Pastoral Office committed to the Pastors of the Church by Christ and his Apostles and that the Supremacy then pretended to was no such extravagant Power as some imagine Sixthly That the Supremacy ascribed to the King by this Act had no reference to any such absolute Power as the Pope pretended to appears by the whole course of the King's Reign forasmuch as the Exercise of this Supremacy in every Branch of it was directed by particular and positive Laws made much about the same time nor perhaps were any Acts of Supremacy exerted during this King's Reign that some Act of Parliament or other did not warrant as will appear in our Progress The truth of it is that no more can be made of it than an utter Exclusion of the Pope's pretended Authority and an acknowledgment that the King is not an absolute Dominus fac-totum in Spiritualibus but the Fountain of Justice to be administred according to Law in Cases commonly called Ecclesiastical as well as Temporal without any dependance upon a Foreign Potentate Hence it is that in these Acts of King Henry the Eighth concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs the Crown of England is so often mentioned to be an Imperial Crown and the Realm of England an Empire Sir Edward Haleâ—'s Case Tho that Word has been made use of of late to countenance a very strange and unheard of Judgment But the Gentleman that made use of the Word either understood it not or wilfully misapplyed it The Crown of England is said to be an Imperial Crown because it is subject to no Foreign Jurisdiction The Kings of England are not Homagers nor ever were for their Kingdom to any other as many Kings have been A Regal Crown does not ex vi termini exclude a Subordination an Imperial Crown does The Emperor of Germany whose Crown must needs be Imperial has less Power in the Empire than most Princes in their own Dominions But it must be confess'd that the Word Supreme Head tho legally understood it be no such Bug-bear yet was a Term borrowed from Antichrist a Word that gave offence especially to those that knew little of its Signification but what they had learnt from a Jurisdiction pretended to be exercis'd by the Pope as such and claiming to be so as Vicar General to Christ Papists thought the Right of St. Peters Successor injuriously invaded and Protestants though universally submitting to the Legal Power of the Crown yet many of them boggl'd at the Title as making too bold with our Saviours Prerogative of being the only HEAD of the Church And so great Powers were given to King Henry the Eighth by Acts of Parliament of which by and by in Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Matters which though given by particular Laws and those Laws occasion'd by the then Circumstances of Affairs yet by some unadvised Persons are confounded with his Legal and Original Supremacy at the Common Law or at least are lookt upon as incident to the Title Style and Dignity of Supreme Head that no wonder the Title has found little countenance from Protestant Writers The other part of this short Act of 26 Hen. 8. cap. 1. is very observable and discovers a Secret that few observe but rightly considered lays open a very fine Scene and gives an undeniable Answer to the only material Argument that can be produced in favor of the late Ecclesiastical Commission The Argument lies thus King Henry the Eighth issued a Commission to Cromwell whereby he constituted him his Vicegerent in Ecclesiastical Matters and delegated to him the Exercise of all his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction long before the 1 Eliz. which impowered Queen Elizabeth and her Successors from time to time to issue such Commissions And this Commission to Cromwell cannot be deny'd to have been a Legal Commission because it is recited in an Act of Parliament 31 Hen. 8. cap. 10. admitted to be according to Law and a place appointed him in respect of that Office above the Archbishop of Canterbury in the House of Lords And there having been no Act of Parliament in King Henry the Eighths time whereby he was expresly impowered to issue such a Commission the Commission was warranted by the Common Law. This being the Argumentum palmarium tho foolishly omitted by those that have undertaken to write in Vindication of the Proceedings of the late Commissioners receives a full and satisfactory Answer from this very Act of Parliament this being the Act which was the Ground and Foundation of that Commission and as far as I know of the Commission did really warrant it The Words are these viz. And that our Sovereign Lord the King his Heirs and Successors Kings of this Realm shall have full Power and Authority from time to time to visit repress redress reform order correct restrain and amend all such Errors Heresies Abuses Offences Contempts and Enormities whatsoever they be which by any manner Spiritual Authority or Jurisdiction ought or may be lawfully reformed repressed ordered redressed corrected restrained or amended most to the Pleasure of Almighty God the increase of Vertue in Christs Religion and for the conservation of the Peace Vnity and Tranquillity of this Realm any Vsage Custom foreign Laws foreign Authority Prescription or any thing or things to the contrary hereof notwithstanding By these Words a Personal Authority not of Legislation but of visiting redressing correcting c. is given to whom To the King his Heirs and Successors This Power was given by the Parliament nor was enjoyed or exercised by the King or any of his Predecessors before and being vested in the King his Heirs and Successors may consequentially be delegated to Commissioners After this Act was pass'd out comes Cromwell's Commission of Vicegerency and not till then tho the Clergy had recogniz'd the Supremacy two years ago and the Parliament in the 24 Hen. 8. cap. 12. and the 25 Hen. 8. cap. 21. had in effect done so too Yet was not the recognis'd restor'd and declar'd Supremacy lookt upon as any Warrant for an Ecclesiastical Commission till a new Power was given to the King by this Act And this Act of Parliament having been Repealed by the First and Second of Phil. and Mar. and never since reviv'd there is now no ground from this Act or from that President of Cromwell's Commission for a like Commission in our Days How far the Statute of 1 Eliz. gives countenance thereunto shall be enquired into when we come to it The next Act that I shall take notice of is the Thirteenth Chapter of this same Session entituled By whom Suffragans shall be nominated and elected The Act recites that sithen the beginning of this present Parliament good and honourable Laws and Statutes have been made and established for Elections Presentations Consecrations and investing of Archbishops and Bishops of this Realm with all Ceremonies appertaining to the same yet nevertheless no Provision hath been made for Suffragan Bishops and therefore enacts what Towns shall be taken and accepted
SOME OBSERVATIONS UPON THE Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction OF THE KINGS of ENGLAND WITH AN APPENDIX In Answer to part of a Late Book Intitled The KING' 's Visitatorial Power Asserted LONDON Printed for William Battersby at Thavies-Inn Gate in Holborn and Thomas Basset at the George in Fleet-street 1689. To the Reader A Late Declaration for Liberty of Conscience whereby the King Assum'd a Power of Suspending All Penal Laws in matters of Religion The Ecclesiastical Commission and suspending by vertue of it the Bishop of London and depriving the Fellows of Magdalen-Colledge occasioned a general dissatisfaction in the Nation and produc't some Pamphlets to justifie all those Proceedings viz. One Entituled The King 's Right of Indulgence in Spiritual Matters with the Equity thereof Asserted Another A Vindication of the Proceedings of his Majestie 's Ecclesiastical Commissioners against the Bishop of London and the Fellows of Magdalen-Colledge A Third The Legality of the Court held by his Majestie 's Ecclesiastical Commissioners Defended And last of all The King 's Visitatorial power asserted Perusing these Pamphlets I could not but observe that one and the same inveterate error ran through them All viz. Their ascribing to the King all such power Jurisdiction and Authority as by the Law of England and the very Original Constitution of our Government is lodged in the Legislative body of the Kingdom and which the King is intrusted onely with the Administration of and that in his Courts of Justice I had attempted the answering more than one of those Pamphlets but I found that at every turn I met with that mistake in the Authors who either through Ignorance or Design or both argue for the King's Prerogative from whatever they find to have been done in Great Councils of the Realm or in Ordinary Courts of Justice this one mistake together with some rash and unwarranted expressions glean'd out of a few late Writers will be found to be the main strength of their Cause I thought therefore that it might be a work of some use especially at this time to endeavour the removal of this rubbish and the laying open in some measure the nature of the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Crown of England both because we have lately seen how dangerous and fatal these mistakes are and because although much has been written since the Reformation by Mr. Prynn Sir Roger Twisden and others to vindicate the Ecclesiastical Supremacy from Forein Pretensions and Vsurpations yet I know not whether any has yet taken in hand to give an Account of it as stands by Law here at home I do therefore offer these few Observations upon it to the publick desiring the Judicious Reader 's pardon for what slips and imperfections he may find herein and have added in an Appendix an Answer to a Section in the Book concerning Visitatorial Power wherein I hope the Reader will be satisfied how groundless and weak most of the arguments are which our Prerogative-mongers pretend to draw from Antiquity These following Observations are brought down no lower then to the latter end of King Henry the eighth's Reign I design a Continuation with Remarks upon some Judicial Presidents that have pass't since the Reformation if these Papers are well received if not I shall save time and be eas'd of trouble SOME OBSERVATIONS Upon the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Of the King 's of ENGLAND IT is obvious enough to judicious and intelligent Persons by what unhappy Circumstances it comes to pass that one great Mean of our Preservation seems at present in a manner hid from our Eyes But since Experience is said to be the Mistress of Fools it is hoped that at least in this our Day we may see the things that belong to our Peace Luke 19.42 and remember that the reason why the Ostrich leaveth her Eggs in the Dust Job 39.13 14 15 17. forgetting that the Foot may crush them is because God hath deprived her of Wisdom neither hath he imparted to her Vnderstanding If Interest or Ambition have swayed with some of us Prov. 22.28 as far as in them lay to remove the antient Land-Marks which our Fore-Fathers have set Josh 7.19 let such give Glory to God and take Shame to themselves In the mean time what effect soever these ensuing Papers may have upon our Friends at least let our Adversaries see that there is a Remnant left in Israel 1 Kings 19.18 that have not bowed their Knees to Baal An Arch-Bishop may tell us The Legality of the Ecclesiastical Commission defended pag. 6 7. that the King may take what Causes he pleases to determin from the Determination of the Judges and determin them himself and that it is clear in Divinity that such Authority belongs to the King by the Word of God. But as we are not to receive even the Word of God it self under the Sanction of a Human Law from the Mouth of an Arch-Bishop or from the whole Body of the Clergy much less are we bound to submit to any Courtly Glosses upon that Sacred Text concerning the Power of Kings whose Authority as we suppose it to be grounded wholly upon Municipal Laws so we know the Law to be a better Foundation and a better Security than any imaginary Authority pretended from Scripture And if the Defender would have observed what the Lord Coke in the Presence and with the clear consent of all the Judges and Barons of the Exchequer Coke 12. Rep. pag. 63 64 65. answered upon that occasion before the King himself both from Reason and Authority he would have silenced the Arch-Bishops Divinity and saved me the trouble of taking notice of that part of his Discourse It was their Opinion that the King could not in Person adjudge any Case Which they confirm with such Reasons and Authorities from judicial Records and Acts of Parliament that it seems very imprudent in the Defender to urge that as an Authority which received so solid so learned and so honest an Answer Judges and Serjeants may entertain themselves with what Discourse they please post prandium Legality of c. defended pag. 10 11. Coke 12. Rep. pag. 19 c. and in their mooting upon one extrajudicial Point may talk of another by the by and if one of the Company put this transient Discourse into Paper so that afterwards it gets into the Press Good God! what condition are we come into when Tablechat must be obtruded upon us for Law To go a little further Judges in Courts of Justice may pretend to resolve what Points of Law they please but if their Resolutions are not pertinent to the Matter depending before them in Judgment and necessary for the deciding it such Resolutions go for nothing because the Judges had no Authority so to resolve And I am fully assured that this Point Legality of c. defended Pag. 8.9 Coke 5. Rep. Cawdry's Case viz. Whether any King or Queen of England for the time being might issue an
