should be put to silence so long as the King remained prisoner The Duke and his Counsell after this proclaimed at Paris certaine coynes and values of money newly ordained by them with which Proclamation the Commons of the City were grievously â—moved And for reformation the Provost of the Merchants with others rode to the Earle of Angeou the Dukes Brother and Lieutenant who was then absent at Meaux requesting him to cease the use of that money And if not they would use such meanes that it should not be suffered to be put forth nor taken within the City Whereupon after long debate it was agreed that the money should be stopped till the Dukes pleasure was knowne Vpon whose returne the Dukes counsell sent for the Provost and desired him to suffer the said money to run and be currant throughout the said City Which the Provost with his company utterly denyed and after many great and bold words departed from the Counsell in great ire and after their returne unto the City incensed so the Commonalty that they set apart all workmanship and Occupation shutting in their Shops and drew unto their Armour and Harnes The Duke informed of this murmure of the Commonalty of the City straitly commanded the Provost that the Kings peace were kept within the City and that he with certaine Citizens should appeare at the Palace before him and his Counsell the next day at an houre assigned at which time the Provost with his company came and were conveyed into the Parliament Chamber where the Duke and his Counsell were present Then the Duke after certaine Challenges made to the Provost for his obstinacy and
which Lewes Duke of Orleance should be President Lewes discontented with the device seekes to hold his ranke he pretends that being the first Prince of the blood the Regency belonged unto him he assists at the Councell in Parliament and in the assemblies in Towne and notwithstanding the last VVill of King Lewes and the Decree of the Estates yet will he by force have the name and effect of Regent VVhereupon discontents arising he leaves the Court in discontent and raised a civill warre However the Estates setled the Regencie and affaires of the Realme Anno 1525. Francis the first King of France was taken prisoner by the Emperour Charles the fifth in the Battell of Pavia who by mediation of Friends for his enlargement sent the Earle of Reux his Lord Steward to offer the King Liberty so as he would resigne all the rights he pretended in Italy restore the Dutchy of Burgongue as belongeth to him by right with Provence and Dolphine for the Duke of Bourbon to incorporate them with other Lands which he had formerly enjoyed and to make all together a Kingdome Moreover the Emperour offered to give him his sister in marriage propounding many other conditions so absurd and void of reason as it is better to let the curious reade them in the Originalls themselves Amongst all losses that of Liberty toucheth neerest but Francis having learned to withstand all adversity with a constant resolution said I will dye a Prisoner rather then make any breach in my Realm for my deliverance whereof I neither WIL NOR CAN alienate any part without the consent of the Soveraign Courts and Officers in whose hands remains the authority of the whole Realm We preferre the generall good before the private interest of Kings persons If the Emperour will treat with me let him demand reasonable things which lye in my power then shall he finde me ready to joyne with him and to favour his greatnesse The Emperour seeing the King constant in this resolution in the end yeelded to his delivery upon these termes That within six weekes after his delivery he should consigne the Dutchy of Burgengue to the Emperour with all the dependancies as well of the Dutchie as of the County the which should hereafter be sequestred from the Soveraigntie of the Realme of France That he should resigne to the Emperour all his rights pretended to the Estates of Naples Milan Genoa and Ast That he should quit the Soveraignty of Flaunders and Arthois c. Hereupon the King being enlarged and arrived at Beyonne he was required to ratifie the Accord which he had promised to doe when hee came to a free place but he delayed it with many excuses giving the Emperour to understand that before he proceeded to such an act it was necessary that he should pacifie his Subjects who were discontented with bonds which tended to the diminution of the Crowne of France c. After which the Pope and the Venetians sending Messengers unto him he complained of the Emperour that he had wronged him in that he had forced him to make impossible promises and that he would be revenged if ever occasion were offered and that he had often told him that it was not in the power of a French King to binde himselfe to the alienation of any thing depending of the Crowne without the consent of the Generall Estates that the Lawes of Christians did not allow that he which was taken in Warre should be detained in perpetuall prison which was a punishment proper to Malefactors and not for such as had bin beaten by the cruelty of fortune that all men knew that Bonds made by constraint in prison were of no value and that the capitulation being of no force the faith likewise which was but accessary and the confirmation of the same could not be bound that by the oath which he had taken at Rhemes at his Coronation he was bound according to the custome of other Kings of France not to alienate the patrimony of the Crowne and therefore for these reasons he was no lesse free then ready to abate the Emperors pride The Emperor growing jealous of the Kings delayes for ratification thereof sent one unto him to be certified of his intent who found him very unwilling to leave Burgundy which being very prejudicall to the Crowne of France he said was not in his power to observe and that hee could not alien the Bourguinans without their assents in an assembly of the Estates of the Country which he intended to call shortly to know their minds By which it is most apparent that the Kings of France have no power at all to dispose of their Crown lands or alienate them to others as other Subjects may doe because they hold them onely in the right of their Crowne for their Kingdomes use and service the true proprieters of them Upon which very ground Philip Augustus King of France Anno 1216. in a solemne Assembly of the States at Lyons told Walo the Popes Legate who came to prohibit his Sonne Lewes to goe to receive the Crowne of England because King Iohn had resigned it to the Pope That no King or Prince can give away his Kingdom without the consent of his Barons who are bound to defend the Kingdome and if the Pope decreed to defend this errour he should give a most pernitious Example to all kingdomes Whereupon all the Nobles of France began to cry out with one mouth That they would stand for this Article unto death That no King or Prince by his sole pleasure could give his Kingdome to another or make it tributary whereby the Nobles of the Realme should be made servants And the next day Lewes his Advocate alledged that King Iohn for his homicides and many other enormities was justly rejected by his Barons that Hee should not reigne over them That he could not give the Crowne of England to any one without the assent of his Barens and that when he had resigned it he presently ceased to be a King and the Kingdome became void without a King and being so vacant could not be disposed of without the Barons who had lawfully elected Lawes for their King who in pursuance of this his Title which the Estates of France held just sailed into England took possession of the Kingdome received homage of all the Barons and Citizens of London who joyfully received him taking an Oath upon the Evangelists to restore them their good Lawes together with their lost Inheritances Henry the 2. of France being casually slaine by the Earle of Montgommery in running at the Tilt left the Crowne to Francis the 2. being but about 16. yeares of age the Queen Mother with his wives Vncles the Duke of Guise and the Cardinall of Loraigne hereupon usurped the Government of his person and Realme dispossessed the chiefe Officers of the Crowne kept backe the Princes of the Blood from Court the true and lawfull Governours of the State during the Kings minority
made by the Court of Parliament declared and did declare the Queen his Mother Regent in France and to have the care of bringing up his Person and the Government of the affairs of his Kingdome during his minoritie commanding the Edict to be enrolled and published in all the Bayliweeks Senescaushes and other jurisdictions depending upon the said Court of Parliament and in all other Parliaments of the Realme so that the Queene Mother was setled in the Regency by the Parliament and whole State of France After which Pasquier Counsellor and Master of Requests writ her a large Letter touching the Government of the State wherein he informed her That she must not forbear to assemble the Estates for the reason that some would suggest unto her that they will be some blemish to her greatnesse it is quite contrary The Estates having confirmed it by publike authoritie will settle it fully Commonly the Estates assemble to provide for the present and future complaints of the generall of this Monarchy and to reduce things to their ancient course the people being the foundation whereon this Realm is built and the which being ruined it is impossible it should subsist take away these new Edicts Impositions and Subsidies it is better to gratifie a people than to intreat them roughly Above all things beware that you follow not your own opinion alone in managing the affaires of the Realme Hereupon four and fifty Edicts and Commissions were revoked wherewith the Subjects had been oppressed When the King was to be Crowned the Prelates made this request to him at the Altar before his Coronation We pray and require that you would grant unto every one of us and the Churches whereof we have the charge the Canonicall priviledges good lawes and justice and that you will defend us as a king ought all his Bishops and their Churches Whereunto the king answered I promise to preserve you in your Canonicall priviledges as also your Churches and that I WILL GIVE YOV in the future GOOD LAWS and do you Iustice and will defend you by the help of God according to my power as a king in his Realm OVGHT TO DO IN RIGHT AND REASON to his Bishops and their Churches After which having been acknowledged their lawfull Prince BY A GENERALL CONSENT OF ALL THE ORDERS the Cardinall of Ioyeuse presented unto him the Oath of the Kingdome the sacred Bond of the fundamentall Lawes of the State the which he took publikely in these words with invocation of the Name of God having his hand upon the Gospell which he kissed with great reverence I promise in the Name of Iesus Christ these things to the Christians subject unto me First I will endeavour that the Christian people shall live peaceably within the Church of God Moreover I will provide that in all vocations theft and all iniquitie shall cease Besides I will command that in all judgements equitie and mercy shall take place to the end that God who is gentle and mercifull may have mercy both on you and me Furthermore I will seek by all means in good saith to chase out of my Iurisdiction and the Lands of my subjection all Hereticks denounced by the Church promising by Oath to observe all that hath been said So help me God and this holy Evangell After this Bellarmines Book of the Popes power in temporall causes Becanus and Scoppius Books Marianaes Book de Rege Regis instatutione Suarez his Book with others which taught That the Pope was above Kings in temporall things and that it was lawfull for private subjects by the Popes authoritie to murther kings that were Heretikes and that the murthers of Henry the third and fourth by Chastle and Ravillac were lawfull and commendable were prohibited and condemned to be burnt by Edicts of Parliament Anno 1611. the Reformed Churches of France at their generall Assembly at Samure by the Kings permission made a generall Vnion which they did swear to keep inviolably for the good quiet and advancement of the said Churches the service of the King and Queen Regent and preservation of the Estate and appointed six Deputies therein for the dispatch of all their affaires Anno 1614. the Prince of Conde with divers other Princes Dukes Peer Noblemen and Officers of the Crowne retinued from the Court in discontent and meeting at Meziers writ severall Letters to the Queen Parliament and others complaining therein of divers grievances and disorders in the government which they desired might be redressed by summoning a generall Assembly of the three Estates to be free and safe to be held within three moneths at the furthest protesting that they desired nothing but peace and the good of the Realme that they would not attempt any thing to the contrary unlesse by the rash resolution of their enemies who covered themselves with the Cloke of State under the Queene Regents authority they should be provoked to repell the injuries done unto the King and State BY A NATVRALL IVST AND NECESSARY DEFENCE After which with much adoe Articles of Peace were concluded on at Saint Manehold between the King Queen Regent and these Nobles wherein it was among other things accorded That the generall Estates of the Realme should be assembled at Sens by the four and 20. day of August in which the Deputies of the three Estates may with all libertie propound what soever they shall think in their consciences to be for the good of the Realme and case of the subject that thereby the King with the advice of the Princes Estates might make some good Laws and Ordinances to contain every man in his dutie to fortifie the Lawes and Edicts made for the preservation of the publike tranquilitie and to reforme the disorders which may give just occasion of complaint and discontent to his good subjects That the Kings Mariage with Spaine formerly concluded on should be respited and not proceeded in during his minority that all Garisons put into any places of the Realme by reason of the present motions should be discharged that Letters Patents be directed to all Courts of Parliament to be verefied by which his Majestie shall declare that the said Princes Nobles and others of what quality and condition soever which have followed and assisted them in these alterations had no bad intentions against his service with all clauses necessary for their safeties and discharges that they may not be called in question hereafter and that they shall be restored to their Offices Estates and Dignities to enjoy them as they had formerly done And in like manner his Majestie shall write to all Princes Estates and Common-wealths allied to the Crowne and men of qualitie shall be sent expresly to them to let them understand what he had found concerning the innocency and good intention of the said Princes Officers and Nobles After which the three Estates were published Deputies elected and the King by his Councel and Parliament of Paris was declared of full age
of their Kingdom and Estates assembled as some falsly averre they are because our Royalists and Court Doctors parallell England with France making both of them absolute Monarchies and our greatest malignant Councellors chiefe Designe hath been to reduce the Government of England to the late modell and new arbitrary proceedings of France which how pernicious they have proved to that unfortunate Realm what infinite distructive civill warres and combustions they have produced and to what unhappy tragicall deaths they have brought divers of their Kings Princes Nobles and thousands of their people the premisses other Storyes will so far discover as to cause all prudent Kings and Statesmen to steer the Helme of our own and other Kingdoms by a more safe steddy and fortunate compasse Thus I have done with France and shall recompence any prolixity in it with greater brevity in other Kingdoms when I have overpassed Spain From France I shall next steer my course to the Kingdomes and Kings of Spaine whom Iacobus Valdesius Chancellor to the King of Spain in a large Book de Dignitate Regum Regnorumque Hispaniae printed at Granado 1602. professedly under takes to prove to be of greater dignity and to have the Precedency of the Kings and Kingdoms of France which Cassanaeus and all French Advocates peremptorily deny The first Kings of Spain over-run by the Goths and Wisigoths are those their Writers call the Gothish Kings who as Michael Ritius de Regibus Hispaniae L. 1 2. Iohannis Mariana de rebus Hispaniae L. 2 3. the Generall History of Spain and othes affirme were elected by and had their authority from the people You may reade their lives and successions at large in these Authors and finde some of there dis-inherited and deposed by their subjects others of them in ward during their minorities to such as the State appointed others murdered but all of them subject to the Lawes of their Realms as it is evident by the expresse ancient Law of the Wisigoths having this Title Quod tam Regia potestas quam populorum universitas Legum reverentiae sit subjecta by other lawes thereto annexed by Iohannis Mariana De Rege Regis institutione L. 1. c. 9. Those whom they properly call Kings of Spain had their royall authority derived to them conferred on them by the people upon this occasion Spain being a Provincesubject to the Roman Empire was spoyled over-runne and possessed by the barbarous Moors for many years in which time the Spanyards oft solicited the Roman Emperours for ayde to expell the Moors but could gain none Whereupon to free themselves and their Countrey from slavery they chose one Pelagius for their Captain by whose valour they conquered the Moors and thereupon by unanimous consent Elected and Crowned Pelagius King of Oviedo whom the Spanish Writers mention as the first King of Spain And this their desertion by the Emperours the Spanish Writers generally hold and g Iacobus Valdesius proves it largely to be a sufficient lawfull ground for the Spanyards even by the generall law of Nations to cast off their subjection to the Roman Empire and to elect a King erect a Kingdom of their own exempt from all subjection to the Emperor since they purchased their own libertie and Countrey from the Gothes by conquest of themselves alone without any aide or assistance from the Roman Emperours to whom for this reason they hold themselves and their Kingdom no wayes subject yet for all this they deem their Kings inferiour to their whole Kingdoms and censurable yea deposable by them as is cleer by the forecited passage of the Bishop of Burgen Ambassadour to the King of Spain in the Councell of Basill and by Johannis Mariana the Jesuites Book de Rege Regis Institution dedicated to Philip the third King of Spain printed at Madrit in Spain by this Kings own speciall priviledge Dated at Madrit January 25. 1599. and after this reprinted at Mentz in Germany Anno 1605. Cum privilegio sacrae Caesariae Majestatis to wit of the Emperour Radulph the second permissu Superiorum who certainly would not thus specially approve authorize this Book for the Presse had it maintained any Positions contrary to the Laws or derogatory to the Prerogative Royall of the Crownes and Kingdoms of Spain though other States cannot so well digest it In this very Book the Authour who hath likewise written a large History of the affaires and Kings of Spain professedly maintains in a speciall Chapter wherein he debates this Question Whether the power of the Republike or King be greater That the whole Kingdom State and People in every lawfull Kingdom and in Spain it selfe are of greater power and authority then the King His reasons which I have for brevity digested into number in his own words are these First because all Royall Power that is lawfull hath its originall from the People by whose grant the first Kings in every Republike were placed in their Royall Authoritie which they circumscribed with certain laws and sanctions lest it should too much exalt it selfe to the distruction of the Subjects and degenerate into a Tyrannie This appears in the Lacedaemonians long since who committed onely the care of Warre and procuration of holy things to the King as Aristotle Writes Also by a later example of the Aragonians in Spain who being incited with an earnest endeavour of defending their libertie and not ignorant how the hights of Libertie are much diminished from small beginnings created a middle Magistrate like the Tribunall power commonly called at this time Aragoniae Iustitia the Justice of Aragon who armed with the lawes authoritie and endeavours of the people hath hitherto held the Royall Power included within certain bounds and it was specially given to the Nobles that there might be no collusion if at any time having communicated their counsell among themselves they should keep assemblies without the Kings privity to defend their Lawes and Liberties In these Nations and those who are like them no man will doubt but that the authoritie of the Republike is greater then the Kings Secondly because in other Provinces where the people have lesser and the Kings more power and all grant the King to be the Rector and supream Head of the Commonwealth and to have supream authoritie in managing things in times of warre or peace yet there the whole Commonwealth and those who represent it being chosen out of all Estates and meeting together in one place or Parliament are of greater power to command and deny than the King which is proved by experience in Spain where the King can impose no Taxes nor enact no Laws if the people dissent or approve them not Yea let the King use art propound rewards to the Citizens sometimes speak by threats to draw others to consent to him solicite with words hopes and promises which whether it may be well done we dispute not yet if they shall resist their judgement shall be
preferred and ratified before the Kings will Thirdly because when the King dies without Issue or Heir the Kingdom and people not the Prince deceased ought to chuse the succeding King out of another Family Fourthly because if the King vexe the Republike with his evill manners and degenerate into an open tyrannie the same Commonwealth may restrain him yea deprive him of the Principalitie and of his life to if need be which it could not do unlesse it were of greater Power then the King Fiftly because it is not likely that the whole Kingdom and Common-weal would ever strip themselves of all Power and Authority and transfer it to another without exception without counsell and reason when they had no necessitie to do it that so the Prince subject to corruption and wickednesse might have greater Power then they all and the Issue be more excellent then the Father the River than the Spring the Creature than the Creator of it And although perchance it be in the pleasure of the Commonweal to take away the plenary Power from it self and give it to the Prince yet the Commonwealth should do unwisely to give it and the Prince rashly to receive it by which the subjects of Free men should become Slaves and the Principalitie given for their safetie should degenerate into a Tyrannie which then onely is Regall if it contain it self within the bounds of modesty and medâ—critie which Power whiles some unwisely labour daily to augment they diminish and utterly corrupt it that Power being onely safe which puts a measure to its strength for a Prince ought to rule over those who are willing to gain the love of his subjects and seek their welfare which Power if it grows grievous takes the King off his peoples love and turns his power into weaknesse Which he proves by the forecited Saying of Theopompus For Princes who impose a Bridle on this greatnesse more easily govern themselves it and their subjects whereas those who forget humanity and modestie the higher they climb the greaâ—er is their fall This danger our Ancestours wise men considering how they might keep their Kings within the limits of mediocrity and modesty so as not to lift up themselves with overmuch power to the Publike prejudice have enacted many things wisely and excellently among others this That nothing of great moment should be decreed without the consent of the Peers and people and to that end they had a custom to assemble Parliaments chosen out of all orders of men as Prelates Lords and Burgesses of Cities which custom at this time is still retained in Aragon and other Provinces and I wish our Princes would restore it For why is it discontinued for the most part in our Nation but that the common consent being taken away and Parliaments excluded wherein the publike safety is contained both publike and private affairs may be turned into the Princes pleasure and the lusts of a few corrupt vicious and voluptuous Courtiers and Parasites may domineer and order all things Sixtly because many great and learned men held that the Pope of Rome who is of greater Power then any King is yet subject to the whole Church and a Generall Councell therefore the King must much more be inferiour to his Kingdom Seventhly because the whole Commonwealth hath greater strength and forces than the Prince be he never so great in Power and therefore if they disagree their Power will be greater Yea Aristotle wisely would have the Commonweal not onely to be of greater authority but likewise to have stronger Forces then the King which he proves by Aristotles forceited words by the practice of the Ancients and those of Syracuse who did moderate their Tyrants and Kings Guard so that they might be able to over-power and master them upon any occasion How great the authoritie of our Republike and Nobilitie was in the times of our Ancestors I will give you but one example and so conclude Alfonso the eight King of Casteil besieged Concha a City seated in Rockie places and the most firme Bulwark of the Moors territories on that part wanting money to pay his souldiers and thereupon provisions failing the King hastens to Burgon and in a nationall assembly he demands that because the people were wearied with Taxes for supporting the Warre the gentlemen would give five Muruedines a Poll to his treasury that this opportunitie of blotting out the name of the Mores was not to be omitted Dieglius then Governour of Cantabria assented to this Counsell Peter Earl of Cara withstood this motion and gatherieg a band of Nobles departed from the assembly readily to defend with Armes the Liberty gotten by their Ancestors with Armes and valour affirming that he would neither suffer a beginning to be made of oppressing and vexing the Nobilitie with new Subsidies from this entrance or occasion That to suppresse the Mores was not of so great moment that they should suffer the Commonwealth to be involved in a greater servitude The King moved with the danger desisted from that purpose The Nobles taking advice decreed to entertain Peter with a banquet every year as a reward to him and his Posteritie of this good service a monument so posterity of a thing well done and a document that they should not suffer the right of libertie to be diminished upon any occasion Let it be a fixt resolution therefore to provide for the safetie of the Commonwealth for the Authority of the Prince yet so as to retain their royall principality in order with certain bounds and limits and that those vain talking parasites and decevers may not ruine both who exalt the Princes Power without measure of which we may see a great number in Princes Courts excelling in wealth favour and power which plague shall alwayes be accused and complained of but shall ever be and continue Thus Mariana who in his next Chapter worthy reading proves at large by invincible arguments That all Kings and Princes among others the Kings of Spain are and ought to be bound by Laws and are not exempted from them that this doctrine ought to be inculcated into thy mindes of Princes from their infancy and to be beleeved yea oft considered of them that they are more strictly obliged to observe their Laws than subjects because they are sworn to do it they are the Conservators of the Laws the Avengers of those that infringe them and their examples are the best means to draw subjects to obey them Where he again affirms That the whole Kingdom is above the King and may not onely binde him by Lawes but question him for the breach of them Before both these in his first Book De Rege Regum institutione Chap. 3 4 5 6 7. he affirms the like adding moreover That in many other Realms more where the Crown is hereditary the whole Commonwealth not the King hath and ought to have the chief power to designe by a Law which the King himself may not alter but by
their consents who shall be the next Heir to avoid questions and commotions about the Title to the Crown That where the Right of the Crown is in controversie the whole Kingdom and State ought to decide the right and settle it where they see best cause That if the right Heir in Hereditary Kingdoms yea in Spain be an Ideot Infant Woman or a person unmeet or not so fit to Governâ— as others of the blood he may be lawfully put from the Crown and another of their Race lawfully substituted King in his place by the whole State especially when the good or safetie of the Commonwealth requires it because the safety of the people is the supremost Law and what they by common consent have Enacted onely for the publike safetie they may without any obstacle alter when things require it by like common consent especially because the hereditary Rights of reigning are for the most part made rather by the dissimulation of the People not daring to resist the will of former Princes then by their certain will and the free consent of all the Estates That he which is thus settled by consent of all the Estates hath a just Title against the next Heir of the Blood and his Issue who are put by the Crown else divers Kings and Princes now reigning in Spain elswhere should be usurpers and want good Titles to their crownes they or their Ancestorâ— being not the next right heires of the Royall Stock for all which particulars he gives sundry instances in the Kingdomes of Spaine as in Berengaria Blanch the Mother of Lewes of France Ferdinand Sancho the younger sonne of Alfonso Henry the Bastard Iohn King of Portugall Fardinand and Iohn the 2. of Aragon c. concluding That if the King degenerate into a Tirant by subverting Religion Lawes Liberties oppressing murthering or deflowring his subjects the whole Kingdome may not onely question admonish and reprehend him but in case he prove incorrigible after admonition deprive him and substitute another in his place which saith he hath been done more then once in Spain Thus King Peter was publikely rejected for his cruelty to his subjects and Henry his Brother though of an unclean Mother obtained the Crowne so Henry his Nephewes Nephew for his slothfulnesse and evill manners was deposed by the Nobles suffrages and Alphanso his Brother though but a yong child proclaimed King After his death Elizabeth Henry his sister had the chiefe government of the Realme leaving Henry And for a conclusion he addes That such a Tyrannicall King continuing incorrigible after publike admonitions of the whole State if there be no hopes of amendment may not onely be deposed but put to death and murthered by the whole State or any particular persons by their appointment yea without it a note somewhat above Ela if he be declared a publike enemy by the whole state and in case the whole states cannot publikely assemble by reason of such a Princes knowne notorious tyranny he writes That then in such a case it is lawfull for any private man to murther him to free the Countrey and Kingdome from destruction Adding that it is a wholsome meditation for Princes to be perswaded that if they oppresse the Common-wealth if they become intoller able thorow vices and filthinesse that they live in such a condition that they may not onely be slaine of right but with laud and glory Peradventure this feare â—â—â—retard some Princes that they give not themselves wholly to be corrupted with vices flatterers and cast bridles upon their fury That which is the chiefe let the Prince bee perswaded that the authority of the whole Common-wealth is greater then his being but one neither let him beleeve the worst of men affirming the contrary for to gratifie him which is very pernicious All these positions of Mariana however other Kings and Kingdomes may relish them especially the last touching private Subjects which few can approve the Parliaments of France doing publike execution on this Book as they had just cause for extolling and justifying the barbaroâ—s murther of their King Henry the 3. by James Clement a Dominican Frier l. 1. c. 6. p. 51. to 57. and justifying the Guises Rebellion are yet authorized as Catholike and Orthodox by the most Catholike King of Spaine and the Emperour of Germany in whose Kingdomes they passe for currant coyne the most dangerous of them being seconded not onely by Hieronymus Blanca in his Aragonensium Rerum Commentariis Iohannis Pistorius Hispaniae Illustratae c. and other Spanish Historians collected by him but likewise by Alvarius Pelagius Cardinall Tolet Capistranus Dominicus Bannes Franciscus Victoria Simancha Patensis Gregory de Valentia Suarez the Doctors of Salamancha Becanus Bellarmine with other Spanish Iesuites Writers who most heretically affirme That even the Pope alone either with or without a Councell for heresie as they deem it and obstinacy against the See of Rome may excommunicate censure depose kill or murther any Christian Princes depose them from their thrones dispose of their Crownes to others at their pleasures absolve their subjects wholly from their allegeance and give subjects power to rise up in armes against and murther them by open force or secret treachery which Bishop Bilson truly affirmes to be farre more dangerous and derogatory to Princes then to attribute such a power not to any particular persons but to their own whole Kingdomes and Parliaments onely who being many in number of the same Nation and Religion with and having many dependances on and many engagements by oath duty favours benefits to their Princes lesse malice against them judging onely according to the fundamentall Lawes of the Realme and former presidents of their Ancestors and aiming at nothing but their Kingdomes safety are like to be more just indifferent Iudges of their Princes action when questioned then the Pope a meer enemy and forraigner who proceeds by no other authority but what he hath unjustly usurped from Kings and by no other rules but his owne will pride malice honour or profit I have thus given you an account of the Kings of Spaines subordination to their whole kingdomes and Lawes in point of Thesis and positive Doctorine approved by themselves professed by their eminentest Writers I shall now proceed to Historicall examples to confirme it in point of practise Ordogno the 14. king of Castile summoned 4. Earles of Castile to appeare before him who refused to goe to the warres against the Saracens promising them safe conduct not withstanding he commanded them to be apprehended imprisoned and slain for which bloody Treachery those of Castile rebelled against him rejecting his government and providing for the safety of them and theirs Duos Milites non de potentioribus sed de prudentioribus eligerunt quos Iudices statuerunt c. They elected two prudent Knights of their owne to be their Magistrates and Iudges to governe them to manage their warres and administer justice to them the one
was named Flaevius Calvus the other Nunius surnamed de Rasura whose Son Gondesalvus after his Fathers death was substituted in his place made Generall of the Militia Principatum Militiae addiderunt and his son after him tam à Magnatibus Militibus quà m AB VNIVERS IS POPVLIS CASTELANIS made Earle of Castile and all submitted themselves to his government rejecting the Dominion both of Ordogno and his brother King Froila after him for their tyranny and trechery Alphonso the great King of Gallecia about the yeere of Christ 918. imprisoning his eldest sonne Garsias laying him in irons and exercising other cruelties was by the practise of his owne Queen Semena and his other sonnes and Nobles so prosecuted and put to such streights that they enforced him to resign his Crown to his sonne Garcias and to deprive himselfe of his gouernment in the presence of his sons and the grandees of his Realm after which he requested his sonne to raise and grant him an Army to goe against the Sarazens who condescending thereto hee gained a glorious Victory ouer them and so dyed Alphonso sonne of Ordogno King of Castile after 5. yeers reigne out of levity rather then Religion resigned his Crown to Ramire his younger Brother and then turnd Monk about the yeer 939. but not long after casting off his Coul leaving his Monastery he began to raise forces and to aspire to the Crown again which he had resigned wherupon Ramir raised an Army against him and after 2. yeers waries took him prisoner put out his eyes and thrust him into a Monastery Iohn the first the 35 King of Castile after the death of Ferdinand King of Portugall claimed that kingdome in right of Eleanor his wife and next Heire but the Portugals elected Iohn a bestard a Knight of the blood Royall for their King and excluded Eleanor Henry the 4. the 38. King of Castile having no children lawfully begotten would have made Elizabeth his bastard daughter heire to the Crown but the Nobles would no wayes permit it and resisting him with all their might preferred his own sister Elizabeth to the Crown and married her to Ferdinand the 6. sonne to Iohn King of Arragon rejecting his spurious daughter And Frier Iohn de Teixera iâ— his Book of The Originall of the Kings of Portugall affirmes that the Kings of Portugall were usually ELECTED BY THE SVFFRAGES AND FREE CHOICE OF THE PEOPLE who had power to conferre the Kingdome on whom they pleased averring that Alfonso 1. 3. and 5. Iohn the 1. Emanuel and Antonio Kings of Portugall were thus elected Which though Duardus Nomus Leo a Portugois Lawyer denyes and seemes to refute yet he grants freely that the Parliament or Assembly of the Estates in Portugall have usually determined the Title Right and ordered the Succession of that Crown in the Cases of these Princes and determined of their Legitimate or spurious birthes That when the Kings of Portugall have dyed without Heires they have BY THE LAW OF ALL NATIONS freely elected whom they thought meetest for their King And that after the death of King Ferdinand they put by Iohn and Ferdinand the sonnes of King Peter begotten of Agnes de Castro his Concubine from the Crown because they were bastards and moreover enemies to the name and Realme of the Portugois entring with Henry and Peter Kings of Castile in an hostile manner with an Army into the Confines of Portugall wasting them every where and doing great dammages to and committing many murthers among their Citizens for which reason the States assembled at Coimbri resolved that although they were legitimate yet THEY COVLD NOT OBTAIN THE SVCESSION OF THAT KINGDOME quod se hostes alienos a Portugalia declarassent because THEY HAD THVS DECLARED THEMSELVES ENEMIES AND ALIENS TO PORTVGALL And therefore beleeving the Kingdome to be void for want of a right heire to succeed in which case BY THE LAW OF ALL NATIONS THEY MIGHT LAWFVLLY ELECT THEM WHAT KING THEY PLEASED they chose Iohn the Bastard King After which he shewes that Philip the 2. his Title to the Crown was long debated by and resolved in the Assembly of the States of Portugall in the life of king Henry who summoned all the Pretenders to the Crown to come and declare their Titles to it in a Parliament held at Almierin upon the Petition of the Senate and People who earnestly pressed him that the Title of the crown might be setled and discided during his life to prevent division and civill warres after his death By which it is apparent that the Assembly of the Estates of Portugall is the most Soveraign power and above their kings themselves It is clear that the Gothish kings which reigned in Spain were not hereditary but elective yea censurable excommunicable and desposable by them for their Male-administrations The Generall History of Spaine is expresse that among the Goths they did not reigne by right and succession from Father to Sonne but those were chosen Kings among them which were held worthy which election was made by the Nobility and People and if any one did affect that dignity by any other unlawfull meanes he was excommunicated and rejected from the company of christians as appeares by the 5. Councell of Toledo Thus Vallia the 1. king of the Goths An. 418. Agila the 11. king An. 546. Luiba the 13. king An. 565. Gundamir the 18. king An. 610. Suintilla the 20. king An 621. Tulca the 23. king An. 642. Bamba the 26. king of Goths an 672. to omit others were elected by the Nobles and people though now and then the Crown went by succession through usurpation rather then right Theodiscle the tenth king of the Goths in Spaine giving himself to lusts and adulteries polluted great and honest families corrupted Nobles wives and committed many murthers whereupon the chiefe of the Goths conspiring against him strangled him at Sevill â—â—oting in his banquets and elected Agila for their king So Victrix the 17. king of the Goths a vitious base unworthy Prince was miserably slain by his own people for his vitiousnesse as he sate at Table Suintilla the 20. king of the Goths in the beginning was a good Prince but in the end he grew exceeding covetous and cruell wherefore the Goths made him resign his Kingdome about the yeare 630. and deprived him of the crowne he was likewise excommunicated by the Bishops whose power at that time began to equall that of Kings at the Councell of Toledo which interdicted him with Geilands brother their wives and children the communion and fellowship of the Church and the possession of their goods gotten by violence and tyrannicall meanes and Sisenand his adversary with the consent of the people obtained the Kingdom The 6. Councel of Toledo under Cinthilla the 22. king of Goths about the yeare 686. decreed and by a perpetuall law imposed on the Kings of Spain not to suffer any one to live
within their Dominions which was not a Catholike the which their kings should solemnly sweare before they were crowned and if any king should goe against that Law which he had thus sworn he should be excommunicate and accursed in sight of the eternall God and made the fuell of eternall fire which Canon was made not only by the assent of this king his Bishops 〈…〉 with the consent deliberation of his Nobles and great men In the 5. Councel or Toledo under this king it was decreed Gen. 2 3 4 5 6 7 That the kings children and faithfull servants after their deaths should not be deprived of the lands honours and just rewards by the â—ucceeaing kings which had been conferred on them in their lives That no man should aspire to the crowne licentiously under pain of excommunication and a divine Anathema whom neither THE ELECTION OF ALL nor the Nobility of the Gothish Nation had no advanced to this top of honour That none should auring the kings life endeavour or use meanes to succeed him after his death nor yet revile the Prince under paine of excommunication All which particulars were ratified by new Canons in the 6. Councell of Toledo under this king Can. 14 15 15 17 18. with this addition That the king being dead none should usurp the kingdome by tyrannicall presumption that none who had been shâ—â—ven a Monke or dishonestly bald or descended from a servile stocke or a man of a forraign Nation unlesse worthy both in respect of his Pedigree and manners should be promoted to the Throne of the Kingdome nor no man attempt the Princes destruction life or usurp his Crowne tyrannically under pain of being 〈◊〉 with a perpetuall Anathema and eternall condemnation for breach of any the premises These Councels as Mariana observes were in truth Generall Assemblies of the Estates where they handled not only matters of Religion but likewise of the Common-weale by common consent of all Bamba the 26. king of the Goths after Lewes de Mayern Turquets computation which I follow but 3â— after Roderick Sancho was elected king by the Goths as he was plowing with his Oxen in the field being a plain countrey man Some say that he would never have received this honour and charge but by constraint and that refusing absolutely a Noble man of the Goths drew his sword and threatned to kill him if he did not yeeld to the Gothes intreaties and that his Goad wherewith he drove his Oxen did suddenly in his hand bring forth leaves fruit and roots whereupon he took this dignity upon him more for fear than for any desire to reign Anno 672. After which Eruinge ambitious of command poisoned king Bamba so as he became madde for curing whereof many naturall and superstitious medicines were applyed but to small effect so as Bamba coming a little to himself again and finding his disabilitie to govern willingly quit the Crown and retired himselfe into a Monastery at Pampliga where he lived seven years and one moneth and Eruinge was chosen king in his place whose Election was confirmed and allowed lawfull in the 12 Councill of Toledo Can. 1. as Elected thereto by God and ALL THE PEOPLES DESIRES whom this Councell absolved from their Oath of allegiance formerly made to King Bamba whiles he held the Kingdom In the thirteenth Councell of Toledo under this King Eruinge Anno 684. it was decreed That neither the King nor any other should marry the Widow of the deceased King upon pain of excommunication and to be damned to Hell fire Vitiza the nine and twentieth King of the Gothes at his first coming to the Crown shewed himself milde liberall and religious but soon after became the infamy and dishonour of Kings being full of all excesse of lust impiety hypocrisie and dissimulation and exceeding in all vices without shame he filled his Palace with many Wives which he married and Concubines too he publikely allowed to all men Nobles Commons Priests and Clergy to marry as many wives and keep as many Whores as they pleased he used great crueltie to many flattered the Clergy lest by their censures they should draw the people from obeying so filthy and unchaste a king To prevent all rebellions under the colour of peace which Spain did then injoy he caused all the Towns of Spain to be dismantled except Leon Toledo and Asturica he disarmed the people disanulled all the immunities of the Church he recalled the banished the Jews and granted them great priviledges he advanced a most wicked wretch to great honours execrable to all the people that so he might not say himself was the worst of men Finally as a presage of his future miseries he shewed in all sorts of excesse and violence contrary to the Laws of God and men what Princes ill instructed and ignorant of true pietie could do A Buffone asking him meâ—rily Why do you being a King the son of a King do thus you may lose your Kingdom Hereplyed like another Dionysius My Father left me his kingdoms not fortune In fine Rodorick obtained the Corwn who soone after exceeded Vitiza in all manner of vices cruelty and tyrannie and ravished the daughter of Iulian Earl of Cava whiles he was in embassage in Affrick for the affairs of the kingdom Who to revenge this indignity and cast out this wicked Monster Anno 713. called the Mores into Spain who over-ran and conquered the Kingdom destroyed Rodorick and put a Period to the Gothes kingdom in Spain Thus Tyrannicall vitious Princes ruine at last both themselves and their Realms Among the Lawes of the Wisigothes Lib. 2. c. 2. 6. I finde not onely an Act declaring their Kings to be subject to their Lawes as well as subjects but likewise a Law restraining their Kings excesses and dis-inabling them to alien their Crown lands or revenues to their own Children or others but onely the Lands which themselves shall purchase which was likewise decreed in the eighth Councill of Toledâ— under king Recâ—â—niâ—thus where in there was this complaint made Quosdam conspeximus Reges post quam fuâ—rint regni gloriam assequuti exâ—â—nuatis viribus populorum rei propriae congereâ—e lucrum 〈◊〉 quod reges sunt vocati defensionem in vastationem conversunt qui vastationem desensione pelle â— debuerunt illud gravius innâ—ctentes quod ea quae videntur acquirere non regni deputant honori vel gloriae sed ita malunt in suo jure confundi ut voluti ex debito descernant haec in liberorum posteritatem transmitti Resolving that non personae sed 〈…〉 subdi debere non habenda parentali successione sed possidenda regali congressione regem terrenum jura faciunt non persona c. I likewise finde another Law nullifying all unjust judgements and sentences given by Iudges through fear or command of the King And another Law giving the King power over all offenders against himself but denying him