those Times What Orders of Men were comprehended under the word Magnates is not material to our present purpose The Great Councils that made the Laws and without whom no Laws were made are frequently so described by our antient Historians In the year 692 Ina King of the West Saxons enacted many Constitutions for the Government of the Church as De formula vivendi Ministrorum Dei. De baptizandis Infantibus De opere in die Dominico De immunitate fani c. The Preface to which Laws runs thus Ego Inas Dei beneficio Occiduorum Saxonum Rex suasu instituto Cenredi Patris mei Heddae Erkenwaldi Episcoporum meorum Omnium Senatorum meorum natu Majorum sapientum Populi mei in magnâ servorum Dei frequentiâ religiose studebam tum animorum nostrorum saluti tum communi Regni Nostri conservationi ut legitima nuptiarum faedera c. Here the King his Bishops all his Senators the Natu Majores Sapientes of his People which are Descriptions of the Laity in Parliaments of those Times and a great number of Gods Servants by which the Clergy are meant make Ecclesiastical Laws This was a Parliament as appears not only by the presence of the Laity but by many Temporal Laws enacted at the same time Spelm. Conc. Tom. 1. Fol. 182 183 c. In the year 694. Concilium Magnum Becanceldae celebratum est Presidente Withredo Rege Cantiae necnon Bertualdo Archiepiscopo Britanniae cum Tobiâ Episcopo Roffensi Abbatibus Abbatissis Praesbyteris Diaconibus Ducibus Satrapis c. All these pariter tractabant anxie examinabant de Statu Ecclesiarum Dei c. Here the King 's Legislative Power in Ecclesiastical Matters exerted it self not Personally but in this Great Council They do all enact Statuimus decernimus praecipimus For when the King himself is spoken of the Singular Number is used Nullus unquam habeat licentiam accipere alicujus Ecclesiae vel Familiae Monasterii Dominium quae à meipso vel antecessoribus meis c. Spelm. Conc. Pag. 189 190. A Council was held at Berghamjtede Anno 5 to Withredi Regis Cantiae i. e. Anno Christi 697. Sub Bertualdo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi praesentibus Gybmundo Episcopo Roffensi omnibus Ordinibus Gentis illius cum Viris quibusdam militaribus In quo de moribus cavetur ad Ecclesiae cognitionem plerumque pertinentibus These Ordines Gentis illius seem by the Preface to these Laws to be meant of the Ordines Ecclesiastici Gentis illius but withal that they cum viris utique militaribus humanissimè communi Omnium Assensu has Leges decrevêre Spelm. Conc. 194. So that these Ecclesiastical Laws were enacted by the assent of the viri Militares as well as of the King and the Clergy A Council was held at Cloveshoe sub Cuthberto Doroberniae Archiepiscope praesentibus praeter Episcopes Sacerdotes Ecclesiasticos quamplurimos Aedilbaldo Merciorum Rege cum suis Principibus Ducibus Anno Dom. 747. In quo decernebatur de unitate Ecclesiae de Statu Christianae Religionis de Concordiâ pace c. Spelm. Conc. 242 c. In the Year 787 Concilium Legatinum Pananglicum was held at Calchyth in which many Canons were made de fide primitùs susceptâ retinendâ aliisque ad Ecclesiae regimen pertinentibus This Council was held Coram Rege Aelfwaldo Archiepiscopo Eanbaldo omnibus Episcopis Abbatibus Regionis seu Senatoribus Ducibus Populo terrae who All confirmed them After these Ecclesiastical Laws had been thus enacted by Aelfwald King of Northumberland the Legates carried them into the Council or Parliament of the Mercians where the glorious King Offa cum Senatoribus Terrae una cum c. convenerat There they were read in Latin and Teutonick that All might understand and All promised to observe them and the King and his Princes the Archbishop and his Companions signed them with the Sign of the Cross Spelm. Conc. Vol. 1. Fol. 291 292 c. Many Instances of this kind might have been added as particularly that of the Council at Hatfield An. 680. wherein the Canons of five General Councils were received which was a Witena Gemote a Conventus Sapientum But I spare time am endeavouring only to open a Door By these Instances it is apparent that the same Body of Men that enacted the Temporal Laws of the Kingdom did in the very same Councils make Laws for the Government of the Church Indeed the whole Fabrick of the English Saxon Church was built upon Acts of Parliament nothing in which the whole Community was concerned was enacted decreed or established but by that Authority For whose reads impartially the Histories of those times and compares them with one another will find that as most of those Antient Councils commonly so called were no other than to speak in our Modern Language Parliaments so not any thing whatsoever in Religion obligatory to the People whether in matters of Faith Discipline Ceremonies or any Religious Observances was imposed but in such Assemblies as no Man can deny to have been Parliaments of those Times that has not a Fore-head of Brass For the Presence not of the King 's only but of the Duces Principes Satrapae Populus terrae c. shews sufficiently that neither the Kings nor the Kings and the Clergy without the concurrent Authority of the same Persons that enacted Temporal Laws could prescribe General Laws in matters of Religion I do not dispute what Orders of Men among the Saxons were described by Duces Principes c. but sure I am that they were Lay-men and as sure that they assented to and confirmed those Laws without whose assent they had been no Laws So that the Kings of those Times had no greater Legislative Power in Ecclesiastical Matters than in Temporal The tearing the Ecclesiastical Power from the Temporal was the cursed Root of the Kingdom of Antichrist It was that that mounted the Papacy Those Powers never were distinct in England nor most other Nations till that See got the ascendant And it is a strange inconsistency to argue one while that whatever the Pope de facto formerly did by the Canon Law that of right belongs to our Kings and another while that the several Acts that restore the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to the Crown are but Declarative It shews how little the Supremacy is understood by Modern Asserters of it and how little they are acquainted with the antient Government of England The Third Period of Time to be considered shall be from the uniting of the several Kingdoms of the Saxons under one Monarchy to the Norman Conquest In this Division we find a Letter from Pope Formosus to King Edward the Elder wherein the Pope complains that the Country of the West-Saxons had wanted Bishops for seven whole Years Upon the receipt of this Letter the King calls Synodum Senatorum Gentis Anglorum who
Second King Stephen and so backwards And yet we find no Resolutions concerning what the Supremacy at Common Law was and wherein it consisted grounded upon Authorities of those Times which only can afford a right Idea of it Nor indeed can any thing be found in our Old Books of Law as Bracton Glanvil Britton Fleta the Mirrour nor in the Antient Histories of those Times that warrants such an Ecclesiastical Supremacy in the Crown as we now a-days dream of no Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Matters other than in Temporal which in a Nation of Saxon descent could never exclude the Ordines Regni having ever entred into the thoughts of Man as lodged in the King's Person or any Temporal Prince The Pope pretended to it but our Kings never did Only where the Constitutions of Clarendon mention Appeals from the Archbishop to the King they take up with the Letter and examine no farther As some Philosophers have ascribed Phaenomena in Nature which they could give no rational Account of to occult Qualities so the Lawyers resolve puzling Questions by telling us Magisterially that so and so it was at the Common Law as occult in these Matters to many of them as any Secret of Nature to the Philosophers That Branch of 1 o. Eliz. which unites Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to the Crown appears by the Journal of the House of Lords to be in the sense of the Parliament V. Sir Simon Dewes that past it but Declarative But that all other Acts and Clauses of Acts which were pass'd at the time of the Reformation with respect to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction are so too I can't believe till I see Authorities of Antiquity proving it Those particular Branches of the Supremacy concerning the making of Bishops Appeals c. with some Temporary Laws now expired as they were guided and limited by positive Laws made in King Henry the Eighths time and King Edward's and revived in Queen Elizabeth's so they are grounded upon those Laws only and have no other Foundation so far forth as they are Personal For the Antient and Legal Supremacy having been so long overshadowed as to be almost forgot they did not upon the Restitution of it return all things to their former estate They prescribed another course for Appeals than had ever been known in our Law before They did not resume the Elections of Bishops to the Parliament who had had them formerly but leaving a shew of an Election in the Consistory they authorize the King to name the Man. The power of making Laws and Constitutions Ecclesiastical for the Government of the whole Kingdom we find no Resumption of no declarative Act concerning it other than in the Recital of 25 Hen. 8. cap. 21. For that Point had never been gained from them From the Reign of King Henry the Second downward to King Henry the Eighth we find little or nothing of any Canons and Constitutions for the Government of the Church made with assent of the Laity For the Clergy had now established their Exemption and had set up Imperium in Imperio But many Acts we meet with setting Bounds to their Encroachments and limiting their Jurisdiction and all made by the same Authority that enacted the Temporal Laws of the Kingdom And therefore the Supremacy so far forth as it remained in the Crown was not Personal but exerted it self in the Legislative Body of the Kingdom For the Parliaments tho in a great measure Anti-Christ-ridden did not even in these Times so far forget the old Constitution as to let the Church and Religion run adrist for all them and be wholly managed either by the King or their Ghostly Fathers The Writs of Summons to Parliaments both antient and modern have this special Clause in them Pro quibusdam arduis urgentibus negotiis nos Statum defensionem Regni Angliae Ecclesiae Anglicanae concernentibus quoddam Parliamentum c. So that the State of the Church is as properly within the care of a Parliament as the State of the Realm And in the Prologues to most Acts of Parliaments the Honour the Profit the Reverence the Benefit the Advancement of Holy Church is mentioned as the End of their Meeting no less than the Safety and Defence of the Realm Accordingly innumerable Acts of Parliament were made and are now in print concerning Church-men the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Matters of Religion c. As the Statutes of Mortmain Circumspecte agatis the Statute upon the Writ of Consultation Articuli Cleri several Statutes entituled Pro Clero the Statutes of Premunire and Provisors concerning Priests and Salaries against Appeals to Rome prohibiting Bishops to meddle in Matters of the Peace removing Bishops from Temporal Offices restraining the Popes Exactions and Usurpations and Encroachments of the Canons upon the Civil Jurisdiction freeing Clergy Men from Arrests during the time of Divine Service for the Instruction of the People by Preaching concerning Priors dative and removable c. Exempting of Pilgrims from the Punishment of Vagrants Hunting on Holy-days Consecrations of Church-yards and Appropriations of Churches and Alms concerning Provisions of Exemptions from regular or ordinary Obedience granted to Religious Persons from Rome the Suppression of Sectaries Heretical Books Schools Working on Holy-days Entring into Religion without Consent of Parents Tythes Chalices Ornaments of the Church c. So that whatever remained of the Supremacy remained in the Legislative Body of the Kingdom and was there exerted During this time the question was not Whether the King could by his Prerogative impose Laws upon the Clergy or in concurrence with the Clergy conclude the Laity these are Notions started up since the Reformation which has brought to light in Politicks as well as Religion Mysteries that had been hid from Ages but whether the Spirituality or State Ecclesiastical of whom the Pope was now de facto the Head could bind the Laity without their Assent in Parliament This was a fifth Encroachment which was attempted by introducing the Canon Law and drawing to themselves by a side wind all Temporal Jurisdiction in ordine ad Spiritualia But the design was never brought to perfection such was the Genius of a Government built upon this noble Foundation that no man ought to be bound by a Law that he does not consent to that muffled up in Darkness and Superstition as our Ancestors were yet that Notion seemed to be engraven in their Nature born with them sucked in with their Mothers Milk the impression was so strong that nothing could deface it Accordingly we often find them protesting that this and the other thing did not bind them because it was done without their Assent Rott Par. 40. Edw. 3. nu 7 8. Rott Parl. 5 Ed. 3. art 46. Rott Parl. 6 Rich. 2. nu 62. that they would not be bound by any Ordinances of the Clergy without their Assent That they would not subject themselves to the Prelates no more than their Ancestors had done And in the 25. H. 8. cap.