power to pardon any Delinquâ—rts against the Nation or Countrey All which considered prove the whole State Kingdom and Councels among the Spanish Gothes to be about their kings who were lyable to their restraints excommunications Laws Censures Depositions for their male-administrations vicious lives and not successive but elected by them Pâ—lagius the first king of Oviedo was elected king and that kingdom erected by the generall consent of the people oppressed by the Moors about the year 618. during whose reign there were severall Vice-royes of the Moors in Spain as Alcazazin and Alhatan and others His sonne king Fasila was slain by a Bear which he pursued in the mountains I doubt his Subjects would have resisted him as well as the Bear had he made war upon them Froila the fourth king of Ovedo treacherously slew his own brother Vtmaran a gallant Knight generally beloved out of jealousie lest he should usurpe the Crown in revenge of whose death he was soon after slain by his own brother Aurelius Anno 767. who succeeded Froila in the Realm notwithstanding he leâ—t a son called D Alphonso the chaste but the hatred that the Noblemen did bear unto his father was the cause of his rejection being then also very young whereby it appears that the right of succession was not in those dayes practised in Spain Sâ—llâ— his brother-in-Law succeeded him after whose death by generall consent the kingdom was given to Alphonso Ramir the tenth king of Oviedo did that which all other Princes abhor for he received his son to be companion with him in his kingdom and caused his brother Garcia to reign with him so as there were now two kings and Courts in Oviedo both agreeing well together Anno 894 Froila dying without issue because his children were too young to reign the Nobles conferred the Kingdom on Alphonso the fourth who after five years turned Monke Ramir the third twentieth king of Leon abandoning himself to a voluptuous life contemned all good counsell so as the Earls and Noblemen of Gallicia seeing his folly and discontented with his vices scorned him and would no more acknowledge him to be their king electing Bermund for their Soveraigne and intituled him king of Gallicia which title he enjoyed ten years About which time the Moors in Spain which had one king reigning at Cordova after the death of king Mahomet made so many petty kings as there was scarce any good town in Spain but had a particular King which made strict alliances among themselves for the preservation of their estates Anno â—07â— Garcia king in Gallicia growing a tyrant spoiled and ill intreated his Subiects governing himself after the appetite or a base woman who put the Nobilitie and Gentry in favour or disgrace with the king as she pleased so as in the end growing insupportable certain Knights slew her in the kings presence His brother Sancho taking advantage of the peoples hatred entred his Realm with a great Army who thereupon being deserted generally by his people fled to the Moors for ayd and fell to spoil his own Countrey after which he was defeated taken prisoner and so kept in the Castle of Lune with a good Guard till his death I read in Iohn Mariana that in the Councill of Florence under Pope Victor the second Anno 1055. Hildebrand a Cardinall Deacon Embassadour to Henry the second Emperour of Germany complained in the Councill against Ferdinand king of Spain in the Emperors Name That against the Custom of his Ancestors and prescript of Laws he did with incredible arrogancy and levity hold himself exempt from the power of the Roman Empire which iniury himselfe could gladly suffer if there were no other losse but of his own honour But since the estate of Christendom could not well subsist and the Popes Authority would likewise be impaired unlesse all Christian kingdoms were united and knit together under one temporall head the Emperour whom they should obey they ought to suppresse the springing temerity in the Wombe lest by their neglect spreading it self into other Provinces animated with the sweet and oft-times deceitfull name of libertie the sacred Majestie of the Empire and Popedom should be reduced to an empty title wherefore he desired them to interdict all Spain and excommuniate the King which if they did he would be assistant to the Churches honour and Republiks safety then indangered But if they refused it out of fear he would not be wanting to the honour of the Empire would certainly look to himself in private The Pope after some deliberation approved this motion as just thereupon sends Legats to Ferdinand in his own and the Councils name to satisfie the Emperors demands forthwith under pain of present excommunication The King doubtfull and fearfull whether to obey or not summons a generall Assembly of the Estates of the Realme The Clergy and religious sort of men perswaded submission for fear of the Popes excommunication the fearfuller sort concurring with them by reason of the Emperours power and their own weaknesse and distraction and the Kings desires of peace inclined most to their opinion But some heroick spirits thought that a most grievous yoke should thereby be laid on the liberty of Spain which being once admitted on their necks they should hardly shake off again that it was better to die fighting then that the Republike should be involved in so great a mischief and indignitie Rodoricus Diacius a noble Spanyards opinion then absent from the assembly being required by the king and it answered That this was no matter of Counsell that what was gotten with Arms was to be defended with Arms that it seemed most unjust that the fruit of others valour should return to those who in their lost condition had not communicated in the labour and danger which recovered it that it was better to die valiantly than to lose the liberty gained by their Ancestors to become a mocking-stock to a barbarous and cruell nation who contemned all men but themselves whose ears were proud whose speeches contumelious whose accesse difficult riotings new cruelty inhumane Shall we who have yet hardly escaped the servitude of Moors undergo a new bondage prepared from the Christians They will deride both us and ours Doth the whole world as farre as Christianity extends it selfe obey the German Emperours Shall all the grace power honour riches gained by ours and our Ancestors blood give place to the Germans Shall they leave dangers repulses iudgemen want to us Shall Germany again lay on us the yoke of the Roman Empire which our Ancestors have shaken off Shall we be a vulgar people without grace without Empire without authority obnoxious to those to whom if we had vigorous mindes if we were men we might be a terrour But it is difficult to resist the Emperous endeavours not to obey the Roman Pontifs commands verily it a basnesse of spirit for an uncertain fear of war to involve the Commonwealth in most
certain dangers many things are effected by triall which seemed difficult to slothfull men I know not what stupidity hath seized on many whom neither glory moves nor the infamy of the wretchednesse thinking it great liberty enough if they be freed from scourges I suppose the Popes ears will not be so averse to our affairs that he will not be moved with our most just prayers and the equity of the cause Let some now be sent who may boldly defend the cause of our liberty before him and teach him that the Germans demand unjust things Mine opinion is that the liberty gained by our Ancestors is to be defended with arms against the attempts of all men and with this my sword I will maintain THAT THEY ARE MOST WICKED TRAITORS TO THEIR COVNTREY who out of a simulation of a fond Religion or shew of preposterous caution shall give contrary advice neither shall resolve that servitude is to be repudiated with greater care by us then domination is affected by them So farre forth as every one shall addict himself to the liberty of his Countrey so far shall I be a friend unto him or a deadly enemy This opinion of Roderic prevailed in pursuit whereof they raise an army of ten thousand men whereof he was made Generall they send Ambassadours to the Pope and Councill whereof Roderic was chief and upon a full hearing of the cause before Rupert Cardinall of Saint Sabria the Popes Legat at Tholouse judgement was pronounced for the liberty of Spain and it was decreed That the German Emperors should from thenceforth have no power nor jurisdiction over the Kings of Spain which was afterwards confirmed by the customes of the people the consent of other Nations the publike resolution and judgement of Lawyers as Iacobus Valdesius in his Book de dignitate Regum Hispaniae printed 1602. Cap. 18. proves at large The Generall History of Spain records that the Councill of Florence resolved that seeing the Kings of Spain had defended and conquered their Realms by Arms without any ayd from the Emperours they were free and exempt from all subjection and acknowledgement to the Emperors whereof we may read the Glosse upon the Chapter Adrianus Pâ—pa distinct 63. The like priviledge have the Kings of France the State of Venice the Kings of England and some others Which clearly demonstrates the Soveraign power of Kingdoms and Nations even over their Kings and Princes and that they may justly defend themselves and Elect other Princes when they are deserted or destroyed by them Anno 1083. Sacho Ramires king of Aragon to supply the charges of his wars against the Moors was sometimes forced to use the revenues of his Clergy his Treasure being not able to furnish so great a charge but the Bishops of his Countrey who affected nothing more but to enrich their own Order and State opposed themselves against him and afflicted him in such sort as putting him in a vain fear that he was damned for this cause They made him do Penance in the Church of Roda before Saint Vincents Altar in the presence and at the pnrsuite of Raymund Dolmare Bishop of that place the Bishop of Jarca and others and to confesse publikely that he had grieâ—ously offended Thus these good Fathers publikely insulted over their Soveraigne Anno 1091. king Alphonso granted this priviledge among other to Toledo That the City of Toledo might never be alienated from the Crown nor given upon any Title whatsoever to man woman or child Anno 1076. Sancho King of Navarre was slain in battell by his brother Raymond thinking to reigne after him but the Navarroyes expelled him out of their confines disdaining that he should raigne over them who had embrued his hands in his kingly brothers blood and sending to Sancho Ramires 4. king of Aragon called him to raigne over them because their slain kings sonnes were too young to raigne and protect them from their enemies by which meanes the kingdomes of Arragon and Navarre were united Veracha Queen of Castile a most lascivious open Adultresse by her unchast life so faâ—re provoked her husband Alphonso that he was divorced from her made warre against her and confined her After which she still continuing in her lewdnesse the Nobility and States of Castile and Leon revolt from her take armes against her depose her from the Crowne and elect and crown her sonne Alphonso the 8. king An. 1122. allowing her onely a pension to support her life Alphonso King of Arragon by his last Will and Testament most solemnly ratified for the expiation of his sins gave divers crown Lands Tenements Revenues and Legacies to Religious houses and persons An. 1132. but being prejudiciall to the Crown his Will after his death was held void and not put in execution he being slain by the Moores An. 1134. the States of Arragon elected one Peter Tares for their King who growing exceeding proud of his new dignity began to despise the Nobles and abrogate the Lawes and customes of the Country And the Nobles being assembled at a general Assembly of the States going to visit him he comanded his Porter to shut them out saying that Mounsieur was busie about matters of great importance but they understood afterwards that the great affairs causing him to exclude his friends were his Barbar was trimming him which so incensed the Nobles and great men that the next day they held their generall Assembly of the Estates without the King where they first of all decreed to depose their new king because being â—n honour he had no understanding of himselfe and because they found he would grow more proud and insolent afterwards whereupon expelling Peter the Estates assembling at Boria elected Ramier a Monke brother to king Alphonso for their King who was much deriued of his Nobles for his Monkish simplicity and at last turned Monk againe But those of Navarre thinking a Monk to be better acquainted with the matters of a Monastery then how to govern a Kingdome and being jealous that the Arragonoys by chusing a King of the blood Royall of Arragon would by this meanes aspire to the chief places of honour and favour in Court it was concluded that the Estates of Navarre should assemble at Pampelone where they chose Garcia Remires their King of Navarre and so the Realmes of Arragon and Navarre which had been united 58. yeers were seperated in these two Kings The Kingdomes of Spain being often before and since this time united and divided as the people and Realmes assented or dissented thereunto Not to mention the troubles of Castile by reason of the nonage of their king Alphonso the fourth of whose custody and tuition the assembly of the Estates disposed or how some Knights of Castile slew a Iew with whom this king was so enamoured that he forgot his new Spouse and almost lost his sences Anno 1179. king Alphonso assembled the Estates of Castile at Burgon to leavie a Taxe upon the
people whereto the Nobilitie as well as the rest should contribute imposing 5. Maravidis of gold for every person but it took no effect for all the Gentlemen of Castile being discontented that he sought to infringe their Liberties fell to armes and being led by the Earle Don Pedro de Lara they were resolved to resist this tax and defend their Liberties with the hazzard of their liveâ— Whereupon Alphonso changed his opinion and let them understand that from thenceforth he would maintain their immunities and that whatsoever he had then propounded was not to continue but only to supply the present necessity of affaires which he would seek to furnish by some other meanes For the great resolution which Don Pedro de Lara shewed in this action the Nobility of Castile did grant to him and his successours a solemn breakfast in testimony of his good endeavour in a businesse of so great consequence and thereby the Lords of Lara have the first voyce for the Nobility in the Court of Castile z An. 1204. King Alphonso the Noble called a Parliament of the Lords Prelates and Deputies of the Townes of his Realm at Toledo to advise and assist him in his warrs against the Moores where they concluded to crave ayd from all Christian Princes and a Crossado from the Pope against the Moores and made divers Lawes to restrain the supersluities of the Realm in feasts apparell and other things Iames the 8. King of Arragon being young at the time of his Fathers death it was thereupon after ordained in the assemblies of the Estates of Mencon and Lirida that Don Sancho Earl of Roussilon should govern the Realm during the Kings minority but they gave him limitation The Kings person they recommended to Frier William of Moncedon Mr. of the Templers After which An. 1220. this yong kings Vncles seeking to wrest the Realme from him instead of governing it by the fidelity of the Estates and their authority his interest was preserved and three Governours with a superintendent of his Provinces were appointed by them and to prevent the continuall practises of the Earles of Roussillon and Fernand the kings Uncles the states and justice of Arragon declared the King of full age when he was but ten yeeres old and caused the Earle of Roussillon to quit the Regencie the authority of the justice of Arragon being then great for the defence of the publike liberty An. 1214. Alphonso the Noble king of Castile dying his sonne Henry being but 11. yeer old the Prelates Nobles and Commons assembled at Burgon having declared him king and taken the oath made Queen Eleonora his Mother Governesse of his Person and Realms after whose death the custody of him was committed to the hands of the Lords of Lara This king afterwards playing with other yong children of Noble Houses at Palenca in the Bishops Palace one of them cast a tyle from the top of a Tower which falling on the covering of an house beat down another tyle which fell on the young kings head wherewith he was so grievously hurt that hee dyed the eleventh day after An. 1217. yet this his casuall death for ought I finde was neither reputed Felony nor Treason in the child that was the cause of it After whose death Fernand the 3. was proclaimed and made King by the States of Castile to prevent the pretentions of the French after which his Mother Queen Berenguela in the presence of the Estates renouncing all her right to the Crown resigned it up to her sonne Fernand About this time the Moores in Spain rejected the Miraluminis of Africk and created them severall Kings and Kingdomes in Spain being never more united under one Crown after this division which they thought it lawfull for them to make An. 1228. the Estates of Arragon assembling at Barcelona they consenting and requiring it according to the custome of the Arragonians and Cattelans these Estates having authority to make Warre and Peace and Leagues a warre was resolved against the King of the Moores and Majorkins Anno 1231. the Realm of Navarre being very ill governed by reason their King Sancho retired to his chamber did not speak with any man but his Houshold servants and would not heare of any publike affaires thereupon the State began to think of electing a Regent to govern the Realm during his retirednesse to prevent which Sancho made an unjust accord with the king of Navarre and confederated with Iames King of Arragon by the assents of the states of the Realm to leave his Kingdome to him if he survived him yet after his death Thibault Earle of Champaigne was by the states of Navarre elected and proclaimed King And anno 1236. The Estates of Arragon and Cateloigne assembled at Moncon for the continuance of the warre with the Moores and conquest of Valentia without whom it was not lawfull for the King to undertake any matter of importance For maintenance of this warre a custome called Marebetine and an exaction of impost for cattell was by the Estates imposed on the People it was likewise decreed that all peeces of Gold and silver coyned should be of one goodnesse and weight to the observation of which Edict for coynes all were bound to sweare that were above 18. yeers of age Anno 1236. Iames King of Arragon revealing to his Confessor the Bishop of Girone that before his marriage with Queen Yolant he had passed a matrimonial promise to Theresa of Bidame she sued him thereupon before the Pope who gave sentence against her for want of sufficient witnesse notwithstanding his Confessors testimony The King hereupon grew so angry with the Bishop for revealing his secrets that sending for him to his chamber he caused his tongue to be cut out For which out-rage committed on the Bishop though faulty the Pope in the Councell of Lions complained and in the end interdicted all the Realme of Arragon and excommunicated the king Hereupon to take off this interdiction and excommunication the king sent the Bishop of Valentia with his excuse and humiliation to the Pope wherewith he being somewhat pacified sent two Legates into Arragon who having assembled a Synod of Bishops at Lerida they caused the King to come thither and to confesse his fault upon his knees before these fathers with great submission and teares who gave him absolution upon condition he should cause the Monastery of Boneface to be built and endowed with an hundred and forty pounds of silver of annuall rent endow an Hospitall for the poore with foure hundred pounds silver per annum and give a Prebendary in the great Church of Girone for the maintenance of a Masse-priest About which time the Moors in Spain erected many new Kings and Kingdoms by mutuall consent and Mahumad Aben Alamar for his valour was by the Inhabitants of Mariona elected and made first King of Granado Anno 1243. all was in combustion in Portugall by the negligence and basenesse of their king Don Sancho
Nephews of the kingdom saying That it was fit that he who was a Knight and learned to govern a Realme were it in warre or peace should raigne after his Father rather then his Nephews sons of his eldest brother who were every young having need of Regents and Governours charges which were affected by great personages who by reason thereof grew into quarrels one with the other to the oppression of the people and hazzard of the Estate After which Don Lope Diaz of Haro pressed the King to declare Don Sancho his sonne his successour in the Realmes of Castile Toledo Leon and other places being his eldest sonne then living to which he giving a cold answer at first having afterwards assembled the Estates in Segobia he was by the King and the Estates consent declared and received as heire to the Crown after his Fathers decease Fernands children being disinherited of their right which fact was then excused and justified because there was no law at that time which did binde the King much lesse the Estates to leave the Realme more to one sonne then to another since which there was a law made and received in the time of Fernand the 5. in the City of Taro where it was decreed by the Estates upon this difficulty That the Children of the elder brother deceased representing their fathers person should in that respect be preferred before the Vncle Hereupon Queen Violant and Blanche widow to Fernand were so much discontented with the Decree of the Estates disinheriting the eldest brothers sonnes as taking the young children with them they departed out of Castile to Don Pedro King of Arragon where Don Sancho caused his Nephews to be imprisoned whom king Alphonso labouring under hand to get released Don Sancho advertised hereof made a league with the Moores of Granado against his Father and by assent of his confederates took upon him the Title of Regency of the Kingdome of Castile and other his Fathers dominions refusing the Title of King during his Fathers life time who was forced to pawn his royall Crown and Iewels to Iacob Abin Ioseph a Moore King of Morocco who aided him willingly against Don Sancho After which in an Assembly of the States at Cordova with the advise of the Noble men and knights of Castile thereupon sent by a Decree pronounced by the mouth of Don Manuel in the name of the whole Nobility Alphonso was deprived of all his Realmes for murthering his brother Don Frederick and burning Don Rues unjustly without any forme of justice or orderly proceedings the breach of the rights and priviledges of the Nobility and the excessive wasting of the treasure of the Realme Vpon this there arose bloody Warres between the Father and sonne and in the yeere 1282. Alphonso was so vexed with his sonnes proceedings that hee pronounced in the presence of many men of ranke both Clergie and Laity in the City of Sevill The curse of God and his upon Don Sancho a sonne said he disobedient rebellious and a parâ—cidie declaring him uncapable and unworthy to reign depriving him of his successions inheritance and discharging the subjects as much as in him lay from all oath and homage which they had done unto him But these were but words which Don Sancho did not much esteem enioying his Fathers kingdomes after his decease in Title as he did before in act and dying king of Castile his heires succeeded him in that Realme as lawfull heires thereunto Don Pedro the third king of Arragon about the yeare 1283. had many controversies with his Nobles and knights who complained much of his sower disposition and tyrannous manner of Government insulting over the greatest yea against his own blood contrary to all Law and nature Wherefore being ill intreated by him in their freedomes whereof the Townes and Commonalties of his Countries did also complain the Nobility Knights and Gentry for preservation of their Liberties made a Vnion together among themselves and with the people promising and swearing to let the King and his sonne Don Alphonso who was his Lieutenant Generall understand that if they did not contain themselves within the limits of the Lawes of the Country they would withdraw themselves from their obedience and declare themselves enemies and pursue them by armes that should seek to break them The king hereupon called the Estates to Tarrasone and afterwards to Saragossa where he intreated promised and did all what he could to break this Vnion but he was forced to yeeld and granted to the Arragonians the priviledge they call Generall whereby their Liberties which had been somewhat restrained were again restored the ancient manners of the Country and customes of their ancestours put in practise And moreover there were Laws made for their Kings which they should be bound to obey and for that they were in a mutiny in some places by reason of certain Impositions laid upon salt the traffique thereof was made free by the Estates And the king refusing the judgment of the Iustice Maior of Arragon deposing Pedro Martines Artassone who then exercised it from his Office the Estates soon after at an assembly at Zutaria fortified it with stronger Laws deeming the Iustice of Arragon to be a lawfull Iudge whom the King himself could not displace even in Cases commenced against the King who being cited and not appearing there were Decrees made against him in many instances In the end the King confirmed the Decrees of the Iustice Maior and whatsoever should be concluded by the Estates the Deputies and Councellors having given their suffrages I read in Hieronimus Blanca that about the year 1212. the Arragonians taking it ill that their Liberties gotten with their blood should so many wayes be subverted as then they were by King Pedro the first raised up the Name and forces of a Vnion that with one force and the consent of all one minde as it were being made out of all they might more easily propulse so great injuries but what was then done hereupon is not recorded But the two memorable Priviledges of the Vnion under King Alphonso the third are said to spring from thence Don Alphonso king of Aragon succeeding Pedro Anno 1286. he was admonished by the Estates Ambassadours to come speedily to the Assembly at Saragossa where having sworn and promised the observation of the Customs Rights and Priviledges of the Countrey and received the Oath of fealty from the Deputies he might lawfully take upon him the Title of the King of Aragon the which they said he might not use before this Act and Ceremony according to the ancient customs of Aragon Vpon these summons he came to the Assembly of the Estates to Saragossa took the Oath aforesaid after which he was Crowned Which done there grew in this assembly a great contention touching the reformation of the manners of Courtiers and the ordering of the Kings house the Noblemen and Deputies of the Estates of Aragon maintaining that the conusance thereof was incident
Brotherhood and Estates of this Province sent to K. Alphonso divers Articles which they beseeched him to confirme promising for their part that this should be their last Assembly and that the name and effect of their Brotherhood should remain for ever extinct and the Province be for ever united to the Crown of Castile if he would confirme those Articles to them being 17. in number which he did The chiefe were these That the King nor his Successors should not alien any place of his Demesnes That the Gentlemen and their goods should be free and exempt from all Subsidies as they had been heretofore That they and others of the Countrey should be governed according to the customes and rights of Soportilla And that divers Townes and Villages therein specified should be free from all Tributes and Impositions About the yeer 1309. Mahumet King of Granado becomming casually blind was soon after deposed by his own Brother and the great men of his Realme who were discontented and disliked to be governed by a blind King who could not lead them to the warres in person Which Kingdome went by Election commonly as is evident by his three next successours and Mahumet the sixth King of Granado Anno 1307. Lewes Hutin was crowned King of Navarre at Pampelone where he sware to observe the Lawes and Rights of the Realme After which Anno 1315. Philip the long was elected by the Estates of Navarre to be their king in right of his wife but it was upon conditions drawn in writing which they tendered to him and the Queen to subscribe and sweare to before the solemnities of their Coronation in the Estates assembled at Pampelone which they yeelded willingly unto whereof the principall Articles were these 1. First to the Estates to maintain and keep the Rights Lawes Customes Liberties and priviledges of the Realme both written and not written whereof they were in possession to them and their successours for ever and not to diminish but rather augment them 2. That they should disannull all that had been done to the preiudice thereof by the kingâ— their Predecessors and by their Ministers without delay notwithstanding any Leâ— 3. That for the tearme of 12. yeares to come they should not coyne any money but such as was then currant within the Realme and that during their lives they should not coyne above one sort of money and that they should distribute part of the revenues profits and commodities of the Realme unto the Subiects 4. That they should not receive into their service above foure strangers but should imploy them of the Countrey 5. That the Forts and Garrison of the Realme should be given unto Gentlemen borne and dwelling in the Countrey and not to any stranger who should do homage to the Queen and promise for to hold them for her and for the lawfull Heire of the Countrey 6. That they should not exchange nor engage the Realme for any other Estate whatsoever 7. That they should not sell nor engage any of the Revenues of the Crowne neither should make any Law nor Statute against the Realme nor against them that should lawfully succeed therein 8. That to the first sonne which God should give them comming to the age of twenty yeares they should leave the kingdome free and without factions upon condition that the Estates should pay unto them for their expences an hundred thousand Sanchets or other French money equivalent 9. That if God gave them no children in that case they should leave the Realme after them free with the Forts in the hands of the Estates to invest them to whom of right it should belong 10. That if they infâ—inge these Articles or any part of them the Subiects should be quit of their Oath of subiection which they ought them These Articles being promised and sworne by the king and Queen they were solemnly crowned and the Deputies of the Estates Noblemen and Officers of the Crown took their obedience to them Vpon this agreement all the Castles and places of strength in Navarre were put into the hands of the Estates who committed them unto the custody of faithfull knights in whose keeping they continued a Catalogue of which Castles with the names of the knights that guarded them by the Estates appointment in the yeare 1335. you may read at large in the Generall History of Spaine Before this Anno 1328. the Estates of Navarre assembled at Puenta la Reyna to resolve without any respect TO WHOM THE REALM OF NAVARRE BELONGED whether to Edward king of England or to Iane Countesse of Eureux The Estates being adjourned to Pampalone the chief Town of the Realme their opinions were divers many holding that king Edward should have the Realm as Granchilde born of the daughter to Queen Iane daughter to King Henry rather then the Countesse of Eureux in regard of the Sex others with more reason held for the Countesse who was in the same degree but daughter to a Son and Heir to Queen Iane. These prevailed drawing the rest to their opinion whereupon the Countesse was declared true and lawfull Queen of Navarre the Realm having been vacant above four Moneths And untill that she and Count Philip her husband should come and take possession of the Realm they declared the Regent and Viceroy Don Iohn Corberan of Leet Standard bearer of the Realm and Iohn Martines of Medrado Lo here a Parliament of the Estates of Navarre summoned by themselves without a King determining the Right of succession to the Crown appointing a Vicegerent and prescribing such an Oath and Articles to their king as you heard before Anno 1331. king Philip of Navarre to administer justice erected a new Court of Parliament in Navarre which was called New to distinguish it from the old HE AND THE THREE ESTATES of the Realm NAMING MEN WORTHY OF THAT CHARGE Queen Iane and Philip deceasing their son Charles the second surnamed the Bad for his crueltie and ill manners was called by the three Estates of Navarre to Pampelone and there crowned in their Assembly after the manner of his Ancestors swearing to observe the Lawes and Liberties of the Country After which a far stricter Oath was administred to Charles the 3. An. 1390. Anno 1325. In a generall assembly of all the Estates of Arragon Don Pedro son to the Infant Don Alphonso was sworn presumptive Heir and Successor to the Crown after the decease of his Grandfather and Father the which was there decreed and practised for that Don Pedro Earl of Ribagorca did maintain that if his brother Don Alphonso should die before then Father the Realm did belong to him by right of propriery being the third brother rather then to his Nephew the son of the second brother In this Assembly the Articles of the generall priviledges were confirmed and it was ordained for a Law That no Freeman should be put to the Racke and that confiscations should not be allowed but in Cases of
Coyning and High Treason Anno 1328. Alphonso King of Castile treacherously murthering Don Iohn the blinde his Kinsman in his own Court when he had invited him to dinner on all Saints day and then condemning him for a Traitor confiscating his lands a fact unseemly for a King who should be the mirrour of Iustice Hereupon Don Iohn Manuell stood upon his Guard fortified his Castles revolted from the King for this his Treachery allyed himself with the Kings of Arragon and Granado overran the Countries of Castile from Almanca unto Pegnafield the Prior of Saint Iohns Don Fernand Rodrigues hereupon caused the Cities of Toro Zamora and Vailledolit to rebell and shut their gates against the King and many others likewise revolted from him At last he was forced to call an Assembly of the Estates who gave him Subsidies to ayde him in his wars against the Moors and to conclude a peace with Don Manuel and his other discontented Subjects whom he afterwards spoiling of their lawfull inheritances and pursuing them in their honours and lives by Tyrannous crueltie extending his outragious disdain even to women of his own blood he thereby so estranged most of his Princes and Nobles from him that they revolted from him and joyned with Mahumet king of Granado and the Moors in a warre against him which lasted three or four yeers putting him to infinite trouble vexations and expences enforcing him to make a dishonourable peace with the Moors to release the Tribute which they payed him formerly and after much mediation he concluded a Peace thorowout all the Realm with his discontented Subjects This Prince thinking to raign more securely had taken a course of extream severity shewing himself cruell and treacherous to his Nobility whereby he was feared but withall he lost the love and respect of his subjects so as he was no sooner freed from one danger but he fell into another worse then the first his Nobles holding this for a Maxime That a Tyrant being offended will at some time revenge himself and therefore they must not trust him upon any reconciliation who to pacifie the troubles which had grown by his own errour had made no difficulty to sacrifice upon the peoples spleen his own Mignions degrading and in the end murthering condemning them as Traitors after their death yea the Princes of his own blood taking their goods estates and depriving the lawfull Heirs seeking to reign over free men and generous Spirits as over beasts entreating them as base and effeminate slaves who might not speak their opinions freely in matters of State and Government of which they were held dead members and without feeling Whereupon D. Manuel and other Nobles as men endued with understanding reason and not forgetting the nature of Alphonso who was proud a contemner of all laws and treacherous they proceeded so farre as to withdraw themselves from his subjection by protestation and publike act and entred into a league with the King of Portugall incensing him to take up Arms for their defence Where upon King Alphonso having some feeling that cruelty was too violent remedy for men that were Nobly borne he sought by all milde and courteous meanes to divide them and to draw some of them to his service which he effected and so more easily conquered and reduced their companions An. 1337. was founded the Town of Alegria of Dulanci in the Province of Alava and many Villages thereabout the which obtained from the King the priviledges and Lawes of the Realm whereby the inhabitants should govern themselves with libertie to chuse their own Iudges Don Pedro the first king of Castile surnamed the cruell most tyrannically murthering and poysoning divers of his Nobles and subjects without cause banishing others quitting Blanch his espoused wife within three dayes after his marriage to enjoy the unchaste love of Donna Maria de Paedilla by whom hee was inchanted which much troubled the whole Court divorcing himselfe without colour by the advice onely of two Bishops without the Popes assent from Blanch and marrying Jane of Castro in her life time Hanging up divers Burgesses of Toledo causlesly for taking the Queens part too openly and among others a Goldsmiths sonne who offred to be hanged to save his fathers life causing his own brother Don Frederick and divers Nobles else to be suddenly slain Anno 1358. poysoning and murdering likewise divers Noble Ladies among others Don Leonora his own Aunt after which Anno 1360 he murthering two more of his own brethren executing divers Clergy men and Knights of Castle banishing the Archbishop of Toledo putting divers Jews as Samuel Levy his High Treasurer with his whole family to death to gain their Estates and causing his own Queen Blanch to be poysoned after she had long been kept prisoner by him Anno 1361. Hereupon his cruelties rapines and murders growing excessive and the Popes Legat denouncing him an utter Enemy to God and man Henry Earle of Transtamara his brother with other Fugitives getting ayde from the King of Navarre entred Castile with an Army where by the Nobles importunity he tooke upon him the title of King of Castile and Leon which done the whole Kingdom long oppressed with D. Pedro his Tyranny immediately revolted from him so that in few dayes Henry found himselfe King of a mighty great kingdom almost without striking stroke the people striving who should first receive him such was their hatred to the Tyrant Pedro who being doubtfull what to doe fled with two and twenty Ships out of his Realme to Bayon craving ayde of the English to revest him in his Kingdom mean time king Henry assembling the Estates at Burgon they granted him the tenth penny of all the Merchandize they should sell in the Realm to maintaine the warres against Pedro who getting ayde from the English upon conditions accompanied with the valiant Black Prince of Wales entred with a great Army into Spain where the Prince writing to Henry voluntarily to resign the Crown to Pedro his Brother to avoyd the effusion of Christian blood he made answer That he could not hearken to any accord with him who had against the law of nature taken delight to murther so many of the blood Royall and other great personages of Castile who had no respect of the Lawes of the Countrey and much lesse of God falsifying his Oathes and promises having no other rule in his actions but his Tyrannous passions Whereupon battell being joyned Henry was conquered and Pedro restored But hee discontenting the English and others who had reseated him in his Kingdome by his insolency and Tyranny and the Biscaniers refusing to be under the command of strangers whom they would never consent to be put in possession of their Countrey and withall falling to his former cruelties and courses contrary to the advice of his friends and Astrologers he so estranged the hearts of all from him that the English returning and Henry receiving new forces from the French entred Castile
suddenly and conquered the Tyrant who being betrayed into King Henry his hands as hee was taking his flight by night King Henry stabbed him with dagger in the face and at last getting him under him slew him with his dagger for his excesse and tyranny Anno 1368. and raigned quietly in his steed I might prosecute and draw down the Histories of all the Spanish Kings and Kingdomes from his dayes till this present which are full fraught with presidents of this nature to prove all the Kings of Spaine inferiour to their Kingdomes Assemblies of the Estates Lawes resistible deprivable for their Tyrannyes but because those who desire satisfaction in this kinde may read the Histories themselves more largely in the generall History of Spain in Joannis Pistorius his Hispaniae Illustratae where all their chiefe Historians are collected into severall volumnes and in Meteranus and Grimstons Histories of the Netherlands I shall for brevity sake pretermit them altogether concluding with one or two briefe observations more touching the Gothish and Arragonian Kings in Spaine which will give great light and confirmation to the premises First for the Antient Kings of the Gothes in Spain Aimoinius and Hugo Grotius out of him confesse that they received the Kingdom from the people revocable by them at any time and that the people might depose them as often as they displeased them and therefore their acts might be rescinded and nulled by the people who gave them only a revocable power which the premised Histories experimentally evidence such likewise were the Kings of the Vandales removable at the peoples pleasure as Procopius writes such the Kings of the Heruli Quadi Iazyges Lombardes Burgundians Moldavians Africans the l Moores in Spaine the two annuall Kings of Carthage the antient Germane Kings the Kings of Sparta and most other Kings of Greece as Historians and Authors of best credite relate Secondly for the Kings of Arragon and originall constitution of the Kingdom I find this memorable passage in Hieronymus Blanca his Rerum Arragonensium Commentarius pag. 586. 587. 590. 72â— 724. in the third Tom of Ioannis Pistorius his Hispaniae illustratae Sancho the fourth King of Arragon dying without issue the Estates and people advising together what course they should take for their security and future good administration of the Common-weale about the year of our Lord 842. elected twelve principall men to whom they committed the care and government of the Republike during the Inter-regnum These because they were very ancient men were called Elders from whence those who by birth are stiled Rici-men drew their originall And this manner of governing the Common-wealth continued long But the great incursions of the Arabians pressing them they imagined it would not continue firme and stable Yet notwithstanding taken with the sweetnesse of Liberty they feared to subject themselves to the Empire of one man because verily they beleeved that servitude would proceed from thence Therefore having considered and rightly pondered all things and reasons they made this the result of all their Counsels that they should consult with Pope Adrian the second and the Lombards what course they should take by their advise which should be most meet for the perpetuating of the Empire to whom as reports goe they returned this answer That preordaining certaine Rights and Lawes ratified with the previous religion of a cautionary oath they should set up one King over them but yet should reject a forraign Dominion and that they should take heed that he whom they adopted to be King should be neither of the superiours nor inferiours lest if superiour he should oppresse inferiours or lest if inferiour hee should be derided by superiours To which counsell and sentence they submitting founded that ancient Suprarbian Court For according to the answer given all decreed That they ought to elect one man excelling in vertue for their King But yet lest the pleasure of Kings like as in other Princes should likewise even among us become Lawes they first of all enacted some Lawes by which they might heale this inconvenience These Lawes they afterward called the Suprarbian Court which we should largely prosecute but through the injury of time the knowledge of them is buried and some fragments of them only are extant observed by Prince Charles himselfe and some other Writers which we shall verily remember because they are as the first elements of our Republike and containe in them the institution of the Magistrate of the Iustice of Arragon which is the chiefe thing of our institution therefore in the beginning of that Court it was provided that the King which should be since the Kingdom lately taken from the Moores was freely and voluntarily conferred on him should be bound both by the Religion of an Oath as likewise by the force and power of Lawes to observe the Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdom Now the Lawes were these Governe thou the Kingdome in peace and righteousnesse and give us better Courts of justice The things which shall bee gained from the Moores let them be devided not only between the Rich-men but likewise between the souldiers and infantry but let a stranger receive nothing from thence Let it bee unlawfull or a wicked act for the King to enact Lawes unlesse it be by the advice of his Subjects first given Let the King beware that he begin no Warre that he enter into no Peace conclude no Truce or handle any other thing of great moment without the concurring assent of the Elders Now lest that our Lawes or Liberties should suffer any detriment Let there be a certain middle Judge at hand to whom it may be lawfull to appeal from the King if he shall wrong any one and who may repell injuries if peradventure he shall offer any to the Common-weale With these Lawes therefore and sanctions those our Ancestors confirmed the enterprise of new moulding and reforming the Common-wealth But verily this was the chiefest garison for to retaine their liberty whereby they ordained the Presidentship of a middle Iudge placing the power in such sort in the King that the temperating of it should be in the middle Iudge out of which things the moderate and musicall state of the Common-weale which we enjoy is moulded and made up For from the very beginning of things even to these later times wee see by force of this intermediate Magistrate and by the goodnesse and clemency of most peaceable Kings that both our pristine liberty and ancient Priviledge hath been alwayes retained and due loyalty and reverence to the Kings Majesty observed Neither hath the Kingdome onely emplored the help of this Magistrate against Kings but the Kings themselves oft-times against the Kingdome by which meanes many intestine evils have been appeased without any tumult which unlesse they had been civilly suppressed seemed verily to have been likely to have broken out to the common destruction of all men so as we may rightly
affirm that in this alone the summe of preserving civill concord both to Kings and the Kingdome hath consisted This Magistrate was at first called THE IUSTICE MAIOR afterwards assuming the name of the Kingdome it selfe it was called THE IUSTICE OF ARAGON By these formentioned prescribed Lawes the will of him who desired to be King of Aragon was wholy to bee directed and formed and unlesse he would first suffer his faith to bee obliged in most strick bonds for keeping of them any future soliciting was to be preposterous Having therefore laid the foundations of their Countreys liberty all of them began to dispute among themselves about electing a King to which end they all assembled together at Arahvest to chuse a King where they were suddenly besieged by the Arabians which Junicus Arista King of the Pompelonians hearing of came with an Army and rescued them whereupon they elected him for their King with unanimous consent and calling him unto them shewed him the Lawes they had pre-established one whereof concerning the middle Magistrate seemed most hard unto him But having more deligently considered the matter and that they voluntarily offered him the Kingdome gained from the enemies Hee not only ratified the Lawes themselves but likewise added this new Law or priviledge to them That if the Kingdome should happen hereafter to bee oppressed by him against the LAWES Iustice or Liberties the Kingdome it selfe should have free liberty to elect another King whether a Christian or an Infidell which clause of an Infidell King they refused to have bestowed on them because they judged it shamefull and dishonourable After which Iunicus taking an oath to observe the former Lawes was advanced to the Throne and made King of Aragon about the year 868. Moreover to establish all these Lawes and Constitutions our Ancestors themselves adjoyned the accession of a publike Vnion ordaining that it should be lawfull and just for them to meet all together ET RE 〈◊〉 OBSISTERE ARMIS ET VI and to resist the King with armes and force as oft as there should be need to propulse any assault of him or his made against the Lawes which form of assembling together for the common cause of liberty they called a Vnion or Association Neither did they anciently lesse think all their Liberties to be preserved by this Vnion then humane bodies themselves are by nervs and bones And although it were not prescribed in that Suprarbian Forum yet they thought it deduced from the very beginnings of things and deeply fixed and impressed in the sense of all men and to be established by our common Law as by another Law of Nature and that its force was enough and more then sufficiently known and discerned by use and reason For they said it would be but a thing of little profit for them to have good Lawes enacted and the very Iudiciary Presidentship of a middle Iudge if when there should be need AD EARVM DEFENSIONEM ARMA CAPERE NON LICERET cum jam tunc satis non esset pugnare consilliis it should not be lawfull for them to take up Armes in their defence when as then it would not be sufficient in such a case to fight with Counsells Neither verily did that seem altogether impertinent from the matter for if it should be so all things long ere this had been in the power of Kings themselves Whence our people reputed these two priviledges of the Union obtained from Alphonso the 3. to wit That it shal be lawfull for the Estates of the Realm if the King shall violate the Lawes of the Countrey To create a new King in his place and without the crime of Treason to make confederacies among themselves and with Neighbour Princes To defend their Liberty which King Ferdinand upon the petition of the Castilians refused to revoke because he had taken a solemn Oath to observe them not as new favours or benefits but as things done out of Office c. Therefore in those ancient Rulers of which we treat the Liberty of our Country was hedged about by our Ancestors with three most strong fences namely with the Prefecture of this middle Iudge with the most ample power of the Rici-men or Palatines and with this most fierce force of the Vnion of which the first seemed to be Legal and civill the other domesticall and of greatest moment the last warlike and popular Neither ought it then to be inclosed with a lesser hedge that so we might rejoyce that it hath therby come safe sound to us now But of these garrisons or fences the ancient inventers of them and those who next succeeded them conferred more assistance and labour upon the two last namely the domestick and popular then on that Court presidentship For they would alwayes retain in themselves a power of moderating and governing the most loose reines of the Royall Dignity which they might restrain or enlarges as there was need The fore they assigned those 12 elders to him elected out of the greatest men by whose Counsels the Kings ought to be hedged in on every side the place of which Elders the Rici-men afterwards possessed who were the chiefe of our Nobles who in times past were second to the Kings in such sort that they might seem to be their Peers and Companions These called that publike union to the ayde of Liberty and out of them were chosen those who should alwayes be the prime and principall conservators of it for thus they called the presidents of the Vnion Finally they sustained on their necks all the Offices and burdens of peace and warre if not with the same power as the Kings yet I may truly say with very little lesse for the Rici-men as long as they flourished relying on the Forces of the Vnion did alwayes hover over the Royall Empire and by the intire power of their offices if the violence or assaults of Kings were unjust did from inordinate reduce them into order and as it were into a circle of Law and Iustice In which thing verily their grave censorious and domesticall authority had sufficient tight and moment with our ancient Kings who were well mannered but if peradventure they could not with their fitting counsels bridle the exulting royall Forces they did constantly repell them from their necks with the force of the raised Vnion Thus and much more this Spanish Author in whom you may read at large the Power and Authority of the Iustice of Arragon of the Generall Assembly of the Estates or Parliaments of that Kingdom of their Rici men Peeres Magistrates Councellors and in Ioannis de Laet. his Descriptio Hispaniae cap. 5. cite Ioannis Mari. and De Rebus Hisp l. 8. c. 1. Gen. hist of Spain l. 17. p. 618. To which I shall onely adde this most notable custome and ceremony used at the Coronation of the Kings of Arragon recorded r by Iunius Brutus r Franciscus Hotomanus and others The Arrogonians when as they create and
crown their King in the Assembly of the Estates or Parliament of Arragon to put the King in mind that the Lawes the Iustice of Arragon and Assembly of Estates are above him act a kind of Play that he may remember it the better they bring in a man on whom they impose the name of the Iustice of Arragon whom by the common Decree of the people they enact to be greater and more powerfull then the King to whom sitting in an higher place they make the King doe homage and then having created the King upon certain Lawes and conditions they speake unto him in these words which shew the Excellent and singular fortitude of that Nation in bridling their Kings NOS QVI VALEMOS TANTO COME VOS Y PODEMOS MAS QVE VOS VOS ELEGIMOS REY CON EST AS Y EST AS CONDITIONES INTRA VOS Y NOS VN QVE MANDA MAS QVE VOS that is We who are as great as you and are able to doe more then you have chosen you King upon these and these conditions Between you and us there is one greater in command then you to wit the Iustice of Arragon Which Ceremony lest the King should forget it is every three yeares repeated in the Generall Assembly of the States of Arragon which Assembly the King is bound by Law to assemble it being a part of the very Law of Nations which sacred Liberty of Parliaments and Assemblies if any Kings by evill arts restrain or suppresse as violaters of the Law of Nations and void of humane Society they are no more to be reputed Kings but Tyrants as Hotoman hence determines I have now given you some what an over large account of the two greatest and most absolute hereditary Kings in Christendom France and Spain and proved them to be inferiour to the Lawes Parliaments Kingdomes People out of their owne Authors and Historians in which points if any desire further satisfaction I shall advise them to read but Junius Brutus his Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos De jure Magistratus in â—ubditos and Francisci Hotomani his Franco-Gallia and Controvers Illust for France Ioannis Mariana de Rege Regum Instit l. 1. with his History of Spain Hieronimus Blanca Rerum Arragonensium Commentarius Ioannis 〈◊〉 Laet Hispaniae descrip c. 5. Vasquius Contr. illust for Spain at their leisure and then both their judgements and consciences will be abundantly satisfied herein I shall now very cursorily run over other forraigne Kings and Kingdoms of lesse power and Soveraignty with as much brevity as may be For the Kings of Hungary Bohemia Poland Denmarke Sweden as they have been usually and are at this day for the most part not hereditary but meerly ellective by the Nobles and people so their Lawes which they take an Oath inviolably to observe and their Parliaments Nobles people are in Soveraigne power and jurisdiction paramount them as much almost if not altogether as the State of Venice is above their Duke or the States of the Low Countries superiour to the Prince of Orange and may upon just occasion not onely forcibly resist them with Arms but likewise depose if not adjudge them unto death for their Tyranny as Iohn Bodin the Histories of Hungary Poland Bohemia Denmarke Sweden Iunius Brutus De Iure Magistratus in Subditos Munster in his Cosmography and those who have compiled the Republikes of these Realmes attest who further evidence that most of these Realms have sometimes elected them Kings other times onely Dukes and made their republikes Principalitis Dukedoms or Kingdomes at their pleasure To give onely some briefe touches concerning these Realmes and their Kings Hungary THe Kings of Hungary are meerly elective by the States and Senators in their Parliaments or assemblies of the Estates without whom they can neither make Lawes impose Taxes leavie Warre nor conclude Peace and the grand Officer of the Realme to wit the great Palatine of Hungary who hath the chiefe Command both in Peace and Warre and power to judge the King Himselfe in some cases is elected onely in and by their Parliaments as the Marginall Writers manifest at large For their Realms and peoples deportment towards their ill Kings since they became Christians when they have degenerated into Tyrants and otherwise misdemeaned themselves take this briefe Epitome Peter the second Christian King of Hungary growing very insolent Tyrannicall and lascivious ravishing maids matrons in the third year of his reign all the Nobles and people thereupon conspiring together deposed and banished him the Realme electing Alba in his place who growing more insolent and Tyrannicall then Peter was in the third year of his reign slaine in warre and Peter restored to the Crown who proceeding in his tyrannies sacriledge and cruelty he was the third year after his restitution taken prisoner by his subjects his eyes put out and imprisoned till he dyâ—d Solomon the fift King of Hungary was twice deposed and thrust out of his Kingdom first by King Bela next by King Gysa elected Kings by the peoples generall consent and acclamation after whose death the Hungarians refused to restore Solomon and elected Ladislaus for their King whereupon Solomon became an Hermite and so dyed Ladislaus dying left two sons Almus the younger whom they elected King and Coloman the eldest to whom Almus out of simplicity surrendred the Crown because he was the elder brother whom he would not deprive of his primogeniture but repenting afterwards by the instigation of some of his friends he raised warre against his brother But the Hungarians to prevent a civill warre and effusion of blood DECREED that these two brethren should fight it out between them in a single duell and he who conquered in the duell they would repute their King Which Combate Coloman being purblinde lame and crookback'd refused after which Coloman treacherously surprising his brother Almus contrary to agreement put out his and Bela his sonnes eyes and thrust them into a Monastery King Stephen the second sonne of Coloman refusing to marry a wife and following Harlots the Barons and Nobles grieving at the desolation of the Kingdome provided him a wife of a Noble family and caused him to marry her After which making a war to aid Duk-Bezen without his Nobles consent in which Bezen was slaine the Nobles of Hungary assembling themselves together in Councell sayd Why and wherefore dye we if we shall claime the Dukedome which of us will the King make Duke therefore let it be decreed that none of us will assault the Castle and so let us tell the King Because he doth all this without the Councell of his Nobles They did so and added further that if he would assault the Castle he should doe it alone but we say they will returne unto Hungary and chuse another King Whereupon By the Command of the Princes the Heraulds proclaimed in the Tents That all the Hungarians should speedily returne into Hungary wherefore the King when he saw
himselfe justly deserted of his subjects ayde returned into Hungary Stephen the third comming to the Crowne did nothing without the Authoritie and advise of the Senate Stephen the fourth sonne of Bela usurping the Crowne was soone after expelled the Kingdome Emericus being elected King was very likely to be depriued by the Nobles and people for his sloathfulnesse but that he appeased them with good words and promises King Andrew going to Jerusalem his Queene Elizabeth in the meane time delivered the Wife of Bauchan a Nobleman being very beautifull to her brother who doated on her to be abused which Bauchan hearing of slew the Queene the King upon his returne examining this businesse acquitted Bauchan and judged her murther just being for so lewd a fact Ladislaus the fourth giving himselfe to all effaeminacy luxury and Harlots became odious to his Barons Nobles People for which he was excommunicated by Firmanus the Popes Legat that he might live Christianly and Chastly but he reforming not was soone after in the yeere 1â—90 slaine by the Cumans and his Kingdome infested with civill warres Mary the daughter of K. Lewes being received as Queene by the Hungarians for her fathers merits after his decease being yet young was married to Sigismond who was admitted into partnership in the government of the Realme and being governed by her mother and Nicholas de Gara who perswaded them to carry a strict hand over the Nobles of the Realme which they did thereupon the Nobles seeing themselves despised sent for Charles King of Naples into Hungary forced Mary and her Mother to resigne their rights to the Crowne and crowned Charles King at Alba Regalis When he was crowned the Bishop of Strigonium according to the custome demanded of the people thrice with alowd voyce Whether it were their pleasure that Charles should be crowned King who answered Yes which done he was crowned and soone after murthered by the two Queenes treachery Who were shortly after taken prisoners by Iohn de Horrach governour of Croatia the Queen Mother Elizabeth drowned Queen Mary kept prisoner and at last released upon oath given not to revenge her Mothers death who contrary to her oath caused Hornach and 32. Nobles more to be beheaded by Sigismond her husband whose kindred and children thereupon conspired against King Sigismond tooke and detained him prisoner Anno. 1401. till they should proceede further against him and in the meane time the Nobles of Hungary elected Ladislaus King of Apulia for their King and at last deposed Sigismond for his misgovernment cruelty love of women After Sigismonds death the Nobles and people were divided in the choise of their King one part electing and crowning Vladislaus King of Poland the other party Ladislaus an infant for their King but Vladislaus his party prevailing he was not long after slaine in a battle against the Turkes and the government of the Realme committed to that Noble Souldier Huniades during the Minority of Ladislaus who at his ripe age was received and declared King by all the Hungarians Ladislaus deceasing the Hungarians elected the Emperour Frederick King who delaying to come and take the election they thereupon chose Mathias King who enjoyed the dignity notwithstanding the Emperours opposition Anno. 1608. Mathias King of Hungary denyed the Protestants in Austria free exercise of their Religion they thereupon were forced to take up Armes and assembling together at Horne made a Protestation and sent to the States of Hungary requiring them to assist them with the succours that were promised by the offensive and defensive league after which they obtained a peace and part of what they demanded Anno 1613. In an Assembly of the Estates of Hungary the differences concerning the defence and Militia in the borders of Hungary against the Turke were ordered and setled And An. 1618. After many slow proceedings they elected Ferdinand of Bohemia for their King of Hungary but with these conditions That he should Religiously observe and cause to be immovably observed all the Liberties Immunities Priviledges Statutes Rights and Customes of the Kingdome with the Conclusions and Freaties of Vienna and all the Articles comprehended therein and all other concluded both before and after the Coronation of the Emperours Majestie in the yeares 1608. and 1609. Which Articles being ratified by the Emperour under his Letters Patents they proceeded to the Coronation according to the accustomed manner Such is the Soveraigne power of the States of Hungary to this very day And in one word so odious were Tyrants anciently to the Slavonians and Hungarians that by a publick Law of their Ancestors he who slew a Tyrannicall King was to succeede him in the Kingdome Bohemia For the Kings and Kingdome of Bohemia M. Paulus Stranskius in his Respublica Bohemiae c. 5 12. informes us out of the Fundamentall Lawes of Bohemia That the power of the Kings of Bohemia who are Elected by the generall Votes of the States is so farre restrained in that Realme that they can determine nothing concerning the Kingdome or great Affaires of the Realme but in their Parliaments or generall Assemblies of the Estates by the generall consent of the people which are Summoned by the king himself and held just like our Parliaments in the kings Regency and during the Interregnum by the Senate of the Realme as often as there is occasion there being this clause in the Writ of Summons That whether all those who are sommoned come at the day or not the king with those who appeare will proceed to decree what shall be just and beneficall for the Republicke and that those who neglect to appeare shall be bound thereby all Lawes and Acts are therein passed by publicke consent The king cannot alien or morgage any of the Crown Lands nor release not diminish the revenue Liberties of the Realm nor promote any strangers to the custodies of Castles or publicke functions impose no Taxes charges nor altar the ancient manner of the Militia of the Realm nor make warre or peace without the Parliaments advise and consent And before the king is Crowned the Burgrave and Nobles in the Name of all the Realme demand of him to confirm and ratifie both with his especiall Charter and publick Oath the Ancient and laudable Priviledges Immunities Liberties Rights Laws Customes and Institutions as well private as publicke of all and singular the inhabitants of the Realme and to governe them according to the rule of the Lawes after the example of his predecessors kings of Bohemia Which done he seales and delivers them a speciall Charter takes such a solemne Oath and then is Crowned upon these Conditions The Arch-bishop of Prague after the Letany ended demands of the king kneeling on his knees Wilt thou keepe the holy faith delivered to thee from Catholick men and observe it in just workes He answering I will He proceedes and saith Wilt thou Governe and defend the Kingdome granted thee from God according to the
in sundry Declarations justified their rejection of Ferdinand their Election of Frederick and his Title to be just and lawfull with their preceedent and subsequent warres in defence of Religion Yea Fredericke himselfe by sundry Declarations maintained his own Title and the lawfulnes of these wars which passages and proceedings being yet fresh in memory and at large related by Grimston in his Imperiall History I shall forbear to mention them By this briefe account you may easily discerne the Soveraigne power of the Realm and States of Bohemia over their kings and Princes most of the great Offices of which Realme are hereditary and not disposable by the King but States who Elect their Kings themselves and their greatest Officers too Poland For the Kings and Kingdome of Poland Martinus Chromerus in his Polonia lib. 2. De Republica et Magistratibus Poloniae informes us that the Princes and Dukes of Poland before it was advanced unto a Kingdome and the Kings of it ever since it became a Realme were alwaies elected by the chiefest Nobles and States unanimous suffrages That after the Kings of Poland became Christians their power began to bee more restrained then it was at first the Clergy being wholly exempt from their royall Iurisdiction That the King cannot judge of the life or fame of a knight unlesse in some speciall cases without it be in the assembly of the Estates with the Senate nor yet publickly make Warre or Peace with any nor impose Taxes or Tributes or new Customes nor alienate any of the goods of the Realme nor yet doe or decree any greater thing pertaining to the Common-wealth without the Senate or Parliaments assent Neither can hee make new Lawes nor publickly command money in an extraordinary manner nor coine money nor nominate a Successor not with the Senate without the consent of the Nobility whether of Knights or Gentlemens Order By or out of whom all publicke Magistrates and Senators almost are chosen so as now the summe or chiefest power of the Republicke is residing in them So that the Kingdome and Republicke of the Polonians doth not much differ in reason from that of the Lacedâ—monians in ancient times and of the Venetians now An Oath is exacted of the new King when he is crowned to this effect That he shall raigne according to the Lawes and institutes of his Predecessors and will safely conserve to every order and man his right priviledge and benefit confirmed by former Kings nor will he diminish any of the borders or goods of the Realme but will according to his power recover those that are lost from others After all which the Senate sweare fealty to him c. The Revenues Tributes and Customes of the King are all reduced to a certainty the Nobles Clergie are exempted from Taxes The king by the Lawes of King Alexander is prohibited to alien to any one the Lands of the Crowne No new Lawes can be made nor old ones repealed but by the king Senate and Nobles assembled in Parliament And because there is wont to be in highest power a slippery and ready degree to Tyrannie certaine Senators and Councellours are adjoyned to the King who may direct his Councells and Actions to the safety of the Common-wealth and his judgments according to the Rule of justice and equitie and with their wholsome monitions and Councells may as there shall be occasion as it were with certaine living Lawes both informe his minde and moderate his power This Royall Senate much greater now then in times past consists of a certaine number of men which wee call the Senators or Councellours of the REALME who are not admitted to the Councell without an Oath and this Office is perpetuall during life having certaine Honours and Magistracies thereto annexed partly Ecclesiasticall partly Civill It consists of 96. persons in all some of them Bishops others Palatines Knights Castellanes and other Officers of the Realme The Chancellor of the Realme may signe many things without the Kings Privitie and may deny to seale those things which are contrary to Law though the king command them Most of the great Officers and Magistrates are chosen in Parliament and cannot be displaced but in Parliament and that for some great offence Their Parliaments or Generall Assemblies of the States are held much like ours once every yeare at least and some times every fift or sixth moneth if there be occasion and then they are kept constantly at one place to wit at Petricow or Warsavia in the midst of the Kingdome unlesse it be upon some extraordinary just occasion and then the king by advice of this Councel may sommon the Parliament at another place It is provided by a Law within these 20. yeares That it shall not be lawfull to the King to make a warre without the assent of his Parliament and Great Councell and that the Nobles as oft as there is occasion shall at their owne costs without wages defend the borders of the Realme yet not without the King unlesse it be during the Interregnum but they may not be compelled to goe out of the Realme to any Forraigne warre without wages the Souldiers wages are reduced to a certainety and asseased by publicke consent in Parliament which Orders all Military and Civill Affaires So Cromerus For their carriage towards their ill Kings I shall give you onely a short account Miesco their second King being unfit to governe a man given wholly to his belly ease sleepe pleasure and governed by his Queene thereupon most of his subjects revolted from him and he dying the Polonians at first for many yeares refused to chuse Cazimirus his Son King least he should follow his fathers step till at last after a long Interregnum when he had turned Monke they elected him King Boleslaus his sonne a man of a dissolute life given to lust and the pâ—st of the Realme was excommunicated by the Bishop of Cracow for his wickednes for which cause he slew him Whereupon the Pope deprived him and Poland of the Crowne and absolved his Subjects from their obedience to him who expelled and forced him to flee out of the Realme into Hungary where he became mad and died Myâ—zlaus the 10. King of Poland exercising tyranny every where upon his people by reason of his power and allies was deposed by his subjects and Cazâ—miâ—us elected King in his stead He was three or foure times deposed â—nd put by the Crowne Boleslaus who succeeded Henry was deprived of the Monarchy Henry was surprised and most strictly imprisoned Boleslaus was slaine by his Nobles and Vladislaus Locktect elected King in his stead ravishing virgins Matrons and not reforming things according to promise the Nobles hereupon assembling together An 1300. abrogated his election as pernicious and chose Wenceslaus King of Bohemia King in his place And not to recite more ancient histories of such like nature King Henry the third of Poland was elected and sworne King upon conditions which he
was to performe Anno 1574. After which he secretly departing out of Poland without the assent of the Nobles to take possession of the Crowne of France within 3. monthes after his Coronation in Poland the Polonians sent Messengers after him to Fâ—rrara June 16. 1574. who denounced to him that unlesse he returned into Poland before the 12. of May following they would depose him and elect another King Which he neglecting they in a generall assembly of the Estates at Warsauia deprived him of the Crowne and elected a new King the Chancellor and greatest part of the Counsellers elected Maximilian the Emperour Some others with the greater part of the Nobility desiring to have one of the Polish blood elected Anno sister of their deceased King Sigismund giving her for husband Stephen Battery Prince of Transylvania and proclaimed him King The Emperour making mary delayes Stephen in the meane time enters Poland marrieth Anne and is crowned King by generall consent February 8. 1576. who tooke this memorable Coronation Oath prescribed to him by the Nobles I Stephen by the grace of God elected King of Poland great Duke of Lithunia c. Promise and sacredly sweare to Almighty God upon these holy Evangelists of Iesus Christ that I will hold observe deford and fulfill in al. conditions criticles and points therein expressed all Rights Liberties Securities priviledges publike and private not contrary to the common Law and Liberties of both Nations justly and lawfully given and granted to the Ecclesiastickes and seculars Churches Princes Barons Nobles Citizens inhabitants and any other persons of what state and condition so ever by my godly Predecessors Kings Princes or Lords of the Kingdome of Poland and of the great Dukedome of Lithuania especially by Casimir Lewis the great called Loys Vladislaus the first called Iagiello and his brother Withold great Duke of Lithuania Vladislaus the 2. Casimyr the 3. Iohn Albert Alexander Sigismund the first and 2. Augustus and Henry Kings of Poland and great Dukes of Lithuania or derived and granted from them together with the Lawes enacted and established or offered by all the States during the Interregnum and the pacts and agreements of my Orators made with the States in my name That I will defend and maintaine peace and tranquility between those who differ about Religion neither by any meanes either by Our Iurisdiction or by any authority of Our Officers or states permit any to be troubled or oppressed neither will we our Selfe injure or oppresse any by reason of Religion All things any way whatsoever unlawfully alienated or distracted either by warre or any other meanes from the Kingdome of Poland the great Dukedome and their dominions I will re-unite to the propriety of the said Kingdome of Poland and great Dutchy of Litluania I will not diminish the lands of the Kingdome and great Dukedome but defend and enlarge them I will administer justice to all the inhabitants of our Kingdome and execute the publike Laws constituted in all my Dominions without all delaies and prorogations having no respect of any persons whatsoever And if I shall violate my Oath in any thing which God forbid the Inhabitants of my Realme and of all my Dominions of what Nation soever shall not bee bound to yeeld me any Obedience Yea I doe ipso facto free them from all Faith and Obedience which they owe unto me as King I will demand no absolution from this my Oath of any one neither will I receive any which shall be voluntarily offered So helpe me God To this notable Oath an unanswerable evidence of the States of Polands absolute Soveraignty over their Kings this King within 4. dayes after his Coronation added a confirmation of their Priviledges containing the same heads enlarged with a few more words which he confirmed with his solemne deed and Royall Seal and delivered the same to the Chancellor and Vice-chancellor of the Realme to give out Coppies of them under the great Seale to all the States of the Realm who meeting afterwards in a Parliament at Warsauia Anno 1562 there was much debate about setling of the Premises and nothing concluded Anno 1587 the States of Poland questioned and opposed K. Stephen for violating their Priviledges and those of Riga tooke up armes in defence of them refusing after his death to repaire to the Assembly of the States at Warsauia Anno 1587. vnlesse their Priviledges might be preserved and rectified as you may read at large in Chytraeus King Stephen dying the Estates of Poland and Lithuania assembled at Warsauia Anno 1587. where they made Lawes for preserving the Peace during the Inter regnum and enacted that no new King should be elected but by the unanimous consent and agreeing Suffrages of all the Estates and that he who shall nourish factions or receive gifts or rewards or use any other practises about the election of a new King should bee reputed an Enemy of his Country After which they proceeding to an Election there were divers competitors named and after many debates One part chose Maximilian Duke of Austria the other Sigismund the King of Swethland his Sonne both of them uppon expresse articles and conditions which they both sealed and swore unto the chiefe whereof were these To preserve all their Rights Lawes Priviledges and Immunities publike or private inviolably To keepe all former Leagues and Truces To bestow no Offices upon strangers nor harbour any about them except some few Private servants but native onely and to be conselled and advised by them alone To maintain a Navy Garrisons and build divers Castles in the Frontiers at their owne costs for the Kingdomes preservation To redresse all grievances maintaine the Priviledges Rights and Peace of those who differed in Religion To procure and augment the weale peace Priviledges and safety of the Realme and perform all Articles mentioned in the Oathes of King Henry and Stephen In fine this competition comming to bee determined by the sword Maximillian was taken prisoner by Sigismund and forced to release his right to obtain his liberty And a Decree passed in Parliament That no man hereafter should in the Election of the King of Poland presume to name or recommend any of the house of Austria to the Crown and if any did he should be ipso facto infamous Which decree the Emp. Rodolph desired might be abolished as being a disparagement to that family yet prevailed not After which this King managed all things concerning Warre Peace and the Government of the Realm by advice of his Parliament as Chytraeus at large relates and his Successors to this present have done the like taking the Crown upon such conditions and making such conditionall Oathes at their Coronations as Steven did at his Denmarke For the Kings of Denmarke I have formerly proved That they can make no War Peace Lawes nor lay any impositions on their subjects but by common consent of the Estates in Parliament their Kings being elective by the people and
crowned Kings upon such conditions Oaths Articles as their States in whom the Soveraign power resides shall prescribe unto them who as Bodin clearly determines have a lawfull power to question censure and depose them for their Tyrannie and misgovernment they having no greater Authority then the Kings of Bohemia or Poland To run over the Histories of all their ill Kings would be overtedious for which you may peruse Saxogrammaticus others I shall give you in brief how some of their later kings have been handled by their subjects for their Tyranny and misgovernment Not to mention the murthers of Canutus in Iutland in the very Church or of Magnus or Nicholas slain by their subjects King Humblus was deprived of his Crown and king Harold deposed by his subjects for his insolency Suano waxing proud Tyrannous and oppressive to his people became so odious to them that his Nobles adjoyned Canutus and Waldemar to him in the royall government and divided the kingdom between them who thereupon being much displeased slew Canutus and wounded Waldemar being impatient of any Peers in government for which being soon after vaquished by Waldemar hee was beheaded by the people Able slaying and beheading his brother king Ericus and usurping his Crown the people rose up in arms against him took him prisoner and the Peasants in Frisia slew him King Christopher spoyling Waldemar of his Dukedom of Schleswick thereupon the Earles of Holsatia rose up in armes against him took him prisoner and detained him so at Hamburgh till he paid a great ransome for his libertie King Ericus was slain by his own servants Anno 1286. king Waldemar was expelled the Realme by his Subjects and afterwards restored upon his friends mediation who not long after denying Merchants their ancient liberties in the Realme the maritine Cities conspiring against him entred Denmark with a great Army expelled him the Realme tooke his Castell of Coppenhagen and had the land of Scania assigned to them for 16. years by the Nobles in recompence of their damages sustained Ericus seeing his subjects every where rise up in Arms against him sayled into Poland An. 1438. and deserted his Kingdom and Soveraignty the people denying him libertie to name a Successor and electing Christopher Duke of Bavaria for their king After whom they elected Christierne the first king against whom the Sweeds rebelling for want of administration of justice and the oppression of his Officers vanquished Christiern in battell and set up a new king of their own named Charles who An. 1455. abandoned the Royalty the Swedes after that would neither create any new king nor obey Christierne nor yet King Iohn who succeeded him whose Queen they took and detained prisoner two years and maintained warre against him Christierne the second King of Denmarke was thrust out of his kingdome for his Tyrannie and breach of his subjects Priviledges which he endeavouring to regain was taken prisoner by his Vncle Frederick Duke of Scleswick and Holstein and committed prisoner to Sunderburge in Holsatia where hee dyed in chains Frederick was elected king in his place upon certain Articles and conditions which he was sworn unto before his Coronation in a generall assembly of the States held at Hafnia An. 1524. in and by which assembly Christierne was solemnly deposed and a Declaration made printed and published in the name of all the States of Denmark wherein they expresse the cause why they renounced their faith and obedience to Christierne sworn unto him upon certain conditions which he had broken and elected Frederick Which Declaration because it is not common perchance to every ordinary Shollar and contains many things touching the frame and liberty of the kingdome of Denmarke the Articles to which the kings do usuall swear at their Coronations and the Tyrannnies of Christierne for which he was deprived I shall here insert as I finde it recorded in David Chytraeus OMnibus Christianis Regnis principatibus regionibus populis notum est in orbe Christiano celebre regnum DANIAE suum esse quod non secus ac caeterae regna plurimis jam seculis Regia sua praeeminentia dignitate or namentis libertate praeditum fuerit adhuc sit ita quidem ut Regnum Daniae ejusque legitimè electi Reges nullum unquam superiorem magistratum aut Dominum agnoverint Omnibus quoque temporibus Archiepiscopis Episcopis Dynastis praelatis nobilitati liberrimum fuit regem Dominum aliquem suo judicio arbitrio designare in communem regni Patriae consolationem salutem eligere cujus gubernatione exemplo ductu regnum supradictum Christianis statutis ordinationibus secundum leges suas scriptas antiquas consuetudines vigere miseri oppressi subditisublevari viduae pupilli defendi possent Qui quidem rex semper hactenus a prima electione convenienti juramento obligatione se huic regno devincire coactus est Etiamsi igitur nobis omnibus regni hujus ordinibus consiliariis licuisset post obitumpotentissimi Regis quondam Daniae Iohannis laudatae memoriae pro jure nostro secundum antiquam multis seculis continuatam regni Danici libertatem regem aliquempro arbitrio nostro designare eligere tamen virtute justicia magnanimitate bonitate beneficientia eorum Daniae regum qui ex Holsatorum prosapia originem duxerant moti bona spe freti fore utrex Christiernus è vestigiis regiis avisâ—i Regis Christierni R. Iohannis patris sui non excederet sed potius ad eorum similitu◠〈◊〉 exemplum gubernationem suam institueret supra-dictum R. Christiernum 〈◊〉 vivo adhuc patre Iohanne in Regem Dominum totius Daniae designavimuâ— elegimus Quo quidem ipso tempore celfitudo ipsius solemni IURAMENTO verbis conceptiâ— Deo sanctisque testibus citatis praestito Archiepis Episcopis Dynastis praelatis equitibus civitatibus populo regni Danici se devinxit obligavit cujus juramenti inter alia haec quoque capita expressa fuerunt Debemus ante omnia Deum diligere colere sanctam ecclesiam defendere amplificare Omnia Episcoporum Praelatorum ministrorum status ecclesiastici privilegia à S. Ecclesia regibus Christianis ipsis concessa inviolata conservare Archiepiscopâ—s quoque Londensem et Nidrosiensem et praterea Episcopos praelatos Equites auratos alios ordinis Equestris Regni Proceres Consiliarios convenienti observantia honore pro cujusque conditione statu prosequi Si qua nobis controversia sit cum Archiepiscopis Episcopis aut praelatis S. Ecclesiae eorumque ministris in locis convenientibus nimirum coram senatu regni cognosci transigi oportebit Si qua nobis ipsis aut praefectis nostris controversia cùm aliquo ex nobilitate sive is senator regni sit sive non incidet eum coram universo regni senatu hoc nomine compellare debemus sive ea controversia