by whole-sale is altogether needless in a Constitution wherein Concitò reformari possunt by the same Authority that made them In Forty days time a Parliament may be summoned to consent to what alteration they shall think fit to be made And it is the constant practice observed to this day that at the beginning of every Parliament a Committee is appointed to consider what Laws are inconvenient and have need to be altered continued or repealed If the Parliament shall not think fit to make any alteration the Laws must remain in force and ought to be put in execution for there can be no Reformation of them made Sine Communitatis Procerum assensu And the reason is because by such assent Primitus emanârant The Repealing of a Law or which is all one a total Suspension of a Law is making a new Law whatever quibbles and foolish distinctions may be pretended to be made in the Case Now the Laws of England do not oriri Principis voluntate and rherefore a Repeal or total Suspension of a Law grounded upon the voluntas Principis only is not warranted by that model of the English Government that Fortescue presents us with He that asserts such a Power in the King to Suspend Laws Enacted by the Consent of the whole Kingdom turns the Government of this Nation topsie turvie Lord Chief Justice Herbert in Sir Edward Hales his Case And makes the Laws of England indeed the King's Laws contrary to the style of all Antiquity of all History and contrary to the forms of Legal Proceedings even to this day Lex terrae and Leges terrae Leges Consuetudines Angliae Leges Angliae Statuta Angliae Assiza Regni are known and common Expressions Leges Regis sounds harsh the phrase is uncouth because the Notion included in it is false nor was ever thought of by our Forefathers The Statutes of Praemunire and Provisors and the method of dispensing with them before the Reformation will abundantly disclose to us where the power of dispensing with Acts of Parliament even in Ecclesiastical Matters was vested In the 16th Year of King Richard the Second the Archbishop of Canterbury declared the Causes of the Parliament The second of which was to provide some remedy touching the Statute of Provisors for eschewing debate betwixt the Pope and the King and his Parliament Cot. Records p. 346. King Richard needed not have put himself to the trouble of convening his Parliament in order to provide a Remedy in such case if by the Law as it was then understood he might by his Perogative have dispensed with the Statutes of Provisors and all other Laws concerning Ecclesiastical Matters In the 17th R. 2. It was enacted in Parliament that Tydeman late Abbot of Beawliew and Elect of Landaffe by the Popes Provision should enjoy the same Bishoprick notwithstanding any Act so always as this be taken for no Example Ibid. p. 354. So that tho Tydeman had a Dispensation from the King he durst not trust to it without getting his Title to his Abby confirmed in Parliament The like President occurs in 18 H. 6. The Archbishop of Roan had the Profits of the Bishoprick of Ely granted to him by the Pope and confirmed in Parliament Ibid. p. 623. But in the Fifteenth year of King Richard the Second the Commons for the great Affiance which they reposed in the King granted that the King by the Advice of his Lords might make such Toleration touching the Statute of Provision as to him should seem good until the next Parliament so as the Statute be repealed in no Article thereof nor none disturbed of his lawful Possession So also as they may disagree thereto at the next Parliament with this Protestation That this their Assent being in truth a Novelty be had or taken for no Example Ibid. p. 342. And in the Sixteenth year of the same King the Commons grant to the King that he by the Advice of his Lords should have power to moderate the Statute of Provisions to the Honour of God and saving the Rights of the Crown and to put the same in execution so as the same be declared in the next Parliament to the end the Commons may then agree to the same or no. Ibid. pag. 347. The occasions of these Concessions were the then circumstances of the Kings Affairs who was often at enmity with France and made advantage of the Pope's Friendship which he obtained by this and other Methods of the like kind The like Instances occur in the same Collection p. 362 In the Twentieth year of the same King. p. 393 In the First year of King Henry the Fourth p. 406 In the Second year of King Henry the Fourth From hence it appears that those Times had no notion of any absolute Power any inseparable Perogative in the King himself of dispensing with those Laws without his Parliaments consent For they grant the King such Power and that but for a time and so as they may disagree to it at their next Meeting and with a protestation that this their Assent be not drawn into Example and declare their giving the King such Power to be a Novelty And all this they do with a saving to the Rights of the Crown which let them if they can explain the meaning of who imagine that the uniting of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to the Crown of England by the Statute of 1 Eliz. is a vesting of it in the King's Person In this same interval of Time the Statutes of Praemunire were enacted viz. 27 Edw. 3. cap. 1. and 38 Edw. 3. cap. 1. 16 R. 2. and some others with which how far it was lawful for the King to dispense take an account from what hapned to Cardinal Wolsey in King Henry the Eighths time He had a Commission from the Pope to exercise his Office of Legate here in England he had the King's leave so to do he exercised that Office many years without controul and was submitted to almost universally I remember but one Obstruction offered to have been made to him and that was by Hunne a Merchant-Taylor in London The History of which may be read at large in Fox and Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation And yet the whole Clergy were afterwards attainted of a Praemunire for submitting to such Foreign Authority as the same Authors the Lord Herbert and others abundantly testifie But Stephen Gardiner's Letter to the Duke of Somerset concerning that Matter as it is very remarkable for many other Passages so this ensuing part I think proper to be here inserted because it will save me the trouble of relating the History and of endeavouring to open the Reasons of that Proceeding Now whether the King may command against an Act of Parliament and what Danger they may fall in that break a Law with the King's consent I dare say no Man alive at this day hath had more Experience with the Judges and Lawyers than I First I had experience in my
Co. 12. Rep. p. 64. and they were entred per Curiam Nay take in their Hypothesis Brady Johnson Filmer who would persuade us that Parliaments of old time before they were christen'd by that Name were but Assemblies of the King's Tenants in the nature of a Court-Baron Why even in a Court-Baron the Suitors are Judges And all the Judges of England told King James the First Co. 12. Rep. 64. That the King could not in Person adjudge any Case If therefore our King 's have no Judicial Power personally in them how can they derive to others what themselves have not How comes it to pass that the King can grant a Commission to review a Decree when himself cannot review it nor is impowered by Act of Parliament to grant any such Commission I will dwell no longer upon these Acts concerning Appeals It appears I hope already that Appeals which by the Antient Law of the Realm were to the Curia Regis had been gain'd from it to the Court of Rome That King Henry the Eighth caused such Foreign Appeals to be restrain'd and directed how they should be prosecuted within the Realm for the future Which Direction ought to be pursued for so far forth as it gives Appeals to the King in Chancery it is introductive of a New Law Which I must believe till I can be inform'd that our Kings in former times ever received Appeals out of Parliament or their Magna Curia what ever that was The next thing in our way is another part of the fore-mentioned Statute of 25 Hen. 8. cap. 19 viz. That the Clergy in their Convocations shall enact no Constitutions without the King's Assent The words of the enacting Clause are That they the Clergy nor any of them from henceforth shall presume to attempt alledge claim or put in ure any Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial or Synodals or any other Canons nor shall enact promulge or execute any such Canons Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial by whatsoever Name or Names they may be call'd in their Convocations in time coming which alway shall be assembled by Authority of the King 's Writ unless the same Clergy-men have the King 's most Royal Assent and Licence to make promulge and execute such Canons Constitutions and Ordinances Provincial or Synodal upon pain of every one of the Clergy doing contrary to this Act and being thereof convict to suffer Imprisonment and make Fine at the King 's Will. This Act cannot be pretended to give the King and the Clergy any new power For it is penn'd in Negative Words It is but declarative of what the Antient Law of the Kingdom was The Clergy had frequent Provincial Synods ever since the Christian Faith was introduc'd amongst us but till the Pope had set his Foot here our Kings sometime presided were frequently present in them Their Assent was had to all Constitutions made for the Government of the Church And Canons intended to bind the Laity never obtain'd as Ecclesiastical Laws here without the Assent of the Temporalty But when the Clergy had got an Exemption from the Temporal Laws and lookt upon themselves as a distinct separate Body of Men from the rest of the King's Subjects as having a dependance upon and owing Canonical Obedience to a Foreign Head then they proceeded to make Canons without consent of the King or the Temporalty But even in those days when ever they entrench't upon the Common Law of the Realm which was the Subjects Fence and Protection the Temporal Courts gall'd them with Prohibitions They had not in the times of Popery a Power of binding the Laity even in Matters of Religion without their Assent But themselves they bound and the inferior Clergy were all subjected to the Power of Provincial Synods because of their Oath of Canonical Obedience And these Canons by which they bound the whole Body of the Clergy never had any Royal Assent to them since King Stephen's days No Ecclesiastical Laws other than what were enacted in Parliament having since that King's Reign derived their Authority from the King. This Act therefore ties up the Clergy from any power of making Canons and Constitutions without the King. But since it gives them no manner of Power or Authority whatsoever their Power even the Royal Assent taken in is no other since this Act than it was before they had withdrawn themselves from the King and the Laity Which how far it extended has been sufficiently explain'd already I will not go so far as some have done to affirm Sir Edward Bagshaw's Argument concerning the Canons that the King's Assent here spoken of must be understood of his Assent in Parliament But I think it is very observable that the Parliament did by this Act appoint Sixteen of the Two and thirty Commissioners who were to view search and examine the Canons Constitutions and Ordinances Provincial and Synodal heretofore made in order to the keeping of some and rejecting others to be of the Vpper and Nether House of Parliament They would have Committees of their own Houses inspect all Canons formerly made and judge which were fit to be retain'd How can we then imagine that they had any thoughts of subjecting themselves and their Posterities to the King and the Convocation of the Clergy in Matters of Religion for the future Nay they seem as it were jealous lest this Act tho as cautiously penn'd as the Wit of Man could contrive it should be made use of to colour some unwarrantable Power of the Clergy in Convocation having the Royal Assent to their Constitutions And therefore they add a special Proviso that no Canons Constitutions or Ordinances shall be made or put in execution within this Realm by the Authority of the Convocation of the Clergy which shall be contrariant or repugnant to the King's Perogative Royal or the Customs Laws or Statutes of the Realm Now whether it was against the Laws of the Realm or not in the Opinion of this Parliament for the King and the Clergy to top any Laws upon them without their consent will appear by the Preamble of another Act of this very Session of Parliament and therefore I will pass it by now Nor was there any thing in the future practice of this King's Reign which gave or asserted any Power to the King and Convocation to bind or conclude the People without an Act of Parliament concurring and enforcing the same The next Act is the Twentieth Chap. of this same Session of Parliament concerning the Election and Consecration of Bishops This Act does not resume the Election to the Parliament from whom it had been gain'd but leaving a shadow of Election in the Consistory impowers the King to name the Person commands the Dean and Chapter under the Penalty of a Praemunire to choose the Person nominated to them in the Writ of Conge d'eslire and appoints how he shall be Consecrated without Pall Bulls or other things formerly requisite to be obtained at the See of Rome