quin factum hoc nostrum ad quod extrema necessitas nos compulit nequaquam sint improbaturi Pro quo ipso singulis pro ratione ordinis conditionis suae nostra studia officia gratitudlnem omni tempore praestandam deferimus pollicemur Swethland NOt to mention the Kings and Kingdom of Norway long since incorporated into Denmarke whose lives and Catalogue you may reade in Munster Ioannis Magnus Crantzius and others in which Realme not one King anciently died of age or diseases in above one hundred yeers but of violent deaths there being this custom That whosoever slew a tyrant King was thereby made a King The Kings of Swethland have alwayes been elected upon certaine conditions and subordinate to the power and censures of their whole States and Parliament in such sort as the Kings of Hungary Bohemia Poland and Denmarke have beene and oft times this Kingdome hath beene annexed to the Realme of Denmarke and subject to the Danish Kings as they saw occasion The names and lives of the Swedish Kings before and since their conversion to Christianity you may reade at large in Munster Joannis Magnus Crantzius Olaus Magnus and others I shall give you a taste onely of some of them out of those Authors Halsten and Animander his successor were thrust out of their Thrones and Realms by their Subjects After whose death the Swedes elected one King of their owne Nation the Gothes another not enduring a forraign Prince to reigne over them King Bugerius slaying his brother Ericus who had imprisoned him at a banquet his Nobles detesting this his treacherous act rose up in Armes against him expelled him the Realme and beheaded his Queen and Magnus his son electing Magnus the son of Ericus for their King Magnus the seventh betrothed his son Aquin to a kinswoman of the Earle of Holstain upon this condition That unlesse Aquin should receive her a Virgin all the Nobles of the Realme should be freed from their Oath of Allegeance to him The Virgin sailing into Swethland was taken prisoner by Waldamer King of Denmarke who betrothed his daughter Margaret to Aquin whereupon the Nobles of Sweden denied to yeeld any more obedience to their King deserted Magnus and chose Albert King Magnus seeking to regaine his Realme was defeated in battell and died in exile Queen Margaret taking Albert prisoner and conquering Sweden left it and two Kingdoms more to Ericus her adopted son But the Swedes weary of a forraigne yoke by the helpe of Engelbert denied subjection to him and waged warre so long with him that he was forced to place Swedes in all the Castles by agreement and to receive onely halfe the revenues of the Realme in his absence and at last tired out with the wars deserted both Crowne and Kingdome After this the Swedes elected Charles for their King who after seven yeers reigne perceiving that he grew grievous and displeasing to the States of Sweden taking his owne private goos onely with him and leaving the treasure of the Realm in a safe place left the Kingdome Whereupon they elected Christierne the first the King of Denmarke and Norway for their King against whom they took up armes because he had broken that paction prescribed to him when he tooke the Crowne whereupon Anno 1499. Christierne came with a great power to subdue the Swedes but he was easily conquered repulsed thence twice one after another by the Swedes united forces who elected them a Governour whom they called a Marshall which had power to call generall Assemblies of the States and execute the Kings Office and might have beene elected King upon such conditions as the States propounded which he refused to submit to King Iohn thinking to subdue the Swedes after Christiernes death was repulsed by them and his Queen taken prisoner His sonne Christierne the second King of Denmarke by the treachery of Gustavus Archbishop of Vpsalis after many encounters upon promise to continue their Laws Liberties and Priviledges inviolably and to remit all offences past by a solemne Oath was elected by the Swedes for their King who swearing these Articles and confirming them by his Charter was upon this admitted into the Towne and Castle of Holme where feasting all the Nobles and principall men of Swethland two dayes together suspecting no treachery he suddenly apprehends them imprisons murthers all the Nobles Gentry Citizens Commons yea Bishops and Monkes with extraordinary cruelty spoils their wives and Orphans of all their goods and exerciseth more then barbarous tyranny over them which Gustavus Erichson a noble Swede then in Denmarke hearing of escape thence privily and comes into Swethland disguised raiseth an Army to revenge this butchery delivers his Country from this Tyrant and for his noble service was by their unanimous vote elected and crowned King of Sweden in his stead the Swedes in a publike Declaration manifesting their expulsion and deprivation of Christierne for his treachery and tyranny to be just and lawfull Ericus the seventeenth King of Sweden imprisoning his brother murdering his faithfull Counsellours warring upon his Subjects playing the tyrant and matching himselfe unworthily to a woman of meane condition was for these his misdemeanors taken prisoner with his Queene deposed and his brother made King in his stead Anno 1599. And Sigismund King of Sweden taking upon him the Crowne of Poland after fourteen yeers reigne was deposed and dispossessed of his Kingdom Anno 1607. and Charles his Uncle made King in his stead Assyria Cyprus Lombardy Naples Venice I Could now acquaint you with many such like passages and stories in the Kingdomes of Assyria as how effeminate Sardanapalus for his vices and mis-government was deprived by his Subjects burned in his Palace and Arbactus made King in his stead In the Kingdom of Cyprus where King Peter murthering his brother and those of Geneva was soon after taken prisoner and made a tributary Prince King Iohn governed by Helena his wife and she by his Nurse which made the people weary of the government had a Regent by consent of the Nobles Ioba of Portugall whom they married to his daughter Carlota set over him and the Realm and all the royall power soon after put into his hands who being soon poysoned by Helena Lewes sonne to the Duke of Savoy was sent for and crowned King by generall assent and John and Iames his sons put by Clephus the second King of Lombardy was so cruell that after his death they would have no more Kings but chose thirty Dukes to governe them who continued this government eleven yeeres Desiderius the last King of Lombardy was taken prisoner with all his children in Pavia by Charles the great and so that Kingdome ceased Anno 774. Tancred the fourth King of Naples was deposed by Pope Celestine the third with his peoples consent Momfrey Bastard poysoning Conrade the seventh King of Naples and usurping the Crown was deposed by Charles Earle of Aniou who
enjoyed the Crowne till Aragon seased on the Realme Jone Queene of Naples married Andrew second sonne to Charles King of Hungary whom she hanged at her window for insufficiency after marrying Iames of Tarragou she beheaded him for lying with another woman and was at last driven out of her Kingdome by Lewes of Hungary and hanged at the same window where she hanged her first husband Peter Duke of Venice was for his tyranny and misgovernment besieged in his palace by the people which they fired and then taking him his wife and sonne dragged them unto the butchery where they chopped them in pieces and threw him to the dogs to be devoured notwithstanding all their submissions and intreaties on their knees Anno 977. So Duke Falier and many other Dukes have beene condemned to death and executed by the States of Venice and that justly as Bodine grants Multitudes of such like presidents occur in most other Dukedoms and Principalities which I will not name because they want the title of Kings though Aquinas truly holds That a Kingdome is so called from ruling therefore he who hath others under his government is said to have a Kingdome in reality though not in propriety of speech and so are Kings in verity though not in title I might adde to these many more examples manifesting what miseries and untimely deaths tyrannicall Kings and Princes have undergone in all ages and States being commonly deposed poysoned murthered but I shall for brevity passe over these examples remitting the Readers to Aristotle Aelian and Doctor Beard his Theatre of Gods Judgements and come nearer home to Scotland as having nearest relation to England Scotland WHat soveraigne power and jurisdiction the Realme Parliaments and Nobles of Scotland have claimed and exercised over their Kings who saith Buchanan can neither make Laws Warre Peace nor conclude of any great affairs of the Realm without a Parliament which hath there and in Hungary Poland Denmarke Swethland been oft-times summoned not onely without but against their Kings consents and how frequently they have questioned imprisoned censured deposed yea judicially sentenced their Kings for their tyrannies oppressions whoredoms murders 〈◊〉 and evill administrations you may reade at large in George Bucanan King James his owne Tutor in his Booke De Iure Regni apud Scotos and his Rerum Scoticarum Historia Where this their Soveraigne power iâ— so largely vindicated debated demonstrated and the chiefe objections against it cleared so abundantly that I shall not adde one syllable to it but present you with some Historicall examples which confirme it Fergusius the first King of Scotland dying and leaving two sons infants unable to governe the Realme the Scots thereupon considering what dangers might befall them both at home and abroad during their infancy at last concluded after much debate and setled this for a standing law that when any King died leaving his son under age and unfit to governe the next of their kinred who should be esteemed fittest to raigne should enjoy the soveraigne power and that he being dead then the succession of the Crowne should returne to the children of the deceased King being of age to rule which Law continued constantly for many hundred yeeres untill the reigne of Kenreth the third By this Law Feritharis brother to Fergusius abtained the Crowne and reigned fifteene yeeres with much justice and modesty after which his Nephew Ferleg desiring to raigne demanded his Fathers Kingdome of his Uncle who being willing to resigne it to him called an assembly of the estates made an Oration in praise of Ferleg profered to resigne the Crowne unto him But such was all the assemblies love to Feritharis and hatred to Ferleg for this his preposterous affectation of the Crowne that they detested the act and denied the motion both with frownes and verball reprehentions Whereupon Ferleg conspired his Uncles death which being discovered they thought him worthy of death but for Fergusius his fathers sake his life was spared and he onely imprisoned after which making an escape he fled first to the Picts then to the Britous and in the meane time Feritharis dying by the treachery of Ferleg as was suspected Ferleg by the unanimus sentence of all was condemned and put from his Crowne being absent and his brother Mainus created King Dornadilla the fourth King of Scotland dying leaving Reuther his sonne under age and unfit to raigne the people made Notatus his brother King who playing the tyrant banishing murthering and oppressing the people Donald of Galloway raised an Army against him expostulated with him for his tyranny and wished him to resigne the Crown to Reuther which he refusing to do and justifying his tyranny hereupon Donald gave him battell slew him and made Reuther King without the peoples suffrages Upon which the Nobles being offended because the power of the Parliament was by this meanes abolished and the election of the supreame Magistrate made onely by one man tooke up Armes both against Ruther and Donald gave them battell twice in one day and tâ—oke Ruther their new King prisoner who afterwards dying and leaving There his sonne an infant scarce ten yeeres old they according to the Law formerly made and received in this case made his unkle Ruther King who after seventeene yeeres reigne voluntarily resigned his Crowne to his Nephew There in whose commendation he made an Oration the people hardly permitting it There soone after growing very vitious and flagitious slaying the Nobles and filling the Realme with robberies the Governours pittying the deploâ—able state of the Realme resolved to punish him for it of which he being informed fled to the Brittains where he spent his daies in contempt and ignominy not daring to returne Conan a prudent and discreet man being elected Viceroy in the meane time which office he held almost twelve yeeres till the death of There In the reigne of Finnan the tenth King of Scotland that the roots of tyranny might be cut off it was decreed That Kings should command nothing of greater moment to be dâ—re but by the authority of the publique Councell Durstus the eleventh King giving himselfe to all deboistnesse first banished his fathers friends from him as the troublesome reprehenders of his pleasures and sending for the most vitious young men to be his familiar companions gave himselfe wholly to luxury and venery He prostituted his wife daughter to the King of Britains to his companions and then banished her At last the Nobles conspiring against him he awaking as it were out cut of sleepe considering that he should finde no place of safety neither at home nor abroad being equally hated of strangers and subjects thought best to counterfeit repentance of his former life for so he might retaine both his Crowne and in time inflict punishments on his enemies Wherefore recalling his wife from exile he first of all endeavoured to reconcile himselfe to the Britains then calling the chiefest of his
subjects to him he ratified with a most solemne oath the oblivion of his former courses he committed every most wicked person to prison as if he reserved them for punishment and religiously promised that he would doe nothing hereafter but by the advice of his Nobles When by these things he had given assurance of his sincere mind he celebrated the agreement with pastimes banquets and other signes of publique gladnesse and now all mens minds being taken up with joy he called most of the Nobility to a supper where when he had shut them up improvident and unarmed in one roome sending in his assasinates he slew them every one This calamity not so much terrifying as exasperating the minds of the rest with new flames of anger they gathered a great army together all men conspiring to take away this detested monster whom they slew in battell together with his wicked confederates After whose slaughter the Nobles putting by Durstus sonnes lest they should imitate their fathers vices elected his brother Even King with unanimous consent who hating Durstus his tyranny had voluntarily banished himselfe among the Picts Even dying leaving a bastard sonne called Gillo he procured himselfe to be elected Viceroy till a new King should be chosen and got the Kingdome confirmed to him but yet not deeming himselfe secure as long as any of Durstus his family remained he treacherously slew Durstus his two eldest sonnes with all his kindred and familiars With which the Nobles being much discontented and fearing worser things privily raised an Army against him who finding himself generally deserted but by a few flagicious persons who feared punishment He was forced to flie in a Fisherboat into Ireland whereupon the Scots created Cadvallus their Vice-roy and after that created Even their King who conquering Gillo in Ireland he was forced to fly into a Cave where he was taken and his head cut off King Even the third not content with an hundred Concubines of the Nobility made a Law That it should be lawfull for every one to marry as many Wives as he could keepe and that the King should have the mayden-head of Noble women and the Nobles of the Plebeans before they were married and that the common peoples Wives should be common for the Nobles Besides luxury cruelty and avarice were the companions of this his flagitious life he murthering the rich to get their wealth and favouring tâ—eeves to shâ—e in their robberies whereupon the Nobles and people conspiring against him and taking up Armes he discerned how unfaithfull the society of ill men is for being deserted by his party as soone as the battell began he came alive into his enemies hands and was committed to peâ—petuall prison his life being spared by the intercession of Cadalan who was made Vice-roy in his stead but soone after he was strangled in the prison by one whom he had formerly injured King Corbreds sonne being within age at his death the Assembly of the States made Dardan King who within three yeeres space rushing into all kind of vices bannished all prudent and honest men out of his Court kept none but flatterers about him slew Cardorus and divers others vertuous men who advertised him of his faults and to take away the feate of succession plotted the death of Corbred Galdus and others whereupon the Nobles and people by unanimous consent rose up against him slew his evill instruments routed his Forces tooke him prisoner whilst he was about to murder himselfe cut off his head which they carried about for a laughing-stocke and threw his corps into a jakes after he had raigned foure yeeres Luctacke the 22 King of Scots giving himselfe wholly to Wine and Harlots sparing the chastity of none though never so neere allied to him nor their husbands never so great deflowring his owne Sisters Aunts Daughters joyning inhumane cruelty and insatiable avarice to his lust and depraving the youth of the Country corrupted by his example when as no man durst resist him was at last convented before an Assembly of the chiefe men where being more freely reprehended for those crimes he commanded the chiefe of them to be drawne away to punishment as seditious calling them old doting fooles Whereupon the people assembling together slew both him and the instruments of his wickednesses when he had scarce reigned three yeeres space Mogaldus was elected King in his place who carefully reforming all the abuses and corruptions of Luctack in the beginning of his reigne yet fell at last unto them in his old age and grew so odious by his vices to the Nobles and common people that they weary of him rose up against him he being unable to resist them wandred up down with one or two Companions in secret places seeking to escape by flight but was at last taken and slaine Conarus his sonne and successor giving himselfe to all manner of luxurie and lust brought the Realme in short time to great penury giving Lands and riches to most vile and naughty persons because they favoured his corrupt living and invented new exactions upon his people Whereupon summoning a Parliament he demanded a Tribute of them to support his State and Court in Honour who taking time to deliberate and understanding at last that this his hunting after money proceeded not from his Nobles but from the inventions of Courtflatters they resolved to commit the King to ward as unfit to governe untill he renouncing the Crowne they should elect another King Whereupon the next day he who was first demanded his opinion Declaimed sharply against the Kings former life his bauds and companions as unprofitable in warre troublesome in peace full of shame and disgrace shewed that the Kings revenues were sufficient to maintain him if he lived within compasse that the rest might be supplied out of the estates and by the death of those on whom he had bestowed the publique patrimony and that the King in the meane time should be committed to custody as unfit to rule till they elected another who might teach others by his example to live sparingly and hardly after their Countrey custome and might transmit the discipline received from their ancestors to posterity With which free speech he growing very angry instead of pacifying their discontented minds inflamed them more with his cruell threatnings whereupon the King being laid hâ—nds on by those who stood next him was sâ—ut up in a Hall with a few attendants his Courtiers the authors of ill counsell were presently brought to punishment and Aâ—gâ—â—us a Nobleman made Vice-roy till the people should meet to elect a new King after which Câ—naâ—â— spent with griefe and sicknesse died in prison King Ethâ—dâ—us his sonne being an infant â—i brother Tetraâ—ell was chosen King who murthering his nephew cutting off divers of the Nobles and spoâ—ling the common people to establish the Kingdome in himselfe he grew so edicus and so much dâ—minished his authority in a short time that he stirred up divers seditions which he
not daring to goe abroad to suppressâ— bâ—ing generally hated was at last strangled by his own fellowers in the night in his own House Ethedius the 2. being a stupid man and of a duller wit then was suitable to the government of so fierce a people the Nobles hereupon assembling together oâ—t of their respect to the family of Fergusius would not wholy deprive him of the name of a King though he were slothfull being guilty of no crime but assigned Him governours to execute Justice in every County at last he was slain in a tumult of his familiars King Athirco his sonne degenerating from his former vertues and growing extreamely covetous angry luxurious sloathfull and leaving the company of all good men was not ashamed to goe openly in the sight of the people playing upon a Flute and rejoycing more to be a Fiâ—ler then a Prince whereby he became very odious to the people at last ravishing the daughters of Nathalocus a Noble man and then whipping and prostituting them to his lewd companions lusts thereupon the Nobles rising up in Armes against him when he had in vain endeavoured to defend himself by force being generally deserted by his own people who hated him for his wickednesse he murthered himself and his brother Donus was enforced to flie with his little ones to the Picts to save his life Nathalicke succeeded in his Realme governing it ill by indigent ordinary persons who would attempt any wickednesse and treacherously strangling divers of the Nobility who were opposites to him in the prison to which he committed them to establish his Kingdome thereupon their friends with others being more enraged against him raised an Army to suppresse him which whiles he endeavoured to resist he was slain by one of his own servants or as some say by a Sorceresse with whom he consulted to know his end King Findocke being treacherously slain through the conspiracy of Carantius his second brother Donald his third brother was elected King Donald of the Isles usurping the Realme by violence so farre oppressed the people by ill officers and discords raised amongst them that he durst seldome stirre abroad he never laughed but when he heard of the discord and slaughter of his Nobles for which he was at last surprised and slaine by Crathilinthus who was unanimously elected King and slew all thâ—s tyrants children After the death of Fircormarch there were great divisions and warres for the Crowne between Romach and Angusian two brethren Romach at last conquering his brother and chasing him into Ireland gained the Crown rather by force then love of the people which to preserve he shewed himselfe very cruell to the adverse party reduced capitall causes to his owne arbitrement and putting many to death strucke a generall feare in all good men Upon this he grew so generally odious to all estates that they conspired against and suppressed him before he could collect his Forces and cutting off his head carried it about 〈◊〉 Poll as a joyfull spectacle to the people Constantine the first of Scotland as soone as he obtained the Crowne loosed the reines to all Vices he was cruell and covetous towards his Nobles kept company with men of the basest Ranke gave himselfe onely to the rapes of maides matrons and immoderate feasts having fidlers Stage-players and ministers of all sorts of pleasures almost about him with which vices the Nobles of Scotland being offended admonished him of his duty But he proudly contemning them wished them to looke after other matters saying he had councell enough from others and that they should lay aside their false hope that they could reclaime the King by their Councell On the contrary he was of so poore a dejected Spirit towards his enemies that he not onely granted them peace but remitted them injuries and restored them Castles as soone as they demanded them Which caused the Picts and Scots to consult together to depose him by force of Armes from which Douglasse disswaded them for the present by reason of their forraigne wars with the Britans and Saxons In the end he was slaine for ravishing a Noblemans daughter in the 15. yeare of his Raigne King Goran was slaine by the people for favouring Towers chiefe Inquisitor or judge of capitall causes who much oppressed the people his children being young Hugonius succeeded to the Crown and afterwards his brothers Congalus and Kumatel after whom Ardan the sonne of King Goran reigned Ferquhard the 52. King of Scots a craftie man desiring to turne the Kingdome into a tyrannie nourished great divisions among the Nobles but they discovering his malice privily enter into an accord among themselves and calling a Parliament sommoned him thereunto who refusing to appeare keeping within his Castle they thereupon tooke it by force and brought him to judgement against his will where many and grievous crimes among others his cruelty and negligence in the affaires of the Common-wealth the Pelagian Heresie with contempt of Baptisme and the other Sacraments were objected against him of none whereof he being able sufficiently to purge himselfe was cast into prison where out of shame and sorrow he slew himselfe Ferquhard the second a man polluted with all kinde of wickednesse an unsatiable desirer of wine and money inhumanely cruell towards men and impious towards God when he had every where vexed others with cruelty and rapines at last turned his fury against his owne slaying his owne wife and ravishing his owne daughters for which wickednesses he was excommunicated but the Nobles willing to assemble together to punish him were diswaded by holy Bishop Colman who told the King openly that some Devine judgement would shortly seize upon him which fell out accordingly for falling into a Feaver and not abstaining from his intemperance he was eaten up of lice Maldwin 55. King of Scotland was strangled by his Queen for suspition of Adultery with an Harlot for which fact she her selfe was burned 4 dayes after Amberkelethus a vicious wicked king was slain by one of his own men with an arrow in the night when he was marching against the Picts whereupon lest the Army should be dissolved or left without a Generall Eugenius the 7 th was presently chosen King in the Tents who making peace with the Picts his wife being slaine in his bed by two conspirators who sought his life the king being suspected of this murther was thereupon imprisoned but before his triall set at liberty by the apprehension of the Murtherers King Eugenius the 8 th rushing into all Vices and neither regarding the admonitions of his Nobles or Clergie was for his filthy lusts covetousnesse and cruelty slaine in the assembly of his Lords by their generall consent and his companions in wickednesse and villany hanged which was a gratefull spectacle to the people Fergusius the third succeeded him both in his Crowne and Vices he was a foule drunken glutton and so outragiously given to Harlots that he neglected his owne wife and brought her to such poverty
that she was forced to serve other Noble women for her living wherefore to expiate this disgrace she murthered him in his bed and afterwards slew her selfe also Donald the 70 King of Scotland gave himselfe wholy to his pleasures keeping none but Hunters Hawkers and inventors of new lusts about him on whom he spent the revenues of the Realme by which he corrupted the youth of the kingdome which the ancients of the Realme discerning assembled and went to the King admonishing him of his duty which he notwithstanding neglected till the wars roused him up Which being ended he returned to his pristine courses Whereupon the Nobles fearing lest this filthy and sloathfull man who would neither be amended by the councels of his friends nor calamities of his people should lose the remainder of the Kingdome which was left cast him into prison where for griefe of his inhibited pleasures or feare of publike shame he layd violent hands upon himselfe Constantine the second was inhibited by his Senators to make war before he had reformed the corrupted youth of the Realme by good Lawes after which he was slaine in battle by the Danes King Ethus his brother and successor polluting himselfe with all vices and drawing all the youth of the Country prone to wickednesse with him he was the reupon seised on by the Nobles who making a long Oration to the people wherein they related the wickednesses of his whole life he was forced to renounce his right in the kingdome and dyed in prison of griefe within three days after Gregory being made King in his stead Constantine the third turning Monke Malchombe was elected king who was slaine by the conspiracie of theeves whose sonne Duffus being an infant Indulfus enjoyed the Crowne to whom Duffus succeeding was murthered by Donald whereupon a Parliament was assembled to chuse a new King which elected Culenus who at last degenerating into all licentiousnesse ravished Virgins Nunnes yea his owne sisters and daughters and set up a kinde of publicke stewes For which being reprehended by the Nobles he excused part by reason of his youth part by reason of feare and acknowledgeing his sorrow for the residue promised a â—endment But he not reforming upon their admonitions they departed from Court that they might neither be witnesses nor partakers of his vices The king freed of their troublesome company gave himselfe wholy to feasting and venery spending nights and dayes in dishonest sports and pleasures with his dissolute companions and to maintaine his luxurie he pillaged and oppressed his Subjects especially those who were rich and by his disorders fell into a grievous sicknesse which made him a deformed carcasse fit for nothing but to suffer the penalties of his vitious life his Courtiers and companions spoyling the people every where in the meane time Whereupon the Nobles were enforced to summon a Parliament at Scone where the king was commanded to be present that together with the rest he might consult how to provide for the publicke safety in his precipitate State of things with which sommons being awaked he began to consult with his companions what was best to be done for his owne safety in these exigents being unable to resist or flee he resolved to goe to the Parliament hoping to finde some mercy there for his good fathers sake to preserve him from falling into extreame misery but in his way thither he was slaine by the Thane of the Country for his violent ravishment of his daughter his death was acceptable to all because it freed them of such a monster with lesse labour then they expected and Kenneth the third was made King in his place who poysoning his Nephew Malcolme heire to the crown after his decease to settle on his own posteritie he caused the Lords in Parliament to repeale the ancient Law wherby the Crown discended to the next of kin during the minority of the right heire and to enact that the sonne should from thenceforth inherite the crowne next after his father through a Minor that the Realme during his Minority should be governed by a Viceroy elected by the Parliament and Nobles till he came to 14 yeeres of age and after that by a Gardian elected by himselfe that if the Kings eldest sonne dyed having issue the issue should inherit before the second brother c. After which the King generally hated for the poysoning of Malcolme was slaine by the practise and command of Fenella He thus cut off Constantine surnamed the bald sonne of Culen pretending the new Law concerning the discent of the Crowne to be unjust obtained by force and contrary both to the publicke liberty and safety to wit that an infant commonly governed by a woman being unable to governe or repulse an enemy in times of danger yea a curse of God upon a Realme and therefore not to be endured or setled by a Law especially in those time of warre when they had so many enemies should be preferred before a Kinsman of full age fit to raigne so ambitiously sought the Crowne and made so many friends that he procured himselfe to be proclaimed King at Scone which Malcolme sonne of Kenneth for whose sake this new Law was enacted understanding presently raised all the Forces he could which being conducted by his brother Kenneth Constantine and he in the second encounter were both slaine one of another After whose death Grame the sonne of Duffus usurping the Crowne when he and Malcolme were ready to encounter with their Armes this agreement was made betweene them by Forthred a Bishop that Grame should retaine the Kingdome and the new Law of succession be suspended during his life and Malcolme succeede him after his death After which Grame giving himselfe to all dissolutenesse covetousnesse and oppression and warring upon those Nobles and Councellors who advised him to reforme his evill courses with greater cruelty than any forraigne enemie destroying both men townes cattle fields and making all a common prey hereupon they called in Malcolme out of Northumberland to assist them who encountring Grame on Ascention day tooke him prisoner being deserted of his people wounded in the head and then put out his eyes who soone after dying of sorrow and his wounds Malcholme thereupon summoned a Parliament at Scone and would not take the Crown till the Law concerning the succession made in his fathers raigne was ratified by all their consents against which Law Buchanan exceedingly inveighs in the beginning of his seventh Booke as the occasion and increase of all those mischiefes both to King and Kingdome which it was purposely made to prevent This Malcolme after he had raigned long victoriously with much honour in his declining age growing very covetous tooke away the lands he had formerly given to his Nobles for their good service in the wars and punished divers of the wealthiest men so severely that he brought many of them to death others to extreame poverty which injuries lost him all his love honour and so farre exasperated the
people that partly out of revenge partly to prevent further oppressions and to provide for their owne securitie corrupting his servants with money they sent their agents into his chamber in the night and slew him Not to mention the murther of King Duncan by Machbed who usurped his Crowne through his pusillanimity this Machbed omitting no kind of libidinousnesse cruelty and tyrannizing over the people for 18 yeares space together trusting to the predictions of certaine wisards that he should neven be overcome till Bernane wood did come to Dunsinane Castle and that he should never be slaine by any man borne of a woman At last Mackduffe governour of Fiffe joyning himselfe to some few patriots who had escaped this Tyrants sword met at Bernane wood and early in the morning every man bearing a bough in his hand the better to keepe them from discovery tooke Dunsinane Castle by scalado whence Machbed escaping was pursued overtaken and urged to fight bp Mackduffe to whom the Tyrant replyed in scorne that in vaine hee attempted his death for it was his destinie never to be slaine by any man borne of a woman Now then said Mackduffe is thy fatall houre come for I never was borne of a woman but violently cut out of my mothers wombe she dying before I was borne which words so daunted the Tyrant though otherwise valiant that he was easily slaine and Malcolme Conmer the true heire of the Crowne seated in the Throne King Donald being odious and cruell to his subjects they sent for Duncan Malcombes bastard who expelled him the Realme and was created King in his steed who proving harsh cruell and Imperious to his Subjects fell into their hatred and was beheaded in the night by Marpender Earle of Murry corrupted with money by Donald to murther him Donald permitting the Isles to be taken and possessed by Magnus King of Norway and suffering his Realme to be wasted by a secret agreement thereupon the Scots sent for Edgar Malcombes sonne to take possession of the Crowne who entring into Scotland with small forces Donald being deserted by his people betooke himselfe to flight but being apprehended and brought backe to Edgar he was cast into prison and not long after dyed King Malcolme the fourth at a Parliament at Yorke parting with divers of his Crowne-lands to King Henry without his peoples consents so farre incurred their hatred that upon his returne they beseiged him at Barwick and almost tooke him prisoner but by the mediation of some of his Councell who informed the Nobles that the King was by violence fraud circumvented by the King of England of the ancient patrimony of the Crowne land they resolved to recover it by war the Scottish Nobility affirming that the king had not any power to diminish or part with any lands appertaining to the Crown without all their consents in Parliament This King after some encounters making a peace with the English upon unequall termes wherein he parted with some of his ancient territories out of his pusilanimity against his Nobles consent hereupon he grew so odious and contemptible to them that they were all weary of his government and caused many to take up Armes and Rebell against him After the death of King Alexander the third there was a Parliament summoned at Scone to consult about the creating of a new King and the government of the Realme during the Inter-regnum where first of all they appointed fix men to rule the Realme for the present and then heard and discussed the severall Titles pretended to the Crowne the finall determination whereof they referred to King Edward the first of England as to the Supreame Soveraigne Lord of the Realme who selecting 12. Scottish and 12. English Councellors to assist him After full hearing by generall consent of all adjudged the Crown to Iohn Baylioll husband to King Alexanders nightest Kinswoman The Scots considering his simplicity and unaptnes to governe them and scarce confiding in him being an Englishman and elected by the K. of England cōstituted them 12. Peers after the manner of France to wit 4. Bishops 4. Earles and 4. Lords by whose advise the King and all the affaires of the Realme were to be governed and directed He was taken and kept prisoner by the English After the death of Robert Bruce the Scots before their King was crowned created a Vice-Roy to govern the Realme who suppressed the theeues and Robbers Edward Bayliol sonne to Iohn Bayliol succeding Bruce was afterwards rejected and deposed by the Scots for adhereing too closely to the English K. Edward and David Bruce elected K. in his place Robert the 2 d. of Scotland when a peace was propounded between France England and Scotland by the Pope willingly consented thereunto but his Nobles being against it his assent alone was in vaine because the King of Scotland alone can make no firme peace nor truce nor promise which shall bind but by publike consent in Parliament King Robert the 3 d. dying of griefe for the captivity and imprisonment of his Son Iames taken prisoner by our King Henry the 4 th as he was going into France the Scots hereupon appointed Robert his uncle by common consent for their Vice-roy till Iames the first of that name right heire of the Cowne were enlarged Iames being freed and Crowned summoned a Parliament wherein an ayde was granted him to pay his ransome with much difficulty he had many Civill wars with his Subjects and at last was murthered by Robert Grame and his confederats from whom he received 28. wounds in his Chamber in the night wherof he presently died Iames the 2. his son being but 7. yeares old at his death Alexander Leviston was chosen Protector and William Crichton made Chancellor by Parliament Which the Earle Douglas storming at committed many insolencies in a hostile manner After which Alexander and his faction opposing the Chancellor and commanding that none should obey him the Chancellor thereupon fortified Edenborough Castle and as the King was hunting early in the morning seized upon him with a troop of Horse brought him to Edinburgh Castle where he detained him from the Protector till the peace of the Kingdom and present divisions should be setled which lasting very long by reason of Earle Douglas his ambition power and covetousnes who raised many grievous civill wars he was at last stabbed to death by the King himselfe Anno 1452. contrary to his promise of safe conduct to the Court under the Kings and Nobles hands and seales Wherupon his brethren and Confederats meeting at Sterling resolved to revenge his death and tied the Kings and Nobles writing of safe conduct to an horses taile which they led through the streets of Sterling railing at the King and his Councell as they went and when they came into the market place where they had 500. trumpets sounding they by an Herald proclaimed the King and all that were with him fedifragus perjured and enemis of all good
Kings consent and Proclamations is so fresh in memory so fully related in the Acts of Oblivion and Pacification made in both Parliaments of England and Scotland ratified by the King himselfe and in particular Histories of this Subject that I shall not spend time to recite particulars but will rather conclude from all the premises with the words of Buchanan The Ancient custome of our Ancestors in punishing their Kings suffers not our forcing of the Queene to renounce her right unto the Crowne to her sonne to seeme a Novelty and the moderation of the punishment shewes it proceeded not from envie for so many Kings punished with death bonds banishment by our Ancestors voluntarily offer themselves in the ancient Monuments of Histories that we neede no forraigne examples to confirme our owne act For the Scottish Nation seeing it was free from the beginning created it selfe Kings upon this very Law that the Empire being conferred on them by the suffrages of the people if the matter required it they might take it away againe by the same suffrages of which law many footsteps have remained even to our age for in the Islands which lye round about us and in many places of the Continent wherein the Ancient language and constitutions have continued this very custome is yet observed in creating Governours likewise the Ceremonies which are used in the Kings inauguration have also an expresse image of this Law out of which it easily appeares that a Kingdome is nothing else but the mutuall stipulation betweene the people and their Kings the same likewise may be most apparently understood out of the inoffensive tenor of the ancient Law preserved from the very beginning of raigning among the Scots even unto our age when as no man in the meane time hath attempted not onely not to abrogate this Law but not so much as to shake it or in any part to diminish it Yea whereas our Ancestors have deprived so many Kings as would bee tedious to name of their Realme condemned them to banishment restrained them in prisons and finally punished them with death yet there was never any mention made of abating the rigor of the Law neither perchance undeservedly since it is not of that kinde of Lawes which are obnoxious to the changes of times but of those ingraven in the mindes of men in the first originall of mankinde and approved by the mutuall consent well-nigh of all Nations which continue unbroken and sempiternall together with the Nature of things and being subject to the commands of no man domineere and rule over all men This law which in every action offers it selfe to our eyes and mindes and dwels in our brests will we nill we our Ancestors following were alwayes armed against violence and suppressed the unrulinesse of Tyrants Neither is this Law proper onely to the Scots but common to all well-ordered Nations and People as the Athenians Lacaedemonians Romanes Venetians Germanes Danes which he there manifests by examples So that I may hence infallibly determine the Realme Parliament and Nobles of Scotland collectively considered to be the Soveraigne power in that Realme superiour to the Kings themselves from whom I shall proceede to Scripture Presidents in the Kings and Kingdomes of the Gentiles Israel and Iudah recorded in Scripture The Kings of the Gentiles Israel and Iudah Now least any should object that all the forecited Examples and Authorities are but humane and no convincing evidences to satisfie the Conscience That whole Kingdoms States and Parliaments are above their kings and of greater power then they I shall therefore to close up this Posterne Gate of Evasion conclude with Scripture Presidents ratifying this truth beyond all contradiction To begin with Heathen kings and States therein recorded I read in the 1 Sam. 29. and 1 Chro. 12. 19. That when David with his men offered to go with Achish and the Philistines against King Saul his Soveraign and the Israelites to Battell and passed on in there reward with Achish the Princes of the Philistines seeing it said What do these Hebrews here To whom Achish answered Is not this David the servant of Saul King of Israel which hath been with me these years and I have found no fault in him since he fell unto me unto this day Hereupon the Princes of the Philistines were wroth with him and taking advice together said to their King Achish Make this fellow returne that he may goe again to his place which thou hast appointed him and let him not go down with us to Battell lest in the Battell he be an adversary to us for wherewith should he reconcile himself to his Master should it not be with the Heads of these men Is not this David of whom they sang one to another in dances saying Saul slew his thousands and David his ten thousands Then Achish called David and said unto him Surely as the â—ord liveth thou hast been upright and thy going out and coming in with me in the Host is right in my sight for I have not found evill in thee since the day of thy coming neverthelesse the Lords favour thee not wherefore now return and go in peace that thou displease not the Lords of the Philistines And when David replied What have I done c. that I may not fight against the Enemies of my Lord the King Achish answered him I know thou art good in my fight as an Angell of God notwithstanding the Princes of the Philistines have said HE SHALL NOT GOE VP WITH VS TO BATTELL wherefore rise up early in the morning with thy Masters servants that are come with thee and assoon as ye have light depart whereupon they returned Here we see the Lords of the Philistines did peremptorily overrule their king against his will who durst not contradict them therefore they had a Power superiour to his as will further appear by 1 Sam. 5. 7 8 9 10 11. and ch 6. 1 to 13. where when the Ark of God was taken by the Philistines the Lords and People of the Philistines not the King met consulted and ordered how it should be removed from place to place and at last sent it back again So Ahasuerus the great Persian Monarch was advised over-ruled by his Councell of State as appeareth by the case of Queen Vashti Ester 1. and what his Princes thought meet to be done that he decreed and proclaimed verse 19 20 21 22. So Artaxerxes king of Persia did all things of moment by the advise of his Counsellors and Princes Ezra 7. 28. and Chap. 8. 25. Great Nabuchadnezzar King of Babylon Dan 3. 2 3. 24. chap. 4. 32 to 36. was for his pride driven from men put to eat grasse with Oxen for aspace till he knew that the most High ruleth in the Kingdoms of men After which his understanding and reason returned to him and the glory of his Kingdom and his Councellors and Lords sought unto him and established him in his Kingdom he being over-ruled and counselled