bound by the settling or determining any point of Religion any where else than by themselves in Parliament then at least the power of settling and determining Points of Doctrine and Practice either is no part of the King 's Ecclesiastical Supremacy or is not personal But must be exerted in Parliament In the British times Bishopricks were conferred in Parliament Petivit Rex Arthurus Eboracum instantis Natalis Domini Festum celebraturus Cumque urbem intrasset visa Sacrarum Ecclesiarum desolatione condoluit Expulso namque beato Samsone Archiepiscopo cunctisque sanctae Religionis viris Templa semi-usta ab officio Dei cessabant Tanta etenim Paganorum insania praevaluerat Exin convocato Clero Populo Capellanum suum Metropolitanae sedi Destinat Ecclesias usque ad solum dirutas renovat Atque Religiosis caetibus Virorum Mulierum exornat Galfrid Monumeth lib. 9. cap. 8. Here King Arthur in an Assembly of his Clergy and People makes an Arch-Bishop restores ruinous Churches and replenishes Monasteries with Monks and Nuns If a Judge or a Lawyer should say tho' he took along with him the concurrence and assistance of his Parliament yet he might have done all this by his Prerogative without them I must insist upon proof of such Prerogative If a Divine tells me that by the Law of God such Prerogatives belong to Princes for that the Power of the Prince is Superior to that of the Law not given by Law but from God then cannot I comprehend how our Churchmen can value themselves upon their being Established by Law if they acknowledge a Power upon Earth above the Law. But if it shall appear by what follows that till the Reign of King John Arch-Bishopricks Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Dignities were conferred in and by the Parliament then will a common mistake appear to run through many of the Books of Law wherein we frequently read Cr. Jac. 553 554. Ro. rep 2d part 130. Sir John Dav. rep that before his time they were donative and conferred by the King Per Traditionem annuli baculi Confounding the Election with the Investiture and ascribing that to the King solely which was the Act of the King and Parliament Bishop Vsher in his Antiqu. p. 63. Britan. Eccles Gives us other Instances of Bishops Elected in Parliaments or Great Councils Postquam praedicti senioris Germanus Lupus Pelagianam Haeresin extirpaverant Episcopos pluribus in locis Britanniae consecraverunt Super omnes autem Britannos dextralis partis Britanni beatum Dubricium summum Doctorem à Rege ab omni Parochia Electum Archiepiscopum consecraverunt Hac dignitate ei à Germano Lupo data constituerunt ei Episcopalem sedem concessu Regis Maurici Principum Cleri Populi apud Podium Lantavi Addit Galfridus ab eodem Dubricio Vrbis Legionum tunc Archiepiscopo Arthurum Regni Britannici diademate insignitum eundemque Dubricium in Curia illa magna quam apud urbem legionum Arthurus tenuisse dicitur in eremiticam vitam anhelantem sese ab Archiepiscopali sede deposuisse Eodem tempore Davide procurante Meneviam Metropolitanae sedis factam esse translationem refert Giraldus Cambrensis postea in Breviensi Synodo confirmatam In illâ scil Synodo magnâ omnium Episcoporum Abbatum totius Cambriae nec non Cleri Universi una cum Populo Collecta propter Pelagianiam Haeresin that Doctrin it seems revived tho it had been publickly over-ruled ubi unanimi totius Conventus tam Electione quam Acclamatione quanquam invitus renitens David in Archiepiscopum est sublimatus Usher Britan. Antiqu. pag. 64. Now if in the times of the Britains the People assembled in the Common Councils of the Nation had decisive Votes in Controversies of Religion in the Election of Arch-Bishops and Bishops if by their Authority ruinous Churches and Houses of Religion were repaired and furnished with Monks and Nuns Bishops Sees founded and translated if in those Assemblies Resignations of Bishopricks were made c. Then we may reasonably conclude that the Supremacy commonly so called was lodged and vested just where the Legislative Power in Temporal Matters resided to wit in the King 's together with their Commune concilium Regni But the first is true as appears by the foregoing Authorities Ergo c. Nor was it peculiar to this Nation V. Dr. Burnet's History of the Rights of Princes in the disposing of Ecclesiastical Benefices c. to have the People chuse Bishops It was the Universal Practice of all Christendom for many hundred years as is notoriously known to all that read any History In the second place I will exhibit a very few Instances of the Saxon Times during the Heptarchy The Reader may consult many more at his leisure No marvel if we find this People submitting to nothing in Religion but what was ordain'd by themselves Tacitus de moribus Germanorum cap. 11. De majoribus omnes was one of their Fundamental Constitutions before they came hither and it is continued here to this day And Matters of Religion were amongst their Majora even before they received Christianity Accordingly Edwin King of Northumberland Vid. Bed. Eccl. Hist Lib. 2. Cap. 13. Huntington Lib. 3. Pag. 188. habito cum sapientibus concilio renounced his Paganism and he and they embraced the Christian Faith. This is described in Bede and Huntington to have been done in such an Assembly of Men as the Parliaments of those days are generally mentioned to consist of After the Christian Religion had spread amongst the Saxons the Bishops and Clergy frequently held Synods without the Laity for Church-Visitation Vid. Spelm. Conc. ubique and made constitutions for the Regulation of the Clergy which they obeyed and submitted to by reason of their Oath of Canonical Obedience But as nothing transacted in those Assemblies of the the Clergy bound the People so can no instance be produced of the Clergy's being bound by any Act of the King not assented to in the Provincial Synods of those Times But the Clergy themselves both as to Doctrin Discipline and Ceremonies were bound by the publick Laws of the Kingdom enacted in the Great Councils of the Nation In the year 673 Matt. West pag. 122 123. Concilium Herudfordiae celebratum est sub initio primi anni Lotharii Regis Cantiae Praesidente Theodoro Cantuariae Archiepiscopo At this Council says Matthew of Westm were present Episcopi Angliae Reges Magnates Vniversi Where Theodore proposed decem capitula out of a Book of Canons before them All which were there Assented to and Subscribed The first was concerning the observation of Easter the ninth that the number of Bishops should be encreased crescente fidelium numero The rest were concerning Bishops Bishopricks Monks Marriage Fornication c. Spelm. Council Vol. 1. pag. 152 153. The Presence of the Bishops and all the Magnates makes this Assembly appear to have been a Parliament of
Which any one may have recourse to in Spelm. Concil Eadmer Hist Mat. Paris and others In the beginning of King Henry the Second's Reign there was another Schism in the Popedom between Alexander and Victor upon which a great Council of Clergy and Laity out of the Kingdoms of England and France met to determine whether of the two should be acknowledged Pope within those Realms The matter was debated in Conspectu Regum Praesulum coram universâ quae convenerat multitudine Cleri Populi And Alexander was received for Pope and the Schismaticks Excommunicated The History is in Nubrig Lib. 2. c. 9. Pursuant to which President when there hapned in King Richard the Second's time to be another Schism in the Papacy and Act. of Parliament was made to declare who should be received Pope in England and a Law made for punishing any of the Clergy that should acknowledge the other Pope Vide Catt Records Ann. 2. Rich. 2. p. 180. What thing can be more purely Ecclesiastical than the determining who it lawfully chosen to be the Vniversal Bishop And yet neither the King nor the King and the Clergy would settle the point without the Laity By what has been said it appears That the Ancient Supremacy of the Kings of England in Ecclesiastical Matters was a very different thing not so much from what it is now by Law as from what it is apprehended to be by many amongst us The Error is fundamental and consists in ascribing Things Acts Powers c. to the King in person which belonged to were done and exercised by him no otherwise than in his Courts Appeals are said to have been to the King at Common Law And so an Abridgment of Law has it so Fox Rolls cap. 8. vid. Chron. Gerv. p. 1387. Speed and others And the Authority quoted is the Assize of Clarendon which in one Chapter directs that Appeals shall be from the Bishop to the Archbishop from the Archbishop to the King. But another Act of Parliament made about 12 years after clears the matter Sir Roger Twisden For in the mean time Becket was Murdered and King Henry the Second being put to hard Pennance for it part of his satisfaction was that he should agree not to hinder Appeals to Rome in Causes Ecclesiastical Mat. Paris p. 126. yet so as the party going was to give Security that he would not endeavour Malum Regis nec Regni But within Four Years after the Nation Assembled in Parliament would not quit their interest But the Assize of Clarendon was again renewed and a more close expression used concerning Appeals and such persons as had prosecuted any Justitiae faciant quaerere per consuetudinem terrae illos qui à Regno recesserunt nisi redire voluerint infra terminum nominatum stare Juri in Curiâ Domini Regis utlagentur c. This Gervas Dorobern who well understood it tells us was but renewing the Assize of Clarendon Rex Angliae Henricus convocatis Regni Primoribus apud Northamptoniam renovavit Assizam de Clarendon Here we see that such as were aggrieved by a Sentence given by the Archbishop were pursuant to the Statutes of Clarendon not to appeal to Rome but to the King Which the Statute of Northampton made but twelve years after explains to be to the Curia Regis By this and by what has been said before upon this Subject it appears that the ultimate Appeal in Causes Ecclesiastical as well as Temporal was to the Curia Regis or Parliament and that as the same Assemblies made Laws both for the Government of Church and State so the Supreme Judicature Ecclesiastical and Temporal was one and the same After that time Appeals were sometimes prosecuted in the Court of Rome that Statute and the Assize of Clarendon notwithstanding but this was only by connivance At last when the Pope got the better of King John who lay under great Disadvantages as all our Historians tell us and that in his Magna Charta these words were inserted V. Matth. Paris Pag. 258. Liceat unicuique de caetero exire de Regno nostro redire salvò securè per terram aquam salvâ fide nostra c. Then Appeals to Rome multiplyed for every little Cause and the Master-piece of Papal Encroachments was wrought effectually But it cannot be too often inculcated that the Laws of Clarendon which gave the ultimate Appeal to the Curia Regis as aforesaid are so often stiled the Avitae Consuetudines Regni Which shews sufficiently where the Supreme Judicature resided according to our old Constitution It appears by what has been said that King William the Conqueror was acknowledged to be God's Vicar appointed to govern his Church and yet that neither He nor his Successors pretended to make any Ecclesiastical Laws to bind the whole Kingdom but in a General Council of the Kingdom That the King's Supremacy was so far from being Personal that an Archbishop did as it were appeal from himself in Person to himself in Parliament and that the King submitted and owned the Jurisdiction That the same Archbishop understood the Law to be that the Assent of the Laity was necessary to the making of Ecclesiastical Laws by which they were to be bound That the King could not of his own Authority permit a Legate to exercise his Office within the Realm That leave to exercise his Office could not be given him but in Parliament That the King could not part with Investitures if he would without the Assent of the People That Parliaments determined who ought to be received as Pope within the Realm That Appeals were to the Curia Regis by the Avitae Consuetudines Regni And that Bishops were elected in Parliament Whence I conclude that a Personal Supremacy has no warrant from Antiquity The clearing the Antient Supremacy and stating the Matter aright is of great use in this present Age in which as one sort of Men over-stock us with Jure Divino's so the Lawyers accost us often with the Common Law and the King's Perogative at Common Law and that this and the other Act is but declarative of the Common Law and gives the King no new Power And yet as the Divines have little or no ground for their Jure Divine's no more have the Lawyers in these Matters of the Supremacy any thing to warrant their late Hyperbole's but Shadows and Imaginations They found a Power exercised by the Pope which they had good reason to think injurious to the Crown they had heard that from the beginning it was not so And thus far they were right But how it was exercised before the Court of Rome and the Clergy invaded it they had forgot it having been usurpt upon Four hundred years before they were born For it is in vain to look for a true Scheme of the Antient Legal Supremacy at a nearer distance than from the Reigns of King John King Richard the First King Henry the
imprisoned or restrained and to grant and to allow unto the Papists and Professors of the Romish Religion free Toleration and silencing of all Laws made and standing in force against them Vide Rushworth Vol. 1. p. 251. and Prinne 's Introduct p. 32. So that King James thought himself had no power to rescind or repeal the Laws Seorsim tho' he could so moderate the execution of them as to make his Roman-Catholick Subjects be obliged to him Yet when afterwards in hopes of obtaining the Infanta for his Son he had agreed to issue a Proclamation for Indulgence to Roman Catholicks and a Proclamation was drawn accordingly but never published we may read the Sense of the Church of England upon it in Archbishop Abbot's Remonstrance The Reason why the Proclamation was not published was because the putting of it in practice or not was to depend upon the success of the Match which miscarrying the Proclamation was stifled And that may be the reason why the Parliament in 21 Jacobi take no notice of it But in the Parliament of 2 Car. 1. The Earl of Bristol was charged by the King 's own Direction for having persuaded the King to it as having committed a very high Crime in so doing Whereas if the King had a power by Law to do it it could not well be a Crime in him to persuade him to make use of his Power when the Circumstances of his Affairs required it And as it was then conceived a Misdemeanour to Advise the King to it so who knows how far future Parliaments may account it a Misdemeanour to have been in any wise instrumental towards the carrying on of a design which some will not stick to say now as the Archbishop did then is to give the King a Power of throwing down all the Laws of the Land at his pleasure Thus I have endeavoured to give some small account of the rise and progress of Dispensations with Acts of Parliament by which it does appear that as the clause of Non Obstante was first introduced by Popes and first applied by the instigation of the Popish Clergy to break through Acts of Parliaments tho' our Parliaments never Countenanced them and our Courts of Justice never extended the dispensing power farther than to particular persons or at most to Corporations so Dispensations suspending at one blow the whole effect of Laws were invented at Rome too in favour of English Papists upon the Treaty of the Spanish Match in King James's time But they never appeared bare-faced in view till King Charles the Second's time in whose Reign they were twice damned in Parliament The third effort has been made of late since which no Parliament has yet sat down It may seem strange considering the great Solemnity and Caution that is used in passing Acts of Parliament that so impudent a conceit as that of the Legality of a dispensing Power should ever enter into the thoughts of Men. For if a Bill be first brought into the House of Lords after it is read it is committed to a Committee of Lords and certain Judges are appointed to attend them that nothing may be put into the Act which may be mischievous to the King or Kingdom After which when it comes to be read in the House again the Judges sit as Attendants upon the House and hear all the Debates of the Lords upon it Indeed they have no Voice in the House of Lords but if any Bill that is passing should in their Judgments have any ill Consequences to the King or Kingdom they might either have offered their Reasons at the Committee or suggested what their thoughts were to some of the Lords in the House who would have acquainted the House with it A Bill having passed the House of Lords with all this Caution is afterwards sent down to the Commons by some of the Judges themselves and sometimes by the Chief Justices and Chief Baron who coming into the House of Commons with Reverence and the respect of three Bows deliver the Bill to the Speaker And the method is the same in case of a Bill coming from the House of Commons and committed by the Lords some of the Judges are always appointed to attend and wait upon the Committee of the Lords After all this Solemnity the Bill yet signifies nothing without the Royal Assent In order to which before the King is to give it the Clerks of the House of Lords are to bring the Bills before the King and the Privy Council before whom they are read and not only the King's Council are ordered to attend and be present but likewise all the Judges in Westminster Hall And if any Bills should be thought of mischievous Consequence they as being the King's Council in Matters of Law are bound by the express tenour of their Oath to shew and disclose it to the King. But if no such thing be done then the King in full Parliament gives his Le Roy le Voet and so it becomes a general Law to bind the whole Kingdom Now after a Law made with such caution and solemnity is entred upon Record as a Statute binding to the whole Kingdom it must needs seem strange that the Judges in Westminster Hall should dare to allow of Dispensations with such a Law grounded upon the sole Act of the Prince and much more that they should as a late Honourable Author tells us they have done declare Acts of Parliament to be void Coke 8 Rep. Fol. 118. Heb. 87. and contrary to the Law of God or Natural Equity or that they should suppose any Law thus made to be so without assuming a power to themselves of Impeaching both Houses of Parliament the King himself all the Privy Councillors nay and themselves too or at least their Predecessors for want of Knowledge Prudence or Foresight as not being capable to judge of common Sense or not fore-seeing Inconveniences which either themselves now perceive or would persuade us the King by some new illumination has discovered especially when these inconveniences if real may easily be redressed In Parliament without having recourse to a Westminster Hall Prerogative or Dreams of Imperial Power vampt up with Ignorance a good Fancy and a tollerable Pen by some scurrilous Authors whose names I cannot prevail upon my self to defile paper with I cannot leave this period of time betwixt King John and King Henry the Eighth without a remark upon an Act of Parliament made in the Second Year of King Henry the Fifth cap. 1. That Act recites that many Hospitals have been founded by the Kings of this Realm and divers other Estates of Men and Women to which Hospitals the Founders have given part of their moveable Goods and of their Lands therewith to sustain impotent Men and Women c. And that the same Hospitals be now for the most part decayed and the Goods and Profits of the same withdrawn and spent in other uses And therefore Enacts That as to the Hospitals which be