afterwards by them So Daniel 6. Darius King of the Medes and Persians was over-ruled by his Lords and Princes even against his will to Signe a Decree and to cast Daâ—iel into the Lyons Den for breach of it and though the King were sore displeased with himself for Signing this Decree and set his heart on Daniel and laboured till the going down of the Sun to deliver him yet the Princes assembling and telling the King Know O King that the Law of the Medes and Persians is that no Decree nor Statute which the King establisheth by the advice of his Nobles may be changed to wit by the king alone without their advise a clear evidence that the greatest Persian Monarchs were subject to the Laws of their Kingdoms as well as other Princes Whereupon the King commanded and they brought Daniel and cast him into the Den of Lyons and a stone was brought and laid upon the mouth of the Den and the King Sealed it with his own Signet and with the Signet of the Lords THAT THE PVRPOSE MIGHT NOT BE CHANGED concerning Daniel Here this great king was even against his will constrained to be subject both to his Laws and Lords The like we read of Pharaoh king of Egypt Exod. 1. 8 9 10 11. who consulted with his people how to oppresse the Israelites as being unable to do it without their consents And Exod. 10. Pharaohs Councellors and Lords after sundry Plagues on the Land said unto him How long shall this man Moses be a snare unto us Let the men go that they may serve the Lord their God Knowest thou not that Egypt is destroyed Whereupon Moses and Aaron were brought before Pharaoh who said unto them Go serve the Lord your God And Esay 19. 11. to 16. Surely the Princes of Zoan are foolâ— the counsell of the wise Counsellors of Pharaoh is become brutish They have also seduced Egypt even they that are the stay of the Tribes thereof They then had an overruling power above their kings So the great King of Nineveh Ionah 3. 7 8 9. proclaimed and published a generall fast thorowout the City by the Decree of the King and of his great men making no publike Laws but by their advice and assents In like manner we read in the 2 Sam. 5. 3 4 5. That the Princes of Hanun King of the Ammonites coâ—selled and overruled him out of overmuch suspition to abuse Davids messengers sent to him in love And in the 1 Kings 22. 47. There was then no King in Edom a Deputy was King the kingdom appointing a Deputy then to rule them in stead of a king and giving him royall authority And in the 2 Kings 8. 22. 2 Chron. 21. 8. In the dayes of Ioram Edom revolted from under the hand of Iudah which had conquered it and MADE A KING OVER THEMSELVES and though Ioram smote the Edomites who encompassed him yet they revolted from under the hand of Iudah till this day The electing and constituting of a king being in their own power See Gen. 23. 3. to 20. and c. 34. 20. to 25. to like purpose These being all Pagan Kings and States I come to the Israelites themselves wherein for my more orderly proceeding and refutation of the many grosse erronious Assertions of * Court Doctors and Royallists touching the estate and Soveraignty of their Kings whom they would make the world beleeve to be absolute Monarchs subject to no Laws to derive all their royall authority from God alone and no wayes from the people to be meerly hereditary and elective to be above all their people irresistible in their Tyrannicall wicked proceedings and no wayes subject to their Realms and Congregations overruling controll much lesse to their defensive oppositition or deprivation I shall digest the whole History of their Kings and Kingdoms Iurisdictions and power into these ensuing propositions which I shall clearly make good out of Scripture as I propound them in their order First That the originall Creation and Institution of the Israelites Kings and Kingdoms proceeded onely from the power and authority of the people and that solely by Divine permission rather then institution This is most apparent by Deuter. 11. 14 15. When thou art come unto the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee and shalt possesse it and dwell therein and shalt say I WILL SET A KING OVER ME like as ALL THE NATIONS THAT ARE ABOVT ME THOV SHALT in any wise SET HIM KING OVER THEE whom the Lord thy God shall chuse one from among thy brethren SHALT THOV SET OVER THEE THOV MAIST NOT SET A STRANGER OVER THEE which is not thy Brother Where God himself by way of prophesie of what afterwards should come to passe expresly declares first that the primary motion of changing the government of the Iews from Iudges and an Aristocracy into a Kingdom should proceed from the peoples inclination as the words and shalt say I will set a King over me c. import Secondly that the authority to change the Government into a Regality to creat and make a King resided in and the authority of the King proceeded meerly from the people as the words I will set a King over me Thou shalt set him over thee four times recited in two Verses manifest beyond dispute Thirdly that all Nations about them who had Kings had the like power to create and make their kings as the words Like as all the Nations that are about me witnesse All which is eviâ—ently confirmed by Iosephus Antiqu. Iudaeorum l. 4. c. 8. by Carolus Sigonius de Repub. Hebraeorum l. 7. c. 3. Bertram Cunaeus Schikardus and divers Commentators on this Text The History of the change of their State into a Kingdom and of their Iudges into kings added to this Prophesie and precept will leave no place for any scruple We read in the 1 Sam. 8. that the people growing weary of Samuels government who judged them by reason of the ill government of his sonnes who tooke Bribes and perverted judgement thereupon ALL THE ELDERS OF ISRAEL GATHERED THEMSELVES TOGETHER and came to Samuel unto Ramah and said unto him Behold thou art old and thy sons walk not in thy wayes now MAKE VS A KING TO IVDGE VS LIKE ALL THE NATIONS But the thing displeased Samuel when they said Give us a King to judge us and Samuel prayed unto the Lord And the Lord said unto Samuel HEARKEN VNTO THE VOYCE OF THE PEOPLE IN ALL THAT THEY SAY VNTO THEE for they have not rejected thee but they have rejected me that I should not reign over them According to all the works that they have done since the day that I brought them out of Egypt even unto this day wherewith they have forsaken me and served other gods so do they also unto thee Now therefore hearken to their voyce howbeit yet protest solemnly unto them and shew them the manner of the King that shall reign over them And Samuel told all the words
of the Lord unto the people that asked of him a King and he said This will be not ought to be the manner of the King that shall reign over you he will take your sons and appoint them for himself c. and ye shall be his servants and ye shall crie out in that day because of YOVR KING WHICH YE SHALL HAVE CHOSEN YOV and the Lord will not hear you in that day Neverthelesse the people refused to obey the voyce of Samuel and they said Nay BVT WE WILL HAVE A KING OVER VS that we also may be like all the Nations and that our King may judge us and go out before us and fight our battels And Samuel heard all the words of the people and rehearsed them in the ears of the Lord And the Lord said unto Samuel Hearken unto their voyce and make them a King After which when God had appointed Saul to be their King Samuel called the people together unto the Lord in Mizpeh and recapitulating the great deliverances God had done for them added And ye have this day rejected your God who himself saved you out of all your adversities and tribulations and ye have said unto him Nay BVT SET A KING OVER VS c. And Samuel said unto all the people See ye him whom the Lord hath chosen that there is none like him among all the people And all the people shouted and said God save the King After which he expostulated again with them thus And when ye saw that Nahash King of the Children of Ammon came against you ye said unto me Nay BVT A KING SHALL REIGN OVER VS when the Lord was your King Now therefore behold the KING WHOM YE HAVE CHOSEN AND WHOM YE HAVE DESIRED c. that ye may perceive and see that your WICKEDNESSE is great which ye have done in the sight of the Lord IN ASKING YOV A KING And all the people said unto Samuel Pray for thy servants unto the Lord thy God that we die not for we have added unto all our sins this evill TO ASK A KING Which compared with Hos 13. 10 11. I will be thy King where is any other that may save thee in all thy Cities and thy Iudges of whom thou saidst GIVE ME A KING AND PRINCES I gave thee a King in mine anger and tooke him away in my wrath with Acts 13. 21. And afterward THEY DESIRED A KING and God gave them Saul the son of Cis by the space of forty years All these concurring sacred Texts will infallibly demonstrate that this change of the Iudges into Kings and the originall creation of their Kings and kingdoms proceeded only from the importunity and authority of the people who would not be gainsaid herein not from Gods institution or Samuels approbation who censured and disavowed this their motion though they at last condescended to it all which is elegantly related confirmed by Iosephus Antiqu. Iudaeorum l. 6. c. 4 5 6 7. By all this it is apparent that the congregation and people of the Iews had the Soveraign power in themselves as well as other Nations because the authoritie to alter the whole frame of their former Aristocraticall Government into a Monarchy resided in them though they were taxed forchanging it in Samuels dayes who had so justly so uprightly judged them Secondly it is apparent that the Iudges and kings of the Israelites were not properly hereditary but oft elective by the people and though God did sometimes immediately nominate the persons of those that should reign over them as is apparent by Saul David Ieroboam Iohn others yet the people did constantly confirm make them kings and gave them their royall authority none being made kings by Divine appointment but such as they willingly accepted approved confirmed for their kings Gods previous designation being but a preparative to their voluntary free not restrained or limited election The first king among the Israelites though but over part of them was Abimelech the son of Ierubbaal who was made king by the peoples election Iudges 9. 1 to 7. who having perswaded those of Sechem to elect him for their king thereupon ALL THE MEN of Sechem gathered together and ALL THE HOVSE of Millo went and MADE ABIMELECH KING whence Iotham thus upbraided them and him Verse 14. to 19 Then said all the trees unto the Bramble come thou and reign over us And the Bramble said unto the trees If in truth ye annoint me king over you then come and put your trust in my shadow c. Now therefore if ye have done truly and sincerely in that YE HAVE MADE Abimelech KING c And that ye have risen up against my fathers house this day and have MADE Abimelech king c. We read Iudg. 8. 21 23. that after Gideon had slain Zebah and Zalmunna with the Midianites The men of Israel said unto Gideon Rule thou over us both thou and thy sons and thy sons son also for thou hast delivered us from the hand of Midiar And Gideon said unto them I will not rule over you neither shall my son rule over you the Lord shall rule over you Where we clearly see the power and right to elect a Ruler and to limit the government to him and his Issue for three Generations only to reside in the peoples free election So Iudges 10. 17 18. and Chap. 11. 1. to 12. When the Children of Ammon were gathered together and encamped against Gilead the people and Princes of Gilead said one to another What man is he that will begin to fight against the children of Ammon he shall be Head over all the Inhabitants of Gilead And the Elders of Gilead went to fetch Iephthah out of the Land of Tob and said unto him Come and be our Captain that we may fight with the Children of Ammon and be our Head over all the inhabitants of Gilead Vpon promise of which dignitie he went with them to Gilead and THE PEOPLE MADE HIM HEAD AND CAPTAIN OVER THEM That the election and making of their Kings belonged of right to all the people is past dispute being so resolved by God himself Deuter. 17. 14 15. When thou art come into the land c. and shalt say I WILL SET A KING OVER ME like as all the Nations that are about me THOV shalt in any wise SET HIM KING OVER THEE whom the Lord thy God shall choose one from among thy Brethren shalt THOV SET OVER THEE THOV MAIST NOT SET A STRANGER OVER THEE Where the power of creating and electing the King is left wholly to the peoples free choice with these generall restrictions that he should be one of their brethren not a stranger and particularly qualified as is there expressed And though God did sometime design and nominate their Kings yet he left the power of approbation and ratification of them free to the people as is apparent by 1 Sa. 8. 18. And ye shall crie in that day because of the King
king then he was no king before they had made him as many Divines most sottishly averre against the very letter of the Text and Iosephus who writes That it pleased the Assembly of the Israelites there held that HEE SHOULD RECEIVE THE KINGDOM BY THE PEOPLES CONSENT And Ieroboam and ALL THE CONGREGATION OF ISRAEL came and spake unto Rehoboam saying Thy Father made our yoake grievous now therefore make thou the grievous service of thy Father and his heavy yoake which he put upon us lighter AND WE WILL SERVE THEE because naturally subjects delight in mild Kings who will somwhat descend from their altitudes saith Iosephus This was the condition they propounded to him before they would accept him for their king and upon this condition only would they admit him to reigne over them therefore doubtlesse the disposall of the Crown and limitation of the kings royall power resided in all the congregation who had authority to prescribe their kings what equall and just conditions they pleased And he said unto them depart yet for three dayes then come again to me and the people departed Hereupon Rehoboam consulted with the old men that stood before Solomon his Father while he lived and said how doe you advise that I may answer this people And they spake unto him saying If thou wilt be A SERVANT unto this people this day and wilt SERVE THEM and answer them and speak good words to them THEN THEY WILL BE THY SERVANTS FOR EVER But he forsooke the Counsell of the old men which they had given him and consulted with the young men that were grown up with him and which stood before him and following their ill advise when Ieroboam and all the People came to Rehoboam the third day as he had appointed the King answered the people roughly and forsaking the old mens Counsell he spake unto them after the Counsell of the young men saying My Father made your yoake heavy and I will adde to your yoake my Father chastised you with whips but I will chastise you with scorpions Wherefore the King HEARKNED NOT UNTO THE PEOPLE for the cause was from the Lord c. SO WHEN ALL ISRAEL SAW THAT THE KING HEARKNED NOT VNTO THEME the People answered the King through indignation with one voyce writes Iosephus saying What portion have we in David NEITHER HAVE WEE INHERITANC IN THE SONNE OF IESSE that is we have not intailed our Subjection nor the inheritance of this our Realme to David and his seed for ever but are still free to elect what King we please to thy Tents O Israel Now see to thine House David so Israel departed to their Tent. But as for the children of Israel which dwelt in the Cities of Judah Rehoboam reigned over them the Tribes of Iudah and Beniamin CHOOSING HIM THEIR KING BY THEIR COMMON SVFFRAGES writes Iosephus Then King Rehoboam sent Adoram who was over the Tribute to excuse saith Iosephus the petulancy of his young tongue and to appease the mindes of the enraged vulgar And all Israel stoned him with stones that he dyed therefore King Rehoboam imagining truly that himselfe was stoned in his servant and fearing lest the once conceived hatred should be poured out on his own head tremblingly getting up into his chariot as hastily as he could made speed to flee to Ierusalem So Israel fell away from the house of David unto this day And it came to passe when ALL ISRAEL heard that Ieroboam was come again that they sent and called him unto the Congregation AND MADE HIM KING OVER ALL ISRAEL c. it being so preordained by God 1 King 12. 26. to 41. Loe here the whole Congregation or Parliament of Israel if I may so stile it had full and free power to reiect Rehoboam from the Crown for refusing to subscribe to their conditions to elect Ieroboam for their lawfull King and erect a new Kingdome of their owne divided ever after from that of Iudah which action I shall prove anon to be lawfull warranted by Gods owne divine authority and no sinne nor rebellion at all in the People who never admitted Rehoboam for or submitted to him as their lawfull Soveraigne So Iehu having slain King Ioram Ahabs eldest sonne sent a Letter to Samaria where his other 70. sonnes were brought up to the Rulers and Elders there wishing them to look out THE BEST AND MEETEST of their Masters sonnes and set him on his Fathers throne and fight for their Masters house But they being exceedingly afraid said two Kings could not stand before him how then shall wâ— stand and sent word to Iehu We are thy servants and will doe all that thou shalt bid us WE WILL NOT MAKE ANY KING A clear evidence that the kingdom was then elective and that they had power to choose the meetest man not eldest brother for their king After this Zimri slaying Baasha king of usrael and usurping the Crown the people then encamped about Gibbethon hearing of it that Zimri had conspired and also slain the King Wherefore ALL ISRAEL MADE OMRI Captain of the Host king over Israel that day in the Campe who burnt Zimri in his Palace then were the People divided into two parts halfe of the People followed Tibni to make him king and halfe followed Omri But the people that followed Omri prevailed against the people that followed Tibni so Tibni dyed and Omri Reigned being made king onely by the peoples free election without any divine designation So Ioash the sonne of Ahaziah when Athaliah had usurped the Crowne and kingdome of Iudah neer seven yeers space was MADE KING anointed and crowned by Iehoiadah the High Priest the Captaines of hundreds and ALL THE PEOPLE OF THE LAND who rejoyced at it when he was but 7. yeeres old and Athaliah was apprehended deposed and murthered by them as an Vsurpresse So Amaziah King of Iudah being slain by a Conspiracie at Lachish ALL THE PEOPLE OF IVDAH tooke Vzziah who was but 16. yeers old and MADE HIM KING instead of his Father Vzziah king of Iudah being smitten with Leprosie unto the day of his death dwelt in a severall house Iotham his son in the mean time by common consent was over this house judging the people of the Land Ammon king of Iudah being slain by his own servants the people of the Land slew all them that had conspired against Ammon And THE PEOPLE OF THE LAND MADE Iosiah his sonne King in his stead And after Iosiah his death the PEOPLE OF THE LAND took Iehoabaz the sonne of Iosiah and MADE HIM KING in his Fathers stead in Ierusalem From all which sacred Texts and Presidents as likewise from Hosea 8. 4. THEY HAVE SET VP KINGS But not by mee THEY HAVE MADE PRINCES and I knew it not it is most apparant that the kings of Israel and Iudah were usually elected by and derived their Royall authority from the people who made them kings and received not their
kingdomes and Crowns immediatly from God himself by a divine right which may be further conmed by the 1. Macab 9. 28. 29. 30. After the death of Iudas Maccabeus all Iudas his friends came unto Ionathan his brother and said unto him since thy brother Iudas dyed we have none like to him to goe forth against our enemies Now therefore WEE HAVE CHOSEN THEE this day TO BE OVR PRINCE and Captain in his stead that thou maist fight our battells Vpon this Ionathan took the Government on him at that time After Ionathans death the People said unto Simon his brother with a lowd voyce 1 Mac. 13. 8. 9. Thou shalt be our Leader instead of Iudas and Ionathan thy brother fight thou our battels and whatsoever thou commandest us wee will doe And the Iewes and Priests were well pleased that Simon should be their Governour Captain and High Priest and Simon accepted thereof 1 Mac. 14. 41. to 49 Hence Carolus Sigonius de Repub. Hebraeorum l. 7. c. 3. writes That the kings of the Israelites were created by the Suffrages of the People that the Kingdome of Israel was translated to divers Families for their idolatry that although the kingdome of Iudah were in some sort hereditary yet it was confirmed by the Suffrages of the People which he proves by the example of Rehoboam and others and that they obtained the Royall dignity not onely by inheritance but likewise by the Suffrages of the People as every one may clearly know who shall but consider the Histories of their kings Which plainly refutes the wild impudent false assertion of the Author of An Appeale to thy Conscience newly published p. 13. where thus he writes Observable it is that thorowout the whole Scriptures we read not of Any King I doubt hee never read the Scriptures else he could not be so grossely mistaken THAT WAS CHOSEN BY THE VOYCE OF THE PEOPLE Nor of an Aristocracy that is where the Nobles govern nor of a Democracy that is where the people govern And therefore let them consider how they can answer it at the last day who shall endeavour to change an hereditary kingdome into an elective or any other forme of Government whatsoever that the people doe properly and absolutely make a king is false c. But had this illiterate ignoramus seriously perused the precedent or subsequent Texts here cited with the best Commentators on them or read over advisedly Iosh 22. Iudges 17. 6. c. 18. 1. c. 19. 1. c. 21. throughout with the Books of Ezra Nehemiah Judges Esther Maccabees the four Euangelists touching Christs arraignment and death Acts 4. 5. 22. 23. 24. and 25 chapters or consulted with Josephus Philo Paul Eber Godwin Cunaeus Sigonius BertraÌ„ or any others who have written of the Jewish Antiquities of Republike he could not have had the impudency to have published such grosse untruths and should have found not onely divers kings in Scripture created by the voyce of the people but an hereditary kingdom oft changed into an elective yea into an Aristocraticall and no Royall government and an Aristocracie and Democracy to even among the Jews themselves whose government before their kings was meerly Aristocraticall as Iosephus Antiqu. Jud. l. 4. c. 8. Carolus Sigonius de Repub. Hebr. l. 1. c. 5. Cunaeus Schickardus Bertram Paul Eber and all others that I have seen except this Animal irrationale risibile punctually determine they having no kings of their own before Saul nor any after Zedekiah Therefore I shall spend no more waste paper to refute this palpable errour so confidently asserted by parisiticall Court Doctors who make no conscience of writing any though the grossest untruths which may advance the absolute Soveraign Arbitrary tyrannicall government of kings to oppresse and inslave the people Thirdly that the Kings of Iudah and Israel were no absolute Soveraign Princes but took their Crown with and upon such Divine conditions for breach whereof they and their posterities were oft times by Gods command just judgement and speeiall approbation deposed disinherited destroyed and the Crown translated to other families This is evident by direct Scriptures Deuter. â—7 14. to the end Thou shalt in any wise set him King over thee whom the Lord thy God shalt chuse one from among thy Brethren shalt thou set King over thee thou maist not set a stranger over thee which is not thy Brother Here is an expresse limitation and condition in respect of the person of the King the conditions in regard of his royall administration follow which are partly Negative partly positive But he shall not multiplie Horses to himself nor cause the the people to return to Egypt c. Neither shall he multiply wives to himself that his heart turn not away neither shall he greatly multiply to himself silver and gold And it shall be when he fitteth on the throne of his Kingdome that he shall write him a Copie of this Law in a Book out of that which is before the Priests the Levites and it shall be with him and he shall read therein all the dayes of his life that he may learn to fear the Lord his God to keep all the words of this Law and these Statutes to do them That his heart be not lifted up above his brethren and that he turn not aside from the Commandment to the right hand or to the left to the end that he may prolong his dayes in his Kingdom he and his children in the midst of Israel Here all the kings of the Israelites when their kingdoms should be erected are strictly bound by God himself to negative and positive conditions upon performance whereof they and their children should prolong their dayes in the kingdom and perpetuate their thrones in the midst of Israel and upon breach whereof they and their posterity should lose both their lives and kingdom to as the last clause insinuates and the subsequent Texts in direct terms averre But what if the king should violate these conditions might the people lawfully resist him Iosephus in his paraphrase on this very text which I shall cite at large resolves they might Truely the government of the best men or Aristocraticall government is best and to live in a Republike thus administred nor is there cause why you should desire any other kinde of goverment but it is best that contenting yur selves with this you continue within the power of your Laws and of your selves But if the desire of a king shall possesse you let there be none unlesse he be of your stock and blood and one to whom justice with other vertues are cordiall He whosoever he shall be let him attribute more to the lawes and unto God than to his own wisedome AND LET HIM DO NOTHING WITHOUT THE HIGH PRIESTS AND SENATES ADVICE neither may he nourish many wives nor possesse very much money and many Horses with the plenty of which things he may easily become a contemner of the laws and if he shall addict
himself to these things more then is meet OBSTANDVM EST ne potentior fiat quam rebus vestris expedit HE IS TO BE RESISTED lest he become more potent then is expedient for your affairs So he Yea Zuinglius with B. Bilson expresly resolve that the people were bound to resist question and depose their kings for their idolatry and breach of these conditions and that God himself justly punished them for Manasses sins and wickednesse because they resisted and punished him not for them as they were obliged to do as I have elswhere manifested to which I shall refer you This condition most clearly appears in other Texts as in the 1 Sam. 12 13 14 15 25. Where when Saul the first king of the Israelites was crowned at their earnest importunity against Gods and Samuels approbation Samuel used these speeches to them Now therefore behold the King whom ye have chosen and whom ye have desired c. If ye will fear the Lord and serve him and obey his voyce and not rebell against the commandment of the Lord then shall both ye and also the King that reigneth over you continue following the Lord your God But if ye will not obey the voice of the Lord but will rebell against the voyce of the Lord then shall the hand of the Lord be against you as it was against your fathers c. But IF ye shall do wickedly ye shall be consumed both ye and your King After this Saul being distressed by the Philistines weary of staying for Samuel and presuming to offer sacrifice without him hereupon Samuel said to Saul Thou hast done foolishly for thou hast not kept the Commandment of the Lord thy God which he commanded thee for now would the Lord have established thy kingdom upon Israel for ever but NOW THY KINGDOM SHALL NOT CONTINVE for the Lord hath chosen him a man after his own heart and the Lord hath commanded him to be captain over his people BECAVSE THOV HAST NOT KEPT THAT WHICH THE LORD COMMANDED THEE Lo here the breach of Gods conditions by king Saul forfeited his Kingdom and disinherited his posterity of it So when he performed not Gods command in utterly destroying Amalek sparing Agag and the best of the things Samuel sharply reprehending him for this offence said unto him Behold to obey is better then sacrifice and to hearken than the fat of Rams for Rebellion namely king Sauls rebellion against Gods command not subjects rebellion against their Prince not so much as once dreamed off in this Text as Court Doctors grosly mistake and so miserably pervert this Scripture contrary to the sence and meaning translating it from kings to subjects from king rebellion against God to subjects rebellion against men is as the sin of Witchcraft and stubbornnesse is as iniquity and Idolatry BECAVSE thou hast rejected the Word of the Lord he hath also REIECTED THEE FROM BEING KING I will not return with thee for thou hast rejected the word of the Lord and the Lord HATH REIECTED THEE FROM BEING KING over Israel the Lord HATH RENT THE KINGDOM of Israel FROM THEE this day and hath given it to a neighbour of thine that is better then thou Also the strength of Israel will not lie nor repent for he is not as men that he should repent to wit of renting the kingdom from him though he repented that he had made Saul king over Israel because he turned back from following him and performed not his Commandments 1 Sam. 15. 11. 35. After which God said to Samuel How long wilt thou mourn for Saul seeing I have reiected him from Reigning over Israel Fill thine horn with Oyl and I will send thee to Iesse the Bethlemite for I have provided me a king among his sons whereupon he went and annoynted David who succeeded him in the kingdom Sauls posterity being utterly disinherited for his recited sins After this when God setled the kingdom upon David and his seed after him it was upon condition of obedience and threatning of corrections even by men if they transgressed The Lord telleth thee that he will make thee an house and when thy dayes be fulfilled and thou shalt sleep with thy fathers then I will set up thy seed after thee which shall proceed out of thy bowels and I will establish the Throne of his kingdom for ever I will be his father and he shall be my son If he commit iniquity I will chastife him with the Rod of men and with the Stripes of the Children of Men that is I will not chasten him immediately by my self but by men my instruments even by Ieroboam and his own subjects the ten Tribes or other enemies whom I will raise up against him and his posteritie 1 Kings 11. 9 to 41. But my mercy shall not depart away from him as I took it from Saul whom I put away before thee And thine house and thy kingdom shall be established for ever before thee yet still upon condition of obedience as is most apparent by Davids speech to king Solomon 1 Chron. 28. 5 6 7 8 9. And the Lord hath chosen Solomon my son to set him upon the throne of the kingdom of the Lord over all Israel And he said to me c. Moreover I will establish his kingdom for ever If he continue constant to do my Commandments and my â—udgements as at this day Now therefore in the sight of all Israel the Congregation of the Lord and in the audience of our God keep and seek for all the Commandmens of the Lord your God that ye may possosse the good land and leave it for an inheritance for your Children after you for ever And thou Solomon my son know thou the Lord God of thy father and serve him with a perfect heart and with a willing minde for the Lord searcheth all hearts and understandeth all the imaginations of the thoughts If thou seek him he will be found of thee but if thou forsake him he will cast thee off for ever notwithstanding the former Covenant and establishment which was but conditionall not absolute as the renting of the ten Tribes from his son and the determining of the very kingdom of Iudah it self in Zedekiah after which it never returned any more to Davids Line infallibly evidence Hence we read in the 1 Kings 11. that Solomons idolatrous wives turning away his heart from following the Lord and drawing him to commit idolatry in his old age hereupon the Lord grew angry with Solomon Wherefore the Lord said unto him for as much as this is done of thee and thou hast not kept my Covenant and my Statutes which I have commanded thee I will surely rend the Kingdom from thee and will give it to thy servant Notwithstanding in thy dayes I will not do it for David thy fathers sake but I will rend it out of the hand of thy son Howbeit I will not rend away all the kingdom but
will give one Tribe to thy Sonne for my servant Davids sake and for Jerusalems sake which I have chosen In pursuance whereof the Prophet Ahijah rending Ieroboams garment into 12 peeces said to Ieroboam Take thee ten peeces for thus saith the Lord the God of Israel Behold I will rend the kingdom out of the hand of Solomon and will give ten Tribes to thee BECAVSE THAT THEY HAVE FORSAKEN ME and have worshipped the Goddesse of the Zidonians c. AND HAVE NOT WALKED IN MY WAYES to doe that which is right in mine eyes to keep my Statuts and my judgements as did David his Father howbeit I will not take the whole Kingdome out of his hands but I will make him Prince all the dayes of his life for David my servants sake whom I chose because he kept my Commandements and my Statutes But I will take the Kingdome out of his sonnes hand and give it unto thee even ten tribes And unto his sonne will I give one tribe that David my servant may have a light alway before me in Ierusalem the City which I have chosen to put my name there And I will take thee and thou shalt reigne according to all that thy soule desireth and shalt be King over Israel But what without any limitation or condition at all think you No such matter And it shall be IF THOV WILT HEARKEN VNTO ALL THAT I COMMAND THEE and wilt walk in my wayes and doe that is right in my sight to keep my Statutes and my Commandements as David my servant did that I will be with thee and build thee a sure house as I built for David and will give Israel to thee And I will for this afflict the seed of David but not for ever Loe here both Kingdomes of Iudah and Israel are given and entailed on David Solomon and Ieroboam onely upon condition of good behaviour which not performed they shall be rent from either And was this only a vain idle condition as some deem the Covenants and Coronation oathes of Kings to God and their Kingdoms Surely no for we read experimentall verifications of them in King Rehoboam Who answering all the people and Ieroboam when they came to Sechem to make him King roughly according to the Counsell of the young men and threatning to adde to their yoake instead of making it lighter and hearkning not unto the people FOR THE CAVSE WAS FROM THE LORD that he might perform his saying which he spake by Abijah the Shilomite unto Ieroboam the sonne of Nebat thereupon when all Israel saw that the King hearkned not unto them the people answered the king saying What portion have we in David neither have we inheritance in the son of â—esse to your tents O Israel now see to thine own house David so Israel departed to their tents stoned Adoram who was over the tribute whom Rehoboam sent to appease them Whereupon Rehoboam made speed to get him into his Chariot to flee to Ierusalem So all Israel fell away from the house of David to this day and calling Ieroboam unto the congregation made him King over all Israel there was none that followed the house of David but the tribe of Iudah onely Vpon this revolt when Rehoboam was come to Ierusalem he assembled all the House of Iudah with the tribe of Benjamin an hundred and fourescore thousand chosen men which were Warriers to fight against the house of Israel to bring the Kingdome again to Rehoboam the sonne of Solomon But the Word of God came unto Shemaiah the man of God saying speake unto Rehoboam the sonne of Solomon King of Iudah and unto all the house of Iudah and Benjamin and to the remnant of the people saying Thus saith the Lord Yee shall not goe up nor fight against your brethren the children of Israel return every man to his house For this thing is done by mee They hearkned therefore unto the Word of the Lord and returned to depart according to the Word of the Lord. Behold here an experimentall for feiture of a kingdome and translation of the major part of it to another family for Solomons idolatry executed by the peple through Gods appointment which being fore-threatned in the generall by God himselfe to David and by David to Solomon in case he transgressed predicted by way of menace to Solomon and Ieroboam by God himselfe and his Prophets after Solomons transgression executed by the people by Gods speciall direction and approbation and thus owned and justified by God in the peoples behalfe after the execution when Rehoboam would have made war against them for this revolt must certainly be acknowledged not only a iust and warrantable action in respect of God himselfe but likewise of the people unlesse we will make God himselfe the Author and approver of rebellion By all which it is apparant that Solomon and Rehoboam held their Crownes onely upon condition from God the breach whereof might and did forfeit them to the people in some measure And so did Ieroboam too hold the kingdome of Israel newly erected by the people after this revolt upon the conditions of obedience already mentioned which being violated by his setting up 2 calves in Dan and Bethel out of an unwarrantable policy to keep the people from returning to Rehoboam if they went up to Ierusalem to worship this thing became sin to the house of Ieroboam even to cut it off and destroy it from off the face of the earth 1 King 13. 34. For Ieroboam committing idolatry with the Calves Ahijah the Prophet sent him this sharp message by his wife 1 K. 14. 7 8 9 10 11. Go tell Jeroboam Thus saith the Lord God of Israel for as much as I exalted thee from among the people and made thee prince over my people Israel and rent the Kingdom away from the house of David and gave it thee yet thou hast not been as my servant David who kept my Commandements and who followed me with all his heart to do that onely which was right in mine eyes but hast done evill above all that were before thee for thou hast gone and made thee other gods and molten images to provoke me to anger and hast cast me behinde thy backe Therefore behold I will bring evill upon the house of Ieroboam and will cut off from Ieroboam him that pisseth against the wall and him that is shut up and left in Israel and will take away the remnant of the house of Ieroboam as a man taketh away dung till it be gone Him that dieth of Ieroboam in the the Citie shall the dogs eat and him that dieth in the field shall the fowls of the ayre eat for the Lord hath spoken it Moreover the Lord shall raise him up a King â—ver Israel who shall cut off the house of Ieroboam in that day Neither was this an unexcuted commination for Ieroboam dying and Nadah his sonne succeding him both in his kingdom and idolatriâ—s wherewith
he made Israel to sinne Baasha by Gods just judgement conspired against him slew him reigned in his stead and when he reigned he smote all the house of Ieroboam so that be left not to him any that breathed according to the saying of the Lord which he spake by his servant Abijah because of the sins of Ieroboam which he sinned and which he made Israel sin by his provocation wherewith he provoked the Lord God of Israel to anger After which Baasha walking in the wayes and sins of Ieroboam notwithstanding this exemplary judgement of God on him and his posteritie the word of the Lord came to Iehu sonne of Hannani against Baasha saying Forasmuch as I exalted thee out of the dust and made thee Prince over my people Israel and thou hast walked in the way of Ieroboam and hast made my people of Israel to sinne to provoke me to anger with their sins behold I will take away the posterity of Baasha and the posteritie of his house and will make his house like the house of Ieroboam the son of Nebat him that dieth of Baasha in the City shall the dogs eate and him that dieth in the field shall the fowls of the Ayre eate which judgement was actually executed upon his evill sonne king Elah whom Zimri the Captain of his Chariots slew as he was drinking himself drunk in the house of Arza Steward of his House and reigned in his stead and assoon as he sat in his Throne he slew all the house of Baasha he left him none that pissed against the wall neither of his kinsfolks nor of his friends Thus did Zimri destroy all the house of Baasha according to the word of the Lord which he spake against Baasha by Iehu the Prophet for all the sinnes of Baasha and the sins of Elah his son by which they sinned and by which they made Israel to sinne in provoking the Lord God of Israel to anger with their vanities King Omri and Ahab his sonne going on in the sinnes of Ieroboam serving Baal to boot persecuting Gods prophets putting Naboth most injuriously to death for his Vineyard by Iezabels instigation and setting himself to work evill in the sight of the Lord above all that were before him Hereupon the Prophet Elijah tells him Thus saith the Lord Behold I will bring evill upon thee and will take away thy posterity and will cut off from Ahab him that pisseth against the wall and him that is shut up and left in Israel and will make thine house like the house of Ieroboam the son of Nebat and like the house of Baasha the sonne of Ahijah for the provocation wherewith thou hast provoked me to anger and made Israel to sinne And of Iezabel also spake the Lord saying The Dogs shall eat Iezabel by the wall of Iezreel him that dieth of Ahab in the City the Dogs shall eat and him that dieth in the field shall the Fowls of the Ayre eate Neither was this a vain threatning for Ahab being slain at Ramoth Gilead the dogges licked up his blood in the place where they licked the blood of Naboth and Iehoram his son succeeding him both in his Throne and sins God himself annoynted Iehu King over Israel of purpose to execute this his vengeance against the house of Ahab and Iezabel who in execution thereof slew both King Iehoram Ahaziah King of Iudah Iezabel and all Ahabs sons and posteritie his great men Nobles with all the Priests and worshippers of Baal till he left none of them remaining For which severe execution of Gods Iustice the Lord said unto Iehu Because thou hast done well in executing that which is right in mine eyes and hast done unto the house of Ahab according to all that was in mine heart thy children of the fourth generation shall sit on the Throne of Israel Which action of Iehu being thus specially commanded commended and remunerated with such a temporell reward by God himself must questionlesse be lawfull and no Treason nor Rebellion in Iehu unlesse we will charge God to be both the Author Approver and Rewarder of those sinnes After this Iehu walking in the sins of Ieroboam though God deprived him not for it yet he stirred up Hazael to spoil and waste his Countrey during all his reigne and the reigns of King Iehoahaz his son and Ioash his Granchilde who succeeded him in his idolatries and Zechariah the last king of Iehu's Race going in his Ancestors sinnes was slain by Shallum who reigned in his stead Shallum Pekahiah and Pekah three wicked idolatrous kings of Israel were by Gods just judgement successively slain one of another and by Hoshea So that all the Kings of Israel who violated Gods Covenants and conditions annexed to their Crowns did for the most part lose their lives Crownes and underwent the utter extirpation of their posterities being totally cut off by the sword neither succeding their Parents in their Crowns nor inheritances And though the royall Crown of Iudah continned in Davids Line till the Captivity of Zedekiah the last king of his Race yet when ever they infringed the conditions which God annexed to their Crownes and turned Idolaters or flagitious persons God presently by way of revenge either brought in forraigne enemies upon them which mastered conquered them and sometimes deposed and carried them away Captives or made them Tributaries as the examples of King Rehoboam afflicted by Shishak King of Aegypt for his sinnes and idolatry and by Ieroboam all his dayes of Ahijam Iehoram Alaziah Ioash Amaziah Ahaz Manasseh Iehoahaz Iehoiakim Iehoiachin and Zedâ—chiah whose Histories troubles captiâ—ities and punishments you may reade at large with others witnesse or else caused their own servants subjects enemies to rise up against them to slay them as is evident by e King Ahaziah Ioash Amaziah Ammon and others All which are unanswerable evidences and experimentall demonstrations that the Kingdoms of Iudah and Israel were both held of God upon conditions and that for the breach of these conditions they might be and oft times were by Gods Iustice on them both lawfully deprived of their Crownes and their posterities disinherited yea totally cut off for ever and in conclusion both these most eminent Kingdoms for the sins of kings and people were invaded destroyed and both Kings with people carried away captives by their enemies into forraigne Countries from whence the whole Nation never afterwards returned nor ever after attained to a king and kingdom of their own So fatall is it for Kings or Kingdoms to break those Covenants Laws Conditions which God himself hath prescribed them and so far are any Kings from being exempted from all Laws and left at libertie to do what they please that the breach of them proves destructive to them and theirs I shall onely adde to this by way of Corollary that all the Israelites Rulers Kings People did joyntly and severally for