little or none Effect or Force Therefore it is ordained and enacted by Authority of this present Parliament That all and singular Persons as well Lay as those that be Married being Doctors of the Civil Law c. The enacting of a thing by Parliament to silence all Doubts to give credit to the Proceedings of such Lay-men as then did actually exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Commission or otherwise shews sufficiently that even in Matters never so Spiritual the Act of King Lords and Commons carryed a greater Authority than any Commission Dispensation or other Act whatsoever proceeding from the King solely and that at a time when the Supremacy was at the height There were many other Acts passed in this Kings Reign concerning Church men and Matters confessedly of Ecclesiastical Conusance as 21 Hen. 8. cap. 5. concerning Probates of Wills. Cap. 6. Concerning Mortuaries taken by Priests and others Cap. 13. Against Pluralities of Benefices and taking of Farms by Spiritual Men. 23 Hen. 8. Cap. 1. Abridging the Power of Ordinaries and taking away the Benefit of Clergy in some Cases Cap. 9. That no Man be cited into any Ecclesiastical Court out of the Diocess wherein he dwells unless in certain Cases Cap. 10. Concerning Feoffments and Assurances to the use of any Church or Chappel 25 Hen. 8. Cap. 14. For the punishment of Heresie and Hereticks limiting the manner of proceeding against them defining what shall be Heresie how it shall be punisht and abridging the Authority of the Bishops and the Canon Law. Cap. 16. Concerning Pluralities 26 Hen. 8. Cap. 3. For the payment of the First Fruits of all Dignities Benefices Promotions Spiritual and Tenths to the King and his Heirs abolishing the Pope's Usurpation and Authority herein Cap. 13. For abolishing the Priviledge of Sanctuary in Cases of High Treason Cap. 15. Against some Exactions of Spiritual Men within the Archdeaconry of Richmond 27 Hen. 8. Cap. 8. That the King 's Spiritual Subjects shall pay no Tenths whilst they are in their First Fruits Cap. 19. Limiting Sanctuaries and Sanctuary Persons Cap. 20. Concerning the Payment of Tythes within the City and Suburbs of London Cap. 28. For the suppressing of Monasteries Priories and Religious Houses vesting their Revenues in the King and erecting a Court of Augmentations 28 Hen. 8. Cap. 10. For extinguishing the Authority of the Bishop of Rome prescribing an Oath of Abjuration of it and Popery together with the Pope's Usurpations and excellently setting forth the King's Supremacy and Parliaments Authority in Matters Ecclesiastical Cap. 11. For the Restitution of the Profits arising during the Vacation of a Benefice to the next Incumbent Cap. 13. Compelling Spiritual Persons to reside upon their Livings Cap. 16. Releasing such as had obtain'd pretended Licences and Dispensations from the See of Rome 31 Hen. 8. Cap. 16. Enabling such as were Religious Persons to purchase Lands to sue and to be sued in all manner of Actions which they were disabled formerly to do by the Common and Canon Law. Cap. 9. Enabling the King to make Bishops by his Letters Patents and to erect new Bishopricks which he did Cap. 13. For dissolving all Monasteries and Religious Houses and vesting them in the King. Cap. 14. For abolishing diversity of Opinions in Matters of Religion most fully and exactly demonstrating the Parliaments Jurisdiction in Matters of Religion 32 Hen. 8. Cap. 7. For the true Payment of Tythes and Offerings Cap. 10. For the Punishment of incontinent Priests and Women offending with them Cap. 12. Concerning Sanctuaries and the Priviledges of Churches and Church-Yards Cap. 15. Prescribing the manner of proceeding against Hereticks and impugners of the Act for abolishing of enormous Opinions in Christians Religion Cap. 25. Dispensing with the Marriage between the King and the Lady Ann of Cleve 33 Hen. 8. Cap. 29. For enabling Religious Persons to sue and be sued Cap. 31. Severing the Bishopricks of Chester and the Isle of Man from the Jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Canterbury and uniting them to the Province and Archbishoprick of York Cap. 32. Making the Church of Whitegate a Parish Church by it self and severing it from the Parish of Over All these Acts and perhaps some few not here enumerated evince beyond all possibility of contradiction that the whole Fabrick of the English Church both as to the Doctrin Discipline Ceremonies Censures Rights Jurisdictions Endowments Priviledges c. was from time to time ordered moulded governed altered improved or impaired by Authority of Parliament and not by the King in right of his meer Supremacy nor by the Clergy upon the score of any pretended Authority derived from from Christ or from the King as SUPREME HEAD on Earth That no one Pin was fastned in this Tabernacle but according to what the Legislative Body of the Kingdom prescribed and directed from time to time That this Age had no other Notion of the King's Supremacy by common right than our Fore-Fathers had before the Pope and his Faction grew upon our Constitution That many Powers and Authorities given to King Henry the Eighth by Parliament which are now either abrogated or expired as they shew that our King 's were not nor are entituled to them of common Right nor can justifie the executing any such Authority by Presidents in his Reign which were grounded upon Laws then in being but which are now of no force so they shew unquestionably that there is a greater and more Soveraign Supremacy in Matters Spiritual and Ecclesiastical in the King and both Houses of Parliament than is lodged in the King himself or in the King and Convocation It appears farther that those Temporary Powers given to that King expiring with him and the Act of 26 Hen. 8. Cap. 1. being now Repeal'd the Legal and Ancient Jurisdiction of the Crown in Matters Ecclesiastical is the same now that it was Five hundred Years ago notwithstanding any thing that pass'd in this Reign only that a new Course is now settled and that by Act of Parliament too for the Electing of Bishops and Prosecuting of Appeals Only one Thing more I shall add viz. That in Matters Spiritual as well as Temporal several Resolutions of the Judges being grounded on Temporary Acts of Parliament then in being following Judges both Ecclesiastical and Civil meeting with such Resolutions and not considering that those Acts upon which such Resolutions were made were but Temporary or Repeal'd they have made such Judgments to be Presidents to graft their Modern Opinions upon FINIS An Answer to CHAP. 4. SECT 1. Of a late BOOK Entituled the King 's Visitatorial Power Asserted By way of APPENDIX SInce the foregoing Papers were Written a late Mercenary Writer One Nathaniel Johnson Doctor in Physick has publish'd a Book Entituled The King 's Visitatorial Power Asserted in which Book he has inserted a long Section how pertinently to his main design in that Treatise may perhaps be shewn hereafter concerning the King's Supremacy and Power in Ecclesiastical Causes and
Visitations page 144. c. to page 160. In which Section because he pretends to set up an imaginary Personal Supremacy quite different from what I have endeavoured to assert from some Remarks upon Ancient Histories and late Acts of Parliament but agreeable enough with some Opinions that have been espous'd of late and made use of to warrant some late Proceedings I thought it might not be amiss to trace him through that Section and submit to the Judgment of the Unprejudiced Reader whether the Doctor has afforded the World a right Scheme of the King 's Ecclesiastical Supremacy I beg the Reader 's Pardon if he meet with some few passages over again here that were touch'd upon in the foregoing Discourse I hope their usefulness will excuse the repetition of them and the Answer would not have been so clear without it He tells us pag. 144. that long before the Reformation several Kings of England permitted no Canons or Constitutions of the Church or Bulls and Breves of the Apostolick See to be executed here without their Allowance Which I agree to be very true only the Doctor saying without their Allowance implies and it appears by the whole drift of his Discourse in this Chapter and indeed by the main Scope of his Book that he would be understood that With their Allowance such Canons and Constitutions Bulls and Breves might lawfully be Executed Which I deny And hope to make it evident that Our Kings could not by their own Personal Authority let in upon their Subjects a foreign Jurisdiction He adds pag. 145. that since the Supremacy has been Established by Act of Parliament in the Crown The Kings of England may according to the Laws in force not only Exercise all the Powers they could What Powers those are no Man knows but Filmer Brady Johnson Hicks Sir. Roger L'Estrange and a very few others of yesterday as Sovereign Princes but likewise whatever the Pope de jure if not de facto could or did do in the outward Regiment of Ecclesiastical matters and consequently that whatsoever was done in Visitations by the Authority of the Popes Metropolitans or Diocesan Bishops may now be done by the Kings of England as Supreme Ordinaries Which is a very wild Assertion and without the least Foundation of Truth He does not here speak it out roundly That the King may by the Law do whatever the Pope de facto did but minces the matter a little by saying Whatever the Pope de jure if not de facto could or did do And yet with the same breath he says positively that whatever was done in Visitations by Authority of the Pope may now be done by the King. So that however the King may be limited and tyed up in other Parts of his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to what the Popes de jure could do in Visitations at least he has Authority to do whatever the Popes Archbishops or Bishops actually did The Doctor did not consider that the several Branches of the Supremacy now restored by Act of Parliament are guided directed and limited by positive and particular Laws made about the time of the Reformation And that the Act of primo Elizabeth in that general Clause which Restores the Supremacy Vnites and Annexes only such Jurisdiction and Authority as had or might be lawfully Exercised by any Spiritual Person c. Not that the Pope to speak strictly could Exercise any Jurisdiction lawfully within this Realm for the Old Laws and Customs of the Realm and the Statutes of Premunire and Provisors were firm Bars to his Right but a Jurisdiction may be lawful in it self that is for so I would be understood the Acts of a Person Assuming Jurisdiction may be lawful in themselves considered separate and a-part from the Person of him that Exerts it though the Person Exercising such Jurisdiction have no legal Authority If an Usurper should possess himself of any Government and carry on the Administration of it in the same Method and Course of Justice that the Lawful Prince did or ought to do in strictness of Law there might perhaps be a Nullity in all his Acts and yet considered Abstracted from his Person his Government would be said to be lawful that is according to Law and the course of Proceedings that had been setled and obtained before his Usurpation So whatever the Pope did in this Nation as pretending to be Head of the English Church which was not in it self contrary to the Law of the Realm in Church or State but might lawfully be done though not by him is by the said Act of primo Elizabeth Vnited and Annexed to what Why to the Imperial Crown of this Realm Whereas by the Act of Supremacy that passed in King Henry the Eighths time All such Jurisdiction Authority c. was personally vested in the King his Heirs and Successors But of that distinction more shall be said God willing some other time Pursuant to this imagination of the Pope's Power being Translated to the King he tells us that latter Laws have devolved upon the King even the Power of the Pope in foro externo pag. 145. He says pag. 145 146. that during the Schism in the Papacy between Vrban and Clement King William Rufus claimed as other Princes did a Right to declare to which Pope he would adhere And that none should be received as Pope in England without his Licence and Election Here if I understand the Doctor aright he takes for granted that if there should happen a Schism in the Popedom the King might declare whether or which of the Competitors himself thought fit to be Pope within this Realm Which I deny that he could do without the Assent of the Clergy and Laity in a General Assembly He says pag. 145. that if the Archbishop of Canterbury called and presided in a General Council of Bishops King William allowed nothing to be appointed or forbidden unless they were accommodated to his Will and were first ordained by him These are the Words of Eadmerus out of whom the Doctor Quotes them Eadm Lib. 1. Fol. 6. But if the Doctor would here insinuate as he does and consonantly to his own Hypothesis must mean that the King's Will concurring with the Assent of a General Council of Bishops could make an Ecclesiastical Law to bind the whole Kingdom without the Assent of the Laity that is what I deny and hope to make it very clear in the following Discourse Whereas he says pag. 145. out of the same Author Eadmerus that King William suffered not any of his Barons or Officers to undergo any Ecclesiastical Censure but by his precept I hope it will appear that this was not an Arbitrary Power assumed by the King but that the Law of the Realm was so He says pag. 146 147. that the Oath of Fidelity which Anselme had taken to King William Rufus was no ways like the present Oath of Supremacy He says pag. 148 149. As to the legantine Power it is apparent by