of Israel For Hezekiah had taken counsell and his Princes and all the Congregation in Ierusalem to keep the Passeover in the second moneth for they could not keep it at that time because the people had not sanctified themselves sufficiently neither had the people gathered themselves together at Ierusalem and the thing pleased the King And all the Congregation So they established a Decrée to make Proclamation throughout all Israel from Bersheba even to Dan that they should come to keep the Passeover unto the Lord God of Israel at Ierusalem for they had not done it of a long time in such sort as it was written So the Posts went with the Letters from the King and the Princes throughout all Israel and Iudah c. vers 12. Also in Iudah the hand of God was to give them one heart to doe the Commandement of the King and of the Princes by the word of the Lord and vers 23. And the whole Assembly took Counsell to keep other seven dayes and they kept other seven dayes with gladnesse and All the Congregation of Iudah and Israel rejoyced vers 25. When all this was finished All Israel that were present went to the Cities of Iudah and brake the images in pieces and cut down the Groves and threw downe the high places and the Altars out of all Iudah and Benjamin in Ephraim also and Manasseth untill they had utterly destroyed them all Then all the Children of Israel returned every man to his possession into their owne City In the 2 Chron. 32. 3. When Hezekiah saw that Senacherib was come and that he was purposed to fight against Ierusalem He took Councell with his Princes and his mighty men to stop the waters of the Fountaine which were without the City and they did help him and there was gathered much people together who stopped all the Fountaines c. Adde hereunto that notable Text Jer. 38. 4. to 28. Where when the Prophet Ieremy had prophecied that Ierusalem should be given into the hands of the King of Babylons Army which should take it Therefore the Princes hereupon said unto the King we beseech thee let this man be put to death for thus he weakneth the hands of the men of Warre that remain in this City and the hands of all the people in speaking such words unto them for this man seeketh not the welfare of this people but the hurt Then Zedechiah the King said Behold he is in your hand For the King is not he that can doe any thing against you And Jer. 26. 8. to 29. Now it came to passe when Ieremiah had made an end of speaking all that the Lord had commanded him to speake unto all the people that the Priests the Prophets and all the people tooke him saying thou shalt surely dye c. So Ezra 10. 1. to 20. There assembled unto Ezra a very great Congregation of men c. And they said unto Ezra we have trespassed against our God and have taken strange wives of the people of the land yet now there is hope in Israel concerning this thing Now therfore let us make a Covenant with our God to put away all the strange wives c. and let it be don according to the Law and All Israel said that they would doe according to this word And they made Proclamation throughout Iudah and Ierusalem unto all the children of the Captivity that they should gather themselves unto Ierusalem and that whosoever would not come within 3. dayes According to the Councell of the Princes and the Elders all his substance should be forfeited and himselfe seperated from the Congregation of those that had been carryed away Then all the men of Iudah and Benjamin gathered themselves together unto Ierusalem within three dayes and all the people sate in the street of the house of God trembling â—ecause of this matter and for the great raine And Ezra the Priest stood up and said unto them Ye have transgressed and taken strange wives to encrease the trespasse of Israel Now therefore make confession unto the Lord God of your fathers and doe his pleasure and seperate your selves from the people of the Land and from the strange wives Then All the Congregation answered and said with a lowd voyce As thou hast said so must we doe but the people are many and it is a time of much raine and we are not able to stand without neither is this a worke of one day or two for we are many that have transgressed in this thing let now our rulers of all the Congregation stand and let them which have taken strange wives in our Cities come at appointed times and with them the Elders of every City and the Iudges thereof untill the fierce wrath of our God for this matter be turned from us And the Children of the Captivity did so Where we see the whole Congregation determine and direct all that was done in this grand common businesse And Esther 9. 17. to 32. the Iewes upon Mordecaies and Esthers Letters after the slaughter of their Enemies Ordained and took upon them and upon their séed and upon all such as joyned themselves unto them so as it should not faile that they would keep the 13. and 14. day of the month Adar and make it a day of feasting and gladnesse according to their writing and according to their appointed time every yeare And that these dayes should be kept and remembred thorowout every generation every Family every Province and every City and that these dayes of Purim should not faile from among the Iewes nor the memoriall of them perish from their seed And the Decree of Esther confirmed those mater of Purim As they had decreed for themselves and their séed From all these Texts compared with Prov. 11. 14. c. 15. 22. c. 25. 5. it is most apparant that the Kings of Iudah and Israel were no absolute Soveraigne Princes paramount their whole Kingdomes or the generall Senate and Congregation of the people or their Sanhedrin but inferiour to them in power and not onely counselled but over-ruled usually by them in all matters of publike concernment A truth so pregnant that Bp. Bilson himself from some of these Texts confesseth That it is a question among the learned what Soveraignty the whole people of Israel had over their Kings And that these Scriptures have perswaded some and might lead Zuinglius to thinke that the people of Israel notwithstanding they called for a King Yet reserved to themselves sufficient Authority to over-rule their King in these things which séemed expedient and néedfull for the publike wellâ—fare else God would not punish the people for their Kings iniquity which they must suffer and not redresse Hence that eminent lew Iosephus a man best acquainted of any with his owne Nations Antiquities Lawes and the Prerogatives of their kings resolves in direct termes that their King whosoever he were ought to attribute more to the Lawes and to God then to his
will proceed against them according to his lust and slay whom he pleaseth but it is a glorious thing to die for justice and the truth of God and it is better to die for the defence of justice then afterwards to be slain with the wicked by assenting to injustice or by dissembling Those who cannot endure this let them indure a lustfull and insolent Tyrant expecting extream punishment together with him yet the hand of the Lord is stretched out still and threatneth a stroke But when with the consent and suffrage of the whole or certainly of the better part of the multitude a Tyrant is removed Deo fit auspice it is done by God approbation If the Children of Israel had thus deposed Manasseh they had not been so grievously punished with him So Zuinglius Hence Stephanus Iunius Brutus in his Vindiciae contra Tyrannos in answer to Machiavels Princeps a most accursed mischievous Treatise and justification of the Protestant defensive wars in France to preserve their Religion and Liberties Anno 1589. determines positively That as all the people are Superiour to the King so are those Officers of State and Parliaments who represent them Superiour to Kings collectively considered though every of them apart be inferiour to them In the Kingdom of Israel which by the judgement of all Polititians was best instituted by God there was this order The King had not onely private Officers who looked to his family but the Kingdom likewise had 71 Elders and Captains elected out of all the Tribes who had the care of the Commonweale both in time of peace and war and likewise their Magistrates in every Town who defended their severall Cities at the others did the whole kingdom These when ever they were to deliberate of greatest affairs assembled together neither could any thing be determined without their advice which much concerned the commonwealth Therefore David called these all together when he desired to in vest Solomon in the Kingdom when he desired the policy restored by him should be examined and approved when the Ark was to be reduced c. And because they represented all the people all the people are then said to have assembled together Finally the same rescued Ionathan condemned to death by Sauls sentence from whence it appears that an appeale lay from the King to the people But from the time the Kingdome was divided through the pride of Rehoboam the Synedrin of Ierusalem consisting of 71 men seems to be of that authoritie that they might judge the King in their assembly as well as the King judge them when they were apart The Captain of the House of Iudah was President over this assembly that is some chief man chosen out of the Tribe of Iudah as even the chief man for the City Ierusalem was chosen out of the Tribe of Benjamin This will be made more evident by examples Ieremie being sent by God to denounce the overthrow of the City Ierusalem is for this first condemned by the Priests and Prophets that is by the Ecclesiasticall judgement or Senate after this by all the People that is by the ordinary Iudges of the Citie to wit by the Captains of thousands and hundreds at last by the Princes of Iudah that is by the 71 men sitting in the new Porch of the Temple his cause being made known he is acquitted Now they in that very judgement expresly condemn King Iehoiakim who a little before had most cruelly slain the Prophet Uriah threatning like things Also we reade elsewhere that King Zedekiah did so much reverence the Authoritie of this Sanhedrin that he durst not free the Prophet Jeremie thrust by these 71 men into a filthy prison but likewise 〈◊〉 dared to translate him into the Court of the Prison from thence yea when they perswaded him to consent to Jeremiah his death he answered that he was in their hands and that he could not contradict them in any thing Yea he fearing lest they should enquire into the conference which he privately had with Ieremie as if he were about to render an account of the things which he had spoken forgeth a lie Therefore in this Kingdom the States or Officers of the Kingdom were above the King I say in this Kingdome which was instituted and ordaintd not by Plato or Aristotle but by God himself the Author of all order and the chiefe institutor of all Monarchy Such were the seven Magi in the Persian Empire the Ephori in the Spartan Kingdom and the publike Ministers in the Egyptian Kingdome assigned and associated to the King by the People to that onely end that He should not commit any thing against the Lawes Thus and much more this Author together with Con. Superantius Vasco who published this Treatise to all pious and faithfull Princes of the Republike giving large Encomiums of its worth as also the Author of the Treatise De Iure Magistratus in Subditos p. 253 254 255 256. 268 to 275. whose words for brevity I pretermit Bp. Bilson in his forecited passages and Hugo Grotius De Iure Belli pacis l. 1 c 3. sect 20. p. 63 64. where he confesseth That if the King of the Israelites offended against the Lawes written concerning the Office of a King he was to be scourged for it and that the Sanhedrin had a power above their king in some cases Finally the Kings of Israel and Iudah were not superior to nor exempted from the Lawes but inferiour to and obliged by them as well as Subjects This is evident not onely by the premises but by sundry impregnable Texts As Deut. 17. 18. 19. 20. where God himselfe in the very description of the office and duty of their King prescribes this in direct termes as a part of his duty And it shall be when He sitteth on the Throne of this Kingdome that he shall write him a Copy of This Law in a Booke out of that before the Priestic and Levites And it shall be with Him and He shall read therein All the dayes of his life that he may learn to feare the Lord his God To keep all the words of the Law and these Statutes to doe them that his heart be not lifted up above his brethren and that He turn not aside from the Commandement to the right hand or to the left seconded by Iosh 7. 8. This Booke of the Law shall not depart out of thy mouth but thou shalt meditate therein day and night that thou maist observe to doe according to all that is written therein turne not to it from the right hand or to the left for then thou shalt make thy way prosperous and then thou shalt have good successe Hence it was that as soon as ever Saul was elected and made King by Samuel and the people he being the first of their Kings Samuel told the people the manner of the Kingdom and wrote it in a Booke and laid it up before the Lord which Booke
contained not the exorbitances and oppressions that their Kings would exercise over them mentioned in the 1 Sam. 8. 11. to 19. as Iosephus mistakes but as Petrus Cunaeus and others more rightly observe the Law of God concerning Kings prescribed by him Deut. 17. 14. to the end and such Lawes which commanded Kings to use Iustice and equity to govern the Common-wealth well for the peoples benefit to abstaine from fornication and lusts to retain modesty in a great fortune c. Hence Samuel enioyned both Saul and the People to feare the Lord and serve him and obey his voyce and follow him and not rebell against his Commandement c. 1 Sam. 12. 14 15. 20. to 25. Hence King David did alwayes meditate in the Law of God day and night accounting it more deare unto him then thousands of Gold and silver And withall pronounceth from Gods own mouth The Gods of Israel said the Rocke of Israel spake to me he that ruleth over men must be just ruling in the feare of God Hence the Qu. of Sheeba used this speech to king Solomon Because the Lord loved Israel for ever therefore made be thee King what to domineere at his pleasure no verily but To doe Iudgement and Iustice Vpon this ground King Iosiah made a covenant before the Lord to walke after the Lord And to keep his Commandements and his testimonies and his statutes with all his heart and with all his soul And King Asa with other Princes and Governors did the like as the premises evidence From all which and infinite other Scriptures obliging Kings to reign in righteousnesse to doe justice and judgement to all and reprehending them exceedingly for their injustice tyranny oppressions idolatries and other sinnes it is irrefragable that their kings were as much if not more obliged to keep both Gods and the kingdomes Lawes as the Subjects and had no arbitrary power to doe what they pleased All that is or can be colourably obiected to the contrary to prove the kings of Israel absolute Monarchs exempt from Lawes and paramount their Sanhedrin or people collectively considered is First that passage of Psal 51. 4. where king David confessing his sinnes of Adultery and Murther to God useth this expression Against thee Thee onely have I sinned and done this evill in thy sight Of which Hierom renders this reason Quod Rex erat alium non timebat alium non habebat super se which Ambrose thus seconds Rex erat Nullis ipse legibus tenebatur quia liberi sunt Reges a vinculis delictorum Neque enim ullis ad poenam vocantur legibus Tuti Imperii potestate Homini ergo non peccavit cui non tenebatur obnoxius Arnobius Cassidor adde De populo si quis erraverit Deo peccat Regis quando Rex delinquit soli Deo reus est Merito ergo Rex Deo Tantum se dicit peccasse quia solus erat qui ejus potuisset admissa discutere The like we finde in Isiodor Epist 383. which some Iewish Rabbins back with this saying of Barnachmon titulo de Iudicibus Nulla creatura judicat Regem sed Deus benedictus Therefore the Iewish kings were above all Lawes and not subiect to the censures of their Congregations States or Sanhedrin To this I answer first That no doubt David by his adultry and murther being sinnes against the second Table did sinne not onely against God but against Vriah and his wife too their children and kinred yea against his own soule and body though he were a king That of Iustus Eccardus De Lege Regia being an itrefragable truth granted by all Lawyers and Divines whatsoever that the absolutest Emperors Monarchs Kings that be are subject to the Lawes of God of Nature of Nations and cannot justly doe any thing against them to the hurt of pietie chastity fame life or what is contrary to good Manners Secondly No doubt every king is bound in conscience by the Law of God and man to give satisfaction and recompence to his Subjects against whom he sinneth in this nature as David himselfe determines in this his own case 2 Sam. 12. 5 6 7. Thirdly For this very sin against Vriah God threatens that the sword should never depart from Davids house that hee would raise up evil against him out of his own house that he would take his wives before his eyes and give them unto his Neighbour who should lye with them in the sight of the Sunne before all Israel 2 Sam. 12. 10 11 12. which was actually fulfilled in and by Absalom his sonne 2 Sam. 16. 22. The glosse therefore of these Fathers that David was exempt from all Lawes being a King and that he could not sinne against a Subject is point-blank against the History and Text it selfe and manifested to be apparantly false by all the premised Scriptures and Authorities Fourthly the true reason of this speech of David Against thee Thée onely have I sinned and done this evill in thy sight as Augustine and others truly observe was 1. Because David had plotted and contrived the murther of Vriah and abusing of his wife so closely that no man did or could take notice of it whence Nathan the Prophet tells him 2 Sam. 12. 12. Thou didst it Secretly but I will do this before all Israel sed forte erat quod homines latebat non inveniebant illi quod erat quidem sed manifestum non erat writes Augustine 2. Because Vriah being slain and his wife a party consenting to Davids sinne his sinne now might in this sence be said to be against God alone 3. sinne quatenus sinne and as it deserves eternall punishment is properly committed against none but God whose Law and prohibition only makes it sinne therefore in this regard David now confessing his sinne to God himselfe useth this expression and rhetoricall ingemination Against thee thee only have I sinned 4. Because none was free from sinne and so sit to be his Judge in that respect but God onely 5. Only is many times taken for principally or especially as we usually say such a one is the onely man such a salve or medicine is the onely remedy and the Scripture useth this phrase in this sence in Davids owne ease 1 King 15. 7. David did that which was right in the eyes of the Lord and turned not aside from any thing that he commanded him all the dayes of his life save ONELY in the matter of Vriah that is principally for he committed divers sins besides as in numbring the people in giving Mephibosheths land to Ziba upon a false suggestion himselfe confessing that his iniquities were gone over his head and his sinnes more then the haires of his head but yet this was his ONLY to wit his principall sinne so in divers others Texts onely is used for principally as Iosh 1. 7. 18. Onely be thou strong
22. 80. n. 4. 108. n. 29. 141. n. 2. Covarunius Quaest Illust. T. 2. 396. n. 2. 4. Hugo Grotius de Jure Belli l. 1. c. 4. sect 7. l. 2. c. 14. sect 11. and elsewhere Marius Salamonius de Principatu Eccardus de lege Regia with others cited by them Hookers Ecclesiasticall Polity l. 1. sect 10. p. 69 70 71. a pregnant place Albericus Gentilis de Iure Belli l. 3. c. 10. 15. Ioannes Mariana de Rege Regum Instit l. 1. c. 1. to 10. Sparsim Iunius Brutus Vindiciae contra Tyrannos Quaest 3. p. 83. to 94. with whose words I shall close up this observation having elle where particularly proved the verity thereof and answered all Obiections against it from misinterpreted Scriptures We say now writes he that the people constitute Kings deliver Kingdoms approve Kings elections with their suffrages which God would have to be thus that so whatsoever authority and power they should have they should next to him referre it to the people and therefore should bestow all their care thoughts industrie for the peoples profit neither verily should they think themselves advanced above other men for their excellency of nature no otherwise then men are over Heards and Flocks but should remember that being born in the same condition with others they were lifted up from the ground unto that condition by the suffrages as it were by the Shoulders of the people upon whose Shoulders the burthen of the Common-weale should for a great part rest After which he proves by Deut. 17. and divers forecited presidents in Scripture that God gave the Election and Constitution of the kings of Israel to the people and that notwithstanding the succession of the kingdom of Iudah was by God entailed afterwards to the Linage of David yet the Kings thereof actually reigned not before they were ordained by the people Whence we may conclude that the Kingdom of Israel if we respect the stock was certainly hereditary but if we regard the persons altogether elective But to what end was this if the Election appear as it is confessed but that the remembrance of so great a dignitie conferred by the people should make them alwayes mindefull of their duty So likewise among the Heathens we read that Kings were constituted by the people for when they had wars abroad or contention at home some one man of whose fortitude and justice the multitude had a great opinion was by common consent assumed for King And among the Medes saith Cicero Deioces was of an Arbitrator made a Iugde of a Iudge created a King and among the Romanes the first Kings were elected Therefore when Romulus being taken away the Inter-regnum of the hundred Senators was displeasing to the Romans they accorded that afwards Kings should be chosen by the Suffrages of the people the Senate approving it And Tarquin the proud was therefore reputed a Tyrant for that being created neither by the people nor Senate he held the Empire onely by force and power Wherefore Caesar although he invaded the Empire by force yet that he might cosen the people at least with some pretext of Law would seem to have received the Empire from the Senate and people But Augustus although he was adopted by Caesar yet he never bare himselfe as heire of the Empire by divise but rather received it as from the Senate and people as did also Caligula Tiberius Claudius whereas Nero who first invaded the Empire by force and wickednesse without any colour of Law was condemned by the Senate Since then no man could be born an absolute King no man can be a King by himselfe no man can reigne without the people Whereas on the contrary the people may both be and are by themselvs and are in time before a King it most certainly appears that all Kings were first constituted by the people Now albeit that from the time that Sons or Nephews imitated the vertues of their parents they seem to have made kingdomes as it were hereditary to themselves in certain Countries where the free power of Election may seem in some sort to have ceased yet that custome hath continued in all well constituted kingdomes that the children of the deceased kings should not succeed untill they were as de nono newly constituted by the people nor should not be acknowledged as heires to their Fathers but should onely then at length be reputed kings when they had as it were received investiture of the Realme from those who represent the Majesty of the people by a Scepter and Diadem In Christian kingdomes which at this day are said to be conferd by succession there are extant most evident footsteps of this thing For the kings of France Spain England and others are wont to be inaugurated and as it were put into possession of the Realm by the States Senators Nobles and great men of the Realm who represent the universality of the people in the same manner as the Emperours of Germany are by the Electors and the kings of Poland by the Vaynods or Palatines where the intire right is onely by election neither is royall Honour yeelded to them in the Cities of the kingdomes before they have been duly inaugurated Neither also heretofore did they compute the time of the reigne but from the day of the inauguration which computation was accurately observed in France And that we may not be deceived by reason of any continued stories of succession even in those very kingdoms the States of the Realme have oft times preferred a kinsman before a sonne the second sonne before the eldest is in France Lewis the brother before Robert Earl of Dreux also Henry the second brother before Robert Capet the Nephew with others elsewhere Yea and the same kingdome by Authority of the People hath been translated from one Nation and Family to another whiles there were lawfull heires extant from the Merouingi to the Carlingi from the Carlingi to the Capets which hath been likewise done in other Realms as it sufficiently appears out of the truest Histories And that we may not recede from the kingdome of France which hath ever been reputed the pattern of the rest in which I say succession seemes to have obtained greatest strength We read that Pharamond was elected Anno 419. Pipen An. 751. Pipens sonnes Charles the great and Charlemain 768. not having respect of the Father Charlemain being at last taken away 771. the Brothers part did not immediatly accrue to Charli the Great as is usually done in inheritances but by the determination of the people and publike Councell and by them Ludovicus pius was elected An. 812. although he were the sonne of Charles the great Yea in the very Testament of Charles which is extant in Nauclerus he Intreats the People by the Common Councell of the Realm to elect one of his nephews whō they pleased as for his Vncles he bids thē rest satisfied with the Decrée of the people Whence
deafe and fall to nothing he who erewhile did magnificently triumph will in one moment become vile to all he who even now was adored almost with divine honours will be compelled to play the Schoolmaster at Corinth Over-turn only the basis of this Giant-like heape and like the Rhodian Colossus it will of necessity fall and be broken into pieces Since therefore a King exists by and for the people and cannot consist without the people to whom may it seem strange if we conclude That the People are greater then the King Moreover what we say of all the People we will have spoken also as in the second Question of those also who lawfully represent all the people in every kingdome or City who verily are commonly reputed the Officers of the Kingdome not King The Officers of the King are created or discharged by the King at his pleasure Moreover when he dyeth they are out of place and are in some sort accounted dead men Contrarily the Officers of the kingdome receive their authority from the people to wit In a publike Councell or at least Heretofore were wont to receive it neither can they be cashéered without the same Therefore those depend on the King these on the kingdome they from the Supreme Officer of the kingdome who is the king himselfe these From the Supream Dominion of the People from whom the king himselfe as well as they ought to depend Their Office is to take care of the king these mens duty to take heed that the Common-wealth receiue no detriment any where Theirs to be present and serue the King as any domestick servants doe their Masters these mens to defend the rights and priuiledges of the people and diligently to prouide that the Prince himselfe commit or omit nothing to their destruction Finally those are the Kings seruants Ministers domesticks instituted only to obey him these contrarily are as the kings Assessors in judging according to Law and Consorts of the Royal Empire so as all these are bound to gouern the Commonweal no otherwise then the king is yet he as a president among them may onely hold the first place Now as All the People are superiour to the King so euen these although single every of them be inferiour to the King yet All of them are to be deemed superiour to him How great the power of the first kings was appeares sufficiently from this that Ephron king of the Hittites durst not grant the right of a sepulcher to Abraham without the peoples consent nor Hamor the Hiuite king of Sechem make a league with Iacob the more weighty affaires being usually referred to the people And vetily in those kingdomes which at that time were circumscribed almost with one City this was easie But from that time kings began to inlarge their Territories neither could all the people assemble in one place without confusion Officers of the kingdome were appointed who should ordinarily defend their rights yet so as when there should be need either all the people or at least a certain Epitome of them should be extraordinarily assembled Wee see this order to have been in the kingdome of Israel which by the judgement almost of all polititians was best of all constituted The king had his Bakers Butlers Chamberlaines Masters and Stewards of his House who overlooked his Family the kingdom had likewise its Officers 71. Elders and Captains chosen out of every tribe who might take care of the Republike in time either of peace or warre and finally its Magistrates in every Town who were every one to defend their Rites as the others the whole kingdome which he proves to be above their kings and to over-rule them in the forecited passage Such were the 7. Magi or wise men in the Persian Empire being as it were Consorts of the Royall Honor and who were called the kings eyes and eares with whose judgement we read the kings rested satisfied Such were the Ephori in the Spartan Realm to whom they appealed from the king and who did likewise judge the kings themselves as it is in Aristotle In the Aegyptian kingdome the publike Ministers were elected and assigned to the king by the people onely to this end that he should commit nothing against the Lawes Now as Aristotle every where calls those lawfull kings to whom such Officers are adioyned so likewise he feares not to say where they are wanting that there is not a Monarchy but either plainly a barbarous tyrannie or a domination next to Tyrannie In the Roman State the Senators obtained this place and the Magistrates usually chosen by the people the Tribune of the Consuls the president of the City and the rest so as there lay an appeale from the king to the people which Seneca cites out of Tullies Book of the Republike and the History of Horatius Tergeminus condemned by the Royall Iudges for the murder of his sister and absolved by the people sufficiently evidenceth But under the Emperours the Senate Consuls Pretors Pretorian Perfects Presidents of Provinces which were given to the people and Senate were therefore all called the Magistrates of the people of Rome Therefore when as by the Decree of the Senate Maximinus the Emperour was iudged an enemy of the Republike and Mazimus and Albinus were created Emperors by the Senate against him the Souldiers took an oath that they would Fathfully obey the people of Rome the Senate Emperor howsoever this law might be violated under tyranny As for the Empires at this day as the Turkish Muscovitish and others of this kind which are rather great Robberies then Empires there is not one of them which if not at this time was not at least in times past governed in this manner But if it be come to passe through the Magistrats fault and sloathfulnes that in some places posterity have received a worser Commonweal notwithstanding those who at this day possesse these Offices are bound as much as in them is to revoke all things to their ancient state In the German Empire which is conferred by election there are Princes and Electors as well Laicks as Ecclesiasticks Earles Barons Cities Embassadors of Cities who as they have the care of the Commonweale in their severall places so likewise in generall Assemblies or diets when there is needs they represent the Majesty of the whole Empire where they are bound to care that the Republike sustain no detriment by the private endeavours or hatreds of the Emperour Therefore there is one Chancellour of the Empire another of the Emperour other and different Officers besides both of the one and other divers Exchequers divers Treasurers and therfore it is a cōmon saying that the Empire is preferred before the Emperor so as the Emperor may be every where said to do homage to the Empire Likewise in the Realm of Poland the Bishops Palatines Castellans Nobles Deputies of Cities and Counties are extraordinarily assembled in whose assembly onely new constitutions are
made and wars decréed But ordinarily the councellers of the Realm of Poland the Chancellor of the Polish Repub. c. although the King in the mean time hath his own Chamberlains Stewards Ministers Domesticks But he who will dispute among the Polonians whether the King or the whole people of the Kingdom represented by the Estates of the Realm be greater doth just like him who should dispute at Venice whether the Duke or the Republike were the superior But what shal we say of those kingdomes which are wont to be carried by succession Verily the thing is no otherwise there The Realm of France which not long since was preferred before the rest both for the excellency of Laws and Orders was thus constituted in times past and although those who hold that place do not sufficiently discharge their duty yet they are not thereby the lesse obliged to do it The king verily hath his great Master or Arch-Steward his Chamberlains Hunters Guard Butlers and the rest whose Offices heretofore did so depend on the King that he dying themselves seemed also to die in their Office so that even yet after the end of the mourning royall the great Master or Arch-Steward is wont to pronounce certain conceived words wherewith he dismisseth the royall family and bids every one provide for himself Yet notwithstanding the Kingdom of France hath its Officers the master of the Palace who afterwards was stiled the Earl of the Stable the Marshals Admirall Chancellour or great Referendary Secretaries Treasurers and Officers who verily heretofore WERE NOT CREATED BUT IN THE GREAT PUBLIKE COVNCELL of the three Orders of the Clergie Nobilitie and people but since the standing Parliament was ordained at Paris they are not thought setled in their Offices before they be received and approved by the Senate of Paris neither can they be casheer'd without their consent and authority Now all these first plight their faith TO THE KINGDOM that is to all the people after that to the King as the Guardian thereof which is perspicuous even from the very form of the Oath But especially the Earl of the Stable when he is girded by the King with the Liliated sword as appears by the words which he pronounceth is girded to that purpose THAT HE MAY DEFEND AND PROTECT THE REPVBLIKE Moreover the Realm of France hath its Peers as Consuls of the King or its Senators as the Fathers of the Republike every of them denominated from the severall Provinces of the Kingdome to whom the King being to bee crowned is wont to plight his faith as to the whole Kingdome from whence it appeares THAT THEY ARE SVPERIOR TO THE KING These again likewise swear that they will defend not the King BVT THE ROYALL CROWN that they will assist THE REPVBLIKE with their councell and that for this end they will be present in the sacred Councell of the Prince in time of Peace or Warre as manifestly appears out of the formulary of the Peership Therefore by the Law of Lombardy in giving sentences they did not onely sit with the Lord of the Fee as Peers but likewise heard the Causes ofttimes between the Superiour Lord and his Vassall We likewise see these Senators of France to have ofttimes judged between the King and Subjects so that when Charles the 6. would have pronounced sentence against the Duke of Britain they withstood him and said THAT THE JVDGEMENT WAS NOT THE KINGS BVT PEERS FROM WHOSE AVTHORITY HE COVLD DEROGATE NOTHING Hence even at this day the Parliament at Paris which is called the Court of Peers or Senators is in some sort constituted a Iudge between the King and People yea between the King and every private man and is bound as with an obligation to right every one against the King Procurers if he invades any thing against Law Besides if the King determines any thing or makes any Edict at home if he make any compact with neighbour Princes if any Warre be to be waged if any Peace be to be made as of late with Charles the fifth The Parliament ought to approve and bée Authour of it and all things which appertain to the Common-wealth ought to be registred among its acts which verily are not ratified untill they shall be approved by it Now that the Senators might not fear the King heretofore none could be preferred into that Order but such who were nominated by the Senate neither could they Lawfully be removed but by its Authority for a lawfull cause Finally even the Kings Letters unlesse they be subscribed by the Kings Secretary and rescripts unlesse they be signed by the Chancellour who hath a power of cancelling have no authority There are likewise Dukes Marquesses Earles Vicounts Barons Castellanes also in Cities Maiors Deputies Consuls in Sindeches Auditors and the like to whom some particular Region or City are severally commended that they may defend the People so farre forth as their jurisdiction extendeth although some of these dignities at this day are reputed Hereditary And besides this yearly heretofore at leastwise as often as necessity required there was held an Assembly of the three Estates wherein all the Countries and Cities of any note did send their Deputies namely Commons Nobles Ecclesiasticks in each of them apart where they publikely determined of those things which appertained to the Republike Now such was evermorethe authority of this Assembly that not only those things which were therein accorded were reputed sacred and holy whether Peace were to be concluded or War to be waged or the Guardianship of the Realm to be committed to any one or a Tax to be imposed was there concluded but even Kings themselves for their luxury slothfulnes or tyrannie were thrust into Monasteries by their authority even all their Ofsprings deprived of the succession of the Kingdom no otherwise then at first when as they were called to the kingdom by the peoples authority verily those whō consent had advanced dissent did pull down again those whom imitation of paternall vertues had as it were called into that inheritance a degenerate and ungratefull minde as it had made then uncapable and unworthy so it did make them to be disinherited From whence verily it appears that succession truly was tolerated to avoid competition succession an interregnum and other incommodities of Election but truely when greater damages would follow where Tyranny should invade the Kingdom where a Tyrant the Throne of a King the lawfull Assembly of the people Perpetually reserved to themselves an Authority of expelling a Tyrant or slothfull King and of deducing him to his Kindred and of substituting a good King in his place Verily peradventure the French received this from the Gauls Caesar in the fifth Book of the Gallic War being the Author For Ambiorix King of the Eburoni confessed that all that time the Empires of the Kings of Gallia were such that the people duely assembled had no lesse authoritie over the King
then the King over the people which also appears in Vercingetorix who pleaded his cause before an assembly of the people In the Kingdoms of Spain especially in Valentia and Catteloigne of the Arragonians it is even thus for the Soveraignty of the Realme is in the Justice of Aragon as they call it therefore the great men who represent the people fear not to tell the King in direct terms both in his very Coronation it self and likewise every third year in the generall assembly of their Estates Tantum valemus nos quantum vos We are as powerfull as you but the Justice of Aragon is above us both who rules more than you Yea oftentimes what things the King hath asked what he hath injoyn'd the Iustice hath prohibited nay he never dares to impose any tribute without the authority of that Assembly In the Realms of England and Scotland the Supreme power is in the Parliament usually wont to be held almost every year Now they call a Parliament the Assembly of the Estates of the Realme where the Bishops Earls Barons Deputies of the Cities and Counties by common suffrage determine of the Republikes affairs whose authority is so sacred that what things soever it shall once establish it is unlawfull or a wicked act for the king to abrogate Likewise all the Officers of the Realme are wont to receive their Offices from that Assembly and those who ordinarily assist the King or Quéen in Councell In brief other Christian Kingdoms as Hungary Bohemia Denmarke Sweden and the rest have all their Officers of the Realm or Consuls of the Royall Empire who by their own Authority have sometimes used even to depose their Kings themselves as Histories teach or fresh memory sufficiently manifests Neither is there verily any cause that we should think the Royall Authority to be thereby deminished or that Kings should hereby suffer as it were a diminution of their heads Truly we deem not God the lesse potent for this because he cannot sin by himself nor his Empire more restrained because it cannot be ruined nor grow worse therefore not a King if that he who may offend by himself be sustained or kept from sinning by anothers help or if peradventure he had lost any Empire by his own negligence or fault that he may retain by anothers prudence What do you think any man lesse healthy because Phisitians sit round about him who dehort him from intemperance who interdict him the eating of hurtfull meats who likewise oft-times purge him against his will and resisting Or whether doest thou think those Phisitians who take care of his health or flatterers who obtrude the most unwholsome things to be more his friends Therefore this distinction is altogether necessary to be adhibited Some are friends of the King others of Caesar those are friends of Caesar who serve Caesar those friends of the King or Emperour who serve the Kingdom For since any one is called a King for the Kingdoms sake and the Kingdom consists in the people but the Kingdom being lost or decayed the King must altogether cease to be a King or at least be lesse a King those verily who shall study the profit of the Kingdom are truly the Kings friends those who neglect or subvert the profit of the Realm are truly his Enemies and as thou canst by no means separate the Kingdom from the people nor the King from the Kingdom so neither the friends of the King from the friends of the Kingdom or people yea verily as those who truely love Caesar would rather have him to be a King then a private man nor can they have him a King without a Kingdom in good sooth those shall be the Kingdoms friends who are Caesars and those who would seem to be more the friends of Caesar then of the Kingdom or people are truly to be reputed Flatterers and most pernicious enemies But and if they bee truely friends is it not manifest that the King will become more powerfull and stable as Theopompus said of the Ephori when instituted by how much those shall be more and more powerfull to whom the profit of the people or Realm shall be commanded and committed But perchance thou wilt say You tell me of the Senators Peers and Officers of the Realm but I on the contrary see nothing but Ghosts and as it were ancient Cote-Arms in Tragedies but I scarce any where discern any foot-steps of ancient libertie and authoritie Finally you may see most men every where to look to their own affairs to flatter kings to cheat the people scarce any where maist thou finde one who takes pity of the mascerated people much lesse who will give help to the miserable but if there be any who are truely of that minde or thought to be so they are judged Rebels or Traitors they are banished and they are compelled to begge even their very food What the thing is thus It seems almost alwayes and in every place the audacitie of Kings or partly the prevarication partly the slothfulnesse of the Nobility hath been such that kings may seem to have usurped that licentiousnesse wherewith most of them at this day seem to wax insolent by a long prescription of time but the people may seem to have determined their Authority or to have lost it by not using it For so it happens for the most part that no man takes care for that which all are bound to take care of that which is committed to all no man thinks it is commended to him Yet notwithstanding against the people neither this prescription nor prevarication doth any thing It is a vulgar saying that no prescription can hurt the king or Exchequer much lesse all the people who are potenter then the King and for whose sake the Prince hath this priviledge for why else is the Prince only the administrator of the Exchequer but for the people the true proprietors as shal be after proved Furthermore is not this a known truth that no violence no not in the longest lasting servitude can be prescribed against liberty But and if thou objectest that Kings were constituted by the people who perchance lived above five hundred yeer since not by the people extant at this day I answer that although kings doe die the people in the mean time as neither any other Universitie never dyeth for as flowing waters make a perpetuall river so also the vicissitude of birth and death an immortall people Therefore as the Rheine Seine Tyber is now the same as it was above a thousand years agoe so likewise the Germane French Roman people are the same unlesse Colonies shall have casually intervened neither can their right be any wayes changed either by the flux of water or change of individuals Besides if they attribute the Kingdom received not to their people but to their Father he to his Grandfather and so upwards could he transfer more right to another then himself first had But and if he