a tresmale ensample Nostre Seignor le Roy fist monstre ses dites Letters as Prelates Seignors auters Grand Sages de son Royalme esteant a dit Parlement Et vewes entendus les Letters avant dits Et ewe molt deliberation sur la matter estoit per Les dits Prelates pronunciez publiez per plusors grands notables reasons illeoques monstrez en plein Parlement cy bien per matter trove en les dites Letters que autrement que le dit Vrban etoit duement esleu en Pape que ensy est doit etre veroy Pape luy come Pape Chef de Saint Esglise â—â—on doit accepter obeyir Et a ceo faire s'accordent touts les Prelates Seignors Commens en la Parlement avant dit c. Stat. 2 Rich. 2. cap. 7. Here the Whole Parliament heard the Reasons debated and after a full Hearing agreed to admit Vrban Now whereas the Government as to the Essential parts of it was in King William the Conqueror's Time the same that it is now saving some Inroads that have since been made by the Prerogative And whereas in times subsequent to his the King in Parliament determined who should be received as Pope and who not And since there is nothing more common with the Monks than to mention things as done by Our Kings which were either Judicial Acts of their Courts or done by them in their Great Councils and consequently were Acts of Parliament of which some Instances will be given hereafter in this Discourse upon what Grounds can any rational Man conceive otherwise than that the Constitution afore-mentioned to be made by King William the Conqueror was a Law or an Act of Parliament made in his Time And that his Commanding who should be owned as Pope within his Dominions was to be a Command by him in Parliament since the Law in his Time was such That the King was to do all publick things no otherwise than per Judicium Consilium Procerum Regni The Second Complaint of Eadmerus is That None should receive the Pope's Letters unless they were first shewed to him By which if Letters of Provision only are meant I shall have occasion to speak further of them hereafter If all Provisions and Process from Rome be meant then was not this introduced by King William for that the bringing in of Bulls Citations Exemptions Faculties Dispensations Provisions c. from Rome was in those Days and antecedent to this Constitution contrary to Law and in Derogation of the Rights of the Crown and the Liberties of the People Nor could the shewing them to the King and his Personal Approbation or Allowance give them any Legal Authority within this Kingdom and consequently the Concurrence of the Great Council must be here understood though not expressed by the Monk. The Third is That If the Archbishop of Canterbury called and presided in a General Synod of the Bishops he allowed nothing to be Appointed or Forbidden unless they were accommodated to his Will and were first Ordain'd by him Which is such another Law as that of the Twenty fifth of King Henry the Eighth cap. 19. That the Clergy shall not presume to Attempt Alledge Claim or put in Vre any Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial or Synodal or any other Canons nor Enact Promulge or Execute any such Canons c. in their Convocations c. without the King's Assent This Law of King Henry the Eighth was not Introductory of a new Law for there the King 's Humble and Obedient Subjects of the Clergy of this Realm of England acknowledged According to Truth that the Convocations of the same Clergy are always have been and ought to be Assembled by the King 's Writ And that their Promise in verbo sacerdotii that from thenceforth they would not presume to Attempt Allege Claim or put in Vre Enact Promulge or Execute any New Canons Constitutions c. unless the King 's most Royal Assent and Licence may to them be had c. was but in Affirmance of the Old Law of the Realm even before King William the Conqueror's Reign appears abundantly by Sir Henry Spelman's Councils where I think no Ecclesiastical Laws appear to have been made without the King's Assent before the Conquest nor for some Reigns after His Fourth Complaint is That He would not suffer any of his Barons or Officers to Vndergo any Ecclesiastical Censure but by his Precept This was afterwards One of the Laws of Clarendon Vid. Decem Script pag. 1387. Matth. Par 100. And the reason of it given by Radulphus de Diceto is Ne Rex ignorantiâ lapsus Communicet Excommunicato Decem Scriptor pag. 596. This Mr. Selden calls a Law first made by King William the First Titl of Honor pag. 583. The Doctor pag. 145 146 147. relates the Controversie betwixt King William Rufus and Anselm in such a manner as If the Episcopi Abbates Principes Regni had had no more to do in it than to carry Messages betwixt him and the King. Whereas upon Anselm's desiring to go and fetch his Pall from Pope Vrban whom the Nation had not then received for Pope When the King told him that he could not keep the Faith which he owed to him Simul obedientiam Apostolicae se dis contra suam voluntatem Anselmus petivit inducias ad istius rei examinationem quatenus Episcopis Abbatibus Cunctisque Regni Principibus unà coeuntibus commun-Assensu definiretur utrum salvâ reverentiâ obedientiâ sedis Apostolicae posset fidem terreno Regi servare annon For Anselm whilst he was Abbot of Bec in Normandy had submitted to Vrban as Pope and as he told the Parliament afterward had professed as much when the King and they chose him Archbishop This Question betwixt the King and Himself he desired the Parliament might decide Dantur ergo Induciae atque ex Regiâ sanctione fermè totius Regni Nobilitas quinto Idus Martii pro ventilatione illius causae in unum apud Rochingham coit And the Matter was discussed and debated before them Vid. Eadmer pag. 25 26 27 28 29 c. The Doctor tells us pag. 146. that When in the same King's Reign the Archbishop was Sollicitous to have leave to go to Rome and Visit the Successor of St. Peter for the being better Instructed in the Government of the Church he received Answer from the King That if he went he should for certain know that he would seize his whole Archbishoprick into his Hands nor would he receive him for Archbishop any more like as now the Writ Ne Exeat Regnum is used with a Penalty specified Notwithstanding which the Archbishop went beyond Sea and the King was as good as his Word This the Doctor says may be a document to some not obstinately to oppose their Prince But now if by the Law of the Land no Archbishop Bishop or other Great Man might depart the Realm without the King's leave then did
de maximis una erat quae Regnum Angliae liberum ab omni legati ditione constituerat donec ipse vitae praesenti superesset So that this Patria Consuetudo of the Kingdoms being free from the Jurisdiction of any Legate and which had been confirmed by the Pope was not a Priviledge Granted to the King himself nor was he the Object of that Papal pretended Indulgence but the Kingdom whom he declares that himself could not deprive of the Benefit thereof without their own Consent And therefore the King's Assent and the King's Leave so frequently mentioned in the Monks upon this occasion must be understood of his Assent in a Great Council or Parliament Hence it was that when Johannes Cremensis came Legate hither Anno Domini 1125. And was permitted so to do by the King being then in Normandy for what private considerations betwixt the Pope and himself I know not it was look'd upon by the Wise Men of the Nation as a notorious breach of the Antient and known Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom Quam gravi multorum mentes scandalo vulneravit inusitata negotii Novitas Antiqui Regni Anglorum detrita libertas satis indicat Toti enim Regno Anglorum circumjacentibus Regionibus cunctis notissimum est eatenùs à primo Cantuariensi Metropolitano Sanctissimo Augustino usque ad istum Wilhelmum Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum omnes ipsius Augustini Successores Monachos Primates Patriarchas nominatos habitos nec ullius unquam Romani legati ditioni addictos Gervas Dorob Collect. pag. 1663. And when afterwards in King Henry the Third's Time Circa festum Apostolorum Petri Pauli Otto sancti Nicholai in carcere Tulliano Diaconus Cardinalis nesciebatur ad quid per Mandatum Regis venit Legatus in Angliam Nescientibus Regni Magnatibus plures adversus Regem Magnam conceperunt indignationem dicentes Omnia Rex pervertit Jura fidem promissa in omnibus transgreditur Nota bend Nunc se matrimonio sine suorum amicorum hominum naturalium consilio Alienigenae copulavit Nunc Legatum Regni totius immutatorem clam vocavit c. Dictum est autem quod Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis Edmundus Regem talia facientem increpavit praecipuè de Vocatione Legati sciens inde in suae dignitatis praejudicium magnam Regno imminere Jacturam Matth. Par. 440. The Historian blames those that went to meet this Legate and that made him Honourable Presents of Scarlet Cloath c. In quo facto says he nimis à multis meruerunt reprehendi tam pro dono quà m pro dandi modo quia in panno ejus colore videbatur legationis Officium Adventum acceptari Which is a remarkable testimony that the King 's calling in a Legate did not in the judgment of those times give him any Legal Authority here if it were done Nescientibus Regni Magnatibus i. e. to speak in Eadmerus his Words if he were otherwise admitted than per Conniventiam Episcoporum Abbatum Procerum totius Regni conventum The same Historian Matth. Par. speaking afterward pag. 446. of the same Legate Rex says he spreto naturalium hominum suorum consilio magis magis ut caepit deliravit Et se voluntati Romanorum praecipuè Legati quem inconsultiùs advocaverat mancipavit c. And again His aliis deliramentis Rex omnium Nobilium suorum corda cruentavit Consiliarios quoque habuit suspectos infames qui hujus rei fomentum esse dicebantur quos idcircò magis habebant Nobiles Angliae exosos But the Instance which the Doctor himself gives pag. 154. of Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester and Great Unkle to King Henry the Sixth is as full against him as any thing that he could have pitch'd upon For that Bishop being Cardinal of St. Eusebius was sent Legate into England Anno 1429. Which was Anno Octavo of King Henry the Sixth And was fain to be beholden to an Act of Parliament for his Pardon for having offended against the Laws made against Provisors by bringing in and Executing Papal Bulls within the Realm For Anno 10. Henr. 6. The King by the Common Assent of all the Estates pardoneth to the said Cardinal all Offences Punishments and Pains incurred by him against the Statutes of Provisors Vid. Cotton 's Abridgement of Records 10. Henr. 6. nu 16. Which would have been needless if either the King 's giving leave to his Entrance or Assent to his Decrees could have justified his Proceedings and added any Legal Authority to them By what has been said I conceive it to be very clear that all Foreign Jurisdiction being utterly against the Law of the Realm and an intolerable Usurpation upon the King's Crown and Regality and upon the Rights and Liberties of his Subjects it was never conceived that the King could by his own Personal Authority without the Consent of his People in Parliament subject them to it no more than he could subject himself and his Crown in Temporal Matters Which that he could not do we have these two Remarkable Authorities When after the Death of Alexander the Third King of Scots the Succession to that Crown was in dispute and Ten several Competitors claim'd it and that Edward the First King of England challenged a Jurisdiction of determining to which of them the Right of Succession appertained the Pope that then was pretended that it belonged to him in Right of his Apostleship to decide the Controversie and Wrote to the King a Letter requiring him to desist any further Proceeding therein In answer to which Letter of the Pope the King wrote a long Letter containing Historical Proofs of his being Supreme Lord of Scotland and that the King of Scots was his Homager and at the same time the Parliament of England then Assembled at Lincoln wrote another Letter to the Pope upon the same Subject In which are these Words VIZ. Ad observationem defensionem Libertatum Consuetudinum Legum Paternarum ex debito praestiti Sacramenti adstringimur quae manutenebimus toto posse totisque viribus cum Dei Auxilio defendemus nec etiam permittimus aut aliquatenùs permittemus sicut nec possumus nec debemus praemissa tam insolita indebita praejudicialia alià inaudita Dominum nostrum Regem etiamsi vellet facere seu quomodolibet attemptare praecipuè cùm praemissa cederent in exhaeredationem juris Coronae Regis Angliae Regiae Dignitatis ac subversionem Status Ejusdem REgni notoriam necnon in praejudicium Libertatum Consuetudinum ac Legum Paternarum Sealed by One hundred and four Earls and Barons and in the Name of all the Commonalty of England V. Co. 2d Inst pag. 196. and Fox his Book of Martyrs Vol. 1. pag. 387 388 389. By which it appears that the King could not legally if he would have given way to the Pope's determining the Controversie about the Succession in Scotland since it belonged to himself in
jure Coronae as directus Dominus Scotiae The Second Authority shall be that of Rott Parl. 40 Edw. 3. nu 7 8. Where it was resolved in full Parliament by the Praelates the Earls and the Commons that neither the King nor any other could put the Realm nor People thereof into such subjection sans Assent d'Eux The Occasion was King John's having surrendred his Crown to the Pope and received it back again to hold it as a Feudatary to the Papal See. And it appeared to them by many Evidences that he had done so sans lour Assent and contrary to his Coronation Oath Mr. Selden in his dissertatio ad Fletam pag. 552 553. gives this Account of it Cum sub Edwardo Tertio in Ordinum consessu quaestio habebatur de donatione illâ decantatissimâ Johannis Regis factâ Innocentio Papae Tertio Successoribus Ejus unde Vrbanus Quintus tum annuum inde natum mille Marcarum Angliae simul Hiberniae nomine Censum sibi tunc solvi petebat tum Regnum utrumque jure tantum beneficiario atque ut sedis Romanae Feudum à Regibus nostris contendebat possideri Ordines Vniversi idque tam Generis Hieratici quod mirere quà m Proceres seu Senatus Populusque in Comitiis illis solemni initâ deliberatione responderunt unanimes irritam planè fuisse Johannis Donationem illam utpote tam sine Ordinum Assensu quà m juramento ejus Inaugurali Adversam Et outre ceo sic loquuntur Archiva Les Ducs Counts Barons Grands Comens accorderent Granterent que en cas que le Pape se afforceroit ou rien attempteroit per proces ou en autre manner de faire de constreindre le Roy ou ses subgitts de perfaire ceo que est dit qu'il voit claimer cell partie qu'ils resisterent Contreesterent ove tout lour Puissance And with this agreed the Scottish Laws Et idem Rex Scotiae dicit sicut prius quod de aliquo Regnum suum contingente non est Ausus nec Potest hic Respondere Inconsultis probis hominibus Regni sui Plac. Parl. Inter. Johann Reg. Scotiae Magdulph 21 Edw. 1. pag. 157. He mentions pag. 155. the Claims which our Antient Kings made to Investitures and the Interposing their Authority even in Allowing or Disallowing the Persons of Bishops And it is very true that till the beginning of King Henry the First his Reign they not only Claim'd but actually did Invest Bishops and Arch-bishops per Traditionem Annuli Baculi And subjects in antient time that Founded Churches had the same Right of Collation or Investiture whereby the Incumbents received full Possession without Aid of the Bishop or other Church-man Vid. Selden 's History of Tythes cap. 6. sect 3. And the Kings Right of Investing Bishops because all Bishopricks were Royal Foundations was such as could not be parted with but by Act of Parliament For that the Kings were bound by their Coronation-Oaths as hath been said Jura Regni servar illibata nec aliquid quod Diadema tangit Regni absque Praelatorum Procerum requisito Concilio facere And therefore King Henry the First in a Letter to Pope Paschal upon this Subject of Investitures which the Pope then contended hard to gain from him tells him plainly Si Ego quod absit in tantâ me dejectione ponerem viz. as to forego them Optimates mei imò totius Angliae Populus id nullo modo pateretur Collect p. 999. And therefore when afterwards they were given up it was done in Parliament Postmodum Kalend. Augusti Clero Populo ad Concilium Londoniae Congregato Adstantibus Archiepiscopis Episcopis caeterâque multitudine maximâ Procerum Magnatum statuit Rex concessit ut ab eo tempore in anteà nullus electus per dationem Baculi Pastoralis vel Annuli de Episcopatu vel Abbathiâ Investiretur per Regem vel quamcunque aliam persenam saecularem Collect. pag. 1000. And for the King 's interposing his Authority in Allowing or Disallowing the Persons of Bishops Before the Reign of King William the First Nulla erat Electio Prelatorum merè Libera Canonica sed omnes Dignitates tam Episcoporum quà m Abbatum Regis Curia pro suâ Complacentia conferebat Ingulphus pag. 509. And in King William the Conqueror's time Lanfrank was chosen Archbishop of Canterbury Consensu Consilio omnium Baronum suorum omniumque Episcoporum Abbatum totiusque populi Angliae Brev. Relat. de Will. Com. Normann Auth. Anonym Eligentibus eum senioribus ejusdem Ecclesiae cum Episcopis Principibus Clero Populo Angliae in Curiâ Regis in Assumptione sanctae Mariae Gervas Dorob Col. pag. 1653. In the Reign of his Successor King William Rufus Anselm was chosen in like manner Vid. Eadmer lib. 1. And in King Henry the First 's time Radulphus who succeeded Anselm was chosen Archbishop at Windsor whither Rex instinctu Dei permotus Episcopos Principes Angliae in unum fecit venire corum Consilium in Constituendo Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi volens habere Vid. Eadmer Lib. 5. cap. 109 110. Many Examples occur of other Bishops and Abbots elected either in Parliaments or which is all one in Ecclesiastical Assemblies consisting of the same Members that Parliaments of those times were composed of betwixt the Conquest and King John's time Vid. Spelm. Councils Tome 2. pag. 39. ibid. pag. 119. But Elections were not uniform in those days The Clergy strugled hard to gain them wholly to themselves And the Kingdom was sometimes disquieted about the matter especially in King John's time Sometimes Elections were by the Chapter sometimes by the Clergy and People of the Diocess sometimes in Great Councils King Henry the Second endeavoured to have settled them by the Laws of Clarendon cap. 12. Vid. Collect. pag. 1387 1388. But the Pope broke in upon them by forcing him to swear when he was absolv'd for Becketi's Death Quod Consuetudines quae suis temporibus contrà Libertatem Ecclesiae fuerant introductae revocarentur in irritum Radulph de Dioeto Coll. pag. 560. This altered no Right but it gave the Clergy a colour to innovate upon him But in King John's time the pretended Right of Election was yielded up to the Clergy by a Law Consensu Baronum Only a Congé d'eslire was to issue and Electi post Electionem celebratà m debebant Domino Regi praesentari post confirmationem ante administrationem in spiritualibus vel temporalibus faciendam ei Juramentum fidelitatis praestare Matth. Paris pag. 635. And so the Right continued till King Henry the Eighth's Time that it was altered by Parliament Hence it appears that Our Kings had no Personal Inherent Right and Prerogative in these Elections since all were of Old to be made in Parliament and since the several Legal Alterations that have been made therein have been made in and by Parliaments Nor is it to be wondred that
whereas Subjects might Collate in those Days Churches of their own Foundation to any Clerk in Orders and give him the Investiture even without so much as a Presentation to the Bishop yet our Antient Kings Collated Bishopricks no otherwise than in Curia suâ For though Bishopricks were Royal Foundations yet they were Founded by Acts of Parliament as will appear by and by And one Great Reason why our Kings at least in those Days could not Erect Bishopricks and endow them otherwise was because they could not in those Days Alien their Crown Lands without the Assent of their Barons Non poterat Rex distrahere Patrimonium Regni And though King John told Pandulphus the Legate Omnes Praedecessores mei contulerunt Archiepiscopatus Episcopatus Abbathias in thalamis suis Monast Burton pag. 264. That must be understood to have been done since the Norman Conquest only though the contrary was frequently practised even in those Days and especially since the Constitutions of Clarendon For the Instance that he there gives of Wolstan's being made Bishop of Worcester in King Edward the Confessor his Time was far from a Collation in Thalamo if we believe himself when he resigned his Pastoral Staff at the Confessor's Tomb There concurred Electio Plebis Petitio Voluntas Episcoporum Gratia Procerum a full Parliament as well as the Authoritas Voluntas of the King himself Matth. Paris pag. 20 21. As for our Kings seizing the Temporalties of Bishops into their Hands and so suspending them à beneficio which the Doctor speaks of pag. 155. of which he says many Instances may be found in Mr. Prynn 's Historical Collections I suppose he would not be understood as if our Kings either might or used to seize them ad Libitum but by legal process and for some contempt for which by the Law they were liable to Seizure They were held of the King by Barony and though the Bishops pretended to an Exemption as to their Persons from the Laws of the Land yet their Temporalties which were held of the King and for which they did him Fealty were no-wise Exempted but that if they should commit Offences for which the King might by Law capere se ad Baronias suas they as well as the Laity that held by the same Tenure were equally liable to the Course and Rigour of the Law. What use this is of to the Doctor for the setting up some Notional Supremacy lodged in the King Personally I know not as yet Irregularities and Oppressions might well be used upon such occasions and Seizures made when there was no cause but the Statute of the fourteenth of Edward the Third cap. 6. aforementioned was provided to prevent such Mischiefs for the future But the Doctor was very ill advised in quoting pag. 155. to clear the point the Statutes of Provisions For those Statutes which every body knows and the Doctor will not deny to be only new Bullwarks to secure Old Rights were yet such as the King could never dispense with But when the Circumstances of his Affairs were such that to gratify the Pope and tye him to his Interest he found it convenient to have some Relaxation made of those Laws then were Parliaments called and at their first meeting one cause of their Convention declared to be to provide remedy touching the Statutes of Provisions for eschewing debate between the Pope and the King and his Realms And then we find leave given to the King from time to time to dispense with those Laws and that but for a time and this declar'd to be a Novelty Vid. Cotton's Abridgment pag. 341. 346. Annis 15. 16. Rich. 2. And the Complaints of the English Nation in Matth. Paris against the Pope's Provisions were grounded upon this VIZ. That Patroni Ecclesiarum ad eas cum Vacaverint Clericos idoneos praesentare non poterant sed conferebantur Ecclesiae Romanis qui penitùs Idioma Regni ignorabant pecuniam extra Regnum asportabant These Oppressions fell chiefly upon the Clergy as appears by most of the Laws against Provisions of which hereafter for the Pope assum'd a greater Power over them and Churches of which they were Patrons then he could pretend to over the Laity and they sometimes comply'd with his Provisions and submitted to collate Italians and Foreigners as at other times they did to heavy Exactions insomuch that in the year 1240. misit Dominus Papa praecepta sua Domino Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo Edmundo Sarisberiensi Lincolniensi Episcopis ut trecentis Romanis in primis beneficiis Vacantibus providerent scientes se suspensos à beneficiorum Collatione donec tot competenter providerentur Matth. Paris pag. 532. And it appears by the same Author that these and more were provided of Ecclesiastical Benefices in England Praebendas Ecclesias varios redditus opimos plusquam trecentos ad suam vel Papae contulerat legatus Otto voluntatem id p. 549. But many grievous Complaints and Petitions in Parliaments and in Letters to the Pope occur in Mr. Prynne's Historical Collections and in the Parliament Rolls against these Provisions as intolerable Grievances and contrary to all Law and Reason If at some times they were comply'd with upon condition that the Persons recommended by the Pope were of good condition and worthy of Promotion how does that relate to its being in the King's power even to admit the persons to the Dignity and Office as the Doctor ignorantly and childishly asserts But his conclusion VIZ. That the Exercise of their Government was according to the King's Laws I do not Quarrel with him about for it was or ought to have been so But not according to the King's Pleasure Nor would any unbyassed Man in Reading King Alfred's Laws have readily made such an Inference as the Doctor does pag. 155 156 telling us out of L. l. Alvredi that King Alfred reserved to himself the liberty even of Dispensing with the Marriage of Nuns Which he would represent as a thing prohibited by the Canons only and that the King reserved to himself a Power of Dispensing with it though without his Especial Dispensation he suffered the Canon to take place Now the Marriage of Nuns was really prohibited by a Law of the State by an Act of Parliament of that Age For Brompton giving us an Account of King Alfred's Laws says thus Ego Alfredus West-Saxonum Rex ostendi haec omnibus sapientibus meis dixerunt Placet ea Custodire And many Temporal Laws are amongst them all Enacted by the same Authority And the same Law or Canon that prohibits Nuns from Marrying gives the King and not only him but the Bishop of the Diocess leave to Dispense so that the Doctor might as well have argu'd for the Bishops as the Kings reserving a Power to himself of Dispensing The Words are Si quis Sanctimonialem ab Ecclesiâ abduxerit sine Licentia Regis vel Episcopi c. Then he says That our Kings Presided sometimes
Election being willing to receive the Persons so collated and the King to admit them as any Private Patron might admit a Clerk to be collated to a Church of his own Gift by Provision it was very reasonable that the King should require a renunciation of such Clauses in their Bulls of Provision as interser'd with the Jurisdiction which the Law gave him over his Spiritual Subjects And this appears by Sir Roger Twisden's third quotation upon this Head compar'd with an Act of Parliament in Queen Mary's time The quotation is out of Coke's 3 Instit pag. 27. where the Form of the Renunciation is set down viz. I renounce all the words comprized in the Pope's Bull to me made of the Abby of c. the which be contrary or prejudicial to the King our Sovereign Lord and to his Crown c. A true and Gonuine Explanation of which take from an Act of a Popish Parliament viz. 1 2 Phil. Mar. cap. 8. Be it Enacted by Authority of this present Parliament That all Bulls Dispensations and Privileges obtained before the Twentieth Year of King Henry the Eighth or which shall hereafter be obtained of the See of Rome not containing matter contrary or prejudicial to the Authority Dignity or Preheminence Royal or Imperial of the Realm or to the Laws of the Realm now being in force may be put in execution c. So that such Bulls as were not contrary to the known Laws of the Realm were allowed to be valid so long as the Pope was acknowledged to be the Head of the English Church But such Bulls or clauses in Bulls as were contrary to the Laws were to be renounced as Prejudicial to our Sovereign Lord the King and his Crown i. e. as this Law of Phil. and Mary explains it to the Preheminence Imperial of the Realm and the Laws of the same Sir Roger's third Particular is That Our Kings permitted No Councils but by their liking to assemble which gained the name of Convocations as that always had been and ought to be assembled by the King 's Writ For this Sir Roger quotes Eadmer pag. 24 and the statute of 25 Henry the 8. c. 19. Upon this Head I have no Controversie with the Doctor nor Sir Roger I only assert that such things as are the proper Business of Convocations cannot be transacted by the King alone without them His fourth particular is That Our Kings caused some to sit in them sc in his Ecclesiastical Councils to supervise their Actions and prohibit them on the behalf of the King and Kingdom ne quid ibi contra Regiam Coronam aut dignitation statuere attentarent Here the Reader is to observe that the Authority quoted for this is in Anno Dom. 1237. which was about the twentieth year of King Henry the Third before which time the Clergy had turn'd the King and the Laity out of their Synods And therefore it stood the King in stead to prohibit them who were but a small number of his Subjects and scarce half-Subjects from attempting any thing to the prejudice of the Rights of his Crown or the Liberties of his People and the Laws of the Realm which they had already made too great inrodes upon As no such Prohibitions as these can be produc'd in former times so they were altogether useless and unnecessary when the Kings themselves and all such of their Subjects as were admitted into Parliaments sat and had Votes in Ecclesiastical Synods as is undeniably evident by almost all the Ancient Councils collected by Sir Henry Spelman till within the Reign of King Steven Who owing his Crown to the Clergy was fain to suffer this and other Usurpations to secure his crack'd Title But after the Clergy took upon them to meet in Convocations neither assembled by the Kings Writ nor consisting as the Ancient Synods had done of the King and all the Estates of the Realm Prohibitions to them are frequent not to attempt any thing against the Law of the Land. Vid. Patt 8. Reg. Johan nu 1. Rex Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Archidiaconis omni Clero apud sanctum Albanum ad Concilium convocato salutem Conquerente Vniversitate Militum Baronum aliorum sidelium nostrorum audivimus quod non solum in laicorum grave praejudicium sed etiam in totius Regni nostri intolerabile dispendium super Romescot praeter consuetudinem solvendo aliis perpluribus inconsuctis exactionibus Authoritate summi pontificis Concilium inire Concilium celebrare decrevistis Nos vero c. Vobis precise mandamus expresse prohibemus ne super praedictis vel aliquibus aliis Concilium aliquod in Authoritate aliquâ in fide qua nobis tenemini teneatis vel contrae Regni nostri Consuetudinem aliquid novi statuatis à celebratione hujusmodi Concilii supersedeatis quousque cum Vniversitate nostra super hoc Colloquium habuerimus This Writ appears to have been granted at the Complaint of the whole Parliament and Commands the Clergy not to proceed in their Exactions nor any other business contra consuetudinem Regni till the King had spoken with his Parliament about the matter But I lay no stress at all upon the Parliament's being here a party I produce this Writ only to confirm Sir Roger's fourth particular of the Kings prohibiting the Clergy to attempt any thing against the Rights of his Crown or the Law of the Land. It is a known Rule that whatever is forbidden by Law the King may forbid by his Proclamation and that whensoever any Court assumes an Authority not warranted by Law the King may prohibite them by his Writ What more natural then for the supreme Magistrate to whom the Law has committed the Execution of it self to prohibite all things that are contrary to Law As here we see the King at the complaint of the Vniversitas prohibits the Clergy from attempting any thing contrary to the Consuetudo Regni so in King Henry the Eighth's time there appears a prohibition to the King himself and the Clergy not to do any thing contrariant or repugnant to the King's prerogative Royal or the Customs Laws and Statutes of the Realm The Statute of 25 Hen. 8. cap. 19. which all men agree to be but declarative of the Common Law enacts that No Canons Constitutions or Ordinances of the Clergy shall be made or put in Execution within this Realm by Authority of the Convocation of the Clergy which shall be contrariant or repugnant to the Kings prerogative Royal or the Customs Laws or Statutes of the Realm This Act had before provided that the Clergy should not make promulge or execute any Canons Constitutions or Ordinances in their Convocations without the Kings Licence and Assent under the Penalty of a Premunire so that without the Kings Assent their Canons would be Nullities and themselves under a premunire for making or Executing them And therefore when the Act provides in an after-clause that they shall make no