could not as it is certain he could not is it not manifest whatsoever he shall arrogate to himself besides that he cannot any more usurp it then any theef But on the contrary the people have a right of perpetuall eviction Therefore that the Nobles have been for a long space oppressed in any Kingdom can no way prejudice the people but rather as the servant should not be heard who in that he hath a very long time detained his Lord captive should boast that he was not onely a Free-man but would likewise arrogate to himself a power of life and death over his Lord nor yet a Theefe who because he hath robbed 30. yeers or is the sonne of a Theefe should think himselfe to be without fault yea rather by how much the longer he hath been such a one the more severely should he be punished So likewise a Prince is not to be heard or endured who because he hath succeeded to a Tyrant or hath for a long time used the people like a bondslave from whom he hath received his kingdome or hath offered violence to the Nobles should think that what ever â—e lusted should be lawfull to him and ought to be granted of right Neither doe yeers substract any thing from the peoples right but adde to the injury of the King But what if the Nobles themselves have colluded with the King what if in betraying the cause they have betrayed the people as it were bound into the hands of a Tyrant shall the authority of the people by this prevarication or treason seem to be plainly transferred upon the King whether I say by this fact is any thing taken away from the liberty of the people or adjoyned to the licentiousnesse of the Prince You will say they may impute it to themselves who made choise of such men of perfidious faith But yet these are as patrons to patronize the publike profit and the peoples safety and liberty Therfore as when an Advocate shall make a compact with the adversary of his Client concerning the value of the suit as they speake if he had betrayed his cause he should not hurt him at all so this conspiracie of the Nobles as it were made to the dammage and destruction of the people cannot verily detract any thing from their right but even they themselves shall fall into the penalty of the Law which is promulged against prevaricators and the Law permits the people to chuse another patron and to prosecute their right againe For if the Roman people condemned their Emperors to punishment who at the Caudine Gallowes had dishonourably contracted with the enemies although by compulsion and reduced to greatest straits and judged that they were no wayes obliged by that paction shall not the people be much lesse bound to suffer that yoke which not by force but willingly not for feare of death but out of desire of gain hath been thus treacherously put upon them Or if those who ought to shake it off shall impose it or those who might doe it shall tolerate it He hath many other pertinent passages to the same effect which brevity enjoynes me to omit those that please may read them at their leisure in the Author himselfe whose opinion is fortified by Alphonsus Menesius his poems annexed to his Treatise Thirdly it is abundantly manifest from all the premises That Kings and Emperours alwayes have been are and ought to be subject to the Lawes and Customes of their Kingdomes not above them to violate breake or alter them at their pleasures they being obliged by their very Coronation Oathes in all ages and Kingdomes inviolably to observe them This verily is confessed by K. Iames by our K. Charls himself in his late Declarations to al his Subjects resolved by Bracton Fleta Fortescue our Common and Statute Laws forecited by the Year Book of 19. H. 6. 63. a. where Fray saith That the Parliament is the highest Court which the King hath and the Law is the highest inheritance which the King hath for by the Law he himselfe and all his Subjects are ruled and if the Law were not there could be no King nor inheritance This is proued by Stephen Gardiner Bp. of Winchester in his Letter to the Lord Protector where he writes That when he was Embassadour in the Emperours Court he was faine there and with the Emperours Embassadour to defend and maintaine by Commandment in a case of Jewels That the Kings of this Realme were not above the Order of their Laws and therefore the Jeweller although he had the kings Bill signed yet it would not be allowed in the Kings Court because it was not obtained according to the Law and generally granted by all our own English Writers is copiously asserted and professedly averred by Aristotle Polit. l. 3. c. 11. 13. Marius Salomonius de Principatii in sixe speciall Books to this purpose by Justus Eccardus de Lege Regia Thomas Garzonius Emporii Emporiorum Pars 1. Discursus 1. de Dominiis sect 6. p. 9 10. Joannis Carnotensis Episc lib. 4. Policrat c. 1. Bochellus Decreta Eccles Gal. l. 5. Tit. 1. Cap. 6. 15 16. Haenon Disput Polit. p. 428. to 442. Fenestella de Magistratu p. 149. Ioannis Mariana de Rege Regis Instit l. 1. c 9. an excellent discourse to this purpose Petrus Rebuffus Praefat. ad Rubr. de Collationibus p. 583 584. Sebastianus Foxius de Rege c. part 1. p. 108 109 part 2. 192 c. Buckanon de Iure Regni apud Scotos passim Iunius Brutus Vindiciae contra Tyrannos quaest 3. p. 116. to 139. an accurate discouse to this effect Grimalius de Optimo Senatore p. 33. 201 205. Vasquius contr Illustr 16. n. 15. 19. 21. 17. n. 1. â—3 20. n. 3. 44. n. 3. 73. n. 12. 13 15. 72. n. 7. and elswhere De Iure Magistratus in subditos passim Polanus in Ezech. p. 824. 854. Pareus in Rom. 13. p. 138. Francis Hotomani Franco Gallia c. 6. to the end of Cap. 20. Sparsim Governado Christiano p. 108. Cunaeus de Republ. Hebr. l. 1. c. 1. 14. Schickardus Ius Regium Hebrae p. 54. Hugo Grotius de Iure Belli l. 1. c. 4. f. 7. l. 2. c. 14. and elsewhere thorowout his second Book with infinite others of all sorts This all good Emperours and Kings in all ages have professed as these Authors prove Thus the good Emperour Trajan practised and professed That the Prince was not above the Laws Hence Apollonius Thyanaeus writing to the Emperor Domitian saith These things have I spoken concerning Lawes which if thou shalt not think to reignover thee then thy self shalt not reign Hence Autiochus the third King of Asia is commended that he writ to all the Cities of his Kingdom if there should be any thing in his Letters he should write which should seem contrary to the Laws they should not obey them And Anastatius the Emperour
26. Ioannis Mariana Hist. l. 10 c. 16. l. 27. c. 11 l. 35. c 16. Albericus Gentilis de Iure Belli l. 3. c. 15. Cuiacius c 33. de Iure Iurando Decius Cons 564. 689. Cephalus Concil 618. Alciatus l. 3. de v. s l. 15. C. de pact Baldus Proaem Digest and by Iunius Brutus Vindicia contra Tyrannos qu. 3. p. 136. to 256. who handles this question professedly Whether that the King be the proprietory Lord of the publike Royall Patrimany of his Kingdom or the Vsufractuary of it determining cleerly that he is not I shall transcribe the most of his Dicourse This Head we must handle a little more accurately This is first to be observed that the Patrimony of the Exchequer is one thing of the Prince another thing I say the things of the Emperour King Prince are one thing the things of Antonine Henry Philip another The things of the King are those which he as king possesseth the things of Antonine those which he hath as Antonine and those verily he received from the people the other from his Parents This distinction is frequent in the Civill Law wherein the patrimonie of the Empire is said to be one thing of Caesar another the Exchequer of Caesar one thing the Treasury of the Republike another the Treasurer of Caesar one person of the Emperiall Exchequer another the Courts of sacred donations others from those of private things so that he who as Emperour is preferred before a private man in a pledge may sometimes be placed after him as Antonine Likewise in the German Empire things of Marimilian of Austria are one kinde of things of Maximilian the Emperour another the Treasurers of the Empire others and of himself other from them Likewise by another Law the hereditary possession of Princes are different from those which are annexed to the dignities of the Electorship Yea even among the Turks the Patrimoniall Grounds or Gardens of Selymus are one thing the fiscall Ground another and those verily are spent on the Princes Table these onely in sustentation of the Empire Yet there are Kingdoms as the French English and the like wherein Kings have no private Patrimonie but onely the Republike received from the people in which therefore this distinction is not used Now as for the private goods of Princes if there be any there is no doubt but they are the proprietors of them no otherwise then private Citizens and by the civill Law they may sell and divide them at their pleasure But verily of the Exchequer Kingdom Royall Patrimony which is usually called Demesnes they can with no reason be called the proprietory Lords For what whether because one hath made thee a Shepheard for his Flocks sake hath he delivered it thee to fley divide doe with it and strike it at thy pleasure whether because the people have constituted thee a Captain or Judge of some Citie or County have they given thee power of alienating selling destroying that Citie or County And surely there is made an alienation of the people together with the Region or Countie have they therefore given thee authority of severing prostituting enslaving them to whom thou wilt Furthermore is the Royall dignitie a possession or rather a function If a function what community hath it with a propriety If a possession whether not at least such an one that the same people by whom it is delivered may perpetually retain the propriety to it self Finally if the patrimonie of the Eschequer or demaines of the Republike be truely called a Dower and truely such a Dower by whose alienation or delapidation both the Republike it self and Kingdom and king himself finally perisheth by what law at last shall it be lawfull to alienate this Dower Therefore let Wenceslaus the Emperour be infatuated let Charles the sixth king of France be distracted and give or sell the kingdom or a part thereof to the English let Malchom king of Scotland prodigally spend the Crown land and royall Treasure what will follow Those who have chosen a king against the invasions of Forraigners by the folly or madnesse of the king shall be made the servants of Forraigners those who by this means would severally desire to secure their Estates shall all of them together be exposed to a prey those things which every one shall take from himself or from his pupils as in Scotland that he mightendow the Commonwealth some Bawd shall riotously consume But if as we have already often said kings be created for the peoples use what use at all shall there be if not onely the use but even the abuse be granted To whose good are so many evils to whose benefit so many losses so many perils If I say whiles I desire to look after my liberty or safetie I make my selfe a slave I expose my selfe to the lust of one man I put my self into Fetters and Stocks Therefore we see this Law as it is infused by nature so likewise it is approved by use almost among all Nations that it is not lawfull for the king to diminish the Commonwealth at his pleasure and he who doth contrary is censured to play not the king but Tyrant Certainly where kings were created there was a necessity to give them some Revenues by which they might both support their Royall State but most principally sustain the Royall burthens for so both honesty and profit seemed to require It pertained to the Royall Office to see Judges placed every where who should not take gifts and who should not prostitute the Law to sale Moreover to provide a force ready at hand which should assist the Law when ever there should be need to preserve the wayes safe Commerce safe c. but if warre were feared to sortifie Cities with a Garrison to inviron them with a Trench against enemies to maintain an Army to furnish Armories Now this is a know proverb that peace cannot consist without warre nor war without souldiers nor souldiers without wages nor wages without tribute Therefore to sustaine the burthens of Peace the demesne was instituted which among the Lawyers is called Canon to defray the charges of warre tribute yet so as if some more heavy charge should accrue an extraordinary ayde given by Parliament should supply the end of all which verily is the good of the Commonwealth so as he that converts it to his private use is plainly unworthy the name of a king For a Prince saith Paul is the Minister of God for the peoples good and Tributes and Customes are paid to him that he may continually attend thereto And truely heretofore almost all Customs of the Romanes seem to have had this Originall that the precious Merchandize used to be brought out of India Arabia Aethiopia might be secured against piraticall invasions for which cause a Navie was furnished of which kinde was the tribute of the Red-sea Pedatica Navigia Portoria and the rest that the publike wayes which were therefore
called Pretorian Consular Royall should be rendred safe from theeves plain and easie which charge even now lieth upon the kings Attorny that the publike Bridges should be repaired as appears out of the Constitution of Lewes the godly twelve over Seyne that Ships should be ready at hand to transport men over Rivers c. There were no Tributes of Saltpits yea most of them were in the Dominion of private men because what things nature did voluntarily give they thought ought no more to be sold then Light Ayre water And whereas a certain King named Lycurgus had begun to impose a Tax on Salt pits as if nature would not suffer her liberality to be restrained they are said to have been presently dried up although at this day If we beleeve Palphur or Armilot Whatever good or faire thing can be got Out of the Whole Sea in each Realme it flowes Some custome to the Kings Exchequer owes He who first instituted this custome at Rome was Livius Censor whence he obtained the surname of Salinator which he did for the most present necessity of the Commonwealth For that very cause truly King Philip obtained it onely for five yeares whose continuation what commotions it hath produced every man knoweth Finally that tributes were instituted to pay Souldiers wages in warres appeares even from this that to make a Province stipendary or tributary is the selfe-same thing indeed Thus Solomon imposed Tributes to fortifie Cities and to furnish a publike Armory which because they were finished the people under Rehoboam desired to be eased thereof Yea the Turkes themselves call the Tribute of Princes The sacred blood of the People which profusely to spend or to convert to any other use but to defend the people is a cursed act Therefore what things soever a King acquires in warres in every Nation because he gaines it by the common treasure he acquires it to the people not to himselfe as a factor doth to his Master Moreover if perchance he gaine any thing by marriage which I say is pure and simply his wives he is thought to acquire it to the Kingdome because he was presumed to marry that wife not as he is Philip or Charles but as he is King On the contrary as Queenes have part of those things which their husbands not yet coopted into the Kingdome have gained during the marriage so plainly they have no part of those things they get after they have obtained the Kingdome because they are reputed gained to the publike Treasures not to the private meanes of the King which was judged in the Realme of France between Philip Valoyes and Ioan of Burgundy his wife Now lest the monies should be extorted to some other use the Emperour sweares that he will impose no customes nor enjoyne no taxes but by the Authority of a publike Assembly The Kings of Poland Hungary Denmarke England doe the like out of the Lawes of Edward the first The French Kings heretofore demanded Tributes in the Assemblies of the three Estates Hence also is that Law of Philip Valoyes That impositions should not be imposed but upon great and urgent necessity and that by the consent of the Three Estates Moreover in times past those taxes were laid up in Castles throughout every Diocesse and delivered to selected men they even now call them Elected to be kept by whose hand the Soldiers enrolled in every Town should receive their wages which was also usually done in other Countries as in the Belgick At this day at least whatsoever things are commanded are not confirmed unlesse the Parliament consent Now there are some Provinces which are not bound by covenant but by the consent of the Estates as Languedoc Britain Province Dolphenie and some others and in the Netherlands clearly all Finally lest the Eschequer swelling like the spleen whereby all the other Members do pine away should draw all things to it self every where a due proportion is allotted to the Eschequer Since therefore at last it appeares that the tributes customes demesall that which they call demesnes under which names Portages Imposts Exposts Royalties wrecks forfeitures and such like are comprehended which are ordinarily or extraordinary given to Kings were conferred on them for the benefit of the people and supportation of the kingdome and so verily that if these nerves should be cut in sunder the people would fall to decay these foundation being under-mined the Kingdome must needs fall to the ground it truely followes that he who to the prejudice of the people burthens the people who reaps a gain out of the publike losse and so cuts their throat with their own sword is not a King but a Tyrant contrarily that a true King as he is a survey or of the publike affaires so likewise an Administrator of the publike riches but not a proprietary Lord who can no more alienate or dissipate the Royall Demesnes then the kingdome it selfe but if he shall demene himselfe otherwise verily as it is behoovefull to the Republike that every one should use his own proper goods well much more is it beneficiall for the Commonweal that every one should use the publike estate well And therefore if a Lord who prodigally spends his Estate is by publike authority deduced to the Wardship of his kinsmen and Family and compelled to abstaine from his possessions then truly much more justly the Gardian of the Republike who converts the publike Administration of all wealth into the publike destruction or utterly subverts it may justly be spoiled by those whom it concernes and to whom it belongeth out of Office unlesse he desists upon admonition Now that a King in all lawfull Empires is not a proprietary Lord of the Royall patrimony is easie to be manifested That we may not have recourse to those most ancient ages whose Image we have in the person of Ephron king of the Hittites who durst not verily sell his field to Abraham without the peoples consent that very law is at this day used in all Empires The Emperour of Germany before he is Crowned sacredly swears That he will alienate distract or morgage nothing of those things which appertain to the Empire and the patrimony of the Empire but if he recovers or acquires any thing by the publike Forces that it shall come to the Empire not to himself Therefore when Charles the fourth that Wenceslaus his sonne might be designed Emperor had promised an 100000 Crowns to every one of the Electors and because he had no ready monies had obliged to them by way of pawne to this end the Imperiall Customs Tributes Townes Proprieties and Rights there arose a most sharp dispute about it and the most judged the morgage to be void which verily had not availed unlesse that morgage had been gainfull to those very men who ought to defend the Empire and principally to oppose that morgage Yea therefore Wenceslaus himself was compelled as incapable to deprive himself of the Empire because
the kings Table the third on the Wages of his houshold servants the last in the repaire of royall Castles Bridges Houses the residue if there were any was laid up in the Treasury Verily what stirs there were about the year 1412 in the Assembly of the three Estates at Paris because Charles the sixt had converted all things into his and his Officers lusts and that the Domestick accounts which before had not exceeded 94 thousand French Crowns in such a miserable estate of the republike had increased to the sum of five hundred and forty thousand Crowns is sufficiently evident out of Histories Now as the rents of the Crown were thus lessened so also the oblations and subsidies were spent upon the Warre as the taxes and tallages were onely destinated to the stipends of Souldiers In other Realms the King verily hath not any more Authority yea in most he hath lesse as in the Germane and Polish Empire But we would therefore prove this to be so in the Realm of France lest by how much any man dares to doe more injury by so much also he might be thought to have more right In summe what we have said before the name of a King sounds not an inheritance not a propriety not a perception of profits but a function a procuration As a Bishop is instituted for the cure and salvation of the soul so the King of the body in those things which pertain to the publike goods as he is the dispenser of sacred goods so the King of prophane and what power he hath in his Episcopall the same and no greater hath the King in his dominicall Lands the alienation of the Episcopall Lands without the consent of the Chapter is of no validitie so neither of the Crown Land without a publike Parliament or Senate of the Estates Of sacred revenews one part is designed to aedifices another to the poor a third to Companions a fourth to the Bishop himself the same verily almost we see the King ought to do in dispensing the revenewes of the Kingdom It hinders not that the contrary every where is at this day usurped For the duty of Bishops is not any way changed because many Bishops sell those things from the poor which they spend upon Bawds or wast all their Mannors and Woods nor yet that some Emperours have attributed all kinde of power to themselves for neither can any one be judge in his own Cause But if any Cararalla hath said That so long as his sword remains he would want no money Adrianus Caesar will also be present who shall say That he would manage the Principality so as all should know that it was the peoples goods or inheritance not his own which one thing almost distinguisheth a King from a Tyrant Not that Attalus King of Pergameni ordained the people of Rome Heirs of his Realme that Alexander bequeathed the kingdom of Aegypt Ptolomie of the Cyrenians to the people of Rome or Prasutagus of the Iceni to Caesar verily this great power cannot debilitate the force of the Law yea by how much the greater it is by so much the lesse it hurts our law for what things the Romanes seized upon by pretext of law they would notwithstanding have seized on by force if that pretext had been wanting Yea we see almost in our times the Venetians by pretext of a certain imaginary adoption which without force had been plainly ridiculous to have taken the Kingdom of Cyprus Nor yet doth the Donation of Constantine to pope Sylvester hinder for this Chaffe seemed absolete long since to Gratian and is damned to the fire Not the donation of Lewes the godly to Paschall to wit of Rome with part of Italy because Pius gave that which he possessed not and no man resisted But Charles his Father willing to subject the Realm of France to the German Empire the French resisted him by law and if he had gone further they prepared to resist by sorce Not that Solomon as we read delivered twenty cities to Hiram King of Tyre for he did not give them but pawned them as a Creditor till he paid him and within a short time recovered them which appears out of the Text Moreover also they were barren grounds tilled by Reliques of the Heathens which he receiving again from Hiram gave them at last to the Israelites to be tilled and inherited Neither can this more hinder that in certain Kingdoms this condition perchance doth not so expresly intervene betweene the King and his people for albeit it were not at all yet it appears by the law of Nations that Kings are not subverters but Moderators of the Republike that they cannot change the right of the Commonwealth by their pactions that they are Lords onely when they take care of their Pupils that they are to be accounted no other then Guardians and that he is not to be esteemed a Lord who spoils the City with liberty and selleth it like a slave Not finally that certain Kingdoms are gained by Kings themselves for they acquired not Kingdoms by their owne but by publike hands forces treasures now nothing is more consonant to reason then that those things which are gotten by the publike riches and common dangers of the Citizens should not be alienated without common consent which holds place even amongst Theeves themselves he destroyeth humane society who doth the contrary Therefore though the French have by force seized on the German Empire and they also on the Realm of France yet the same law holds in both In sum at last we ought to determine that Kings are not Proprietors nor Fructuaries but onely Administratours and since it is so that verily they can much lesse attribute to themselves the propriety and profits of every mans private Estate or of the publike wealth which belongeth to every Town Thus and much more this accute learned Lawyer to the conviction and refutation of all opposite Ignoramusses in this case of grand concernment which will put a period to our unhappy controversies concerning the Militia formerly discussed without further debate Eighthly That Emperours and Kings are most solemnly obliged by a Covenant and Oath usually made to and before all the people at their Coronations to preserve their peoples lawes liberties lives estates by breach whereof in a wilfull excessive manner they become perjured Tyrants and the people and Magistrates are in some sort thereby absolved from their Allegiance and all obedience to them This is evidently and plentifully confirmed by the forecited Coronation Oathes and Covenants of our own English Kings to their subjects by De Jure Magistratus in Subditos quaest 10. p. 321. 322. and quaest 6. p. 260. to 300. Andrew Favine his Theatre of Honour lib. 2. c. 11. 24. Francisci Hotomani Franco-gallia cap. 6. 10. c. Hugo Grotius de Jure Belli Pacis l. 2. c. 13. 14. Pontificale Romanum Romae 1611. fol. 162 163. Descriptiâ— Coronationis
Maximiliani Imperatoris Anno 1486. inter reruns German Scriptores Tom. 3. p. 32. Olaus Magnus de Gent. Septentrionalibus Hist l. 14. c. 6. Laur. Bochellus decreta Ecclesiae Gallicanae l. 5. Tit. 2. c. 1. p. 703. M. John Seldens Titles of Honour part 1. ch 8. sect 5. p. 198. 214. 225. 226. where the Coronation Oathes of the Emperour French King of all the Northern Kings and of most Elective and Successive Kings and Queens to their Subjects are at large recorded Alhusius Polit. c. 4. Justus Eccardus de Lege Regia Thomas Aquinas de Reg. Principis c. 6. 2. qu. 2â— 12. art 2. Iohn Ponet Bishop of Winchester in his Politicall Government Arnisaeus de Authoritate Principum p. 50. to 123. Sparsim Vasquius contro Illustr passim Ioannis Mariana de Rege Regis Instit. l. 1. c. 6. 7. 9. Georg. Buchanon de Iure Regni apud Scotos Simancha Pacensis de Catholica Instit Tit. 23. n. 11 p. 98. Franciscus Tolletus in summa l. 5 c. 6 Huldericus Zuinglius Explan Artic. 40. 41. 42. And to omit all others Iunius Brutus in his Vindiciae contra Tyrannos quaest 3. p. 156. to 167. with whose words I shall fortifie and irradiate this position We have said that in constituting a King a double Covenant is entred into the first between God the King and people of which before the second between the king and the people of which we are now to treat Saul being ordained king the royall law was delivered to him according to which he should rule David made a Covenant before the Lord in Hebron that is calling God to Witnesse with all the Elders of Israel who represented all the people and then at last he was annointed king Ioas also made a Covenant with all the people of the land in the house of the Lord Iehoiada the high Priest going before them in words Yea the testimony is said to be imposed on him together with the Crown which most interpret the Law of God which every where is called by that name Likewise Iosiah promised that he would observe the Precepts Testimonies and Statutes comprized in the book of the Covenant by which names we understand the Lawes which appertained as well to piety as to justice In all which places of Scripture a Covenant is said to bee made with all the people the whole multitude all the Elders all them â—n of Iudah that we may understand which is likewise severally expressed not onely the Princes of the Tribes but likewise all the Chiâ—arkes Centurions and inferior Magistrates were present in the Name of the Cities which every one a part by themselves made a Covenant with the king In that Covenant they consulted of creating the king for the people did make the king not the king the people Therefore there is no doubt but the people made the Covenant and the King promised to perform it Now the part of him that makes the Covenant is reputed the â—etter Law The people demanded of the King whether he would not rule justly and according to the Lawes Hee promised that he would doe so whereupon the people answered That hee reigning justly they would faithfully obey him Therefore the King promised absolutely the people but upon condition which if it were not fulfilled the people by the Law it selfe should bee reputed absolved from all obligation In the first covenant or Pact Pietie comes into the obligation in the second Iustice In that the king promiseth that he will seriously obey God in this that he will justly rule the people in that that he will take care of the glory of God in this of the benefit of the people in that there is this condition If thou shalt observe my Law in this If thou shalt render Iustice to every one Of that if it be not fulfilled God properly is the avenger of this lawfully all the people or the Peers of the Realm who have taken upon them to defend all the people Now in all just Empires this hath been perpetually observed The Persians having duely finished their sacrifices made this agreement with Cyrus Thou first O Cyrus if any make warre with the Persians or violate the Lawes doest thou promise to ayde thy Countrey with all thy might And as soon as he had promised We Persians say they will be aiding to thee if any will not obey thee defending thy Countrey Xenophon calls this agreement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is a Confederation as Socrates an Oration of the duty of Subjects towards their Prince 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Between the kings of Sparta and the Ephori a Covenant was renewed every month and as the kings did swear That they would reign according to the Laws of the Countrey so the Ephori If they did so that they would establish the Kingdom in their hand Likewise in the kingdom of the Romanes Romulus made this contract with the Senate and people That the People should make Lawes that the king himself would keepe the Lawes made That the People should decrée Warre himself wage it And although many Emperours obtained the Empire of the Romans rather by force and ambition then by any right and by the Royall Law as they call it arrogated all kinds of power to themselves yet the* fragments of that Law which are extant as well in Books as in Roman inscriptions sufficiently teach that a power was granted them of caring for and administring not of subverting the Common-weal and oppressing it by tyranny Moreover even good Emperours professed that they were bound by the Lawes and acknowledged their Empire received from the Senate and referred all the weightiest affaires to the Senate and they judged it unlawfull to determine any thing of great publike concernment without their aduice But if wee behold the present Empires there is not one of them which may be thought worthy of that name wherein there is not some such Covenant intervening between the Prince and Subiects In the German Empire not long since the King of Romanes being to be crowned Emperour was wont To make Fealty and Homage to the Empire no otherwise then a vassall or tenant to his Lord when he received investiture of his Lands And although the conceived words to which he sware be a little changed by Popes yet the same thing remains perpetually Therefore we know that Charles the 5. of Austria was created Emperour upon certain Lawes and conditions as likewise others who have succeeded him of which the summe was That he would keep the Lawes enacted That he would make no new Lawes without the Electors consents that he would determine publike affaires in a publike Counsell that he would alienate or pervert none of these things which pertained to the Empire with other things which are severally recited by Historiagraphers And when as the Emperour is crowned at Achen the Archbishop of Colen first demands of him Whether he will not defend the Church administer
justice preserve the Empire protect Widowes Orphans and all worthy of pitty which when he hath solemnly sworn to perform before the Altar the Princes and those who represent the Empire are demanded whether they will promise to fealty him Neither yet is he first annointed or receives a sword of purpose to defend the Republike or other Ensignes of the Empire before that he shall have taken that Oath From whence verily it is manifest that the Emperour is purely obliged the Princes of the Empire upon condition onely No man will doubt but that the same is observed in the kingdom of Poland who shall understand the ceremonies very lately observed in the Election and Coronation of Henry of Angiers especially the condition propounded to him of conserving both Religions as well the Evangelicall as Roman which the Nobles thrice demanding of him in set forme of words he thrice promised to perform In the Hungarian Bohemian and other kingdomes which would be over-long to recite the very same is done Neither onely where the right of Election hath continued yet entire hitherto but likewise where meer succession is commonly thought to take place the very same stipulation is wont to intervene When the King of France is crowned the Bishops of Laudune and Belvace ecclesiasticall Peers first demand of all the people that are present Whether they desire and command him to be King Whence even in the very forme it self of inauguration he is said To be elected by the People When the people Seem to have consented he sweares That he will universally defend all the Lawes Priviledges and Rights of France that he will not alienate his demesnes and the like I shall here insert the Oath out of Bochellus Mr. Selden and others intirely thus Archiepiscopi Ammonitio ad Regem dicendo ita in the name of all the Clergy A vobis perdonari petimus ut vnicuique de Nobis Ecclesiis nobis Commissis Canonicum privilegium debitam legem atque justitiam conservatis defensionem exhibeatis sicut Rex in Regno suo debet unicuique Episcopo Ecclesiae sibi Commissae Responsio Regis ad Episcopos Promitto vobis perdono quia vnicuique de vobis Ecclesiis vobis commissis Canonicum privilegium debitam legem atque justitiam conservabo defensionem quantum potuero exhibebo Domino adjuanente sicut Rex in suo Regno unicuique Episcopo ecclesiae sibi commissae per rectum exhibere debet Item haec dicit Rex promittit firmat juramento Haec populo Christiano mihi subdito in Christi nomine promitto In primis Vt Ecclesiae Dei omnis Populus Christianus veram pacem nostro arbitrio in omni tempore servet superioritatem jura Nobilitates Coronae Franciae inviolabiliter custodiam ET ILLA NEC TRANSPORTABO NEC ALIENABO Item ut omnes repacitates omnes iniquitates omnibus gradibus interdicam Item ut in omnibus judiciis aequitatem misericordiam praeoipiam ut mihi vobis indulgeat per suam misericordiam clemens misericors Dominus Item de terra mea ac jurisdictione mihi subdita universos Haereticos Ecclesia denotatos pro viribus bona fide exterminare studebo Haec omnia praedicta firmo juramento Tum manum apponat Libro librum osculetur These things though they have been altered and are farre different from the ancient forme of the Oath which is extant in the Library of the Chapter of Belvace to which Philip the first is found to have sworn yet notwithstanding they are plainly enough expressed Neither is the King girt with a sword annointed crowned by the Peeres who even themselves are adorned with Coronets or receives the Scepter or rod of Iustice or is proclaimed King before THE PEOPLE HAVE COMMANDED IT Neither doe the Peeres themselves swear fealty and homage to him untill he shall have given his faith unto them That he will exactly keep the Lawes Now those are that hee shall noâ— wâ—ste the publike Patrimony that he shall not impose nor enjoyn customes Taxes Tributes at his owne pleasure Nor denounce warre or make peace Finally that he shall determine nothing concerning the publike affaires but in a publike Councell Also that the Senate the Parliaments the Officers of the Kingdome shall constantly enjoy their severall authorities and other things which have been alwayes observed in the Realm of France Yea verily when he enters into any Province or City hee is bound to confirm their priviledges and he binds himselfe by Oath to preserve their Lawes and Customes Which custome takes place by name among those of Tholouse Dolphenie Britanny Province and Rochel whose agreements with Kings are most expresse all which should be frustrate unlesse they should be thought to hold the place of a condition in the contract Yea Charles the 7. made a peace with Philip Duke of Burgundy whose Father Iohn he had treacherously slain with this expresse clause contained in it confirmed with the Kings own Seale That if he should break this Agreement his Tenants feudataries and subjects present and to come should not be thenceforth bound either to obey or serve him but rather the Duke of Burgundy and his Successours and that they should be freed and absolved from all the fealty Oathes promises obligations and duties whatsoever under which they were unjustly obliged by Charles The like we read between King Lewis and Charles the Bald. Yea Pope Iohn the 22. in the Treaty between Philip the long of France and the Flemmings caused it to be set downe That if the King did infringe the Treaty it might be lawfull for his Subjects to take Armes against him And if was usuall among the first Kings of France in their Treatises with other Princes to sweare that if they brake the Treaties made by them their Subjects shall be free from their obedience as in the Treaty of Arras and others The Oath of the ancient kings of Burgundy is extant in these words I will conserve Law justice and protection to all men In England Scotland Sweden Donmarke there is almost the same custome as in France and verily no where more directly then in Spain For in the Kingdome of Arragon many ceremonies being dispatched between him who represents the justice of Arragon or publike Majesty who sits in an higher Throne and having read the Lawes and conditions which he is to observe who is to be crowned King Who doth fealty and homage to him the Nobles at last speake thus to the King in their owne language We who are as powerfull as you for so the Spanish Idiom imports and can doe more then you have chosen you King upon these and these conditions Betwéen you and us there reignes one greater then you to wit the Iustice of Aâ—ragon Now lest he should think he had sworn those things onely perfunctorily or onely for to observe the old custome these very words are wont to
be worse than the disease Therefore it becomes a wise man to try all things before he use the hot Iron and use all remedies before he take up armes If therefore those who represent the people perceive any thing to be done against the Republike by force or fraud let them first admonish the Prince neither may they expect till the mischiefe grow heavie and acquire forces Tyranny is like an heptick Feaver which at first is easie to be cured difficult to be discerned afterward it becomes easie to be known but very difficult to be cured Therfore they shall withstand the beginnings neither should they pretermit any thing though the smallest But if he shall proceed and not repent though frequently admonished but tend onely to this that he may commit any thing without punishment then verily he is really guilty of Tyranny and they may act against him whatsoever they may use against a Tyrant either by Law or just force Tyranny is not onely a crime but the head and as it were the heap of all crimes A Tyrant subverts the Republike makes a prey of all lyeth in wait for the life of all violates faith to all contemnes all the Religion of a sacred Oath Therefore is he so much more wicked then any Theefe murtherer sacrilegious person by how much it is the more grievous to offend many and all then particular persons Now if all these be reputed enemies if they be capitally punished if they suffer paines of death can any one invent a punishment worthy so horrid a crime Moreover wee have proved that all Kings receive their Royall Dignity from the people that all the people are better and higher then the King that the King is onely the superiour minister and Ruler of the kingdome the Emperour of the Empire but the people are the true head Therfore it follows that a Tyrant who commits felony against the people as the Lord of the fee hurts the sacred Majesty of the Realm and Empire Becoms a Rebel and therfore falls into the danger of the same Lawes and demerits more grievous punishments Therfore saith Bartolus he may be deposed by a Superiour or be most justly punished by the Julian Law for publike violence Now all the people or those who represent them as Electors Palatines Nobles the Assembly of the Estates c. are his Superiour But and if he shall proceed so farre that he cannot be expelled but by armed violence then verily it shall be lawfull for them to call the people to Armes to raise an Army and to practise force policy stratagems as against an adjudged enemy of his Country and of the Common-weale Neither shall the Officers of the Realm in this case fall into the crime OF SEDITION For in a sedition there must needs be two points which when for the most part they contend about contradictories it followes that the cause of one is just the other unjust That cause must verily be just which defends the Laws which protects the common good which shall preserve the Realme especially by this meanes contrarily that cause is uniust which violates the Laws defends the breakers of the Lawes protects the subverters of the Countrey That is iust which will destroy tyrannicall government that uniust which would abolish iust government That lawfull which tends to the publike good that unlawfull which tends to the private Therefore saith Thomas because a tyrannicall kingdome which is not ordained to the common good but principally for the benefit of the Governour is most uniust therefore the disturbance of this Kingdome Hath not the reason of Sedidition nor doe they fall into the crime of Treasor This crime is committed against a lawfull Prince Now a lawfull Prince is nothing but a living Law therefore he who kils the Law as much as in him lyeth cannot be called by that name therefore those who take up Arms against him shall not be guilty of that crime It is likewise committed against the Common-wealth but because the Repub. is there only where the authority of the Law prevailes not where the private lust of a Tyrant swalloweth the Republike a Tyrant shall be guilty of that crime which offends the publike Maiesty those be Vindicators of the Republike who shall oppugne a Tyrant Ex Officio supported with their own authority Neither in this case I say doth every one but all the Subiects but the Lords seem to require an account of the government from their agent no more shall they be accounted perfidious for doing it there is every where between the Prince people a mutuall reciprocal Obligation he promiseth that he will be a iust Prince they that they will obey him if he shall be such a one Therefore the people are obliged to the Prince under a condition the Prince purely to the people Therefore if the condition be not fulfilled the people are unbound the Contract void the Obligation null in Law it selfe Therefore the King is perfidious if he reign uniustly the people perfidious if they obey not him who reignes iustly But the people are free from all crime of perfidiousnesse if they publikely renounce him who reignes uniustly or if they endeavour to evict him with Armes who desires to retein the kingdome unlawfully Therefore it is lawfull for all or many of the Officers of the Realme to remove a Tyrant Neither is it onely lawfull but it lyeth so upon them of duty that unlesse they doe it they can no way be excused Neither may Electors Palatines Senators and other Nobles think that they were created and instituted onely for that end that they should shew themselves once peradventure in the Kings inauguration attired after the ancient manner that they might act a certain palliated Fable or put on the person of Rowland Oliver Renald and other Nobles on that day as if in a Scene they should in some shew represent the Round Table of Arthur as they call it so as after that the multitude is dismissed and Calliopus hath said Farewell they should think they had excellently played their parts These things are not spoken in jest these things are not perfunctorily done these things are not the pastimes of children who as it is in Horace created a King in a Play but rather of Nobles Magistrates who as they are called unto part of that honor so likewise of the burthen and shew that the Republike is committed and commended to the King as to the supreme and chiefest Tutor so also to them as fellow Tutors even Honorari assigned to him as observers of his actions who hath the chief tutelage who may daily exact an account of him and diligently take heed in what manner he reverseth so even these that they might observe the King who as to his tutelary providence is onely reputed in the place of a Lord that he doe nothing to the detriment of the people Therefore as the fact of him who acts the Gardian is