out of Parliament endow Bishopricks because they could not distrahere patrimonium Regni And a further Consideration to this purpose may be drawn from the Exemptions which the possessions of the Church enjoy'd from all secular service Except the Trinoda necessitas Which Exemptions were all Granted by Charters Assented to in Parliament as appears undeniably by the several Charters Granted in divers Kings Reigns successively to the Abby of Crowland All inserted in haec verba into Ingulphus his History of that Monastery and by the Monasticon In which it appears further that all Exemptions from Episcopal Jurisdiction Except of the King 's free Chappels which were of his own Foundation were granted in Parliament I mean all such Exemptions granted by our Kings For the Pope used to grant Exemptions by Bulls and those Papal Exemptions were confirm'd by Parliament temp Henr. 8. King William the Conquerour Founded Battle-Abby in Sussex in the place where he overcame Harald and Exempted it from Episcopal Jurisdiction But whether he did it in Parliament or not let the Charter it self testifie viz. Willielmus Dei Gratia Rex Anglorum c. Notum sit Vobis me Concessisse confirmasse cum Assensu Lanfranci Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis Stigandi Episcopi Cicestrensis Consilio etiam Episcoporum Baronum meorum ut Ecclesia Sancti Martini de Bello quam Fundavi ex voto ob Victoriam quam mihi Deus in eodem loco concessit libera sit quieta in perpetuum ab omni servitute omnibus quaecunque humana mens excogitare potest c. Nec liceat Episcopo Cicestrensi quamvis in illius Dioecesi sit in Ecclesia illa vel Maneriis ad illam pertinentibus ex consuetudine hospitari contra voluntatem Abbatis nec Ordinationes aliquas facere ibidem nec Abbatiam in aliquo gravare sed neque super illam Dominationem aliquam aut vim aut potestatem exerceat sed sicut mea Dominica Capella libera sit omnino ab omni ejus Exactione c. Hoc etiam Regali Authoritate Episcopolum Baronum meorum Attestatione constituo quatenus Abbas Ecclesiae suae leugae circumjacentis per omnia Judex sit Dominus The Fourteenth Particular is that our Kings have by their Writs commanded Bishops to keep resident Which considering that it was their Duty incumbent on them by Law what great Power does it argue in the King to command his Subjects to do what the Law enjoyns them The Sixteenth is That they have commanded their Bishops by reason of Schism or Vacancy in the Popedom c. not to seek Confirmation from Rome but the Metropolitans to be charged by the King 's Writ to bestow it on the Elected For this Sir Roger quotes Rot. Parl. 16. Mart. 3 Hen. 5. nu 11. Anno Domini 1414. Now that was done by Act of Parliament Which because it is observable to many purposes shall be transcrib'd at large Our Lord the King considering the long Vacancy of the Apostolick See by reason of the damnable Schism which has now continued a long time in Holy Church and is not known how long it may yet last And that certain Cathedral Churches within the Kingdom which are of the Foundation of his Noble Progenitors and belong to his Patronage have been for some while and are yet destitute of Parochial Government because the Persons that are elected into the same cannot be confirmed in Parts beyond the Sea for want of an Apostle Altho' our said Lord the King bath thereunto given his Royal Assent to the Great decrease of Divine Service in the said Churches substraction of Hospitality Great peril of many Souls Devastation and Destruction of the Lordships and Possessions belonging to the same and the Impoverishment of such Bishops Elect And that by possibility all the Cathedral Churches within the Realm may become void in like manner and so be destitute of Government and the King and his Realm of Council Comfort and Aid which they ought to have of the Prelacy And considering also that in divers foreign Parts since the Voidance of the said See divers Confirmations have been and are daily made by the Metropolitans of the places as he is credibly informed and Willing for that cause for ousting the said Mischiefs chiefs to provide such remedy as it behoves By the full and deliberate Advice and Assent of the Lords and Commons of his Realm in this present Parliament Wills and Ordains that the persons so chosen and to be chosen within his Kingdom during the Vacancy of the said See Apostolick shall be comfirmed by the Metropolitans of the Places without Excuse or further delay in that behalf And that the King's Writs if need be be directed to the Metropolitans straitly charging them to make the said Confirmations And to perform all that to their Office belongeth As also to the Bishops Elect that they on their part Effectually prosecute their Confirmations that through default of such Metropolitans or Bishops Elect dammage or prejudice may not ensue to our Lord King and his Kingdom and to his Realm and to the said Churches for the Cause aforesaid which God forbid Here it is plain that what Sir Roger ascribes to the King was really done by the full and deliberate Advice and Assent of the Lords and Commons of his Kingdom in Parliament And therefore that the supreme Jurisdiction in matters Ecclesiastical was not in the notion of that Age Lodg'd personally in the King but in the King by Law in the King with his Parliament about him Pursuant to this President we find in King Henry the Eighth's time a Notable Act in the 28th Year of his Reign cap. 16. In which there is this clause viz. And that it may be also Enacted by Authority of this present Parliament that all Arch bishops and Bishops of this Realm or of any the King's Dominions Consecrated and at this present time taken and reputed for Arch-bishops and Bishops may by Authority of this Present Parliament and not by vertue of any Provision or other Forein Authority Licence Faculty or Dispensation keep enjoy and retain their Arch-bishopricks in as large and ample manner as if they had been promoted Elected and consecrated according to the due course of the Laws of this Realm And that every Arch-bishop and Bishop of this Realm and of other the King's Dominions may minister use and Exercise all and every thing and things pertaining to the Office or Order of an Arch bishop and Bishop with all Tokens Ensigns and Ceremonies thereunto Lawfully belonging This Act in the 2d paragraph had made void all Bulls Dispensations Breves c. obtain'd at Rome contrary to the statutes of Premunire Provisors whereby many Bishopricks would have become void To prevent which the Clause here recited makes them legal Bishops notwithstanding and supplies all the Ceremonies of Election and Consecration Which I suppose no man will take upon him to say that the King might then
in Councils of the Clergy of their Kingdom though the Pope's Legates were present and Quotes Spelman's Councils pag. 292 293. Out of which Book it will not be amiss to give an Account of that Assembly which the Doctor in this place calls a Council of the Clergy Anno Gratiae 787 Concilium Calchythense Legatinum Pananglicum a Gregorio Ostiensi Theophylacto Tudentino Episcopis Legatis Hadriani Papae Calchythae celebratum est In quo decernitur de fide primitùs susceptâ retinendâ aliisque ad Ecclesiae regimen pertinentibus Et de Conferendâ parte Archiepiscopatûs Cantuariae ad Ecclesiam Litchfeldensem jam in Archiepiscopatum promovendam Habebatur in duabus Sessionibus says Sir Henry Spelman rectiùs fortè concilia dicendis quarum prima fuit in regno Northanhymbrorum coram Alfwoldo illic Rege Magnatibus suis Praesidente è Legatis Gregorio Ostiensi Episcopo Secunda Sessio in Regno Merciorum fuit coram Offâ Rege ibidem suis Magnatibus Praesidente etià m in eâdem Gregorio ipso Ostiensi So that here appears the Doctor 's First mistake in saying that the Kings presided though the Legates were present I confess our Kings frequently did preside in Ecclesiastical Assemblies nor was the Grandeur of Popes arrived in those Days to such an Extravagant pitch as to Usurp Precedency before Kings and Emperors But I observe this to shew the Doctor 's carelesness in his Quotations not to argue any Inferiority of the Kings Persons by reason of their not presiding when they were Present For we find Instances of Archbishops of Canterbury presiding though the Kings were Present The Doctor 's Second mistake is in calling this an Assembly of the Clergy For though this Council was Assembled for Ecclesiastical Matters nor do we find any Temporal Laws made or Temporal Affairs transacted in it saving that in the Twelfth Chapter it is decreed what sort of Persons shall be chosen to be Kings and by whom yet were all Persons present that in those Days constituted the General Legislative Assemblies of the Nation which in latter Ages we have Christned by the Name of Parliaments And this appears by the Letter which one of the Legates wrote to the Pope giving him an account of the Success of their Mission Pervenimus ad aulam Offae Regis Merciorum at ille cum iugenti gaudio ob Reverentiam Beati Petri vestri Apostolatûs honore suscepit tam nos quà m sacros apices à summâ sede delatos Tunc convenerunt in unum Concilium Offa Rex Merciorum Chinulphus Rex West-Saxonum cui etià m tradidimus vestra Syngrammata Sancta Ac illi continuò promiserunt se de his vitiis corrigendos Tunc inito concilio cum praedictis Regibus Pontificibus Senioribus terrae perpendentes quod angulus ille longè latèque protenditur permisimus Theophylactum Venerabilem Episcopum Regem Merciorum Britanniae partes adire Ego autem assumpto mecum Adjutore quem filius vester Excellentissimus Rex Carolus ob reverentiam Vestri Apostolatûs nobiscum misit Virum probatae fidei Wighodum Abbatem Presbyterum perrexi in regionem Northanhymbrorum ad Oswaldum Regem Archiepiscopum Sanctae Ecclesiae Eboracae Civitatis Eanbaldum Sed quia praefatus Rex longè in Borealibus commorabatur misit jam dictus Archiepiscopus missos suos ad Regem qui continuò omni gaudio Statuit diem concilii Note here the manner of receiving Foreign Canons in those days Ad quem Convenerunt Omnes Principes Regionis tam Ecclesiastici quà m Saeculares And a little after Qui omni Humilitatis Subjectione clarâ voluntate tam admonitionem Vestram quà m parvitatem nostram amplexantes sposponderunt se in omnibus obedire Then follow the Canons themselves And afterwards these Words VIZ. Haec decreta Beatissime Pater Adriane in Concilio publico coram Rege Aelfwaldo Archiepiscopo Eanbaldo omnibus Episcopis Abbatibus regionis seu Senatoribus Ducibus Populo terrae proposuimus illi c. se in omnibus custodire decreverunt signo crucis in vice vestrâ in manu nostrâ confirmaverunt Then follow the Witnesses Names of whom part are Secular part Ecclesiastical Persons And afterwards His peractis perreximus Assumptis nobiscum Viris illustribus Legatis Regis Archiepiscopi c. qui unà nobiscum pergentes ipsa decreta secum deferentes in Concilium Merciorum ubi Gloriosus Rex Offa cum Senatoribus terrae unà cum Archiepiscopo Janbrichto sanctae Ecclesiae Dorovernensis caeteris Episcopis regionum convenerat in Conspectu Concilii Clarâ voce singula Capitula perlecta sunt tam Latinè quà m Teutonicè quo omnes intelligere possent dilucidè reserata qui omnes consonâ voce alacri animo gratias referentes promiserunt se in omnibus haec Statuta custodire In this Convention the Canons of the six first General Councils were received And several Constitutions made for the Government of the English Church All which were Assented to by the Clergy and the Laity of these two Kingdoms of the Heptarchy And by Vertue of that Assent became incorporated into the Municipal Laws of those Kingdoms So that though this and many other such Councils as this was shew abundantly the King of England's Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Affairs in opposition to a Foreign Power yet no Argument can be drawn from hence to prove any other or greater power in Ecclesiastical Matters to be lodged in the King than he has in Temporals The Supreme Power in both being in the King in conjunction with his Great Council or Parliament but not in him separate and apart from them Another Example produced by the Doctor of our Kings having presided in a Council of the Clergy though the Pope's Legates were present is out of Sir Henry Spelman's Counc pag. 189. But in this he has as bad luck as in the former for as in the former the Kings did not preside but one of the Legates so in this the King indeed presided but no Legate appears by the Book to have been present And the Acts of the Council begin thus VIZ. In Nomine Domini Dei Nostri Salvatoris Jesu Christi Congregatum est Magnum Concilium in loco qui vocatur Becancelde Praesidente in eodem Concilio Withredo Clementissimo Rege Cantuariorum nec non Bertualdo Reverendissimo Archiepiscopo Britanniae simulque Tobiâ Episcopo Roffensis Ecclesiae caeterisque Abbatibus Abbatissis Presbyteris Diaconibus Ducibus Satrapis in unum glomeratis paritèr tractantes anxiè examinantes de statu Ecclesiarum Dei c. Here the King presides in a General Council of his own People or in a Parliament assembled for Matters concerning the State and Government of the Church And what use the Doctor can make of all this I know not The Charter of King William the Conqueror whereby he severed the Ecclesiastical Courts from the Temporal and which the Doctor