imputed to the Co-gardians unlesse where they ought and are able they suspect and likewise take care to remove him to wit when he communicates not the administration with them if he doe not faithfully manage the tutelage or care if he admits fraud if he doth any thing sordidly or perniciously to the Pupill if he intercept any of the Pupils goods if he become an enemy to the Pupill finally if he be over rude sloathfull unskilfull c. So even the Nobles shall be held guilty of the Princes deed unlesse they remove or prevent his tyranny or supply his sloathfulnesse with their vigilance and diligence Finally as oft as the Gardian doth not doe in the name of the Pupill that which any fit Master of a family would doe he may not seeme to be defended but that he may be the better defended his Co-gardians are bound to foresee So much more justly if the Prince doth not act the housholder but the Enemy the Nobles may and ought to act against him since they are bound by his deed no lesse then by their owne Moreover the Nobles may consider that the King in governing the Republike holds the first part but they the second third and every one in his place Therefore if he doth his part ill they may not follow him if he destroy the Republike they may not connive for it is committed to them as well as to him and in such sort truly that not onely they themselves ought rightly to execute their office by themselves but to containe the Prince within the bounds of his office Finally as the King promiseth that he will take care of the benefit of the Commonweale so also doe they Therefore if he breakes his oath they may not thinke that they are absolved from theirs no more then Bishops if the Pope should defend heresie or destroy the Church yea they should thinke themselves so much the more obliged to performe their oathes by how much the more he shall violate his Therefore if they collude they are reputed in the number of prevaricators if they connive of desertors and TRAITORS if they vindicate not the Republike from the tyranny of tyrants as finally they become Patrons Defenders little Kings if they by all meanes protect and defend the Republike which they have undertaken to protect These things though they are sufficiently firme of themselves yet they may be demonstrated by examples The Canaanitish Kings who oppressed the people of Israel with hard servitude as well corporall as spirituall interdicting them both commerce and armes were true tyrants I say in practice yet not without a title for Eglon and Jabin reigned quietly almost twenty years Now God extraordinarily stirred up Ehud who slew Eglon craftily and Debora who routed the army of Jabin and by that meanes freed the people from tyranny This was not verily because it was lesse lawfull to the ordinary Magistrates and Princes of the Tribes and the rest to doe it but Debora rather objecteth their sloathfulnesse and carelesnesse to them and curseth some of them for this cause But truly God pittying his people extraordinarily supplyed the negligence of ordinary officers Rehoboam the sonne of Solomon refuseth to ease the people of unnecessary Tributes being intreated to doe it in a generall Assembly of all the people he groweth insolent and assisted with the counsell of flatterers even arrogantly threatens more grievous burdens No man doubts but that according to the covenant first made betweene the King and people the Nobles might have restrained this pride But the sinne was in this that they did by secession which was to be done in the Assembly and did a just and lawfull thing unjustly Frequent examples of this thing occurre in other Kingdomes he instanceth in Tarquin the proud expelled by Brutus and Lucretius who confiscated his goods and would have publikely sentenced himselfe had they apprehended his person because he consulted not with the Senate as former Kings usually did because he made warre peace and truces at his pleasure without the Senates and peoples advice violated the Lawes which he should observe and neglected the covenant established betweene the King and people in Nero the Emperour publikely sentenced by the Senate Vitellius Maximinus and the speech of Trajan forecited Likewise the French by authority of a publike Councell through the care of the Kingdomes officers expelled Childericke the first Sigibert Theodoricke Childericke the third from the Crowne for their tyranny and set up others of another stocke in their places Yea for sloathfulnesse negligence madenesse as also for injuries to Forrainers and yeelding to the impotencie or lust of flatterers or women they have deposed some and as it were taken away the reines from Phaeton lest all men should be burnt with the same fire as Theodoricke for Ebroines sake Dagobert of Plectrude and Theobald his Mignions with others reputing it to be all one whether a woman or an effeminate Prince reigned or whether a tyrant or petite tyrants under a sloathfull Prince domineered or finally whether he himselfe were a Devill or possessed by the Devill himselfe Thus not long since they compelled Lewes the eleventh a most imperious Prince to receive 36. Governours by whose counsell he was bound to governe the Republike Yea what other right had either the Carlingi adopted into the Kingdome in place of the Meruingi or the Capets who at this day hold it preferred before the Carlingi by the Decree of a publike Councell but from the people represented as it were in an Epitome by the Councell of the Realme which they call an Assembly of the three Estates who might lawfully of right both depose those and by their owne authority establish these in the Throne In the same manner we read Adolphus deprived of the German Empire An. 1296. because corrupted with mony he had made war with France in favour of the English and Wenceslaus An. 1400. although these may be called not so well evill as lesse good Princes Thus in the Realme of England Edward the second for his tyranny to his Subjects especially the Nobles whom he destroyed without hearing their cause was at his Queenes request adjudged unworthy of his Crowne by the Parliament Not long since Christierne in Denmarke Ericus in Sweden Queene Mary very lately in Scotland were deprived which Histories worthy credit testifie hath beene frequently done in the Kingdome of Poland Hungary Spaine Portugall Bohemia and the rest But what concerning the Pope himselfe The Cardinals they say because they have chosen him or if they doe not their duty the Patriarks who are Primates next after the Cardinals may against his will for certaine causes call a Councell and in it judge the Pope if he shall scandalize the Church by his notorious offences if he be incorrigible if reformation be necessary as well in the head as members if contrary to his Oath he will not assemble a Councell and the like and de facto we
read that many Popes have beene deposed by authority of a Councell But if saith Baldus they be pertinaciously abused at first they must use words secondly herbes that is medicines lastly stones and where the truth of vertue sufficeth not there the defence of weapons ought to prevaile But and if by the suffrages almost of all learned men the Decrees of Councels and the Acts themselves done it be proved that a Councell as they speak may lawfully depose the Pope who yet boasts himselfe to be the Kings of Kings and claimes as much to be above the Emperour as the Sunne is above the Moone yea also arrogates to himselfe an authority of deposing Kings and Emperours at his pleasure who at last can doubt but that by the publike Councell of every Realme not onely a tyrant but a King pernicious to his Kingdome for his madnesse or folly may be deposed or removed Goe to now in this our politicke Ship the Master gluts himselfe with wine most of his assistants either asleepe or drunke with mutuall cups sportingly behold an imminent Rocke The Ship in the meane time either holds not that course which is expedient for the owner or seemes speedily to be wracked what thinkest thou is here to be done under the Master by one who is vigilant and sollicitous Shall he pull those by the eares who are asleepe or onely jogge them by the sides but in the meane time lest he should seeme to doe ought without their command shall he not afford his helpe and assistance to the indangered Ship Truly what madnesse or rather impiety will this be Seeing then as Plato saith tyranny is a certaine phrensie and drunkennesse the Prince may utterly subvert the Republike the most of the Nobles may collude connive or at least are fast asleepe the people who are Lords of the Republike by the fraud or negligence of these ministers which is their fault are reduced into greatest straights in the meane time there is one of the Nobles which considers the incroaching tyranny and detests it from his soule what thinkest thou is now to be done against him by this man Shall he onely admonish his Colleagues of their duty who themselves doe as much hurt as they may But besides as it is perillous to admonish and in that state of things it may be deemed a capitall crime shall he do like those who contemning other helps casting away their armes shall cite Lawes and make an Oration concerning justice among theeves in the midst of a wood but this truly is that w ch is cōmoly said to be madde with reason What then shall he grow deafe at the peoples groanes shall he be silent at the entrance of theeves or shall he finally grow lasie and put his hands into his bosome But if the Lawes appoint the punishment of a Traytor against one wearing buskins on his legs who counterfeits sicknesse for fear of the enemies what punishment at least shall we decree against him who either through malice or sloathfulnesse shall betray those whom he hath undertaken to protect But rather he shall command those things that are needfull to such as are wary by a Mariners shout he shall take care lest the Common-wealth receive any detriment and shall preserve the Kingdome even against the Kings wil and resistance by which he himselfe becomes a King and shall cure the King himselfe as a frantick man by binding his hands and feet if he may not otherwise doe it For as we have said the universall government of the Realme is not committed by the people to the King as neither the oversight of the whole Church to the Pope but to every one of the Nobles according to his power But certainely because concord proceeds from unity that there should be no emulation among Peeres a King was instituted who should hold the supreme place in the administration of the Common-wealth The King swears that he will seeke the safety of the Realme the Nobles swear every one the same by himselfe whether therefore the King or most of the Nobles neglecting their oath shal either destroy the Common weale or desert it being in danger ought the rest therefore to desert the Republike or at least be lesse bound to defend it as if they were absolved from their oath But rather then especially they ought to shew their fidelity when as others neglect it especially since they were principally instituted for that end like the Ephori and every thing may then be reputed just when it attaines its end whether truly if many have promised the same thing is the obligation of the one dissolved by the perjury of the other whether if many be guilty of the same sinne are the rest freed by the fraud of one Whether if many Co-gardians ill defend their Pupill shall one good man be lesse bound with the burthen of the wardship through their default But rather neither can they avoyd the infamy of perjury unlesse they endeavour to satisfie their trust as much as in them lieth neither can those exempt themselves from the danger and judgement of a Gardianship ill administred unlesse they implead the other Gardians suspected when as verily one Gardian may not only implead the rest suspected and take care of those to be removed but also remove them Therefore those who have promised their aide and assistance to all the Realme or Empire such as Earles of the stable Marshals Senators and the rest or those who have done it specially to any County or City which may make a part of the Realme as Dukes Marquesses Earles Majors and the rest are bound to aide the whole Common-weale oppressed with tyranny or that part thereof which the people have committed to them next after the King And these truly ought to vindicate the whole Commonweale from tyranny if they be able those as Gardians assigned throughout Counties that part of the Realme whose defence they have undertaken These I say are bound to restaine a tyrant those to drive him out of their coasts Therefore Mattathias as one of the Nobles the rest partly conniving partly colluding when Antiochus tyrannically oppressed the Kingdome of Judah speakes thus to the people ready to take up armes Let us restore the state of our people let us fight for our people and our holy places whence it plainely appeares that we may not onely lawfully fight for Religion but for our Countrey for an hearth I say no lest justly then for our Altars and take up armes against such a tyrant as he was neither are they blamed by any for recovering the Kingdome but that they claimed the royall dignity to themselves which pertained to the Tribe of Iudah Many pertinent examples to this purpose occurre in Historians Arbactus governor of Media slew Sardanapalus spinning among women and spending the royall treasure among whores Vindex President of the French and Galba of the Spaniards revolted from Nero together with all France and Spaine
Cannot the same who enthralled the people to Jabin and Eglon deliver the same people by Ehud Barac Deborah and as it were manumit them when they were deserted by the Nobles What therefore should now hinder thou wilt say but that the same God who hath sent Tyrants on us at this time should likewise extraordinarily send revengers of tyrants Why if Ahab rageth against good men if Jezabel suborne false witnesses against Naboth shall not there be also a Iehu which may extirpate the family of Ahab who may avenge the bloud of Naboth who may cast downe Iezebel to be torne in peeces of Dogges Verily what I have answered before as nothing hath departed from the justice of God at any time so not from his mercy But yet since those evident signes by which God was wont to confirme these extraordinary vocations of those Worthies are for the most part wanting to us in this age let the people take heed lest whiles they seeke to passe over Sea with a drie foote some Impostor being their Captaine they fall not headlong into a gulfe which we read sometimes to have hapned to the Jewes lest whiles they seeke a revenger of tyranny they perchance follow one who that tyrant being expelled will translate the tyranny it selfe unto himselfe lest finally whiles they seeke to deserve well of the Common-wealth they militate to the private lust of any so as that may fall out which hath hapned to many Republikes especially the Italian whiles that they endeavour to remove the present evill they bring in a farre greater I shall close up this with three Authorities more the first of Mr. John Calvin who pleads as much for obedience to Tyrants and unjust Magistrates as any man Instit lib. 4. c. 20. sect 31. I alwayes speake of private men For if there be any popular Magistrates constituted to moderate the lust of Kings such as heretofore were the Ephori who were opposed to the Lacedaemonian Kings or Tribunes of the people against the Roman Senate or the Demarchi against the Athenian Senate and which power peradventure as now things stand The three Estates in all Kingdomes enjoy when they assemble I am so farre from inhibiting them to withstand the raging licentiousnesse of Kings according to their duty that if they connive at Kings outragiously encroaching upon and insulting over the inferiour common people I shall affirme that their dissimulation wants not nefarious perfidiousnesse because they fraudulently betray the liberty of the people of which they know themselves ordained protectors by Gods ordinance The second is Huldericus Zuinglius Explanatio Artic. 42. Quando vero perfide extra Regulam Christi Principes egerint possint cum Deo deponi consensu suffragiis totius aut certe potioris partis multitudinis Quaeris quando id fiet ut major pars populi bono consentiat Ad hoc dico quod antea si non consentiunt ut malum tollant ferant jugum Tyranni demum cum eo pereant Nec querantur sibi fieri injuriam cum sua culpa id mereantur ut quidvis patiantur Quis ergo miretur si populus ob flagitia scelera Principum paenas luat Primum cur non juxta naturae regulam cum proximo agimus Sic enim omnes fratres essemus Principe nullo esset opus Deinde cur non summo studio justitiam sectamur exosam habemus injustitiam omnes Sic enim facile fieret ut unanimi consensu tyrannum officio moveremus Nunc cum tam tepidi sumus in tuenda justitia publica sinimus ut impune vitia Tyramorum bodie regnent Merito ergo ab illis conterimur tandem cum illis luimus Non ergo desunt viae per quas tyranni tollantur sed deest publica justitia Cavete vobis O Tyranni Evangelium enim Jesu Christi late sparsum vitam multorum innovabit ut innocentiae justitiae plurimi studeant cui si vos studueritis summo bonore vos prosequantur sin furere vim facere perrexeritis omnium pedibus conculcabimini So he The last is the generall Union of the States of the united Provinces to defend their Liberties and Religion made at Brussels the tenth of January 1577. thus related by Grimston in his History of the Netherlands l. 10. p. 492. 493. The States seeing themselves ingaged in warre on all sides against the Spaniards who were proclaimed enemies to the Countrey fearing some dis-union amongst themselves by the inticing perswasions of such as sought to dismember them they resolved before that Don John should enter into the Countrey to make a generall union among themselves as well Prelates Noblemen and Townes as of others of the seventeene Provinces which was allowed by the Lords of the Councell of State deputed by the King for the government generall of the said Countries whereof the Originall remaines in the custody of the States of Brabant Of which Union the Tenor followeth A generall Vnion of the States VVE who have signed these presents Prelates Church-men Noblemen Gentlemen Magistrates of the King Townes Castles and others making and representing the States of the seventeene Provinces being presently assembled in this Towne of Brussels and others being under the obedience of the most high mighty and famous Prince King Philip our Soveraigne Lord and naturall Prince we give all men to understand both present and to come That seeing our common Countrey afflicted by a more then barbarous and tyrannous oppression of Spaniards we have beene forced and moved to unite our selves together and with Armes Counsell Men and Money to assist one another against the said Spaniards and their adherents being declared Rebels to his Majesty and our enemies And that this union and conjunction hath beene since confirmed by the Pacification last made and all by the authority and consent of the Councell of State committed by his Majesty for the generall government of the said Countries And as the pretended end of this Union requires all fidelity constancie and naturall assistance for ever and that we would not by any misprision have cause of jealousie or mistrust and much lesse of any bad affection or disposition of any of us but contrariwise to have the affaires of the said Union effected with all the sincerity fidelity and diligence that may be so as not any of the subjects and inhabitants of the said Countries and Province may have any just cause to be discontented or to doubt of us For these considerations and reasons and that nothing may be treacherously done to the prejudice of our common Countrey and just defence or that omitted by negligence which shall be necessary for our just and lawfull defence We have by vertue of our power and commission respectively and otherwise for us and our successors promised and doe promise by the faith of Christians of honest men and true Countrey-men to keepe and entertaine inviolably for ever the said Union and Association so as not any
one of us may breake or fall from it by dissimulation secret intelligence or in any sort whatsoever And that for the preservation of our holy Catholike and Romish Faith and the accomplishment of the Pacification as also for the expulsion of Spaniards and their adherents with all due obedience to his Majesty for the good and quiet of our Countrey and the maintenance of our Priviledges rights Freedomes Statutes Customes and antient uses For the effecting whereof we will use all meanes possible imploying both Money Men Counsell and goods yea and our lives if it were necessary And that none of us may in private give any counsell advice or consent nor have any secret conference with them that are not of this Union nor yet reveale unto them in any sort what hath or shall be treated of in this Assembly or resolved but shall wholly conforme himselfe according to our generall and common resolution And in case that any Province Estate Countrey Towne Castle or House were besieged assaulted invaded or opprest in any sort whatsoever yea if any of us or any others having indeavoured himselfe for his Countrey and the just defence thereof against the Spaniards or for other causes depending thereon as well in generall as particular should be sought after imprisoned ransomed molested or disquieted in his person and goods honour and estate or otherwise we promise to give him assistance by all the said meanes yea and to procure the liberty of them that shall be imprisoned either by force or otherwayes upon paine to be degraded of their Nobility Name Armes and Honour and to be held perjured disloyall and enemies to our Countrey before God and men and to incurre the note of Infamy and cowardise for ever And for the strengthening of this our holy Union of Association we have signed these presents the tenth of January 1577. Underneath were the signatures of the Deputies of every Province Prelates Noblemen and Commissioners for Townes and underneath them was written the agreation of the Councell of State as followeth The Deputies of the generall Estates here under-written having required them of the Councell of State committed by his Majesty for the government of the Netherlands to consent unto and allow of that which is contained in the Union above written The Councell in regard of the said request and the reasons therein contained have as much as in them lay allowed and doe allow by these presents the said Union according to the forme and tenor Made at Brussels in the State-house in the Assembly of the said States the tenth of January 1577. And underneath was written By the commandement of the Lords of the Councell of State Signed Berrii If any shall here object that Kings are of divine institution whence Dei gratia By the grace of God is peculiarly annexed to their Titles and not communicated unto Subjects Therefore though they prove never so flagitious or tyrannicall they may in no wise be forcibly resisted or questioned by their Nobles and Parliaments for their crimes I answer briefely because I have elswhere largely dissipated this objection First that Kings are no more of divine institution then any other inferiour Magistrates Officers or Princes whatsoever as the Scriptures abundantly evidence But all other inferiour Magistrates Officers and Princes whatsoever are resistible questionable censurable and deposible for their tyranny wickednesse and misgovernment by the Parliaments censure as I have proved notwithstanding their divine institution therefore such degenerating Kings too as well as they in such cases Secondly all Ministers of the Gospel are as much if not farre more Jure divinâ— and by Gods owne ordination as Kings are a truth undeniable But they for their offences and misdemeanors contrary to their function may be both forcibly resisted censured deprived degraded yea and executed notwithstanding their divine right and institution as the Canons of most Councels the practise of all ages yea the expresse letter of the 26. Article of the Church of England with all our Episcopall Canons and Canonists attest Therefore tyrannicall degenerating Kings may be so too by the selfe-same reason in some cases Thirdly this Title of Dei gratia in publike Writs anciently hath beene and yet is common to Bishops Prelates inferiour Magistrates and Subjects as well as to Kings as sundry precedents in our Law bookes Matthew Paris Salon with others attest and Mr. John Selden in his Titles of Honour part 1. chap. 7. Sect. 2. p. 123. professedly proves at large to whom I shall referre you But these both lawfully may be and alwayes have beene forcibly resisted questioned convented deprived censured for their tyranny and misdemeanors notwithstanding this their stile of Dei gratia or pretence of divine institution yea we know that Bishops have beene lately thrust out of many Churches notwithstanding their long pretended Ius Divinum to support their Hierarchy and Iohn Gerson a Papist hath writ a particular Treatise De Auferibilitate Papae notwithstanding the Popes pretended Divine Title to his Monarchy which may be now and one day shall be totally abolished Therefore tyrannicall degenerous Kings may be justly resisted censured deprived as well as they and royalties changed into other governments by the peoples and kingdomes common consents if they see just cause If any secondly object That Kings are annoynted at their Coronation Therefore their persons are sacred irresistible unquestionable unpunishable for any tyrannicall or exorbitant actions whatsoever I briefly answer first that every Christians Baptisme being a Sacrament of Christs owne institution at least his spirituall unction and sanctification as I have formerly proved makes a person as sacred yea more holy then Kings annoynting being no Sacrament can or doth of it selfe make the person of any King whatsoever A truth which no Christian can without blasphemy deny But Baptisme and the inward unction of the spirit of grace and sanctification exempts no Christians from resistance censure punishments of all sorts in case they commit any exorbitant or capitall crimes as experience tels us Therefore Kings Coronation annoyntings cannot doe it Secondly Priests anciently were and at this day too in the Roman Church are annoynted as well as Kings and so are children and sicke persons that I say not Altars Bels c. with Chrisme and extreame Vnction But these Unctions conferre no such immunity to Priests children sicke men others c. Therefore neither can this annoynting doe it to Kings especially now being no divine institution Thirdly The annoynting of Kings is not common to all Christian Kings many of them especially in former times having beene crowned without any annoynting at all but peculiar to Emperours and to the Kings of Ierusalem France England and Sicily the foure annoynted Kings onely as Albericus Restaurus Castaldus Antonius Corsetus Azorius Cassanaeus and sundry others affirme out of the old Roman Provinciall though some other Kings have now and then beene
well of the Church as Common-wealth of Realme may be restrained expelled and punished by the people Both these we have already proved by reasons But because such is the fraud of Tyrants or such the simplicity of subjects for the most part that they are scarce known before that they have spoyled or these scarce thinke of their safety till they have almost perished and are reduced into those straits out of which they cannot get out with their owne forces so as they are compelled to implore the aide of other it is questioned Whether they defending the cause of Religion or of the Common-wealth of the Kingdome of Christ or of their owne Kingdome other Christian Princes may lawfully assist them And truly many whiles they have hoped to increase their wealth by ayding the afflicted have presently judged it to be lawfull For thus the Romans Alexander the great and many others under pretext of suppressing Tyrants have frequently enlarged their Dominions and not long since we have seen Henry the second King of France to have made warre with the Emperour Charles the fifth and that under pretext of succouring and defending the Princes of the Empire and of the Protestants too as also Henry the eighth King of England was ready to aide the Protestants in Germany to make worke for Charles the fifth But if any danger may be feared from thence or little gaine may be expected then verily they must heare most Princes disputing whether it be lawfull or no And as those under a pretext of piety did cover either ambition or gaine so these pretend justice for their sloathfulnesse when as verily neither did piety exhort them which seekes onely the good of others nor yet justice ought to dehort these which looks wholly abroad and is as it were cast out of its owne doores Therefore discharging both these let us see first in the cause of Religion what true piety and what true justice may perswade First let it be agreed that there is but one Church whose head is Christ and whose members so cohere and agree among themselves that none of them even the smallest can suffer violence or hurt but the rest are hurt and suffer griefe as the whole Scripture teacheth Therefore the Church is compared to a body Now the body is oft-times affected not onely with the hurt of the arme or legge but even of the very the least finger or perisheth with its wound Therefore in vaine may any one boast that he is cordially affected with the safety of the body who when he may defend the whole yet suffers it to be torne and mangled limb after limb It is compared to a building Now where mines are made against any part of the building the whole building oft-times fals downe to the ground and the flame which invades any part thereof endangers the whole Therefore he should be ridiculous who because he dwels in the cellar perchance should delay to drive the flame from the top of the house He should be scarce in his wits who would not prevent mines with countermines because they are made against this wall not against that It is also compared to a Ship Now the whole Ship is endangered together the whole perisheth together Therefore those are equally safe who are in the fore part as those who are in the puppe those who are in keel as safe as those in the shrouds if the storme rage when verily even in the common proveb those who are conversant in the same danger are said to be in the same Ship These things laid downe verily he who is not moved with its griefe burning tossing is not of that body is not accounted of the family of Christ hath no place in the Arke Yet he who is but a little moved ought no more to doubt whether he ought to aide the afflicted members of the Church then whether he may helpe himselfe since in the Church all are one but rather every one is bound in his place to afford his helpe and assistance to them and so much the more helpe by how much the more riches he hath received from God not so much to be possessed as expended This Church as it is but one so likewise it is universally and intirely committed commended to all Christian Princes severally For because it had beene dangerous to commit the whole Church to any one and to commit the severall parts thereof to particular persons had beene clearely contrary to its unity God hath committed all of it to every of them and its particular parts to any of them Nor yet so as that they should onely defend it but also that they should have a care to propagate it as much as they are able Therefore if the Prince of the Countrey takes care of one part thereof perchance the German or English but yet deserts and neglects the other oppressed part if he be able to relieve it he is judged to have deserted the Church since the spouse of Christ verily is but one which he ought to defend and protect with all his might lest it should be violated or corrupted any where The instauration of this universall Church as private men are bound to promote with bended knees so Magistrates I say are obliged to doe it with their feet hands and all their strength Neither is the Ephesian Church one the Colossian another and the rest but all these particular Churches are parts of the universall now the universall is the Kingdome of Christ which all private men ought to desire but Kings Princes Magistrates are bound to amplifie dilate defend and propagate every where and against all whomsoever Therefore among the Jewes there was one onely Temple built by Solomon which represented the unity of the Church Now he should be a ridiculous Churchwarden and to be punished who should take care onely to preserve one part safe and sound but suffer the rest to fall to decay likewise all Christian Kings when they are inaugurated receive a sword of purpose to defend the Catholike or universall Church which taking into their hand they point out all the quarters of the world and brandish it towards the East West South and North lest any part thereof should be thought excepted Since then they receive the protection of the Church in this manner without doubt they understand the true not false Church Therefore they ought to doe their endeavour to defend and to restore intirely that Church which they professe to be true and pure Now that thus it was observed by pious Princes examples may teach us In the time of Hezekiah King of Judah the Kingdome of Israel was long before enthralled to the King of Assyria to wit from the time of King Hoshea therefore if that Church of God onely which is in the Kingdome of Judah and not also the universall had beene committed to Hezekiah and if the bounds of the Realmes had been to be kept in defending the Church in the same manner as they are in
imposing tribute without doubt Hezâ—kiah especially at that season wherein the Assyrians enjoyed the Empire of the world would have contained himselfe But we see that he invited by posts all Israel the subjects I say of the King of Assyria to celebrate the passeover in Jerusalem and moreover that the godly in Israel helped them in pulling downe the high places even in the territories of Ephraim Manasses and the rest So likewise we read that King Josiah a most godly Prince purged not onely his owne Kingdome but the Realme of Israel likewise then wholly subject to the King of Assyria from the worship of Idols Verily where the glory of God where the Kingdome of Christ are in question no limits no bounds no railes ought to exclude or keepe off the zeale of pious Princes But if peradventure some greater feare hangs over their heads they may remember by the example of these that those who truly feare the Lord can feare no man These examples of pious Princes since the time that the Church which was first circumscribed in Palestina hath beene spread over all the world many Christian Princes have followed Constantine and Licinius were both Emperours he of the East this of the West they were likewise colleagues endued with equall power Now it is known what is commonly spoken That one equall hath no Empire over another equall Yet notwithstanding Constantine made warre with Licinius who being vexed slew the Christians and among them many of the Nobles either for the cause or for the pretext of Religion by force obtaines free profession of Religion for the Christians and finally breaking his faith and reverting to his pristine cruelty he commanded him to be put to death at Thessalonica This I say did Constantine the great whose piety is so much celebrated by the Divines of that age that some of them will have that spoken of him written in the Prophet Esay That Kings should become nursing fathers and Pastors of the Church He being dead the Roman Empire was divided between both his sonnes by equall right no prerogative being annexed to either of them Of them Constans fostered the Orthodox Constantius the elder the Arrians and he verily expelled Athanasius the enemy of the Arrians out of Alexandria Truly if any rules of bounds ought to have beene kept it ought to have beene betweene brethren Yet in the meane time Constans threatned his brother if he restored not Athanasius being ready to doe it by force unlesse Constantius had speedily restored him intirely Now if so be he doubted not to doe this onely for the restoring of one Bishop might he not much more justly doe it where some part of the people is oppressed when they implore assistance when they desire to defend their Religion by the Nobles approbation So likewise Theodosius by the perswasion of Bishop Atticus undertook a warre against Chosroes King of Persia that he might releeve the Christians persecuted for Religion sake although they were truly privat men which surely those most just Princes who enacted so many Lawes and who had so great a care of Law had never done if they had imagined that by this their Act others territories and the Lawes of Nations had beene violated Yea to what end were so many expeditions of Christian Princes into Syria against the Saracens to what end were those Saladinian Dismes so oft imposed to what end so many sociall warres against the Turkes so many Crossadoes indicted against them if it be not lawfull for any Christian Princes even the most remote to free the Church from Tyranny and Christian captives from the yoke of bondage Now with what arguments were they impelled to the warre with what reasons were they urged unlesse these that the Church was one that Christ called all whatsoever from all quarters to this service that common dangers were to be repulsed with common armes all which likewise doe plainely suite with this our cause Now and if this were lawfull for them against Mahomet yea not onely lawfull but likewise as a reward was appointed to the industrious so a punishment both to the sloathfull and delayers why not also against the enemy of Christ If I say against the Graecians besieging our Troy why not also against Sinon the incendiary Finally if it be a pious act to free Christians from bodily servitude for the Turkes compell no man to it is it not much more so to manumit the soules of miserable men and to restore them to liberty And verily these so many examples of pious Princes may be insteed of a Law But now heare what God himselfe by the mouth of his Prophets doth every where threaten against those who promote not the instauration of the Church or neglect its affliction The Gadites Reubenites and halfe Tribe of Manasses desire of Moses that their portion might be given to them and their families on this side Jordan and Moses truly gave it them but with this Law and condition that they should not onely helpe their brethren the other Israelites in conquering the Land of Canaan but because they had first obtained their portion that they should goe before them and be placed in the forefront of them Which if they should not doe he accurseth them smites them with anathema and compares them to those who had beene judged Rebels at Cadesbernea For what saith he shall your brethren goe to warre and you in the meane time sit still here But rather you shall passe over Jordan neither shall you returne againe hither to your houses before that God hath expelled his enemies from before his face and given rest to your brethren as he hath given unto you Then verily you shall be innocent before the Lord of Israel verily those on when the great and good God hath bestowed so great a benefit unlesse they assisted their Brethren unlesse they were companions of their labours unlesse they went before them should without doubt receive most grievous punishments Likewise when under the conduct of Deborah those of Nephthali and Zebulon had taken up armes against the Tyrant Jabin and in the meane time the Tribe of Reuben which ought to be first in Armes delighted themselves with the Pipes among the Pastures of the flockes Dan boasted of the Empire of the Sea Asher finally trusted in the asperity of Mountaines all of them are most expresly condemned by the Spirit of God speaking by the Prophetesse Curse ye Meroz saith the Angel of the Lord curse ye bitterly the Inhabitants thereof because they came not to the helpe of the Lord against the mighty But blessed above women shall Jael the Wife of Heber the Kenite be who although she might have pleaded a truce with the heathens yet notwithstanding shee slew Sisera the Captaine of the enemies Hoast Therefore piously spake V riah The Arke and Israel and Judah abide in tents and oft times passe the night without sleepe in the open fields shall I then feast
justice that Tyrants and the subverters of Law and the Republike should be curbed charity that the oppressed should be releeved and have a helping hand extended But those who take away these things take away piety justice charity from among men and desire them to be altogether extinguished So he If this then be an irrefragable verity that forraine States and Princes are so farre obliged to assist and relieve those of the same Religion and all others whose liberties rights priviledges are forcibly invaded which our Parliament and State by their assistance if the Netherlands and other Protestant States both in Quaene Elizabeths King James and King Charles his reigne approved and justified both by words Acts of Parliament and reall performances then certainly those of the self-same Church Nation Kingdom and fellow Subjects under the self-same Prince betweene whom there is a farre nearer relation much stricter obligation and more strong ingagements ought mutually to aide and assist each other to the uttermost of their abilities when their Religion Lawes Liberties be violently invaded their dearest native Countrey wasted sacked plundered burned ruined in a hostile warre-like manner with open force of Armes either by the King himselfe or a prevailing Malignant Popish faction who have surreptitiously possessed themselves both of his person and affections which they have gotten into their owne over-ruling power How much then it now concernes every reall Protestant within this Realme of England and all other his Majesties Dominions to unite all their common forces together unannimously to protect defend maintaine and propagate our established reformed Religion fundamentall Lawes Liberties the very Priviledges of Parliaments their estates liberties lives the peace welfare and common good of their dearest native Countrey and our three united Realmes against all Popish Malignant forces now in armes to invade eclipse impaire subvert sacke ruine them and how monstrously unnaturally unchristianly and detestably impious treacherous perfidious all those English Irish and Scottish Protestants proclaime themselves to the present and future age who now trayterously joyne their forces with the Malignant Popish party or prove uncordiall false treacherous and perfidious to their Religion Liberties Countrey and the Parliment who have not onely waged imployed but confided in them and contribute their uttermost endeavours to betray enslave undermine and to sacke burne and totally overturne them as many we finde have done to their eternall infamy I here referre to every mans judgement and conscience seriously to determine Certainly such unnaturall monsters such trayterous Judasses such execrable infamous Apostates as these can expect no other reall remuneration of this their treachery and perfidiousnesse but the ruine of their credits the detestation of their persons memories the confiscation of their estates the extirpation of their families the execrations of all good men the severest judgements of God and utter confusion with horrors of conscience tormenting them constantly day and night whiles they continue languishing under all these miseries here and the sharpest torments the very largest dangers the hottest flames in hell for ever hereafter and those Antichristian Papists who now are and have beene so faithfull active zealous couragious industrious liberall bountifull if not prodigall to prosecute their owne interests designes to maintaine and propagate their false erroneous detestable Religion superstitions idolatries both in England and Ireland with the effusion of their bloud expence and forfeiture of all their estates and never yet deserted or became treacherous to their false execrable cause or Religion in the least degree shall all joyntly rise up in judgement against them both here and hereafter to their sempiternall infamy reproach and most just condemnation O consider this all yee who now so much forget neglect betray both your God your Christ Religion Lawes Liberties Countrey Parliament yea your very selves your soules bodies and posterities Consider with your selves the bitter curse denounced by God himselfe against Meroz Judg. 5. 23. Consider the fatall dismall end of treacherous Judaâ— Matth. 27. 3. 4 5. Acts 1. 18. 19 20. Consider that dreadfull speech of our Saviour Christ Marke 8. 35 36 37 38. Whosoever will save his life shall lose it but whosoever shall lose his life for my sake and the Gospels shall save it For what shall it profit a man if he shall gaine the whole world and lose his owne soule or what shall a man give in exchange for his soule whosoever therefore shall be ashamed of me and of my word in this adulterous and sinfull generation of him also shall the sonne of man be ashamed when he commeth in the glory of his Father with the holy Angels If we suffer with him we shall also reigne with him if we deny him he will also deny us If we be but fearfull in the cause of Christ we shall be sure to have our part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone Rev. 21. 8. O what then will be our portion if we be unzealous negligent perfidious to it or professed enemies especially in open armes against it when it cries out to us for our necessary assistance every where If Jesus Christ will render tribulation to them which doe but trouble his people yea and shall be very shortly revealed from Heaven with his mighty Angels in flaming fire taking vengeance on all them that onely know not God and that obey not the Gospel of Jesus Christ who shall be punished with everlasting destruction from the presence of the Lord and from the glory of his power 2 Thes 1. 6. to 10. O where shall all those ungodly sinners Rebels and Traytors appeare who now every where murther plunder persecute extirpare Gods dearest Saints and not onely refuse to owne but even desert betray the cause of God and their Countrey who refuse not onely cordially maintaine the very truth of God the Gospel of Christ and which themselves in shew not onely pretend to know but professe but also joyn with Papists and Malignants openly to fight against and totally to suppresse it Certainly if judgement shall beginne at the house of God it selfe as now it doth and if the righteous who defend the cause of God and the Kingdome shall scarcely be saved what these mens dreadfull end and judgement at last shall be transcends my thoughts to conceive my expressions to relate all I can say is this it will be superlatively miserable and grievous that eternity of incomprehensible torments will onely be able to demonstrate the infinity and execrablenesse of their sinne O then let all of all sorts consider seriously of this and all the premises and the Lord give them understanding and grace to keepe a good conscience and discharge their severall trusts and bounden duties faithfully cheerefully to their God Religion King Countrey and the Parliament in all things that so they may enjoy the honour comfort benefit of all their faithfull endeavours to defend promote and propagate Religion Lawes liberties and the publike welfare here